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THE

LIFE AND SPEECHES

HON. HENRY CLAY,

IN TWO VOLUMES.

COMPILED AND EDITED BY
DANIEL MALLOEY,

VOLUME I.
EJirtr iBOition.
NEW YOEE:
ROBERT P. BIXBY & CO,
1844.

Entered according to Act cf Congress, in Ihe Year Eighteen Hundred and Forty-Three,
^ BY SAMUEL N. DICKINSON,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

boston:
samuel n. dickinson, peintek,
washington street,

CONTENTS OP VOLUME I.

PREFACE, . -.  5
LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, . .  9
SPEECH ON DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES  195
SPEECH ON THE LINE OF THE PERDIDO, . . . . .... 200
SPEECH ON RENEWING THE CHARTER OF THE FIRST BANK OF THE
UNITED STATES,   . . 210
SPEECH ON THE AUGMENTATION OF MILITARY FORCE,  222
SPEECH ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY,  230
SPEECH ON THE NEW ARMY BILL,  240
SPEECH ON HIS RETURN FROM GHENT, . .  259
SPEECH ON THE UNITED STATES BANK QUESTION,  282
SPEECH ON THE DIRECT TAX, AND THE STATE OF THE NATION AFTER
|,^ THE CLOSE OF THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN,  268
SPEECH ,0N THE BILL FOR FORCING NEUTRALITY,  2S6
•SPEECH ON COMMEECLA.L RESTRICTIONS WITH FOREIGN NATIONS, . . . 2S9
.SPEECH ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT, ... . . .... 294
SPEECH ON THE WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND HER COLONIES, ... .297
SPEECH ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENy,  300
SPEECHES ON THE EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA,  321, 348
SPEECH ON THE SEMINOLE WAR, ...  304
SPEECH ON SOUTH AMERICAN AFFAIRS  .... .390
SPEECH ON THE SPANISH TREATY, ...  392
SPEECH ON THE PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY,  405
SPEECH ON THE MISSION TO SOUTH AMERICA, . . ... I . 425
SPEECH ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION,  432
SPEECH ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY,  . 440
SPEECH IN REPLY TO JOHN RANDOLPH,  483
ADDRESS TO LA FAYETTE,  . .484

IV CONTENTS.
ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1825, . 486
SPEECH ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BY CONGRESS IN 1825, ... 507
SPEECH ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION,  515
.SPEECH ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION,  538
SPEECH ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
3. Q. ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION,  554
SPEECH ON RETIRING FROM OFFICE,  . . 580
SPEECH ON THE COMMENCEMENT OF JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION, . . 564
SPEECH ON THE EFFECT OF THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM ON THE SOUTH-
^ ERN STATES,  582
,SPEECH ON THE REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS,  586
SPEECH ON THE NOMINATION OF MR. VAN BUREN, AS MINISTER TO GREAT
BRITAIN,  599

PEEP ACE.

In writing the Biography of Henry Clay, we are conscious of
«ntering a field several times explored, by individuals of great ability,
who have spread before a delighted public the rich rewards of their
researches. But its great amphtude — the loftiness of its hills — the
breadth of its valleys — and the vastness of its enclosures, induce the
belief, that the office of another explorer would not be altogether that
of a gleaner; on the contrary, that the proper performance of its
duties would result in the discovery of new beauties, and in the
acquisition of new treasure. Under the influence of this belief, the
resolution was taken and preliminaries settled of our undertaking,
and ourself brought to its borders, indulging in visions of anticipated
pleasure, not unlike those which an enthusiastic botanist experiences,
who, with feranthos across his shoulders, and analyzing apparatus in
his satchel, is about to enter the fair field of nature, to cull and
examine the loveliest specimens of her skill. Personal gratification,
however, was not the only nor chief motive prompting us to the
undertaking. We desired to procure a larger and better collection
than had ever been made of the mental gems of him who had moved
in patriotic majesty over it, and adorned its enclosures of intellectual
verdure vdth the brilliants of pure and lofty action ; to gather and
collocate these, we were strongly urged by the consideration that we
should thus contribute, in some degree, to carry into execution that
which forms one of the most interesting features of Mr, Clay's char
acter — a desire to submit his every public act to tlie closest public
scrutiny — a desire which has not been introduced to subserve a
certain purpose, but which is coeval with his pohtical existence, and
which he has, under all circumstances, unequivocally avowed. A
further motive was derived from our own ardent desire to behold a

vi PREFACE.
more deeply-seated and generally-extended conviction of the purity,
disinterestedness, and inestimable value of his services, which, in
view of our own experience, we firmly believed would be the inva
riable issue of a careful and candid examination of them. That we
sincerely and strongly wished the dissemination and estabhshment of
this conviction we gladly affirm, not because we attached the shghtest
importance to it, considered as a mere isolated fact, but because we
knew it would be productive of great and permanent good in the
minds of all where it should find a lodgment.
It is a well known and prominent truth, that those who are familiar
with the beauties and sublimities of the natural world, are distin
guished for expansive, liberal, and noble views. An effect parallel to
this is distinctly seen in those who are surrounded by the magnificeiit
scenery of the mental and moral world, and whose dwellings are
irradiated by their effiilgent luminaries. Hence, a sage custom of the
ancient Greeks, as related by one of their historians, of causing their
youth to be similarly circumstanced — especially those who were
being educated with direct reference to the assumption of the duties
and responsibilities of public life. In qualifying these appropriately
to discharge the former and sustain the latter, their guardians and
preceptors deemed it of vital importance to place before them the
noblest scenes and subjects. In close connection with the precept
'know thyself,' they enjoined that of 'know the good and great of
others' To them it was well known, that the contemplation of deeds
of mental and moral grandeur was most salutary — that it generated
a desire to imitate and surpass them — nay, more; that it limned
them upon the walls of the soul, and filled it with the most beautiful
intellectual imagery, which would eventually develope itself in action
— magnanimous, patriotic, and conservative of the best interests of
mankind. To attempt to prove that such deeds thickly adorn the
field of Mr. Clay's history would be superfiuous, since the fact is well
estabhshed in all civihzed countries.
So much in relation to the motives for our undertaking. A brief
statement of the manner and circumstances of its performance may
not be inappropriate.
Our visions of anticipated pleasure, at its commencement, were
fuUy realized during its progress. We had expected to be rewarded
by the discovery of intellectual diamonds of the first water, but not
in such rich profusion as we found them. In consequence of the
frequent struggles between our inchnation and inability to gather and
bring away all, we fear that many of intrinsic value have been left
behind ; but we trust and beheve, that the most beautiful and impor-

PREFACE. vii
tant specimens, virill be found in our collection. Entire originality for
it is not claimed, but aid from various sources has been received in
its formation. Deeming the facts and events of Mr. Clay's career
public property, we have freely taken and appropriated them, wherever
found, without considering it incumbent upon us to designate their
locality. ¦
With regard to the Speeches of Mr. Clay, no labor has been spared
in seeking for them, and it is beheved that few, if any, which have
been reported, wiU be found wanting in our collection. A brief
memoir has been prefixed to each, illustrative of the subject and
occasion on which it was dehvered, and the fate of the question. In
this labor, we have been materially assisted by Mr. Edwin Williams,
the former secretary of the American Institute; a gentleman well
known for his accuracy and abiUty m historical and statistical matters.
In giving the result of our investigations, we express our fears that
it will be found to contain imperfections, notwithstanding our endeav
ors to guard against them. It has been exceedingly difficult to speak
of Mr. Clay's eminent acts, without sliding imperceptibly into the
path of eulogy. This, perhaps, has led to the error of saying too
much sometimes, and too httle at others. For defects of this nature,
however, the intelligent reader will require no apology. But the defi
ciency most prominent, and one which we lament most sincerely, is,
that of not having done justice to his transcendent talents and abili
ties as an orator. For this, an excuse must be furnished by our
incompetency ; the consciousness of which fell upon us, with over
whelming force, as we stood in the presence of his eloquence. We
watched its wonderful and spirit-like movements and operations, and
' turned away from the task of adequate description, as we would have
shrank from the fruitless endeavor to take the dimensions of a bound
less and unfathomable ocean. Attempts at describing it we have
indeed made, but they are abortive — dim shadows of its noble sub
stance, and tenantless abodes of its beauty. Our behef of the utter
impossibility to convey an adequate idea of it through the medium of
written or verbal statement, has been confirmed by the opinion of
those who have often beheld its manifestations. A distinguished
senator remarked to us very recently, that Mr. Clay's eloquence was
absolutely intangible to delineation — that the most labored and thril
ling description could not embrace it, and that, to be understood, it
must be seen and felt. Neither is it contained in those inimitable
productions of mind — his speeches. Abundant evidences of its
magic infiuence are found in these. The monuments heaved up by its
hand of power, stand thick about its gorgeous pathway, which runs

VIII PREFACE.
through them all like a golden tissue, but it is not there. Its nature
is too closely allied to etheriality to find a fit terrestrial abode.
What has been said of Mr. Clay's eloquence, is, to a great extent,
true of his philanthropy and patriotism. No individual was ever less
controlled by sectional feeling, i The height of benevolence on which
he planted himself was so lofty as to enable him, while legislating for
his own country, in particular, to have an eye to, and care for, the
interests of all other countries. In what manner and to what extent
they have been benefited, by his exalted and humane services, it is
beheved an ample and authentic source of information vvrill be found
in our compilation of them. Li the fuU assurance that these will
endure the ordeal of the closest and most philosophic scrutiny to the
end of time, we present them to the pubhc, and cannot avoid giving
utterance to the desire that they may be speedily subjected to it, and
in the same liberal spirit which distinguished then- performance.
Should such a result be realized, we shall consider the time employed
in gathering and arranging them most profitably occupied.

LIFE OF HENEY CLAY.

BioGRAPHic usage might require us to give the pedigi'ee of the
distinguished individual who forms the subject of the following
memoir. Many considerations, however, combine to induce a
departure from this usage. In the first place, we are strongly dis
posed to question the practical utility of it ; and in the second, to
doubt our ability, even after the most diligent search, to exhibit
what is ordinarily the object of such a search — an illustrious
pedigree. Indee;d, we regard it as very problematical, whether we
should be able to get beyond the pale of republican simplicity.
But the most cogent consideration is the belief that om* efforts
would not be more highly appreciated than were those of the
emperor of Austria by Napoleon Bonaparte. The Austrian
monarch, desirous of proving his future son-in-law royally de
scended, was busily engaged in making the searches requisite to
establish the fact. Napoleon, becoming acquainted with his inten
tion, immediately visited him, and exclaimed, ' Stop, stop, sire ! I
alone am the author of my fortune, and desire it to be so understood :
neither royal descent nor royalty has contributed any thing to its
achievement, and though I might legitimately claim both, would
not mention either.' We do not know that a similar indifference
is felt by Mr. Clay, in relation to his lineage, but his plain, unosten
tatious habits, and firm adherence to republican principles, warrant
us in presuming that such is the case. Certain it is, however, that
for his present elevated position, he is as little indebted to any
adventitious advantages of birth or fortune, as was the mighty
conqueror ; and with equal propriety might he say, in view of the
means by which he had attained that position, I alone am the
architect of my fortune. Without attempting, therefore, to invest
his origin with the splendors of a titled ancestry, it may suffice to
observe, that family reminiscences render it certain that his imme-
VOL. I. 2

10 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
diate progenitors were distinguished for sterling worth, virtue and
integrity. His father, a Baptist clergyman, labored in his official
capacity with great acceptance, in a district of country in Hanover
county, Virginia, famiharly denominated 'The Slashes,' where,
on the 12th of April, 1777, his fifth child, Henry, was born. He
was not destined to enjoy those instructions and counsels which a
father only knows how to impart, — for when he had attained his
fifth year, his father died. This event consigned him entirely
to the care of his mother — a woman of an uncommonly vigorous
mind, richly adorned with feminine graces, and every way compe
tent to superintend his incipient education.
Unfortunately, the embarrassed condition of her husband's
estate at his death, besides greatly augmenting her cares, prevented
her from giving Henry that thorough course of study which she
designed him to pursue. So far, therefore, from receiving a hberal,
he did not receive a good elementary education. The lowly district
school of that region, to which his instructions were limited, was
deficient in almost every essential respect. But even under these
inauspicious circumstances, in early boyhood he manifested a strong
desire for knowledge, which in consequence of the pecuniary diffi
culties before mentioned, could not be gratified. AU that the
fondest maternal tenderness could do, was to lead him to the rills
of learning, whose sweet waters, instead of allaying, rendered that
desire more intense, and induced the resolution to seek its gratifi
cation at their unadulterated source. This, in after fife,* by his
indomitable energy, he was enabled to execute.
The means of education afforded him, though meagre in the
extreme, he did not uninterruptedly enjoy. The straitened cir
cumstances of the family made it necessary for him, in common
with his brothers, to devote large portions pf time to manual
employments. He was no stranger to the use of the plough, the,
spade, and the hoe, over which literally by the sweat of his brow
he earned his daily bread. He gained for himself the title cf
' Mill Boy of the Slashes,' by his frequent visits to a neighboring
grist-miU, on the Pamunkey river. These he usually made, seated
on a bag of grain thrown across a horse, which he thus rode with
a rope bridle, without a saddle.
He appears not to have shrunk from any employment, however
humble, when directed to it by his beloved mother. To her his
attachment was most ardent, and often has he expressed his deep
regret that he was permitted to enjoy her society during so brief a
period. In 1792 she was married to Mr. Henry Watkins, and
removed to Woodford county, Kentucky, accompanied by all her
children, except Henry and his eldest brother. At the age of four
teen we find him in a small drug store, in Richmond, Virginia,
kept by Mr. Richard Denny. His stay here was short, and at the
commencement of 1792 he entered the office of Mr. Peter Tinsley,

LIFE or HENRY CLAY. 11'
clerk of the High Court of Chancery. Here he found employ
ment more congenial to his taste than any to which he had hitherto
devoted himself, as weU as more ample means for mental culture.
The venerable chancellor Wythe, a gentleman of great personal
worth and profound erudition, attracted by his industrious habits
and amiable appearance, took him into his especial favor, gave
him the benefit of his instructions, and finally made him his aman
uensis. By the opportunities for familiar intercourse with this
great man, which were now afforded him, the most salutary
impressions were received and rapid advances made in the acqui
sition of knowledge. He sought to become better acquainted with
his vernacular language, and in this was aided by his friend, who
recommended several works for his perusal, calculated to assist
him. Much of his time was employed in copying the lengthy
official documents of the chancellor, who, being passionately fond
of Greek, interlarded them liberally with passages from his most
admired authors. This rendered his task peculiarly onerous, for
he was compelled to copy them in the original, and by imitation,
as he was ignorant of the language. He acquitted himself, how
ever, to the entire satisfaction of his employer, won his esteem,
obtained much valuable, legal, and general information, and laid
the foundation of those habits of regularity and methodical appli
cation which were subsequently of such great practical advantage
to him.
During the year of 1796 he left the office of Mr. Tinsley and
went to reside with the attorney general of 'Virginia, Robert
Brooke, Esq. Here his advantages for studying law were better
than they had previously been, of which he eagerly availed himself,
and with much success. The year 1797 appears to be the only-
one in which he pursued the study of law uninterrupted, yet it
must be certain that during his residence of several years in the
capital of Virginia, daily cognizant of legal proceedings, and
associating with the most eminent legal gentlemen of the period,
he acquired an amount of legal information neither inconsiderable
nor unimportant. Near the close of the year he was ficensed to
practice law, by the judges of the Virginia Court of Appeals. .He
entered on the duties of his profession at Lexington, Kentucky,
under auspices not the most favorable, as appears from his speech
of June, 1842, at the same place. In this he says he ' was without
patrons, without friends, and destitute of the means of paying his
weekly board. I remember how comfortable I thought I should
be, if I could make £100, Virginia money, per annum, and with
what delight I received the first fifteen shilling fee. My hopes
were more than realized ; I immediately rushed into a lucrative
practice.' x: a- i.
Though success most unexpected, crowned his first ettorts, he
did by no means relax his exertions to qualify himself more thor-

12 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
oughly for the profession he had chosen. While other young men
of his own age, and not more eligibly situated, with regard to means
and employment, were spending their evenings in recreations suited
to their juvenile dispositions, he was eagerly conning over his own
self-directed and unaided lessons of learning. Most assiduously
did he devote his every leisure hour in enriching his mind, and in
polishing his mental armor. Modest, unassuming, apparently
feeble in constitution, languid and listless in his movements, he
exhibited littie in his deportment indicative of those lofty powers
of eloquence and commanding talents, which in latent energy
were reposing in his mind. An incident, however, occurred a
short time after, at a meeting of a debating society, by which they
were brought to light. He had been a member of the society some
time, but refrained from taking an active part in its exercises.
This was attributed to those traits of character before mentioned.
At the meeting referred to, a question had been discussed at con
siderable length and apparently with much ability, on which the
customary vote was about to be taken, when he observed in an
under tone to a person seated by him,. ' the subject does not seem
to be exhausted.' The individual addressed, exclaimed, ' do not
put the question yet, Mr. Clay will speak.' The chairman by a
smUe and nod of the head signified his willingness to allow the
discussion to be continued by him, who thereupon arose under every
appearance of trepidation and embarrassment. The first words
that fell from his lips were, ' Grentiemen of the jury.' His embar
rassment now was extreme ; blushing, hesitating, and stammering,
he repeated the words, ' Gentlemen of the jury.' The audience
evinced genuine politeness and good breeding, by seeming not to
notice his peculiarly unpleasant and trying condition. Suddenly
regaining his self-possession, he made a speech of such force and
eloquence, as to carry conviction and astonishment at once to the
hearts of his hcEuers. Subsequently he took a prominent part in
the debates of the society, and became one of its most efficient
members. Shortiy after, he was admitted to the Court of Quarter SessioM
of Fayette county, a court of general jurisdiction. Perhaps at no
previous period was the Lexington bar more highly distinguished
for the talents and learning of its members tiian at that time.
Among them were George Nicholas, John Brekenridge, Wilham
Murray, and others, whose long established reputation and profes
sional skill seemed to set competition at defiance. They found in
Mr. Clay, however, a most formidable competitor: one who,
though bland, courteous, and affable, in the ordinary intercourse of
life, yet on the field of civic strife was as unyielding and invulnera
ble as the ' gnarled oak.' His talents secured respect, and soon
placed him on a level with the highest. He possessed the unboundr
ed confidence of the community where he resided, and the ease

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 13
with which he secured this was truly surprising. So perfectly
insinuating and winning were his ways, and so captivating his
appearance, that it was usutdly yielded at the first interview. Such
attributes of mind and person could not and did not fail to surround
him -with influential and devoted friends, and secure for him a more
than respectable patronage. A few short months previous he stood
alone, a stranger, unaided, unfriended and destitute, amid the wUds
of the then far-off west. Now, the obstacles which then seemed
gigantic, had dwindled into insignificance. The rough and forbid
ding aspect of the road which he had marked out for himself to
pursue, had entirely disappeared, and friends and favors poured in
upon him from all quarters, and he found himself borne along by
the breeze of popular approbation, unconscious that it had yet
been awakened.
One to him important result of that confidence which a discern
ing and generous pubhc reposed in him, was continual professional
employment. His acute and refined sensibilities, his philanthropic
heart, and sympathizing disposition, joined to his profound knowl
edge of human nature and commanding powers of eloquence,
pointed him out as one eminentiy well qualified to conduct criminal
cases. With these, therefore, we find him much and successfully
engaged, and it is a remarkable fact, taking into consideration the
large number of these cases committed to his care, that never in a
single instance was he defeated. One of the most important early
criminal suits in which he was retained, was that of the wife of a
very reputable farmer by the name of Phelps, a woman who stood
high in the estimation of those who knew her, and deservedly, for
she had led hitherto an irreproachable fife. In a fit of passion,
caused by some personal reflection of her husband's sister, she
seized a gun and shot her through the heart. The poor girl had
only time to exclaim, ' Sister, you have lulled me,' and expired.
The great respectability of the parties caused the most intense
excitement, and an immense crowd assembled to witness the trial.
Of the fact of killing the proof was most abundant, and the only
point to be considered was that which respected the nature of the
crime. It was argued with great ability on the part of the prose
cuting attorney, who labored hard to make it out a case of defiber-
ate wilful murder ; but in this he was foUed by the superior skill
and adroitness of Mr. Clay, who not only succeeded in saving the
life of his cfient, but obtained as Ught a verdict for imprisonment
as the law would aUow.
In another similar suit, which occurred shortly after, he evinced,
if possible, greata: ability. Two men, Germans, father and son,
were indicted for murder, and were tried in Harrison county. The
act of kiUing, in this instance also, was proven by evidence so
clear and sti'ong, that it was considered not only a case of murder,
but an exceedingly aggravated one. The trial lasted five days, at

14 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
the close of which he addressed the jury in the most imjjassioned
and eloquent manner, who were so moved by his pathetic appeals
that they rendered a verdict of manslaughter only. After another
hard day's struggle he succeeded in obtaining an arrest of judg-
ment, by which his clients were set at liberty. They expressed
their gratitude in the warmest terms to their deliverer, in which
they were joined by an old ill-favored female, the wife of one and
the mother of the other, who adopted a different mode, however,
of tendering her thanks, which was by throwing her arms around
Mr. Clay's neck and repeatedly kissing him, in the presence of the
court and spectators. Respecting her feelings, he did not attempt
to repulse her, but submitted with such grace and dignity to her
caresses as to elicit outbursts of applause.
Mr. Clay manifested great sagacity in discerning and turning
to his advantage a technical law-point, involving doubt. The
following case illustrates this. A man by the name of Willis,
indicted for murder, escaped conviction by the disagreement of
the jury, and was put upon his trial the second time for the crime
alleged. After hearing the arguments of the prosecuting attorney,
he brought forward the well known rule of law, that the life of no
one shall be put in jeopardy twice for the same offence, and insisted
on its applicability to the case under consideration, contending that
the trial, according to that rule, was manifestly illegal, and that
therefore conviction would be impossible. At first the court was
disposed to rule out his objections, which was met on the part of
Mr. Clay with a prompt refusal to proceed with the case, unless
allowed to view it in this aspect, and actually left the room for ihat
purpose. He was soon recalled and permitted to proceed, and,
without the remotest reference to the testimony previously given, he
obtained an acquittal solely on the ground assumed. In only one
instance do we find him engaged as public prosecutor, in which
he procured the conviction of a slave for the murder of his over
seer. With great reluctance he discharged the duties of his office
in this case, and has often been heard to regret that he had any
agency in procuring the execution of the friendless black.
In civil suits he also won great celebrity. In the settiement of
important land claims, he rendered himself very conspicuous. It
is related of him that being engaged in one that involved immense
interests, he associated with him a prominent lawyer to whom he
intrusted its management, as urgent business demanded his absence
from court. Two days were occupied in discussing the legal
points that were to govern the instructions of the court to the jury,
on all of which his colleague was frustrated. Mr. Clay returned
before a decision was rendered, and without acquainting himself
with the nature of the testimony, or ascertaining the manner in
which the discussion was conducted, after conferring a few min
utes with his associate, he prepared and presented in a few words

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 15
the form in which he wished the instructions to be given, accompa
nying it with his reasons, which were so convincing that the suit
was terminated in his favor, in less than an hour after he reentered
the court room.
His genius and talents now seen and acknowledged by all had
gained for him high professional honors, and fitted him to act a
prominent part on another and more extended field — that of the
patriot politician. The date of his entrance on this field may be
placed as far back as 1797, and it is worthy of particular remark,
that the first subject he was led to investigate, on approaching it,
was one peculiarly calculated to call into exercise those prominent
features of his character, philanthropy and patriotism. Slavery,
although existing in Kentucky in its mildest form, could not and
did not appear to him otherwise than unsightly and revolting — an
evil, and one of great magnitude ; nor did he hesitate to pronounce
it such. To him, its practical tendencies, in public and civil no
less than in private and social life, were obviously bad. He saw it
diffusing its baneful influences through the halls of legislation, and
twining its sable folds around the very pillars of government, con
taminating and withering. His was not the position of an unmoved
or speculating observer ; the mightiest energies, the holiest impulses
of his nature were kindled within him, to arrest its progress, to
break up the unnatural, the unhallowed alliance. But in yielding,
as he did, prompt obedience to those emotions, he did not rush
madman-lilce, impelled by a blind zeal, into the work, regardless of
results. The sanguinary consequences of such a course rose up
and stared him full in the face, with most appalling power, nor
could he shut his eyes to the palpable fact, that it would inevitably
eventuate in the utter annihilation of those very interests he sought
to protect. It appeared necessary, therefore, to advance cautiously,
to sit down, and, divested of all prejudice, wisely count the cost.
He found it requisite to act the part of a skilful and experienced
operator, not that of a conceited empiric ; to have the bandage
and the liniment ready before resorting to the scalpel and caulter-
ing iron. After taking the most enUghtened view of the subject,
regarding it in all its aspects and bearings, he came to the conclu
sion, that the only feasible method which would both ensure the
safety of the body poUtic, and preserve inviolate their domestic
institutions, was a gradual disengagement. Hence he sought by
every available means, through the press by his touching and
eloquent descriptions, by night and by day, to secure the introduction
of a provision to that effect, in a new constitution, then under
consideration for adoption. Happy would it have been for Ken
tucky had she listened to the entreaties of her son in this behalf, for
slavery would have long since ceased to blacken her borders. His
humane efforts were not, however, successful; a majority of the
members of the converjtiop being opposed to the provision, It

16 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
cannot be doubted that Mr. Clay very clearly foresaw that the
contest would thus terminate, possessing as he did accurate knowl
edge of the state of the public mind, in relation to the subject of
slavery ; hence our surprise and admiration. It is not more certain
that his efforts were earnest and vigorous in defence of the measure,
than that they were prompted by disinterested motives. The nature
of his circumstances at this period is such as to render it certain
that he did not stop to estimate the consequences of defeat, either
to his popularity or his purse ; in short, that so far as personahty
was concerned, ' cui bono ' was neither in his mind nor on his hps.
How ridiculously absurd then, in the light of such abundant
evidence to the contrary, the assertions of his enemies, that he was
actuated by selfish motives, by an inordinate desire to attract atten
tion. There was no ground for such a desire. In Kentucky, at
least, his popularity would hardly admit of augmentation, and
daily, and almost hourly the testimonials of approbation lavished
upon him, and the high appreciation of his character, his services,
and his talents, cannot be enumerated. Though defeated, he was
not discouraged nor disheartened. Conscious that his action had
been in accordance with his conviction of duty, he derived great
consolation from the fact, and girded himself to do battie again for
the same principle in a different connection.
Mr. Clay was a lover of Liberty, not exclusively on account of
any particular advantages her possession might confer, but on
account of her own intrinsic loveliness and inedienability. In look
ing at his political career, we find that his most gigantic efforts were
put forth whenever he discovered a disposition to abridge her lawful
exercise. It seems to have been even at its commencement a
settied principle with him, to resist oppression under whatever form
presented. "This he discovered in the odious Alien and Sedition
laws, enacted in 1798-9. These were anathematised by the democ
racy of the country, as hostile to our institutions, involving an
unwarrantable assumption of power, manifestiy unconstitutional,
savoring strongly of tyrannical usurpation, and not to be tolera
ted. The Alien law empowered the president to command any aUen
whom he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the
country, to depart out of the territory within such time as he should
specify, under penalty of being imprisoned for a time not exceeding
three years. The Sedition law was intended to guard against the
abuse of speech and of the press. Besides subjecting to imprison
ment, it imposed a heavy pecuniary fine, on such as combined,
conspired, or united, to oppose any governmental measure, — who
should utter, write, print, pubfish, &c., any false, and scandalous,
and malicious writing, against the government of the United States
or the president, &c. The appearance of these laws was greeted
with one general outburst of indignation, from one end of the land
to the other, but in no section was the expression of disapprobation

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 17
more strongly marked or prompt than in Kentucky. In the front
rank of those who opposed them stood young Clay, dealing blows
so thick and heavy with the ponderous battle-axe of his eloquence,
as to drive his foes in disorder and dismay from the field of politi
cal strife.
It is related that on one occasion the people had assembled in a
large crowd in a grove near Lexington, to listen to a .discussion to
come off between the advocates and opposers of these laws. The
.greatest interest had been awakened, extensive preparation made
by the combatants, and with the most inflammatory ^eial they entered
the lists. The assemblage was first addressed by Mr, George
Nicholas, a gpntieman of distinguished ability and comma,nding
eloquence. His, effort is represented as having been one of great
vigor, and characterized by that logical and phalosophjical acumen,
for which he was so celebrated. When he ceased, the populace,
wrought up to the highest degree of enthusiasm, poured out their
rapturous applause. 'Clay,' 'Clay,' was now loudly called fi;om
all directions, and as he ascended the stand, it was clearly percepti
ble by his eagle eye and compressed Ups that no ordinary emotions
were struggling in his bosom. As the .spirit of the tempest finds
the ocean when he descends in his mightiest energy, so he found
the boisterous mass spelling to and fro like the surges of the deep.
But he was ,at home doing his legi^mate work, pouring the oil of
eloquence over a turbulent sea of passion, until its tum,ultuous
heavings ;Subsi<led and left one quiet, calm, and unruffled surface.
The subject in his hands appeared in a new light, and he soon
succeeded in securing for it that attention which is accompanied
with, feelings top deep for utterance : like those experienced by one
standing on the edge pf a crater, gazing down into its fiery abyss.
His predecessor had poured a flood pf sunshine over the multitude,
whiqh caused those heartfelt, spontaneous out-gushings of joyful
emotion, which are its usual comcomitants. But his office was
that of the Hghtning's flash and thunder peal, hushing, awing, and
subduing. ^ When he closed there were no clamorous expressions,
no deafening shouts of applause, but something far more signifi
cant he read in the quivering lips, indignant looks,, and frowning
brows around him ; and heard, in the dieep low growl that came
up, a rnuch niore flattering tribute to his talents. He was fpUowed
by Mr- William Murray, an orator of great popularity, and well
qualified to exhibit acceptably the merits of those laws, if indeed
they possessed any. His efforts, however, were futile. The con
viction of tlieir pernicious tendency had been planted too deep in
the minds of ;the people by Mr. Clay, to permit them to listen to
their merits, or to allow theni to believe that they had any. Jie
would not have been suffered to proceed had not the previous
spefikers urgenfly solicited permission. Another attempt was made
to reply, but the people could, be irest^raiped no longer, and made a
VOL. 1. 3

18 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
furious rush towards the place occupied by the speaker, who was
compelled to make a precipitate retreat to escape personal violence.
They now seized Nicholas and Clay, bore them on their shoulders
to a carriage, and amid the most enthusiastic cheering, drew them
through the streets of Lexington. A proud day was this for Mr.
Clay; a day in which he earned a far more glorious tide than any
that royal hands could confer upon him, that of the ' great com
moner.' It was the first of the bright days of the years of his
fame — the sure precursor of that unfading chaplet which time was
destined to bind about his brow.
In 1803, IMr. Clay, in company with several of his personal
friends, was spending several weeks at the Olympian Springs, in
Bath county, for the benefit of his health, and during that time
there was an election of members to the legislature. His friends,
without his knowledge, and as appears contrary to his wishes,
brought him forward as a candidate. The prospect of his election
was not very flattering ; indeed, it seemed to be injpossible. Sev
eral candidates who were veterans in the business, had occupied
the field sometime in advance of him, and besides electioneering
warmly for themselves, employed the influence of powerful friends.
Though he ran very well at the commencement, it was thought
that he was somewhat behind. His opponents, besides using every
legitimate, resorted to unfair means to accomplish his defeat,
reporting that he was incapacitated for the office by iU health ; that
he did not desire, neither would accept it. Such measures in all
probabiUty would have been successful, had not his opportune
return before the canvass had progi-essed very far, furnished occular
proof of the falsehood of these assertions, and enabled him to coun
teract the influence of the slanderous reports put in circulation. It
was repugnant to his feelings, contrary to his exalted ideas of honor,
and did not comport with the dignity of the office to set forth per
sonally his claims and qualifications. But yielding to the entreaties
of his friends, and urged also by the base subterfuges and low
intrigues every where practiced to defeat his election, he consented
to enter the arena, and right well did he acquit himself, as the
sequel will show. His remarks were few, exceedingly pertinent,
conveying to the electors his views of state pohcy, refuting such of
the reports as were false, and admitting such as were true : to wit,
that he was young and inexperienced, that he had not proclaimed
himself a candidate, nor sought their suffrage ; but since his friends
had seen proper to place his name before the people, it would be
gratifying to them if he could be elected. While thus engaged in
stump speaking, as it is termed in Kentucky, an incident occurred
which it may not be amiss to relate. It illustrates his tact and
ingenuity in seizing and turning to good account trivial circumstan-
ces,'for which he is so celebrated, and to which he is indebted for
the enviable tide of being great in littie things. He had been

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 19
engaged in speaking some time, when a company of riflemen, who
had been performing mifitary exercise, attracted by his attitude,
concluded to go and hear what that fellow had to say, as they
termed it, and accordingly drew near. They fistened with respect
ful attention and evidentiy with deep interest, until he closed, when
one of their number, a man about fifty years of age, who had
evidently seen much backwoods service, stood leaning on his rifle,
regarding the young speaker with a fixed and most sagacious look.
He was apparently the Nimrod of the company, for he exhibited
every characteristic of a mighty hunter, — buckskin breeches and
hunting-shirt, coon-skin cap, black bushy beard, and a visage which,
had it been in juxtaposition with his leathern bullet pouch, might
have been taken for part and parcel of the same. At his belt hung
the knife and hatchet, and the huge indispensable powder-horn
across a breast bare and brown as the bleak hiUs he often traversed,
yet which concealed as brave and noble a heart as ever beat beneath
a fairer covering. He beckoned with his hand to Mr. Clay to
approach him, who immediately compMed. ' Young man,' said
he, ' you want to go to the legislature, I see ? ' ' Why, yes,' replied
Mr. Clay, ' yes, I should like to go, since my friends have seen
proper to put me up as a candidate before the people ; I do not wish
to be defeated.' ' Are you a good shot ? ' ' The best in the country.'
' Then you shall go ; but you must give us a specimen of your sldll ;
we must see you shoot' ' I never shoot any rifle but my own,
and. that is at home.' ' No matter, here is old Bess, she never fails
in the hands of a marksman ; she has often sent death through a
squirrel's head one hundred yards, and dayfight through many a
red sldn twice that distance ; if you can shoot any gun you can
shoot old Bess.' ' Well, put up your mark, put up your mark,'
replied Mr. Clay. The target was placed at the distance of about
eighty yards, when,' with aU the coolness and steadiness of an old
experienced marksman, he drew old Bess to his shoulder and fired.
The bullet pierced the target near the centre. ' Oh, a chance shot !
a chance shot!' exclaimed several of his pohtical opponents. ' A
chance shot ! He might shoot aU day and not hit the mark again ;
let him try it over, let him try it over.' ' No ; beat that, beat that,
and then 1 will,' retorted Mr. Clay. But as no one seemed disposed
to make the attempt, it was considered that he had given satisfac
tory proof of being the best shot in the county ; and this unimpor
tant incident gained him the vote of every hunter and marksman
in the assembly, which was composed principally of that class
of persons, as weU as the support of the same throughout the
county. The most remarkable feature respecting the whole trans
action is yet to be told. Said Mr. Clay, ' I had never before fired a
rifle, and have not since.' The result of the election proved Mi-,
Clay much more popular than it had been supposed he was ; he
was elected almost by acclamation. Our astonishment niay well

20 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
be excited, when we consider that this was the fifst tinie that he
was^ a candidate for an office, and the circumsfances under which
it took place. It must be certain that he was esteemed a young
man of great promise and ability. That confidence he seems so
eiarly to have inspked he has ever retained, and it is a no less jiist
than flattering tribute to his worth, that where he is known best,
there he is estfeemed the riiost. This appears fronl the fact that the
citizen^ of Fayette county have never refused him an office when
brought forward by his frierlds as a candidate.
At the time of his election to this, his first office, the pubhc mind
was much agitated in reference to the Lexington Insurance Coni-
pany. Felix Grundy, a political partizan Pf great eminence, had
proclainled himself hostile to its existence, and expressed his inten
tion to rriPve the irep'eal pf its charter. This question was brought
to bear dirfectly oh the election, and a^ the views of Mr. Clay were
known td be opposed to his, he was selected to advocate the claims
of the institution. The atteriipt made during the ensuing session
to procure the repeal of the incorporating law was easily defeated
by him, but in the succeeding one Mr. Grundy hiinself was a
member; and a majority of the House ceime pledged to support
the measures advocated by him. Argument in such a state of
things it was thought would avail fittle ; for the representative, feel
ing bound to obey the will of his constitiients, would be compelled
to vote for the repeal, although convinced of its injiistice. The
debate that ensued was one of great abifity, conducted by Mr.
Clay and Mr. Gtundy, and attracted cirowds of spectators. They
were both young, aspiring after forensic honPrs, and both eloquent.
Mr; Ghindy, though wily; shrewd, and a good political manager;in
strength of ai-gumeiit, foirce, and felicity of filiistration, and the
faculty of setting his subject in a strong light befpre his hearers,
was evidentiy inferior to his antagonist. Mr. Grundy at first
waged an aggressive wat, and with great boldness arid vigor
demolishing his enemy's outposts, pushed his way far into his
country. Elated with success, and the ease with which he over
came all opposition, he iihagined victory already achieved. But
he was destined to be checked midway in his briUiant career, to
encounter his enemy's strong corps de reserve. The , contest is
represented as having exhibited a scene of eloquent sublimity,
seldorh witnessed or surpassed. Mr. Grundy had marshalled his
forces with the sldll of a veteran, and flanked by powerful auxiha-
ries, was proceeding in the utmost regularity, and as he thought
with absolute certainty, to strike the last decisive blow. A phalanx
thus appointed, led on by such a general, seemed invincible, and
indeed was, if any could be in such a conflict. Up to the time of
the grand onslaught, Mr. Clay seemed to be regardless of the
operations of his adversary. He was, however, silentiy engaged in
collecting and arranging his resources, and treasuring his enei^es

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY 2%
for the final hour ; and when it came he afose and hurled them at
the heads of his mighty foe and emissaries as the avalanche hurls
his iee-mourit, or the volcano his scathing flood of fliame. Mr.
Grundy's struggle to maintain his ground wasi desperate,. but shovt,
for no force could do it under such circumstances ; and, foding
himself borne backwards by the impetuosity of his assaUant, he
attem^p'ted to effect an honorable retreat In this he failed, and was
fi.Haliy compelled to surrender.
Although the ineasure passed the house, the senate, whose
members had listened to the discussion, without any efforts, p!ro or
con, refused most unanimously to sustain it; and thus the com
pany, through the efforts of its vindicator,, was suffered to retain
its chatter.
An event occurred during the session of 1805, highly illustrative
of the versatility of Mr. Clay's genius. An attempt was made to
obtain the removal of the capitol from Frankfort Mi-. Clay, in a
speech delivered at the time, reverted to the pecufiar physical
appearance of the place, as furnishing an argument in favor of the
proposed removal. Frankfort is walled in on all sides by towering
rocky precipices, and not unlike a vast pit It presents, said Mr.
Clay, the' model of an inverted hat Frankfort is the body of the
hat, and the lands adjacent are the brim. To change the figure, it
is nature's great penitentiary ; and if the members would know the
bodily condition of the prisoners, let them look at those poor crea
tures in the gallery. As he said this he directed their attention to
some half a d(feen emaciated, spectre-fike specimens of humanity,
who happened to be moping about there, looking as though they
had just stolen a march from the grave-yard. On observing the
eyes of the house thus turned towards them, and aware of their
ghostly aspect, they screened themselves with such ridiculous pre
cipitancy behind the pillars and raifing as to cause the most violent
laughter. This well-directed effort at wit and humor was com-
pletefully successful, and the house gave their votes in favor of the
measure. The resolution, however, was never carried into effect,
as it was found impossible to agree upon a new location. It would
be difficult, and perhaps not particularly desirable, to foUow Mr,
Clay through all the various and numerous services rendered by
him in the legislature of Kentucky. We shall give an outiine
only of them, presenting such specimens as shall illustrate the
leading characteristics of his mind, and dwell longer on that portion
of his history which regards him as connected with the manage
ment of the affairs of the nation. While acting in the capacity of
a state legislator, he was distinguished for zeal in prosecuting his
professional labors, which soon conducted him to the summit of
that lofty legal eminence, far above the murky regions of pettifog
gery and low intrigue. Here, surrounded by an atmosphere redo
lent of judicial purity, and seated fast by the thrOne of Justice,

22 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
he exerted himself to preserve inviolate the sanctity of her temple,
and to see that her decisions were rigidly and impartiaUy enforced.
He particularly defighted, on the one hand, to procure her favors for
the poor and obscure, in facfiitating the approach to her courts of
those who by poverty or oppression were debarred access ; and
on the other, to oppose the unjust prosecutor. No bribe could
induce him to countenance, directiy or indirectiy, his designs.
While acting under the influence of these most noble principles,
he became engaged in an unpleasant affair of honor. It appears
that Col. Joseph Hamilton Daviess, district attorney of the United
States, had stiruck an inn-keeper in Franldort, who had made some
remark offensive to him ; the inn-keeper endeavored to obtain legal
reparation for the wound his honor had sustained, and for that
purpose appfied for a writ This was readily obtained, but owing
to the high standing and influence of the accused, no lawyer could
be found who was willing to conduct the prosecution. In this
state of things, after consulting with his friends he wrote a letter to
Mr. Clay, detaifing the facts in the case, and soficiting his aid. He
promptiy sent a reply, in which he consented to act as his attorney.
The suit was brought at Lexington, and Mr. Clay, whose sympa
thetic feefings were warmly interested in behalf of his cfient,
vindicated him from the rude and unreasonably harsh treatment
which he received at the hands of Mr. Daviess, who was his own
attorney. Mr. Clay's strictures were keen and cutting to such an
extent, that Col. Daviess, at a pause in the trial, sent Mr. Clay a
note, couched in not very civil, and somewhat threatening terms,
warning him to desist from such bitter remarks. Mr. Clay rephed
that he should conduct his client's case as his judgment prompted,
uninfluenced and unawed from any source — least of all from his
client's antagonist. At the close of the trial Col. Daviess sent him a
challenge to single combat, which he accepted. Subsequently the
affair was settied, through the mutual interference of the friends of
both parties, and the most cordial friendship existed between them
till the death of Col. Daviess, who was killed at the battie of
Tippecanoe. Near the close of 1806 Mr. Clay received an application from
Aaron Burr to appear in his behalf. Burr had been arrested on a
charge of being engaged in iUegal military operations. The pop
ular mind was much agitated by the behef of his treasonable
designs, founded on various rumors of his projected invasion of
the Mexican provinces, in which the whole western territory was
impficated. While these rumors were occasioning much pubfid
anxiety, two men, named John Wood and J. M. Street, arrived
from Virginia and located at Frankfort Their object seemed to
be to pubfish a weekly paper, which they styled the ' Western
World,' in which they revived an old pofitical conti-oversy which
had slumbered nearly twenty years. The subject of ^e rumors

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 23
was also introduced into its columns, and several statements made
in reference thereto, which seemed, if true, to make out the evidence
of treason and conspiracy as more than probable. They were
however, for the most part assumptive, and not substantiated by
any well authenticated testimony, besides appearing under a very
questionable character, being contained in communications over
the signature of 'an observer.' It was subsequently ascertained
that these were written by one of the most violent federalists of
the day — notorious for his antipathy toward the democratic party,
of which at that time Mr. Burr was a distinguished member.
His name was Humphrey Marshall. He and his emissaries, to
accomplish their purposes, resorted to the most base and dishon
orable means. In an address prepared by Mr. Marshall, he
reiterated the statements of ' an observer,' of which he himself
was the author, and also charged the leading members of the,
Jefferson party in Kentucky, among whom were Mr. Clay's most
intimate friends, with the treasonable design of annexing that
state to the Spanish dominions in North America. The address
was laid before the legislature, who investigated the matter ; but
not succeeding in eliciting any thing to corroborate the charges
made, it was dropped. The public mind was wrought up to a
high degree of indignation at these attempts to ruin some of the
most worthy and talented men in the community. While the
public was stiU under the influence of the sympathetic feelings
excited in behalf of those against whom such gross accusations
had been made, Mr. Burr was charged with a conspiracy of more
recent date, and in course was regarded with the same sympathy
extended to those previously criminated. He was esteemed a
persecuted patriot, and his innocence was matter of popular belief.
It was thought pretty generally, that his arrest originated in deep-
rooted prejudice existing in the mind of colonel Daviess, the district
attorney, a warm admirer of colonel Alexander Hamilton, who
was killed in a duel by Mr. Burr. There was good ground for
believing that the attorney was prompted more by revengeful
feefings than a desire of promoting the administration of justice.
During the same year, soon after Mr. Burr had returned from New
Orleans, the pubfic mind was again inflamed by the ' observer,'
which contained statements of such a nature as to direct the attention
of the district attorney to Mr. Burr, whose arrest he attempted to
procure, but without success. Mr. Burr witnessed the proceedings,
and in a speech which he made at the time, alluded to them, which
he characterized as harsh and oppressive in the extreme, expressing
himself perfectiy wilfing, and indeed soficiting to be tried by an
unprejudiced court His dignified deportment, and fair, open
proposition, caused the popular feefing to be deeply enfisted in his
favor. His request was granted, a jury chosen, and a day appointed
for trial. When it arrived, universal surprise was created by the

24 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
novel ajid very unusual course pursued by Col, Daviess, He
moved the discharge of the jury in consequence of an import^pt
witness being absent He succeeded, ,to the great regret pf ^Ir.
Burr, who was desirous of placing tliie whole business before fl
competent and impartial judicial tribunal.
The .attorney, some months subsequent, ima,gined himself w^-
ranted in resuiuing the prosecution. The second d,ay ,of Deceml)er
was appointed for the trial. On the day preA?ioias Mr- Burr addressed
a note to Mr. Clay, soficiting his aid, of which the, foUowing is an
extract ' I have no design nor have I taken any measpre to pro
mote a dissolution of the Union, or a sepai'ation of -any one or
more states from the residue. I have neither published a line on
this subject, nor has any one, through my agency or with my
knowledge. I have .no-design to, intermeddle with the governmeijt
or to ,disturb the tranquillity of the United States, or of its territories,
or any part of them. I have neither given, nor signed, nor prom
ised a commission to any person for any purpose- I do not OFn
a musket, nor bayonet, npr any single article of mifitary stores;
nor does any person for me, by my authority, or with my knowl
edge. My views have been fuUy explained to, and approved by,
several of the principal officers of government, and I befieve are
weU understood by the administration, and seen by it with compl?.-
cency. They are such as every man of honor, and every good
citizen must approve. ' Considering the high iStation you now fill
in our national councils, I have thought these explanations proper
as weU to counteract the chimerical tales which malevolent pei;sojis
have so industriously circulated, as to satisfy you that you have
not espoused the cause pf a man in any way unfriendly to the laws,
the government, or the interests of his country.'
'Mi. Burr was doubtiess aware of the scruples felt by Mr. Cby
respecting the propriety of acting as his counsel, which scraples
were occasioned principaUy by the new and interesting relation
just assumed by him. — that of United States senator. Mr. Clay's
doubts were satisfied, and he consented to appear at his trial as his
attorney,in connection with Col. John Allen. To them Mr. Burr ip
the expectation of securing their services, had previously sent a
large sum of money, -which they declined receiving, and returned
to him. The day appointed for trial at length arrived, and again
the attorney sought to delay the proceedings of the court, on the
ground of the absence of an important witness. Mr. Clay strenu
ously contended that such tardy procedure, where such intej^ests
were involved, -and where the most speedy action was requisite,
was unsanctioned by correct judicial usage; that the accused was
sustaining material injury in consequence pf the obstacles thus
thrown in the way of his establishing his innocence, which he was
impatientiy and anxiously waiting ,to do. Mr. Clay's represejita-
tions succeeded. The attorney was required by the court to

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 25
proceed immediately. Accordingly all the evidence he could pro
duce was spread before the grand jury, who, after a patient and
careful investigation, returned the indictment accompanied with
their refusal to consider it a true bill, and reasons for the same, —
alleging that the testimony contained nothing to eriminate the
accused, ' nor can we from all the inquiry and investigation of the
subject discern that any thing improper or injurious to the govern
ment of the United Slates, or contrary to the laws thereof, is
designed or contemplated.' Their decision was received with the
strongest demonstrations of approbation from aU quai-ters, which
were exceedingly gratifying to Mr. Clay, and served to strengthen
his conviction of Mr. Burr's innocence when he consented to act
as his counsel. It is unnecessary to say, that had he been aware
of Mr, Burr's real designs, no inducement could have been held
out by that person strong enough to have determined him to appear
in his defence. Subsequent events show this to be true — events
which removed all doubts as to Mr. Burr's guilt A m:ass of
unequivocal testimony had been obtained, in relation to his opera
tions upon which he had already entered, and of his future projects,
by the exertions of Mr. Jefferson, which testimony was exhibited
to Mr. Clay, at Washington, where he repaired soom after the tria!l
to take his seat in the senate. One of the most remarkable and
indubitable portions of the evidence alluded to, was a leltCT in cipher
which Mr. Burr had sent by captain Samuel Swartwout to the
commander of the United States army, general Wilkinson, which
contained a somewhat circumstantial account of his proceedings
and intended proceedings. In this he expressly stated his design
of seizing on Baton Rouge, preliminary to extending his conquests
into the Spanish provinces. Such disclosures opened the eyes of
the public to .the true character of Mr. Burr, and called forth expres
sions of their just indignation, in which Mr. Clay also united, —
who, after an interval of several years, for the first time subsequent
to the trial, met Mr. Burr in the city of New York. Mr. Clay was
sittuig in the court room of the City JlaU, when a gentieman
approached and tendered him his hand with the customary saluta
tion. But Mr, Clay recognizing, treated him with marked coldness
and refused to receive or return the proffered civifity, Mr, Burr,
however, endeavored to 'engage him in conversation, congratulating
him on iis successful efforts at Ghent, in relation to the treaty,
and an arrangement which he and his associates had effected with
Great Britain, whereby valuable commercial advantages were
secui-ed to America. To all his efforts at conversation Mr. Clay
turned a deaf ear, .replying very briefly to his inquiries and giving
him no encauragement.to proceed. On leaving, Mr. Buit requested
the privilege of a brief interview with him, who in answer,
informed him where he had taken lodgings. The colonel, how
ever, did not call, and thus terminated ,aU the intercourse ever had
VOL. I. 4

26 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
by Mr. Clay with him. We have thus endeavored faithfully and
impartially to record all the facts in relation to that intercourse, that
the worid may see and decide upon the truth or falsehood of thp
charges made against Mr. Clay, in* consequence of it. How can
they be tortured so as to yield any evidence calculated to impeach
his integrity ? How to make it appear manifestiy wrong to act as
his counsel, and to conduct that tiial, the right to which was guar
antied by the constitution ? But above aU, how can they be made
to furnish a foundation for those cruel charges of acting in concert
with the accused, of being privy to his plans, as aiding and abet
ting him, and of disrobing him of his hard, well earned, unspotted
robes of legal and political purity, and clothing him in the black
habfiiments of a traitor, engaged in bartering away the liberties
of his counti-y ? But in the language of another, ' the shaft, though
aimed with a wiU sufficientiy deadly, fell upon a breast of steel.'
The charge of treason preferred against a man who has done more
for his own country than any other living statesman, and whose
voice has echoed beyond her confines, and vwth a tone of creative
power called other republics into being, is fike the other infamous
calumnies that have been propagated against the same iUustrious
individual, and fike them, must soon be lost amid the lumber of
forgotten things. Such conspiracies to ruin a patriot can only end
in the prostration of the conspirators.
' He who of old would rend the oak,
Dreamed not of the rebound.'
Mr. Clay's election to the senate of the United States was for
one session only — the unexpired portion of general Adair's term,
who had resigned his seat. Immediately after his initiation into
his new office, he engaged actively in the senatorial business. He
found the senate discussing the merits of a biU providing for the
erection of a bridge over the Potomac. Its erection was strongly
desired by the inhabitants of Washington and Alexandria, and as
strongly deprecated by those of Georgetown. Many efforts were
made by both parties to secure his services in aid of their particu
lar predilections, but nothing definite could be ascertained respecting
his views in relation to the bill, and he refused to commit himself
by pledging his support or opposition to it. He was not, though,
indifferent to the proposed measure, but difigentiy employed him
self in settling in his own mind the question of its constitutionality,
and in deciding on its expediency. The result of his investiga
tions was the conviction that it was sanctioned by the constitution,
and a judicious measure of internal policy. He so regarded ft in
a speech which he made in its favor, by which he succeeded in
producing a similar conviction in the minds of aU the members
who had not pledged themselves to oppose it, and thus secured its
passage. This speech, although never reported, is represented as
one of his happiest efforts, distinguished for satire and humor, as

LIFEOF HENRY CLAY. 27
weU as gravity and sound logical argument, indeed, as embodying
aU the characteristics of a perfect specimen of eloquence. From
the grouhd there taken, and the first time pubficly, as to what he
deemed true governmental policy, in relation to internal improve
ment, he has never in a single instance receded. With proud
satisfaction may the friends of that system of which he has been
justiy styled ' the Father,^ point to this unparalleled example of
unwavering adherence and fidelity to principles since demonstrated
to be the only permanent source of our national prosperity. In
what an interesting attitude do we behold their originator and
vindicator — a youth from Kentuckian wilds, rising up in the midst
of grave senators and hoary-headed sages, and stretching out a
timid, yet patriot-nerved arm, towards the shrine of Liberty.
He plucks from her altar a burning brand and appfies it to those
inflammable materials which his genius and talents had coUected
around him. The flame that followed, though bright, he did not
suppose would be seen and felt far beyond the precincts of her
home. The utmost stretch of his fancy could not present to him
the cheering vision, of the deepest recesses of the woody wilds he
had left, ifiumined by its benign beams — that they were destined to
play around the summits of the Alleghanies, glance across the
broad prairie, blaze over the lake, and flash along the river, pene
trating every department of industrial life, with their developing,
moulding, and preserving power, until the broad breast of our vast
repubfic should beam bright and beautiful as the ' brow of night'
An anecdote is related of Mr. Clay, aptiy illustrating his afifiity
to encounter opposition, in whatever manner presented. A sena
tor from Connecticut had endeavored to inspire the younger mem-
// bers of the senate with a respect for him, nearly alfied to awe, and
to this end was accustomed to use towards them harsh and exceed
ingly haughty language, but especiaUy to malte an ostentatious
display of his attainments and his supposed superior knowledge
of the subject under discussion. Mr. Clay could ill brook his
insolent looks and language, and haughty, overbearing manner, and
took occasion in his speech to hit them off, which he did by quoting
the laughable simile of Peter Pindar's Magpie :
' Thus hare I seen a magpie in the street,
A chattering bird we often meet,
A bird for curiosity well known,
With head awry,
And cunning eye,
Peep knowingly into a marrow bone.'
It would be difficult to say which was the greater, the merri
ment which this saUy caused, or the chagrin of the senator
mentioned. During the session an attempt was made to clothe the executive
with power to arrest and confine colonel Bun-, if deemed necessary
by him, without experiencing the delays often consequent on the

2g LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
uncertain operations of law. Mr, Clay did not take an active part
in the discussion that ensued, but barely recorded his vote against
it He regarded the suspension of the act of habeas corpus, by
which alone this power could be conferred, as highly dangerous,
and which could be justified in the greatest emergency only. He
thought it, however, unadvisable to mingle in the discussion in
consequence of having acted as Mr. Burr's counsel. The measure
passed the senate, but was defeated in the lower house.
In the month of February of the same year, Mr. Clay exerted
himself to procure an appropriation for the purpose of constructing
a canal in Kentucky, having presented a resolution to that effect.
The subject was referred to a committee, to whom as chairman he ¦
submitted a lengthy and able report He also brought forward a
resolution to improve the navigation of the Ohio river, which was
favorably received by the senate, and adopted with unanimity.
The secretary of the treasury also was called upon to obtain all
the information he could impart and report the same, relative to
constructing canals and making such other internal improvements
as might come legitimately within the sphere of congressional
action. With what deep interest iVIr. Clay regarded the prosecu
tion of these and kindred works, may be learned from the phrase
ology of the resolutions which he introduced recommending them.
In the report before mentioned there is the following passage.
' How far is it the policy of the government to aid in works of this
kind when it has no distinct interest? Whether indeed in such a
case it has the constitutional power of patronage and encourage
ment, it is not necessary to be decided in the present instance.
The resolution directing the secretary to procure information, is
as follows. 'Resolved, that the secretary of the treasury be
directed to prepare and report to the senate at their next session a
plan for the application of such means as are within the power of
congress, to the purposes of opening roads and making canals,
together with a statement of undertakings of that nature, which as
objects of pubfic improvement may require and deserve the aid of
government, and also a statement of works of the nature men
tioned, which have been commenced, the progress which has been
made in them, and the means and prospect of their being comple
ted, and afi such information as in the opinion of the secretary
shall be material, in relation to the objects of this resolution."
This resolution passed almost unanimously.
At the expiration of his senatorial term the citizens of Fayette
county gave him their suffrages again for the state legislature, to
which he was elected by a majority much larger than his most
sanguine friends expected. In consequence of the part Mr. Clay
had performed in the affair of colonel Burr, his popularity sustained
some diminution, which, however, was only temporary. His ene
mies attempted to excite similar feelings of odium towards him

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 29
with which Mr. Burr was visited, and partially succeeded, but
which were dissipated by an address made by Mr. Clay, in relation
to his connection with him, and succeeded to such an overwhelm
ing extent in turning the tide of calumny directed towards him,
against his enemies, that it would' have been exceedingly hazardous
for any one, in the presence of his friends, to repeat the slanderous
charges. He was elected speaker of the assembly at the next
session, although opposed by a very popular member as a candi
date for the same office. In this station he was distinguished for
zeal, energy, and decision, exhibited in discharging its duties.
He would sometimes engage in the debates of the house w'hen a
subject of unusual interest was before it. An attempt was made
during this term worthy of the dark ages — an attempt to prohibit
the reading of any British elementary work on law, and reference
to any precedent of a British court. Contrary to what might have
been expected, this monstrous proposition, this antinomian attempt
found favor in the eyes of more than four-fifths of the members of
the house, and had not Mr. Clay rushed to the rescue, the whole
system of common law, so far as Kentucky was concerned, would
have been destroyed. His timely interference averted the catas
trophe. The prohibition was advocated on the ground that it was
inexpedient for an independent nation to derive any assistance
in the administration of justice, from the legal decisions of a foreign
court ; especially from those of the one in question. It cannot be
doubted that the friends of the prohibition were stimulated by
ardent though somewhat bigoted patriotism. Those deep seated
feelings of repugnance towards the nation at whose hands we had
received such oppressive treatment but a few years previous, had
not yet subsided, and very naturally extended to every thing per
taining to that nation. This fact partiaUy apologizes for that
intemperate and inconsiderate zeal with which more than fom"-fifths
of the house set about demofishing what it was vitaUy important
should be incorporated with the fabric of our liberties, and become
a constituent part of the same. They desired to be removed as
far as possible from Great Britain, in legal as wefi as in other
respects, without carefully considering the effect of that removal.
This laW, viewed through the distorted medium of prejudice and
hatred, seemed a huge excrescence on the body of our institutions,
whose incumbency exerted a crushing instead of a sustaining
influence, draining their energies, instead of imparting to them no
inconsiderable portion of their vitality, and instantiy the axe of
judicial reform was seized by these sapient legislators for its ampu
tation. Against this fratricidal attempt, Mr, Clay raised his power
ful arm. He had witnessed with feefings of unfeigned regret, this
rash attempt to lay violent hands on that system with which was
associated every thing valuable and venerable in jurisprudence.
That system which might justiy be styled the legal Thesaurus of

,30 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
the world, founded by the hand of social exigency amid fearful
convulsions, and reared by the united efforts of the most eminent
jurisconsulats the world ever saw, he endeavored to shield against
the ruthless assaults of this legislative vandalism. He was aware
that the popular opinion considered this system as unnecessarily
voluminous — an immense mixture of superfluities, prolixities, and
absurdities, unadapted to, and unneeded by, our institutions.
These erroneous apprehensions and long existing prejudices, he
combated and corrected. He demonstirated its utility by a lucid
exposition of the beauty, symmeti-y, and simpficity of its funda
mental principles, and its necessity, by depicting in most glowing
colors the disastrous consequences which would inevitably follow
its destruction. Fearing, however, that the resolution would pass,
he met its supporters in the spirit of compromise, and moved so
to amend it, that the prohibition should .extend to those decisions
only, that had been given since the fourth day of July, 1776. His
reasons for permitting those to remain, which were given previous
to that period, were as convincing as they were sensible. He
argued that up to the time of the declaration of independence, the
laws of the one nation were those of the other, and that therefore
the adoption of the primary resolution would be in effect abofish-
ing our own laws. He is said to have given on this occasion, one
of the most splendid specimens of elocution ever witnessed. A
gentleman who was present describes it as a perfect model. ' Every
muscle of the orator's face was at work ; his whole body seemed
agitated, as if each part was instinct with a separate life ; and his
smaU white hand, with its blue veins apparently distended almost
to bursting, moved gracefuUy, but with aU the energy of rapid and
vehement gesture. The appearance of the speaker seemed that
of a pure inteUect, wrought up to its mightiest energies, and brightly
glowing through the thin and transparent veil of flesh that enrobed
it.' His control over his auditory was most absolute and astonish
ing — now bathing them in tears, and now convulsing them
with laughter, causing them to alternate between hope and fear,
love and hate, at his bidding. When he concluded, scarcely a
vestige of opposition remained, and the amended resolution was
adopted almost by acclamation. While the prominence, which
this and simfiar efforts gave Mr. Clay, was a source of satisfaction
to him, and gratification to his friends, it was attended with the
unpleasant effect of exposing him to the keenest shafts of his
political enemies. In the year 1808 he was most violentiy assailed
by Humphrey Marshall, an ultra federafist, a man of talents and
eloquence. He let no opportunity pass unimproved to give vent
to his rancorous feefings toward Mr. Clay, and indeed towards all
the prominent supporters of Mr. Jefferson's administi-ation. He
had repeatedly attacked Mr. Clay through the press, but now, being
a member of the legislature, was enabled to make them in person.

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 31
Mr. Clay's friends, desirous of bringing them together, made
arrangements to this effect, by not re-electing him speaker. Mr.
Marshall seemed anxious to measure weapons with Mr. Clay ; fol
lowing him in all his movements, and opposing him at every turn.
In the early part of the session, Mr. Clay placed several resolutions
before the house, relating to the embargo and British orders in
council, remoiisti'ating against the arbitrary demands of that nation,
and pledging Kentucky to action, comformable to the decisions of
the general government in relation thereto. They recognized Mr.
Jefferson's policy as sound, approved his measures, and pronounced
him entitled to the thanks of his country, for the ability, upright
ness, and intelligence which he displayed in the management, both
of our foreign relations and domestic concerns. Mr. Marshall
endeavored to procure their amendment, so as to condemn the
embargo, and reprobate, without stint or measure, INIr. Jefferson's
administration. Their rejection was most emphatic, by a vote of
sixty-four to one — he voting in their favor, — and Mr. Clay's were
adopted by the same vote. But the vials of Mr. MarshaU's fiercest
and most vitiiperative wrath were reserved for the occasion when
Mr. Clay stood up in defence of his favorite policy, of affording
protection to domestic industry, by introducing a resolution, declar
ing that it was expedient for each member of the house, for the
purpose of giving unequivocal evidence of his attachment to this
principle, to clothe himself in fabrics of domestic manufacture.
This patriotic attempt was not only denounced by his foe as dem
agogic, and prompted by motives of the most inordinate and
• grasping ambition ; but leaving the resolution, he attacked its author
in genuine billingsgate style. Utterly regardless of every rule of
gentlemanly courtesy, parliamentary propriety, or common decency
even, he exhausted the vocabulary in search of opprobious and
insulting epithets, which he applied in the spirit of the most fiberal
abuse. Such foul and unmerited treatment could not be quietly
borne by a person of Mr. Clay's ardent and sensitive temperament,
and he rebuked him in language deservedly harsh, and calculated
to sting him to the quick. The quarrel progressed untfi it reached
that stage where Mr. Clay considered himself bound, according to
Kentuckian interpretation of the law of honor, to challenge Mr.
Marshall to meet him and setfle it in single combat It was
accepted, and the parties, pursuant to appointment, met and ex
changed two or three shots, resulting in a sfight wound to each.
The duel was terminated by the interference of the seconds, who
protested against its further procedure.
in 1809, a case of contested election came before the legislature,
in the setdement of which, Mr. Clay acted a conspicuous pai-t.
The electors of Hardin county had given four hundred and thirty-
six votes for Charles Helm, three hundred and fifty for Samuel
Haycroft, and two hundred and seventy-one for John Thomas, two

32 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
of whom were entitied to seats. It appeared that Mr. Haycroft, at
the time of the election, held an office, which, according to the
constitution of Kentucky, rendered him ineligible to a seat in the
general assembly. Mr. Clay submitted his views of the case, in a
report prepared by him, as chairman of a committee appointed in
accordance with a motion made by him to inquire whether Mr.
Haycroft was entitied to a seat, and if not, to decide on the claims
of Mr. Thomas to one. This report was adopted unanimously,
and has since constituted the rule in similar cases in Kentucky.
Its doctrines are so sound, and at the same time so simple, that, we
cannot forbear inserting an extract. ' The fact being ascertained
that Mr, Haycroft held an office of profit under the commonwealth
at the time of the election, the constitutional disquafification
attaches and excludes him ; he was ineligible and therefore cannot
be entitied to his seat It remains to inquire into the pretensions
of Mr. Thomas. His daim can only be supported by a total
rejection of the votes given to Mr. Haycroft, as void to aU intents
whatever. It is not pretended that they were given by persons not
qualified according to the constitution, and consequently, if rejected
it must be not for any inherent objection in themselves, but because
they have been bestowed in a manner forbidden by the constitution
or laws. By an act passed I8th of December, 1800, it is requhed
that persons holding offices incompatible with a seat in the legis
lature, shall resign them before they are voted for ; and it is provi
ded that all votes given to any such person prior to such resigna
tion shall be utterly void. This act, when appfied to the case in
question, perhaps admits of the construction that the votes given
to Mr. Haycroft, though void and ineffectual in creating any right
in him to a seat in the house, cannot affect in any manner the situ
ation of his competitor. Any other exposition of it is, in the
opinion of your committee, whoUy inconsistent with 'the constitu
tion, and would be extremely dangerous in practice. It would be
subversive of the ^eat principle of free government that the
majority shafi prevail. It would operate as a deception of the
people, for it cannot be doubted that the votes given to Mr. Hay
croft were bestowed upon a fuU persuasion that he had a right to
receive them. And it would infringe the rights of this house,
guarantied by tiie constitution, to judge of the qualifications of its
-members. It would, in fact, be a declaration that disqualification
produces qualification — that the incapacity of one man capacitates
another to hold a seat in this house. Your committee are therefore
unanimously and decidedly of opinion that neither of the gentle
men is entitled to a seat.' This act closed his career in the legis-
latiire of Kentucky, to which he tendered his resignation soon after.
He was elected to the senate of the United States for two years —
the unexpired portion of Mr. Buekner Thurston's term, who had
resigned his seat in that body. During Mr. Clay's continuance in

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 33
the legislature, he had produced the deepest impression of his abil
ity and talents, and won the favor of his associates, to what extent
may be determined from the fact of their selecting him for the office
before named, by a vote of twp thirds. He retired, accompanied
with their expressions of sincere regret for his loss, and high esti
mate of his services. The annals of Kentucky present no brighter
spot than that which in imperishable characters records his name.
It is the oasis of her history, verdant and beautiful, begirt with the
wreath of his noble deeds, briUiant with the gems of benevolence,
philanthropy and patriotism.
The manner in which he discharged his duties while connected
v^tith her legislature, is forcibly described by one intimately ac
quainted with him. ' He appears to have been the pervading
spirit of the wh(jle body. He never came to the debates without
the knowledge necessary to the perfect elucidation of his subject,
and he always had the power of making his knowledge so practi
cal, and lighting it so brightly up with the fire of eloquence, and
the living soul of inteUect, that without resorting to the arts of in-
sidiousness, he could generally control the movements of the legis
lature at will. His was not an undue influence ; it was the sim
ple ascendency of mind over mind. The bills which originated
with him, instead of being characterized by the eccentricities and
ambitious innovations which are too often visible in the course of
young men of genius suddenly elevated to power and influence,
were remarkable only for their plain common sense, and their ten
dency to advance the substantial interests of the state. Though
he carried his plans into effect by the aid of the magical incanta
tions of the orator, he always conceived them with the coolness
and discretion of a phUosopher. No subject was so great as to
baffle his powers, none so minute as to elude them. He could
handle the telescope and the microscope with equal skill. In him
the haughty demagogues of the legislature found an antagonist
who never faUed to foil them in their bold projects, and the intriguers
of lower degree were baffled with equal certainty whenever
they attempted to get any petty measure through the house for
their own personal gratification or that of their friends. The peo
ple, therefore, justiy regarded him as emphatically their own.
In the winter of 1809-10, soon after he took his seat the second
time in the senate, his attention was turned towards a subject kin
dred to that to which it had been dkected when he first became a
member of that body — that of domestic manufactures. It is a
remarkable fact, that the first two subjects which demanded and
secured his aid on entering congress, were those of primary im
portance to the welfare of the republic — subjects subsequentiy
shown, in the unillusive light of experience, to be not only as inti
mately connected with private as with public prosperity, but as
constituting the very lu'n^s of Liberty herself, generating and dif-
VOL. I. 5

34 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
fusing copious alimental streams to every organ and member of
her body, thus producing that health and vigor whereby she was
enabled to extend proper encouragement and protection to all her
chUdren. Up to this period but fittie thought, and less action had
been bestowed by government upon the subject of domestic
manufactures, and the light duties imposed on 'articles of foreign
growth and manufacture, were for the purpose of raising a revenue,
and not intended to afford any protection or encouragement to any
branch of domestic industry. Our country, instead of putting her
young, muscular hands vigorously forth, and from her own inex
haustible resources constructing such articles as she needed, sat
stiU in the same supine attitude of abject dependence on Great
Britain which she was in when the war of the revolution com
menced, stretching them out to foreign artificers, and receiving
those articles at their hands. How long she might have remained
in this inglorious position, it is difficult to determine, had not her
relations with that nation assumed an aspect so threatening and
beUigerent, as to alarm and induce her to withdraw and employ
them in her own protection. Now the increasing prospect of war
served in some degree to arouse the nation from that lethargic
state of indifference in which it had so long slumbered. At least
it was deemed advisable to anticipate such an event, by making
provision for the materials usually needed in such an emergency.
Accordingly a bill was introduced to appropriate a sum of money
to purchase cordage, sail cloths, and the ordinary munitions of
war, and so amended as to give preference to articles of domestic
gi-owth and manufacture, provided the interests of the nation should
not suffer thereby. Mr. Lloyd, a senator from Massachusetts,
moved to strike out the afnendment granting the preference, and
supported his motion by a long and powerful speech. A general
and interesting discussion ensued, in which the policy of extend
ing direct protection by the government to domestic manufactures
was considered. Mr. Clay was among the first to avow himself
decidedly in favor of the pohcy, and by his speech made at the
time proved both its expediency and wisdom. His remarks were
plain and practical, chiefly confined to statements of facts,-with
brief comments, yet so philosophically and skUfuUy arranged' as to
produce their intended effect. In the course of his observations,
he alluded to that preference generaUy given in our country to ar
ticles of foreign production, by saying, that ' a gentieman's head
could not withstand the influence of the solar heat unless covered
with a London hat ; his feet could not bear the pebbles or the frost
unless protected by London shoes ; and the comfort and ornament
of his person was consulted only where his coat was cut out by the
shears of a \&\lor just from London. At length, however, the won
derful discovery has been made that it is not absolutely beyond the
reach of American skUl and ingenuity to produce these articles, conl-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 35
bining with equal elegance greater durabifity. And I entertain no
doubt that in a short time the no less important fact wiU be devel
oped, that the domestic manufactures of the United States, fostered
by government, and aided by household exertions, are fuUy compe
tent to supply us with at least every necessary article of clothing.
I, therefore, for one, (to use the fashionable cant of the day,) am
in favor of encov/raging them ; not to the extent to which they are
carried in England, but to such an extent as will redeem us en
tirely from all dependence on foreign countries.'
Mr. Clay exposed the faUacy of the specious reasoning. of Mi-.
Lloyd and other members hostile to the measure, who based their
opposition on the ground of the bad practical tendency of a system
of domestic manufactures fostered by government ; and in iUus-
tration of which they cited the wretched and most famished con
dition of the operatives of Manchester, Birmingham, and other
manufacturing cities of Great Britain. They maintained that the
introduction of such a system into America would be attended
with the same sad consequences — that these were the naturEd
results of such a system, surrounded by such governmental en
couragement, and inseparably connected with it Mr. Clay in re
ply declared that this was a non sequiter — that although such con
sequences might be, and doubtless were incidental to such a
system, it by no means followed that they were unavoidably and
inevitably consequent upon it under all circumstances. The case
instanced, he said, furnished no proof to that effect, — that the de
plorable condition of the manufacturing districts of Great Britain
had not been, neither could be satisfactorily accounted for in the
manner attempted. It was not attributable to the fact of their
being manufacturing districts — to the existence of that system
which they were then considering, but to the abuse of that system.
That it would be just as philosophical and logical, in view of the
excruciating sufferings of the gormandizer, to conclude that the
invariable tendency of food when introduced into the stomach is
deleterious, as to adduce the squalor and wretchedness of England's
manufacturing population as proof positive of the pernicious ten
dency of the system under which they operated. This was not
sufficiently restricted. It was too grasping — intended to make her
the manufacturing monopofist of the world, and so shaped as to
shut out effectuaUy afi rivalry. To this grand, distinctive feature
of that system the evU in question could be directly traced — an
evil that would be seen attendant on any vast, artificial estabhsh
ment similarly conducted, whether encouraged by public or private
patronage. That the objections, therefore, of opposing members
lost all their validity when directed towards the system itself; which
they possibly might possess when directed towards the feature
mentioned, if it were not known that this was merely conventional,
and not inherent, which might be retained or rejected at pleasure.

36 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
It had not been, indeed it could not be denied, that to this system,
badly as it was organized, England was materially indebted for
that extensive developement of her natural resources which she
had made, and especially for her maratime importance. That her
literary and scientific institutions owed their permanence and emi-
nence'mainly to it, which had diffused also stireams of beneficial
influence through every part of her vast dominions. In the case
of England, throwing the broad shield of her protection around
this system, two results were witnessed, the satisfaction of her own
and the w;oiid's wants in relation to manufactures. But it was not
intended nor desired to imitate her in this respect by carrying the
principle of protection so far. The public aid solicited for the
American manufacturer was moderate, just sufficient to enable
him to supply the domestic demand for his fabrics. The measure,
even then, was most obviously one of expedience and wisdom,
and doubtless always would be ; but there were indications to
render it certain that it would soon become one of necessity.
There was a strong prospect of our being deprived of our accus
tomed commercial intercourse, in consequence of the arbitrary
and illegal proceedings of the belligerent nations of Europe, and
that we should be obstructed by military power from an exercise
of our right to carry the productions of our own soU to the proper
market for them. The circumstances that then surrounded the
country rendered it imperiously incumbent upon her to look to
herself, and in herself, and from her inestimably valuable raw materi
als make for herself such articles as were requisite for her pros
perity in peace, and protection in war. In short, to take such
measures as to forever obviate the necessity of resorting to the work
shops of the old Voiid for them. Mr. Clay referred to our immense
natural resources, scattered in rich and varied profusion over the
land, as furnishing an argument in favor of the policy he was ad
vocating. In contending for our manufacturing interests, it by no
means followed, as had been intimated, that he deemed them of
paramount importance to the nation. He did not hesitate to admit
that on the culture of the soU her happiness and wealth chiefly
depended; — that here lay the mine from which her treasury must
be replenished by the hand of agriculture, if she would have an
overflowing one, and expressed his decided belief that commerce
was, and ought to be more indebted to it than to manufsactures.
He did not desire the department of the plough and sickle to be
encroached upon by that of the spindle and shuttie ; yet he con
tended that it was proper that we should supply ourselves ' with -
clothing made by our own industiy, and no longer be dependent
for our very coats upon a country that was then an envious rival,
and might soon be an enemy. A judicious American farmer in
the household way,' said he, 'manufactures whatever is requisite for
his family. He squanders but littie in the gewgaws of Europe.

LIFEOF HENRY CLAY. 37
He presents in epitome what the nation ought to be in extenso.
Theis manufactures should bear the same proportion, and effect
the same object in relation to the whole community, which the part
of the household employed in domestic manufacturing bears to
the whole family,' The view taken by Mr, Clay was so, enUght
ened, sound and practical, as to commend the bUl to their most
favorable consideration, and induce them to adopt it as amended.
The salutary effects that flowed from it soon became apparent. The
public purveyors immediately succeeded in maldng arrangements
for the specified articles wtith American capitalists, on most advan
tageous terms, so that when the storm burst upon us, as it did soon
after, though not perfectly prepared for its encounter, we were
not as defenceless as we should have been, had our dependence
been placed exclusively on foreign nations. The impetus given to
domestic manufactures was astonishing, resulting in their increase
during the following year over those of the year previous, to the
amount of more than fifty millions of doUars. Of this increase,
Mr. Madison, in his message to congress the following session,
makes most favorable mention, by declaring that be felt particular
satisfaction in remarking that an interior view of the country pre
sented many grateful proofs of the extension of useful manufac
tures; the combined product of professional occupation and
household industry. He expressed his conviction that the change
which had introduced these substitutes for supplies heretofore
obtained by foreign commerce, might, in a national view, be justiy
regarded as of itself more than a recompense for those privations
and losses resulting from foreign injustice, which first suggested
the propriety of fostering them. Here then, from that system, while
yet in the germ, was gathered an antepast of that immense fmition,
which it was destined to yield, when its stately trunk had towered
in symmetry and majesty toward heaven, imparting prosperity and
security to millions of freemen, dweUing beneath its branches.
But let it not be forgotten that it is to the persevering and unremit
ting exertions of Henry Clay that we are indebted for the planting
and the growth of that goodly ti-ee.
He had scarcely ceased from his efficient labors in procuring the
adoption of the biU before ' mentioned, when another opportunity-
presented itself for the exercise of that expansive patriotism for
which his every public act is distinguished, and one which he em
braced with his characteristic eagerness and promptitude. There
was strong prospect that the United States would be dismembered
of a portion of her territory — the large and fertile district included
between the Mississippi and Perdido Rivers, being the present
states of Mississippi and Alabama, and the territory of West
Florida, or the greater part of it. To prevent this, Mr. Clay came
boldly forth, triumphing over aU opposition, and clearly vindicated
lier right to it The United States became possessed of it in 1803,

38 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
when it was ceded to her by France, with every thing appertaining
just as she had received it from Spain, who formally acquiesced in
the cession in 1804. The United States, from conciliatory motives
partiy, and partiy in consequence of events which they could not
control, suffered it to remain in the possession of Spain, who tem
porarily exercised authority over it. But her authority was now
being subverted, a large portion of the inhabitants of the province
refusing to submit to it Reports also were rife that agents des
patched by the king of England, were actively engaged in endeav
oring to induce the people to come under British government In
this emergency, president Madison, thinking that longer delay in
taking possession of it would expose the country to ulterior events
which might affect the rights and welfare of the Union, contraven
ing, perhaps, the views of both parties, endangering the tranquillity
and security of the adjoining territories, and afford fresh facihties
to violations of our revenue and commercial laws, issued his proc
lamation, directing that immediate possession should be taken of
the said territory. Mr. Claiborne, governor of Orleans territory,
was instructed to take immediately the requisite steps for annexing
it to that over which he presided, and to see that the laws of the
United States were rigidly enforced, to which he yielded prompt
obedience. At this conjuncture the cry that came up fi'om the
party opposing his administration was loud and long. They
attempted to prove that this measure was not only impolitic and
uncalled for, but exti-emely unjust toward Spain, intended to in
volve us in a war with England, who, as her ally, would take um
brage on account of it, and that it was also unconstitutional. The
federalists, through the press, and in legislative assemblies, repre
sented the country as already surrounded in ckcumstances of great
peril in consequence of this procedure. A warm debate ensued in
congi-ess on a bill reported by a committee to whom the procla
mation was referred, which declared that the laws then in force in
the teratory of Orleans, extended and had full force to the river
Perdido. Mr. Pope, one of the committee, in a speech made at
the time, explained the grounds which induced them to malce the
report, and was foUowed by Mr. Horsey, a senator from Delaware,
in opposition. He pronounced the title of the United States in-
vafid, thought it inexpedient to take possession of the tei-ritory by
force, and questioned the right of the president to issue' his procla
mation to that effect He declared that document both war and
legislation, inasmuch as it authorized occupancy by mifitary force,
and invested a governor with aU the authorities and functions in
regard to the province in question, that he legitimately possessed in
presiding over his own. His sympathies seemed to be sti'ongly
enfisted in behalf of the king of Spain, whose prospective loss he
deplored in language of deep commiseration. His speech was in
many respects able, but it had been much more appropriately de-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 39
Uvered in Madrid at the foot of die Spanish monarch's throne, and
in the presence of his court, than at Washington, beneath the eegis
of liberty, and surrounded by patriotic and inteUigent freemen.
Mr. Clay regai-ded with feelings of deep regret as weU as surprise,
this anti-repubUcan effort, this unnatural attempt by a son of Free
dom to support the unfounded pretensions of a foreign prince to a
portion of her own blood-bought soil, — that soil from which he
drew his sustenance, and on which were reared those institutions
that constitute it an appropriate asylum for the down-trodden of
every other nation beneath the canopy of heaven. Although la
boring under a severe indisposition, he could not, while he posses- ,
sed the power of utterance, sit tamely still and listen to such senti
ments promulgated in the very temple of liberty. He rose to reply
in that graceful, dignified manner, so pecufiar to himself. As he
drew up his tail form into that commanding attitiide which he was
accustomed to assume as preliminary to a mighty parliamentary
effort, it could be easily discovered in his countenance, what was
the nature of his feelings, and how deep the fountain of eloquence
had been stirred within him, whose effusions, directed with unerring
precision, were soon to bear his auditory away on their resistless
tide, to the goal on which his keen eye was fixed. This speech of
Mr. Clay may justly be regarded as one of the most finished spec
imens of argumentative eloquence, profound investigation, purity
of diction, and logical reasoning, that the records of any legislative
body can furnish. It evinced by its demonstrative and inferential
character, the most thorough and patient examination of the sub
ject, in ail its minute details, and indicated most clearly his main
design to be, not a brilliant and striking display, calculated to
please and captivate the fancy, but to array before the senate a for
midable front of facts, to hem in the whole house with a waU of
adamantine argument, which could be neither scaled nor sapped ;
and he was completely successful. He commenced by a brief
exordium of the most caustic irony, which fell fike molten lead
upon the heads of his opponents. He expressed his admiration at
the more than Aristidean justice which prompted certain gentie
men, in a question of territorial titie between the United States
and a foreign nation, to espouse the cause of the foreign, presuming
that Spain in any future negotiations, would be. magnanimous
enough not to avail herself of these voluntary concessions in her
favor in the senate of the United States. He said he would leave
the honorable gentieman from Delaware to bewail the fallen for
tunes of the king of Spain, without stopping to inquire whether
their loss was occasioned by treachery or not, or whether it could
be traced to any agency of the American government. He con
fessed that he had littie sympathy for princes, but that it was reser
ved for the people, the great mass of manldnd, and did not hesi
tate to declare that the people of Spain had it most unreservedly

40 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
and most sincerely. He went into a minute and circumstantial
history of the temtory in dispute, and proved by a chain of reason
ing the most clear and satisfactory, that its title was in the United
States. In doing this he adopted that mode which the nature of
the subject suggested, by a critical examination of all the titie pa
pers, transfers, and all other documents in any way relating or ap
pertaining to it. He examined the patent granted by Louis the
XIV to Crozat in 1712, which patent covered the province in
question, and declared that it was at that time designated by the
name of -the Province of Louisiana, and was bounded on the
west by old and new Mexico, and on the east by Carolina. This
document he regarded as settiing the question beyond aU doubt,
that the country under consideration was embraced within the
limits of Louisiana. He proved that it originaUy belonged to
France, who claimed it by virtue of certain discoveries made by
La Solle and others during the seventeenth century; that she
ceded it to Spain in 1762, who retroceded it to France in 1800, by
the ti-eaty of St. Ildefonso, and that it belonged to the United
Slates by purchase from her as a portion of Louisiana in 1803.
After the most thorough investigation, considering aU the ambigu
ous expressions unintentionally incorporated with the treaties
relating to the territory, and applying to them the most impartial
and rigid rules of construction, he presented the title of the IJnited
States to it as most indefeasible, and as standing on a basis which
all the sophistry, and ingenuity, and iU-directed sympathy of the
opposition could not shake. He then proceeded to inquire if the
proclamation directing the occupation of property thus acquired by
solemn treaty was an unauthorized measure of war and legislation.
In this, his vindication of the course pursued by Mr. Madison
was most triumphant He proved by citing acts of . congress
passed in 1803-4, that the president was fully empowered to au
thorize the occupation of the territory. He maintained that these
laws furnished ' a legislative consti-uction of the treaty correspon
dent with that given by the executive, and they vest in this branch
of the government indisputably a power to take possession of the
country whenever it might be proper in his discretion ; so far,
therefore, from having violated the constitution in the action he
had taken and caused to be taken, he had hardly carried out its
provisions, one of which expressly enjoined it upon him to see
that the la,ws of the United States were faithfuUy and impartially
executed, in every distiict of countiy over which she could right-
fuUy exercise jurisdiction. After setthng the questions of titie and
constitiitional action of the president, he proceeded to notice
some of the arguments of the opposition against taking forcible
possession, which attempted to show that war would result. ' We
are told,' said he, ' of the vengeance of resuscitated Spain. If Spain,
under any modification of her government, choose to malie war

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 41
upon US for the act under consideration, the nation, I have no
doubt, wUl be wilUng to meet war.^ But the gentleman' (Mr.
Horsey) ' reminds us that Great Britain, the aUy of Spain, may be
obliged by her connection with Spain to take part with her against
us, and to consider this measure of the president as justifying an
appeal to arms. Sir, is the time never to arrive when we may
manage our own affairs without the fear of insulting his Britannic
majesty ? Is the rod of British power to be for ever suspended
over our heads ? Does congress put on an embargo to shelter our
rightful commerce against the pkatical depredations committed
upon it on the ocean ? we are immediately warned of the indigna
tion of offended England. Is a law of non-intercourse proposed ?
the whole navy of the haughty mistress of the seas is made to
thunder in our ears. Does the president refuse to continue a cor
respondence with a minister who violates the decorum belonging
to his diplomatic character, by giving and deliberately repeating an
affront to the whole nation ? we are instantly menaced with the
chastisement which English pride wUl not fail to inflict. Whether
we assert our rights by sea or attempt their maintenance by land —
whithersoever we turn ourselves, this phantom incessantly pursues
us. Already has it had too much influence on the councils of the
nation. It contributed to the repeal of the embargo — that dishon
orable repeal which has so much tarnished the character of our
government, Mr, president, I have before said on this floor, and
now take occasion again to remark, that I most sincerely desire
peace and amity with England; that I even prefer an adjustment
of aU differences with her, before one with any other nation. But
if she persist in a denial of justice to us, or if she avails herself of
the occupation of West Florida to commence war upon us, I trust
and hope that afi hearts will unite in a bold and vigorous vindica
tion of our rights.' The effect produced by Mr. Clay's speech was
most obvious, inducing many of the most strenuous opposers of
the course pursued by the president, who were firmly resolved on
recording their votes in disapproval of it, to come franldy forward
and candidly to acknowledge their error, and express their deter
mination to sustain him in this measure. They were true to their
declaration, and thus the approval of the proclamation was secu
red. But ' had there been at that time in the senate no democratic
champion like Mr. Clay — one who could stand up among the tail
and fierce spirits of faction to vindicate the rights of our country,
and utter a solemn warning in the ears of those who would wan
tonly throw the key of her strength into the hands of an enemy — it
is difficult to say how imminentiy dangerous might have been the
present condition of the repubfic'
Mr. Clay's labors during the remainder of the session were ar
duous and unremitted, as weU as most valuable, to particular
individuals as weU as to the nation. The discharge of his duty
VOL. I. 6

42 LIFEO F HENRY CL AY.
towards his countiy, he seems ever to have considered of the most
pressing importance, and it is gladdening to the heart of every hue
American to witness the disinterested, the noble and generous
manner with which it was performed. In whatever relations, and
however cficumstanced we find him, we see him presenting, in
this respect, one unvaried aspect He took an active part in aUthe
discussions of consequence, where any important and essential
principle was involved. He was several times appointed one of a
committee, to whom matters of interest were referred. Here he
displayed accurate discrimination, soundness of judgment, and great
ability, in immediately discerning and seizing the strong points
of a subject, calculated to render conspicuous its merits or expose
its defects. He acted as chairman of a committee, to whom was
recommitted a bUl, granting a right of preemption to purchasers of
public lands, in certain cases, and reported it with amendments,
which were read. After receiving some alterations, it was again
recommitted, reported, and finally passed the senate. The cause
of the poor setfler and the hardy pioneer could not have been
committed to better hands — to one who would more studiously
and feelingly consult their best interests. Experience had made
him acquainted with the privations, wants, and toils, which they
were compeUed to encounter, in causing the forest to recede before
their slow, fatiguing march, and this opened a vsdde avenue to
the fountain of his sympathetic feelings, which gushed sponta
neously forth whenever he contemplated the evils and the difficul
ties which beset their path. This he exerted himself to render as
smooth as possible. Hence he early and continually advocated
a most fiberal policy towards that class of his country's yeomanry,
maintaining that she should extend to them every facility in her
power, consistent with wisdom and justice. Mr. Clay has always
watched the movements of the emigrant with feelings of almost
paternal soUcitude, and wherever he has pitched his temporary
tent, or made his permanent abode, there he has exerted himself to
induce his countiy to extend her beneficial legislation, and to lay at
his door as many of the benefits of civUized life as possible, with
their ameliorating influences. How UUberal then, how unjust the
attempts of those inimical to him, to convert his noble benevolence
into a weapon of hostfiity against him, by endeavoring to pi;ocure
credence for those senseless reports, which represented him as un
friendly to the interests of the emigi-ant, and as endeavoring to
aggrandize himseff at their expense. But time is fast dispeUirig the
cloud of error, which was thus raised and caused to brood 'over the
pubUc mind, and the sun-light of truth is pouring in its irradiating
beams, most clearly revealing the justice and wisdom of his advo
cacy, in relation to the pubUc domain.
His attention was engrossed by other and correlative subjects soon
after — that of the protection of the hardy back-woods men and

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 43
firontier inhabitants against Indian depredations, and the regulating
of intercourse between them. He reported a biU supplementary
to an act entitied ' an act to regulate trade and intercourse with the
Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontier.' This was
placed before a committee, of which he was chairman ; and by his
phUanthropic exertions and diligent labors, the whole west were laid
under deep obligations to him, for those wise measures adopted in
reference to them, whereby their interests and lives were shielded
against the predatory attack of the aborigines.
He warmly espoused the cause of the people of Orleans Terri
tory, who were desirous of forming a constitution and government.
Accordingly, on the twentieth of April of the same session, he
succeeded in causing such action to be talsen relative to the sub
ject, as to secure an amendment of a biU before the senate, so as
to, require the laws, records and legislative proceedings of the
state, to be in the Engfish language. A few days subsequent,
leave of absence was granted him during the remainder of the
session. On the third day of December, 1810, the commencement of the
third session of the eleventh congress, Mr. Clay was found in his
place in the senate. A subject that had been much agitated in
private many months previous, and up to that time, was now
brought forward for public discussion — that of re-chartering the
United States bank. This was the aU absorbing topic of the ses
sion, and caUed into exercise Mr, Clay's most vigorous powers.
His instructions from the legislature of Kentucky required him to
oppose the re-charter of that institution, and these were in coinci
dence with his own views relative to it It had been his design to
limit his opposition to merely recording his vote against the renewal
of its charter, without entering into the discussion which would
probably ensue, but the virulent and menacing character of the
proceedings of those advocating its re-charter, unsealed his Ups,
and caused him to apply the lash of his eloquence to their backs
with most tremendous effect. These embraced the whole body of
the federal, and many of the democratic party — an array of mem
bers and strength which might have deterred any ordinary man
from confronting. Against this, he stood almost alone, deserted
even by Mr. Pope, his coUeague : yet he stood firm ; and, from
the effect that foUowed his exertions, proved himself more deserving
the tide of ' Macedonian Phalanx,' than the federal party to whom
he had applied it The attack was provoked by that party, and it
was made in the spirit of conscious might, which not only meets
opposition with the utmost certainty of overthrowing, but which
seeks it He alluded to that deep-seated prejudice in the pubfic
mind, against the bank, and the foundation of that prejudice. It
did not escape his notice that the bank was created by the federal
party — its warmest and most devoted friends, then resorting to

44 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
every expedient and means to prolong its existence. He was also
weU aware of the aid rendered that party, by Mr. Cravd'ord and
others, who had in this measure left the democratic ranks and gone
over to it. He referred, also, to the astounding fact, that the insti
tution was in reality in the hands of foreigners, since foreign
capitaUsts were more deeply interested in its continuance than our
own, who owned a moiety only of its stock ; neither did he fail to
suggest, that perhaps the violent struggle then going on to keep it
in existence, was instigated and maintained, to no inconsiderable
extent, by foreign influence. In no equivocal manner he depicted
the absurdity, to say nothing of the danger, of permitting Great
Britain to acquire such an influence as she evidentiy could acquire,
by having her monetary interests, to so great an extent, identified
with the United States bank — an influence which would place
facilities in her hands, that, in case she felt disposed, she could use
to our most serious detiiment These and many other considera
tions, he brought forward as furnishing good and valid ground of
alarm, and legitimately calculated to awaken patriotic opposition.
But his greatest fundamental objection was one which he derived
from the constitution itself, and one which he urged with a vehe
mence sure to prevail. He maintained that no specific provision
was found in that instrument, authorizing or permitting the charter
of the bank, neither could it be so construed as to imply the power
to that effect. In opposing, therefore, the renewal of its charter,
his remarks were principaUy confined to the objectionable feature
of its unconstitutionality ; and they furnish one of the strongest
arguments against a national bank ever made, and one that is often
referred to as authority of a high order. It may be well to insert
a portion of his speech, illustrative of their pertinence and beauty.
' This vagrant power to erect a bank, after having wandered
throughout the whole constitation in quest of some congenial spot
to fasten upon, has been at length located, by the gentleman from
Georgia, on that provision which authorized congress to lay and
coUect taxes. In 1791 the power is referred to one part of the
insti-ument, and in 1811 to another. Sometimes it is alleged to be
deducible from the power to regulate commerce. Hard pressed
here, it disappears, and shows itself under the grant to coin money.
' What is the nature of the government ? It is emphatically
federal, vested with an aggregate of specific powers for general
purposes, conceded by existing sovereignties, who have themselves
retained what is not so conceded. It is said that there are cases in
which it must act on implied powers. This is not controverted,
but the implication must be necessary, and obviously flow from
the enumerated power with which it is aUied. The power to
charter companies is not specified in the grant, and I contend is
of a nature not transferable by mere implication. It is one of the
most exahed acts of sovereignty. In the exercise of this gigantic

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 45
power we have seen an East India Company erected, which has
carried dismay, desolation and death, throughout one of the largest
portions of the habitable world — a company which is in itself a
sovereignty, which has subverted empires, and set up new dynas
ties, and has not only made war, but war against its legitimate
sovereign. Under the influence of this power we have seen arise
a South Sea Company, and a Mississippi Company, that distrac
ted and convulsed aU Europe, and menaced a total overthrow of
all credit and confidence, and universal bankruptcy. Is it to be
imagined that a power so vast would have been left by the consti
tution to doubtful inference ? It has been alleged that there are
many instances in the constitution, where powers in their nature
incidental, and which would necessarily have been vested along
with the principal, are nevertheless expressly enumerated, and the
power to make rules and regulations for the government of the
land and naval forces, which it is said is incidental to the power to
raise armies and provide a navy, is given as an example. What
does this prove ? How extremely cautious the convention were to
leave as littie as possible to implication. In all cases where inci
dental powers are acted on, the principal and incidental ought to
be congenial with each other, and partake of a common nature.
The incidental power ought to be strictiy subordinate, and Umited
to the end proposed to be attained by the specific power. In other
words, under the name of accompUshing one object which is spe
cified, the power impUed ought not to be made to embrace other
objects which are not specified in the constitution. If then, as is
contended, you could estabUsh a bank to coUect and distribute the
revenue, it ought to be expressly restricted to the purpose of such
collection and distribution. It is mockery worse than usurpation,
to establish it for a lawful object, and then to extend it to other
objects which are not lawful. In deducing the power to create
corporations, such as I have described it, from the power to coUect
taxes, the relation of principal and incident are prostrated and
destroyed. The accessory is exalted above the principal. As wefi
might it be said that the great luminary of day is an accessory, a
satellite to the humblest star that twinkles forth its feeble Ught in the
firmament of heaven.
' Suppose the constitution had been sUent as to an individual
department of the government, could you, under the power tp lay
and collect taxes, establish a judiciary? I presume not; but if
you could derive the power by mere implication, could you vest it
with any other authority than to enforce the coUection of the reve
nue? A bank is made for the ostensible purpose of aiding in the
coUection of the revenue, and whUst it is engaged in this, the most
inferior and subordinate of all its functions, it is made to diffuse
itself throughout society, and to influence all the great operations
of credit, circulation, and commerce. Like the Virginia justice,

46 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
you teU the man whose turkey had been stolen, that your books of
precedents furnish no form for his case, but then you wiU grant
him a precept to search for a cow, and when looking for that he
may possibly find his ttirkey! You say to tills corporation, we
cannot authorize you to discount -r- to emit paper — to regulate
commerce — no ! our book has no precedents of that kind. But
then we can authorize you to coUect the revenue, and whilst occu
pied with that, you may do whatever else you please.
' What is a corporation, such as the biU contemplates ? It is a
splendid association of favored individuals, taken from the mass
of society, and invested with exemptions, and surrounded by im
munities and privileges. The honorable gentieman from Massa
chusetts has said that the original law estabUshing the bank was
justiy Uable to the objection of vesting in that institution an exclu
sive privilege, — the faith of the government being pledged that no
other bank should be authorized dming its existence. This objec
tion, he supposes, is obviated by the bUl under consideration ; but
all corporations enjoy exclusive privileges — that is, the corporators
have privileges which no others possess ; if you create fifty corpo
rations instead of one, you have only fifty privileged bodies instead
of one. I contend that the states have the exclusive power to
regulate conti-acts, to declare the capacities and incapacities to con
tract, and to provide as to the extent of the responsibility of debtors
to their creditors. If congress have the power to create an artifi
cial body and say it shall be endowed with the attributes of an
individual, if you can bestow on this object of your own creation
the abfiity to contract, may you not in contravention of state rights
confer upon slaves, infants, and femes covert, the abiUty to con-
to-act ? And if you have the power to say that an association of
individuals shall be responsible for their debts only in a certain
limited degree, what is to prevent an extension of a similar exemp
tion to individuals? Where is the limitation upon this power to
set up corporations ? You establish one in the heart of a state,
the basis of whose capital is money. You may erect others, whose
capital shall consist of land, slaves, and personal estate, and thus
the whole property within the jurisdiction of a state might be
absorbed by those political bodies. The existing bank contends
that it is beyond the power of a state to tax it, and if this preten
sion be weU founded, it is in the power of congress by chartering
companies to dry up aU the sources of state revenue. This gov
ernment has the power to lay taxes, to raise armies, provide muni
tions, make war, regulate commerce, coin money, etc., etc. It
would not be difficult to show as intimate a connection between a
corporation established for any purpose whatever, and some one or
other of those great powers', as there is between the revenue and
the bank of the United States.'
Mr. Clay noticed the danger to which the United States were

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 47
exposed from the fact that the capital of the bank was principaUy
subject to foreign control, in the foUowing glowing language.
' The power of a nation is said to consist in the sword and the
pm'se. Perhaps at last aU power is resolvable into that of the
pm-se, for with it you may command almost every thing else. The
specie circulation of the United States is estimated by some cal
culators at ten. mUUons of doUars; and if it be no more, one
moiety is in the vaults of this bank. May not the time arrive
when the concenti-ation of such a vast portion of the circulating
medium of the country in the hands of any corporation wiU be
dangerous to our liberties? By whom is this immense power
wielded ? By a body who, in derogation of the great principle of
aU our institutions, responsibility to the people, is amenable only
to a few stockholders, and they chiefly foreigners. Suppose an
attempt to subvert this government — would not the traitor first aim,
by force or corruption, to acquire the treasure of this company ?
Look at it in another aspect. Seven tenths of its capital are in
the hands of foreigners, chiefly English subjects. We are possi
bly on the eve of a rupture with that nation. Should such an
event occur, do you apprehend that the English premier would
experience any difficulty in obtaining the entire control of the insti
tution. Republics, above aU other governments, ought most seri
ously to guard against foreign influence, AU history proves that
the internal dissensions excited by foreign intrigue, have produced
the downfall of almost every free government that has hitherto
existed; and yet gentiemen contend that we are benefited by the
possession of this foreign capital ! '
His powerful arguments and convincing reasoning prevailed —
resulting in a most signal victory over those opposed to him, who
entered on the discussion with sanguine expectations of success.
The charter was not then renewed. Many more subjects of interest
came before the senate during the session of 1810-11, in the consider
ation of which he displayed his usual zeal and soficitude in behalf of
the interests of the commonwealth, which were now with favor
generaUy recognized. Mr. Clay had produced an impression of
his eloquent powers and briUiant talents, that was not confined to
his associates and those witnessing then- every day Exercise, but it
was as extensive as his country. His reputation as a debater,
orator, and sound logical reasoner, was now immovably established.
The star of his fame, which first appeared in the pofitical horizon,
under circumstances of doubt and gloom, struggUng through dense
clouds of indigence a^jd obscurity, emitting what political animos- ^
ity termed an ignis fatuus glare around the cabins of the emigrant
and the hunter in western forests, was now in the ascendant, iUu-
minating and vivifying, not only the woody homes, the rural ham
lets, and sylvan abodes of his own forest land, but mingling its
bright beams most beautifuUy with those that streamed from

48 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
Liberty's altar. Henceforth it wiU be our defightful duty to mark it
SteadUy careering its glorious way upwards, higher and higher,
malring its blessed influences to be felt in every nook and corner
of our extensive countiry, penetrating the kingly court, flashing
amid the diadems of crowned heads, and intiroducing hope and
peace into the tenement of the oppressed on distant shores. It
requires no prophetic skfil to predict, from present indications, that it
is rapidly approaching the zenith, when ( every phUanthropic heart
wiU hope) its effulgence shaU Ulumine the globe.
At the close of his second term of service, which was for tu'-o
years, he retiirned to Kentucky, but his fame had preceded him —
the eyes of Kentucldans had been fixed gratefuUy on him during
his senatorial services, and they were prepared to return him speed-
Uy to the halls of congress, to adorn which, he had given such
abundant proof of his capabiUty. According to the proclamation
of the president, congress convened on the fourth day of Novem
ber, 1811, and on the first ballot for speaker to the house of, repre
sentatives, Mr. Clay was elected by a majority of thirty-one over
the opposing candidates. When it is recoUected that this was his
first appearance in that body, it must be regarded as a remarkable
occurrence, and entirely aside from the ordinary course of events ;
indeed, as an instance of early and sti-ong confidence reposed in
one, to which a paraUel cannot be found in the history of any indi
vidual. There were many circumstances, however, explanatory of
this hasty, umeserved refiance. He was known to have acted in
that capacity in the legislature of Kentucky, and to have discharged
its duties with singular abfiity and acceptance ; also of his con-
spicuity in the senate they were not ignorant, and perhaps a deshe
to see Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, restrained in his gross violations
of order and decorum, for wliich he was noted, whom it was
imagined Mr. Clay could curb, induced several members to vote
for him, who otherwise had not supported him for the office.
That confidence so generously, spontaneously, and by him so unex
pectedly yielded, he very appropriately noticed, in a pertinent speech
made by him on assuming the responsible station, and he proved
by his faithfulness, zeal, and decision, with which he discharged its
onerous duties, that it was most judiciously confided. He showed
himself equal to the task of curbing Mr. John Randolph, or any
other turbulent spirit in the assembly over which he presided. He
was subsequentiy chosen several times to fUl the same important
post, and never did he betray his trust, or disappoint the just expec
tations of his friends. The manner in which he exercised his
authority may be considered as somewhat stern, sfightiy approxi
mating to arbitrariness, evincing great decision and firmness of
character, and a disposition not to tolerate the slightest disrespect
or indignity towards the house. During the long period in whicj^
he discharged the functions of speaker, including many sessions

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 49
of great turbulence and strife, not one of his decisions was ever
reversed on an appeal from the chair. This fact speaks volumes
in his praise.
At the time when he was inducted into his office, the affairs of
the republic were in an exceedingly critical condition. Those
who had been sustaining themselves with the cherished expecta
tions that England would repeal her orders in council, since the
revocation of the edicts of France had removed the causes
inducing their passage, now utterly abandoned them, on beholding
her, instead of relaxing, enforcing them more rigorously than ever.
To every unbiassed mind, the time seemed to have arrived when
it was necessary to rise and put a stop to the long series of unpro
voked depredations and outrages, committed against our com
merce, by both that and the French nation. Such was the juncture
of affairs as to make it obvious that if the American nation would
preserve the semblance of freedom even, and command national
respect, she must resort to more efficient measures than she had
hitherto -employed ; that she must retrieve her tarnished honor, and
vindicate boldly her rights. France manifested some disposition
to be influenced by the remonstrances of the United States against
her spoliations, by rescinding the opprobious BerUn and Milan
decrees of Napoleon, which she had so construed as to make them
sanction the seizure and confiscation of our property. Not so,
however, with Great Britain ; she refused to recognize their repeal,
and even pretended to deny that they had been revoked. She still
persisted in obstructing the commerce of America, declaring all
the ports of France in a state of blockade, seizing our merchant
men bound to them, and confiscating their cargoes, in direct viola
tion of the law of nations, permitting any neutral power to trade
to any foreign port, when the blockade is not maintained by the
actual presence of an adequate force. But England, by proclama
tion, blockaded every French port, from the Elbe to Brest, inter
dicting all vessels from entering them which did not carry on their
trade tiirough her, and seized such as made the attempt, while at
the same time she neglected to keep a naval force on the coast of
France sufficient to legalize the blockade. , Her craisers pursued
our trading vessels to the very mouths of our own rivers and har
bors, and seized, condemned, and confiscated them for violating
this pseudo blockade. It seemed, by the number and enormity of
the iUegalities practiced towards us by Great Britain, as though
she had commenced an organized, systematic crusade against our
commerce, which aimed at nothing less than its utter extinction.
But her barbarous system of impressment capped the cfimax of
her cruelties. Under the assumed right of searching our ships,
thousands of our seamen had been forced into her service on
suspicion that they were British subjects. This execrable cus
tom had canied seven thousand American freemen into cap-
VOL. I. 7

50 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
tivity, as appeared from official reports made during that session,
and the number was constantiy augmenting; scarcely a breeze
came across the Atiantic without wafting to our shores inteUigenee
of some fresh enormity. To submit quietly to such unheard of
oppression, would be an anomaly in the history of civUized nations.
To expect redress by mUd measures was out of the question.
These had long been tried and found ineffectual. Madison, Pinck
ney, and Monroe, in their coiiespondence with the British govern
ment, had remonsti:ated again and again, but to no other purpose
than to embolden the aggi-essor in his nefarious proceedings,
There seemed, therefore, no alternative left the United States but
to put themselves strongly on the defensive, and by force of arms,
put a stop to these accumulating inj uries. Every thing lovely in
liberty, every thing sacred and hallowed in the memory of those
by whom it was won, protested against fm-ther forbearance, and
forbade further delay in unsheathing the sword of retributive
justice. In short, the conviction had become deep and settied that
nothing short of war could preserve an inch of canvass on an
American vessel, on the face of the ocean.
Thus circumstanced, the United States seemed to be shut up to
forcible resistance. The eyes of the whole country were turned
towards congress, looking for measures of refief It had been con
vened earUer than usual, that the subject of a declaration of war
might come speedily before them. It is needless to remark that
Ml-. Clay's views were favorable to war. An individual like him,
jealous of his country's honor almost to a fault, who could never
contemplate oppression but -with feelings of the deepest detestation,
nor without experiencing the instantaneous desire to punish it;
would grasp the weapons of defence instinctively, and if neces
sary, pour out his blood fike water, rather than bow submissively
beneath the galling yoke. With him, then, there was no equivoca
tion nor hesitation, in advocating prompt warlike action, although
he was compeUed to do it in the face of formidable opposition.
There was a strong party in the United States at that time, friendly
to Great Britain, and disposed, rather than array themselves against
her in a sanguinary conflict, to submit quietiy to her rapacious
attacks upon our fiberties and fives. This party was well repre
sented in congress. Many members of talent and influence were
found in its ranks, in both houses, and they did not hesitate to
employ them detrimentally to the interests of their country. But
happily these found in him a giant champion — one who was well
able to guard them, and wiUing to spend his last energy in their
support. Lowndes, Calhoun,' and other powerful coadjutors also
stood with him, who labored hard to inspire the same ardent flame
of patiiotism in the breasts of others, that burned so intensely in
their own.
In the message of the president, the causes of complaint against

'lIFEOF HENRY, CLAY. 51
Great Britain were stated, and also a concise summary of the
abuses we had received, and were then receiving at her hands. It
recommended the adoption of efficient and immediate measures
of redress, by providing the means of prosecuting vigorously a war
of defence and offence. This document was referred to a com
mittee, which was selected by him. He was extremely solicitous
that the subject of our foreign relations should receive that consid
eration which then- exceedingly interesting character demanded ;
and to secure this, he was careful to choose those whose views, in
reference to them, coincided with his own. Peter B. Porter, of New
York, was the chairman of the committee. He presented their
report to the house on the 29th of November. It stated succinctly
and in a patriotic tone, the injuries we had received at the hands
of both England and France, denominating them as ' so daring in
character, and so disgraceful in execution, that it would be impos
sible for the people of the United States to remain indifferent
We must now tamely and quietly submit, or we must resist by
those means which God has placed within our reach. Your com
mittee would not cast a slander over the American name, by the
expression of a doubt which branch of this alternative will be
embraced. The occasion is now presented when the national
character, misrepresented and traduced for a time, by foreign
and domestic enemies, should be vindicated.
' If we have not rushed to the field of battle like the nations
who are led by the mad ambition of a single chief, or the avarice
of a corrupted court, it has not proceeded from a fear of war,
but from our love of justice and humanity. That proud spirit
of liberty and independence, which sustained our fathers in the
successful assertion of their rights against foreign aggression,
is not yet sunk. The patriotic fire of the revolution stiU burns in
the American breast, with a holy and inextinguishable flame, and
wUl conduct this nation to those high destinies which are not less
the reward of dignified moderation than of exalted virtue.
' But we have borne -with injury until forbearance has ceased to
be a virtue. The sovereignty and independence of these states, pur
chased and sanctified by the blood of our fathers, from whom we
received them, not for ourselves only, but as the inheritance of our
posterity, are deliberately and systematically violated. And the
period has arrived, when, in the opinion of your committee, it is
the sacred duty of congress to call forth the patriotism and resour
ces of the country. By the aid of these, and with the blessing of
God, we confidently trust we shall be enabled to procure that
redress which has been sought for by justice, by.remonsti-ance and
forbearance, in vain.'
, They introduced into the report suitable resolutions for accom
pUshing the object which it proposed, which received the deliberate
and careful consideration of the house.

52 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
Mr. Clay, being in the chair, had fittie opportunity to engage in
the stirring debate that foUowed, yet he seemed to infuse a portion
of his own glowing spfi-it into the friends of the measm-e, which
caused others to approach it in the most determined resolution of
sustaining any feasible and just course calculated to sustain the
dignity and honor of the nation. The doctiines of the report were
soon known throughout the counti-y, and were haUed by the great
mass of the people with every demonstration of approbation, and
the echoes of their loud rejoicings rang back through the haUs of
congress fike the tones of the 'storm -stirred deep,' with most
thrilling effect on the hearts of their representatives. The whole
nation was kindled into a blaze by that document; it was what the
people had been expecting, and impatientiy waiting for. This
applied the last bundle of fagots to the flame of patiiotism that
burned in the hearts of miUions remote from the neighborhood of
the outrages complained of, the extent and. enormity of which,
vague rumor only had conveyed to them. But this instrument
made them acquainted, not only with their number, but also with
their turpitude and mm-derous design. It showed them, on the one
hand, the haughty, menacing attitude of England, and on the other,
our own crouching, succumbing posture at her feet It placed in
bold relief before them, the babaric depredations of the former on
the ocean, her inhuman treatment of our seamen, and the huge
paw of her lion tearing and lacerating our commercial interests
whenever it could be placed upon them. The exhibition was
viewed with feelings of surprise and indignation, causing them
to stand aghast, and with difficulty to credit the evidence of then
senses — to believe the picture accurately drawn. But the period
of their stupified amazement was brief, and then the loud yell of
vengeance which succeeded, was such as freemen only can send up
when the iron heel of oppression is on their necks, and their
precious heritage in his ravenous j aws. Like the earthquake, it shook
the whole land, and its burden, repeated from every hiU-top and
valley, was war, vindictive war. For this there was great una
nimity among the populace, who could not rest, now that the
knowledge of the long-inflicted wrongs was brought to their
dwellings ; but there was not a corresponding unanimity in congress,
It was painful to Mr. Clay to witness, in some members, a mani
festation of awe and reverence even towards Great Britain, and in
others, feelings of favor. By the revelations that had been made,
his soul was wi-ought up to the highest point of manly and bold
resistance, and he could not conceive it possible, that free legisla
tors, similarly circumstanced with himself, could be affected
otherwise. In many he witnessed a disposition to befieve that the
country was not in a suitable condition to commence and cany
successfully on a war with so formidable a power as England. Our
small and badly equipped array, our depressed navy, exhaust-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY, 53
ed treasury, heavy indebtedness, and general lack of the requisite
means, were pleaded by those opposed to the rupture. But
Mr, Clay, in the towering majesty and sti-ength of an inteUectual
giant, took all the obstacles and objections which their combined
force could bring forward, in his powerful grasp, and compressed
them into a nut-sheU, entirely divested of their intimidating power.
Among those opposed to war was Mr. Randolph. ' Mr. Ran
dolph's intellect was then in its vigor, and the effort which he
made in opposition to the report of the committee was perhaps
the greatest in his whole congressional Ufe. The extensive
resources of his mind, the stately march of his eloquent periods, the
startling flashes of his indignation, and the sneering devil that
lurked in his tone and look, rendered him an opponent at that
day, whom it was by no means safe to encounter. Mr. Clay was
the only man in the house, who could dash aside, with unerring
certainty, the weapons of this Ishmael.'
On the sixth of December the house resolved itself into a com
mittee of the whole, and took up the report After a brief speech
from Mr. Porter, elucidating and maintaining its positions and reso
lutions, it was adopted. It furnished ground of discussion in the
house for several days, warmly and vigorously sustained by its
friends, and violentiy opposed by its enemies. Among the latter,
Mr. Randolph rendered himself the most conspicuous, both by his
anti-repubfican and eccentric views, and the hostifity evinced by
him towards aU who dissented from them, whom he visited
with the most bitter personal invective. His fertile imagination
conjured up a host of reasons, to deter us from embarking in the
offensive war, which the report recommended. He threatened the
advocates of it with the total loss of their pofitical power, and
magnified the might of England to an overwhelming extent;
suggesting that' it would be far more appropriate to approach her
in a suppliant position, with downcast looks' and folded arms,
than to rush with shield and buckler and rashly dare her to the
conflict. He seemed to sympathize with Great Britain, deprecating
that censure heaped upon her as unjust, and advocated the
policy of farther negotiations with her. His arguments, and
those of his friends, were, however, unavailing, and when the
debate ceased, the resolutions were separately adopted by large
majorities. On the thirty-first of December, the house again resolved itself
into a committee of the whole on a bill from the senate providing
for the raising of twenty-five thousand troops. Mr. Breckenridge
being in the chair, an opportunity was furnished Mr. Clay to
express his views in relation to it, which he embraced. Among
those in favor of wai: in the house, much diversity of opinion
prevaUed in regard to the number of men it was desirable to raise.
Many were in favor of fifteen thousand only — a force in his

54 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
estimation by far too small to meet the exigences which had then
arisen, and would be fikely to arise. The secretary of war, in his
report, had stated that at least twelve thousand troops would be
wanted for the sole purpose of garrisoning the fortiesses on the
sea-board. During the progress of the proposed war, it might-be
deemed important to attack and subjugate Quebec in Canada, in
which case it would be necessary, he contended, to post in the
various mifitary stations of sti-ength on the route, a considerable
number of men, to retain their possession. Allowances he
thought should be made for the various contingences probable to
occur, always incident to the operations of an army, and calcula
ted to diminish their number. Even if the projected invasion of
the British Provinces should be abandoned, Mr. Clay contended
that the single circumstance of the immense extent of frontier to
be guarded, rendered it obvious that twenty-five thousand men
would constitute a force by no means too large. Inasmuch as it
was the painful but imperative duty of America to strike the blow,
he was in favor of so concenb-ating her energies, that when it fell,
there would remain no necessity for its repetition. Subsequent
events have proved his policy both wise and sagacious.
Mr. Randolph mingled his erratic and visionary views in the
discussion, and exerted himself to the utmost, to foment prejudice
against a regular army ; the effect of which would be worse than
that of the locusts of Egypt, famishing, impoverishing, and de
luging the countiy with blood, and erect a throne to some idol
conqueror. Said Mr. Clay in reply, ' I am not the advocate of
standing armies : but the standing armies which excite most
my fears, are those which are kept up in time of peace. I confess
I do not perceive any real source of danger in a military force of
twenty -five thousand men in the United States, provided only for
a state of war, even supposing it to be corrupted, and its arms
turned by the ambition of its leaders against the freedom of the
country. I see abundant security against any such tieasonable
attempt. The diffusion of information among the great body of
the people, constitutes a powerful safeguard. The American char
acter has been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whether
on horse or foot, in verse and prose have united in depreciating it
It is true we do not exhibit as many signal instances of scientific
acquirement in this counti-y, as are furnished in the old world, but
it is undeniable that the great mass of the people possess more
inteUigenee than any other people on the globe. Such a people,
consisting of upwards of seven mUlions, affording a physical
power of about a million of men capable of bearing arms, and
ardentiy devoted to liberty, cannot be subdued by an army of
twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of countiy over
which we are spread, is another security. In other countries,
France and England for example, the fall of Paris or London is

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 55
the faU of the nation. Here are no such dangerous aggregations
of people. New York, and PhUadelphia, and Boston, and every
city on the Atiantic, may be subdued by a usurper, and he wUl
have made but a smaU advance in the accomplishment of his pur
pose. Even let the whole country east of the AUeghany, submit
to the ambition of some daring chief, and the liberty of the Union
will be StiU unconquered. It wUl find successful support' from
the west A great portion of the militia, nearly tiie whole, I
understand, of Massachusetts, have arms in their hands, and I
trust in God that this great object wUl be persevered in, tUl every
man in the nation can proudly shoulder the musket, which is to
defend his counti-y and himself. A people having, besides the
benefit of one general government, other local governments in fuU
operation, capable of exerting and commanding great portions of
the physical power, aU of which must be prostated before our con
stitution is subverted — ^such a people have nothing to fear from a
petty contemptible force of twenty-five thousand regulars.'
Many of the opposition affected to believe that the interests of
the country would not be subserved, whether the war eventuated
in her favor, or that of her enemy ; they could see nothing to be
gained by it ; to which Mr. Clay said, ' I wUl ask what are we not
to lose by peace ? — commerce, character, a nation's best treasure
and honor ! If pecuniary considerations alone are to govern, there
are sufficient motives for the war. Our revenue is reduced by the
operation of the beUigerent edicts, to about six miUions of doUars.
The year preceding the embargo, it was sixteen. Take away the
orders in council, it wiU again mount up to sixteen miUions, By
continuing, therefore, in peace — ^^ if the mongrel situation in which
we are deserves that denomination — we lose annually, in revenue
alone, ten mUlions of dollars, Gentiemen -wiU say, repeal the law
of non-importation. If the United States were capable of that
perfidy, tiie revenue would not be restored to its former state, the
orders in council continuing. Without an export trade, which these
orders prevent, inevitable ruin wUl ensue if we import as freely as
we did prior to the embargo, A nation that carries on an import
trade without an export teade to support it, must in the end be as
certainly banlorupt, as the individual would be who incurred an
annual expenditure without an income,'
Mr. Clay contended that England, in assigning the cause of her
aggressions to be the punishment of France, with whom she was
at war, was practicing a deceptive part ; that this was her ostensi
ble and not real course. It was her inordinate desire of supremacy
on the seas, which could not brook any appearance of rivah-y, that
prompted her hostiUties. She saw in yom- numberless ships,
which whitened every sea, in your hundred and twenty thousand
gallant tars, the seeds of a naval force, which, in thurty years, would
rival her on her own element She therefore commenced the odious

56 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
system of impressment, of which no language can paint my execra
tion ! She DARED to attempt the subversion of the personal freedom
of your mariners I '
He closed by expressing his decided conviction of the justifce of
the undertaldng, and hoping that unless redress was obtained by
peaceable means speedily, war would be resorted to before the
close of the session.
On the fourth of January foUowing, the bUl passed the house,
after several ineffectual attempts to introduce amendments, by a
vote of ninety-four to thirty-four, several voting for, who at the
commencement of the discussion were bitterly opposed to it
This was the initiatory step taken by the government in relation
to the war.
On the twenty-second -of the same month, the committee to
whom that portion of the president's message was refei-red that
contemplated a naval establishment, reported a bill in favor of its
increase. To this also Mi-. Clay gave his most vigorous support,
advocating the construction of several warlike vessels, combating
the many specious objections of those opposed to its increase, and
showed clearly their fallacy. He described three degrees of naval
power. The first was one of sufficient magnitude and strength as
would enable us to go forth and successfuUy cope with that of any
belligerent nation on the globe. But such a force, he contended,
it was out of the power of the American nation to raise, neither
under her present cncumstances was it particularly desirable.
The second, was one by which we should be able to beat off
any naval force or armament which Great Britain, or any other
nation, might be able to send to and permanently station on oui'
coasts. The force requisite would be about one third of that
despatched by the foreign nation, according to nautical experience.
He estimated that twelve line-of-battie ships and fifteen or twenty
frigates would be sufficient to keep at bay the most formidable
fleet England could send against us and maintain in American
waters, during her conflict with European powers. A naval force
like that, however, he admitted could not be raised then, but he
urged congress to take such measures as should secure its con
sti-uction as soon as possible, and estimated that its completion
might be confidently expected in a few years. To him there was
nothing in the vast extent of Great Britain's naval resources intim
idating. He maintained that her gi-eat distance from us, the
perils which would environ a squadron on a foreign shore, and the
ease with which, from the extent of our sea-coast, we could harass
or escape an enemy, furnished proof sufficient to convince any
unprejudiced mind, that we should be able very soon to assemble
a navy capable of maintaining all our maritime rights and interests.
The correctness of Mr. Clay's views has since been amply veri
fied, and the accuracy with which he foresaw and foretold future

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 57
events shows him to have been gifted with no ordinary degree of
prescience. The third degree of naval force, Mr. Clay regarded as entirely
in the power of the nation to raise and sustain. It was a force
competent to prevent any single vessel, however large, from inter
rupting our coasting trade, from entering our harbors, and levying
contiibutions from our large cities. This he argued and proved
was within the immediate means of the nation, although vigor
ously opposed by those hostile to the war. He triumphed, how
ever, singularly over them, reprobating with severity the policy
that refused to provide against any dangers because it could not
guard against all. ' If, ' said he, ' we are not able to meet the
gathered wolves of the forest, shall we put up with the barking
impudence of every petty cur that trips across our way ? '
It was Mr. Clay's ardent desire to provide a navy whose power
should be commensurate with the interest it was designed to pro
tect This, our limited means in actual possession, the unavaila-
biUty of those in our immediate vicinity, but above all, the depress
ing tendency on our financial department of those measures
of inhuman cruelty towards our mariners on the one hand, and
of arbitrary commercial exactions on the other by transatlantic
powers, forbade us to expect. His remarks at that time in rela
tion to this branch of our national defence, are worthy of the most
attentive perusal. They abound with lucid argument, beautiful
illustration, and convincing demonstration, with which it would
be difficult to find a speech of similar length more replete.
It was an invariable rule with Mr. Clay, from which we find no
instance of his deviation, whenever he investigated a measure of a
public nature, to determine first accurately its bearing upon the
whole community; how the happiness and prosperity of the nation
would be affected by its introduction ; and in the second place to
graduate his efforts accordingly. Although rich in mental resources,
possessing an inexhaustible intellectual mine, and an unfaUing
fountain of eloquence, he never drew largely on these when a
subject of chimerical sectional importance came before him. It
was only when one involving the public honor or dishonor arose
— one on which the destinies of the republic were suspended —
one which aimed at subverting or upholding the fiberties of the
people — that he made great drafts on them. He never wandered
through the interminable wUds of diffuse debate, undetermined
and undirected. As a skilful physician ascertains the state of his
patient before prescribing for him, so Mr. Clay, previous to legisla
tion, carefully scanned the social, civil, and political condition of
the whole region for which he was to legislate, and then, without
any meandering or circumlocution, procured and applied the appro
priate remedy. Though often found amid the dust of debate, it
was not of his own raising. The cabaUers of faction, the more
VOL. I, 8

58 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
easUy to accompfish their base designs, often daricened the pofitical -ti
atmosphere, which one blast of his eloquence seldom faded to
purify. Perhaps at no previous period in our pofitical history , ,
were demagogues, both, in and out of congress, more busily or
violentiy engaged than at this. Disclosures of the most astound
ing character had been made, and were making, by which it ap
peared that there were those who waited only for a suitable occa
sion to barter away their countty's freedom for foreign gold. The
arguments of those who opposed an increase of our navy were of
such a nature as to cause their patriotism to be questioned. No*
withstanding it was a fact which could not be concealed, that our
sea-coast was entirely defenceless and exposed to the ravages of a
hostUe nation, and our commerce crippled, many contended that
nothing beneficial could be realized from such increase, and even
went so far as to say that our foreign commerce was not worth
protecting, Mr, Clay was convinced that it was the most provi
dent measure that could under the then existing circumstances be
adopted, and advocated it with a zeal and energy that knew no
bounds. He demonstiated its necessity, not only to the Atiantic
states, but to the vast west ' If, ' said he, ' there be a point more
than any other in the United States demanding the aid of naval
protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi, The popu
lation of the whole western countiy are dependent on this single
outlet for their surplus productions. These productions can be
ti-ansported in no other way. Close the mouth of the Mississippi,
and their export teade is annihilated. Abandon aU idea of pro
tecting by maratime force the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall
hold the inestimable right of the navigation of that river by the
most precarious tenure. The whole commerce of the Mississippi,
a commerce that is destined to be the richest that was ever
borne by a single steeam, is placed at the mercy of a single
ship lying off the Balize ! Can gentiemen, particularly from
the western countey, contemplate such possible, nay probable
events, without desiring to see at least the commencement of
such a naval establishment as wUl effectuaUy protect the Missis
sippi ? ' He showed the intimate connection of commerce with a
navy, by saying that ' a marine is the natural, the appropriate
guardian of foreign commerce. The shepherd and his faithful
dog are not more necessary to guard the flocks that browse and
gambol on the neighboring mountain. Neglect to provide the one,
and you must abandon the other. Suppose the expected war with
Great Britain is commenced — you enter and subjugate Canada,
and she stiU refuses to do you justice — what other possible mode
wiU remain to operate on the enemy, but upon that element where
alone you can come in contact with her? And if you do not
prepare to protect there your own commerce and to assaU his,
wiU he not sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag,

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 59
and destroy even the coasting trade ? ' To the argument that
foreign trade was not worth protecting, he asked, ' What is this
foreign commerce that has suddenly become so inconsiderable ? It
has with very teifling aid from other sources, defrayed the expen
ses of the government ever since the adoption of the present con
stitution, maintained an expensive and successful war with the
Indians, a war with the Barbary powers, a quasi war with
France, sustained the charges of suppressing two insurrections,
and extinguishing upwards of forty-six millions of the public debt.
In revenue, it has since the year 1789 yielded one hundred and
ninety-one mUlions of dollars,' Alluding to the eminent danger
of our commercial metropolis, he remarked, ' Is there a reflecting
man in the nation who would not charge congress with a culpable
neglect of its duty, if for the want of such a force a single ship
were to bombard one of our cities ? Would not every honorable
member of the committee inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches,
if by failing to make an inconsiderable addition to our gallant
littie navy, a single British vessel should place New York under
contribution ? '
Mr, Clay's arguments went home to the hearts of the mem
bers of the house with most convincing energy, dispelling the
dense cloud of prejudice which interested faction, steongly con-
teoUed by foreign influence, had succeeded in raising, driving his
opponents from their steong holds of open opposition, and drag
ging from their hiding places those who were dealing their blows
^in secret He succeeded in causing the congressional pulsations
to be in unison with his own — to pass the bUl by a handsome
majority. Thus an appropriation was secured for repairing and
enlarging the shield of om- protection, that it might be able to
meet and ward off the blow that seemed about to descend upon
us, secured mainly by the indefatigable exertions of Mi-. Clay.
The result was in complete accordance with his far-seeing sagac
ity. Augmented and equipped according to the provisions of the
bill, our navy was sent forth to battie and to victory. With the
cry of our impressed and suffering seamen, mingled soon the
joyful notes of teiumph; release speedUy succeeded; aggression
ceased, and beneath the ' star spangled banner,' respected and
honored, our merchantmen pursued their way to teaffic where
they pleased unmolested.
Most of the state legislatures signified their approval of the
measures adopted by congress in relation to the war by corres
ponding resolutions. ' Kentucky early regarded with just indigna
tion the tyrannical teeatment of Great Britain, and evinced a
disposition to resort immediately to coercive measures for redress,
and guarantied her support to the extent of her abifity to any
course the general government might think proper to pursue. She
declared that ' should we tamely submit, the world ought to despise

60 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
US — we should despise ourselves — England herself would
despise us.' In view of the prospect of immediate rapture, she
resolved that ' the state of Kentucky, to the last mite of her steength
and resources, will contribute them to maintain the contest and sup
port the right of their counte-y against such lawless violations, and that
the citizens of Kentucky are prepared to take the field when called on.'
After the passage of the navy biU, which was on the 29th of
January, 1812, congress w-as employed with matters pertaining to
our relations with Great Britain, in aU of which Mr. Clay exhib
ited untiring energy and unflagging zeal. In the language of
another, ' in aU of them Mr. Clay was the champion and the guide
of the democratic party. No difficulties could weary or withstand
his energies. He moved in majesty, for he moved in steength.
Like the Carthaginian chief in the passage of the Alps, he kept
his place in front of his comrades, putting aside with a giant
eflbrt every obstacle that opposed his progress, applauding the
foremost of his followers, and rousing those who lingered by words
of encouragement or reproach, until he succeeded in posting them
upon a moral eminence from which they could look down upon
the region where their prowess was to meet its long expected
reward.' On the first day of April ensuing, the foUowing document
was teansmitted by the president to congress :
' Considering it as expedient under existing circumstances and
prospects, that a general embargo be laid on aU vessels now in
port, or hereafter arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recom
mend the immediate passage of a law to that effect.'
Mr. Porter, the chairman of the committee on foreign relations,
to whom the message was referred, reported a bill, and the house
went into a committee of the whole to consider it. A warm and
protracted discussion ensued, and Mr. Clay was among the first to
come forward and express his hearty concurrence with the opinion
of Mr. Madison relative to the embargo. ' I approve of it,' said
he, 'because it is to be viewed as a direct precursor to war. As
an American and a member of that house, he felt proud that the
executive had recommended the measure.'
As a matter in course, those who opposed war opposed the
embargo, which was obviously intended as a step preparatory to it,
to give sufficient time to place our commercial interests in a secure
condition, so that when hostilities should actuaUy commence, our
teading vessels should not be in a situation to become an easy
prey to British cruisers. Among the most rabid was Mr. Ran
dolph, who denounced the embargo, and in opposition to Mr.
Clay, declared it a subterfuge — a retreat from battie — and not a
step preparatory to war. ' Sir,' said he, ' we are now in secret
conclave. The eyes of the world are not upon us, but the eyes of God
behold pur doings. He knows the spirit of otir minds. ShaU we

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 61
deliberate on this subject in the spirit of sobriety and candor, or
with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions
like the present ? We ought to realize that we are in the presence
of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom
we must render an account for the deeds done in the body. What
new cause of war or of an embargo has arisen within the last
twelve months ? The affair of the Chesapeake is settied ; no new
principles of blockade have been interpolated in the laws of na
tions. Every man of candor would ask why we did not then go
to war twelve months ago.' He said that the honorable speaker
was laboring under a mistake by declaring that the message was
for war; that he (Mr. Randolph) had 'too much reliance on the
wisdom and virtue of the president to believe that he would be
guilty of such gross and unparalleled teeason.'
Mr. Clay replied in a becoming manner, in language that fell
upon the house bm-ning with the fire of his patriotic eloquence.
' The gentleman from Virginia need not have reminded them in
the manner he had of that Being who watched over and surroun
ded them. From this sentiment we should draw very different
conclusions from those which occurred to him. It ought to influ
ence them to that patriotism and to a display of those high quali
fications, so much more honorable to the human character. The
gentieman asks what new cause of war has been avowed ? The
affair of the Chesapeake is settied, to be sure ; but only to paralyse
the spirit of the counti-y. Has Great Britain abstained from im
pressing our seamen — from depredating upon our property ?
We have complete proof in her capture of our ships, in her excit
ing our frontier Indians to hostility, and in her sending an emis
sary to our cities to excite civU war, that she will do every thing to
destroy us. Our resolution and spirit are our only dependence.
Although I feel warm upon this subject, I pride myself upon
those feelings, and should despise myself if I were destitute of
them.' Mr. Randolph still persisted in his intemperate opposition, aver
ring that pubfic sentiment was not in favor of either the embargo
or war, and said that he had ' known gentiemen not inferior in
gallantey, in wisdom, in experience, in the talents of a statesman,
to any upon the floor, consigned to oblivion for advocating a war
upon the public sentiment.' That the public mind was averse to
these measures, Mr. Clay proved to be not teue, by citing the great
unanimity in the southern and western states, among both federal
ists and republicans, and the unequivocal resolutions of fourteen
state legislatures in favor of both. If possible, Mr. Randolph was
exceeded in the fierceness of his opposition by Mr. Josiah Quincy
of Massachusetts ; at least by the low and scurrilous language in
which he expressed it. He condemned the embargo as teeason-
able to the interests of the nation, as absurd and conteary to

62 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
common sense. He boasted of having sent, in connection with
his colleagues, expresses to the eastern cities, in the expectation
that an embargo would be laid, that information to that effect
might be given to merchants, so that they could obtain clearances
for their vessels before it should take efiect. Said he, ' we did it
to escape into the jaws of the British lion and of the French tiger,
which are places of repose, of joy and defight, when compared
with the grasp and fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon
the river below Alexandria, and you will see the saUors towing
down their vessels as from a pestilence, against wind and tide,
anxious to escape from a country which would destroy instead of
preserving them. I object to it because it is no efficient prepai-a-
tion, because it is not a progress towards honorable war, but a
subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by
any hand except our own ; any fate is better than self-slaughter.'
In meeting the storm of opposition which raged like a tempest
around him, Mr. Clay is represented to have been ' a flame of fire.'
He had now brought congress to the verge of what he conceived
to be a war for liberty and honor, and his voice, inspfied by the
occasion, ran through the capitol like a trumpet-tone sounding for
the onset. On the subject of the policy of the embargo, his elo
quence, like a Roman phalanx, bore down all opposition, and he
put to shame those of his opponents who flouted the government
as being unprepared for war. ' Why is it,' he exclaimed, indig
nantly, ' that we are no better prepared ? Because the gentiemen
themselves have thrown every possible obstacle in our way!
They have opposed the raising of an army — the fitting out of a
naval armament — the fortification of our frontiers — and now
talk of the madness of engaging in a war for which we are not
prepared ! It is asked what new cause of war ? In reply I will
ask what old cause of war is avenged ? Has Great Britain
abstained from impressing our seamen ? I have no doubt but
that the late Indian hostUities on the Wabash were excited by
the British. Is not this cause of Avar ?'
There was no withstanding his eloquent and patriotic appeals.
They made every heart in the house vibrate and glow with intense
desire to arouse and avenge the aggravated abuse heaped upon us
by our foreign foe.
After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill
by extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of
seventy to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which inteoduced
the amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and
after receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of
the land on the fom-th day of AprU.
Now war had become the settled policy of the nation ; indeed
the first initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached,
and not to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore,

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY, 63
set vigorously about preparing for war. The tardy procedure
of government in bringing the subject to a crisis, it was
thought would operate prejudicially in its prosecution, by allow
ing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent for the conflict to
subside. A result of the correspondence then going on between
America and England, and which was continued after the embargo
had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and patriotic
portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress,
but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by
negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and
horrors of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the
tone of the British tninister's communications, that all differences
between the two natipns would be pacificaUy arranged. But it
•soon appeared obvious, that nothing satisfg,ctory would be pro
posed by him, that Great Britain had an ulterior object in view, in
causing such expectations to be created, and that it would be
better to abandon at once, and forever, all reliance upon this mode
of procedure, resorted to from motives of the most amicable
nature, on the part of the United States, and pursued so long and
faithfully, yet ineffectuUy. Hope finally fled, though reluctantiy
and with a heavy heart, casting many ' a fingering look behind,'
and ' grim visaged war ' assumed her place. The most amicably
disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword.
Remonsteance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been
exhausted, and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her
cause, arose, buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of
battles for the maintenance of her rights.
Mr. Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait upon Mr.
Madison, to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making
speedy and efficient preparation for the event which would inevi
tably occur. The views of congress, and of the countey generally,
relative to the subject of war, he spread before the president,
argued that it was impolitic to waste any more time in fruitless
negotiation, and expressed his sincere conviction, that, with their
present resources, and those of which they could avail themselves,
judiciously employed, as they would be by patriotic and indignant
freemen, no alarming apprehensions need be entertained respecting
the nature of the result. The muscular and mental energies of a
free and united yeomanry of an independent and enlightened
nation, arrayed in defence of home and every thing that made
it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible — one that could
not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers of
Europe. The president, though inclined to advance -with exteeme caution,
whose teepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet
opposed to warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and
fired with fresh pateiotism, by the energetic remarks of Mr. Clay,

64 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
and induced to hasten the blow from the axe of executive power,
which alone could bm-st the bands which bound and restrauied the
thunderbolt of war.
About this time, whUe in the exercise of his official prerogative,
Mr. Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy with Mr.
Randolph. This gentieman, though possessing talents and elo
quence of a high order, employed them in such a manner as
to make himself distinguished for the most extravagant eccentrici
ties and v/Ud vagaries. There had existed not the most cordial
understanding between him and Mr. Clay, during several months
previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform ; sometimes it
would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be spoken
by either to the other. The great difficulty of Uving on terms of
intimacy or common. civUity even, with Mr. Randolph, caused Mr.
Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capri
cious gentieman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive
offence from him. OccasionaUy, when the milk of human kind
ness was superabundant in his heart, Mr. Randolph would approach,
and in the most honied accents and blandest manner, salute IVIr.
Clay and inquhe after his health, with every demonstration of
regard. One of Mr; Randolph's peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness
under resteiction ; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any par-
fiamentary restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded
the rules of the house as teammels and shackles, more honored by
the breach than observance, and steuggled violently against their
enforcement in his case. During the day previous to that when
the controversy mentioned occurred, Mr. Clay, in conversing with
a friend of Mr. Randolph, remarked that the president would prob
ably teansmit a message to congress, recommending a declaration
of war, on the foUowing Monday. This information was commu
nicated to Mr. Randolph, who the next morning appeared in his
seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues, without
submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time
the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that
such discussion was designed to be steictly private, manifesting
more than his accustomed hostifity to declaring war with Great
Britain, and zeal in justifying her cruelties towards the United
States, he was called to order, on the ground that there was no
resolution before the house. Mr. Bibb, being in the chair, suffered
him to proceed. Soon after, Mr. Clay resumed his seat, when he
was again called to order, and required to submit his motion in
writing to the chair. Mr. Clay observed that a standing rule of the
house rendered it incumbent on any member who attempted to
addi-ess it, after a few pertinent prefatory remarks, to submit his
proposition in due form to the house, and'then confine his remarks
to it ' My proposition,' said Mr. Randolph, ' is that it is not expe-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 65
dient at this time, to resort to a war with Great Britain.' He
expressed great surprise when it was decided by the speaker that
he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless it was sec
onded and reduced to writing. ' Then I appeal from that decision.'
The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision, which was
sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ' Then, sir, under
the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,' said
Mr. Randolph. The speaker replied, ' there is no compulsion in
the case, because the gentieman may or may not offer it, at his
option.' The motion was read from the chair, and the spealcer
observed that the house must first agree to consider it, before it
could be in order to debate it From this decision Mr. Randolph
appealed, but at the suggestion of a friend, withdrew his appeal.
Mr. Clay made a brief speech, justifying his decision, and then
put the question whether the house would consider Mr. Randolph's
resolution. It was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to thirty-seven.
Mr. Randolph, thus compeUed to take his seat, was greatiy cha
grined. On the following day he pubUshed a vindictive address
to his constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms
against Mr. Madison's administeation, declaring that the move
ments that had been made in reference to war, were not made with
the intention of promoting the welfare of the countey, and desired
those whom he represented not to sanction the proposed declara
tion. Freedom of speech he declared had been invaded ; that for
the first time in the person of their representative had it been de
cided, that silence must be maintained upon the most important
subject that could be brought forward for legislative action. He
characterized this as ' usurpation, more flagitious than any which
had ever been practiced under the reign of ten-or by the father of
the sedition laws, and the people must interfere and apply a remedy
or bid adieu to a free government forever.'
Mr. Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over
his own name, which was pubUshed in the National Intelligencer,
reviewing briefly the conteoversy, stating the grounds of his action
in relation to it, and estabUshed the two foUowing principles : f that the
house had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion
which a member intends maldng before he undertalces to argue it at
large, and that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of deter
mining whether it wiU consider it at the particular time when
offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it.' These principles
have subsequentiy formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the
operation of which has tended, in no smaU degree, to promote the
interests of the countey, by resteaining within proper bounds the
freedom of debate.
On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a mes
sage, containing a summary statement of our ^evances demand
ing reparation, narrating the various pacific and often repeated
VOL. I. 9

65 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
attempts of the United States to adjust all existing difficulties with
Great Britain, remarking the cold indifl'erence or haughty repulse
with which the latter had invariably met the amicable advances of
the former, and recommending to the early consideration of con
gress the question whether the United States should 'continue
passive under these progressive usurpations and these accumulating
Avrongs, or opposing force to force in defence of their natural
rights, should commit a just cause into the hands of the almighty
disposer of events.' An 'immediate appeal to arms'' was recom
mended in a report of the committee on foreign relations, to whom
the message was refen-ed, on the eighteenth, and the act declai'ingwar
passed both houses of congress the same day, and on the nineteenth
Mr. Madison issued his proclamation, declaring hostUities as ac
tually commenced. On the sixth of July congress adjourned, to
assemble on the first Monday in November.
The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been dhected,
had at last come — a crisis which, though sought by government,
was sought reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its
necessity, had been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient
was resorted to, in order to prevent the waste of teeasures and
eflusion of blood, with which it would be attended. The great
master spirits, Messrs. Clay, Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the
bold pioneers in paving the way to and hastening on this crisis,
did not attempt to shrink from their duty, nor to shalie off the
solemn responsibUity which they assumed to their countey in
undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties, now when they had
guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did not prove recreant
to the precious teusts committed to their care, by teaitorously de
serting their posts. Though the bUlows of fierce conffict dashed
against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand that had hitiierto
supported it There was no looking back, no cowardly avoiding
of danger, but shpulder to shoulder manfully they breasted the
dark surges of beUigerent sti-ife, until in safety the harbor of suc
cess was finaUy attained.
With the view of shortening the conffict and amefiorating the
condition of those engaged in it as much as possible, previous and
subsequent to the declaration of war, they sought to place the
financial department of the nation in a situation to meet the de
mands that would be made upon it in case of that event hi
pursuance of this view, the secretai-y of the teeasury, Mr. Gallatin,
whose reputation for financiering stood high, was selected to devise
and report a system that should accompfish the desued object
The public disappointment was excessive when his report ap
peared, which, instead of exhibiting any new feature infinanee—
instead of deriving fevenue from the vast, existing and appropriate
national sources — proposed to obtain it in the old obnoxious ways
from excise, stamp duties, &c. Although deeply regretting that a

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 67
more efficient plan was not provided, stUl, with a spu-it that seemed
resolved to tm-n to the best possible account the propositions of
the secretary, they commenced levying taxes according to his plan.
To this end Mr. Cheves, chairman of the committee of ways and
means, dUigentiy employed himself in preparing biUs, whose object
was the raising of revenue. After their completion and presenta
tion, a discovery was made that well nigh proved fatal to this. It
was ascertained through the efforts of Mr, Smiley, an intimate
friend of the secretary of the teeasury, that both he and the presi
dent were opposed to levying taxes at the time of the declaration
of war, declaring ' that the people would not take both war and
taxes together,'
The non-concurrence of the executive in their financial scheme,
was a source of bitter though unavailing regret to Mr. Clay and
his coadjutors. It was, to be sure, defective, but had not this
insuperable obstacle been interposed in the way of its being carried
out, the treasury would have been to a considerable extent replen
ished with funds ; the early want of which was a serious deteiment
felt during the whole war. To the influence of Mr. Gallatin, in a
great measure, doubtiess, the opposition of Mr. Madison to the
conjunction of the two measures was owing. He was very sus
ceptible of influence, especiaUy from those in whom he reposed
confidence, such as he did in the secretary. The same kind of
influence, inducing him to procrastinate a declaration of war, Mr.
Clay found him laboring under, when, as one of a deputation, he
was sent to wait on and urge him to delay no longer, telling him
that farther argument was useless, that the ultima tliule of taUring
had been reached, and that the time for prompt and vigorous action
had arrived. To Ulusteate the difference between speaking and
writing, and acting, he repeated to Mi-. Madison an anecdote of
two Kentucky judges. ' One talked incessantiy from the bench.
He reasoned every body to death. He would deliver an opinion,
and first tey to convince the party that agreed with him, and then
the opposite party. The consequence was that business lagged,
the docket accumulated, litigants complained, and the community
were dissatisfied. He was succeeded by a judge who never gave
any reasons for his opinion, but decided the case simply for the
plaintiff or defendant His decisions were rarely reversed by the
appeUate court, the docket melted away, fitigants were no longer
exposed to ruinous delay, and the community were contented.'
This humorous saUy of Mr. Clay occasioned the president much
mirth, who. replied by relating an anecdote which occurred to him,
of a French judge, who, said he, after hearing the arguments of
the parties, put their papers in opposite scales, and decided the
case according to the preponderance of weight
Attempts on the part of the United States to prevent hostilities,
did not cease until war had been declared, and even then a dispo-

68 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
sition was manifested to put a speedy termination to them, for in
one week after this event, Mr. Jonathan RusseU, our charge d'affaires
at the court of St. James, received instiTictions to agree to an
armistice as a preliminary to a teeaty, provided the British gov
ernment should repeal her orders in councU, and discontinue the
impressment of our seamen, and afterwards without insisting upon
any particular agreement. AU our pacific efforts, however, were
fraitiess, om- proposals refused with disdain, and accompanied
with language of reproach and insult, even conveying the idea
that the conduct of the United States was pusUlanimous. She
refused to treat with us at aU, unless as prefiminary we would
recall our letters, of marque and reprisal, and cease aU hostUe acts
towards British property and British subjects. Such degradmg
conditions could never be submitted to by the United States,
although the federal party were wilfing and even clamorous to
comply with them. The virtue and pateiotism of the people, how
ever, preponderated over all the vUe attempts at causing the nation
to accept the disgraceful terms dictated by her haughty foe, to pro
cure the repose she desired. The middle of September found us
StiU endeavoring to procure an adjustment of our difficulties
amicably. The proposals of Mr. Russell, though of the most fiberal
nature, were ti-eated contemptuously, and at an interview on the
seventeenth of September, lord Castiereagh expressed great astonish
ment that American commissioners should stiU continue to indulge
the expectation that the right of impressment should ever be relin*
quished, and even had the arrogance to say that ' owr friends in
congress had been so confident in that mistake, that they had
ascribed the failure of such an arrangement solely to the miscon
duct of the American government.' The demands of the British
in insolence seemed to have no Umits ; asking if the ' United
States would deUver up the native British seamen who might be
naturalized in America.' ' If,' said lord Castiereagh, ' the Ameri
can government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would
have an opportunity of doing so, on learning the revocation of the
orders in councU.'
It was sufficiently obvious now that nothing remained but to
prosecute the war as vigorously as possible.- Our arms, in several
cases, had been unsuccessful. The circumstances of the delivery
of Deteoit into the hands of the enemy by general Hull, were such
as to render it certain that teeason had some agency in it These
disasters tended to dampen the ardor of some, and to render more
confident and blustering demagogues and federalists, who went
about croaldng like birds of iU omen, doing aU in their power to
infuse a spirit inimical to the course then pursuing, and bring
opprobrium on the administeation party. They continually referred
to those partial failures as the sure prognostics that the whole coun
tey would faU an easy prey to the enemy. But these reverses were

L I F E O F H E N R Y C L .\ Y . 69
subsequentiy in a measure repaired, by the successful and gallant
achievements of a body of western volunteers, led on by general
Harrison, over the British and their allies, the barbarous savages.
Our briUiant victories on the sea were such as to kindle up the
expiring energies in the hearts of the despairing, and to nerve to
nobler deeds the inteepid. They evinced what could be accom
plished by determination and valor combined. The British frigate
Guerriere had been captured by captain Hull, commander of the
frigate Constitution; commodore Rodgers had rendered most
signal service to our commercial interests ; aU which tended to
impart a fresh impulse to om- army and navy.
During the interval between the adjournment and re-assembling
of congress, Mr. Clay watched the progress of the war with the
most intense interest This was the all-absorbing subject of his
somZ, engaging its every faculty and principle ; and the efforts which
he made to secure its successful termination were as steenuous as
they were unremitted. In public assemblies, in private circles, it
was the theme on which he dwelt continually, and around which
he twined the richest wreaths of his oratorical and colloquial
skiU. He always had a weapon ready to prosteate the opposition
of the federalist and demagogue, however speciously presented.
,The grounds of encouragement to proceed, and the prospect of
ultimate success, were so clearly elucidated by him, that the timid
gathered confidence, and the bold redoubled their energies. Hope
and courage were his constant companions, from which fear and
cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences
far and wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. Had
Mr. Clay been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had
embarked his aU, where fortune, fame, reputation, and Ufe itself
were at issue, he could not have manifested greater solicitude for
the result, or put forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable,
than he did in relation to the war of the nation. If pati-iotism,
undoubted and unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency
in originating, prosecuting and consummating the war, on what
page of the world's annals is it chronicled ? The history of the
Grecian and Roman republics furnish many instances of exalted,
self-sacrificing pateiotism — of those who under its influence met
death as joyfully as they would have met a friend. Inspired by
this principle we hear one of their bards exclaim,
' Dulce est pro patria mori.'
It is sweet to die for one's country.
But the lofty action of Mr. Clay in connection -with this his
, country's crisis, his prompt response to her cry for aid, his unwa
vering attachment to her cause, and his ardent devotion to her
interests, present an example of pateiotic love and zeal, which
may be placed by the side of similar ones on the records of those

70 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
nations, without the shghtest fear of disparagement,— indeed as
justifying the belief that if she had required a similar sacrUice,
the victim would not have been wanting.
Mr. Clay advocated war, not as an experimental measure,
not for the purpose of furnishing him an opportunity of gratifying
his ambitious private projects, as his enemies desired it to be be
lieved, but as the dernier resort, as that only which could raise
from her prosteate condition his country, and restore her to that
rank to which she was entitied as an independent nation. The
result proved the correctness of his prediction, while it exposed the
falsity of that pronouncing the measure as certain to eventuate in'
her ruin.
When he first approached the subject, he found it surrounded by
a cloud of gloom, rendered dense and dai-k by the adverse chcum-
stances of his country, and which was made every day more mm-ky
by the unpati-iotic attitude of the disaffected, and the insidious efforts
of the openly hostile. To dispel this, all his energies were directed,
and on the re-assembling of congress, pursuant to adjournment,
he was gratified to behold some few glimmerings of Ught through
the sombre mass. This cheering indication, added to the reviving
influence imparted to him by his recent immediate contact with
the people, fired his soul with an irrepressible fervency, and caused
the flame of his pateiotic ardor to burn so intensely as to consume
all opposing materials. For this flame, plenty of fuel was fur
nished by those, who evinced, by their deadly hostiUty, a desire to
see the unequal struggle then going on between England and
the United States, terminate in favor of the former. In some, this
hostility, brealdng over all bounds of decency, vented itself in the
grossest lampoon. Their endeavors appeared more like the spas^
modic efforts of a drowning man, than the skilfuUy directed
attempts of enlightened opposers, as though they were determined,
if possible, to accomplish the fulfilment of then- predictions, which
now, from the recent victorious feats of our arms, seemed quite
dubious. Soon after the commencement of the session, the first
stJbject of importance that came before the representatives of the
people, was that of increasing the army. Mr. Clay, and those
whose views were coincident with his, desired to concenteate the
nation's energies in prosecuting the war to a glorious completion;
to do which, fresh and gratifying evidence had been given. To
secure this, it was proposed to augment the army by a recruit of
twenty thousand men. The committee on mUitary affairs in the
house reported a bUl for the purpose, which was considered in
committee of the whole, and debated at length. From the oppo
sition, this proposition met the most violent assault, and also those
who supported it The warmest opposers were found in the
persons of Messrs Randolph, Pitkin and Quincy. > The speech of
the latter gentieman is said to have ' produced disgust on aU sides

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 71
of the house,' and for violence and abuse stands unrivalled.
Its most scurrUous expressions have been expunged; enough,
however, remains to determine its original character. Speaking of
the war, he observed, ' there is nothing in history like this war
since the invasion of the bucaneers. The disgrace of our armies
is celestial glory compared to the disgrace reflected on our country
by this invasion ; ' (the proposed invasion of Canada ;) ' yet it is
c-aUed a war for glory ! Glory ? Yes, such glory as that of the
tiger when he tears the bowels from the lamb, filling the -wUderness
with its savage roars ; the glory of Zenghis Khan, without his
greatness ; the glory of Bonaparte. Far from me and mine, and far
from my countey be such glory ! ' He stigmatized those in favor
of the war as ' household troops, who lounge for what they can
pick up about the government house ; who come here, and with
then- famifies five and suck upon the breast of the teeasury ; toad-
eaters, who live on eleemosynary, iU-purchased courtesy, upon the
palace, swallow great men's spittle, and get judgeships, and wonder
at the fine sights, and fine rooms, and fine company, and most of
all, wonder how they themselves got there.' The state of pubfic
feeling in Massachusetts respecting the invasion, he stated by
saying, that ' he had conversed upon the question with men of aU
ranks and conditions in Massachusetts, with men hanging over the
plough and on the spade, judicious, honest, patriotic, sober men,
who, if it were requisite, and their sense of moral duty went along
with the war, would fly to the standard of their countey at the
winding of a horn, but who now hear yours with the same indif
ference they would have heard a jews-harp or a banjo.' He was
pEirticularly severe on those in the house who advised the rigid
prosecution of the war, by calling them ' young pofiticians, with
the pin-feathers yet unshed, the shell stiU sticldng upon them ;
perfectiy unfledged, though they fluttered and cackled on the
floor ; who favored such extravagant and ignorant opinions of a
very proud nation.' He said, ' it would iU become a man whose
family had been two centuries settied in the state, and whose
interests, connections and affections were exclusively American, to
shrink from his duty for the yelping of those' blood-hound mon
grels who were kept in pay to hunt down all who opposed the
court ; a pack of mangy hounds of recent importation ; their backs
stiU sore with the steipes of European castigation, and then- necks
marked with the check collar.'
Mr. Clay replied to him in a speech of most pointed yet merited
rebulie, and couched in language that stung like a scorpion.
During the course of his remarks, Mr. Quincy took occasion to
teavel out of his way to attack the character of Mr. Jefferson. This
uncalled for and unexpected abuse of an aged ex-president, a
])!triot living in retirement, Mr. Clay thus notices.
' Neither his retirement fi-om pubfic office, his eminent services,

73 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
nor his advanced age, can exempt this paUiot from the coarse
assaults of party malevolence. In 1*801, he snatched from the
rude hand of usurpation the violated constitution of his counti-y,
and that is his crime. He preserved that insti-ument, in form, and
substance, and spirit, a precious inheritance for generations to
come, and for this, he can never be forgiven. How vain and
impotent is party rage directed against such a man ! He is no!
more elevated by his lofty residence on the summit of his own
favorite mountain, than he is lifted by the serenity of his mind,
and the consciousness of a weU-spent life, above the malignant
passions and bitter feelings of the day. No ! his own beloved
MonticeUo is not less moved by the storms that beat against its
sides, than is this iUustrious man by the bowlings of the whole
British pack set loose from the Essex kennel.'
Speaking of the notoriety Mi-. Quincy had gained by attempting to
impeach Mr. Jefferson a few years previous, he said, ' the final vote
stood one for, and one hundred and seventeen against the propo
sition ! ' (of impeachment) ' The same historic page thatti-ansmitted
to posterity the vhtue and the glory of Henry the Great of France,
for their admfiation and example, has preserved the infamous
name of the frantic assassin of that excellent monarch.' Mr. Clay
vindicated most ably the character of that exalted pateiot, from the
foul aspersions thus attempted to be cast upon it ; after which, he
alluded to the vacifiating course pursued by those opposed to the
administeation party, in the foUoWing language. ' The course of
that opposition by which the administeation of the government
has been unremittingly impeded for the last twelve years, is
singular, and I befieve unexampled in the histoi-y of any country.
The administeation has not been forgetful of its solemn obfiga-
tions. No art has been left unessayed, no experiment promis
ing a favorable result left unteied, to maintain the peaceful relations
of the countey. When some six or seven years ago, the affairs of
the nation assumed a threatening aspect, a partial non-importation
was adopted. As they grew more alarming an embargo was
imposed. It would have accomplished its purport, but it was
sacrificed on the altar of concUiation. Vain and fruitiess attempt
to propitiate ! Then came along the non-intercourse, and a general
non-importation foUowed in the teain. In the mean time, any
indications of a return to the pubfic law and the path of justice on
the part of either beUigerent, are seized upon with avidity by the
administeation. The an-angement with Mr. Erskine is concluded
It is first applauded, and then censured by the opposition. No
matter with what unfeigned sincerity, with what real effort the
administeation cultivates peace, the opposition insist that it alone
is culpable for every breach that is made between the two countries.
Resteiction after resteiction has been teied. Negotiation has been
resorted to untU further negotiation would have been disgraceful.

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 73
Whilst these peaceful experiments are undergoing a teial, what
is the conduct of the opposition ? They are the champions of
war — the proud, the spirited, the sole, repository of the nation's
honor — the men of exclusive vigor and energy. The adminis
teation, on the contrary, is weak, feeble, and pusiUanimous — inca
pable of being kicked into a war. The maxim, ' not a cent for
teibute, millions for defence,' is loudly proclaimed. The opposi
tion is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. They want to
draw the sword and avenge the nation's wrongs. When, however,
foreign nations, perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here
made, refuse to Usten to the amicable appeals, which have been
repeated and reiterated by the administi-ation, to their justice and
their interests — when, in fact, war with one of them has become
identified with our existence and our sovereignty, and to abstain
from it was no longer possible, behold the opposition veering
round and becoming the friends of peace and commerce. They
tell you of the calamities of war — its tragical events — the squan
dering away of your resources — the waste of the public ti-easure,
and the spUfing of innocent blood. Now we see them exhibiting
the terrific forms of the roaring king of the forest Now the
meekness and humUity of the lamb. They are for war and no
resteiction when the administration is for peace. They are for
peace and resteictions when the administration is for war. You
find them tacking -with every gale, displaying the colors of every
party and of all nations, steady only in one unalterable purpose,
to steer if possible into the haven of power.'
, Mr. Clay's sentiments in relation to the British system of im
pressment were of the most affecting description, dtawing tears
from the eyes of almost every individual present, and concluded
by saying, that ' My plan would be to caU out the ample resources
of the countey, give them a judicious direction, prosecute the war.
with the utmost vigor, steike wherever we can reach the enemy at
sea or on land, and negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or
Halifax. We are told that England is a proud and lofty nation,
which, disdaining to wait for danger, meets it half way. Haughty
as she is, we once teiumphed over her, and if we do not listen to
the counsels of timidity and despair, we shall again prevaU. In
such a cause, with the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned
with success ; but if we fail, let us fail like men — lash ourselves to
our gallant tars, and expire together in one common stiruggle,
fighting for free teade and seamen's rights,'
A correct idea of the effect produced it is impossible to gather
from his reported speech, though in general accurately given.
Look, tone, gesture, and manner conteibuted largely to its great
ness, — perhaps as much as the ' thoughts that breathe and words
that burn,' which in one continuous stream feU from his eloquent
fips, causing the hearts of his hearers to thriU alternately with
VOL. I, 10

74 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
pleasure and pain. It is represented as having been an exquisite
specimen of grand eloquence — a feUcitous blending of the beau
tiful, pathetic and subfime. He seemed to wave the enchanted
wand of the fabled magician, now spreading peace and quiet, and
now causing the most stormy emotions to swell the hearts of
those who fistened to him. The editor of the National IntelU-
gencer says that the pathetic effect produced by the appeal admits
not of description. Although the day was exttemely cold, so cold
that Mr. Clay, for the only time in his fife, was unable to keep him
self warm by the exercise of speaking, there were few individuals
in the house who did not bear witness by their steeaming eyes to
the orator's control over their sensibilities. Members of both
political parties — ^men whose pateiotic souls had been sustained by
his eloquence, and those who had been vsTrithing and agonizing
under Ms indignation, forgot their antipathies and wept together.
Mr. Clay had the pleasure of seeing the bill, as advocated by
him, pass the house, on the fourteenth of January, 1813, by a vote
of seventy-seven to forty-two. On the sixteenth ( having passed
the senate,) it received the signature of the president ; and thus
was taken another and very important step in carrying out that
system of manly and bold resistance devised and inteoduced by
him, and which was destined to redress aU our grievances and
restore our violated rights.
On the eighteenth of February, congress proceeded to ascertain
the result of an election for president and vice president, which
was as follows. For president, James Madison, one hundred and
twenty-eight, De Witt CUnton, eighty-nine. For vice president,
Elbridge Gerry, one hundred and thirty-one, Jared Ingersoll,
eighty-six. Thus the re-election of Mr. Madison furnished un
doubted evidence that the people, from whom there is no appeal,
sustained the measures of war.
On the twenty-fourth of May, Mr. Clay was elected speaker to
the house again, over Mr. Pitkin, by a majority of thirty-five, and
whenever an opportunity was afforded him, he mingled in the
discussions that were almost constantly agitating the house, in
reference to prosecuting the war. At the commencement of this,
the first session of the thirteenth congress, he caUed the attention
of the house to that portion of the president's message which
describes the manner in which the British had been waging war ;
which characterized it as ' adding to the savage fury of it on one
frontier, a system of plunder and conflagration on the other, equally
forbidden by respect for national character, and by the estabhshed
rules of civilized warfare.' In a few pertinent remarks, he adverted
to this description embodied by the message, censuring somewhat
severely the nation guilty of such enormities, and said, ' if they
should be found to be as public report had stated them, they called
for the inclignation of all Christendom, and ought to be embodied

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 75
in an authentic document which might perpetuate them on the
page of history,' An investigation instituted on a motion of Mr,
Clay, in reference to these, developed the astounding fact that the
most barbaric outeages were committed repeatedly, on American
prisoners, by the savage allies of the British, with their approval.
The indignation of the house was aroused to a high pitch, on
learning the teuth of the report, which took immediate measures
for causing to be laid before it every instance of such flagrant
'violation of the rides of warfare recognized by aU civUized nations.
War had now become the settied policy and regular business of
the nation ; a business which though at first she performed rather
bunglingly, was now despatched in a more workmanlike manner.
The plough, the spade, and the various implements of husbandry
and mechanism, had become partially forgotten, by the familiarity
which had been effected with the musket and the sv/ord, so that
greater skUl was manifested in the use of the latter, which resulted
in greater success than accompanied the first attempts at their use.
York, the capital of Upper Canada, had faUen into our hands, and
five naval victories had been achieved. Indecision and timidity
had to a great extent disappeared, and a spirit of indomitable deter
mination had been made to take their place, mainly through the
irresistible influence of Mr. Clay's eloquent a.ppeals. These were
aU-powerful, agitating the whole nation, paralyzing opposition, and
organizmg and arraying the talent, influence, and means of aU
classes, to do battle to death, if necessary, in defence of our pre
cious liberties. A noble and enthusiastic feeling was diffused
throughout the countey. Public opinion was far and Avide aroused in
favor of the war, and its majestic roar shook down the unconsecra-
ted temples of teeason, and bared their secrets to the Ught of heaven.
Pateiot answered aloud to pateiot — the sentinels of freedom caught
•up the watchword — from town to town the signal fires flashed free,
and aU things proclaimed that the spirit of the counti-y was up for
glory. Both the friends and foes of Mr. Clay agree that at this period
the conteol he had acquired was almost unlimited. In the house
it was probably equal to that which he had acquired a few years
previous in the legislature of Kentucky. This was always exer
cised in the spirit of the greatest liberality, and in such a manner
as to promote the pubfic interests. Towards the close of 1813,
negotiations for peace commenced, at the suggestion of Alexander,
, the emperor of Russia, who proffered his mediation between the
two beUigerent nations. On the part of the United States, his
proffer was favorably received, and a wiUingness manifested to
accede to it, accompanied with expressions of regret that the com
mercial interests of Russia should be infringed or endangered in
any way by her collision with Great Britain. This was first for
mally made at Washington, by the Russian minister, M. Dasch-

76 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
koff, a^ early as March of the same year, and eagerly embraced by
the president. It had, however, several months previous, been
hinted to Mr. Adams, our minister at St. Petersburgh, by the
emperor himself, who manifested great desire that hostiUties should
cease. On the part of Great Britain his pacific proposition was
rejected, who alleged that the pecufiar nature of her domestic and
naval regulations rendered incompatible its acceptance, but declared
her perfect wiUingness to ti-eat with the American envoys, either at
London, or Paris, or indeed at any convenient place selected by
the two powers. This proposal was accepted, and the preliminaiy
steps taken to accompfish the object proposed. Messrs. Albert
Gallatin and James A. Bayard were selected as two of the com
missioners for the United States, and directed to repair without
delay and join Mr. J. Q. Adams, at St. Petersburgh, there to await
the further action of government.
A short time after, a proposal from the English ministey to nego
tiate with us at Gottingen was accepted, and Messrs. Clay and
Jonathan RusseU were selected commissioners, who, in connection
with the three in Russia, were invested with full power to treat
with lord Gambler, Henry Goulborne, and William Adaraos,
commissioners on the part of the British government.
Although Gottingen had been first agreed upon as the city
where to conduct the negotiation, subsequently it was determined
that Ghent should be the place. The sixth of August, 1814, found
the plenipotentiaries of both nations (except Mr. GaUatin, who
joined them soon after,) at the latter city, ready to proceed with
their legitimate business. They commenced by a mutual inter
change of kind feeling, evincing a disposition to approach the
subject in the ti-ue spirit of conciliation, and to frame their stipula
tions so as to subserve the interests of the powers they represented.
In consequence of the proximity of the British ministers to their
government, they enjoyed a superior advantage over the American
commissioners, of which they avaUed themselves freely, for when
ever they received from the latter a note of any importance, it was
directly sent to London, where its contents were carefully scruti
nized by the English ministry, who prepared and sent back an
answer containing instructions, which were to govern their actions
in relation to it. This mode of procedure adopted by them, greatly
retarded the negotiation, whUe the remoteness of the American
negotiators from their government, made it impossible for them to
resort to a similar method. The plan which they adopted on
receiving a communication frPm the former, was to consider its
contents deliberately, and with gi-eat circumspection ; after which
it was committed to the care of one of their number deputed to
prepare an answer. This underwent a rigid examination, when
each member considered it in private, making such aUerations as
he deemed proper. Afterwards they aU assembled and subjected

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 77
them to a thorough scrutiny, which terminated in their adoption or
rejection. Their proceedings in detail were never reported, so that
it is impossible to state to what extent they were influenced by
each member of the diplomacy, but it is matter of general credence
that Mr. Clay, in their joint coUoquial meetings, bore a prominent
part and exercised a conteoUing power over the character of the
stipulations. It is understood that Mr. GaUatin drew up more
official commuMications than any one of his associates, that Mr,
Adams ranked next, and Mr, Clay next. The various papers pre
pared by these gentlemen during the period of their negotiation,
which continued about five months, furnish some of the finest
specimens of Engfish composition. For purity of diction, terse
ness of style, happy illustration, and logical consteuction, they will
not suffer in comparison with the best political disquisitions in the
English language.
The favorable indications which appeared at the commencement
of the negotiation, soon gave place to those of a different charac
ter. The tone of the British commissioners, in laying the founda
tion of the treaty, soon became so dictatorial as almost to preclude
the possibility of proceeding with it. In enumerating the various
subjects which they designed to review and determine, besides the
seizure of mariners from merchantmen on the high seas, boundary
line, and the privileges heretofore enjoyed by the United States in
carrying On their fisheries within the limits of British jurisdiction,
they declared as a sine qua non to the completion of the treaty,
that it must embrace provisions for rendering pacific the various
Indian teibes within our borders, for settiing their boundaries by
a specific teeaty with Great Britain, and that the right to purchase
their lands without her consent must be unconditionaUy ceded.
On such grounds the American commissioners unhesitatingly and
unanimously refused to advance. The overbearing and haughty
pretensions and arbitrary demands thus set up and insisted on
at the very outset, seemed to interpose an insurmountable barrier
towards effecting an amicable and honorable arrangement with
our foe. Not only did she by prescription unadvised with us,
exhibit an intention to have it aU in her own way, but she avowed
her design to obtain the conteol of certain islands in Passama-
quoddy Bay, over which our right of jurisdiction had not been
questioned up to that time, and to cause us to agree not to keep
any naval force on the lakes, nor garrison soldiers on their eastern
shores. The thought of submitting for a moment to such obnox
ious exactions and requisitions could not be tolerated, and the
American commissioners peremptorily informed them that nego
tiation under such circumstances was entirely out of the question,
and that an unqualified abandonment of the objectionable portion
of their demands must be complied with, before their consent to
proceed another step in the business could be obtained. They

78 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
saw it was requisite to be thus decided, in order to put an early
and effectual stop to such unwarrantable assumptions and encroach
ments, which, if quietly svibmitted to, they cleai-ly foresaw ( by their
maintaining a right to ' vary and regulate their demands,' ) would
be indefinitely extended. In their first despatches to Washington,
therefore, instead of holding out any encouragement of success,
they stated that there was no ' hope of peace.' Immediately after
then arrival, they were spread before the people by the pubfic jour
nalists, whose indignation was greatiy augmented, on becoming
acquainted with ti-eatment ostensibly given for the purpose of
consummating a teeaty of peace on grounds of mutual reciprocity,
but which in reality recognized the nation with whom it was to be
effected, as enslaved rather than free. The demands of England
were characterized as ' arrogant, insulting to the United States,
meriting instantaneous rejection, and demanding the united exer
tions of every citizen of these states, in the vigorous prosecution
of the war untU it shaU be terminated in a just and honorable
peace.' The publication of their despatches was not anticipated by our
commissioners, and great was their astonishment on perusing them
in the newspapers at Ghent. Their fears were excited lest it
should have an unfavorable bearing on the negotiations, if it did
not put an abrupt period to them. The English negotiators
maintained a guarded silence on the subject. Mr. Clay being
solicitous to ascertain their opinions in relation thereto, addressed
them, beginning with lord Gambler, whom he accosted by saying,
' you perceive, my lord, that our government has published our
despatches, and that now the whole world knows what we are
doing here.' ' Yes,' said he, ' I have seen it with infinite surprise,
and the proceeding is without example in the civihzed world.'
' Why, my lord,' said Mr. Clay, mildly, ' you must recollect that at
the time of the pubUcation of those despatches, our government
had every reason to suppose, from the nature of the pretensions
and demands which yours brought forward, that our negotiation
woidd not terminate successfully, and that the pubfication would ,
not find us here together. I am quite sure that if our government
had anticipated the present favorable aspect of our defiberations,
the publication of the despatches would not have been ordered.
Then your lordship must also recoUect, that if, as you truly
asserted, the pubfication of despatches pending a negotiation is not
according to the custom of European diplomacy, our govern
ment is organized on principles totally different from those on which
European governments are constituted. With us, the business in
which we are here engaged is the people's business. We are
then- servants, and they have a right to know how their business is
going on. The publication, therefore, was to give the people
information of what ultimately affected them '

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 79
Although unable to controvert this explanation by Mr, Clay, of
the reasons for publishing the official papers relative to the nego
tiation, he expressed himself not perfectiy satisfied with it, and his
opinion was concurred in by his colleagues. However, the
injurious consequences apprehended from their publication were
not experienced, and the business of the teeaty proceeded as if it
had not been made.
Mr. Clay reciprocated an act of kindness of Mr. Goulborne,
who had sent him a British periodical containing an account of
the taking of Washington by the arms of his nation, by sending
to him some American papers which he had recentiy received,
describing a splendid victory won on lake Champlain or lake
Erie, by the navy of his countey over that of the British.
After the receipt of such unpleasant intelligence from Ghent,
it was Resolved that redoubled energy should be put forth in push
ing forward the war, which caused the noble feats of our gallant
navy and army to be greatiy multiplied. At Plattsburgh,
Chippewa, and many other places, victory perched upon our
banner. The hearts of our hai-dy saUors gathered fresh steength,
whose successful attempts in annoying the enemy by capturing
his teading vessels, caused the most bitter lamentations throughout
his realm, and underwriters to advance their rates of insurance
between England and Ireland from three-fourths of one to five
per cent. The determined spirit thus evinced by us. Great Britain
correctiy atteibuted to the arbitearUy assumptive course which she
attempted to pursue in conducting the negotiations at Ghent ; a
spirit which she had the sagacity to discover would never brook
the slightest shade of vassalage, or permit the acceptance of
dishonorable terms, and also the wisdom to avert the desteuctive
consequences which her varied and wide-spread interests would
certainly sustain from the aggressions of those actuated by it, in
speedUy removing the causes by which it was aroused. A recession
was immediately made, not only by the British ministers, who
reduced their sine qua non so as to require only the effection of
Indian pacification, but by the public journalists in both England
and her provinces. They spoke in more respectful terms of the
United States, and abated to a good extent their domineering
attempts. ~ StUl some of the objectionable terms proposed at first
as the basis of an arrangement, were adhered to. The cession of
such a portion of our territory as should secure a permanent and
safe communication to England between Quebec and HaUfax, was
required pertinaciously. The American commissioners assumed
the responsibUity, at the risk of breaking off the negotiation,
of rejecting such terms, and indeed aU that did not come within
the limit of their insteuctions, by informing the English commis
sioners, that it was perfectly fruitiess, besides a waste of time, to
bring forward and attempt to connect with the teeaty, subjects

80 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
respecting which they were not empowered to negotiate ; subjects
which were many of them foreign to their purpose, had no natural
relation to it, and which if desirable might be definhely settied by
subsequent negotiation, without being made a party to their
present proposed arrangement. They affirmed that they had ' no
relation to the subsisting differences between the two countries ;
they are inconsistent with acknowledged principles of public
law ; they are founded neither on reciprocity nor on any of the
usual bases of negotiation, neither on that of the uti possidetis or
of status ante bellum ; they would inflict the most vital injury on
the United States by dismembering their territory, by aiTesting
their natm-al growth and increase of population, and by leaving
their northern and western frontiers equally exposed to British
invasion and Indian aggression ; they are above aU dishonorable
to the United States, in demanding from them to abandon temtory
and a portion of their citizens, to admit a foreign interference in
their domestic concerns, and to cease to exercise their natural
rights on their own shores and in their own waters. A treaty
concluded on such terms would be but an armistice. It cannot
be supposed that America would long submit to conditions so
injurious and degrading. It is impossible, in the natural course of
events, that she should not, at the first favorable opportunity, recur
to arms for the recovery of her territory, of her rights, and her
honor. Instead of settling existing difficulties, such a peace would
only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of permanent
hateed, and lay the foundation of hostilities for an indefinite period.
It is not necessary to refer such demands to the American govern
ment for its instruction. They will be only a fit subject of
deliberation when it becomes necessary to decide upon the expe
diency of an absolute surrender of national independence.'
There was no mistaking the meaning of such language, respect
ful but pungent, expressing perspicuously the ti-ue principles of
diplomatic action. Although it was self-evident that the spirit
which dictated such sentiments as that communication contained,
would not aUow any truckling or swerving, still the British nego
tiators appeared determined to persevere until they accomplished
what from the very commencement seemed to be to them a
favorite feature in the ti-eaty, viz : the exposure of our vjhole north
ern frontier to the mercy of their nation. She found that the
Indian hordes could be advantageously employed by her, indeed
she had already employed them to such an extent as to give, so far
as she was concerned, a most truculent aspect to the war ; hence
the invincible determination manifested by her legalized commis
sioners, to have the treaty so framed as to secure to her their absor
lute control. This disposition was regarded by the American
commissioners with feelings not only of regret, but of hoiTor, who
protested against ' the employment of savages, whose known rule

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 81
of warfare is the indiscriminate torture arid butchery of women,
children, and prisoners,^ as constituting ' a departure from the
principles of humanity observed between all civilized and chris
tian nations even in war.' They stated that instead of endeavoring
to effect that control, it would be much more comportable with the
dignity and grandeur of the British nation to abandon forever the
barbarous practice, and to stipulate with America to that purpose
in case of waging any future war with her. They would not
recede an inch from the ground which they had taken, in relation
to the Indians and northern frontier. After directing their com
bined diplomatic artUlery against them for the space of several
weeks incessantly, to drive them from it, but without the slightest
success, the British diplomatists finaUy abandoned it. Soon after,
the American commissioners proposed to guaranty the pacification
of the Indians when the teeaty should be ratified, and expressed
their unaltered determination to teeat upon no subjects respecting
which they had received no insti-uctions. To this their opponents
acceded, and the negotiation proceeded, the American commis
sioners dictating nearly all the terms, and finally issued in the pro
duction of a teeaty, on the twenty-fourth of December, 1814.
Throughout the negotiation the utmost unanimity prevailed
among our ministers, and never was there a difference of opinion,
except in one instance. This related to certain fishery privUeges,
and the navigation of the Mississippi river. .
In a teeaty of peace concluded in 1783, between Cxreat Britain
and the United States, it was stipulated that the latter should enjoy
the liberty of taking fish of every kind on all the banks of New
foundland, Grand Bank, gulf of St Lawrence, and in all other
places where the inhabitants of both countries had been accus
tomed to fish — that the same should be enjoyed on all the coasts,
bays and creeks of his Britannic majesty's dominions in America ;
that she should have full permission to dry and cure fish in the
unsettled bays, &c. of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Lab
rador, so long as they should remain unsettied, but that after they
were settied, such permission must be sanctioned by their occu
pants; and also that the Mississippi river should be open forever to
the navigation of both nations, from its mouth to its source.. The
latter stipulation was included in a teeaty negotiated by Mr. Jay,
in 1794.
The United States, anticipating that the subjects of the fisheries
and navigation of the Mississippi would be brought forward by
the British government, had directed the secretary of state, Mr.
Monroe, to give her commissioners special instructions relative to
them. He accordingly authorized them, in case she should require
the United States to relinquish her fishing privUeges, to teeat the
requisition as it deserved. They were given to understand that
these privUeges must not be brought into the discussion, and that,
( VOL. I. 11

82 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
if insisted on, their negotiations must terminate. He insteucted
them not to grant to Great Britain the right to navigate any river
within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States.
At an early stage of the negotiation, it had been intimated to
the American commissioners by the British, that the privilege in
question would not be renewed, unless the United States offered
something to Great Britain which should be deemed an ample
equivalent. The subject of this equivalent caused the difference
of opinions to which allusion has been made. Mr. Adams
contended that no equivalent could or ought to be demanded for
the right of fishing stipulated in the ti-eaty of 1783. He did not
believe with his colleagues, that the article in that ti-eaty, relating
to this right, expired at the commencement of the war, but
contended that it had survived the war, and that therefore it was
absurd to ti'eat concerning the renevjal of a right, of which they
were then in the legitimate possession. The great importance of
preserving this right unabridged was felt by all. IVfr. Gallatin
went so far as to propose to permit Great Britain to exercise the
right of navigating the Mississippi as an equivalent for that of
fishing in the waters within her jurisdiction. After a warm
debate, Messrs. Adams, GaUatin and Bayard declared themselves
in favor of doing so, and Messrs. Clay and RusseU opposed. Mr.
Clay then affirmed, that his signature should not be appended to
a treaty including such a proposition, w^ho was joined soon 'after
by Mr. Bayard, and consequently it was not included. A most
animated discussion ensued, in which Mr. Clay demonsteated the
impolicy of extending such a privilege to Great Britain, contended
that America ought to come out of the war in the uinimpaued
possession of aU the rights and privUeges which she enjoyed
prior to its commencement, and that the right of discussing the
question of the fisheries did not come within the purview of their
instructions. In regard to the navigation of the Mississipffif a
mere glance at its unlimited connections and dependencies, the
vast advantage which an easy access to them would confer,
rendered no deliberation requisite in deciding upon granting a
right to it to Great Britain. It would be almost tantamount to
placing in her hands a tube communicating with the very vitals
of the repubfic, through which she could suck its life blood; it
would give her unbounded facUities for employing against us the
numerous tiibes of Indians at the north west, of which she
would doubtiess with avidity avail herself, and greatly to our
deteiment, and thus jeopard the great and growing interests of
the whole west. As it respected the right which she imagined
she possessed in vhrteie of the teeaties of 1783 and 1794, Mr. Clay
contended that the grounds upon which it was based were suppo
sititious, and that therefore it could not be valid ; that at the dates
of those teeaties, it was supposed that the law of nations would

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 83
ehtifle her to the right, inasmuch as it was believed that her
dominions bordered on the Upper Mississippi, and that this
supposed bordering of her territory on the river, was the principal
reason adduced in stipulating for the right of its navigation ; that
now since it was certainly determined and known, that such was
not the fact, she possessed no natural grounds on which to found
the right; that Spain at the date of those teeaties owned the entire
western bank of the river from its mouth to its source, and conse
quently possessed an equal interest with the United States in its navi
gation, who could not, therefore, convey to a third party that interest,
or any portion of it, unsanctioned by the former ; that in 1803,
by purchase, the United States became possessed of the entire
Spanish interest, which placed her upon different grounds from
those on which she stood in 1783 and 1794. Besides, Mr. Clay
argued, what connection is there between the fishing privilege, and
the right of navigating the Mississippi? The treaties showed
none, their nature none. Why select as the equivalent for the
privilege, the Mississippi? Why not barter the Potomac, or the
Hudson for it? There was something calculated to excite
suspicion in this attempt of our powerful eneimy to introduce hex
invincible navy to the ' father of rivers.' It looked like feeling for
the purse-strings of the nation. He would as soon yield a portion
of her blood-bought territory, as this noblest of her steeams, to
become the resort of the British lion, where he might make his
permanent lair, and eventuaUy place his huge paw upon the crest
of her eagle. Though as anxious as his colleagues possibly
could be for the preservation of their fishing privileges, he could
not consent to effect it by a purchase so expensive as that
proposed. Thus Mr. Clay remained immovably determined to
act in accordance with his convictions of duty in consulting
the interests of that nation which he represented. The value of
those interests, undoubtedly secured by the decided position which
he assumed and maintained, is of such magnitude as to be
inappreciable ; they constitute a corner stone of the temple of
fiberty, destined to abide as long as she shaU make it her abode.
Subsequentiy to the British ministers' becoming acquainted with
the conclusion of the American commissioners, respecting the
exchange, they, in a counter project of a treaty, submitted to the
latter, proposed among other articles one to renew the right of nav
igation in question, without any equivalent. After much delibera
tion this was rejected. FinaUy, it was mutuaUy agreed by both
parties to refrain from inserting any article in the teeaty, relating
either to the fisheries or the navigation of the Mississippi, Thus
the pride of the west and the glory of America was suffered to
roU his majestic tide in beauty and grandeur to the ocean, unbur-
thened by foreign vessels and unfettered by regal sway.
Several years afterwards, Mr, Clay became involved in an un-

84 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
pleasant conteoversy between Messrs, RusseU and Adams, which
originated from something connected with their negotiations at
Ghent. On the day next subsequent to tiie signing of the teeaty,
the commissioners drew up a sketch of their discussions in relation
to the difference of opinion among them, concerning complying
with the demands of the British commissioners, which represented
the offer of the navigation of the Mississippi as made by a major
ity of the American plenipotentiaries. At the same time, Mr,
Russell communicated to Mr. Monroe the fact of his being in the
minority in that offer, and declared his intention of submitting his
reasons for disagreeing with his associates, at a future convenient
period, which he subsequently carried into effect These papers
were deposited among the documents of the nation, where they
remained tiU 1822, when they were placed before the house of
representatives, at its request, by the president, together with a pri
vate communication from Mr. Russell, purporting to be a duplicate
of one found among the private papers of the president A state
ment was made by each of these letters, between which there was
a discrepancy, which caused Mr. Adams to reprimand Mr. Russell
severely, through the medium of the press. Mr. Clay addressed a
letter to Mr. Russell designed to be private, in which he signified
his acquiescence in the reprimand, and also gave a concise state
ment of their debates connected with their disagreement It
appeared that Mr. Adams was laboring under the impression that
Mr. Clay coincided with him in construing the treaties of 1783
and 1794, or that part of them referring to the fisheries and Missis
sippi, from the fact of his signature being attached to the commu
nication of the American to the British commissioners, embodying
the views of the former in relation to them. Mr. Clay corrected
that impression by declaring that he had not concurred with him.
He stated that his object in advising the insertion of the words 'ff
majority^ in the despatch to the secretary of state, was to announce
to his government the fact of a division among them, and with the
view of concealing it from the power with whom they were treat
ing, he appended his signature to the communication. The dispute
was maintained some time between Messrs. Russell and Mr.
Adams, and with great acrimony, but no impeachment of Mr.
Clay's conduct or motives was attempted by either. Both awarded
to him the honor of having acted weU his part, in bringing to so
felicitous a consummation the teeaty of peace.
Immediately after the close of the negotiation, Mr. Clay repaired
to Paris, having resolved not to visit England untU he learned the
ratification of the treaty. At the request of Mr. Crawford, our
minister at Paris, he took lodgings in his hotel, where he found an
invitation to a ball, given by Mr. Hottinguer, the American banl;er,
in honor of the conclusion of the treaty. There he was introduced
to the celebrated madame de Stael, and had a pleasant interview
w^ith her.

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 85
She informed him that she had recently visited England, and
had . openly espoused the cause of the United States there,
remarking that the British were greatiy exasperated against them,
and entertained serious intentions of despatching the duke of
WeUington at the head of their armies, for the purpose of inflicting
proper, and as they thought well merited chastisement upon them.
He politelythanked her for the interest she had manifested in
behalf of his country, at the same time expressing his regret that
England had not carried out her intentions. ' Why ? ' said she.
' Because, madame, if he had beaten us, we should only have
been in the condition of Europe, without disgrace. But if we
had been so fortunate as to defeat him, we should have greatiy
added to the renown of our 'arms.'
He afterwards met her at a select coterie at her own dwelling,
where he found the marshals of France, duke of Wellington, and
many other persons of rank. On inteoducing Mr. Clay to the
duke, madame de Stael repeated the above anecdote. He replied
promptly and gracefully, that had he been so fortunate in the
execution of such a commission as to triumph over a foe evincing
as much bravery as the Americans had, he should regard it as a
greater honor than the most brUliant victory he had ever achieved.
Mr. Clay tarried at the French meteopolis two months, during
which time news of the glorious victory at New Orleans was
communicated to him, whereupon he was heard to remark, ' now
I can go to England without mortification.' He expressed, how
ever, much chagrin at the reported flight of a body of Kentucky
militia from the field of battle on that occasion, but declared his
belief, from a personal acquaintance with their bravery, that it
must be false.
Soon after, he went to England, where the teeaty had been
ratified formally, a few days previous to his leaving Paris. In
England he received the most marked attention, and formed many
valuable acquaintances, which subsequentiy proved a source of
pleasure and profit to him. He won the esteem of lord Castle
reagh, who teeated him with particular , politeness, offering to
present him to the prince regent, which Mr. Clay civiUy declined,
in consequence of his unwUUngness to .submit to the courtly
formalities of such an introduction.
Several days had elapsed, when he was informed by his host
that an individual desired to speak with him. Mr. Clay requested
that he might be admitted, who accordingly was, who proved to
be a person splendidly dressed, and, refusing to be seated at Mr.
Clay's request, announced himself as the first waiter of my lord
'Castlereagh ! ' Indeed ! ' replied Mr. Clay, ' what is your pleasure
Vidth me ? ' ' Why, if your excellency pleases,' said the man, ' it
is usual for a foreign minister when he is presented to lord
Castiereagh to malie to his first waiter a present, or pay the custom-

86 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
ary stipend ; ' at the same time presenting lum with a catalogue of
names of foreign ministers, with the amount' that each had paid
him placed opposite his name.
Mr. Clay, believing it a vUe attempt to extort money from him,
endeavored to get rid of him in the easiest way possible, by
saying that he was not .the minister to England; that Mr. Adams,
who was, would probably soon arrive from Paris, who would
doubtiess comply with the custom of the country in that respect.
The servant, not being incUned to release him so easily, quickly
rephed, that it was immaterial whether he was a resident or special
minister. Mr. Clay thought finaUy that the most effectual way
to release himself, was to comply with his demand, and presented
him a small sum.
While he was at London the battie of Waterloo was fought,
and he witnessed the public rejoicings on account of its favorable
termination to the British. He was one day dining at lord
Castiereagh's house in company with many of the nobility, when
the conversation turned on the late victory, and the whereabouts of
Napoleon, as it was not known where he had gone. Some
intimated that he had sailed for America. ' If he goes there,'
said lord Liverpool to Mr. Clay, 'will he not give you much
ttouble ? ' ' None whatever,' instantly replied Mr. Clay, ' we shall
be glad to receive such a distinguished, though unfortunate exUe,
and we shall soon malie a good democrat of him.'
During his residence in England, Mr. Clay passed his time
very agreeably, and laid the foundation for many grateful reminis
cences. By the late sir James Mackintosh he was delightfully
entertained. He embraced the opportunity of renewing his
intimacy with lord Gambler, whose amiable qualities* and piety
had secured Mr. Clay's strong attachment. With him he spent a
week, visiting with him during that time several places of interest,
one of which was the residence of a descendant of Wilham Penn.
In September, 1815, he embarked for New York, where, on his
ai-rival, he and Mr. GaUatin were complimented with a public
dinner. In every teansaction of a public nature in which Mr. Clay has
had any agency, he has always rendered himself conspicuous;
but in no one did he gather gi-eener laurels, or make a longer
steide towards immortal fame, than in that of the negotiation at
Ghent Rumor had preceded him, teumpeting his honors — the
faithful and scrupulously jealous manner in which he had almost
sleeplessly watched over the interests of his countey, and crushed
with the steength of a giant the incipient risings of a disposition
to desti-oy or abridge her natural or conventional rights ; and when
he approached her shores, she opened wide her arms to receive
him. In Kentucky, warm, noble-hearted Kentucky, his reception
was fike that of a dutiful and affectionate son in the long and

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. S7
passionate embrace of a beloved mother. She welcomed him
with a tenderness that would hardly allow the winds of heaven to
visit him with gentle rudeness. Enthusiastic rejoicings were
enkindled, and spontaneous outpourings of grateful feeling were
lavished upon him like rain. He had even been re-elected to
congress while he was still in Europe, and unanimously. A doubt
having arisen touching the legality of this election, a new one was
commenced, which resulted as at first.
At the commencement of the next session, the house again called
him to preside over its deliberations, where he soon became engaged
in directing successfuUy the affairs of the nation. As a matter in
course, the new treaty was brought forward at an early stage, out
of which the federalists, and the opposers of the war in general,
endeavored to obtaiff food for their carping, fault-finding appetites.
Passing indifferently and sUently by the great advantages which
it secured to the United States, they sought, with an eagerness
worthy of a better cause, to find some defective or weak point
If in this they were successful, although it might be so diminutive
as to escape the detection of any except their microscopic vision
when thus employed, it was ridiculously amusing to Usten to then-
barkings, and bowlings, and wranglings over it, often for hours ;
and the multitude and variety of hard names and scurrilous
epithets which they would bandy about on such occasions,
rendered it necessary for one to go beyond the English vocabulary
if he desired to satisfy his curiosity respecting their location.
But Mr. Clay soon brought to bear upon them the teemendous
battery of his eloquence, which sent the whole yelping pack to
their kennels, both in and out of congress. This he did on the
twenty-ninth of January, 1816.
Said he, on that occasion, ' I gave a vote for the declaration of
war. I exerted all the little influence and talents I could com
mand to make the war. The war was made. It is terminated ;
and I declare with perfect sincerity, if it had been permitted to me
to lift the veil of futurity, and to have foreseen the precise series of
events which has occurred, my vote would have been unchanged.
We had been insulted, and outraged, and spofiated upon by nearly
aU Eurape ; by Great Britain, by France, Spain, Denmark, Naples,
and, to cap the climax, by the littie contemptible power of Algiers.
We had submitted too long and too much. We had become the
scorn of foreign powers, and the derision of our own citizens.'
These opposers laid no small emphasis upon the fact that no
stipulation was contained in the teeaty respecting the impressment
of our seamen. He met this in a steain of lofty argument, whose
pungency sank into their hearts like a spear. Said he, ' one of
the great causes of the war and of its continuance was the practice
of impressment exercised by Great Britain ; and if this claim had
been admitted by necessary implication or express stipulation, the

88 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY,
rights of our seamen would have been abandoned ! It is with
utter astonishment that I hear, it has been contended in this
countey, that because our right of exemption from the practice had
not been expressly secured in the tteaiy, it was therefore given up!
It is impossible that such an argument can be advanced on this
floor. No member who regarded his reputation would venture to
advance such a docteine.'
He concluded by stating the position in which the country
ought to be speedUy placed; advised the preservation of her
present naval and mUitary force ; to make provision for the
increase, of the navy ; to fortify her most defenceless points ; to
multiply military roads and canals ; and to commence in earnest
the great work of internal improvement. ' I would see a chain
of turnpike roads and canals from Passamaquoddy to New
Orleans, and other similar roads intersecting the mountains, to
facilitate intercourse between all parts of the country, and to bind
and to connect us together. / ivould also effectually protect our
manufactories. I would afford them protection not so much
for the sake of the manufacturers themselves as for the general
interest.' Mr. Clay resumed his duties in the house by evincing the same
far reaching anxiety for the welfare of his whole country, that he
manifested when he resigned his station for a foreign mission. To
his influence, in a great measure, the origin of the war was owing,
its bold prosecution, and satisfactory termination. But besides
the advantages which we reaped as the fruits of it, we realized
many deteimental consequences incidental to it. An immense
debt had been conteacted ; our commercial, manufacturing, and
agricultural interests had been partially suspended, if not totally
neglected; we found ourselves greatiy in want of articles, the
product of mechanical ingenuity, to supply which it was necessary
to resort to foreign work-shops ; this of course caused large expor-
tations of specie, which seldom returned; the bank issues
amounted to upwards of one hundred millions of dollars, while
at the same time there was only about fifteen millions of specie
in the country. These institutions had of course been obfiged to
suspend specie payment; distress and pressure every where
abounded, and the weU disposed and pateiotic began seriously to
look about them for measures of relief, and • restoration to the
country. The most judicious and reflecting in the nation, believed
that the greatest source of disteess was to be found in the deranged
state of the cui-rency. Indeed it was completely vitiated. The
government paper, bearing interest at sbc per cent,, the redemption
of which it had guarantied by pledging the faith of the nation,
was depreciated some twenty per cent, and doubt and disteust in
money matters were prominent features of the condition of the
countey. Something must be done, it was obvious, to remove

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY, 89
tiiat doubt, and restore confidence, or general stagnation would
invade every industeial department throughout the nation. At this
period, the individual states presented the singulai- appearance of
being engaged in doing what the constitution eviderttly intended
should be performed by the general government, namely, in reality
regulating the cuiTency, through the banking institutions operating
under their sanction. This they were executing in a most Unfi-
nancial-like manner, in many instances making their paper a legal
tender, thus compelling the creditor to accept it or yield his claim.
In this state of things, it was imperiously demanded of congress
to interpose the power vested in it by the constitution, and recover
that conti-ol over the currency which it had sufl'ered to be usurped
by the states. The articles in that instrument gi-anting congress
the exclusive power of coining money, and prohibiting the states
from doing it, and also from issuing bills of credit, rendered it
apparent that the power of regulating the general currency was
lodged with that body. This was the belief of the most able
financiers of that time, and adopted by those of the present.
Acting under the influence of this belief, Mr, Madison had at the
opening of the session of 1815-16, recommended 'the establish
ment of a national bank,' which ' he regarded as the best and
perhaps the only adequate resource to relieve the countey and the
government from the present embarrassment. Authorized to issue
notes which will be received in all payments to the United States,
the circulation of its issues will be coextensive with the union,
and there will exist a constant demand, leaving a just proportion
to the annual amount of the duties and taxes to be collected,
independent of the general circulation for commercial and social
purposes, A national bank will therefore possess the means and
the opportunity of supplying a circulating medium of equal use
and value in every state and in every district of every state. Estab
lished by the authority of the United States, accredited by the
government to the whole amount of its notes in circulation, and
inteusted as the depository of the government with all the accumu
lations of the public teeasure, the national bank, independent of
its immediate capital, wUl enjoy every recommendation which
can merit and secure the confidence of the public. Organized
upon principles of responsibility, but of independence, the national
bank wiU be retained within its legitimate sphere of action without
just apprehensions from the misconduct of its directors, or from
the encroachments of the government. Eminent in its resources,
and in its example, the national bank wUl conciUate and lead the
state banks in aU that is necessary for the restoration of credit,
public and private. And acting upon a compound capital, partly
of stock, and partiy of gold and silver, the national bank willbe
the ready instrument to enhance the value of the public securities,
and to restore the currency of the national coin.'
VOL. I. 12

90 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
Such were Mi-. Madison's views in relation to a national bank,
which were immediately referred to the committee on the national
currency ; and on the eighth of January, 1816, the chairman of
that committee, Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South Carofina,
presented an able and elaborate report in relation thereto, advo
cating the immediate chartering of such a bank as the president
had recommended, and detailed its prominent features. When
the bUl was brought forward for the action of the house, Mr. Clay
unequivocally declared himself in favor of its provisions in a
speech of great ability and argumentative force, although well
knowing that he would thereby subject himself to the charge of
inconsistency. He was charged with it by his pofitical enemies,
who magnified his departure from the position taken by him in
1811 in relation to the same bank, into a monsti-ous blemish in his
pofitical character ; which, if correctly considered, is seen to consti
tute an ornament, instead. A cai-eful conteast of the grounds on
which, and the circumstances under which he then opposed that
institution, with those on and under which he now advocated it,
wiU, to any unprejudiced mind, forever exempt him from that
charge. Such a conteast wiU clearly show, that the total change
of circumstances which had taken place during the five years
that had elapsed since he first examined the merits of that bank, and
that wrought in the policy of the general government in that time, to
say nothing of the experience received in prosecuting the war, of
the utility of and necessity for such an establishment, not only dis
armed and rendered invalid now, objections which then were both
valid and weighty when directed against it, but absolutely con
verted them into arguments in its favor. At the time when it was
proposed to renew the charter of the old United States bank, Mr.
Clay did not think it so essential in accompfishing any of the
objects definitely specified in the constitution, as to justify its
estabhshment, on gi-ounds purely constructive. It was supported,
too, principaUy by the federal party, and on the ground that its
agency was requisite in executing the financial concerns of
government ; which ground then was falsely assumed, inasmuch
as the local banks of the several states had, in certain cases, been
employed to perform that office, which they were successfully
executing. They, therefore, being known to compass the specific
object for which it was stated the charter of the bank was to be
renewed, it was justiy regarded by Mr. Clay as a matter of super
erogation to renew it, and accordingly he opposed its renewal
In 1816, Mr. Clay supported the bank naainly on the ground of its
necessity, to enable congress to exercise that ample and salutary
supei-vision over the commercial and monetary interests of the
country, which the constitution expressly gave it ; and that, there
fore, out of this very necessity, was fairly deducible its constitution
ality, since it was absurd to suppose that the constitution woukl

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 91
grant to congress a specified right, and at the same time withhold
the only means by which it could exercise that right. A stormy
and protracted discussion arose respecting the bank charter, during
which Mr. Clay came again into coUision with Mr. Randolph,
pausing unusual sensation in the house, and giving rise to appre
hensions that something serious might grow out of it Mr.
Randolph animadverted somewhat harshly upon Mr. Clay's
custom of maintaining a uniform sUence in his private intercourse
respecting his change of opinion in regard to the expediency and
constitutionality of a United States bank, using language that
might admit of very offensive construction. When he ceased, Mr.
Clay, with his usual self-possessipn and deliberation, rose, and in a
few words declared that the offensive language needed explanation ;
that he should refrain from saying v/hat he conceived himself
bound to say, until Mr. Randolph should make it. IVIr. Randolph
rose, and ' made the explanation, which Mr. Clay pronounced
unsatisfactpj-y ; and Mr. Randolph again explained, disavowing all
intention to offer offence. During the altercation, an almost
breathless stillness had been preserved in the house ; a pin might
be heard to fall in any part of it.
The bank bUl passed the house by a vote of eighty to seventy-
one, and the senate by a vote of twenty-two to twelve. On
the tenth of Aprfl if became a law, went into operation in the
early part of 1817, and more than justified the expectations of its
friends, in regard to its influence for good upon the varied interests
of the country.
During this session, Mr. Clay gave his support to a bill propos
ing a reduction of the direct tax laid upon the United States. He
expressed himself in favor of a moderate land tax, and regarded
the existing one as too high for a state of peace. He maintained
that ' in time of peace we should look to foreign importations as
the chief source of revenue, and in war when they are cut off, that
it was time enough to draw deeply on our internal resources.' His
plan was to make up for a still further decrease of the land tax, by
an increase of the duties on imports.
It was deemed desirable to increase the pay of members of con
gress, which led to the framing and passage of the celebrated
compensation bUl, It was generally agreed among the members
that their compensation (six doUars per day,) was not sufficient for
their maintenance at Washington, and aUow them to enjoy the
society of their famifies. The principal question that arose res
pected the mode by which it should be increased. Some were in
favor of a stipulated salary, and others of an increase of the per
diem pay. On the sixth of March, colonel Richard M. Johnson,
one of the committee to whom the business had been referred,
reported a biU regulating the pay of members, by a salary of fifteen
hundred doUars per session, for each member in congress, which

92 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
passed both houses. Mr. Clay voted for this biU, but a.t the same
time declaring his preference for the per diem rate. The passage
of this bill proved particulariy obnoxious to the demagogues,
throughout the country,, who exerted themselves incessantly to
excite the passions of the people, evidently for the purpose of
accumulating political capital. In no section of the union did the
excitement rage to such an extent as in Kentucky. It seemed as
though scarcely an individual in the whole state was friendly to it
The ambitious and designing demagogues arid ultra federahsts
united in Kentucky their furious forces, with exultations of
defight at what appeared to them the certain prospect of accom
plishing the total overthrow of Mr. Clay. They had succeeded to
such a degree in kindling a flame of indignation against the meas
ure, that there were at least some grounds of danger. They had
long been impotently watching for this opportunity, :and now from
their various places of concealment they rushed forth, bent upon
accomplishing their purpose. After some consultation as to the
mode they should adopt, it was finally determined that Mr. John
Pope, an eloquent and influential gentleman, should take the field
in opposition to Mr. Clay. Accordingly, he immediately com
menced political operations in the approved style of the country,
by riding about among the inhabitants, addressing them often, set
ting forth his own merits and claims, and decrying those of his
rival. It was not until after being repeatedly importuned by his
friends, that Mr. Clay would consent to take the field in person
against Mr. Pope. He finally went forth for the first time in his
life, to vindicate in person to his constituents, his pubhc pohtical
acts. It has been said that Mr. Clay was the first Kentuckian who
preserved dignity and independence of character on an election
eering tour. It was customary at that day in Kentucky, for any
one who solicited an office in the gift of the people, to clothe him
self in tattered garments, and in the attitude and with the tone of a
menial, to go around among them and thus ask it at their hands.
Mr. Clay's exalted sense of dignity and honor would not permit
him to conform to this degi-ading custom, and he visited his con
stituents attired just as he would go to his seat in congress. He
appealed to the people, expressing his entire wilfingness to be gov
erned by their will, as he was in duty bound, and that he would
vote for the repeal of the offensive law, if they instructed Mm to
do so. He corrected their erroneous impressions, and occasionally
made those happy and effective appeals to their hearts, which he
knew so well how to direct, and he soon found himself almost
entirely reinstated in their affections. Mi-. Pope, perceiving that he
was fast losing ground, made a desperate eflbrt at regaining it, by
challenging his rival to meet him on a designated day and discuss
their respective claims to the suffrage of the people. It was unhes-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 93
itatingly accepted. They met according to appointment, and in
the presence of an immense assemblage, fought their battle of
argument, which resulted in the signal defeat of Mr. Pope. Mr.
Clay was re-elected by a large majority. The compensation bill
was among the first subjects considered by congress after it con
vened again, which was repealed. The per diem allowance was
finaUy increased to eight dollars per day.
During the canvass, Mr. Clay met an old hunter who had pre
viously been his devoted friend, but now opposed him on the
ground of the compensation biU. ' Have you a good rifle, my
friend?' asked Mr. Clay. 'Yes.' ' Does it ever flash ? ' 'Once
only.' ' What did you do with it, throw it away?' ' No, I picked
the flint, tried it again, and brought down the game.' ' Have I
ever flashed but on the compensation bill ? ' ' No.' ' WUl you
throw me away?' 'No! no!' quickly replied the hunter, nearly
overwhelmed by his enthusiastic feelings, ' / will pick the flint and
try you again P Ever afterwards he was the unwavering friend
of Mr. Clay,
An Irish barber residing at Lexington, had always given Mr,
Clay his vote, and on aU occasions when he was a candidate for
office, electioneered warmly for him. His ardent temperament
and unresteained passions frequentiy iflvolved him in scrapes and
difficulties, out of which Mr. Clay had generally succeeded in
exteicating him. While the canvass was progressing, after the
compensation bill, the barber did not evince his usual zeal and
animation, on the contrary seemed to be indifferent as to the result
of the election. To all inquiries for whom he designed to vote he
answered evasively. He was accosted a few days previous to the
election, by a gentleman for whom he entertained the most pro
found regard, with the question, ' for whom, Jerry, do you mean
to vote?' Regarding his interrogator with an earnest, shrewd look,
he replied, ' Faix, an' sure, docthur, I mane to vote for the man
who can't put more nor one hand into the threasury.' Mr. Pope,
the opponent of Mr. Clay, had the misfortune to lose an arm in
early life, and. this circumstance, whUe it gave pertinence to the
Irishman's reply, indicated for whom he intended to vote. A few
days subseqent to the election, the barber met Mr. Clay in Lexing
ton, and approaching him, burst into tears, saying that he had
wronged him, and manifested bitter regret for his in^atitude. ' My
poor dear wife,' said he, ' got round me, blubbering, and was after
vexing herself and me too. She tould me that I was too bad, too
bad, to desart like a base spalpleen, me ould frind. ' Niver's the
time, Jerry, dear, when you got in jail or any bad fixin', niver's the
time he didn't come to you an' hilp you out Och ! bad luck to
you, for not giving him your vote.' ' The barber was ever after
teue to Mr. Clay.
In all matters of public importance brought before the house,

94 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
whenever it was compatible vdth his station, Mr. Clay interested
himself, concerning which his manifestation of regard for the wel
fare of his country was characterized by unusual uniformity
There was nothing fitful or erratic about his zeal ; it burned with
a steady, certain fight, revealing the secrets of his very soul, in
relation to his public intentions and desires. Defeat could not
diminish, nor opposition extinguish it; always irrepressiblej con
flicting circumstances only rendered it, more intense. No meas
ures passed through his hands without bearing its impress, and so
deep as to appear a part of the same. But there were periods of
exteaordinary interest, when it blazed with more than meteoric
brilliancy — when it constituted the aurora borealis of the pohtical
horizon, seen and admired by the whole universe. One of these
periods we now approach — a period which reflects the highest
honor on his character, for philanthropy and benevolence, and
which caused his memory to be enshrined in the hearts of millions
remote from the field of Ms fame — the period of the struggles of
the Spanish colonies in South America, to become independent of
the mother country. These he contemplated with as much
anxiety and soficitude for then- result, as though he had been an
actual participator in them. >
HappUy for America, the allotment of Providence inteoduced
Mr. Clay to the stage of public action at one of the most critical
times in her history, when just such influence as he could exert was
imperiously demanded. The din of the revolution had hardly
died away, and the blood with which it was achieved scarcely
dried up, when he first came forward in the defence of his country's
rights. The spirit of ' seventy-six ' had indeed felled the tall trees
of tyranny, and plucked up the rank weeds of oppression, and
planted the germ of liberty. But the fittie band of men inhaling
that spirit, who had arrayed around the place of the precious
deposit a rampart of iron hearts, after irrigating and enriching il
with their blood, had either sunk down to an enviable rest in the
sacred soil, or with diminished energy and flagging zeal still
maintained their posts. Their pristine strength, however, the stonn
of war had swept away, and though they stiU stretched out their
scar-covered arms to shield it from invasion, their feeble efforts
were hardly sufficient to the task. Dangers were numerous, boding
disaster in case the vigUance of that veteran band should slumber.
The enemies of freedom, though beaten back, had retired with
their weapons in their hands, and from their secret lurking places
looked fortii, ready to avail themselves of the first favorable mo
ment to saUy forth and nip it in the bud. Such were the circum
stances, when Mr. Clay joined that weak and diminished company
of watchers. He found the tree of liberty a steong and vigorous
plant, unfolding its beautiful leaves, but needing great care and
culture. There was niucli foreign rubbish to be removed which

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 95
retarded its growth. A glance at its situation determined his
course. Nothing within the compass of his abUity necessary to
hasten on its progress towards maturity, was wanting. Morning,
noon and night found him pouring the dew of his dUigence upon
it in copious effusions. Under its genial influences the teunk shot
upward stately and steong, and the wide-spreading branches soon
bent beneath large clusters of delicious fruit The taste of that
fruit caused the heart of the nation to bound with gladness, and
her good and great men to desire that the inhabitants of the whole
world might partalie of it. Not a few of them gave utterance to
that desire in words that bm-ned with benevolence, but none spoke
louder or with more effect than Mr, Clay, His voice infused
courage into the hearts of those who were toUing to plant a similar
teee on the fertile pampas of South America, Its thunder-tones rever
berated among the lofty heights of the Andes, and rang through the
halls of the incas. The hunter beard them, and departed for the
battie-field to seek a nobler quarry. The gauchios left his lasso
on the plain and buckled on his armor. From rank to rank of
their embattied hosts they pealed, and nerved their arms to deal
the liberating blows.
The first pubfic expression of Mr. Clay's feelings in relation to
South American independence, was made in connection with a
proposition to reduce the direct taxes of the United States, which
he thought too high for a state of peace. The aspect of our
foreign relations at that time was peculiarly amicable, although,
from a report that the Spanish minister had made an informal
demand for a portion of Florida, seemed to indicate that a rupture
with Spain was by no means improbable, and he expressed him
self in favor of husbanding our means as much as practicable,
in anticipation of such an event. At the same time, he hinted the
propriety of assisting her colonial dependents in their endeavors to
estajslish a free government. His remarks caused Mr. Randolph
to express his sentiments concerning the same subject, which
among other things charged Mr. Clay with entertaining a esire
for conquest, indeed as being influenced by unworthy motives.
He said he was not ' going a tilting for the liberties of South
America.' She came not to our aid ; let us mind our own business,
and not tax our people for the fiberties of the people of Spanish
America, He declared that her inhabitants were incapable of appre
ciating or enjoying liberty. He thought Mr, Clay had imbibed the
war-spirit of Europe, ' The honorable gentleman has been sent on a
late occasion to Europe ; he had been near the field of Waterloo^
and he was apprehensive had snuffed the carnage and^ caught the
infection.' He intimated that Mr, Clay advocated an increase of
the army for the purpose of marching them to the scene of action.
'What!" increase our standing army in time of peace on the sug
gestion that we are to go on a crusade to South America ? ' Mr.

96 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
Clay denied having made the most remote suggestions to that
efiect, — that his remarks were incapable of being so construed.
' Do I not understand the gentieman ? ' — ' I am sorry I do not.
I labor under two great misfortunes — I can never understand the
honorable speaker, and he can never understand me.' Such being
the case, Mr. Randolph remarked, he should be under the necessity
of abandoning the argument with him, since it would be impossi
ble to proceed.
Mr. Clay again alluded to the same subject a few days after,
in a most feeling manner. A biU was brought forward to prohibit
' our citizens from selling vessels of war to subjects of a foreign
power,' which he vigorously opposed because of its evident bear
ing upon the beUigerent state of South America. He said it was
impossible to conceal the ti-ue character of that bill. ' Bestow
upon it what denomination you will, disguise it as you may, il
will be understood by the world as a law to discountenance any
aid being given to the South American patriots, now in a state of
revolution against the parent counti-y. With respect to the nature
of that steuggle, I have not now for the first time to express my
opinion and wishes. I wish them independence. It is the first
step towards improving their condition. Let them have a free
government, if they are capable of enjoying it At any rate let
' them have independence. Yes, from the inmost recesses of my
soul I wish them independence. In this I may be accused of
imprudence in the utterance of my feelings on this occasion. I
care not, when the independence, the happiness, the fiberty of a
whole people is at stake, and that people our neighbors, our
brethren occupying a portion of the same continent, imitating our
example, and participating of the same sympathies with ourselves.'
During the following month an attempt was made to appro
priate and pledge the bonus paid by the United States bank into
the pubUc ti-easury, as a permanent fund to be employed in
constructing works of internal improvement. Mr. Clay gave his
hearty concurrence to this measure, declaring his beUef that ' there
were no two subjects which could engage the attention of the
national legislature, more worthy of its deliberate consideration,
than those of internal improvements and domestic manufactures.'
A biU was passed constituting such fund, but the president vetoed
it on alleged constitutional grounds.
Mr. Clay's remarks caused great interest to be felt in behalf of
South American liberty, and during the summer foUowing, the
president appointed three commissioners, Messrs. Rodney, Gra
ham, and Bland, to proceed to South America, and examine her
political, civil and social condition as preliminary to rendering
them any assistance. Mr. Clay regarded the appointment as
impolitic, and when a biU came before the house in March iSlS,
providing for the support of government, objected to having it

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 97
embrace a clause appropriating thirty thousand dollars for their com
pensation, for constitutional reasons. For it he proposed to
substitute an amendment, appropriating eighteen thousand dollars
as the outfit and one year's salary of a minister from the United
States to the Independent Provinces of the river La Plata
in South America. He accompanied the presentation of the
amendment with a speech of gi-eat power, evincing great geo
graphical and historical knowledge, and setting forth cleariy the
condition of the people. The amendment, however, was not
adopted. ,
Many members of prominence differed with Mr. Clay, for
whose opinions he expressed his respect, and regretted that his
own convictions of expediency and duty led him to take a different
view of the subject. He directly avowed that considerations of
liberty and humanity had no little weight with him in advocating
their cause, but at the same time his belief, that the adoption of
the measure under consideration, while it would add to the renown
of the republic, would render material assistance to those who
were greatly in need of it He vindicated himself from the charge
which had been made, that he was desirous of fomenting a war
between the states and Spain. He indulged in animating antici
pations of the number and importance of the governments which
might be formed in those vast, fertile, and beautiful provinces. To
attempts at proving the movements of the colonists as rebeUious,
opposing the lawful government of Spain, he replied by clearly
showing that if that power had possessed a legal claim to their allegi
ance, she had forfeited il, by withholding that protection requisite to
entitie her to it, and that consequentiy the people of Spanish America
were contending for nothing more than their legal and natural rights.
*But' said Mr. Clay, ' I take a broader, bolder position. I main
tain that an oppressed people are authorized, whenever they can,
to rise and break their fetters. This was the great principle of
the English revolution. It was the great principle of our own.
We must therefore pass sentence of condemnation upon the
founders of our liberty, say that they were rebels and ti-aitors, and
that we are at this moment legislating without competent powers,
before we can condemn the course of Spanish America.' He
contended that if we were justified in om- attempts at independence,
much more was she, who had writhed beneath the scourge of
oppression so long, so much longer than we; that if they were
worthy of success, if they were entitied to succeed from the just
ness of their cause, then surely we ought to wish it, especially
when we consider the barbarous character of the war. He
maintained that we were deeply interested, in recognizing their
independence. Even then our commerce with those provinces
was considerable, and would gi-eatly increase after they should-
become permanenfly settled as free and independent nations. The
VOL. I. 13

98 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
act would attach them to us, nay, it would bind them to us by
relations as intimate as those of kindred; they would become our
powerful aUies. Mr. Clay said he took this ground, not because
he desired to force our principles where they were not wished, but
simply from feelings of sympatfiy. We knew by experience how
sweet it was to receive that when we were in circumstances that
tried men's souls. There could be no danger, nor objection to
steetch out towards their people the hand of friendly sympathy,
to present to those abused and oppressed communities an expres
sion of our good wUl, to make them a tender of those great
principles which we have adopted as the basis of our institu
tions. Their ignorance and inabUity had been brought forward,
by those opposing the measure, as completely incapacitating them
for self-government. These, he contended, had been greatly
magnified, but admitting them to be as unquafifying as they had
been represented to be, the fact ought rather to increase our pity
for them, and to urge us to seek the more earnestly, by all reasona
ble and just means within our reach, their liberation from that
detestable system which chained them to such a servile state. He
ridiculed the idea that recognition could be made a just pretext
for war. ' Recognition' said he, 'without aid is no just cause of
war ; with aid, it is not because of the recognition, but because of
the aid, as aid without recognition is cause of war.' Mr. Clay's
efforts were not successful at this time ; no minister was despatched
to South America ; the friendly mission was deferred until 1821,
when he submitted, on the tenth of February, a resolution to the
house, ' declaring that the house of representatives participated
with the people of the United States in the deep interest which
they felt for the success of the Spanish provinces of South
America, which were sti-uggling to establish their liberty and inde
pendence, and that it would give its constitutional support to the
president of the United States, whenever he might deem it
expedient to recognize the sovereignty and independence of those
provinces.' On this resolution, a warm and proteacted debate ensued, which
was finally adopted, by a vote of eighty-seven to sixty-eight, and
Mr. Clay was appointed chairman of a committee to communicate
to the president the action of the house.
On the eighth day of March, 1822, the president teansmitted to
the house of representatives a message recommending the recogni
tion, which Mr. Clay had so long steuggled for. On the twenty-
eighth the vote of recognition was taken, -when it appeared that
there was but one dissenting voice.
Thus at last were the noble and generous efforts of the pateiot
statesman crowned with success as complete as they had been
persevering. Years had elapsed between their commencement
and glorious consummation ; years of toil, anxiety, and hope, but

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. i
now the harvest time had come. The president and congres
from vehemently opposing his views in relation to their indepe
deuce, by his persuasive arguments were brought over to thei
who officially stretched out the hand of the nation, to clasp wi
friendly pressure those of the infant republics of the south. As
matter of course, the act was denounced as one of foUy and fraug
with danger, by the personal and political enemies of Mr. Cla;
but the truly philanthropic, throughout the land, regarded it wi
approbation, and described it as just what the greatest free nati<
on the globe should do towards those who were worthy of it
was applauded throughout the world, but particularly by tho
towards whom it was directed, with enthusiastic expressions i
gratitude. The supreme congress of Mexico voted him the than!
of the nation, for his zeal and efficient labors in their behalf.
During the struggle, his speeches were frequently read at the he;
of the patriot army, and the effect was always to increase the
intrepidity and valor. The name of Clay became associated wi
every thing dear and valuable in freedom, and was pronounced 1
both officer and soldier with reverence ; and many were the epi
tolary notices which he received, of the high estimation in whii
his services were held, by that suffering, but successfully sti-ugglii
people. The foUowing is a specimen, ' Bogota, 21st November, 1827,
Sir, — I cannot omit availing myself of the opportunity afforded me by llie depa
ure of colonel Watts, chargi d'affaires of the United States, of taking the liberty
address your excellency. This desire has long been entertained by me, for the pi
pose of expressing my admiration of your excellency's brilliant talents and arde
love of liberty. All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your e.\cellency our pun
gratitude, for the incomparable services you have rendered lo us, by sustaining o
course with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, therefore, this sincere and cordial tes
mony, which I hasten to offer to your excellency and to the government of the Unit
States, who have so greatly contributed to the emancipation of your southern brethn
' I have the honor to offer to your excellency my distinguished consideration.
' Your excellency's obedient servant, ' BOLIVAR.
To the above, Mr. Clay replied, of which the foUowing is i
exteact. Washihgton, Zlth October, 1828,
' SiK, — It is very gratifying to me to be assured directly by your excellency, tl
the course which the government of the United States took on this memorable occ
sion, and my humble efforts, have excited the gratitude and commanded the approl
tion of your excellency. I am persuaded that I do not misinterpret the feelings
the people of the United States, as I certainly express my own, in saying that t
interest which was inspired in this country by the arduous struggles of South Ami
ica, arose principally from the hope that along with its independence would be estc
lished free institutions, insuring all the blessings of civil liberty. To the accomplis
ing of that object we still anxiously look. We are aware that great difficult!
oppose it, among which not the least is that which arises out of the existence ol
large military force, raised for the purpose of resisting the power of Spain. Standi
armies, organized with the most patriotic intentions, are dangerous instrumen
They devour the substance, debauch the morals, and too often destroy the liberti
of a people. Nothing can be more perilous or unwise, than to retain them after t

100 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
necessity has ceased which led to their formation, especially if their numbers are
disnroportioned to the revenues of the istate. ,,..,, i. • u i i .-n
'But nothwithstandin- all these difneulties. we had fondly cherished and still
indulge Ihe hope that South America would add a new triumph to the cause of
human liberty, and that Providence would ble.ss her as he had her northern sisler,
with the "enius of some great and virtuous man, to conduct her securely through all
her trialsr We had even llattered ourselves that we beheld that genius in your excel
lency But I should be unworthy the consideration with which your excellency
honors me. and deviate from the frankness which I have ever endeavored to practice,
if I did not on this occasion state that ambitious designs have been attributed by your
enemies, to your excellency, which have created in my mind great solicitude. They
have cited late events in Colombia as piool's of these designs. But slow in the
withdrawal of confidence which I have once given, 1 have been most unwilling to
credit the unfavorable accounts which have from time to time reached me.
' I cannot allow myself to believe that your excellency will abandon the bright and
glorious path which lies plainly before you, for the bloody road passing over the
liberties of the human race, on which the vulgar crowd of tyrants and military
despots have so often trodden. I will not doubt that your excellency will in due
lime render a satisfactory explanation to Colombia, and to the world, of the parts of
your public conduct which have excited any distrust, and that preferring the true
glory of our immortal Washington to the ignoble fame of the destroyers of liberty,
you have formed the patriotic resolution of ultimately placing the freedom of Colom
bia upon a firm and sure foundation. That your efforts to that end may be crowned
with complete success, I most fervently pray.
' I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere wishes for
your happiness and prosperity. 'H. CLAY.'
His magnanimity, his disinterestedness, and his philanthropy, stand
out in bold relief, in the above exte-act from his apeal to Bolivar. It
evinces the same spirit of kind regard for the welfare of the South
American republics which he invariably manifested towards that
of his own. Its tone, the nature of its sentiments, and its more
than open frankness, utterly preclude the behef that selfishness
had any agency in its dictation. It exhibits him, cherishing as
strong a desire that the happy institutions, immunities, and priv
ileges of liberty should be established and enjoyed in them, as he
felt in supporting and perpetuating those of his own. No one
can rise up from its perusal and candidly question the purity of his
motives, nor charge him with an overweening ambition. In short,
no one unblinded by prejudice can fail of beholding in it, his
generous, uncalculating attitude.
During Mr. Madison's administration, Mr. Clay was twice
offered a seat in his cabinet by him, or the mission to Russia.
The president reposed in him most unbounded confidence, and cor
rectly appreciated his preeminent abilities. At the breaking out of
hostiUties, Mr. Madison selected him as commander-in-chief of the
army. But Mr. Clay, thinking that he could render his country more
efficient sei-vice in her public councUs, declined all attempts at remov
ing him from them, though he weU knew that he did so at the expense
of his private interests. These, however, never appear to have
entered into or influenced in the least his calculations. ' My
countey first, myself afterwards,' is legibly written on every part of
.his public career.

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY- 101
After the accomplishment of his desires in relation to South
America, he again reverted to his favorite policy ; favorite, because
he saw its intimate connection with the growth and prosperity of
his country, as calculated to develope her vast resources, and to
pour into her lap the blessings of a virtuous and free people. The
formation of Mr. Clay's attachment to internal improvements and
domestic manufactures, i« coeval with his enteance into congress ;
and when matters demanding immediate attention had been
disposed of, he would bring th6m forward, and labor to make the
conviction of their importance sink deep into the heart of the
nation. When Mr. Madison returned, with his objections, the bUl
appropriating the bonus of the United States bank for purposes of
internal improvements, Mr. Clay expressed his astonishment
He had confidently calculated on its receiving the signature of the
president ; for he had particularly invited the attention of congress,
in his message, 'to the expediency of exercising their existing
powers, and where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode
of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system
of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more
closely together every pai-t of our countey, by promoting intercourse
and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part in
the common stock of national prosperity.' Mr. Clay had heard,
through the medium of uncertain rumor, that Mr. Madison designed
to veto the bUl, whereupon he sent him a communication, requesting
him, if he entertained any constitutional scruples about signing it,
to let the whole matter rest and pass over to his successor for
action. The president, however, took a different view of the
subject, and on the third of March, returned the bUl. On the
following day, Mr. Monroe was inducted into his office, who, it
was conjectured, prior to seeing Mr. Madison's veto-message, had
prepared his inaugural address in such a manner as to recommend,
in sti-ong terms, the policy of promoting internal improvements,
but that, on reading Mr. Madison's objections to the bill, he
changed his opinion. It was thought he was led to do so partly
from fear, and partly from a desire to conform his views with
those of his predecessor. Subsequentiy he stated that a careful
investigation had conducted him to the conclusion, that the
power of making internal improvements was not vested in con
gress, and that to clothe that body with it, an amendment of
the constitution was requisite. Opposition such as this policy
had encountered, from so exalted a source as that of three
chief magisteates, (Messrs. Jefferson, Madison and Monroe,)
would have appalled a mind of ordinary steength and persever
ance ; but Mr. Clay was one who never formed an opinion with
precipitancy, but only when, by the most dUigent inquiry, he had
established a foundation for it in reason and philosophy. Erected
upon this basis, he would adhere to it, though confronted by the

102 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
combined opposition of the worid. A compromise of principle
he was a steanger to. Nothing disheartened, therefore, by the
ina<^nitude of the obstacles opposed to his progress in advocating
his°favorite measures, by those high in authority, he seemed to
gather fresh energy from every new one that he encountered. In
March, 1818, a resolution was submitted to the house, declaruig
that congress had power to consteuct miUtary post-roads and
canals, and also to appropriate money for that object The oppo
sition to this presented a formidable array of strength, and brought
forward every objection that political ingenuity could devise. Mr.
Clay did not deem it advisable to consume the time of the house
in examining in detaU any except those denominated constitutional.
His whole aim, therefore, was to prove that the power alleged in
the resolution, was derivable from the constitution ; and this he
accomphshed in the most convincing manner. In consteuing this
insteumcnt, he observed the same rules which governed his action
in relation to the bank bUl of 1816. He maintained that every
power, which appeared necessary and proper, to secure the lawful
exercise of constitutional rights, was fairly impliable, and that this
necessity and propriety must be determined by the discretion of
those who exercised it, ' under all the responsibility of a solemn
oath,' and the knowledge that they were the subjects of those laws
that they passed, and that they were amenable to the people, who
held in reserve the right to resist tyrannic usurpation. Mr. Clay
argued that the power to establish post-roads, expressly specified
in the constitution, involved the power to construct them. This
position he iUustrated with the clearness of demonsti-ation, by
refening to that clause which gives congi-ess the power of making
war, and employing the resources of the country in prosecuting it
Pie declared that, from the same provision, the power of transport
ing those means was derived by implication ; and that therefore,
to secure such transportation, congress might legally consteuct
military roads, &c. His adversaries, compelled to yield before
his powerful reasoning, fell back, and inteenched themselves
behind the concession that peculiar emergencies might justify the
exercise of the power in question. From this he drove them,
by proving that this concession contained the admission that the
constitution conveyed ' the power ; and,' said Mr. Clay, ' we may
safely appeal to the judgment of the candid and enUghtened to
decide between the wisdom of these two consteuctions, of which
one requires you to wait for the exercise of your power until the
arrival of an emergency, which may not allow you to exert it, and
the other, without denying the power if you can exercise it during
the emergency, claims the right of providing beforehand against
the _ emergency.' They finally fortified themselves behind the
position, that it was not requisite for the general government to
consteuct such works, because individual enterprise would do it

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 103
as soon, as sectional interests should demand their consti-uction.
Here he hemmed in and captured them. His motion was adopted
by a vote of ninety to seventy-five. It was a teiumph, and a
signal one, over opposition that had been accumulating and
strengthening during two previous administeations ; and which in
the then existing one, was directed against him with all the
violence and impetuosity that reserved energies could impart to it
It must have been a moment of proud satisfaction to the indefat
igable statesman, as he beheld the last vestige of opposition
disappear beneath his feet, and himself the sole occupant of the
place on which he had so happily succeeded in founding a basis
for that noble, incomparably noble system, fraught with every
good and every immunity which a virtuous people could desire.
This system has since been erected so much under his supervision,
and through his direct insteumentafity, as to give him the titie of
'its father.'
Mr. Clay advocated the policy of carrying forward the construc
tion of the Cumberland road, as rapidly as possible, and exerted
himself from time to time, to procure appropriations for that purpose ;
with what earnestness, we may learn from his own language,
declaring that ' he had to beg; entreat, and supplicate congress,
session after session, to grant the necessary appropriations to com
plete the road.' Said he, ' I have myself toiled until my powers
have been exhausted and prostrated to prevaU on you to make the
grant.' A monument of stone has been erected on the road,
surmounted by the genius of liberty, and bearing as an inscription,
the name of ' Heiiry Clay,' The importance of this road to the
public may be learned from some remarks made by Mr, Clay, on
the occasion of a dinner given him by the mechanics of Wheeling,
Virginia, in which he declared the great interest that work had
awakened in his breast, and expressed his ardent desire that it
might be prosecuted to a speedy completion. He said that a few
years since, he and his family had employed the whole or gi-ealer
part of a day, in teavelling the distance of about nine miles,
from Uniontown to Freeman's on Laurel Hill, which now, since
the construction of the Cumberland road over the mountains,
could be accomplished, together with seventy more, in the same
time. He considered its importance so great to the union, that he
would not consent to give it up to the keeping of the several states
through which it passed,
Mr, Clay's latest congressional efforts in behalf of internal
improvements, were made on the sixteenth of January, 1824, when
he made a speech before the house, on a biU authorizing the presi
dent to cause certain surveys and estimates of roads and canals to
be made. Mr, Monroe and a steong party of supporters assumed
the ground, that congress had no control over the post roads, other
than to use such as had been established by the states individuaUy,

104 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
and that their consteuction and repair (and consequent alteration
and closure) did not belong to the general government To this
doctrine Mr. Clay replied, by saying, ' is it possible that this con
steuction of the constitution can be correct — a construction which
aUows a law of the United States, enacted for the good of the
whole, to be obsti-ucted or defeated in its operations by a county
court in any one of the twenty-four sovereignties ? Suppose a
state, no longer having occasion to use a post-road for its own
separate and peculiar purposes, withdraws all care and attention
from its preservation. Can the state be compelled to repair it ?
No! Then may not the general government repair this road,
which is abandoned by the state power? And may it not protect
and defend that which it has thus repaired, and which there is no
longer an interest or inclination in the stale to protect and defend?
Is it contended that a road may exist in the statute book, which
the state will not, and the general government cannot repair and
improve ? What sort of an account should we render to the
people of the United States, of the execution of the high teust
committed to us for their benefit, if we were to tell them, that we
had faded to execute it because a state would not make a
road for us? The same clause of the constitution which
authorizes congress to establish post roads, authorizes it also to
estabfish post offices. WiU it be contended that congress,
in the exercise of the power to estabUsh post offices, can do
no more than adopt or designate some preexisting office, enacted
and kept in repair by state authority ? There is none such.
It may then fix, build, create and repair offices of its own, and
its power over the post roads, is by the constitution equaUy
extensive. ' Mr. Barbour, of Virginia, was among the most vigor
ous assaUants of the policy advocated by Mr. Clay. He contended,
that if it were can-ied out, an encroachment on the rights of the
states would be the inevitable consequence; that their jurisdiction
would be abridged. He was answered in such a manner as to
show that there was no ground of alarm to be apprehended from
that source ; that all the control which the general government
sought to exercise, related simply to constructing and preserving
the road, and the maintenance of the necessary measures of its
defence, and that all illegal acts committed upon it would be left
lor adjudication by the state through which it passed. Mr Clay
contended that the general government derived the right of constract-
ing canals, froiii the specified rights of maldng war and regulating
domestic and foreign commerce. His reasoning was clear fnd con
clusive, and when the final vote was taken, the majority was much
greater than the most sanguine supporters of the measure had antici
pated, showing a great increase since 1818, when he discussed the
same subject I he opposition were now prostrated, indeed they had
on this occasion brought out their whole steength, and many were

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 105
heard to say, that if defeated now, they should regard the policy of
internal improvements permanently settied. Many, therefore, who
had formerly opposed it, on witnessing Mr. Clay's complete
triumph, adopted his views, and came over to his aid.
It has always been a prominent principle with Mr. Clay, in his
legislative career, to give a judicious direction to his exertions, so
that if they were successful, his countey would be benefited, but
if unsuccessful, that she should not sustain any harm. In this one
feature of his action, is seen, as in a mirror, 'the purity of his pa
triotism. His exertions, as directed towards the subject of internal
improvements, have been productive of incalculable benefit to the
nation, and to individuals. They have awakened, and employed,
and given an impetus to an amount of enterprise unmeasured, the
salutary effects of which, every hill and vale of our vast country
has felt. And the sea has felt them too ; the sails of commerce
have been multiplied by them, and foreign shores have groaned
beneath the burdens of rich freights, which they have heaped upon
them. But who, in imagination, even, can enumerate the number
and the depth of the new channels of enterprise which they are
destined yet to create, where industry may roll her golden tide,
and build by their sides the abodes of a mighty, free, and happy
people. Through the long vista of years to come, it needs no
prophetic ken to look, and read, on many a monument of adamant,
interspersed among them, in characters of imperishable fame,
inscribed the name of Henry Clay.
Near the commencement of 1817, efforts were made by the
friends, of the free colored population in the United States, to ame-
Uorate their condition. For this purpose, a meeting was convened
at Washington, on the twenty-first of December, 1816, over which
Mr. Clay was caUed to preside. On taking the chair, he stated
the object of the meeting to be, to consider the propriety and prac
ticability of colonizing the free people of color of the United
States, and of forming an association relative to that object. In
regard to the various schemes of colonization which had been sug
gested, that appeared the most feasible, which contemplated some
portion of the coast of Africa. There, he said, ample provision
might be made for the colony itself, and it might be rendered
insteumental in inteoducing into that extensive portion of the globe,
the arts of civilization and Christianity. He said there was a pecu
fiar and moral fitness in restoring them to the land of their fathers.
He went on to state, that he had understood it constituted nopart
of the object of the meeting to touch or agitate in the sfighest
degree, a delicate question connected with another portion of the
colored population of our countey. It was not proposed to delib
erate on or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that
was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upOn that
condition alone, he was sure that many gentiemen from the south
VOL. L 14

]^06 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
and west, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected
to cooperate. The meeting resulted in the formation of the Colo
nization Society, of which Bushrod Washington was chosen
president .
In March previous. Mi-. Clay expressed his views relative to
holding congi-essional caucuses, for the purpose of making nomi
nations. He thought them not compatible with the nature of the
powers delegated to them by the people, as calculated to meet then-
disapprobation, and establish a precedent which might prove dan
gerous to their fiberties.
When congress adjourned, in March, 1817, the house unani
mously voted Mr. Clay their thanks, for the abUity and impartiality
with which he had presided over their defiberations, and the cor
rectness of his decisions on aU questions referred to the chair. He
rephed in an apposite and beautiful manner, saying that next to
the approbation of one's own conscience, and one's own countey,
was that of the immediate representatives of the people. He spoke
of the difficulties of legislation ; said there were three periods that
might be denominated difficult ; the first was that which immedi
ately preceded a state of war ; the second was that which existed
during its continuance ; and the third was that which immediately
succeeded it. The last was the one through which they had just
passed -^ the most difficult of the three, when every thing pertain
ing to the general and state governments was unsettied, and when
disorganization to a greater or less extent prevaUed ; when the
task of supplying deficiences, steengthening weaknesses, and cor
recting abuses, was by no means light or pleasant. He congratu
lated them on the efficient manner in which they had discharged
that task, to which the records of the house bore ample testimony.
He closed by tendering them his thanks, for the flattering expres
sion of good feeling -with which they had honored him, presuming
that it was prompted more by a spirit of kindness, than by a sense
of justice to him, as he was sure he did not merit it, and by pledg
ing their united efforts, as an offering to their common countey, in
advancing their best interests.
When he reached Lexington, its citizens gave him a dinner, and
as heretofore, showered on him their enthusiastic approbation
and applause.
In January, 1817, the subject of the weU known Seminole war
was brought before the house for its consideration. Several
features relating to the mode in which it had been conducted,
demanded, in the opinion of many humane members, a critical
investigation. _ The character which had been given to that wai,
by the chieftain to whose management it was intirusted, was
reflecting steongly on the honor and justice of our countiy. She
had sustained a grievous injury from a portion of the Seminole
Indians, who, during the last war, aided the British arms against

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 107
her, and feeling that she had just cause for seeking redress, de
spatched general Andrew Jackson, at the head of a steong -mifitary
force, to obtain- it He marched into their territory, and in a short
time so reduced them, that a portion sued for peace. A teeaty was
accordingly prepared, in August, 1814, but which was not signed
by many of the chiefs, except those previously friendly to our
country, who constituted only about one third of the nation. This
misnomered teeaty, from its cruel and unheard-of tyrannical exac
tions, had found a much more appropriate resting place by the side
of the ruthless interdicts of a Nero, or a Trajan, than in the archives
of a christian nation. The poor natives, reduced to actual starva
tion, their wigwams and vUlages in ashes, withering in the dust
beneath the feet of the conqueror, had no alternative but to submit
to death, or just such terms as he chose to dictate. They preferred
the latter, which was meted out with a hand nerved with aU the
unrelenting sternness of pateiotism, without any of its mercy.
The Indians obtained what they sought, but they paid dearly for it
The insttument granted them peace, on condition that they would
cede a large portion of their territory to the United States, and
yield them important powers and privileges over the remainder,
and deliver into the hands of the conqueror the prophets of their
nation. It needed only a superficial knowledge of the Indian
character, tb perceive that their proud and haughty spirit would
not long brook a compliance with terms so abjectly humUiating.
Not many rnonths elapsed before they began to renew their depre
dations on our frontiers. Though acts of cruelty, on the part of
the Seminoles, were of frequent occurrence, apparentiy calling
loudly for vengeance, stiU they were greatiy paUiated by a letter
from ten of the Seminole towns, addressed to the commanding offi
cer of fort Hawkins, on the eleventh of September, 1817, in which
it was stated that not a solitary white man had been butchered by
them, except in revenge for the unprovoked murder of an Indian.
' The white, people,' it declared, ' killed our people first, the Indians
then took satisfaction. There are yet three men that the red people
have never taken satisfaction for.' The governor of Georgia,
accurately acquainted with aU the facts, declared his honest and
sincere conviction that thfey were not in fault But supposing the
whites had not been guilty of outeages on the Seminoles, subse
quent to the date of the teeaty, yet its unjustiy oppressive character,
the paucity of their chieftains' signatures attached to it, and the
obligations imposed on the United States, by the ninth article of
the teeaty of Ghent, towards the Indian teibes, to say nothing of
the law of nature, justified, in our humble opinion, the attempts of
the Seminoles to shake off the insupportably heavy burden which
military despotism had bound upon them. In view of these facts,
in relation to general Jackson's teeatment of the Seminoles, it is
unnecessary to say, that his second expedition against them was

103 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
not marked by one mitigating or lenient feature; that they were
treated more like dogs than men ; that their chiefs were decoyed
by him into his camp, and there seized and instantiy put to death.
In short, that every principle of honor, humanity, and justice, which
ought to accompany the operations of a civilized army, was utterly
disregarded. It is not surprising, therefore, that the pateiotically
disposed, in congress, on beholding the dark spot gathering on the
escutcheon of their country's fame, in consequence of such high
handed proceedings, should rise up and attempt to efface it. Gen
eral Jackson's conduct in the Flori4a war, was made the subject
of special investigation, during the session of 1818-19. A series
of resolutions were offered to congress, severely censuring it, which
Mr. Clay sustained in a speech of unparalleled ability. Although
on terms of personal intimacy with the general, although he
accorded to him his just meed of praise, for the distinguished ser
vice he had rendered his countey in the battie of New Orleans,
still Mr. Clay thought he had teanscended the limits of both law
and equity, and did not allow his feefings of friendship for him to
interpose any obstacle to the frank and fearless avowal of his sen
timents. He commented very severely upon his teeatment of
Indian prisoners, in ordering their inhuman massacre, after obtain
ing possession of them, by the artifice of a \false flag,' not hesita
ting to pronounce it wanton, barbaric, and uncalled for. But his
flagrant violations of the rights of neuteaUty called forth his sharp
est animadversions. During the campaign, two Indian teaders,
Messrs. Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the former a Scotchman, the
latter an EngUshman, had faUen into the hands of general Jackson. ,
Anibi-ister was found in the Indian camp, Arbuthnot within the "
limits of Spanish jurisdiction. The Englishman was suspected
of having instigated the savages to make war upon the whites,
and the Scotchman was charged with informing the Indians of
their rights, as secured to them by the teeaty of Ghent, and of hav
ing advised them to maintain them by force of arms. These
unfortunate men, he ordered the one to be shot and the other hung,
in durect opposition to the decision of a court martial of his own
choosing. The turpitude of this act, Mr. Clav exhibited in its
teue colors. He conteasted the execution of Arbuthnot with the
blackest act of Napoleon, the execution of Louis of France, and
showed that for ateocity, and disregard for justice and clemency,
it cast the latter far into the back-ground. His aggression commit
ted upon the Spanish authorities, in seizing upon St. Marks and
1 ensacola feU under the rod of his reprobation. Mr. Clay de
nounced these acts as falling littie short of tyi-annic usurpation,
and wliich could not be justffied on any ground of iustice or rea
son. His speech on this occasion, has been compared to the
polished orations of Sheridan, in the "case of Hastings, but as
exhibiting a much milder spirit, one of sincere sorrow, instead of

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 109
The resolutions were rejected by a small majority, which is not
surprising, on considering that Mr. Monroe, his cabinet, and nearly
aU the house, were disinclined to arraign the conduct of general
Jackson in the Seminole war, and when we reflect that Mr. Clay
did not repeat his efforts, as he usually did. The general, who
soon after visited Washington, took umbrage at Mr. Clay's speech,
and carried his animosity so far as to refuse to have any intercourse
with him, although he called on him directiy after his arrival, thus
evincing an unabatement of friendship.
To whatever part of Mr. Clay's congressional career we turn
our eyes, we invariably find him actively engaged in budding up
that magnificent system of domestic utility, whenever circumstan
ces admitted. This he commenced, as we have seen, previous to
the war, and his attachment to it had been increasing ever since,
until the conviction of its indispensable importance to the coun
tey had sunk so deep into his mind, as to cause him to toil
unremittingly, in order that the beneficial influences of that system
might be diffused over it as soon as possible. For these, the
farmer at his plough and the mechanic in his shop were steetching
out their, hands. These, our infant manufactories, which sprang
up to supply the demands caused by the war, demanded, and
these were requisite to make the union (what Mr. Clay never lost
sight of,) independent in reality, as she was in name, of all
foreign powers.
It was obvious to both parties in congress, that in order to
accomplish an object so essential to the welfare of the nation, a
protective tariff was necessary. Accordingly, on the twelfth of
March, 1816, Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, one of the com
mittee of ways and means, made a report relative to the policy of
protection. He sustained the poficy by an able speech, and was
foUowed by Mr. Calhoun, who also advocated it Mr. Clay
yielded his unqualified assent and vindication, and sought to cause
the bill to be so formed as to secure efficient protection for woollen
fabrics. It was finally adopted.
In AprU, 1820, the subject of a protective tariff came again
before congress. The distress which the countey had experienced
since 1816, was seen to have originated, in a great degree, from
inadequate protection, particularly that which had fallen upon the
manufacturing districts. To a biU revising and improving the
tarif][; of 1816, Mr. Clay gave his ardent support As on former
similar occasions, he urged its adoption on the high ground of
national utility. ' I frankly own,' said he, ' that I feel great
solicitude for the success of this biU. The entire independence of
my countey of all foreign states, as it respects a supply of our
essential wants, has ever been with me a favorite object The
war of our revolution effected our political emancipation. The
last war contributed greatiy towards accomplishing our com-

110 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
mercial freedom. But our complete independence -wiU only
be consummated after the policy of this bUl shall be recognized
and adopted.' The biU, though passed by the house, was defeated
in the senate.
In 1824, the disteess of the countey had increased to such an
enormous extent, that the most serious apprehensions began to be
entertained, lest the productive energies of the land would be com
pletely annihUated, unless some remedy should be devised. There
was no department which did not feel its blighting influence;
navigation and commerce, no less than agriculture and manufac
tures, tottered beneath the teemendous weight of gloom, which,
fike a dense cloud of ruin, overshadowed the whole nation. Our
vessels were either lying idle at their moorings, or mostiy going in
baUast ; all encouragement for enterprise was taken away; produce
was plenty, but purchasers few ; our granaries and store houses
were fuU to overflowing, and in many instances, their contents
were going to decay ; to obtain money, except at ruinous rates,
was out of the question, consequently labor was in littie demand
and poorly rewarded ; the depreciation of property of all kinds
was unparaUeled, and disorder and embarrassment pervaded
every rank and condition of every industeial department. It was
under such circumstances, that a farther revision and enlargement
of the tariff of 1816 was proposed. In the house, the committee
on manufactures reported a bill to that effect, at the same time
expressing their opinion, that the evils which then existed, were
clearly traceable to inefficient protection of domestic industey, and
of relying too much on foreign producers, thereby aUowing the
specie, the life-blood of the country, to be drained out of it. This
defect the bUl proposed to remedy. Mr. Clay came forward in
its support, under the most solemn impressions of the exceedingly
lamentable condition which his country was in, and evinced, by
every tone of his voice and look of his countenance, his deep
anxiety to extend to her the hand of speedy refief. ' If it were
aUowable for us at the present day,' said he, ' to imitate ancient
examples, I would invoke the aid' of the Most High. I would
anxiously and ferventiy implore his divine assistance, that he would
be graciously pleased to shower on my countey his richest bless
ings,- and that he would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the
individual who stands before him, and lend him the power, moral
and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to
his pubfic station.' He fek that it was indeed a sad sight, to behold
a free and mighty nation sitting in sackcloth and ashesj with her
hands shaclded by a policy as unwise as it was foreign to her
interests, with which, had they been free, she could have clothed
herself with beautiful garments, excited the envy and admiration
ol the world, and brushed fike chaff every vestige of depression
and distress from her borders. He contended that the causes of

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 11]
these were easily discoverable, and as easUy removable ; that they
were enth-ely within our conteol, and that we had but to wiU it and
the work was done, and it was high time, he said, to set about it
Evils of every description had been accumulating during the last
ten years, until they had become so numerous and great as to be
no longer patible. But it was a source of satisfaction to know
that they need not be endured — that they were medicable — that
"with a change of poUcy they would disappear, as certainly as dark
ness disappears before light. A cultivation of her own resources, he
said, would refieve the countey. If she would break away from that
state of foreign vassalage, into which she had voluntarily entered,
the streams of commerce would again fertilize her fair fields. If she
would but exend her hand and pluck from her breast the thorn, which
her own suicidal policy had planted there, he avowed his belief that
the rose of industry would spring up in its place. This change of
policy, he believed, would accomplish all that would be requisite
to her .peace and prosperity. In supporting the biU, however, he
had to encounter much and steong opposition, at the head of
which stood Daniel Webster. The coUision of these eloquent
and inteUectual giants, is said to have been inconceivably grand.
Say,^ a gentleman who witnessed it, ' the eloquence of Mr, Webster
was the majestic roar of a steong and steady blast, pealing through
the forest ; but that of Mr, Clay was the tone of a god-like instrument,
sometimes visited by an angel touch, and swept anon by aU the
fury of the raging elements.' Mr. Clay, aware that he was con
tending for the very vitality of his country, had nerved himself up
to one of his mightiest efforts, one which would demolish every
opposing obstacle, and plant his foot in complete triumph on the
ruins of the strongest holds of his assailants. He turned aside
every weapon directed against his system, and entirely disarmed
aU opposition. The bill passed the house on the sixteenth of April,
by a vote of one hundred and seven to one hundred and two, and
shortly after became a law, and its beneficial effects were felt
throughout the countey. The operations of this system, in connec
tion with the United States bank, which was now rapidly correct
ing the derangements in the currency, fiUed the land with gladness
and prosperity. Enterprise came forth from his retiracy, to which
the previous embarrassment had driven him, and shaking the dust
of sloth from his garments, cast his eyes about over the vast and
beautiful field which invited his occupancy. Encouraged by the
loud and united voices of this -wisely regulated institution, and
the American system, he took immediate possession. The desert
bloomed, the forest feU, the mUl arose, and the wheel of industey,
which before was slumbering on its rusting axle, under the guid-
ance of his potent hand began again its healthful revolutions, and
soon the land was belted by her green and golden teacks. He
hushed the voice of woe, and caused the loud shout of joy to go

1 12 LIFE OF HENRY CLAV.
up from every hUl and vale throughout the nation. After she had
enioyed his fife-imparting influence eight years, Mr. Clay thus
describes her appearance. ' We have the agreeable contemplation
of a people out of debt, innumerable flocks and herds browsing
on ten thousand hUls and plains covered wUh rich and verdant
orasses, our cities expanded, and whole villages springing up as it
were by enchantment, our exports and imports increased and
increasing, our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, fully occupied, the
rivers of our interior animated by countiess steamboats, the cur
rency sound and abundant, the public debt of two v/ars nearly
redeemed, and, to crown aU, the public teeasury overflowing,
embarrassing congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select
the objects which shaU be refieved from the imposts. If the term
of seven years were to be selected, of the greatest prosperity which
this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present
constitution, it would be exactly the period of seven years which
immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824.' Who
can doubt, after an impartial survey of the whole ground, (and a
superficial one is sufficient,) who can doubt that the materials for
limning. the above strong, but correct picture, were furnished by a
sound currency, and a judicious tariff. As long as the XerraAariff
shall remain in the Engfish vocabulary, wiU the memory of Henry
Clay, in aU the verdancy of spring, abide in the heart of the
nation. Notwithstanding the sturdy opposition which Mr. Webster
arrayed against this system, as advocated by Mr. Clay, he became
its ardent supporter when time had tested and proved its impor-
fance. Many other public functionaries also, who had assaUed it
in the most vindictive manner, laid down their weapons, and cor
dially embraced, with steong protecting arms, its salutary provisions.
Even bigotry and prejudice were forced into an unwiUing acknowl
edgement of its utUity, and were soon seen placing themselves
in a situation where its benign influences would faU upon them.
In 1819, the most exciting question that ever agitated the coun
cils of the nation, came before congress for adjustment — the
question of admitting Missouri as a state into the Union. It was
correctly caUed a ^distracting question^ for it caused a pofitical
earthquake, whose quaking influences were felt from one end of
the land to the other; and even now its recoUection causes a
sensation of terror to come over those who were the immediate
wUnesses of it. Its contemplation made the stout-heartfed pateiot,
and the immovably good of aU classes, to turn pale with fear, who
beheved, that unless it could be calmed, it would engulph in irre
mediable ruin the liberties of the republic. It was not the simple
question of admission which convulsed the country, but the terms
with which it was proposed to connect her reception into the con
federacy—terms involving another question, one which furnished

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 113
all the fuel which kindled the fires of the most acrimonious strife,
in every section of the nation — the question of slavery. The
question of admission divided the countey into two great parties.
A large and respectable portion of her representatives at Washing
ton, desired the admission to be unconditional, while the other
wished it to be subject to certain conditions, among which was the
foUowing : that ' aU children of slaves, born within the said state
after the admission thereof into the union, shall be free, but may
be held to service until the age of twenty-five years, and the farther
introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude is prohibited,
except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shaU have
been duly convicted.' With the certainty of intuition, Mr. Clay
foresaw and predicted the alarming consequences which would
flow from the fiery crucible of public debate, if this combustible
condition ivas placed in it, and rang the tocsin peal of his voice in
the ears of the nation. Although opposed to slavery, and declaring
that if he were a citizen of Missouri, he would steenuously oppose
any farther inteoduction of slaves into her, and provide for the
emancipation of those already within her borders, still he befieved
we had no right to compel her to adopt our opinions, especially as
she was unrepresented, and preferred leaving the subject of slavery
to be settied by her alone.
The condition, however, was made the subject of the most
stormy debate in the house, and carried. The bill containing it
was sent tO the senate, which returned it to the house, after reject
ing the condition. Neither house would abandon its opinion, con
sequently the bill for admitting Missouri was defeated, and unfor
tunately the question -was laid over for the action of the next ses
sion. This gave time greatiy to augment and embitter the tempest
of contention that had been raised over this matter in congress,
which soon drew within its eddying vortex, in one fierce wrangle,
the entire people. Their representatives, on the adjournment of
congress, carried the infection among them in every direction, which
created the most violent monomania relative to this condition,
demanding the sacrifice of ease, domestic avocations, and even
health itself. The press reeked with inflammatory appeals, and
when they reassembled at the session of 1819-20, they were almost
wafted to their seats on the wings of the furious commotion. Un
der such circumstances the discussion was renewed, which was
conducted in such an angry manner as to add fresh fuel to the
flame raging without. Resolutions in favor of, and opposed to the
condition, were passed by several states, and placed on the tables
in congress, which already groaned beneath the ponderous weight
of similar documents, from associations and public meetings
throughout the country. These, instead of shortening, tended only
to prolong the debate. At one time, Mr, Clay spoke about four
hours against the condition, but his speech,, we regret to say, was
VOL, I. 15

J^|4 LIFE OF HENRY UL A Y .
never reported. Those who were in favor of subjecting her adihig-
sion to the specific condition, brought forward the acts of congi-ess
passed in connection with the admission of Ohio, Indiana, and
Efinois, into the union, which was coupled with a similar condition,
or one even more restrictive in relation to slaveiy, as proof that it
had a right to impose conditions on admitting a state. The prin
cipal argument of those opposed to the condition was derived,
from the constitution, which they contended bestowed on congress
no power whatever over slaves, except what had aheady been ex
ercised, in prohibiting their importation after the year 1808, that the
slave states never would have joined the confederacy, if the power
now claimed had been confen-ed by the constitution, that the day
when it should be usurped, would be the last of the union, that
Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, had
been admitted into the union, unsubjected to any such condition,
and that therefore Missomi should also be received on the same
ground. After the smoke of the political battle had somewhat cleared up,
the vote was again taken on the question of resteiction, which
showed a majority in the senate against, and in the house for it
At the same time before congress was an application from Maine
for admission to the privileges of a state, which the senate coupled
with that of Missouri, but the house refused to sanction the union.
Finally, the question was referred to a joint committee from both
houses, who attempted to decide it by compromise. By this, Mis
souri was admitted without resteiction, but it was provided ' that in
aU that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the
name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and
thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the
state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude,
otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the parties
shaU have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever pro
hibited. Provided always, that any person escaping into the same,
from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or
temtory 'of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully
reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or
service as aforesaid.' '
By this act of congress the temtory was authorized to frame a
constitution and state government, which should not infringe any
article of the constitution of the United States, and required to
teansmit to congress ' a true and attested copy of the same,' when
a final resolution of congress would be requisite to its admission
into the union.
In June, 1820, the territory compfied with these conditions, and
inteoduced into her constitution an article maldng it the duty of
the legislattire ' as soon as might be to pass such laws as were
necessary to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 115
and'settiing in the state under any pretext whatever.' This clause
called forth the most violent censiu-e of the friends of restriction,
which caused the flames of contention to burst out anew and with
redoubled violence. Mr. Clay foimd himself, in the autumn of
1820, obfiged to resign his seat as speaker, and retire from congress,
to repair by the practice of law, his fortune, which had been greatiy
diminished by heavy losses sustained by his becoming security
for a friend.
At the commencement of the session of 1820-21, the constitu
tion of Missouri was placed in the hands of a committee, who
reported in favor of her admission. The senate passed an act to
that effect, but the house rejected it The admission of Missouri
was opposed on the ground that free people of color were citizens
of the state of their residence, and as such they possessed an
undoubted right to remove to Missouri, and that her prohibition of
their removal within her limits, was a flagrant violation of the
constitution of the United States. On the other hand it was main
tained that whether bond or free, the African race were not parties
to our pofitical institutions, that therefore free negroes and mulat
toes were not citizens within the meaning of the constitution of
the United. States, and that even if the constitution of Missouri
were repugnant to that of the United States, the latter was perma
nent and would overrule the conflicting provision of the former,
without the interference of congress.
Such was the question which menaced a disruption of the union.
.Mmost daily, in some form or other, it presented itself, wearing a
more threatening aspect at each successive appearance, engender
ing in the hearts of the two contending parties, feelings of the
most bitter animosity, clogging the wheels of government, and
effectually impeding, and almost extinguishing all legislative
action. Says one familiar with this question, ' popular meetings,
legislative resolves, and other demonstrations of feeling and pas
sion were resorted to; crimination and recrimination followed;
and separation, disunion, and civU war, with aU its infinite of hor
rors, were the common topics of every village and hamlet Had
a few more materials of excitement been kindled, the work of
desteuction would have been instant and complete.
In this crisis, when the last Ungerings of hope seemed to have
departed, that an amicable adjustment of the question would be
effected, aU eyes were turned towards Mr. Clay, as the only
person who could avert the calamities which seemed suspended
over the nation. He reached Washington on the sixteenth of
January 1821, and found congress in the greatest scene of confusion
irnaginable. Legislation was absolutely terminated. The most
envenomed feelings of hateed rankled in the bosoms of the two
parties, who, frowning darkly on each other, bore a steonger resem
blance to two belligerent armies, with their weapons in their hands,

IIG LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
impatiently waiting for the word to rush into the maddening coriflict,
than to companies of grave and sober legislators. He was immedi
ately waited on by both parties, who expressed the strongest anxiety
that the vexed question might be settied and enteeated him to devise
some method by which it might be consummated. He expressed
his views freely, and urged them to select some common ground on
which both parties could meet and harmonize their opinions. On
the second day of February, he made a motion to commit the
question to a committee of thirteen, to be chosen from both parties,
a number suggested by the original states of the union, which
was accepted. Mr. Clay, in a report submitted to the house on
the tenth of February, by him as chairman of the committee of
thirteen, inteoduced a resolution for the admission of Missouri, on
the foUowing conditions :
It is provided that the said state shaU never pass any law pre
venting any description of persons from coming to or settfing in
the said state, who now are or may hereafter become citizens of
any of the states of this union, and also that the legislature of the
said state by a public act shaU declare the assent of the state to
this provision, and shall transmit to the president of the United
States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an
authentic copy of the said act, upon the receipt whereof, the presi
dent by proclamation shall announce the fact, whereupon and
without any farther proceedings on the part of congress, the admis
sion of the said state into the union shaU be considered as com
plete, and it is provided further that nothing herein contained shall
be consteued to take from the state of Missouri, when admitted
into the union, the exercise of any right or power which can now
be constitutionally exercised by any of the original states.' The
report was made to include this provision with direct reference to
those who opposed the admission in consequence of the repug
nance of a clause of the constitution of Missouri to the constitu
tion of the United States, which, if they were sincere in their
opposition, would cause them to desist The house took- up the
report on the twelfth, when Mr. Clay entered into a minute detail
of the deliberations of the committee, the difficulties that attended
them, and the causes which led to the adoption of the resolution
m the report, and concluded by beseeching them to cherish a feel
ing of conciliation, and to temper their proceedings by modera
tion. The report was rejected in committee of the whole on the
^i^^^i,- J ""^°"' ^"* '^^^ afterwards adopted in the house. On
the third reading of the resolution, another sharp debate ensued,
which was terminated by Mr. Clay, who is represented as having
reasoned, remonstrated, and entreated, that the house would settle
me question He is represented as having been almost the onlv
individual who was collected and calm. While others were covered
with the loam of fierce debate, and lashed into furv bv the com-

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY 117
bined influences of political or personal animosity, he seemed like
one dwelling in the region of perpetual serenity on some lofty
mountain, and contemplating unmoved the storm that was raging
and bursting around its base. ' Every darker passion seemed to
have died within him, and he looked down upon the maddening
and terrific scene with that calm and sublime regret, and gave
utterance to his thoughts in that high, majestic, and pathetic
eloquence, which seemed almost to designate him as a superior
being commissioned by heaven to warn our countey against the
sin of anarchy and blood.' The, resolution,^ notwithstanding his
exertions, was lost.
On the fourteenth, the two houses met for the purpose of ascer
taining the result of an election that had been held for president
and vice president, and while the ceremony was being performed,
a scene of confusion occurred, on the presentation of the votes of
the electors for Missouri. The senate withdrew, and with much
difficulty Mr. Clay finally succeeded iii restoring order, when the
senate, on its being announced to them that the house was ready
to complete the business for which they were assembled, returned.
On proclaiming the result, it appeared that James Monroe had
received two hundred and thirty -one votes, including those of the
electors froni Missouri, and two hundred and twenty-eight, if these
were excluded. While the president of the senate was announc
ing the result, two members of the house claimed the floor to
inquire what disposition had been made of the votes of Missouri,
whereupon a scene of confusion and turmoil ensued, that beggars
description, and the house was compeUed to adjourn, in order to
put a period to it.
The rejection of the report of thirteen, both in and out of con
gress, was regarded as a disaster. Those who had been most
active in effecting it, soon began to repent their rashness, and the
blackness of despair seemed to be settiing down upon the councils
of the nation. Mr. Clay sagaciously concluded that the feelings of
despondency which they began to evince, would, if allowed to take
their course, accomplish what reason, and argument, and phUoso-
phy could not ; that they would cause the headsteong to reflect, and
reteace their steps. He had driven them to the very '¦ultima thule '
of argumentative debate, applying the lash of logic at every step,
until they had become insensible to its infliction. ' What is your
plan as to Missouri,' he would say to them. ' She is no longer a
territory. She is a state, whether admitted into the union or not.
She is capable of self-government, and she is governing herself
Do you mean to force her permanenfly from the union ? Do you
mean to lose the vast public domain which lies within her limits ?
Do you mean to drive her back to a territorial condition ? Do
you intend to coerce her to alter her constitution ? How will you
do all this ? Is it your design to employ the bayonet ? We tell

j-j^g LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
you frankly our views. They are, to admit her absolutely if we
can and if not, with the condition v/hich we have offered. You
are 'bound to disclose your views with equal frankness. You aspire
to be thought statesmen. As sagacious and enUghtened statesmen,
you should look forward to the fearful future, and let the country
understand what is your remedy for the evils which lie before us,'
Various propositions were submitted in both houses, for the
purpose of healing the breach which every day seemed to be
widening, but aU fell short of accomplishing the object Finally,
on the twenty-second, Mr. Clay presented the foUowing resolu
tion : '
' Resolved, that a committee be appointed on the part of the
house, jointiy with such committee as may be appointed on the
part of the senate, to consider and report to the senate and house
of representatives respectively, whether it be expedient or not, to
make provision for the admission of Missouri into the union, on
the same footing as the original states, and for the due execution
of the laws of the United States within Missouri, and if not,
whether any other, and what provision adapted to her actual condi
tion ought to be made a law.'
This resolution was adopted in the house by a majority of nearly
two-thh-ds, and in the senate by a much larger one. The com
mittee, Mr. Clay proposed, should consist of twenty-three, a num
ber answering to all the states in the union, and so exerted his
influence in their selection, as to secure a majority favorable to
the settlement of the whole matter, in the manner and form
proposed. The joint committees met on the twenty-fifth of February, 1821,
and proceeded to consider and discuss the question of admission.
Mr. Clay, with a vigilance that did not slumber for an instant,
exerted himself to infuse into the members of the committees a
portion of his own conciliatory spirit, exhorting them to mutual
concession, and declared that it would be utterly futile to report
any plan of adjustment in which thoy could not unanimously
concur, when it should be submitted tci the final test. So firmly
convinced was he, that the effort which they were then maldng,
was the last feasible one that could be made for the settiement of
the question on which they were deliberating, as to cause him to
address individuaUy the members of the committees, in order to
make such thorough preparation as to preclude the possibUity of
defeat. And it was found on the next day that such preparation
had been made ; the resolution was adopted by a vote of eighty-
seven to eighty-one in the house, and despatched to the senate,
which unhesitatingly agreed to it, and thus the question which
had convulsed congress for three sessions, and neariy dish-acted the
hand, was at last settied, and mainly through the influence of Mr.
Clay. The proclamation of the president was issued, and Ms-

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 119
somi took her place among her sisters of the confederacy. This
event was greeted with the highest demonstrations of joy, and
Missouri, beautiful Missouri, from her majestic forests and broad
prairies, from her ancient mounds and mighty rivers, pealed her
loud anthems of grateful praise to her and her country's deliverer,
hading him as the second Washington, as one who had plucked
the brand of discord from the hands of ten mUlions of enraged
and exasperated people, and put in its place the olive branch of
peace. The incense of exuUing hearts was lavished on Mr. Clay
like rain. His agency in settiing one of the most difficult and
dangerous questions that ever has arisen since the adoption of our
present constitution, was clearly seen, deeply and gratefully felt,
and thus publicly acknowledged. No one then was so blind
as not to see that it was his hand that rent the pall of gloom,
which enshrouded the whole land. His labors and his incessant
and health-desteoying toils to bring this question to a happy
consummation, constituted a topic of conversation which was in
the mouth of every one. Although the journals of the day do
not record the many speeches made by him on the occasion, yet it
is reported that his exertions in speaking and acting were almost
superhuman. If a stranger arrived in Washington, whose influ
ence he thought could be made to bear favorably on the settie
ment of the question, he instantiy endeavored to enlist it. Mr.
Clay himself was heard to say, that so intense had become his
excitement, and so exhausting his efforts, his fife would in all proba-
bUity have been sacrificed to them, if the admission of Missouri
had been delayed a fortnight longer. There is no doubt, that he
taxed his patriotism, his eloquence, his phUanthropy, his intellect,
and his every attribute .of mind and body, to the utmost, and
sh-ained the bow of life almost to breaking, to accomplish this, and
it is saying very littie to observe, that a nation's thanks are his due,
and that his signal service, in allaying the most teemendous storm
that passion, prejudice, and sectional feeling ever raised, has
imposed a debt of gratitude upon her, which posterity alone can
pay. At the time of the greatest turbulence over the Missouri ques
tion, when the fury of the contending parties in congress had
broken down every barrier of order and decency, and was rushing
rampant over the field of debate, certain southern gentlemen in the
house, headed by Mr. Randolph, concocted a plan for withdrawing
the entire body of members from the slaveholding states, from its
deliberations, and abandon the business to the representatives of
the other states. Had this been carried out, anarchy, civU war,
and the effusion of blood would have foUowed inevitably. About
this tiihe, when an amicable settiement was nearly despaired of,
and when the house was in session one evening, Mr, Randolph
approached Mr, Clay and said, ' Mr, speaker, I wish you would

[20 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
leave the house, I will follow you to Kentucky, or any where else
in the world.' Mr. Clay, regarding him with one of his most
searching looks for an instant, replied, in an under tone, ^Mr. Pcan-
dolph, your proposition is an exceedingly serious one, and demands
most serious consideration ; be kind enough to caU at my room
to-morrow morning, and we wiU deliberate over it together." Punc
tual to a minute, Mr. Randolph was there, and closeted with Mi-.
Clay, discussed for some time the then all absorbing question con
nected with the admission of Missouri. Mr. Clay maintained,
with aU the force of his fine colloquial powers, the plan of compi-om-
ise, as the wisest and best which he could suggest, and, in his
opinion, that could be suggested, declaring his sincere conviction
that the slaveholding states might adopt it, without any sacrifice of
principle or interest On the other hand, Mr. Randolph contended
that it could not and would not be adopted ; that the slave states
occupied a correct position, and would maintain it at all hazards,
and would not proceed an inch towards a compromise. They
finaUy separated without agreeing on any thing that was calculated
to harmonize their action in congress. ' Oh ! Mi-. Randolph,' said
Mr. Clay, as the former was about stepping from the house, ' Mr.
Randolph, with your permission I will embrace the present occa
sion to observe, that your language and deportment on the floor of
the house, it has occm-red to me, were rather indecorous and
ungentiemanly on several occasions, and very annoying indeed to
me, for, being in the chau', I had no opportunity of replying.' Ad
mitting that such, perhaps, might be the case, Mr. Randolph
replied that he too had often been much vexed at witnessing Mr.
Clay's neglect to attend to him when speaking. Said he, ' I have
seen you often, when I have been addressing the chair, I have seen
you often turn away your head and ask for a pinch of snuff.' ' Oh!
you ai-e certainly mistaken, Mr. Randolph, you are mistaken if you
think I do not Usten to you ; although I fi-equentiy turn away my
head, it is teue, and ask for a pinch of snuff, stUl I'hear every thing
you say, when seeming to hear nothing, and I wUl wager, retentive
as I know your memory to be, Mr. Randolph, that lean repeat as
much of any of your recent speeches as you yourself can.' ' Well,
1 do not know but I am mistaken,' he repfied, ' and suppose we
drop the matter, shake hands, and become good friends again.'
Agi-eed, said Mr. Clay, and extended his hand, which was cor-
diaUy embraced by Mr. Randolph. They never spoke to each
other, however, during the remainder of the session.
boon after this meeting, Mr. Clay -g^^as successively, and without
concert, informed by the late governor Edwards and general C. F.
iVlercer, the one a senator and the other a member of the house,
ttiat Mr, Randolph was present at and witnessed the death scene
ot the gallant and lamented commodore Decatiir, that he remained
gazing a long time upon his corpse, agitated with deep emotions,

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 121
and that he had been heard to express a desire to have, and with
Mr. Clay, an affair of honor similar to that which brought Decalur
to his untimely end. This information naturally put Mr. Clay
upon his guard, and ever after during the session, whenever he
met Mr. Randolph, he refrained from addressing him.
It is said that Rlr. Randolph used all his influence in teying to
induce one of the gentiemen above mentioned not to agree to a
settiement of the Missouri question, as he (Mr. Randolph) feared
that this, if accomplished as it was desired, would secure Mr.
Clay's election to the presidency.
During the same session, and some time previous to their inter
view, Mr. Randolph accosted Mr. Clay with a look and manner
betokening the deepest concern, exhibiting to him a letter couched
in very abusive and insulting terms, threatening to cow-hide him,
and asked Mr. Clay's advice as to the course he should pursue in
relation to it ' What caused the writer to send you such an insult
ing epistie, Mr. Randolph ? ' said ISix. Clay. ' Why, I suppose,'
said he, 'it was in consequence of what I said to him the other
day.' 'What did you say?' ' Why, sir, I was standing in the
vestibule of the house, when the writer came up and inteoduced to'
me a gentleman who accompanied him, and I asked him what
right he had to introduce that man to me, and told him that the
man had just as gvod a right to inti-oduce Mm to me, whereat he
was very indignant, and said I had teeated him scandalously, and
turning on his heel -went away. I expect that made him "write the
letter.' ' Do ycu not think that he was a little out of his head to
talk in that way ? ' replied Mr. Clay. ' Why, I have been thinking
about that,' said Mr. Randolph, ' I have my doubts respecting his
sanity.' ' Well, that being the case, would it not be the wisest
course not to bring the matter before the house ? I wiU direct the
sergeant-at-arms to keep a sharp look out for the man, and to cause
him to be arrested, should he attempt any thing improper.' Mr.
Randolph expressed his acquiescence in the speaker's opinion, and
nothing more was heard of the subject.
On another occasion, when the same question was before the
house, Mr. Randolph informed Mr. Clay that he had eome to the
conclusion to abandon his invective and caustic irony in debate,
and in future to confine himself to pure argument; that he had
come to this conclusion in consequence of the advice of chief jus
tice Marshall. He tried pure argument, but was unsuccessful, not
awakening any interest in those who listened to him. He finally
feU back into his old eccentric, sarcastic teack, where he was at
home, and crowds flocked to hear him, as usual. In Mr. Ran
dolph's hands ridicule was a powerful weapon, and one which no
member knew how to use better than he, but sound reasoning and
logical disquisition he -wielded awkwardly — they were untem-
pered weapons when used by him, about as effective as a rush in
VOL. I. 16

IC^i LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
the hands of a chUd. One day he came in contact with a very
able debater, Mr. Sheffey, one of his colleagues from Virginia,
who, in a playful saUy, had made some remarks which aroused
the irascible temper of Mr. Randolph, who replied to him and con
cluded by offering him the foUowing morceau of advice. ' My
worthy colleague possesses talents of a high order, but they are not
very versatile. They qualify him for a particular sphere only, beyond
the limits of which nature never designed him to teavel. That sphere
is logic. In this he can do battle with the boldest, but when he
transcends it, he has less power than a pigmy. Therefore, as a
friend, I would in the spirit of kindness, advise him never to leave
it for any other; but especially would I caution him, as he values
his reputation and safety, never to venture within the unexplored
and unsubjugated regions of wit, for whose labyrinths and inteica-
cies he has neither taste nor talent. As no other motive but a
tender soficitude for the gentieman's welfare, has prompted this
advice, I hope it wiU be received and appreciated accordingly.'
Mr. Sheffey, in reply, remarked that he did not Uke to remain in
Sir. Randolph's debt, and would therefore cancel the heavy demand
v/hich he owed the gentieman, for his exceedingly valuable advice,
by returning the compliment He accordingly advised him never
to aspire after logic, as it was an instrument of whose use his
ignorance was more than sophomoric, and that in his hand it was
fike a knife in the hands of a child. ' In my opinion, from the
armory of wit the facetious member may draw weapons every way
adapted to his capacity, and I would therefore advise him never to
resort to any other.' When he concluded, Mr. Randolph sprang
to his feet, and in his quick, off-hand way, said, ' I wiU take back
all that I have said, by way of advice, to my coUeague, for he has
given satisfactory evidence that he is a man both of logic and wit'
The incident furnished much mirth to the house. The next day,
Mr. Randolph recommenced the attack with increased bitterness,
and was caUed to order several times by Mr. Clay, who, after
repeated teials, succeeded in checking him. Mr. Sheffey was
rnuch excited, and was called to order also, when Mr. Clay observed
that he would be out of order in replying, as he was, to any other
member, except Mr. Randolph.
At one time, Mr. Randolph, in a strain of most scorching irony,
had indulged m some personal taunts towai-ds Mr. Clay, commis
erating his Ignorance and limited education, to whom Mr. Clay
replied by saymg, 'sir, the gentieman from Virginia was pleasef;
to say that m one point, at least, he coincided with me -in an
tiumble estimate of my grammatical and phUological acquirements.
frnnTI "^^ ^^^^l^nces. I was born to no proud pateimonial estate
I fppl^^ aY. ^ 'u^^''*'^ °"^y ^"^^"'^y' ignorance, and indigence;
ceSed f^ '*':u^"*'°^^ ^ my situation in early fife if con-
cerned, I may without presumption say, they are more my misfor-

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 123
tune than my fault But, however I deplore my inabifity to
furnish to the gentleman a better specimen of powers of verbal
criticism, I wiU venture to say my regret is not greater than the
disappointment of this comnoittee, as to the strength of his argu
ment.' The foUowing incident aptly illustrates Mr. Clay's readiness at
repartee. At the time of the passage of the tariff bUl, April six
teenth, 1824, as the house was about adjourning, a friend of the
bill observed to Mr. Clay, 'we have done pretty weU to-day.'
' Very weU, indeed,' rejoined Mr. Clay, instantiy, ^ very well; we
made a good stand, considering we lost both our Feet ; ' aUuding
to Mr. Foote, of New York, and Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, both
having opposed the bill, who it was confidentiy expected but a
short time previous would support it.
During Mr. Clay's absence from congress, which, as has been
before stated, was occasioned to furnish him an opportunity to
repair pecuniary losses, he was appointed, in connection with Mr.
Bibb, to attend the Virginia legislature, for the purpose of adjusting
certain Kentuckian land claims. The land laws of Kentucky were
a source of great perplexity and litigation, subjecting those who
had settled there prior to her separation from Virginia, to great
inconvenience and loss. In his appeal to the general assembly of
Virginia, Mr. Clay manifested unusual anxiety to protect the
interests of the occupants of the soil, in the state from which he
was a delegate, and succeeded in awaltening a corresponding
feeling of sympathy in the hearts of those whom he addressed.
He drew a vivid picture of the privations and hardships which the
settier had to encounter, placed him before them in the attitude of
bidding adieu to the 'tombs and temples of his fathers,' then
followed him to the wilderness, and traced his toilsome progress,
step by step, until he brought him to the period when he began to
reap the reward of his labors. He exhibited him sitting at twiUght
in the door of his comfortable tenement, looking out upon his
broad enclosures, the happy partner of his cares by his side, and
his dear little ones enjoying their innocent pastimes around him,
and almost made them see the heavings of his gi-ateful heart, and
the moistening of his eye, as he surveyed the abundance of
domestic bliss, and peace, and plenty, which his industiious hand
had gathered about him. This, said Mr. Clay, is the bright side
of the picture ; now let us look at the dark ; and then, in his solemn,
impressive, and inimitably graphic manner, -with a quivering Up,
and a hand tremulous with emotion, he pointed to the same group,
yet he painted no happy look, he caused no shout of sportive joy
to ascend, but he rendered audible the deep sigh, the suffocating
sob, and piercing groan ; he made almost visible the furrowed
brow of toil-worn manhood wet with the dew of despair, a broken
hearted wife drowned in grief, surrounded by sorrowing chUdhood,

124 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
aU fixing a last look upon a home dear to them as their fives, as
they were about to depart to rear a new abode in the uninviting
wilderness. This is no picture of a heated imagination, said Mr,
Clay, it is suggested by scenes of almost every day occurrence,
and it is to prevent their occurrence tiiat prompts us to attempt
the adjustment of these conflicting ' land claims,' Equity, human
ity, and benevolence, all urge this ; they aU mingle their voices of
mercy, and beseech that when the settler has by his honest and
industrious efforts acquired the comforts and blessings of social
and domestic hfe, he shaU be permitted to enjoy them, and not be
in danger of being dispossessed by a prior claim to his domain,
and of which he was ignorant In one of his most pathetic
strains, he attempted to quote the affecting lines of sfi Walter
Scott : ' Lives there a heart so cold and dead,
That never to itself hath said —
This is my own, my native land ! '
He commenced, but could not finish them ; some, words had
escaped his memory, but without the least hesitation he pressed
his hand upon his forehead a moment, in recalling them. All
believed that this momentary hesitation was caused by the recol
lections of other years, which were swelling in his heart and
checking utterance, and when he withdrew his hand from his
brow and cast his tearful eyes over the assembly, and in his impas
sioned manner repeated the lines, there was one general gushing
of tears, as if aU hearts had been melted beneath his look and tone.
In the course of the year, Mr. Clay, in behalf of Kentucky, and
B. W. Leigh, Esq., in behalf of Virginia, met at Ashland, and
concluded a convention, which was ratified by the legislature of
Kentucky, and by the house of delegates of Virginia, but was
rejected in her senate, by a small majority.
Mr. Clay had now, during his three years absence from congress,
realized his wishes in repairing his pecuniary losses, and at the
earnest and repeated requests of his feUow citizens, accepted a
renomination, and was again elected without opposition a mem
ber of the house of representatives.
In consequence of intense application to his professional duties,
Mr. Clay's health had become materiaUy impaired ; indeed his life
was despau-ed of During the summer of 1823, he had visited,
without receiving much benefit, the Olympian Springs, in Ken
tucky, and submitted to a thorough course of medicine, but all
remedial means faded to arrest what appeared to be a gradual
decline, which was conducting him apparentiy rapidly to the period
of his dissolution. He began to think seriously, as a last resort, on
going south to spend the ensuing winter, but it was requisite for
him to be in Washington in November, and his own feehngs
inclined him to be there at the commencement of the session, in

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 125
case it were practicable. He finally, after consulting with his
friends, abandoned the prescriptions of his physicians, procured a
light carriage and a good saddle-horse, and riding, driving, and
walking, leisurely made his way to the seat of government. When
he reached Washington, he was nearly weU,
At the opening of the eighteenth congress, on the first Monday
of December, 1823, Mr. Clay was elected speaker to the house,
over Mr. Barbour, of Virginia, the late speaker, by a vote of one
hundred and thirty-nine to forty-two. Shortly after his election,
the foUowing beautiful jeu d'esprit appeared in the National In
telligencer. ,
' As near the Potomac's hroad stream, t' other day,
Fair Liberty strolled in solicitous mood,
Deep-pondering the future, unheeding her way,
She met goddess Nature beside a green wood.
' Good mother,' she cried, ' deign to help me at need !
I must make for my guardians a Speaker to-day ;
The first in the world I would give them.' ' Indeed !
When I made the first speaker, I made him of Clay.' '
Mr. Clay accepted the appointment in a brief but pertinent
speech, in which he gave a succinct view of the duties of the
chair, and presented the house his thanks for placing him in it
In the course of the session, the subject of the Greek revolution
came before congress. Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, on the
fifth of December, introduced it to the house, in a resolution
'providing by law for defraying the expenses incident to the
appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever
the president shall deem it expedient to make such appointment'
This he sustained by a speech of great power. Mr. Clay brought
to its support the same feelings, the same warm sympathies, and
the same strength of argument that he had arrayed round the sub
ject of South Aiuerican independence. They both fought hard
to procure the adoption of this resolution, but it was lost The
steuggfing Greek, however, Mr. Clay never lost sight of, and when
he became secretary of state, succeeded in accomplishing that for
them, in which he was defeated now.
WhUe the question of recognition was before the house, Mr.
Clay was violentiy assailed by a member from New Hampshire,
recentiy arrived. It was thought his motive in doing this was to
bring himself into notice, by attacking the most distinguished man
in the house. He received such a rebuke from Mr. Clay, admin
istered with mingled feelings of indignation and pity, as almost to
wither his energies during the remainder of the session.
It wiU be recollected, that during this session, the great tariff
measure was passed. An incident grew out of Mr. Clay's exer
tions in its behalf, which occasioned no littie amusement in
Washington, at the time, and throughout Virginia. Mr. William
B. GUes, since governor of Virginia, on the appearance of Mr.

126 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
Clay's tariff speech, pubUshed several articles entitied ' The Golden
Casket,' in which he inteoduced Mr. Clay's name pretty often, and
in no very courteous connection. The articles were of course
perused by Mr. Clay, who, aware of the foibles of their author,
took no serious offence thereat, but set to work to manufacture
amusement from them. He sat down in a comic mood one day,
and wrote Mr. GUes a long letter, compUmenting him on the vigor
of his inteUect, his gi-eat mental abUity, and his accurate critical
acumen, but praising him especially for those qualities of which
he was utteriy destitute. When it was completed, he shoWed it
to Mr. Archer, of Virginia, and several other friends, aU of whom
enjoyed it immoderately, and urged him to send it to Mr. Giles,
and' accordingly he sent it As had been anticipated, the old gen
tieman devom-ed it with the greatest gusto and satisfaction. It
contained just what he most desired — praise of his weakest traits
of character. He read it repeatedly, and at each successive read
ing his heart relented towards the author, to such a degree as to
cause him to observe, that had he received the communication
previous to the publication of his ' Casket' he should not have
spoken of Mr. Clay as he did in that work. Shortiy after, he
exhibited this letter to some of his intimate friends, to let them see
in what high estimation he was held by the great orator and states
man, but unfortunately nearly the first one who read it, discovered
the hoax played on him, and immediately circulated it. Curiosity
to see the letter now pervaded the whole community, and some
difference of opinion prevailed as to its teue character. A few of
Mr. GUes' friends expressed their belief that it had been written in
good faith, but most that it was intended for a joke at his expense.
Quite a violent dispute grew out of it ; one party instigated by angry,
and the other by mirthful feelings. At length, Mr. Archer, who
resided in the same district with Mr. Giles, returned from congress,
and the teue version of the matter was soon trumpeted through the
community, which caused unusual merriment. This was too
much for Mr. GUes, who sent his son, a lad of sixteen years of
age, to demand an explanation of Rlr. Clay. He received the boy
very civilly, who made known to Mr. Clay the nature of his busi
ness, saying that he was commissioned by his father to ask if he
were the author of that letter, at the same time exhibiting to him
the famous epistle, and if he were, to demand his motives in
-wilting it When he had concluded his interrogations, Mr. Clav
cooUy repUed, ' teU your father that I shaU malte no explanation tb
him through his own son. If he wUl employ a proper messenger,
I wUl render him another answer.' The lad departed, and nothing
more was heard from Mr. Giles.
On the fifteenth of August, 1824, general Lafayette, the nation's
guest, arrived at New York, and on the tenth of December
following, was introduced to the house of representatives by a select

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 127
Dmmittee appointed for the purpose, and was received by
Ir. Clay, in an apposite and beautiful address, of which the
)llowing is an extract. ' The vain wish has been sometimes
idulged, that providence would allow the patriot after death, to
;turn to his countey, and to contemplate the intermediate change
lat had taken place, to view the forests feUed, the cities built, the
lountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, the
regress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and the increase
f population. General, your present visit to the United States,
i a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in
le midst of posterity. Every where you must have been struck
dth the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred
ince you left us. Even this city, bearing a venerated name, alike
ndeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which
len covered its site. In one respect you find us unaltered, and
iiat ig, in the sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of
rdent affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the
alher of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates
n the field and the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which sur-
ound us, and for the very privilege of addressing you, which I
low exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than
en millions of people, wUl be transmitted with unabated vigor, down
he tide of time, through the countless millions who are destined
0 inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.'
To this address, the general replied in a manner which evinced
hat he had been most deeply affected by it; indeed, it was calcu-
ated to thriU his heart with proud joy, conveying to him as it did
I rich teibute of gratitude from a mighty nation, expressed in the
uU, silvery voice of sincerity and affection, whose every tone
iank into his soul with the power of a warm welcome. Pie
ionteacted a strong attachment for Mr. Clay, which existed to the
lay of his death.
At this period, Mr. Clay's influence had reached a commanding
leight His control over the legislation of the United States, was
mquestionably greater than that of any other individual, not even
ixcepting the executive himself. Although Mr. Clay disagreed
vith president Monroe on the great measures of national policy,
nternal improvements, and the tariff, and also respecting the mode
>f recognizing South American independence, stiU, the latter, enter-
aining the most profound regard for his abUity, and appreciating
he value of his services to his countey, repeatedly offered him a
eat in his cabinet, and the choice of all the foreign nussions.
Justice to Mr. Clay's disinterested patiiotism demands it to be
ecorded, that his honest conviction, that he could be more ser-
iceable to his countey by remaining in her popular assembly,
han in representing her abroad, was one of the most weighty
notives which prevented him from planting his foot upon one of

128 LIFE OF H E N R A- i: I^ .\ V -
the many stepping-stones, to place and power, which the hand of
executive favor had, unsolicited, laid before him. The differences
of opinion existing between him and Mr. Monroe, never inter
rupted for a moment, the amicable relations of social intercourse
which they mutaally maintained.
Towards the close of his second term, which expired in 1825,
the question of the next presidency was generally agitated. As
candidates for this office, Messrs. J. Q, Adams, Andrew Jackson,
Henry Clay, and WUfiam H. Crawford, had been brought forward
by their respective friends. As early as November, 1822, in a
meeting of the members of the legislature of Kentucky, Mr. Clay
had been nominated to it, and a short time after, he was nominated
also in meetings of the members of the legislatures of Missouri,
Ohio, and Louisiana. Enthusiastic expressions, approbating this
nomination, issued from large assemblies throughout the land, and
as the period for the election approached, there were many cfieering
indications that it would be carried in his favor. But efforts were
resorted to, not the most creditable to those who employed them,
for the purpose of defeating his election. About the commence
ment of the canvass, reports were industeiously circulated, calcu
lated to diminish his support Among them was one announcing
his withdrawal from the contest, for which the unscrupulous exer
tions of many of his opponents gained extensive credence,
notwithstanding our late lamented chief magisteate, and many
other friends of Mr. Clay in Ohio, published a counter report,
declaring that he ' would not be withdrawn from the contest but by
the fiat of his Maker.' The probabilities, however, of his success,
continued to increase, until the time of the choice of electors in
Louisiana, by the legislature of that state. In that body, Mr. Clay's
popularity was such as to secure him the vote of the state ; this
was evident from the fact of his nomination by it The members
of the legislature friendly towards the other candidates, endeavored
to effect a compromise with those who supported Mr. Clay ; but
the latter, aware of their steength, rejected it. The compromise
proposed to give him four of the five electoral votes to which the
state was entitied, which would have carried him into the house of
representatives, to the exclusion of Mi-. Crawford, as one of the
highest three candidates, from which, according to the constitution,
it would be obliged to make a selection. Unfortunately, about
the time when the state of Louisiana made choice of her electors,
three of Mr. Clay's friends became so seriously indisposed, as to
preclude their attendance on the legislature. This event furnished
the friends of Mr. Adams and general Jackson an opportunity to
form a coalescence, which they eagerly embraced, and divided the
five votes so as to give the former three and the latter two. This
consequently excluded Mr. Clay from the house, into which, had
he gone, there is no doubt that his unbounded popularity in that

LIFE O V HENRY C L A Y . 120
ody Would have secured his election to the office. When, how-
ver, it became apparent, that no election of president Would be
lade by the people, witfi a nobleness and a nice sense of honor,
0 characteristic of him, he resolved not to go into the house, but
3 withdraw his name, and at a time too when the prospect was of
lis being one of the highest three candidates. With great magna'
limity, therefore, he put into execution his resolution, assign-
ng to several of his intimate friends his reasons, among \vhich
vas the belief, that by his doing so, the choice would be more
eadily and pacifically madfe. Such generous and self-sacrificing
;onduct, while it illusteates the purity and steength of his pateiot-
sm, is "(worthy of all admiration and commendation.
Near the close of December, 1824, the result of the canvass was
iscertain6d, by which it appeared that the three candidates returned
;o the house, were Andrew Jackson, John Q. Adams, and W. H.
Crawford, by votes of ninety-nine, eighty-four, and forty-one.
Mr. Clay's position now was exceedingly delicate as well as
important He had it in his power, by placing himself at the head
Df the party who went with him in the house, to conteol its choice
sf the three candidates returned to it. This he weU knew, as also
Iheir friends, who beset him continually and in every possible
(nannet, to secm-e his influence in behalf of their favorite candi-
lates. His predilection was weU known to his petsonal friends,
but he sedulously refrained from making it the basis of any cau-
susses or intiigues, which, knowing the unhealthy excitement
always generated by them, he desired to avoid. During the
Several weeks immediately pending the election, the warm parti
sans of the parties supporting Messrs. Jackson and Adams,
approached him in the most obsequious manner, expressing the
deepest regret that he had not been returned to the house, and
lavished on him the most fulsome flatteries and mawkish caresses.
After trying these for some time ineffectuaUy, finding the more
than Roman firmness of the statesman unmoved by them, they
attempted to co'erce him into a compliance with their wishes, and
the most unprincipled attempts were made to accomplish this. Pie
was attacked through the medium of anonymous letters inces
santly, filled with abusive and menacing language. These amved
almost hourly, from every part of the Countey; indeed, the enginery
of compulsion discharged their missiles at him from every fortress
of his political opponents, in the hope of making him espouse their
cause. Vain hope! A foolish waste of power, as they might
have known. It were easier for the infant of a day -with his puny
hand to lx)w the oak of a thousand years, than for the combined
efforts of his enemies to cause him to yield an inch of the high
ground he had taken. In vsn-iting to a friend, he thus alludes to
Ihe blandishments and brow-beatings which he received at this
tim©. Of the former, he ^Jad, ' I am enjoying w'hiM alive, the
VOL, I. 17

130 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
posthumous honors which ai-e usuaUy awarded to the iUustiious
dead;' and of the latter, he remarked, 'I bore them, I teust, as
youir representat'ive ought to have borne them, and as became me.'
But the basest attempts which they made, one which capped the
cUmax of their depraved assauUs, and which was intended to fix
the foul stigma of disgrace indelibly upon their victim, was
embraced by a letter published in a PhUadelphia newspaper, caUed
the ' Columbian Observer.' Without any preamble, this charged
Mr. Clay with the deUberate intention of selling his vote to the
highest bidder. This letter purported to have been written by a
member of congress from Pennsylvania, and declared that the
terms of a contract had been settied, which gave Mr. Clay the
secretaryship, for which he was to bring his influence to bear in
electing Mr. Adams. This aUegation, the former lost no time in
denying, in a communication published in the National InteUi-
gencer, over his own signature, in which he pronounces the author
of the letter ' a base and infamous calumniator,' and called upon
him, whoever he might be, to come out boldly, avow and sustain
the charge. This was answered a few days after, by a member of
congress from Pennsylvania, Mr. George Kremer, who admitted
himself the author, and also his readiness to substantiate his asser
tions in relation to the character of Mr. Clay. Subsequent devel
opements have made it more than probable that Kremer did not
write the epistie in question, his declaration to the conteary notwith
standing, but that it was written by the individual who sustained
the ' Columbian Observer,' John H. Eaton, and the latter did not
deny the authorship, although Mr. Clay directiy charged him with
it. The evidence elicited was such as to show Mr. Kremer's
entire passivity in the whole matter — a mere machine, moved by
the hands of the vilej plotters behind the scene, made to speak and
act as they dfiected, and caused to father the viUanous slander,
which was generated amid the sUme of their hearts, as destitute of
honor and patiiotism as the icebergs of Greenland of verdure.
This supple tool had the frankness (to his credit be it spoken,) to
acknowledge afterwards to Mr. Crowninshield, a member of
congress from Massachusetts, that he was not the originator or
author of it.
The more effectuaUy to vindicate himseff, Mr. Clay desired to
place the subject before the house. To this he was prompted by
his own feefings, and also by the beUef that the dignity and honor
of the body over which he presided, demanded that a complete
investigation should be instituted, of those gross chai-ges which had
caused such disreputable imputations to rest upon his character.
In accordance, therefore, with his request, a committee was ap
pointed on the fifth of February, 1825, consisting of many leading
members in the house, aU of whom were his political opponents.
Probably the matter had now gone farther than Mr. Kremer wished

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 131
expected it to go, as he began to manifest considerable uneasi-
>ss respecting the result, notwithstanding he had but a day or
TO previous arisen in his place and substantially reiterated the
)ntents of the communication he had acknowledged, stating that
f, upon an investigation being instituted, it should appear that
; had not sufficient reason to justify the statements he had made,
3 teusted he should receive the marked reprobation which had
sen suggested by the speaker. Let it fall where it might, he was
illing to meet the inquiry and abide the result.' And yet, when it
fas proposed to adopt a course which would establish the teuth or
ilsehood of his statements, which would test this wiUingness ' to
leet the inquiry,' he shrank back and shuffled under a mean
abterfuge. The committee, in their report, declared that Mr.
[remer refused to appear before, or communicate to them any
lets of which he had virtuaUy admitted himself to be in possession,
nd protested against acting either as an accuser or a witness,
Ithough steongly urged thereto by them, and not feeling author-
sed to use compulsion in procuring evidence, they suffered the
ubject to drop. While it was in the hands of the house, he was
eard to remark to Messrs. Brent and Little, one of whom was a
irarm friend of general Jackson, that he never intended to charge
tir. Clay with corruption ; that he had teansferred or could teansfer
he votes or interests of his friend; and that he was among the last
nen in the nation to make such a charge against Mi-. Clay. To
his declaration both these gentiemen certified. Although Mr.
(remer was weak enough to aUow himself to be made the organ
if the abominable conspirators, and, as it appears, a Uttie conteary
0 his convictions of truth and honor, he could not stifle the com-
(unctious visitations of conscience, which he experienced on
iccount of the abusive teeatment which, through him, had fallen
in an unoffending individual, and that individual one of the main
)illars of the republic. He often expressed his intention of apolo
gizing to Mr, Clay, and even went so far as to prepare an apology,
containing a minute explanation of all the circumstances connected
vith the whole affair, froto its inception to its completion, and
vhich fuUy exonerated Mr. Clay from every charge brought against
lim in the letter. Information of his repentings and intended
eparation soon came to the ears of the grand instigators, which
sarried panic to their cowardly hearts, and caused them to quake,
est their party-colored covering, composed of the very quintessence
)f meanness, baseness, and falsehood, should be stripped from
hem, and their nakedness exposed to the -view and the derision of
he world. To prevent such dreaded consequences, they began
nstanfly to bestir themselves, at what expense of principle or
ntegrity, they stopped not to consider. Then- first efforts were
wy naturally directed to-wards the instilment of their machina-
lons, who was seized, the apology taken from, and a muzzle

^:J2 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
fastened upon him, to prevent the slightest utterance of his repent-
ant emotions. They then drew up a labored statement in his
name, and laid it before the house, reeking with duplicity, and
infecting the very atmosphere with its nauseating effluvia. Who
can contemplate the loathsome picture of depravity, worthy of the
arch fiend himself, which those evidentiy instigated by him, painted
and attempted to suspend on the walls of the nation's dweUing-
place — the holy home of Liberty — in desecrating and contamina
ting proximity to the canvass emblazoning the form and the
features of the ' father of his country,' and the glorious scenes
of his revolutionary valor, without mingled feelings of disgust,
indignation, and regret ? — what pateiotic heart, what lover of liberty
and political virtue, in view of the fountain of immaculate purity,
on the one hand, whose streams went forth incessantly, to fertihze,
and gladden, and bless a mighty nation, and their diabolical attempts,
on the other, to pollute and blot it from existence, without sending
up the fervent ejaculation, ' Heaven save my country from falling
into such hands ' 1
After the dust and fog created by their unnatural endeavors had
passed away, the object of their malice appeared in his proper
place, as unmoved and serene as though the clangor of their strife
had not saluted his ears, and as unaffected by the showers of their
envenomed an-ows, as though he had been sitting in his native
forests amid the rain-like fall of autumnal leaves. Their loud and
discordant clamors did not for a moment interrupt his meditations
concerning that important, that solemn duty, which had devolved
upon him, in the performance of which he had resolved that no
arts of wheedling' or coercion should influence him; that no man
nor set of men should act as his casuist; and that he would not
select from the numerous casuistical proposals, which party zeal
had placed before him, one that should determine the mode of its
discharge. No ! he chose to settle that question at a tribunal from
which there was no appeal — at the tribunal of Nature, which
Nature's God had erected in his own bosom. To that he resorted ;
indeed, it was one of his most favorite resorts ; and spreading out
this momentous question before her bar, we hear him exclaim,
' My position in relation to the presidential contest is highly critical,
and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without
censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always
observe in the discharge of my pubfic duty. I have interrogated
my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide
tells me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfil its
injunctions. Mi-. Crawford's state of health, and the circumstances
under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be
conclusive against him. As a friend to Uberty, and to the perma-
neiice of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of
their existence, by eontiiibuting to the election of a military chief-

LIFEOFHENRYCLAY. 133
in, to give the steongest guarantee that this republic will mai-ch in
le fatal road which has conducted every other repubfic to ruin. I
m, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which parti-
in zeal, maUgnity and rivalry can invent I shall view without
motion these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my
urpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not expose him-
glf, on fit occasions, for the good of his countey ? ' Yes ! he did
ct according to the response which that '¦faithful guide ' gave to
is sincere interrogation, and had the anathemas of the world been
lundered in his ears, they would not have driven him from thus
cting. He deemed her wUl paramount to that of his constituents,
i^ho had desired him to vote for general Jackson. They afterwards,
Lowever, not only justified, but highly approved — as must every
;ood man — his decision. It would be an act of superfluity to
pecify minutely the grounds of Mr. Clay's preference. He had
ibtained occular evidence of Mr. Crawford's inability to sustain
he responsibilities and perform the arduous duties of the chief
nagisteacy. He ascertained it to be a fact, but one carefully con-
leaJed from the community, that Mr. Crawford had become almost
snttrely debilitated by paralysis, both physicaUy and mentaUy,
vhich itself, aside from the knowledge which he possessed, that his
nfluenee could not elect him, was sufficient to induce his rejection.
Between general Jackson and Mr. Adams, it cannot be supposed
hat Mr, Clay woidd long hesitate to choose. His determination
lad been taken a long time previous to his knowing the result of
;he election by the people. He had repeatedly given utterance to
hat determination to friends and foes, at home and at Washington,
n pubUe and in private, declaring that no supposable contingency
jould arise to constrain him to vote for general Jackson, and even
vent so far as to say, that if, in consequence of his well known
md often promulged opinion of the character, acquirements, and
ibilities, of that individual, he should sustain him, he would subject
limself to the just contempt and reprobation of all parties. Neither
iid he nor his friends look for Mr, Clay's support, and said that if
le did give it, he would be guilty of duplicity. It is very natural
:o suppose, that a consultation of his experience would be sufficient
a cause Mr, Clay to prefer Mr. Adams. He had been associated
with the latter in many situations of trust and responsibility, requir
ing the most consummate skiU and statesmanship, and he had
invariably found him pnore than sufficient for them aU. He had
ilways found him prepared for any emergency or exigency, how
ever suddenly or unexpectedly it might arise. But in reference
:o the military chieftain, its consultation elicited evidence just the
sverse; he searched in vain for a page recording Ins diplomatic
ivisdom, sound expositions of governmental policy, and accurate
atimates of presidential qualifications; it was Avanting. But on
nany he found indelibly -written, acts of unwarrantable and unjust-

234 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
ifiable usurpation, evincing a disposition to trample on law,
humanity, and the constitution itself. But genera Jad.son's sup
posed hostility to internal improvements and protection to domestic
manufactm-es, had these enumerated deficiences and defects in his
character been wanting, would have been sufficient to exclude him
from receiving Mr. Clay's suffrage. These cherished systems,
which he regarded as of no subordinate importance to the nation,
and to establish which he had expended the prime of his hie, he knew,
found a firm supporter in Mi'. Adams. This fact furnished the
fundamental reason (if any one may be thus denominated) which
determined his choice, m. Clay therefore gave Mr. Adams his
vote, who was elected president. He immediately tendered the
former the office of secretary of state, which was accepted with
that promptitude and decision which he always manifested in
entering upon the dischai-ge of those duties to which he believed
his countey caUed him. By this act he proved himself consistent
with his advocacy of the claims of Mr. Adams to the presidency,
under whom he believed that he could render more efficient service,
than in his present position in the house. There can be no other
reason assigned, which carries with it even the shadow of validity,
inducing him to accept a place in the cabinet of the president
The same place had been tendered him by Messrs. Madison and
Monroe, and had been declined, on the ground of his belief that
he could make himself more serviceable to the nation, by continu
ing where he was. The great measures of national policy which
were suspended upon his shoulders, at the time they desired to
teansfer him from that body to their cabinets, he had disposed of,
and had also happUy removed most of the serious impediments
and obsteuctions which then greatly retarded the wheels of legisla
tion, so that there was a fair prospect that they would roll on
smoothly, without requiring his immediate aid. He could, there
fore, seek with safety another sphere, and one where he could exert
a more extended and salutary influence.
In relation to his having bargained for the office of secretary of
state, Mr. Adams speaks, in reply to an address from a committee
of gentlemen, expressing their confidence in his purity and patriot
ism, and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in
that tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He said that
upon Mr. Clay, ' the foulest slanders have been showered. Long
known and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses
of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and at the
same time, most efficient leader of debates in both of them, as an
able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and in
peace with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate for the
highest of your trusts. The department of state itself was a
station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor
honor upon him, but upon vfhich he has shed unfading honor by the

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 135
anner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and pas-
on have charged him with obtaining that office by bargain and
OTuption. . Before you, my fellow citizens, in the presence of our
mntry, and of heaven, I pronouMce that charge totally unfounded.
his tribute of justice is due from me to him, and I seize with
leasure the opportunity, offered me by your letter, of discharging
le obUgation.
' As to my motives for tendering to him the department of state
rhen I did, let that man who questions them come forward. Let
im look around among statesmen and legislators of this nation,
nd of that day. Let him then select and name the man, whom,
y his preeminent talents, by his splendid services, by his ardent
atriotism, by his all-embracing public spirit, by his fervid elo-
uence in behalf of the rights and liberties of mankind, by his
jng experience in the affairs of the union, foreign and domestic,
. president of the United States, intent only upon the honor and
relfare of his country, ought to have preferred to Henry Clay.
jet him name the man, and then judge you, my fellow citizens, of
ny motives.' .^
Five years subsequent to his election, in a letter to a friend, Mr.
Wams referred to the above testimonial of Mr. Clay's talents and
iharacter, as one from which he could deduct nothing, but to
vhich he could add much. He also said, that such was his opinion
)f Mr. Clay's abilities, that he had expressed to him his candid
ntention, at the time he resigned the speakership, in 1820, if a
vacancy should occur in the mission to Great Britain, he should
leem it his duty to recommend the nomination of him to that
)ffice. He also speaks of the great despatch and facility, with
vhich Mr. Clay transacted business, notwithstanding the feeble-
less of his health during the whole time. Indeed, he regarded
lira as a perfect model of fitness for the office to which he called
lim, and as having honored and adorned it with the inteUectual
iveaith of his fertUe mind. No station in which he was placed,
suffered, either through remissness, or deficiency. The fact that
lis enteance to office was alwkys hailed with general joy, and his
ieparture witnessed with regret, furnished the highest possible
3ompliment to his ability and eminence. Had we space, and felt
lisposed, we could multiply individual complimentai-y expressions
to almost any extent, but this is not necessary, for his fame and
praise are in the mouth of the world. The period of Mr. Clay's
speakership may be adduced as one of the most briUiant of his
public life. He iUusteated it by all the lofty attainments of one
profoundly versed in the arts of government, under the guidance
of pateiotism, that subordinated every thing to its ardor and devo
tion. During his occupancy of the chair, from 1811 to 1825, except
two years of voluntary absence, his decisions, though prompt, were
rarely reversed. Though a warm partisan, he never allowed his

136 L I F F. O f HENRY CLAY.
own particular views to influence them in the least, and both
friends and foes unite in declaring, that their rendition was far
removed from aU suspicion of party or venal considerations, in
short; that on them aU was stamped impartiality, in everduring chai--
acters. But Mr. Clay, besides rendering himself conspicuous for
the correctness of his decisions, won also the regard and confidence
of the house for the courteously stern manner in which he governed
and guided its deliberations. He combined, in a preeminent
degree, the suaviter in modo with the fortiter in re. There was an
indescribable something in his look, gesture, and tone of voice,
added to his dignity and self-possession, that always resteained
and conciliated the turbulent and inimical, and bound to him, with
the silken ligaments of love, the peaceable and friendly. At no
period of our political history, were subjects so momentous and
dangerous in their nature, and so difficult to adjust, brought before
congress, as during that of which we are speaking. The politi
cal heavens had never been so black, nor the political ocean
heaved his surges so high, before, and had not he been there to spread
the bow of serenity upon the one, and calm the wild fury of the
other, it is hardly too much to say, that our fiberties, our institutions,
and our every thing nationally valuable, would have been swept
by the besom of their rage into the tomb of chaos, if not into
oblivion. But he ivas there, rufing, tempering, guiding, and bless
ing. He seemed to act as though he were conscious that his coun
try stood at his side, with her piercing eyes fixed fuU upon him,
reading the secrets of his heart, — as though he heard her voice
sounding in his ears, imploring and beseeching him to guard and
watch over, faithfuUy, those interests which she had so unreservedly
placed in his hands, and whenever he lifted his arm, or opened his
mouth, it seemed to be for the single purpose of executing her
revealed will. No wonder that in view of such unparalleled pa
triotism and disinterestedness, applause should be extorted from
the mouth of enmity itself. No wonder that it should be heard
saying, ' Mr. Clay accomplished what no other man could have
performed. '
Many incidents occurred during his speakership, highly illustea-
tive of his playfulness, wit, and readiness, of which the foUowing
may serve as a specimen.
On one occasion, the late general Alexander Smyth, of Vir
ginia, a gentieman of unusual ability and erudition, had been
speaking a long time, fatiguing and vexing the house with the
length and number of his quotations, and citations of authorities,
and justified his unbearable prolixity by saying to Mr. Clay, who
was seated near him, 'you, sir, speak for the present generation, but
1 speak for posterity.' ' Yes,' he immediately replied, ' and you
seem resolved to speak until the arrival of your audience !'
On another, the house was harangued by the late governor

LIFE OF HENRY C I. A V . 137
incoln, of Maine, in his usual eloquent, but verbose and doclam-
ory manner. He was corisideriiig the revolutionary pension
U, and replying to an argument which opposed it on the ground
,at those lo whom it proposed to extend pecuniary aid, migiit
jrhaps live a long time, and thus cause heavy drafts to be made
pon the treasury. In one of his elevated flights of patriotic
ithusiasm, he burst out with the exclamation, ' soldiers of Ike
'.volution, live forever '.' Mr. Clay succeeded him, in favor also
f the humane provision, but did not respond to his desire rola-
ve to the length of the lives of those worthies for whose benefit
was devised, and when he closed, turned suddenly towards Mr.
lincoln, and, with a smUe upon his countenance, observed, ' I hope
ly worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of
lese pensions which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by
ray of a compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-
ine years, instead of eternity ? '
We have seen, that the contest which resulted in placing Mr.
^dams at the head of the nation, was one of unusual violence,
,nd in waging which, the most unscrupulous means were employed;
.nd that one of its most unredeeming features was the uiimiti-
[ated calumny and abuse, which they heaped upon Mr. Clay.
3ut soon after the combatants had retired from the field of conflict,
nd resumed their various avocations, the jarring elements of
lolitical faction became quiescent, the blood of the ambitious
lemagogue fell from its fever heat to its ordinary temperature, and
he foul slanderer, fearing exposure, had slunk away to his dark
eteeat, to deplore his discomfiture, and concoct new materials.
3 very thing gave omen that a season of peace and grateful repose
vould be enjoyed. It was thought that no lover of these and of
;ood order, much less a patriot, could be found, who would be base
ind foolhardy enough to stir up the expiring embers of sti-ife, and
idd fresh fuel to their flames. Those who entertained this belief,
lowever, found themselves mistaken. They saw one coming forth,
)ne who boasted long and loud of patriotism and devotion to
Jountey, and, stooping from his supposed lofty eminence of politi-
ial virtue, pick up the relaxed bow of slander, and discharge
he most envenomed arrows of malice and detraction, at one of
he fairest ornaments of that very country, to whose interests he
irofessed himself so strongly attached. To their utter astonish-
nent, they beheld, in that individual, thus anomalously engaged,
10 less a personage than that of ' the hero of Neiv Orleans.^ Gen
eral Jackson had the distinguished honor of reviving the thousand
imes refuted report of ' bargain and corruption,' in relation to Mr.
Clay's, acceptance of the department of state. A letter, dated
March eighth, 1825, went the rounds of the newspapers, pretending
¦0 give the substance of a conversation which passed between the
witer and general Jackson, to the effect that Mr. Clay's friends in
VOL. L 18

138 LIFE Of HENRY CLAY.
congress had proposed to his friends, that if they would agree thai
Mr. Adams should not be retained in the department of state, that
then their (Mr. Clay and his supporters') influence should be imme
diately used to elect general Jackson, who, it affirmed, rejected the
proposal with becoming indignation. Soon after the appearance
of this communication, the author, Mr. Carter Beverly, addressed
general Jackson, requesting him to confirm it, who repUed, June
fifth, 1827, by a letter directiy charging the friends of Mr. Clay
with having proposed to him, through a member of congress, to
give him their support in case he (general Jackson) would pledge
himself not to retain Mr. Adams as aforesaid, and who intimated
that the proposition originated with Mr. Clay ; and, to give the last
finishing steoke, and one which should ensure it credence, he went
so far in that reply as to state, that immediately after the rejection
of the proposition, Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. Adams. He
also declared, that, in reply to this proposition, he stated, that
before he would reach the presidential chair by such ignoble
means, 'he would see the earth open and swallow both Mr.
Clay and his friends, and himself with them!' The name of
the member of congress was demanded by Mr. Clay, and that
of Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was given, a warm per
sonal friend of general Jackson's. His version of the matter
proved the assertion of the latter a barefaced falsehood, unsup
ported by even the semblance of truth. Mr. Buchanan flatly
and promptiy denied, that such a proposition had been made
through him as had been aUeged, and entirely exonerated Mr. Clay-
and his adherents from aU connection with it He stated, that,
during the month of December, 1824, hearing it cuiTentiy reported
in Washington, that general Jackson, in case he was elected presi
dent, designed to continue Mr. Adams as secretary of state, and
thinking that such a report, if not properiy conteadicted, would ope
rate deteimentaUy to his interests, he called on him, and expressed
his opinion in relation thereto, and that the general declared, that
he entertained a high opinion of Mr. Adams, but had never
said any thing in relation to retaining or rejecting him as secretary
of state, and that he (Mr. Buchanan) was authorized to state, that
such was the result of the interview. Mr. Buchanan also declared
tiis honest and sincere conviction, that 'general Jackson did not
beheve or entertain the most distant idea that he came on behalf of
Mr. Uay or of his friends, untU the publication of the letter mak
ing that accusation.'
Thus the burden of proof of the vile calumny, which had been
placed upon the shoulders of the calumniator himself, remained
unmoved. The united efforts of himself and friends, instead of
disengaging it, only rendered its magnitude more visible, and its
deformity more gross. The eyes of the nation have been directed
to It, and many pure patriots, of aU parties, in view of it, with sad'

life of henry clay. 139
ned hearts, have exclaimed, 'alas, alas, for the all-absorbing
Bvalence of party spirit — for the frailty of human nature!'
Though no substantiating evidence was, or could be, produced,
¦ those who sought to produce it, a mass of refuting testimony
IS obtained by Mr. Clay and his friends, perfectly overwhelming.
circular letter was addressed to the western delegation of 1825,
ho were the principal individuals implicated in the charges against
ir. Clay, soliciting their views respecting them, who unhesitatingly
onoimced them false ; and many stated, that their determination
vote for Mr. Adams was formed previous to knowing Mr. Clay's
tention. . This testimony Mr. Clay embodied in a pamphlet,
hich he published in January, 1828, containing evidence more
an sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that he had re-
:atedly and unambiguously declared his intention to vote for Mr.
dams, long before the alleged proposition was said to have been
ade. In this he says, ' I make no appeal to public sympathy.
invoke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, reason
i sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, the decision
lUst be auspicious. With. a firm reliance upon the enlightened
idgment of the pubUc, and conscious of the zeal and uprightness
ith which I have executed every teust committed to my care, I
vait the event without alarm or apprehension. Whatever it may
;, my anxious hopes will continue for the success of the great
luse of human liberty, and of those high interests of national
jlicy, to the promotion of which, the best exertions of my life have
;en faithfuUy dedicated. And my humble, but earnest prayers will
J unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our common
)unh-y, and especially that our union, our liberty, and our institu-
ans, may long survive, a cheering exception from the operations
^ that fatal decree, which the voice of all history has hitherto uni-
irmly proclaimed.'
Though utterly abortive were all the attempts of the enemies of
[r., Clay, to injure him in the estimation of the unprejudiced and
le good, still, they managed to make political capital out of the
larges of bargain and corruption. Notwithstanding this final
jpeal to the people, embraced, substantially, the numerous evi-
;nces of their falsehood, evidences that had been repeated again
id, again, stUl, there were found thousands who believed these
targes, and many servile partisan presses to circulate them,^and
ttefully suppress the proofs of their unteuth. These labored
tiremittingly, to make the community befieve, that general Jack-
in was absolutely cheated out of his election by iMr. Clay, and
imltitiides settied down on this belief, ' and clung to it with an
Jstinacy, that would not have been moved, had he sealed his pro-
station of their falsehood ivith his blood. This belief was so con-
wial to the feelings of many, as to cause them to turn a deaf ear
' any statement calculated to weaken it A specimen of this

140 LIFE OF UK N R Y CLAY,
class of individuals fell under the personal observation of Mr,
Clay, while, in 1828, he was teaveUing in Virginia, accompanied by
some friends. ' We halted,' said he, ' at night, at a tavern kept by
an aged gentieman, who, after supper, sat down by me, and, without
hearing my name, but understanding that I was from Kentucky,
remarked, that he had four sons in that state, and that he was
very sorry they were divided in politics, two being for Adams,
and two for Jackson. He wished they were aU for Jackson.
Why ? I asked him. Because, he said, that feUow Clay, and
Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the presidency. Have you ever
seen any evidence, my old friend, said I, of that? No, he rephed,
none, and he wanted to see none. But, I observed, looking him direct
ly and steadily in the face, suppose Mr. Clay were to come here and
assure you, upon his honor, that it was aU a vile calumny, and not
a word of teuth in it, would you believe him ? No, repfied the old
man, promptiy and emphatically. I said to him, in conclusion, wUl
you be good enough to show me to bed, and bade him good night
The next morning, having in the interval learnt my name, he came to
me full of apologies, but I at once put him at his ease, by assuring him
that I did not feel, in the slightest degree, hurt or offended with him.'
These calumnious allegations have expended their steength, and
are now remembered and denominated only as the vilest fabrica
tion of the most unscrupulous political malice, to desttoy the most
exalted patriotism and unsuUied political virtue, that ever adorned
this or any other country. The individual against whom they
were directed, still lives, and lifts his head, encficled by the civic
wreath of honor, in which flashes, in everduring briUiancy, many
a gem of public favor. It was a sublime sight, for a mighty nation
to see her most distinguished son, single-handed, holding on his
patriotic course, now breasting the ungovernable waves of faction,
and now making his way through the serried ranks of vindictive
assailants, casting their weapons from him as the lion shakes the
dewdrops from his mane, or, seated in the unmoved majesty of
his integrity, regarding them as the ocean rock looks down and
laughs at the impotency of surge and storm, brealiing harmlessly
against his feet. Through aU, he passed to the chair of state,
unshorn of a lock of his might The duties of that arduous station
he discharged with a zeal and fidelity, which may be equalled, but
not surpassed. These had become greatiy multiplied when Mr.
Clay entered upon it, in consequence of the extension of our for
eign relations, which required the preparation of many documents
that devolved upon it. It would be impracticable to give even a
Ust of these. His health was -so feeble, that he intimated to the
president his intention of resigning his office in 1828, but, through
the persuasion of his friends, consented to remain. It is surprising,
that, under such circumstances, the official records, during his term
of service, show a greater amount of labor performed than was

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 141
iccomplished by any of his predecessors, who enjoyed those
jollateral aids which it was impracticable for him to obtain. In
he single article of treaties, his incumbency was iUusteious. The
lumber negotiated and concluded by him, at Washington, is
greater than that of all which had ever been previously concluded
here, from the first adoption of the constitution. These relate
jhiefly to commerce, navigation, and neuteal rights, and w-^ere
sntered into between the United States, Central America, Prussia,
Denmark a.nd the Hanseatic Republic, and Austria, though he
vacated his office previous to the ensealing of the teeaty with the
latter. With foreign ministers at Washington, he was a great
favorite, and on terms of salutary intimacy, which enabled him to
consult most advantageously the best interests of his countey, in
negotiating with them. In devising and framing these insteuraents,
Mr. Clay not only found ample scope for the exercise of his mental
faculties, but also for those amiable qualities of his character which
enhanced the pleasure of his personal intercourse, and which con
tributed not a little in obtaining fiberal terms for his countey. He
laid the foundation of an arrangement with Russia, for the settie
ment of certain claims of American citizens. These teeaties furnish
a fuU refutation of the charge often preferred ageunst him, of b^ing
indifferent to, and unmindful of our foreign commercial interests,
and as being wiUing to sacrifice them in fostering domestic trade
and manufactures, A perused of these is sufficient to convince
the most skeptical, that our foreign commercial interests lay as near
his heart as any other subject of diplomatic action. He abrogated
in them a clause inteoduced into the London teeaty of 1815, by
which English and American vessels were resteicted, in their com
mercial intercourse with one another, to articles of the growth or
manufacture of each, and inserted one in its place, permitting them
to enter their ports, without any regard being had to the place of
growth and manufacture of their cargoes. This removed what
experience had proved to be a most serious impediment to our
navigation, and seemed so just and proper in Mr. Clay's estimation,
that, in speaking of it, he says, ' its reciprocity is perfect ; and when
it comes to be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see any
thing beyond it, in the way of improvement to the freedom and
interests of their mutual navigation. The devices of maratime
nations have been various, to augment their marine, at the expense
of other powers. When there has been a passive acquiescence in
the operation of these devices, without any resort to countervailing
regulations, their success has sometimes been very great. But
nations are now too enlightened to submit quietiy to the selfish
efforts of any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation,
a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual intercourse.
These efforts are now met by opposite efforts, resteiction begets
resteiction, until the discovery is at last made, after a long teain of

142 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
vexatious and irritating acts and manoeuvres on both sides, that the
course of selfish legislation, ultimately, does not effect the disteibu-
tion of maritime power, whUst it is attended with the certain evU
of putting nations into an iU humor with each other. Experience
at last teaches, that, in every view, it is better to begin and continue
in the career of liberafity.'
This resteiction, however. Great Britain would not abandon, when
urged thereto by Mr. Gallatin, whom Mr. Adams had empowered
to teeat with that nation, in relation to the trade between the United
States and her colonial dependencies. He was particularly insteuct
ed by Mr. Clay to make the subject of the West India teade a
matter of special negotiation. Unsuccessful efforts to effect a
mutually advantageous arrangement, had been made several years
previous, and Mr. Gallatin was despatched to resume them, at the
request of the British minister at Washington. The former was
told, immediately after presenting his credentials, that the British
government would not teeat concerning the West India trade, and
also that she would not admit the United States to participate in
it, because they had not complied with, the provision of a certain
act of parliament relating to it, of which act they were in utter
ignorance. Its passage had never been officiaUy announced to
them, at London or at Washington. The act itself was vague,
and when the British minister was questioned by iMr. Clay respect
ing its application, the former was unable to explain its ambiguity,
or to say whether it was intended to apply to the United States or
not, as there was nothing in his insteuctions relating to it In con
nection with refusing to negotiate with Mr. Gallatin, Great Britain
insulted the United States through him, by declaring that 'they were
bound to know and take notice of the acts of parliament I We
doubt whether the diplomacy of any other nation ever presented
such a flagrant assertion, so arrogantiy assumptive, and so palpably
unjust. The result, of course, was inevitable ; direct intercourse
between the United States and the West .India ports of Great
Britain, in British or American vessels, was mutuaUy prohibited,
Mr, Clay's official correspondence, in relation to this question, is
replete with argument and sound reasoning.
The expansiveness of Mr, Clay's love of freedom, again exhib
ited itself soon after entering upon the duties of his office. Although
they were such as to keep him continually and exhaustingly
engaged, he nevertheless found time to extend his commiseration
and his aid to those nations, the recognition of whose independence,
by his country, he had endeavored to procure some time previous.
His situation was now such as to give him an opportunity of
accomplishing this. From time to time he spread the subject
before the executive, and so eloquentiy pleaded their cause, that a
minister was despatched by our government to Greece, which
resulted in the recognition of her independence by it In this the

LIFE OF HENRY CLAV. 143
iJnited States was first, and through the influence of iMr. Clay did
lie make this benevolent movement. As he had 'anticipated, it
nfused new strength into the hearts of the steuggling Greeks; who
lad begun to sink beneath the Turkish scimetar.
Mr. Clay's official letter to Mr. Middleton, our minister at Rus-
iia, dated May tenth, 1825, is a paper of great polish and skiU.
Mr. Clay had witnessed, for seventeen years, the devastating wars
vhich had raged between Spain and her South American colonies,
md ferventiy desired to see them terminated. For this purpose, he
jrojected and prepared the document aforesaid, independent of aU
suggestion or aid, from any public functionary. He had familiar-
zed himself with the facts connected with these wars, which, in
he most striking and beautiful manner, he spread out before the
jmperor, and urged him to use his influence in bringing about an
3vent winch he so ardentiy desired. This communication was so
ikUfuUy and ingeniously framed, as to direct the attention of
iUexander to the struggling Greeks, and enlist his influence in
their behalf, which was precisely what the -writer wished, though
lie did not say so in so many words. Mr. Clay's efforts were
triumphantly successful. The emperor instructed his minister at
the Spanish court, to use every proper exertion to terminate these
sanguinary confficts, which eventuated in the acknowledgement of
South American independence, by the parent country. The
smperor also took sides with the Greeks, made certain proposals,
relative to them, to the grand sultan, and, on their being rejected,
Instantiy set about making preparations to march against him.
Before their completion he deceased, but his successor took them
up, and struck a blow so decisive as to put instant period to his
barbarities. Thus Mr. Clay's influence, through this instrument,
set in motion means that moved both hemispheres, and accom
phshed results, the sum of whose benefits and blessings, never has
been, and never can be, ascertained.
If we were to single out one from the multitude of official papers
prepared by iMr. Clay during his secretaryship, as evincing the
most ability and skill, it would be the letter of insteuctions to
Messrs. John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, delegates from
the United States to the congress at Panama, convened at the
request of the republics of Colombia, Mexico, and Genteal Amer
ica, whose representatives were also present The object of this
congress was not very definitely stated in the request for it, and,
before appointing delegates, Mr. Clay endeavored to ascertain the
nature and extent of the subjects upon which they would deliber
ate, and the powers with which it would be proper to clothe them.
This object, though not precisely ascertained, was presumed to be
honorable ; indeed, the convention was believed to have been sug
gested by the declaration of president Monroe, that, in case of any
interference of any of the allied powers, in the contest between

[44 LIFE OF H E .\ R Y CLAY.
Spain and her former colonies, the United States would not remain
an indift'erent spectator. This declaration very naturally led the
republics before mentioned, towards whom the Holy Alliance main
tained a hostile attitude, to seek the cultivation of those amicable
relations wUh the United States, which would secure their aid, in
case it should be desired. In Mr. Clay's letter of insteuctions, the
delegates were authorized to treat of peace, friendship, commerce,
navigation, maritime law, neuteal and belligerent rights, and other
subjects of mutual interest Subjoined, is an exteact from this
able doctiment.
Spealdng of the regulation respecting private property, which
ought to exist on the ocean in time of war, he says : ' although.
in the an-angement of tilings, security against oppression should
be the greatest where it is most lUiely to be often practiced, it is
nevertheless remarkable, that the progress of enlightened civiliza
tion has been much more advanced on the land than on the ocean.
And, accordingly, personal rights, and especially those of property,
have both a safety and protection on the former, which they do not
enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely any circumstance would
now tend more to exalt the character of America, than that of
uniting its endeavors to bring up the arrears of civilization as
applied to the ocean, to the same forward point which it has
attained on the land, and, thus rendering men and their property
secure against all human injustice and violence, leave them
exposed only to the action of those storms and disasters, sufficiently
perilous, which are comprehended in the dispensations of providence.
It is under the influence of these and similar considerations, that
you will bring forward, at the contemplated congress, the proposi
tion to abohsh war against private property and non-combatants
on the ocean. Private property of an enemy is protected, when
on land, from seizure and confiscation. Those who do not beai-
arms there, are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should not
the same humane exemption be extended to the sea?'
Respecting religious toleration, he remarks, 'you -wiU avail
yourselves of all suitable occasions to press upon the minister of
the other American states, the propriety of a free toleration of reli
gion, -within their respective Umits. In the United States, we
experience no inconvenience from the absence of any rehgious
estabhshment, and the universal toleration which happily prevails.
We believe that none would be feU by other nations who should
allow equal religious freedom. It would be deemed rash to assert,
that civil liberty and an established church cannot exist togetheffn
the same state ; but it may be safely affirmed, that history affords
no example of thefi union, where the religion of the state has not
only been established, but exclusive. If any of the American pow
ers think proper to inteoduce into their systems an established
religion, although we should regret such a determination, we would

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 145
ive no right to make a formal complaint, unless it should be
xlusive. As the citizens of any of the American nations have a
ght, when here, without hindrance, to worship the Deity accord-
ig to the dictates of their own consciences, our citizens ought to
2 aUowed the same privilege, when, prompted by business or
icfination, they visit any of the American states. You are ac-
jrdingly authorized to propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed
y the ministers of all or any of the powers represented, that, within
leir limits, there shaU be free toleration of religious worship. The
eclaration on this subject in which you are authorized to unite, as
rell as that directed against European colonization within the terri-
)rial limits of any of the American nations herein before men-
oned, does no more than announce, in respect to the United States,
je existing state of their institutions, and laws,'
These insteuctions reflect the highest honor on Mr. Clay, and
ifhen, in March, 1829, their publication was caUed for, in connection
/ith other documents relating to the Panama mission, it was ran-
GWusly opposed by his enemies, who foresaw clearly that it would
ncrease his popularity and- add to his celebrity, as well as refute
betel assertion, that the object of the administeation, in sending del-
gates to the iPahama congress, was to carry into effect objects
itterly at variance with the interests and teue policy of the United
States, , —
Mr, Clay's method of preparing state papers, was, to make him-
elf perfectiy master of the subjects to be considered; by perusing
ill the papers on file relating to them, and afterwards draw up the
loeumentsin a form that seemed to him correct, and then submit
hem to the inspection of the president, who, it is understood,
eldom found it necessary to suggest the slightest alteration.
During his term of service, Mr, Clay was under the painful
leeessity of reproving a foreign minister. Our charge d'affaires
it the court of Brazil, had, by his intimidating manner,- rendered
limself very unpopular, and brought our affairs into great einbar-
assment at Rio de Janeiro. He frequently indulged in harsh and
lisrespectful language toward officers of the Brazilian government.
)lb. Clay conveyed to him the rebuke of the United States, for
hese misdemeanors, which, though severe, was couched in lan-
jaage calculated to give the least possible pain.
The confidence of Mr. Adams was Uberally and voluntarily
jiven to Mr. Clay, nOr could it have been better bestowed. With
ill the acts of the latter, he expressed himself entirely satisfied —
:xcept his .affau: of honor with Mr. Randolph. Of this he disap-
woved, most heartily and unequivocaUy ; and Mr. Clay himself
Hreatly regretted it Many evidences are on record of Mr. Adams's
pgard for Mr. Clay, both of a public and private character. The
oUowing is an interesting one.
Says a correspondent of the Newark DaUv Advertiser, 'I
VOL. L 19

146 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
have frequentiy observed ladies' albums circulating through the
house and senate chamber, with the view of collecting the auto
graphs of the members. I saw one this morning which contained
a page of weU written poetey, dated twenty-third July, 1842, in
the tremulous hand-writing of John Q. Adams, descriptive of the
wUd chaos at present spread over our political affairs, and antici
pated coming events, which would bring order out of disorder.
The closing verse was as foUows :
' Say, for whose brow this laurel crown?
For whom this web of life is spinning?
Turn this, thy album, upside down,
And take the end for the beginning.'
The meaning of this was somewhat mystical, but, by turning to
the back of the book, and inverting it, on its last page a piece was
found with the signature of ' H. Clay!'
Seldom, perhaps, has an administration been assaUed with more
violence, or with less cause, than that of Mr. Adams. Perhaps the
hostility manifested towards it, was occasioned, to a considerable
extent, by Mr. Clay's connection with it, and from the fact that the
views of the president, in relation to the great measures of national
policy, harmonized perfectly with his own. This gave to the
opposition, of the ultra advocates of state rights, its bitterest venom,
which was profusely lavished upon it. As soon as Mr. Clay left
the house, his old eccentric foe, Mr. Randolph, cast off all resttaint,
and spoke and acted as though law and order were not for him;
suffering no occasion to pass unimproved in abusing Mr. Clay,
and often teaveUing out of his way to seek one. The subject of
the Panama mission furnished him rich materials for exercising
his peculiar genius, which he employed in the most insulting man
ner towards him. He characterized that unison of sentiment to
which we have alluded, which existed between the president and
Mr. Clay, as a ' coalition of Blifil and Black George — a combi
nation of the Puritan with the black-leg ' — and charged Mr. Clay
with ' stealing a leaf from the curse book of Pandemonium.' Such
language would be disgraceful under any circumstances, but espe
cially on the floor of the senate chamber. Mr. Randolph seemed
determined to bring about a personal conflict with Mr. Clay, from
what motives it is difficult to determine, for the latter gave him no
cause of abuse, carefuUy avoiding him as he did. But the former
went on, day after day, unprovoked, adding injury to injury,
heaping insult upon insult upon the latter, until further forbearance
became exceedingly difficult, to say the least, especiaUy as Mr.
Clay was surrounded by his family. Says an individual intimately
acquainted with the parties, ' Mr. Randolph knew that his every
word, whether spoken in his sober or inebriated moments, was
pregnant with death, to the pride and the happiness of the innocent
and the lovely.' Although he himself had no family although he

life of henry clay. 147
as an individual in reference to whom a distinguished friend of
ars once thanked God in congress, that monsters could not per-
etuate their species; still he must have known,from hearsay, that
le feelings of a wife and a daughter are keenly sensitive. Had Mr.
Hay held a seat in the senate, Mr. Randolph, dark as were his
esigns, and much as he longed for a quarrel, would not have
ared to use the language of open outrage. There was ever some-
ling in Mr. Clay's eye, before which his spirit quailed and blinked,
ke a frighted thing. Mr. Clay, however, was absent, and every day
f his forbearance added bitterness to the insults that were heaped
n him. What could he do ? Undoubtedly, that religion, whose
ingdom is not of this world, required him to endure patientiy
iito the end. It is a matter of regret that he did not, but who
haU censure him harshly, for having, in a moment of unconteoUa-
le exasperation, tm-ned upon his pursuer and dared him to single
orabat !
Of the duel, itself, it is not necessary to say much. iMr. Ran-
lolph, in defiance of established usage, went upon the field in a
luge morning gown ; and the seconds, had not Mr. Clay interfered,
I'ould have made this singular conduct the occasion of a quarrel.
n due time the parties fired, and luckily for both of them, or at
3ast for Mr. Clay, Mr. Randolph's life was saved by his gown.
The unseemly garment constituted such a vast circumiference, that
he locality of ' the thin and swarthy senator ' was at least a matter
if very vague conjecture. Mr. Clay might as well have fired into
he outspread top of an oak, in the hope of hitting a bird that he
upposed to be snugly perched somewhere among the branches.
lis baU hit the centre of the visible object, but Randolph was not
here I and of course the shot did no iharm and no good. After
he first discharge, Mr. Randolph, by firing into the air, showed his
lisincfination to continue the fight. He immediately walked up
0 Mr.' Clay, who was still standing in his place, and, parting the
bids of his gown, pointed to the hole where the bullet of the former
lad pierced his coat, and, in the shrillest tones of his squeaking
foice, exclaimed, 'Mr. Clay, you owe me a coat, you owe me a
!0AT !' to which he replied, in a voice of slow and solemn empha-
lis, at the same time pointing directiy to Mr. Randolph's heart, ' Mr.
8.AND0LPH, I thank God that lam no deeper in your debt."
We are no apologist for the duelist; we regard the practice of
belling -with the deepest detestation and abhorrence, and believe
t unjustified, under any circumstances; still, we unhesitatingly
iay, that those which surrounded Mr. Clay, were approximated as
learly to a justification, as any possibly could. He had resorted
0 all honorable means to avoid a duel with Mr. Randolph ; calling
ipon and desiring him to explain or retract his insulting language,
mt he flatiy refused. It may not be amiss to state, in this connec-
ion, that Mr, Clay reprobates the practice of dueUing, himself.

148 life of henry clay.
This appears from his avowed sentiment relative thereto, ' I owe
it,' says he, ' to the community, to say, that whatever, heretofore, I
mav iiave done, or by inevitable circumstances may be forced to
do,"no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do,- the. perni
cious practice of dueUing. Condemned as it must be,, by the
judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the religion, of every
thinking man, it is an affair of feeling, about which we cannot,
although we should, reason. The teue corrective will be found,
when all shaU unite, as all ought to unite, in its unquaUfied pro
scription,' The hostile meeting between Mr, Rand<^lph and Mr. Clay, occur
red April eighth, 1826. Their last interview took place in March,
1833, a short time previous to the decease of the former. He was
on his way to Philadelphia, where he died. Being unable to walk
or stand without assistance, he was borne into the senate chamber,
to which he was about to pay his last visit The senate was in
session by candlelight. Mr. Clay had risen to make some remarks
on the compromise act ' Plelp me up,' said Mr. Randolph, sitting
in a chair, and speaking to his half-brother, Mr. Tucker, ' help me
up; I have come to hear that voice once more.' When Mr, Clay
concluded, he approached, and shook Mr, Randolph cordially by
the hand, and thus terminated their intercourse forever.
Mr. Clay's eflbrts, during his secretaryship, contributed muchin
making Mr. Adams's administration peculiarly American. They
afforded material aid in cherishing and strengthening those princi
ples, which would render the United States independent of for
eign nations — principles for which he contended with a zeal that
nothing could dampen, and which would not allow any compro
mise. In giving Mr. Adams his vote, he was not mistaken in sup
posing that he would be their able supporter too. In their adhereiKe
to tiiescj they went hand in hand. This was a source of most vexa
tious uneasiness to the enemies of those principles. Hence the
cause of their excessive hostility towards the administration of Mr.
Adams, for they believed it was materially shaped by Mr, Clay,
They littie expected, and less designed, that their opposition should
thus pay him the highest possible compUment — that of wielding
a. power scarcely inferior to that of the executive himself. ..,;The
enemies of Mr. Clay, therefore, became the enemies of Mr. Adams,
whose administeation they determined to prosteate, let the expense
be what it might ' It must be put down,' said one of general Jacfc
son's most prominent supporters, 'though as pure as the angels at
the right hand of God.' The foulest charges were preferred against
Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, the mildest of which was, corruption.
Of the latter, in consequence of his having made some transfers,
m publishing the laws, from one printing estabhshment to another,
it was alleged, that he attempted to corrupt the press, which, with
a great outcry, was bruited from one end of the land to the othej-.

life of henry clay, 149
[e was charged with having made the teansfer from interested
Etrty considerations, and an attempt was made to cause him to
amraunicate to congress what changes he had made, with his
!asons. It failed, however, on the ground that the house had
0 jurisdiction over the matter. At the very time (or nearly) that
is enemies in this house were thus engaged in subjecting him to
lis gross charge, their coadjutors in the senate, led on by Mr. Van
Jnren, were endeavoring to deprive the National Intelligencer of
le printing of that body. Notable consistency ! Not an act of Mr.
Ldams, or Mr. Clay, which was not made to pass through the tea-
lucing ordeal of their enemies' malice, and pronounced corrupt
nd ruinous in their tendency. The same acts, might be submitted
D the examination of any impartial ti-ibunal, who would rise up
ram if, and declare them as nearly faultless as any human ones
ould be; indeed, that of posterity, whose decisions are never
eversed, is fast rendering such a verdict. Many an eye now dims
v'ith tears, and many a heart heaves with regret, at the recollection
rf iMr. Adams's administration. The political degeneracy and
joUiltion of the present day, were far from it Economy, dignity,
md liberality, were written all over it, in such indeUble characters,
hat the most intemperate flood of opposition could not expunge
hem. It can be said of Mr. Adams, that he never dismissed a
tublic functionary solely on the ground of party considerations,
md in selecting these, he did not permit himself to be governed by
hem. But, unexceptionable as was the course pursued by him,
lehaction and calumny performed their utmost to bring him into
lisrepute, and with too much success. Party prejudice and sec-
iohai feelings were aroused and inflamed in all parts of the country.
The wants of each were catered for, without stint or , measure ;
ioalifions, combinations, caucusses, and all the unnamed and
indescribed pharaphernalia of party manoeuvring, w-ere organized,
Irilled, Elrrayed, and brought out, to be used by strong and wUling
lands, in the most ignoble and base employment in which they
:ould be engaged — ^in crushing an administeation without any
'egard to its merit or demerit The prime movers of the whole
leterogeneous mass had decreed, that it ' must be piit down,' and
tsloud ergo pealed up, ' it ought to be put down.' 'Gonteadietory
ind paradoxical reasoning was employed, with success equal to
:hat of teue, in different parts of the country. Their creed was
comprehensive enough to embrace all, how various soever their
lames or tenets. From such an army political virtue and honesty
iled away and hid themselves, which, like the devouring locusts
3f Egypt, passed over the whole land, blighting and destroying
ivery green thing in its political enclosures. Sometime previous
0 the close of the administeation, the opposition gained the ascen-
lency in congress, which greatiy facilitated their operations, which
esulted in the election of their candidate, Andrew Jackson, to the
Mesidential chair, in the autumn of 1828.

150 life of henry clay.
The prevalence of teuth is sure. It may be temporarUy sup
pressed, error may teiumph over it, and it may seem to be lost, but
its disenthralment is just as certain, as the release of the earth by
solar heat from tiie mists that press upon its bosom. Error ^avi-
tates — its nature is downwards ; but truth soars — its own intrinsic
buoyant power bears it, sooner or later, to the surface of human
observation. It cannot perish ; it is the ally of immortality, and
will survive aU sublunary things, and be seen and admired ages
after falsehood and all his base companions shaU have gone down
to their dark dweUing-place. This atteibute of teuth seems to have
been overlooked or disregarded, by those who, with a blind zeal
and misguided patriotism, sought the overthrow of an administea
tion too good to escape the shafts of envy, and dispensing more
benefits than could be enumerated or appreciated by them when
thus engaged. Those who were most active in elevating general
Jackson to the presidency, displayed great skiU in party tactics,
and a most liberal education in the schools of inteigue and deteac-
tion. Experience had taught them, that a pubfic functionary was
most vulnerable through the minds of his constituents ; that if the
lodgment of a certain principle could be effected there, their work
was done, his ruin was accomplished. This was precisely the mode
of warfare pursued by the opponents of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay.
All their efforts were directed to the single end, of instiUing into
the minds of the people the belief, that these eminent statesmen,
these great and good men, were vampyres upon their pockets, shap
ing their measures so as to drain them of their contents. .. The cry
of exteavagance drowned every other, and that of economy, re-
teenchment, and reform, was iterated and reiterated so often, that
the truth of the first, and imperious necessity of the others, soon
became their permanent belief. It is not surprising, that under
the influence of this, they should rise, and pluck them from their
places, without stopping to inquire, whether those who excited
them to the committal of this act, did not do it for the express pur
pose of thrusting their hands still deeper into their pockets. The
sequel seemed to furnish good, grounds for such an opinion. From
the purses of the people, general Jackson's administeation took
about two dollars to Mr. Adams's one, and iMr. Van Buren's about
three. The necessity for diminishing the public expenditures,
suddenly ceased, upon their becoming safely instaUed in their
places, and their sympathy for the ' dear people,' in view of theh
pretended robbery, which seemed to be so expansive before, imme
diately returned to the narrow Umits of their own bosoms. But
truth, whose voice was completely stifled in reference to the admin
istration of Mr, Adams, and the herculean labors of Mr. Clay, as
connected with it, in the political melee of 1828, is fast justifying
its measures, and causing many to regret, who zealously sought, its
overthrow, and fervently pray for its return.

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 151
A few days after general Jackson's inauguration into the presi
dential chair, Mr. Clay prepared to return to the retirement and the
social delights of his home ; where, at his leisure, he could review
his public acts, and devise new measures for benefiting his country.
About the time of his departure from Washington, his friends
residing in that city, as a testimonial of their regard for his private
and public character, gave him a dinner. In a speech, on that
occasion, he alluded to his pubfic career, and the duties of citizen
ship, in the following beautiful language, ' Whether I shall ever
hereafter take any part in the public councUs or not, depends upon
circumstances beyond my control. Holding the principle that a
citizen, as long as a single pulsation remains, is under an obliga
tion to exert his utmost energies in the service of his country, if
necessary, whether in a public or private station, my friends here
and every where may rest assured, that, in either condition, I shaU
stand erect, with a spirit unconquered, whilst life endures ready to
second their exertions in the cause of fiberty, the union, and the
national prosperity.'
Of general Jackson he remarked, ' that citizen has done me
much injustice. It was inflicted, as I must ever believe, for the
double purpose of gratifying private resentment, and promoting
personal ambition. When, during the late canvass, he came for
ward in the public prints, under his proper name, with his charge
against me, and summoned before the public teibunal his friend
and his only witness, (Mr. Buchanan,) to establish it, the anxious
attention, of the whole American people was directed to the testi
mony which that witness might render. He promptly obeyed the
call, and testified to what he knew. Pie could say nothing, and he
said nothing which cast the sfighest shade upon my honor or integ
rity. What he did say was the reverse of any implication of me.
Then all just and impartial men, and all who had faith in the
magnanimity of my accuser, believed that he would make a public
acknowledgement of his error. How far this reasonable expecta
tion has been fulfilled, let his persevering and stubborn silence
attest. But my relations to that citizen, by a recent event are now
changed. He is the chief magisteate of my countey, invested with
large and extensive powers, the administration of which may con
duce to its prosperity, or occasion its adversity. Pateiotism enjoins
as a duty, that while he is in that exalted station he should be
treated -with decorum, and his official acts be judged of in a spirit
of candor.'
The rancor of his enemies had pursued Mr. Clay as though he
had been a devastating monster, laying waste the fair and fertile
fields of his countey, instead of enriching them by his toils. It
overstepped, not only the bounds of prudence, but of propriety
and decency. It followed him to the sanctuary of his home, and
violated that. In a letter -written in May, 1828, he thus speaks of

152 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
their attempts to destroy his pecuniary credit ' The variety in
tiieir modes of attack, and the industey of my enemies, are remark
able, if not always commendable, I observe that some of them
about Lexington, have carefuUy searched the records of Fayette,
and exteacted from them a formidable list of mortgages, which are
paraded as evidence of my bankruptcy. The fairness of this pro
ceeding, in my absence on arduous public service, and without
inquiry into the fact whether the mortgages be extinguished or not,
is submitted to my feUow citizens of Fayette. ' I do not consider,
that a man who honestly fulfils his pecuniary engagements, is enti
tled to any special praise, or I would not observe, that I can confi
dentiy appeal to aU with whom I ever had pecuniary teansactioiis,
to bear testimony to the fidelity with which I have discharged
mine. I invite the severest scrutiny into my conduct in that
respect, and request a comparison of it with that of any one of
those who now assail me. I never was sued in my life, for an
uncontested debt ; indeed, I have no recollection at this time of
having ever been sued for any ascertained debt, contested or
uncontested, and whether I was principal or endorser. I am not
free absolutely from debt I am not rich. I never coveted riches.
But my estate would even now be estimated at not much less than
one hundred thousand dollars. Whatever it may be worth, it is a
gratification to me to know, that it is the produce of my own honest
labor, no part of it being hereditary, except one slave, who would
oblige me very much if he would accept his freedom. It is suffi
cient, after paying aU my debts, to leave my famUy above Avant, if
I should be separated from them. It is a matter, also, of consola
tion to me, to know that this wanton exposure of my private affairs
can do me no pecuniary prejudice. My few creditors will not
allow their confidence in me to be shaken by it. It has, indeed, led
to one incident, which was at the same time a source of pleasure
and pain. A friend lately called on me, at the instance of another
friend, and informed me that they were apprehensive that my
private affairs were embarrassed, and that I aUowed their embar
rassment to prey upon my mind. He came, therefore, with thek
authority, to tell me that they would contribute any sum that 1
niight want, to reUeve me. The emotions which such a proposi
tion excited, can be conceived by honorable men. I fefi most
happy to be able to undeceive them, and to decline then: benevo
lent proposition.'
Though Mr. Clay's enemies were greatiy gratified at his eject'-
ment from office, they were more disappointed and chagrined at
the fortitude, and humor, even, with which he bore it. They had
prepared a rich feast of enjoyment over his anticipated son-ow, on
the occurrence of that event, which was spoiled by him, in not
complying with the conditions that ivould make it palatable. In
stead of being sad, he was merry. At the time of his departure

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 153
from Washington for Kentucky, the roads were very bad, which
induced him to send his private conveyance in advance, and resort
to the stage-coach. On one occasion, the roughness of them
caused him to take a seat beside the driver, which he occupied on
entering Uniontown, in Pennsylvania, at which his friends in that
place expressed great surprise, to which he replied, ' gentiemen,
although I am with the outs, yet I can assure you that the ins
behind me, have much the worst of it.' His health, which had
become much enfeebled by his arduous duties, improved rapidly
during his journey home, and the flow of his exuberant spirits more
than kept pace with it. The most kindly receptions greeted him
at every stage of it; indeed, in the expressions of regard for his
character and services, there was scarcely any cessation, from the
time he left the seat of government untU he reached his home, to
which he was welcomed by one of those warm, spontaneous, and
eloquent outbursts of Kentuckian feeling, which, to be known,
must be witnessed, for no description can do it justice. Hardly
had he disrobed himself of his travelfing garments, and become
seated in his residence at Ashland, before he was importuned to
exchange it for one in congress, or in the legislature of Kentucky ;
but ill health, and a desire for temporal repose, caused him to
decline. Scarcely a day passed away which did not bring to his
abode testimonials of regard and affection, from his friends in aU
parts of the country. He was urged repeatedly to participate in
their hospitality, which had he compUed with to the extent in
which it was proffered, the strength of a thousand men would
have been requisite to carry him uninjured through it. These
invitations were prompted by a consciousness of his worth, and a
desire to gather his opinions and sentiments, in relation to national
policy. This desire was always gratified, at those which he
accepted. In May, 1829, he was honored by a public dinner,
served up at Fowler's garden, at which about three thousand sat
down. His presence called forth the following toast: 'our
distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, Henry Clay — -with
increased proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the assurance
of our confidence in his pateiotism, talents, and incorruptibiUty —
may health and happiness attend him in retirement, and a grateful
nation do justice to his virtues.' After its announcement, he spoke
for the space of one hour and a half, with more than his usual
eloquence and energy. • lie reviewed somewhat minutely his public
career, the administeation of Mr. Adams, and spoke in terms of
deserved censure of the means resorted to, by his enemies, to put
him down. He animadverted severely upon the course pursued
by general Jackson, in removing faithful public officers, and con
sidered his conduct, in that respect, unjustifiable, and as calculated
to establish a dangerous precedent His sentiments concerning the
principles which ought to govern public servants, are worthy of aU
VOL. I. 20

154 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
acceptance, and should be inscribed in letters of gold on the
phylacteries of all office-holders and office-seekers. He closed by
saying, 'in the presence of my God, and of this assembled multi
tude, I can and I wUl say, that I have honestiy and faithfully
served my country, that I have never wronged it, and that, however
unprepared I lament that I am, to appear- in the Divine presence
on other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of His judgment on
my public conduct, without the smaUest apprehension of His
displeasure,' iMr, Clay never attempted concealment either of his sentiments or
his actions in relation to public matters ; on the contrary, he invited
the most searching scrutiny, conscious that in the maintenance of
the former, and the performance of the latter, he was actuated by
upright motives.
In 1829-30 he visited various parts of Kentucky, loaded with
favors wherever he came ; upholding those measures which were
teuly national, and denouncing, without any reserve, those that were
of an opposite character. Of this description he found many connect
ed with the administeation of general Jackson, neither did he aUow
himseU to be deterred from expressing his views freely in relation
to them, from any motives of a personal consideration, Mr, Clay
was not the man to shrink from the duty of directing the attention
of the country to measures whose tendency he believed was det
rimental to its interests. He would not hesitate to lift his warning
voice, though it would be at the expense of his hard-earned fame,
when he saw means employing to jeopard its safety. He visited
New Orleans at the commencement of 1830, wherejif possible, the
attentions bestowed upon him exceeded those which he received
from his own constituents. AUhough his visit was occasioned by
business of a private character, he was continually thronged by the
people, of all parties, tendering him the mede of honor due his dis
tinguished eminence. It was with difficulty he could resist their
warm importunity to accept a public dinner. He left for Natchez,
Mississippi, on the ninth of March, amid an immense concourse of
people, assembled to witness his departure. The levee, tops of
steamboats, and houses, were completely covered by them, who rent
the air with their enthusiastic cheering, ^s the steamer that bore him
moved from the pier, they were almost deafening, which, with tlie
waving of banners and handkerchiefs, and firing of cannon, made
it appear more like the departure of a mighty conqueror, than of a
private citizen. At Natchez, his arrival was anticipated, by the
congregating of individuals from all parts of Mississippi, comprising
the elite of her distinguished men, irrespective of partisanship, who
thronged the wharf, waiting to receive him. On the an-ival of the
boat, the rush into, it was so great as to excite alarm, and the mul^
tittide environing it was so large and dense, that some time was
consumed in making an opening through it Mr. Clay found it

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 155
easier to accept an invitation to a pubfic dinner, than to resist the
importunity with which it was tendered. The guests were numer
ous. Says one who witnessed the assembly, 'it was no partisan
gathering. The warmest political opponents, set down face to face
with each other, united in one subject at least' — the desire to do
honor to their distinguished guest -^ to one whose patriotic motives
none of them could doubt, however much they might differ from his
principles. In his remarks, he was interrupted more than once by the
deep, involuntary murmurs of applause, which burst forth around
him. Every word which he uttered, went down and rested upon the
hearts of his auditors, Uke the kind tones of some blessed visitant
It was a proud moment for Henry Clay. The dark elements of
faction sank down into quietude before him. Men who had been
arrayed for years in political contention, who had hitherto met each
other with the compressed lip and knitted brow of hatred, gave back,
on this occasion, the smiles of one another.
' Mr. Clay commenced by an acknowledgment of his gratitude
for the honors bestowed upon him. ' There is nothing in life,' said
he, ' half so delightful to the heart, as to know that, notwithstanding
the conflicts that arise among men — the whirlwind and madness
of party feeling — there yet are times, as on the present occasion,
when passion and prejudice slumber — moments, when old differ
ences cease from troubling, and when all that is turbulent, and all
that is distrustful, are sacrificed to the generous and social dictates
of humanity.'
' He spoke of general Jackson. He spoke of his great battle.
Darldy as he had been traduced, deeply as he had been injured by
that man, he yet hesitated notto bestow upon him his full measure of
patriotic encomium. His feelings rose with the subject. His eye
kindled. There was a moral grandeur in his look ; and aU who
saw it felt that it was the visible manifestation of the teiumph of
his nobler feelings over the dai-k sense of wrong.
' At that moment I would have given my right hand, to have seen
general Jackson confronted before his magnanimous opponent —
face to face with the man whom he had so fouUy injured. Had he been
there— under the eye of that noble-hearted speaker — every word of
commendation, every generous acknowledgment of his services,
would have fallen upon his head like a rain of fire.' In every town
which he visited, the citizens gathered round him, and wherever he
turned, a hundred hands were extended to clasp his own. Pubfic
feeling flowed after him as the tides of the ocean foUowthe moving
moon. Passing through Donaldsonville, where the legislature
of liouisiana was in session, he unexpectedly entered the haU
of the house of representatives, when that body, including speaker,
and members of both parties, simultaneously rose to receive him.
In the summer of 1830, business called him to Columbus, the cap
ital of Ohio, At the time, a celebration was had by the mechanics

156 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
of the place and vicinity, at which the foUowing honorary toast was
given : ' our inestimable guest, Henry Clay, An efficient laborer
in support of the industey of the country. Farmers and mechanics
know how to appreciate his services'— to which he responded, in a
speech which embraced aUu sions to his favorite theme, internal
improvements, in connection -with the hostility of general. Jackson to
them, as evinced in his veto of acts passed by congress, expressive
of its views of that system, and the estabUshed policy of the nation.
He vindicated their action, and proved its accordance with the
' provisions of the constitution. The operation of the tariff he also
considered, and showed it salutary. In his concluding remarks he
adverted to his own circumstances. ' Why,' said he, ' were the fires of
unabated persecution kindled around him ? Why was the artiUery
of the press incessantiy leveUed upon him ? What had he done ?
The history of his past life was before the people. If he had erred
in any of his endeavors to subserve the best interests of the public,
he regretted it His conscience, at least, did not reproach him.
And what was he doing to draw upon him the maledictions of his
countrymen? He was a private citizen. He could exercise
authority over none, nor had he any engine of governmental
pateonage, to pervert and make subservient to purposes of personal
aggrandizement.' At this meeting he exposed the turpitude of the odious docteines
of nullification, which had begun to be agitated at the south.
On the seventeenth of December, 1829, Mr. Clay dehvered an
addressbefore the Colonization Society, of Kentucky, at Frankfort,
in which the principles and objects of that humane institution were
ably and eloquently supported. In it, he alluded pointedly to the
subject of slavery, surveyed the numerous teain of evils consequent
upon it, and expressed his hearty desire to cooperate -with any
society which would mitigate, lessen, or remove them. He lin^
gered, with peculiar pleasure, upon the success which had unex
pectedly crowned the efforts of the American Colonization Society,
and declared his sincere conviction, that it had most abundant en^
couragement to persevere and endeavor to redouble its exertions.
' We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature,' said he,
' for the record of any human plan for the melioration of the con
dition or the advancement of our race, which promises more
unmixed good, in comprehensive benevolence, than that of the
Colonization Society, if carried into full operation. Its benevolent
purposes are not confined to the fimits of one continent — not to the
prosperity of a solitary race. They embrace the largest two portions
of the earth, with the peace and happiness of both descriptions of
their present inhabitants, and the countless millions of their poster
ity. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, -vvith a
icnowledge of the blessings which fiberty imparts, aUhough no-w
imfi.ble to share them, wiU carry a recollection of them to benighted

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 157 o
Africa, and light up, in time, her immense territory. And may we
not indulge the hope, that, in a period of time not surpassing in
dm-ation that of our own colonial and national existence, we shaU
behold a confederation of repubUcan states on the western shores
of Africa, -with their congress, and their annual legislatures, thun
dering forth in behalf of the rights of man, and causing tyrants to
tremble on their thrones ! '
iMr, Clay regarded the society, if judiciously managed, compe
tent to diffuse the light and blessings of civilization and Christian
ity, under the guidance of Providence, through the entire vast
regions of Africa ; saying, that it proposed ' to send, not one or two
pious members of Christianity, into a foreign land, among a differ
ent and perhaps a suspicious" race, of another complexion, but to
teansport annuaUy, for an indefinite number of years, thousands
of efficient missionaries, of the descendants of Africa itself, -with
the same interests, sympathies, and constitutions of the natives, to
communicate the benefits of our holy religion, and of the arts of
civilization. And this colony of missionaries is to operate, not
alone by preaching the words of truth and revelation, which, how
ever delightful to the ears of the faithful and inteUigent, are not
always comprehended by untutored savages, but also by works of
occular demonsteation. It wiU open the great forest, it -wiU buUd
up cities, erect temples for christian worship, and thus practically
exhibit to the native sons of Africa, the beautiful moral spectacle,
and the superior advantages, of our religious and social systems.
In this unexaggerated view of the subject, the African colony,
compared with other missionary plans, presents the force and
grandeur of the noble steamer majestically ascending, and -with
ease subduing the current of the Mississippi, in comparison with
the feeble and tottering canoe, moving slowly among the reeds
which fringe its shores. It holds up the image of the resistless
power of the Mississippi itself, rushing down from the summit
of the Rocky mountains, and making its deep and broad and rapid
course through the heart of this continent, thousands of' miles, to
the gulf of iMexico, in comparison with that of an obscure rivulet,
¦winding its undiscernable way through dark and dense forests or
luxuriant prairies, where it is quickly and forever lost
' Confiding in the approving judgment of Divine Providence,
and conscious of the purity and benevolence of our intentions, we
may fearlessly advance in our great work. And when we shall,
as soon we must, be ti-anslated from this into another existence,
is the hope presumptuous, that we shall then behold the common
Father of the white and the black, the Ruler of the universe, cast
his aU-seeing eye upon civilized and regenerated Africa, its culti
vated fields, its coasts studded with numerous cities, and adorned
with temples dedicated to the reUgion of his redeeming Son, its
far-famed Niger, and aU its great rivers, lined -with flourishing

158 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
vUlages, and navigated by that wonderful power which American
genius first applied ; and that, after dweUing with satisfaction upon
the glorious spectacle, he wiU deign to look with approbation upon
us, his humble insteuments, who have contributed to produce it'
Mr. Clay believed that the association would eventually abolish
slavery, whose existence how deeply he deplored, may be gathered
from the following language. 'If I could be instrumental in
eradicating this deepest stain upon the character of our country,
and removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign
nations ; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of this foul
blot that revered state that gave me birth, or that not less beloved
state which kindly adopted me as her son, / would not exchange
the pi-oud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor of all Ihe
triumphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.'
Mr. Clay was elected to the United States senate, by the legisla
ture of Kentucky, in the autumn of 1831. About the same time,
in a national convention, at Baltimore, he was nominated to the
presidency, in opposition to general Jackson.
Soon after taking his seat in the senate, the subject of the tariff
came up for consideration, to which he gave his most efficient aid.
The president avowed his hostUity to protective measures, and in
consequence of his great influence in congress, there was great
danger that they would be frittered away, so as to impair very ma
terially their utility, or be entirely destroyed. The south began to
murmur their enmity towards them, which they believed operated
against their interests. They were violently opposed to the policy
of imposing duties on cotton fabrics, which were imported into the
United States from Great Britain, the principal consumer of her
staple production. From the attitude which she began to assume,
in relation to the protective system, just ground of alai-m for its
safety was apprehended, and furnished an occasion sufficiently
critical to caU forth one of Mr. Clay's mightiest efforts. He en
deavored to conciliate the south, and cause, if possible, their views
to harmonize with the north. On the ninth of January, 1832, he
introduced a resolution, providing that the existing duties upon
articles imported from foreign counteies, and not coming into com
petition -with similar articles made or produced in the United
States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties on wines
and silks, and that they ought to be reduced, and that the commit
tee on finance be insteucted to report a bUl accordingly. In de
fence of this resolution, he made a speech, powerfuUy illusteating
the importance to the whole country of protective enactments. '
He was foUowed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carofina, in reply.
The discussion was continued several days, during -wdiich, IVb.
Clay made his brUliant speech, in which he signaUy sustained the
American system against the British colonial system. Its delivery
occupied several days, and when he ceased, this masterly produc-

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 159
ion of sound and argumentative reasoning, logical deduction, and
egitimate inference, presented to the delighted view of the friends
)f that, system, a mighty monument, destined to perpetuate its
practical utUity, in connection with the fame of the founder, while,
o the enemies of that system, it presented the impregnable bul-
.vark of its defence. iMr. Clay's speech, on this occasion, may be
ustiy regarded as a complete text-book, where every thing requisite
or the defence of protection and internal improvement may be
bund. On the thirteenth of March, Mr. Dickerson, from the committee
Dn manufactures, reported a biU, framed in accordance with the
suggestions of Mr. Clay's resolution. This was opposed, on the
3;round that it did not embrace the whole subject of the tariff,
secause the duties on articles which were protected, were not
•educed. Upon this bUl a sharp debate foUowed, which resulted in
its being laid upon the table. After being amended, and variously
dtered, it passed both houses, and became a law in July, 1832.
This bill preserved all the essential features and characteristics of
the protective system unimpaired ; too much, indeed, to please the
south. Violently opposed to any measures of protection which
:nade the slightest encroachment upon their sectional interests, they
•egarded the provisions of this bill with the most bitter hateed. The
,eaven of nullification, which was rapidly spreading itself at the
south, gloated over these, and derived new strength to go forth and
Ijsseminate its invalidating dogmas. Its aspect grew more and
more menacing every day, until, at last, indubitable evidences of an
organized opposition to this biU began to appear. In this. South
Carolina took the lead. The legislature of that state ratified an or-
finance, passed by a state convention at Columbus, in November,
L832, declaring the tariff acts unconstitutional, and utterly nuU and
fo'id. The most decided determination was expressed, to disregai-d
hem, and not a few were found insisting upon the right to do so.
Measures were devised to resist their enforcement, and munitions
)f war procured, and warUke preparations made ; the other southern
itates were invited to join her ; reports were put in circulation, that
3reat Britain was about to become her fast and firm aUy ; and the
overs of liberty began to teemble for the result The anti-republi-
!ans begau to chuckle over the fancied prospect, that their predic-
ions were about to be verified — that our fiberties, our institutions,
md our union, were about to be overwhelmed in utter destruction,
)y the all-devouring jaws of civU war. President Jackson prompt-
y issued his proclamation, denouncing the docteines of nuUifica-
ion, and declared that the entire military force of the United States,
f necessary, should be employed to put down aU attempts to
ippose or resist any enactment of the general government. He
emonstrated with the people of South Carolina, and urged them to
ubmit to the laws of the United States, Plis wishes, however.

160 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
were not heeded. The governor ( Mr, Hayne) immediately issued a
counter proclamation, setting forth the arbitrary measures which the
federal executive sought to subject them to, and counseUing them
to resist these, even by force of arms, if necessary. The danger
that impended increased every hour, notwithstanding the bold and
decided stand, which the president took by the side of the laws of
the unipn. In this respect his conduct is entitied to aU praise. But
it was not occasioned by any good or friendly feeUng towards the
protective system, nor by any diminution of his hostUity towards this.
He gave increasing evidence of his wiUingness to conteibute to its
destruction, by yielding to the rebellious state aU she desired, in
abandoning the principle of protection. This had been distinctly
avowed, in the report of the secretary of the treasury, recommend
ing the reduction of duties to a revenue standard, and on the twenty-
seventh of December, Mr. Verplanck, from the committee on ' ways
and means,' reported a bUl which, in accordance with the recommen
dation of the secretary's report, proposed to reduce the duties on im
ported goods, to an average of about fifteen per cent upon the foreign
valuation. This biU was designed to take immediate effect, and to
make a further reduction of duties, on aU protected articles, in March,
1834. Thus the administration came over to the ground which the
nuUifiers desired it to occupy. After the bill had been discussed
about a week, the president transmitted a message to congress, togeth
er with the abrogating enactments of South Carofina, and recom
mended the course he deemed proper to be pursued in relation to
them. A biU to enforce the collection of the revenue, was brought
before the senate a few days subsequent, directing coercive measures
to be employed, in case of resistance. Matters seemed fast coming to
exteemities. The disorganizers, though in a state of readiness, took
no decisive steps, but seemed to be looking for an adjustment of
the subject occasioning their disquietude, in a way to suit their
peculiar views. But the prospect that this would be accomphshed,
grew every day fainter. At this critical juncture, when no som-ce
of help was visible, when the pohtical heavens were continually
gathering blackness, and the thunder of insurgency feU -with appal
ling plainness upon the ear, Mr. Clay stepped forth to disperse the
gloom, and clothe with the garments of peace, an almost disteacted
people. He clearly saw, that, to heal the breach which had been
made, and which was continuaUy widening, it was necessary to
make a partial reteocession from the vantage ground, which by toil
and steife he had gained, in relation to the American system. To
yield an inch of this, of such vital importance did he conceive it to
be to the country, was like aUowing the sources of his own existence
to be annihUated, one by one. But the salvation of it depended,
at this crisis, on making this reteogade movement, as well as the
peace, and perhaps life, of no inconsiderable portion of the people.
Under these circumstances, he did not hesitate as to the course he

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 161
ought to pursue. It seemed as though he had, some time previous,
cast his solicitous eyes over the whole ground ; that fie had foreseen
while in embryo the dark elements of faction and resistance, and
nuUifidation, and foresaw that tfiey would commingle, and, ferment,
and finally originate just such an emergency, as that which, reared
its horrid front before Mm. Something like compTOmise had. sug
gested .itself to him, some weeks pevious, while spending a season
of leisure with a relative in PhUadelphia, Pie ,then gave the sub
ject considerable consideration, and digested a plan suited to the
exteemity, which he knew would, sooner or later, arrive. It had
come, bringing in its teain, remote though they, niight be,. consequen
ces which no patriot, no well-wisher to his .country,, could contem
plate, -without standing aghast. To avert these, iMr, 'Clay deemed
it not -only desirable, but .Mghly obligatory upon those who were
the -recipients of the Islessings of freedom, .Having , completed his
remedial plan, he spread it before the senate on the eleventh of
February, 1833, in the form of a ,oorn/promise bill. This was the
result of mature deliberation and .much consultation, both with the
friende and enemies of protection. He thought; it expedient to
ascertain, not only the nianner of its reception, but of its operation.
Many of those whom he consulted did not, approve , of his plan.
Among these was Mr. Webster. With him Mr. Clay discussed the
provisions thoroughly, and though partiaUy convinced of its utility,
he did not yield it his entire confidence. iMr. Webster's opinion,
carrying with it great weight, tended to .gather a, pretty formidable
opposition around him at the north, whUe nuUification at the south
contributed its share. Mr. Clay, therefore, found it necessary to
advance with great caution ; to sm-vey carefully every inch of ground
he intended to occupy, previous to setting foot upon it Never,
perhaps, was a bill brought before congress under such peculiar
circumstances, or when greater talent and skUl were needed. The
south was willing to be conciliated, but somewhat inclined to
dictate terms. A hair-breadth de-viation from the fine which her pre
dilection designated, might prove fatal to his scheme, and cause the
gathering storm to pour its desolating steength upon the land. As
far as practicable, Mr. Clay ascertained the feelings of this section
in relation to it, and had several interviews with Mr. Calhoun, and
other influential members from the south. The proclamation of
the president had temporarily diverted their enmity from the system
of protection, towards him. To the summary and stern manner
in which general Jackson proposed, and even seemed anxious,
to setfle existing difficulties, there was a great and growing repug
nance at the north, and which operated favorably in disposing the
south to embrace any plan that might be proposed, though it should
not embody all the pecufiarities of thek views.
Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, zealously cooperated with Mx. Clay,
inijessandy -exerting himself to propagate Jiis views, .and, in ;Ci0iase-
VOL. I. 21

162 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
quence of his commanding influence, his efforts were crowned
with gratifying success. He was steongly attached to Mr. Calhoun.
and many other southern members, and would often express his
admiration of their distinguished talents and noble quafities, and
a desire to see them retained in the service of their and his countey.
' Noble feUows, Clay ! noble feUows ! ' he would say. ' We must
save them, if possible ; it wUl not do to let general Jackson hang
them; the country needs them; she cannot spare them yet!'
Southern members generally took sides -with South CaroUna, so
far as to consult her wishes in selecting such measures as would
satisfy her. The principle of home valuation, which Mr. Clay
and his friends insisted upon incorporating with his compromise
biU, they opposed at first, but finaUy most of them agreed to it,
among whom was Mr. Calhoun. When the bUl was taken up by
the senate, he, for the first time, signified his assent to that principle,
and paid a handsome teibute to the pateiotism and motives of Mi-.
Clay. He intimated, plainly, that Mr. Clay's bill was calculated to
heal the wound which the confederacy had received, and expressed
the strongest anxiety that this would be accomplished without
abandoning a tittie of the constitutional right of protection. In a
debate, which was protracted several days, the enemies of the bill
arrayed against it all their power. Mr. Webster, with the mighty
weapons which his giant intellect was capable of forging, assaulted
it with teemendous vehemence. Its defeat was considered at one
stage of the discussion as certain. Said Mr. Forsyth, tauntingly,
' the tariff is at its last gasp ; no hellebore can cure it.' ' It contains
nothing but protection, from beginning to end,' said iMr. Smith, of
Maryland, ' and therefore I oppose it.'
During the debate, a personal difficulty occurred between Mr,
Poindexter, of Mississippi, and Mr. Webster, which threatened to
lead to something serious. Mr. Clay, by his generous interference,
pacificated the parties, by bringing about a satisfactory explanation.
The compromise biU finally was adopted in the house, by a
vote of one hundred and twenty to eighty-four, and in the senate,
by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen, and received the prfesident's
signatme, in March, 1833. And thus the country once more
breathed freely; the good and benevolent, who had clad themselves
in sackcloth, and, in a posture of the deepest humUiation and grief,
sat supplicating a kind Providence to shield her, in this her hour
of imminent peril, and guide her safely through it, arose and
poured out to Him the libations of their gratitude. Neither did
they forget the insti-ument which he had deigned to employ m
accompfishing her deliverance. Both friends and foes acknowl
edged his agency in this. As in the settiement of the Missouri
question, so in this, he was haUed as the fiberator of a nation from
the jaws of impending danger, and perhaps of ruin. The tide of
popular praise and profound regard set towards him firom aU parts

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 163
)f it, like the steeams of gravitation to-wards the centee of the
iarth. Men of all parties conteibuted to swell this. Those who
¦arely spoke of him, except in deteacting terms, now joined heartily
n the popular cry of approval. Said the present chief magistrate,
several years subsequent to the passage of Mr, Clay's biU, in view
jf his agency in carrying it through congress, ' in my deliberate
jpinion, there was but one man who could have arrested the then
jourse of things (the tendency of nullification to dissolve the union),
md that man was Henry Clay. It rarely happens to the most gifted
md talented and pateiotic, to record their names upon the page of
history, in characters indelible and enduring. But if to have
rescued his country from civil war — if to have preserved the con
stitution and union from hazard and total -wreck — constitute any
ground for an immortal and undying name among men, then do I
believe that he has won for himself that high renown. I speak
what I do know, for I was an actor in the scenes of that perilous
period. When he rose in the senate chamber, and held in his
hand the olive branch of peace, I, who had not known what envy
was before, envied him. I was proud of him as my fellow coun
tryman, and still prouder that the slashes of Hanover, within the
limit of my old district, gave him birth.'
The above is a fair sample of the expressions of praise and
regard, for his eminent services rendered, in connection -with inteo
ducing those wise and sanative provisions -which poured the balm
of peace into the lacerated hearts of an afflicted people. Probably
they were never more united in any one measure, than in that of
expressing their gratitude to Mr. Clay, for his successful interfer
ence. And well did he merit it. The task which he performed
was no easy one. It cost an amount of mental labor which can
not be easily estimated. Many sleepless nights were passed in
exhausting thought, in revolving in his mind the subject, in aU its
aspects and detaUs, with an anxiety to devise some remedy that
would meet the exigencies of the case, that drank up the very
sources of his existence. It required the mightiest effort of his
great and varied powers, to prevent its steangulation at its incep
tion. While in the hands of the committee, its enemies endeav-
ared to cause the impression to be received, that the biU, as designed
by Mr. Clay, could not pass ; that there was not the shghtest chance
3f its success ; and several members of the committee were deter-
uined that it should not be reported to the senate in any form, and
v^ere more than once on the point of abandoning their places to
secure this. ' Gentiemen,' Mr. Clay would say, ' this subject has
)een committed to us, and we must not dismiss it in this manner ;
t is our duty to report it in some shape, and it shall, at aU events,
»e reported.' It appeared subsequently, from the testimony of Mi-.
3ugh L. White, on whom the duty of selecting the committee
levolved, that general Jackson had, in person, urged him to choose

164 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
such members as were friendly to Mr. YerplaneKs bill, and conse
quently hostile to Mr. Clay's. It is matter of great surprise,, that,
under such circumstances, it should have passed at all, except -with
the entire abandonment of protection. More than sleepless vigi
lance was requisite, to bring it safely out from beneath the uplifted
arms of a powerful party, led on by the executive himself, and
place it on the statute book of the nation. Columbus hardly
encountered fiercer storms, or braved greater dangers, in discovering
America, than iMr. Clay in originating, sustaining, and con
summating, a ineasure that resulted in the preservation of a great
portion of it from falling into the hands of the worst of aU human
enemies, civil war. WeU did he deserve, then, the meed of praise
which its inhabitants unanimously accorded to him. Most right
eous was their decision, in relation to his motives — that they were
unimpeachably ^pure. ta these days of political degeneracy, it is
refreshing to loOk back and suffer one's vision to rest upon that
spot on which he planted his feet, and fought his glorious, patriotic
battle ; their prints are stiff seen ; they have gathered greenness
with the lapse of years, presaging that the floods and storms of
time wiU never obliterate or mar them.
We have before aUuded to Mr. Clay's indomitable adhesion to
principle, that no party or selfish consideration could induce him
for a moment to swerve from it This led him to act for the good
of his whole country, and never to act, whUe a member of her
councUs, unless an occasion when that was at stake arose. We
have searched long, but in vain, for evidence to the conteary. We
have examined, with gi-eat care, his pubUc character, as spread out
upon the records of the nation, and solemnly declare our belief,
that none, either expressed or implied, exists. If, in relation, to his
pubhc career, we were asked, ' what is its most prominent character
istic?' we should unhesitatingly reply,/)Mn«2/o/'OTOi!ifce. We believe,
in reference to this, that he stands on a moral eminence, high
enough to conimand a view of the globe. So prominent does
this appear, the more it is examined, the conviction cannot be
resisted, that, in aU his pubfic action, of which his countey was the
object, his desfie to act right was stronger than that of Ufe itself.
Says one of his personal friends, ' on one occasion he did me the
honor to send for and consuU with me, in reference to a step he
was about to take. After stating what he proposed, I suggested,
whether there would not be danger in it, whether such a course
would not injure his own prospects, as well as those of the whig
party m general.' His reply was, ' I did not send for you to ask
what might be the effects of the proposed movement 'on my pros
pects, BUT WHETHER IT IS RIGHT ; / would rather be right than
be president: A noble sentiment! and would it were more com
mon, among politicians.
The compromise act was intended to expire in 1842, to which

LTFE OF HENRY CLAY. 165
tinie it provided for a gradual reduction of duties, when twenty
per centum should be the rate until otherwise regulated by law.
Soon after the adjournment of congress, accompanied by a por
tion of his family, iMr, Clay took a long-contemplated tour to the
eastern cities. This gave the people an opportunity of beholding
the great and successful champion of their rights, and in many
instances of tendering to him their thanks. Plis whole route was
like the movement of some mighty conqueror — almost one un
broken triumphal procession. He was taken into the arms of
popular favor, as soon as he stepped from the threshold of his
dwelling, and hardly suffered to alight, until they had returned him
thither,^ He was escorted into aU the principal places through
which he passed, with the highest possible respect. At New York,
every demonsteation of gratitude and rejoicing welcomed him.
, An immense throng of gentiemen on horseback, escorted him to
his lodgings. The governor's room in the city haU, was appro
priated to his use, and was crowded by a constant succession of
visiters, All parties seemed to vie with each other in devising
and presenting the most fitting testimonials of regard. Through
the eastern states, his reception was marked with every token of
esteem ; their inhabitants rose up from their occupations, almost
fike one person, to do him homage. For a season, their spindles,
shutties, and manufacturing establishments, ceased operation, in
honor of the presence of their defender. Arrived at Boston, whose
population had been anticipating and preparing for his arrival, the
enthusiasm which had been swelling and increasing and accom
panying his progress, was given back from Faneuil hall and
Bunker hiU, in echoes that reverberated to the remotest parts of the
countey. The young men of that city presented him a pair of
superb silver pitchers, weighing one hundred and fifty ounces ;
committees waited on and addressed him ; and invitations to
public festivals on his account were numerous. On his return,
after visiting Troy and Albany, his reception at New York, Phila
delphia, Baltimore, and other places, was, if possible^ more enthusi
astic than it was when he passed through them on his way east
He was released from the 'bondage' of the people's favor, in
season for him to renew his efforts in vindicating their privileges
and their liberties.
The policy advocated by Mr. Clay in disposing of the public
lands, rendered him a fit subject for the continuance of that favor
which the people had lavished so unsparingly upon Mm, and a
target for his enemies to give fresh specimens of their skiU in archery.
The question came up in this manner. iMr. Bibb, of Kentucky,
* In one of the many speeches -which he made during his journey, he thus alludes
to the tenderness with which he was treated. ' I was taken into custody, made
captive of, but placed withal in such delightful bondage, that I could find no strength and
no desire to break away from it.'

166 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
on the twenty-second of March, 1832, moved to reduce the price
of public lands, and Mr, Robinson, of DUnois, the propriety of
ceding them to the several states in which they were located. The
administeation party managed to have this question referred
(though with manifest impropriety) to the committee on manufac
tures. This they did with the obvious intent of perplexing Mr.
Clay, who was a member of that committee. They knew his
prompt and decided manner ; that he would not dismiss the ques
tion, without taking some definite action, ' They knew, also, that
local prejudices and interests were so deeply involved in it, as to
make its consideration pecufiarly difficult, and to bring down
upon the agent of its adjustment, the loud displeasure of that
section, whose interests must, in a measure, from its very nature,
be sacrificed. Their only motive was to impair his popularity
with the east, if he ¦ sufl'ered their interest to be teansferred to
the west, and with the latter, if he made provision for its
maintenance. To a narrow-minded politician, this subject would
have presented a dilemma, but to iMr. Clay none at all. He gave
his enemies fresh and most overwhelming evidence, of the utter
fruitiessness of appealing to what scarcely existed within him —
to his cupidity. iHe would not deviate a hair from the path of
rectitude, to accept the highest gift which the nation could confer.
Its reference to the committee on manufactures he knew to be,
and pronounced, highly irregular, as well as improper, yet it
had been made, and for one he was resolved not to shrink from
the duty of examining it He therefore took up the subject, and
according to his notion of equity and justice to aU in any way
interested in the disposal of the public domain, framed his noted
' land biU,' of which the foUowing is a synopsis. It provided, that,
after the thfity-first day of December, 1832, twelve and a haff per
centum of the net proceeds of the sales of the pubfic lands within
Ohio, Indiana, lUinois, Alabama, Missouri, and Mississippi, should
be paid to them independent of what they were entitied to according
to the terms of their admission into the confederacy. This was to
be appropriated for purposes of internal improvement and educa
tion, under the supervision of their several legislatures. The
remainder of the proceeds was to be distributed among all the
states in proportion to their representative population, for simfiar
purposes, and under similar conteol, or in liquidation of any
debt contracted in making internal improvement
The act was to continue five years, except in case of war.
Additional provisions were to be made for any new state that
might be admitted during its continuance.
The minimum price of the lands was not to be increased, and
not less than eighty thousand dollars per annum to be appUed in
completing the pubfic surveys. Land ¦ offices were to be discon
tinued, where the net proceeds of the sales in them should not be

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 167
sufficient to defray the expense of their continuance, and that
certain designated quantities of land should be granted to six of
the new states, not to be sold at a less than the minimum price of
lands sold by the United States.
Such was the bill inteoduced by Mr. Clay, and great was the
astonishment of the administeation party in view of its munificent
provisions, and that exemplary impartiality, which consulted the
interests of all sections of the countey alike. Being a candidate
for the presidency, they had confidentiy expected that he would
make such a disposition of the question as to secure the support
of aU the western states, or, at least, so manage as to make it bear
favorably on his election. Great, therefore, was their astonish
ment, in subjecting his bUl to their microscopic scrutiny, in not
being able to find the remotest reference to self, not the slightest
looking towards the presidency, and great was their disappointment
also. They had teied various schemes to desteoy his popularity,
without success, and, thinking that he would reason on this subject
as they themselves, concluded that he would become entangled in
their snare. They almost began to chuckle over the anticipated
cry of 'bargain' and 'corruption,' with which they should be able
to fill the land, on the appearance of his biU. Great was their
disappointment therefore, when his sterling integrity, his purity of
intention, appeared in their place.
On the twentieth of June, Mr. Clay's land biU was taken up by
the senate. He exerted himself nobly in its defence, and was
opposed by Mr. Benton, who, together with other administeation
men, strenuously supported the policy of reducing the price of a
part of the public lands, and of surrendering the remainder to the
states in which they Ue.
Efforts were made to postpone and amend the biU, but it was so
ably enforced, and the objections to it so completely refuted, that it
passed the senate by a vote of twenty to eighteen, on the third of
July. The house, in regard to some of its provisions, disagreed,
and this circumstance enabled its enemies to postpone its consider
ation, until December, next foUowing, by a vote of ninety-one
to eighty-eight At the next session it was taken up and passed,
by votes of twenty-four to twenty in the senate, and ninety-six to
forty in the house, and sent to the president for his signature.
Had he returned it immediately, even with his veto, it would have
become a law„according to the constitution, requiring a vote of two
thirds; but, unfortunately for the countey, the president's constitu
tional privilege of retaining biUs a designated length of time, did
not expire untU after the adjournment of congress, which gave
general Jackson an opportunity of taking the business of legisla
tion out of the hands of the people, which he eagerly embraced —
to teample this biU, as iMr. Benton exultingly said, 'under his big
foot,' although he knew it expressed the obvious wishes of the

168 LIFE OFHENRY CLAY.
people. He, therefore, kept the bUl, untU the commencement of
the next session, (fifth of December, 1833,) when he returned it to
the house, with his objections. He regarded Mr, Clay's proposition
of giving a certain per centage of the sales of the public lands
to the states in which they were located, as an 'indirect and
undisguised violation of the pledge given by congress to the states
before a single cession was made, abrogating the condition on
which some of the states came into the union, and setting at
nought the terms of cession spread upon the face of every grant,
under which the title of that portion of the pubfic lands are held
by the federal government.' In close connection with his objection
to surrendering a part of the public domain to the several states,
as mentioned, came his proposal to yield them the whole. To
grant them a part, would be unconstitutional ; but to grant them
the whole, would be constitutional. This reasoning is perfectly
sui generis; presenting a singular specimen of logic and consis
tency united. It behoved the president to support his veto by
some prop, but ,no person supposed he would select such a crooked
and frail one. The fact that he did, shows how long and tedious
musthave been his wanderings through the pofitical forest, with his
executive axe upon his shoulder, in search of a steaight and firm
one. The teuth of the whole matter probably is, that the veto
originated more from his personal hostility to Mr. Clay himself,
than from any vafid constitutional objection to his land biU. This
view of the subject receives steong confirmation, by a reference to
his message of December fourth, ,1832. In this, the president
specifically recommended the basis of just such a bill as that intro
duced by Mr. Clay. Stubborn facts justify us in saying, that if
the same biU, containing the same provisions, had been inteoduced
and advocated by Mr. Benton, or Mr. Buchanan, or indeed by any
ardent supporter of the administeation, the veto never would have
been thought: of But it was presented by a hated hand; a hand,
that, in the estimation of the president, polluted every thing it
touched, and he indignantly spurned its contents to the dust; a
hand respecting which he was always ready to ask, 'can any
GOOD THING comc out of it?' There is too much 4ruth in the
remark that has been made of him, both by his friends and foes,
thousands of times — 'he would have every thing his own way!
But, though defeated by the despotic wiU of one man, Mr. Clay
was not, and could not be, sUenced by it WhUe he had steength
to stand up in the councUs of his counti-y, he resolved to stand firmly
by the side of her rights, and paralyze, if possible, the hand uphft-
ed to infringe them. Though not a, participator in those scenes of
blood and carnage, in which her broad and beautiful fields were
won, yet his sympathizing heart too vividly porteayed the floods of
tears, and treasure, and anguish, which the eastern states poured out
in perfecting then- title papers, to sit tamely down and see them

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 169
efrauded of their interest in these. The tombs of then- heroes who
jU in these steuggles, would cry aloud for vengeance, if he sealed his
iouth,.and hid himself, when he saw the robber approaching. No !
lenry Clay was not the man to act thus; his countey's rights were
lis rights, her -wishes /tis wishes, and he would maintain the former,
nd consult the latter, at any cost The 'big foot,' therefore, of
eneral Jackson, though it ruthlessly 'trampled' on his work, dared
ot ' trample ' on him, and he vigorously set about exposing the
dlacy, and puerUity, even, of the president's reasons for his veto.
["his he did in a report which he submitted to the senate, from the
ommittee on public lands. May second, 1834, with special reference
3 the retm-n of the land bUl. Subsequently, from time to time,
luring several years, efforts were made to -wi-est the public domain
rom its rightful owners, which Mr. Clay successfully resisted, and
inally succeeded in placing it; beyond the reach of those who were
ent upon its plunder, giving to each section of the counti-y its
quitable share in it iHis exertions in accomplishing this have
stablished a foundation for his fame to rest upon, as immovable
s the hills which they protected, and which shall endure as long
,s the verdure which clothes them shall be an object of grateful
ontemplation; In 1831-32, Mr. Van Buren's nomination as minister to England
ame before the senate for confirmation. Mr. Clay opposed it, on
he ground of that gentieman's antirrepublican conduct in giving,
irfiile secretary of state, instructions to Mi:. McLane, In these he
lot only manifested a desire to attach unnecessary blame, to the
Jnited States, in their intercourse with Great Britain, but unjustiy
lisparaged, in the eyes of that power, the preceding administeation,
ie stated, that its acts had induced England to withhold from them
ertain privileges, which it otherwise would have extended to them,
3ii the objectionable portions of these instructions, Mr, Clay ani-
nadverted with merited severity, ' According to Mr, Van Buren,'
aid he, 'on our side all was wrong — on the British side all vjas
ight. We brought forward nothing but claims and pretensions ;
he British government asserted, on the other hand, a clear and
ncontestible right. We erred, in too tenaciously and too long
nsisting upon our pretensions, and not yielding at once to the force
f just demands. And iMr, McLane was commanded, to avail
limself of all the circumstances in his power to mitigate our offence,
ind to dissuade the British government from allowing their feelings,
ustiy incurred by the past conduct of the party driven from power,
0 have an adverse influence towards the American party now in
lower. Sir, was that becoming language, from one independent
Lation to another ? Was it proper in the mouth of an American
ninister? Was it in conformity with the high, unsuUied, and
lignified character of our previous diplomacy? Was it not, on
lie conteary, the language of an humble vassal to a proud and
VOL, I. 22

170 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
haughty lord ? Was it not prosteating and degrading the American
eagle before the British fion ? '
The nomination was rejected in the senate by the castijig vote
of Mr, Calhoun, the vice president, Mr, Clay's opposition to it
was based upon grounds purely national — on a desire to maintain
the dignity and honor of his countey's character. It was fair for
him, and for every one, to infer, that the spirit of cringing obsequious
ness which Mr, Van Buren evinced, in framing insteuctions for a
foreign minister, would display itself before the court of St. James,
in acts as humiliating to her feelings as derogatory to her honor;
in a word, that he would take the lov/ attitude of the parasite, and
not the erect position of the high-minded representative of an
independent and mighty nation. How could Mr. Clay's course
have been otherwise ? Viewed v^dth the eye of a partisan, it may
be deemed impolitic; it may have contributed more than any
thing else to elevate Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, by recom
mending him more sti-ongly to the favor of his party, as the victim
of political persecution. iParty politics, however, had nothing to
do in determining Mr. Clay's action; this was not the result of the
consultations of any clique, nor the product of any party machinery;
it was the offspring of his prompt, spontaneous, and unqualified
obedience to his country's mandate. He was never found
gToveUing among the dingy kennels and filthy sewers of party
cabal, seeking the performance of some dirty job ; for his country,
his whole country, gave him too much and too honorable employ
ment to allow him any leisure for this, had he been thus inclined.
We have seen that it was his ardent desire to develope the resour
ces of his countey to their greatest possible extent, and to cause
the tide of prosperity to flow unremittingly into the depositaries of
her ti-easures ; and he possessed the abUities requisite to accompMsh
both, if these could have been suitably dh-ected. Unfortimately,
however, circumstances rendered it necessary for them to be almost
constantiy employed in beating off those who were determined to
lay violent hands on her facilities and riches. Instead, therefore,
of erecting new political edifices, his time was incessantiy occupied
in preventing her enemies from tearing down those that were
already established. These, he fought and belabored to the last,
and plucked from their ravenous jaws many fair portions of his
country's possessions. But it needed more than human aid to
overthrow their now combined and embattied forces. We have
reached the period rendered memorable by their ruthless ravages,
the darkest and most disgraceful of our history. — chronicling the
vUest acts of those in power, and the noblest deeds of those out of
power. Hitherto, in teacing the pubfic career of Mr. Clay, our
path has been, for the most part, smooth and flowery; but now it
is to become rugged and thorny, for we have arrived at the border
of the great desert of our political annals — a region of rm,

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 171
overed -with the black monuments of pofitical depravity and
inprincipled faction — a. region we would gladly avoid, did not
ur path lead across it, which we enter relmctantly, and with feelings
ot unlUce those of the traveller who has journeyed through
n enlightened countey, beautified by art, literature, and science,
nd is about to pass into one destitute of the conveniences and
lecessaries of civilization. As he pauses and turns to talie a last
Dok of the beauty of the former, before he plunges into the gloom
nd dreariness of the latter, so let us cast a glance at the bright
egion behind, before entering the dismal one before us. The
ision is cheered by a vast country, basking in the sunshine of
ligh prosperity, with its various departments organized and
;overned with the most scrupulous fidelity, and with steict regard
or the interests of those for whom they were estabhshed. No
vils are seen to exist, except such as are incident to the most
visely regulated human institutions. On aU sides we behold a
lopulation harmonious and happy, pursuing their different voca-
ions without clashing or defection, or rejoicing over the rewards
if honest and judicious industry. The great sources of their thrift,
.nd most conspicuous features of their country, are the broad,
leep, and crystalline steeams of agriculture, commerce, currency,
.nd domestic manufactures, with its noble teibutary, internal iiu-
irovement. These meander throughout its whole extent deposit
heir sweet waters at every man's dweUing, and make the whole
and vocal with innocent mirth and pure enjoyment. Such was
he condition of the countey through which we have just journeyed,
,nd, had we leisure, would gladly finger to enumerate more partic-
darly the benefits and blessings which the enriching influences of
hose magnificent sti-eams generated ; but we must hasten to teace
heir progress in the country before us. Previously, however, to
ommencing our cheerless march, let us, from our lofty position,
urvey their appearance, after they enter its lonely wilds and bar-
ens. According to a universal and fundamental law of nature,
heir magnitude should be greatly increased, but they present an
nstance of its suspension, for some have dwindled to mere rills,
nd some have entirely disappeared, whUe others, encountering
ome unnatural impediments, have become dammed up, and
[lundated immense teacts with their waters, which stagnate and
oUute the atmosphere with noxious vapors. The appearance of
le country and its inhabitants, is sickening to behold. The
jrraer, broken, uncouth, and uncultivated, looks as though it
lere laboring under an attack of delirium teemens. Among the
rtter, commotion, confusion, and disorder, prevail. There is an
bundance of action, but it is that of desperation and excitement,
ut it is perfectiy veneficial. A noble few seem to be steuggling
irtuously against a tide of ruin and excess ; but the great mass
ppear to be in the hot pursuit of the wUdest schemes that human

172 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.

imagination ever invented, teampfing upon all order and restraint,
diffusing the -wUdest intoxication through every departinent of
public and private fife, and making them the rendezvous of.the
worst evUs known or named among men. The causes of these
singular phenomena, a brief recital of facts, as connected with
the subject of our memoir, wUl explain ; to gather which, we must
enter the territory whose condition we have been anticipating.
The first that we notice is the policy of general Jackson towards
the bank of the United States — an institution which he found in
most prosperous circumstances, and answering every expectation
that could be reasonably entertained in relation to such an estab
lishment, and pronounced by the best financiers sound and safe.
Nevertheless, soon after entering upon his official duties, he^ com
menced his 'humble efforts' at improving its condition, which,
however, aimed at nothing more nor less than making it subservient
to party interests. Attempts were made to accomplish this, which,
however, proved utterly abortive ; the president of the bank reply
ing to them, that its management should not be in any way
connected with pofitics, and that the position which it should
maintain, would be that of a faithful and impartial friend to the
government, and not that of a party or government pofitician.
Enticement proving unsuccessful, resort was then had to threats,
-which, however, failed of their effect President Jackson, in his
first message, commenced paving the way for the destiniction of
the bank, by causing the impression to be received that it was
unsound, and that the people questioned the constitutionafity and
expediency of the law by which it was established. In his second
message he intimates the same, and makes such allusions to the
veto power as to show that he designed to employ it, unless his
own peculiar views should be consulted in renewing the charter of
the bank. In his third message he takes simUar ground in relation
to it, but says he ' leaves the subject to the investigation of the
people and their representatives.' This was promptiy made, and
resulted in rechartering the bank, by a vote of one hundred
and seven to eighty-five in the house, which was as promptiy vetoed
by him. In his veto message is the foUowing remarkable passage.
'If the executive had been called on to furnish the project of a
national bank, the duty would have been cheerfully performed! '
In the senate, Mr. Clay met the veto in a becoming manner,
and denounced its absurd docteines in the most faithful manner.
On this occasion he gave a full expose of his views respecting it;
proving Its spmt at variance with our institutions, and expressed
himself decidedly in favor of permanently limiting its exercise.
the most absurd of its dogmas related to expounding the consti
tution, which declared that every public officer might interpret it
as he pleased. This called forth one of Mr. Clay's most impetuous
bursts of eloquence. ' I conceive,' said he, 'with great deference.

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 173
hat the president has mistaken the purport of the oath to
upport the constitution of the United States, No one swears to
upport it as he understands it, but to support it simply as it is in
ruth, AU men are bound to obey the laws — of which the consti-
ution is supreme — but must they obey them as they understand
hem, or as they are ? If the obligation of obedience is Umited
md conteoUed by the measure of information — in other words, if
he party is bound to obey the constitution only as he understands
t — what would be the consequence? There would be general
Usorder and confusion throughout every branch of administeation,
irom the highest to the lowest offices — universal nullification.'
The insinuations and charges of the president led to a rigid
ixamination of the affairs of the bank, which showed its assets to
ixceed its liabilities, by more than forty millions of dollars. So
)erfecfly safe did congress consider the public deposits in its vaults,
hat the house passed a vote, of one hundred and nine to forty-six,
jxpressive of their befief of their safety. Not the shadow of
ividenee-was adduced, to give the slightest coloring of teuth to the
issumptions of the president, or that there was any necessity for
lugnienting the 'limited powers' (as he termed them) of the
ecretary of the treasury over the public money. But general
Fackson had declared its continuance in the bank dangerous,
md he seemed determined on acting as though it were in fact the
iase. It was requisite for him to have some justifying pretext for
he arbitrary measure he designed to adopt, in subverting that
loble institution ; hence, his hints of the unconstitutionality and
nexpediency of its existence, and the unsafety of the people's
noney in its vaults ; but these were now merged in direct attack.
Se succeeded in withdrawing from .them the pubfic deposits —
in act that spread panic, embarrassment, and unparalleled disti-ess,
hrough the countey, and was the great prolific cause of causes, of
dl the evils with which it was subsequently visited. This act, to
ill intents and purposes, was the president's, although it was per-
brmed through the instrumentality of Mr. Taney, the secretary of
he teeasury, who executed the unconstitutional bidding of the
iresident, for decidedly refusing to execute which, two previous
secretaries, Messrs. McLane and Duane, he had removed. Indeed,
n his message of 1833, he distinctiy avowed, that he urged the
emoval of the public money.
Mr. Clay inteoduced resolutions to the senate, calling for a copy
)f the documents in which the secretary pretended to find prece-
lents, justifying the course he had pursued, which passed the
lenate, and, "on the thirteenth of December,. iMr. Taney placed in
he hands of that body, a communication, which contained, how-
iver, nothing satisfactory, or contemplated by the resolutions. Mr.
^lay declared the ground which the secretary assumed, untenable,
md, on the twenty-sixth of December, inteoduced resolutions to

174 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
the senate, pronouncing his reasons for removing the deposits, as
communicated to congress, unsatisfactory and insufficient, and that
the president, in dismissing the secretary of the teeasury because
he would not, in violation of his sense of duty, remove, as directed,
the public money, had assumed the exercise of a power over tiie
teeasury of the United States, not granted by the constitution and
laws, and dangerous to the liberties of the people. In defence of
these, Mr. Clay made one of his ablest speeches, and forcibly
demonstrated the unconstitutionafity and iUegality of the pro
cedure of the president and secretary. He foretold, with prophetic
accuracy, the fatal consequences which would flow from it, and
depicted in glowing colors the dangers that threatened the best
interests of the nation. These resolutions passed the senate, and,
on the seventeenth of AprU, 1833, the president communicated to
the senate his celebrated protest — a document perfectiy character
istic of him, replete with the most arrogant assumptions and
declarations. This led to a warm and proteacted debate, in which
Messrs. Clay, Poindexter, Sprague, Frelinghuysen, and Southard,
joined, whose powerful arguments drove the president from the
last vestige of the faUacious gi-ounds he had assumed,, and
scattered the doctrines of his protest to the winds. The senate, by
a vote of twenty-seven to sixteen, excluded it from the journeds,
and maintained that the president possessed no right to protest
against any of its proceedings. During the discussion, Mr. Leigh,
of Virginia, paid iMr. Clay a rich and merited compliment, for bis
services in allaying the spirit of nuUification at the south, in 1832
and 1833. ' I cannot but remember,' said he, 'when aU men were
teembling under the apprehension of civil war -— teembling from
the conviction, that if such a contest should arise, let it terminate
how it might, it would put our present institutions in jeopardy, and
end either in consolidation or disunion ; for I am persuaded that
the first drop of blood which shaU be shed in a civil strife between
the federal government and any state, wiU flow from an irreme
diable wound, that none may ever hope to see healed- I cannot
but remember, that the president, though wedding such a vast
power and influence, never contributed the least aid to bring about
the compromise that saved us from the evils which aU men, I
beUeve, and I, certainly, so much dreaded. The men are not
present to whom we are chiefly indebted for that compromise ; and
I am glad they are absent, since it enables me to speak of their
conduct, as I feel I might not without, from a sense of deficacy. I
raise my humble voice in gratitude for that service, to Henry Clay,
of the senate, and Robert P. Letcher, of the house of representatives.'
At the time of inteoducing resolutions pronouncing secretary
Taney's reasons insufficient, Mr. Clay took occasion to refute an
assertion which a prominent person had made in relation to his
(Mr. Clay's) connection with the United States bank, which

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 175
intimated that it was dishonorable. He declared that he did not
owe the bank, nor any of its branches, a cent ; that he had never
received a gratuity from it, in any form ; that he had acted as
counsel, and teansacted a vast amount of business for it, in Ohio,
and received only the customary fees ; and that, in consequence of
endorsing for a friend, he ha,d become indebted to the bank, to a
considerable amount, but that, by estabUshing a system of rigid
economy, he had entirely fiquidated it,
ilmmediately after the passage of the resolutions excluding the
protest, Mv, Clay inteoduced others, providing for the restoration of
the deposits, and reiterating the insufficiency of the secretary's
reasons for removing them, and remarked, that whatever might be
the fate of the resolutions at the other end of the capitol, or in any
other building, that consideration ought not to influence, in any
degree, their action. They passed the senate, but, as had been
expected, were laid on the table in the house.
During the celebrated session, of 1833-34, known as the panic
session, Mr. Clay performed an amount of labor seldom equaUed.
Hb let no suitable occasion pass,, -without opposing the despotic
proceedings of the president, and raising his warning voice against
his suicidal policy. The disteess caused by the removal of the
deposits, and consequent curtailment of the issues of the United
States bank, called forth niemorials from the people, which poured
into congress continually, denouncing the president's financial
experiment, and calling for relief. Many of these were presented
by Mr. Clay, who generally accompanied them by a brief speech.
One, which he made in presenting a memorial from Kentucky,
and one from Troy, contains an accurate and faithful picture oi^
the condition of the countey at that period. The evUs of the ' pet
bank system,' soon began to develope themselves. On one
occasion, in alluding to it. Mi:. Clay remarked as follows, ' The
idea of uniting thirty or forty local banks for the estabUshment
and security of an equal currency, could never be realized. As
well might the crew of a national vessel be put on board thirty or
forty bark canoes,, tied together by a grape vine, and sent out upon
the troubled ocean, whUe the biUows were rising mountains high,
and the tempest was exhausting its rage on the foaming elements,
in the hope that they might weather the storm, and reach their
distant destination in safety. The people would be contented by
no such fleet of bark canoes, with admiral Taney in their com
mand. They would be heard again calling out for old Ironsides,
which had never failed them in the hour of teial, whether amidst
the ocean storm, or in the hour of battie.'
The session terminated the last of June, when Mr. Clay set out
for Kentucky. While teavelling in the stage-coach from Charles-
town to Winchester, Virginia, he narrowly escaped death, by its
upsetting, a young gentieman being instantly kiUed by his side.

]76 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
In 1834-35, the subject of French spoliations came before
congress, in considering which, Mr. Clay rendered valuable services.
A treaty had been concluded with France, stipulating for indemni
fication, the first instalment of which was not promptly paid,
whereupon the president, Avith injudicious precipitancy, recom
mended the passage of a law authorizing reprisals upon French
property, unless at the next session of the French chamber provi
sion should be made for its payment The tendency of this
recommendation was most deleterious upon our commercial
interests. The subject was referred to the committee on foreign
relations, at the head of which the senate had placed Mr. Clay.
On the sixth of January, 1835, he read a lengthy and most able
report, which detailed, with great minuteness and perspicuity, the
facts connected with the subject of the spofiations, which was
received with great applause, and twenty thousand copies printed
and circulated through the countey, which soon restored commer
cial confidence. The doctrines of the report were such as com
mended themselves to every patriotic heart — simple, just, exacting
to the last tithe our demands on PVance, but yet deprecating rash
ness in obtaining them. The committee did not doubt the power
of the United States to enforce payment, but deemed it inexpedi
ent to exercise it, untU other means had been exhausted. They
coincided with the president in a determination to have the teeaty ,
fulfilled, but desired to avoid too great haste. They concluded, by
recommending the senate to adopt a resolution, declaring it 'inex
pedient to pass, at this time, any law vesting in the president
authority for malting reprisals upon French property, in the contm-
gency of provision not being made for paying to the United States
the indemnity stipulated by the teeaty of 1831, during the present
session of the French chambers.'
On the fourteenth of January, in accordance with previous
arrangement, Mr. Clay called for the consideration of the report
and its accompanying resolution. It being expected that he would
address the senate, the members of the house generally left thek
seats to listen to him, nor were they disappointed ; for he spoke
nearly an hour, in strains of eloquence that thriUed the hearts of
aU who listened to him. After being slightiy modified, the resolu
tion passed the senate unanimously, and thus, mainly through the
efforts of Mr. Clay, a hostUe coUision -with France was averted,
and that pacific intercourse which had previously existed between
her and the United States reestablished, and the consummation of
the treaty greatly accelerated. As he justiy deserved, his country
awarded him sincere praise, for his magnanimous course in achiev
ing this.
Soon after the president's recommendation of reprisals, the
French minister was recaUed from Washington, and passports
presented to our minister at Paris, by the order of Louis PhUippe,

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 177
the French king, in anticipation of a rupture -with the United
States, In consequence of these proceedings, iMr, Clay, near the
close of the session, made a short report from the committee on
foreign relations, recommending that the senate adhere to the resolu
tion previously adopted, await the result of another appeal to the
French chambers, and hold itself in readiness for whatever exigency
might arise. The advice of the committee was adopted by the
senate, and thus terminated the consideration of the subject.
On the fourth of February, 1835, an occasion occurred favorable
for the exercise of Mr. Clay's pihilanthropic feelings, which he-
promptly embraced,. He had received a memorial from certain
Indians of the Cherokee teibe, setting forth their condition, griev
ances, wants, and rigid and ci-uel policy pursued towards them
by tiie state of Georgia. A portion desired to remain where they
were, and a portion to remove beyond the Mississippi. In present
ing their petition, Mr, Clay made remarks which came burning
with pathos and eloquence from his inmost soul. He manifested
the deepest feeling, as he dwelt upon the story of their wrongs,
and their downteodden state. This he represented as worse than
that of the .slave, for his master cared for and fed him, ' but what
human being,' said he, ' is there, to care for the unfortunate Indian ? '
Mr, Clay aUuded to the numerous solemn teeaties, in which the
United States pledged their faith towards the red man, to aUow him
the unmolested occupancy of his hunting grounds, iHe was much
affected, and many of his audience were bathed in tears, Mr,
Clay's sympathetic feelings flow forth unbidden, and unchecked
by selfish considerations, whenever he beholds suffering humanity,
and no class have participated more largely in them than the poor,
friendless aborigines. He has always advocated their claims, and
a fuU redress of their grievances. The presence of a Cherokee
chief and a female of the tribe greatiy enhanced the interest of the
occasion, who seemed to hang upon the lips of the benevolent
speaker, and drink in every word as though it had been water to
their thirsty souls'. In conclusion, Mr. Clay submitted a resolution,
directing the. committee on the judiciary to inquire into the expe
diency of making further provision, by law, to enable Indian teibes
to whom lands have been secured by teeaty, to defend and main
tain their rights to such lands, in the courts of the United States.
Also, a resolution directing the committee on Indian affairs, to
inquire into the expediency of setting apart a disteict of country
west of the Mississippi, for such of the Cherokee nations as were
disposed to emigrate, and for securing in perpetuity their peaceful
enjoyment thereof, to themselves and their descendants.
A bill was reported to the senate, abating executive patronage,
which Mr. Clay supported by a speech, on the eighteenth of Feb
ruary, 1(835, embodying an accurate account of the multifarious
evils resulting from the selfish and arbiteary course pursued by the
VOL. I. 23

178 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
chief magisteate — evUs which no lover of his countey and her
fiberties could contemplate but with apprehensions of terror. He
also spoke in favor of maldng an appropriation for continuing the
construction of the Cumberland road, and against surrendering it
to the conteol of the states through which it passed.
During the session of 1835-6, a further consideration of the
subject of French spoliations was had. Mr. Clay, being again
placed at the head of the committee on foreign relations, on the
eleventh of January, 1836, inteoduced a resolution to the senate,
calUng on the president for information relative to our affairs with
France. Three weeks subsequentiy, he inteoduced another, calhng
for the expose which accompanied the French biU of indemnity,
for certain notes which passed between the Due de Brogfie, and
our charge, iMr. Barton, and those between our minister, Mr, Liv
ingston, and the French minister of foreign affairs. With some
modifications, these resolutions were adopted.
On the announcement of the president, February eighth, 1836,
that Great Britain had offered her mediation between the United,
States and France, Mr. Clay took occasion to remark that he could
not -withhold the expressions of his congratulations to the senate,
for the agency it had in producing the happy termination of our
difficulties with France. If the senate had not, by its unanimous
vote of last September, declared that it was inexpedient to adopt
any legislative action upon the subject of our relations with France,
if it had yielded to the recommendations of the executive, in
ordering reprisals against that power, it could not be doubted but
that war would have existed, at that moment, in its most serious
state. On the fourteenth of April, Mr. Clay's land bill was taken up
in the senate, "and discussed at length, for several days, during
which he ably and faithfuUy defended it On the twenty-sixth, he
made a speech in its behalf, which was not far behind his most
briUiant efforts. In reference to it says the National InteUigencer,
' we thought, after hearing the able and comprehensive arguments
of Messrs. iEwing, Southard, and White, in favor of this benefi
cent measure, that the subject was exhausted; that, at any rate, but
little new could be urged in its defence. Mr. Clay, however, in
one of the most luminous and forcible arguments which we have
ever heard him deliver, placed the subject in new fights, and gave
to it new claims to favor. The whole teain of his reasoning
appeared to us a series of demonsteations.'
By a vote of twenty-five to twenty, it passed the senate. May
fourth, 1836, in the same form, substantially, as that vetoed by
general Jackson ; but in the house his influence was too powerful
to admit of its passage there at 'that time.
On the right of petition, Mr. Clay stated his -views, which sup
ported the befief that the servants of the people ought to examine,

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 179
deliberate, and decide, either to grant or refuse the prayer of a
petition, giving the reasons for such decision ; and that such was
the best mode of putting an end to the agitation of the public on
the subject The right of congress to abolish slavery in the
Disteict of Columbia, he thought, existed, but seemed inclined to
question the expediency of exercising it, under the circumstances
then existing.
The condition of the deposit banks was made the subject of a
report by the secretary of the treasury, on the seventeenth of March,
1836, when Mr, Clay demonstrated the insecurity of the public
monies in their keeping, and foretold, with astonishing accuracy,
the crisis which in 1837 occurred.
The recognition of the independence of Texas, was effected by
the exertions of Mr. Clay, on ascertaining that it had a civU
government in successful operation. Up to the close of the session,
(July fourth, 1836,) Mr. Clay's vigilance and activity in the service
of his country did not abate in the least. The fortification bUl,
reiiuction of duties on articles not coming in coUision with the
manufacturing interests, and various other questions of national
importance, engaged his attention.
On returning to Kentucky, a dinner was tendered him, by the
citizens of Woodford county, at which he reviewed, in a masterly
manner, the doings of the administi-ation, and expressed his deter
mination to withdraw from public life, and even went so far as to
declare his -wish that the state would look for some other individual
to fill the station then occupied by him, but which would soon be
vacant by the expiration of his term.
While surveying his cattie, in the autumn of 1836, he narrowly
escaped death, by a furious bull, which rushed towards him, plung
ing his horns into the horse on which he was seated, kiUing him
suddenly, and throwing Mr. Clay several feet He, however,
escaped with a slight contusion.
In 1836, Mr. Clay accepted the appointment of president of the
American Colonization Society, in the place of ex-president
Madison, deceased.
Being steongly importuned from a variety of sources, Mr. Clay
consented to become a candidate for the senatorship again, and
was reelected. Immediately after the convening of congress, he
once more brought forward his land biU. After being read twice,
it was referred to the appropriate committee, at the head of which
was Mr. Walker, of Mississippi, who said, that he had been
insteucted by it to move the indefinite postponement of the bill,
whenever it should come up for consideration. A few days after,
he introduced his own bill, proposing to resteict the sales of lands
to actual settiers. On the ninth of February, 1837, Mr. Calhoun
introduced his bill, which ostensibly sold, but in reality gave to the
new states, the public lands. This plan was vigorously denounced

180 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
by Mr. Clay, who expressed himself opposed to all schemes of
disposing of the national domain which would deprive the old
states of their rightful interest in it, and that, while he had steength
to stand and speak, he would employ it in protesting^ against
their adoption. He implored the senate not to appeal to the
cupidity of the new states from party inducements, and exhorted
a faithful adhesion to equity and justice in apportioning the public
lands. On a bUl, originating with the committee on finance, which
contained provisions conflicting with the compromise act, Mr. Clay
spoke at considerable length ; also on a resolution inteoduced by
Mr. Ewing, rescinding the specie circular, which required all
payments for public lands to be in specie.
On the sixteenth of January, Mr. Clay discussed the question of
expungi/ng from the records of the senate, for 1834, his resolution
censuring general Jackson for removing the deposits unconstitu
tionally ; Mr. Benton having introduced a resolution requiring its
erasure. In his speech, Mr. Clay so blended indignant invective,
sarcasm, scorn, humor, and argument, as to make it one of the
most -withering rebukes ever administered. 'What patriotic
purpose,' said he, 'is to be accomplished by this expunging
resolution? Can you make that not to be, which has been?
Can you eradicate from memory, and from history, the fact, that
in March, 1834, a majority of the senate of the United States
passed the resolution which excites your enmity? Is it your vain
and wicked object to arrogate to yourself that power of annihUating
the past, which has been denied to omnipotence itself? Do you
intend to thrust your hands into our hearts, and to pluck out the
deeply rooted convictions which are there ? Or is it your design
merely to stigmatize us ? You cannot stigmatize us.
' Ne'er yet did base dishonor blur our name.'
' Standing securely upon our conscious rectitude, and bearing
aloft the shield of the constitution of our countey, your puny
efforts are impotent, and we defy all your power. Put the
majority of 1834 in one scale, and that by which this expunging
resolution is to be carried in the other, and let tinith and justice in
heaven above and on earth below, and liberty and pateiotism,
decide the preponderance.
' What patriotic purpose is to be accompfished by this expunging
resolution? Is it to appease the wrath, and heal the wounded
pride, of the chief magisteate ? If he be really the hero that his
friends represent him, he must despise all mean condescension,
aU groveUing sycophancy, aU self-degradation and self-abasenient
He would reject with scorn and contempt, as unworthy of his
fame, your black scratches and yowr baby lines, in the fair records
of his country.'

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 181
The expunging resolution, however, passed, and thus the just
resolution of Mr, Clay was stricken from the national records,
but not from the record of memory; there wiU it live until her
functions cease, the memento of a pateiotic purpose to place the
signet of a nation's displeasure upon as unprincipled an act as any
ruler of that nation ever perpetrated.
In the autumn of 1836, the presidential election took place,
which resulted in elevating Mr. Van Buren to the chair of the
chief magistracy, by one hundred and seventy Of the two hundred
and ninety-four electoral votes. At the time he entered upon the
discharge of his official duties, the situation of the country was
deplorable in the extreme. She was reaping the bitter fruits, which
Mr. Clay had again and again predicted general Jackson would
bring back from his experimental crusade and thrust down her
throat. From Maine to Florida, her population were eating them,
and gnashing their teeth with rage, when they contrasted their
present lamentable condition, with what it was during the halcyon
and equitable administeation of Mr. Adams. Then, there was
every thing to admire, and nothing to deprecate ; now, there was
nothing to admire and every thing to deprecate ; then, the most
devoted patriot, as he cast his eyes over his countey, discovered
abundant evidence of health, and the existence of few evUs, and
those medicable, or, if not, easily patible ; now, wounds and bruises
and puteescence, disfiguring it, he beheld at every stage of his
survey, and iUs of untold magnitude and enormity, for which no
remedy could be devised. But there is no necessity for specifica
tion ; it is sufficient to say, that when general Jackson took up the
reins of government, he found the countey prosperous and happy,
and that when he laid them down, its condition was just the reverse.
For every good which he found, its opposite evil had been substi
tuted; for solvency, insolvency; for confidence, suspicion; for
credit, discredit; for a sound and safe currency, one, if possible,
worse than unsound and unsafe ; for honesty, dishonesty ; for
purity, corruption ; for justice, injustice ; for frankness and candor,
intrigue and duplicity ; for order; disorder ; for quiet, turmoil ; for
fidelity, infidelity ; for enterprise, indolence ; for wealth, poverty ;
for patient industry, wild speculation ; for repubfican simplicity,
haughty aristocracy ; for wisdom, folly ; for health, disease ; for
happiness, misery ; for hope, despair ; and for life, death. This
substitution, Mr. Clay clearly foresaw would be made ; he predicted
it, and forewarned the countey of it. Such was the condition of
the country, when Mr. Van Buren attempted to 'waUi in the foot
steps of his iUusteious predecessor.' Soon after his inauguration,
he issued his proclamation, ordering an extea session of congress,
to commence the first Monday in September. Pursuant to this,
congress met to prescribe some mode of relief In his message,
the president recommended the sub-treasury system for the deposit,

182 " LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
teansfer, and disbursement of the pubfic revenue. This was the
engrossing topic of the session, and which Mr, Clay combated
and denounced unsparingly. He detected in it, and lucidly exposed,
that which was calculated, not only to perpetuate the excesses and
abuses under which the land was then groaning, but to superin
duce fresh ones. He saw in it the grand fink of that chain,
destined to bind the resources and patronage of the government
to the car of party, which for eight long years Mr. Van Buren's
predecessor had been so busily engaged in forging. Mr. Clay's
speech on this occasion is an inimitable specimen of close argu
mentative reasoning. After exposing the defects, absurdities, and
danger of the sub-teeasury scheme, he declared his decided convic
tion, that the only practicable measure for restoring a sound,
safe, and uniform cm-rency to the United States, was a properly
organized United States bank, but that it would be un-wise to
propose such an institution, untU the conviction of its necessity
should become permanentiy impressed upon the minds of the
people. The sub-teeasmy Mil passed the senate by a vote of
twenty-five to twenty, but in the house was laid on the table by
a vote of one hundred and twenty to one hundred and seven.
Petitions for the erection of a national bank poured into con
gress incessantiy, quite too fast to please the administration, which
began to teemble for the safety of its darling projects. Mr. Wright,
from the committee on finance, moved that the prayer of the
memoriafists ought not to be granted. Mr. Clay said, if the honorable
senator persisted in his opposition, he should feel constrained to
move to stidke out aU after resolved, and substitute ' that it -wUl be
expedient to establish a bank of the United States, whenever it
shaU be manifest, that a clear majority of the people of the United
States desure such an institution.'
On the nineteenth of February, 1838, Mr. Clay once more
addressed the senate in opposition to the sub-teeasury plan, in one
of the longest speeches he ever delivered, and made a complete
expose ^ of the ulterior intentions of the present and previous
administeations, which were, to subvert the whole banking system,
and buUd upon its ruins a mighty government, teeasury bank, to be
mainly organized and conteoUed by the executive department
During the session, Mr. Clay, in presenting a petition for the
estabhshment of a national bank, communicated some of his own
vie-ws in relation to such an institution. He desfied, first, that its
capital should not be enormously large — about fifty mUUons of
dollars — and its stock divided between the general government, the
states, and individual subscribers ; secondly, that in its organiza
tion, reference should be had to public and private conteol, pubhc
1- ^1^"^^^^*^ interests, and to the exclusion of foreign influence;
thirdly, that a portion of its capital should be set apart, and
placed in permanent security, adequate to meet any contingency \

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 183
that might arise in connection with the issues of the bank;
fourthly, perfect pubficity in relation to all its affairs ; fifthly, that
its dividends should be limited to a certain per centum ; sixthly,
a prospective reduction in the rate of interest to six, and, if practi
cable, to five per centum ; seventhly, that there should be a resteic
tion upon the premium demanded upon post notes and checks
used for remittance, to about one and a half per centum as the
maximum between the most remote points of the union, thereby
regulating domestic exchanges ; eighthly, that effective provisions
should be made against executive interference with the bank, and
of it with the elections of the counti-y. Such a pubfic banking
institution Mr, Clay advocated, from the conviction that it would
perform every thing requisite in furnishing a good currency. The
question of its constitutionality, he considered as satisfactorily
settled by the fact, that the people during forty years had cherished
the bank, that it had been approved by Washington, the father
of his country, by Madison, the father of the constitution, and by
Marshall, the father of the judiciary.
The subject of abolition was inti-oduced into the senate, which
Mr. Clay approached, and freely discussed, although urged to avoid
it by his friends. He considered it, as it might be expected he would,
in the teue spirit of philanthropy, benevolence, and pateiotism. His
sentiments were conceived and uttered in such a noble, liberal,
and magnanimous manner, as to elicit expressions of approbation
and of commendation even from both anti and pro slavery men.
Mr. Calhoun admitted the correctness of his sentiments, and the
entire security which their adoption would promise to the union.
As a matter in course, the enemies of Mr. Clay strove to cause the
impression to be received, that, in his thus advocating the right of
petition, he was actuated by motives of a personal nature, by a
desire to render himself popular with abolitionists. His advocacy
of this right did render him popular, not only With that class of
individuals, but with all who revere and love the immutable and
eternal principles of truth and justice, and rejoice to see the out
pourings of sympathy towards a worthy object
During the summer of 1839, in his return from a northeastern
tour, he visited the city of New Y''ork, where his reception was as
gratifying to his feelings as it was spontaneous and brilliant on the
part of those who gave it. The whole city joined in it, and it may
well be questioned, whether any indi-vidual ever entered the city,
attended by such enthusiastic tokens of popular favor. He
approached it in the steamer James Madison, at the foot of Ham
mond street, Greenwich, early in the afternoon. As he stepped
on the wharf, the air was rent by the welcoming acclamations of
an immense multitude assembled there, which were talien up and
continued by simUar collections of people lining his whole route
(a distance of three mUes). to the Astor House, where lodgings

184 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
had been prepared for him. He sat in an open barouche, preceded
by a band of music, and followed by an immense concourse of
citizens in carriages. The steeets through which he passed were
crowded with one dense mass of people, and the houses were
covered -with them. At all the principal places in his route, bands
of music were stationed, that, as he approached, sent forth their
spirit-stimng peals, which, with the vociferous shouts of thousands
on thousands, and waving of handkerchiefs, flags, and banners,
rendered his march Uke that of an oriental pageant When he
reached the Park, the shouting was almost deafening, which went
up like the roar of the sea. The most interesting feature of this
grand reception, was its spontaneousness. It was not 'got up,' but
it was the unprovided for, the unsolicited, and voluntary act of
the people, tendering to their best, their most devoted friend, their
sincere and heart-felt greetings and gratulations. Mr. Clay had
greatly endeared himself to all capable of appreciating lofty and
disinterested action, who, as Mr. Van Buren's presidential term
drew to a close, began to be mentioned continuaUy as the most
suitable whig candidate for president. On the fourth of Decem
ber, 1839, the democratic whig convention met at Harrisburgh
to nominate one. Not a doubt was entertained that Mr. Clay
was the man of their choice, when they assembled, and that his
selection would have been the result of their assembling, had not
the most dishonorable means been employed to defeat it
On the fifth of December, the convention was organized, Hon.
James Barbour being appointed president. The committee
appointed to report a candidate, after a session of two days, during
which the intriguers were busy in chculating their falsehoods, and
reading letters pretended to have been received from distinguished
individuals in diflerent parts of the country, and which were filled
with false assertions of Mr. Clay's unpopularity, finally decided
upon WiUiam Henry Harrison. Their decision was received by
those of Mr. Clay's friends who stood by him to the last, without
a murmur, although with melancholy looks, and silent disappomt-
ment. Mr. Banks, one of the delegation from Kentucky, was the
first to rise and express their cordial concurrence in the nomination
made. Mr. Preston expressed himself simUarly, and desired that
a letter from Mr. Clay, which had been in the possession of a
delegate several days, should be read to the convention, and which
had not been previously shown, lest the motives for its exhibition
should have been misconsteued. It was read by colonel Coombs,
of Kentucky. In this, Mr. Clay says, 'with a just and proper
sense of the high honor of being called to the office of president
of the United States, by a great, free, and enUghtened .people, and
profoundly grateful to those of my feUow citizens who are desirous
to see me placed in that exalted and responsible station, I must
nevertheless say, in entire truth and syicerity, that, if the delibera-

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 185
tionS of the convention shaU lead them to the choice of another, as
the candidate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent,
the nomination wiU have my best wishes, and receive my cordial
support.' He then exhorted the delegation from Kentucky to think
not of Mm, but of their bleeding, prostrate cotintey, and to cooperate
with the convention in selecting such an individual as should seem
most competent to deliver her ftom the perUs and dangers with
which she was environed.
The reading of this remarkable communication, sent a thriU of
astonishment and admiration through the heatts of aU who Ustened to
it Many were affected to tears. Mr. Barbour said, after assenting
to the determination of the convention, that he had been on terms
of intimacy with Mr. Clay for thirty years, and that a more devoted
or purer patriot and statesman never breathed, and that during that
period he had never heard him give utterance to a single sentiment
unworthy this character ; that there was no place in his heart for
one petty or selfish consideration. Mr. Leigh, of Virginia, said,
he never thought that Mr. Clay needed the office, but that the
country needed him. That office could confer no dignity or honor
on Henry Clay. The measure of his fame was full, and whenever
the tomb should close over him, it would cover the loftiest inteUect
and the noblest heart that this age had produced or known. ' I
envy Kentucky, for when he dies she will have his ashes ! ' said the
venerable Peter R. Livingston, of New York.
In selecting a candidate for the vice presidency, it Was thought
that a suitable one was found in John Tyler, of Virginia, who Was
accordingly chosen.
Mr. Clay concurred, cheerfully and nobly, in the nomination of
general Harrison, and exerted himself manfully in promoting his
election. Mr. Clay did not evince the slightest disappointment at
the result of the nominating convention, but seemed to rejoice over
it In the presidential canvass, preceding the election of general
Harrison, Mr. Clay took a prominent part In advocating the
claims of general Harrison to the presidency, he labofed sedulously,
also, to procure the adoption of those principles which he consid
ered ought to constitute the rule of action to aU virtuous politicians.
Averse to every thing fike concealment himself, respecting his
pofitical sentiments, he ascertained, accurately, those of general
Harrison, and then faithfully exhibited them. The contest resulted
in the election of general Harrison, who received two hundred and
thirty-four of the two hundred and ninety-four electoral votes cast
By the sa,me vote iMf. Tyler was elected to the vice presidency.
iMr. Clay continued, with unrelaxing energy, his services during
the session of 1839-^0. The land bUl came up again, and a
¦^arm debate ensued between him and Mr. Calhoun, and some^
what hassh language passed between them-. The latter insinuated,
that, at a fiertaid time, h® h^ the ascendency over Mi. Ckuy is
vot. I. 24

186 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
debate— that he was his (Mr. Clay's) master. In reply, Mr. Clay
said, that so far from admitting iMr. Calhoun to be his master, he
would not own him for a slave. iMr. Clay, however, was not the
man to harbor hard feehngs towards any one, especially towards a
pofitical opponent Soon after retiring from the senate in 1842, he
met Mr. Calhoun as he was passing out of the senate chamber,
and exchanged with him cordial salutations, whUe tears came to
the eyes of both.
On a variety of questions of public interest, Mr. Clay spoke,
the principal of which were, that of the abolition of slavery, the
Maine boundary Une, the navy appropriation bUl, branch mints,
expenditures of government, Cumberland road, and internal im
provements. On the twentieth of January, 1840, he defivered a
speech of rare abUity on the sub-teeasury, now called the indepen
dent teeasury biU, which he denominated a government bank in
disguise. On aU suitable occasions Mr. Clay franldy avowed his pofitical
faith, but never, perhaps, more minutely or explicitiy, than at a
dinner given to him at TaylorsvUle, in June, 1840. His speech at
that time is a storehouse of sound political tenets, among which
we find the following.
First. That there should be a provision to render a person
ineligible to the office of president of the United States, after a
service of one term.
Second. That the veto power should be more precisely defined,
and be subjected to further Umitations and qualifications.
Third. That the power of dismission from office should be
resteicted, and the exercise of it rendered responsible.
Fourth. That the conteol over the teeasury of the United States
should be confided and confined exclusively to congress ; and all
authority of the president over it, by means of dismissing the
secretary of the teeasury, or other persons ha-ving the immediate
charge of it, be rigorously precluded.
Fifth. That the appointment of members of congress to any
office, or any but a few specific offices, during their continuance in
office, and for one year thereafter, be prohibited.
General Harrison, previously to commencing his journey to
Washington, visited Mr. Clay, and tendered him any office in the
president's gift, but he courteously, yet firmly, declined accepting
one, and expressed his unalterable resolution to withdraw from
public life, as soon as he should see those fundamental measures,
for which he had been so long and so ardentiy steuggling, put in a
teain of accomplishment To the very last of Mi-. Van Buren's
administeation, he labored untiringly to place them in such a
position. He was the steenuous advocate of. a uniform system
of bankruptcy. This was embodied in a biU reported to the
senate by the judiciary committed, in the spring of 1840, on

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 187
iccount of the numerous petitions presented in its favor. It passed
he senate, by a vote of twenty-four to twenty-three, but was
lefeated in the house.
Directiy after the inauguration of general Harrison, he issued
lis proclamation ordering an extea session, of congress, to com-
nence on the last Monday in May. Before that period arrived,
he president was no more. He died just one month after his
nteoduction to office. The inteUigenee of his death fiUed the
lation with sadness, yet no serious grounds of fear were enter-
ained, because it was believed that Mr. Tyler would discharge
he duties of the presidency with fidelity. Congress assembled in
iccordance -with the proclamation of the late lamented Harrison.
Vlr. Clay commenced the public business with vigor and alacrity.
The subjects which he deemed of pressing importance, and should
mgage the immediate attention of the senate, were,
First, the repeal of the sub-teeasury law.
Secondly, the incorporation of a bank adapted to the wants of
he people and government.
Thirdly, the provision of an adequate revenue, by the imposition
)f duties, and including an authority to conteact a temporary Ioeui
o cover the pubfic debt created by the last administeation.
Fourthly, the prospective distribution of the proceeds of the
lublic lands.
Fifthly, the passage of necessary appropriation bUls.
Sixthly, some modification in the banking system of the Disteict
)f Columbia, for the benefit of the people of the disteict.
From the head of the committee on finance, Mr. Clay moved
he appointment of a select committee, to take into consideration
he bank question, of which he was made chairman.
In June, Mr. Clay reported a plan for a national bank, which,
ifter an animated discussion, was adopted by both houses, which,
m the sixteenth of August, was vetoed by president Tyler. The
eturn of the bill was hailed with mingled surprise, sorrow,
md alarm, in the senate, which was addressed on the subject of
he veto, by Mr. Clay, in steains of lofty eloquence, almost
lurpassing himseff. Another bUl was then framed with special
eference to the objections of the president ; in other words, it was
ust such a biU as he had recommended. The surprise and
ndignation were overwhelming, when it was known thalt this biU
lad encountered the fate of its predecessor. Mr. Clay did not
icruple to denounce the exercise of the veto, as he had denounced
t in the case of general Jackson, as unjustifiable, and as involving
I manifest encroachment upon the liberties of the people.
With the solitary exception of Mr. Webster, the cabinet resigned
heir seats, and the feeling of indignation, enkindled at Washing-
on, spread through and fit up the whole country into a glow of
vrath, at the uncalled for and unexpected procedure of Mr. Tyler.

188 LIFE OF HENRY CLAY-
Although baffied, and in a meai^ure defeated, by the despotisi^ '
of one man, stUl Mr. Clay did not slacken his exertions to render
relief to his suffering and disteacted country. He was at the head
of two important conomittees, and performed an amount of labor
truly surprising. He had the. gratification of witnessing the repeal
of the abominable aub-teeasury scheme, the passage of the
banlcrupt law, and his land bUl.
An attempt to adjust the tariff was made, which occasioned
another veto from the president. This was dfiected mainly against
the disteibution clause, which was finaUy surrendered to accom
modate the views of the president. The tariff biU at length
became a law.
On the thirty-first of March, 1842, Mr. Clay executed his long
and fondly cherished design of retfiing to tfie quiet of private
fife. Pie resigned his seat in the senate, and presented to that
body the credentials of Mr. Crittenden, his friend, and successor.
The scene which ensued when he tendered his resignation, was
indescribably thriUing. It was not unfike that, when the father of
his countey, surrounded by his companions in arms, pronounced
his farewell address, as they were about to disband and enter upon
the possession and enjoyment>.of that independence whieh their
invincible arms had won. Had the guardian genius of congjess
and the nation been about to take his departure, and giving his
parting admonitions, deeper feefing could hardly have been mani
fested, than when iMr, Clay rose to, address, for the last time, his
congressional compeers. An individual witnessing the b:?eatblegs
silence that pervaded the densely crowded senate chamber,, and
the tears flowing freely and copiously from_ the eyes of aU,, would
have said, that wherever else Mr., Clay might have enemies,, he; hiad
none in that assembly. In those who were polificaUy opposed,
and in those who were personally hoetUe to him, the movings of
the best principles of our being were not subjected to th«! or«d
control of seffishness or en-vy, but permitted to respond to th«
voice of nature, caUing them in her most enticing tones^ toi ujsiite
with his devoted friends, in bearing appropriate testMnony to his
public worth. The former no less than the latter, manifested tjw
most sincere regret at the prospect of his departure. AU felt thait
a master spirit was bidding them adieu — that the pride and ornar
ment of the senate and the glory of the nation was being removed,
and all giieved in view of the void that would be mad^. He
spoke as it might be expected the patriot warrior of a thousamdi
victorious battles would spealc, standing on the field where they
were fought — the living, burning, sublime sentiments of patriot
ism. His feelings often overpowered him. His voice, natiiwally
musical, seemed the very refinement of sweetness and pathos,
whose honied accents sank into the hearts of his hearers, like
heayen's benediction. When Mr. Clay closed, the most m^n9»

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 189
emotion agitated the senate. Mr. Preston rose, and remarked, in
view of it, that he presumed there would be littie disposition to
teansact business; that the event that had just occurred, was an
epoch in the legislative history of the nation, and that therefore he
would move that the senate adjourn. The motion was adopted
unanimously. Thus terminated the senatorial career of one of the greatest
statesmen of this or any other age — a career disfigured with as
few imperfections, and adorned with as many ornaments of genius
and intellect, as that of any one who ever fived. A career achieved
in the, service of, and bequeathed to the people, they will regard it
as a precious legacy, and derive from it ample aliment for the
sustenance of pateiotic and philanthropic principle, to the end of
time. It shaU be the favorite resort of the worshippers of liberty
from all lands, who, with astonishment, admiration, and pure
delight, wiU trace it, dweU with feelings of moral grandeur upon
its scenes of political sublimity and disinterested pateiotism, and,
amid their rejoicings over its beauties and exceBencies, wiU envy the
nation to which it belongs. We take our leave of Mr. Clay's public
life, to notice, briefly, some incidents connected more particularly
with his private history. The personal appearance of Mr. Clay is
imposing and prepossessing. He is taU, and somewhat thin, but
very nauscular, exhibiting lofty and dignified grace and ease in bis
deportment and carriage, and an entire absence of every thing like
stiffness or haughtiness. His manner is cordial and kind, inviting
rather than repelling approach. His countenance is open and
bland, on which his, soral may be said to sit, so faithfully does it
mirror its feefings. It is impossible to describe its varying expres
sions; Hisi eyes are of a blue, or dark gray color, small, and when
he is amimated flash with unearthly vividness. His forehead is
high and broad. His mouth is large,, but steikingly indicative of
genius and energy. His voice is exceedingly silvery, deep toned,
and most exquisitely modulated — a fit organ to herald forth to
the world, the noble sentiments of a noble heart It naay be
regarded as no unimportant elerrient of his fame,, inseparably and
imperishably interwoven with his course. When speaking, he
possesses the rai-e faculty of not only thmowing his own soul whoUy
into his subject, but of carrying along with it the souls of his
hearers, and, as it were, making them take a part in its considera
tion, assenting or dissenting as he did. His action is pecufiarly
graceful andl atppropriate, harmo.iiiizing admirably -with, the charac
ter of the sentiments uttered.
We shall not attempt an analysis of his mind, conscious of our
inabifity to do it justice. Its powers are so numerous and so great,
as to make the task no fight one. Its most prominent atteibute is
patriotism. This is the sun of its loflry faculties, which revolve
about it in the order of sateUites. Every thing is subordinate to,

•j^gQ LIFE OF HENRY CLAY,
or absorbed by it This is seen in every part of his career, tower
ing magnificentiy upwards, lUce a mighty mountain to bathe its
head in everiasting sunshine, and forms its loveliest and most
atteactive feature. With Mr, Clay, pateiotism was no unmeaning
word. He made it the grand test of both principle and measure,
and the main-spring of action. His devotion to it is most
remarkable ; so exclusive, as to lead him to sacrifice every other
consideration upon its altar. On one occasion, acting under its
influence, he said to Mr, Grundy, 'teU general Jackson, that if he
wiU sign that bill (the land bill), I wiU pledge myself to retire from
congress, and never enter public life again;' of such vital impor
tance did he consider that bUl to the welfare of his beloved countey.
One cannot avoid breaking out in exclamations of admiration, and
reverence, even, in view of such self-immolating political purity, as
this sincere declaration evinces. My country, my country, seems
to have been the constant apex of his thoughts and wishes. This
attribute gives to his commanding eloquence its invincible power,
and is the rocky pedestal on which he has reared the temple of his
immortal fame.
Political consistency is another prominent characteristic of Mr.
Clay. This, Uke a line of Ught, is te-aceable through aU his public
life. The soundness of his judgment is worthy of note, by which
he is enabled to predict, with almost prophetic accuracy, the effect
of the adoption of certain measures. As a, writer, Mr. Clay's
style is nervous, perspicuous, and concise, evincing the freshness
and beauty of originafity, usually moving on in a deep and quiet
current, but at times rushing like the mountain torrent, overthrow
ing aU obstacles. He is pecuUarly quaUfied for the regions of
argument and close investigation, yet he can soar into that of
imagination, and whenever he does, it is the flight of the eagle
towards heaven. His power of iUusteation is felicitous, demon
strating an intimate acquaintance with the secret springs of the
soul, and a sagacious knowledge of its mysterious movements.
His conversational faculties are striking, and exceedingly versatile,
enabling him to accommodate himself to the capacities of all, to
the humblest, as well as to the loftiest inteUect It was remarked
of iMr, Burke, by Dr Johnson, that if a tempest, or any other
occun-ence, should cause him to take shelter under the roof of a
peasant, he would find sufficient topics to employ his conversa
tional powers, and would so employ them as to leave indelibly
impressed upon the mind of its lowly occupant, the befief, that he
was fistening to no ordinary man. This would be emphatically
ti-ue of Mr, Clay, who possesses, in an eminent degree, the faculty
attributed to iMr, Burke, It is the exercise of this, that has so
endeared him to all who have been privileged to come -within the
sphere of its influence, and which invests his domestic and social
relations with their greatest charms.

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY, 191
In private fife, Mr, Clay exhibits the noblest characteristics of
human nature, which may be expressed by one word — open-
heartedness. iHe is kind and fiberal to a fault. Says one who is
intimate with him, ' his door and his purse are alike open to the
friendless steanger and the unfortunate neighbor, Frank, open,
and above the meanness of deception himself, and consequentiy
never searching for duplicity and treachery in those around him, he
has more than once suffered from the vUe ingratitude of men, who
have been cherished by his bounty and upheld by his influence,
' The curse of aristocracy has never chiUed the warm flow of his
natural feelings. His heart is as warm, his hand is as free, and his
smile as famifiar as they were forty years ago, when, without
friends and without influence, he first responded to the hearty
welcome of the Kentuckian. His feelings have never changed
with his fortunes.'
Mr. Clay is admirably qualified for the; interchange of social and
friendly feelings, in which he indulges most judiciously. His
convivial interviews are enlivened by enjoyments of a marked
intellectual character. iHis readiness at repartee, and aptitude foi
reply, are conspicuous features in his character. No emergency,
however sudden or unexpected, finds him unprepared, or disarms
him. He perceives the bearing of remarks, with the quickness of
intuition, however vague or ambiguous they m-ay be, and with the
suddenness of thought frames and utters a suitable reply. An
instance, illusteative of this rare atteibute, occurred not long after
his return from Ghent. It grew out of the subjects of the fisheries,
and the navigation of the Mississippi river, which came before the
commissioners during their negotiations at that place, two of
whom, on the part of the United States, were Messrs. Clay and
Adams. It is well known that Mr. Adams, whose constituents
were deeply interested in the fisheries, insisted strenuously upon
their preservation, and seemed disposed to grant to Great Britain
the equivalent which she demanded for them — the right to navi
gate the Mississippi. It is equally weU known that Mr. Clay as
steenuously opposed the granting of that right to her, even if the
loss of the fisheries in question should be the price of the refusal
to grant it. Soon after the return of the commissioners, Mr.
Adams received a huge Codfish, probably from some person or
persons concerned in the fisheries, as a testim^onial of appreciation
of his services in advocating their maintenance. The fish was an
enormous one, weighing something like eighty pounds ; indeed,
it was so large that no dish could be found sufficientiy capacious
to contain the monster when cooked, as Mr. Adams desired it to
be whole. Consequentiy he. was under the necessity of getting one
consteucted suited to the dimensions of his fish ship. After he had
completed his arrangements for having it served up according to
hisfancy, taking special care in ordering it to be placed in the

192 LIFEOFHENRYCLAY.
most conspicuous pai-t of the dining-table, that its appearance
might be as imposing as possible, he invited several of his personal
friends to dine with him, among whom was Mr. Clay. When
dinner was announced, iMr. Adams led the way to the dining
room, closely foUowed by Mr. Clay, who, on beholding the huge
fish, started back, with the exclamation of ' what on earth is that,
Mr. Adams!' ' That, sir?' repfied Mr. Adams, 'that is a codfish,
from my constituents of Marblehead!' 'I wiU not touch it,' said
the facetious and witty statesman ; ' I wiU not touch it!' ' Why not
sir — why not?' was the very natural inquiry. 'Because,' said he,
' every bone of it would stick in my throat like a Mississippi Snag.'
The most exemplary accuracy and fidelity characterizes aU Mr.
Clay's business habits. He makes it a point never to be indebted
to any man; to live within his income, and to maintain strict
punctuality in aU his engagements. It is his habitual usage,
whenever he receives a communication, to return an answer
instantiy. All his papers are filed and arranged in the utmost
neatness and order. He rises early, and observes such method in
the divison of his time and distribution of his business plans, as
to enable him to accompfish an amount of labor truly surprising.
That Mr. Clay has faults, we do not pretend to deny; this would
be asserting of human nature that from which it never was, and
never wUl be, exempt; but they are such as originated in eatly
life, in his ardent temperament, leading him to seek scenes of
excitement, where he was frequentiy beteayed into errors and
indiscretions. To the vice of gambling he is said to have been
considerably addicted in early fife — a vice which no one more
sincerely deprecates than himself, as the following anecdote will
show. In the spring of 1819, we had the pleasure of being a feUoW
passenger -with Mr. Clay, from New Orleans to Louis-vUle. After
a general acquaintance had been established among the cabin
passengers, to pass away the time more agreeably it was proposed
to have a game of cards, in which one of the number was requested
to invite iMr. Clay to join. When the invitation was given, he
inquired what game was proposed. The reply was, 'Bragg!
The sudden compression of the lips, and the change from easy
politeness to the dignified deportment of one entitied to give
advice, evinced, at once, a determination not to engage in the
game. ' Excuse me, gentiemen,' said he, ' I have not played a
game of any kind of hazard for more than twelve years, and I
take this occasion to warn you aU to avoid a practice desteuctive
of a good name, and drawing after it evil consequences of incal-
culable magnitude. In earlier days it was my misfortune, owing
to a lively and ardent temperament, to faU into this vice, and to a
considerable extent, and no one can lament more sincerely the evil
and the consequences of it, than I da These have foUowed me

LIFE OF HENRY CLAY. 193
into neai-ly all the walks of life, and though I have long since
abandoned the pernicious practice which led to them, it seems that
they wUl never abandon me.' We remarked, that it was reported
'you won large sums of the British commissioners, at Ghent.'
' So the papers reported,' said he, ' but not truly. The only game
played at Ghent was whist, and that not over a guinea a corner.'
Whatever may be Mr. Clay's defects, we are happy to be able
to state, that they do not gi-ow out of principle, but that they are
referable to the sanguineous nature of his constitution, rendering
him easjly excitable and irritable ; in other words, his eiTors are
those of feefing, and venial ones, if any are. Our surprise is, not
that he occasionally suffered its impetuous tide to conti-ol his
judgment, momentarily, but our astonishment, on the other hand,
is, that this was not borne entirely away by it, and stranded among
the quicksands of folly and violence, set upon, as he was, at every
stage of his career, by politicar harpies and vampyres, and bayed
by the furious mastitis of unprincipled and licentious faction, as if
he had been a beast of prey, prowling through the land to devour
its substance. Fatigued, exhausted, and lacerated, with such a
temperament as he possessed, it must have required, if possible,
more than the ' patience of Job,' to beai- in silence the most painful
inflictions which the ingenuity of his legion of tormentors could
devise. It is not surprising that he should turn to the ' quiet shades
of Ashland,' to seek that repose for which he had long pined, the
enjoyment of which, for a lengthy period, he had debarred himself,
that his counti-y might receive the benefits of his labors. Amid
these shades, we leave him, in an attitude interesting, becoming,
and dignified, dividing his time between the employments and
enjoyments of agriculture and literature, and so wisely as daUy to
give increasing evidence of his ability to sustain the threefold
character which he has long borne, of enlightened statesman,
devoted patriot, and genuine republican. Heaven grant, the time
may not be- far distant, when it shall be changed to fourfold, by
the addition of another character, which the people only can confer;
and one, which, if any individual can merit, at their hands, by
laborious, lengthy, and most exalted services in their behalf, that
individual is iHENRY Clay.
VOL. I. 25

SPEECHES, &c.

ON DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 6, I8I0.

[This is the first speech on record, of Mr. Clay's efforts during his congressional
career. He had been previously elected to fill a vacancy in the United Stales senate,
for a sing-le sessio.n, in 1806, during which, in 1807, he delivered an able speech on
internal improvement, which we regret has not been preserved. In 1809, the legislature
of Kentucky again elected him a United States senator, and in the following remarks,
he avowed himself in favor of the policy of encouraging domestic manufactures, which
policy he had before advocated in the legislature of his own state. His early support
of these two branches of national policy, which he afterwards called ' the .American
System,' is thus shown by his two first speeches in congress, and his name and
influence have become identified with the cause, of which he has always stood forth
the distinguished champion. ]

Mr. President,
The local interest of the quai-ter of the country, which I have the
honor to represent, wUl apologize for the trouble 1 may give you on
this occasion. My colleague has proposed an amendment to the
bill before you, instructing the secretary of the navy, to provide
suppfies of cordage, sail-cloth, hemp, &c. and to give a preference
to those of American growth and manufacture. It has been moved
by the gentieman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) to strike out this
part of the amendment ; and, in the course of the discussion which
has arisen, remarks fiave been made on the general policy of promot
ing manufactures. The ' propriety of this policy is, perhaps, not
very intimately connected with the subject before us; but it is,
nevertheless, within the legitimate and admissible scope of debate.
Under this impression I offer my sentiments.
In inculcating the advantages of domestic manufactures, it never
entered the head, I presume, of any one, to change the habits of
the nation from an agricultural to a manufacturing community

196 speeches of henry clay.
No one, I am persuaded, ever thought of converting the plough
share and the sickle into the spindle and the shuttie. And yet this
is the delusive and erroneous view too often taken of the subject
The opponents of the manufacturing system transport themselves .
to the establishments of Manch^ter and Birmingham, and, dwell
ing on the indigence, vice, and'vn-etchedness prevaUing there, by
pushing it to an extreme, argue that its inteoduction into this
counti-y -ftdU necessarily be attended by the same mischievous and
dreadfnl consequences. But what is the fact ? That England is
the manufactm-er of a great part of the world ; and that, even there,
the numbers thus employed bear an inconsiderable proportion to
the whole mass of population. Were we to become the manufac
turers of other nations, effects of the same kind might result. But
If we limit our efforts, by our own wants, the evUs apprehended
would be found to be chimerical. The invention and improve
ment of machinery, for which the present age is so remarkable,
dispensing in a great degree with manual labor ; and the employ
ment of those persons, who, if we were engaged in the pursuit of
agriculture alone, would be either unproductive, or exposed to
indolence and imtaorality ; will enable us to supply our wants
without withdrawing our attention from agriculture — that first and
greatest source of national wealth and happiness. A judicious
American farmer, in the household way, manufactures whatever is
requisite for his family. He squanders but littie in the gewgaws
of Europe. He presents in epitome, -what the nation ought to be
in extenso. Their manufactories should bear the sam« proportion,
and effect the same object in relation to the whole community,
which the part of his household employed in domestic manufactur
ing, bears to the whole family. It is certainly desirable, that the
exports of the country should continue to be the surplus production
of tiUage, and not become those of manufacturing establishments.
But it is important to diminish our imports ; to furnish ourselves
with clothing, made by our own industey; and to cease to be
dependent, for the very coats we wear, upon a foreign and perhaps
inimical countey. The nation that imports its clothing from abroad
is but fittie less dependent than if it imported its bread.
The faUacious course of reasoning urged against domestic
manufactures, namely, the disteess and servitude produced by those
of England, would equally indicate the propriety of abandoning
agriculture itself Were you to cast your eyes upon the miserable
peasantry of Poland, and revert to the days of feudal vassalage,
you might thence draw numerous arguments, of the kind now
under consideration, against the pursuits of the husbandman!
What would become of commerce, the favorite theme of some
gentiemen, if assaUed with this sort of weapon? The fraud,
perjury, cupidity, and corruption, -with which it is unhappily too
often attended, would at once produce its overthrow. In short,

ON DOMESTIC MANtlFACTURES. 197
iir, take the black side of the picture, and every human occupation
nrill be found pregnant with fatal objections.
The opposition to manufacturing institutions recaUs to my
•ecoUection the case of a gentieman, of whom I have heard. He
liad been in the habit of suppljMg his table from a neighboring
;ook, and confectioner's shop, aS^roposed to his wife a reform,
in this particular. She revolted arthe idea. The sight of a scuUion
svas dreadful, and her delicate nerves could not bear the clattering
3f kitchen furniture. The gentieman persisted in his design ; bis
table was thenceforth cheaper and better supplied, and his neighbor,
the confectioner, lost one of his best customers. In like manner
dame Commerce wiU oppose domestic manufactures. She is a
flirting, flippant, noisy jade, and if we are governed by her fantasies,
we shall never put ofl' the muslins of India and the cloths of Europe.
But I trust that the yeomanry of the countey, the teue and genuine
landlords of this tenement, called the United States, disregarding
her freaks, will persevere in reform, untU the whole national family
is furnished by itself with the clothing necessary for its own use.
It is a subject no less of curiosity than of interest, to teace the
prejudices in favor of foreign fabrics. In our colonial condition,
we were in a complete state of dependence on the parent countey,
as it respected manufactures, as well as commerce. For many
years after the war, such was the partiality for her productions, in
this countey, that a gentieman's head could not withstand the
influence of solar heat, unless covered with a London hat; his
feet could not bear the pebbles, or frost, unless protected by
London shoes ; and the comfort or ornament of his person was
only consulted when his coat was cut out by the shears of a tailor
'just from London.' At length, however, the wonderful discovery
has been made, that it is not absolutely beyond the reach of
American skill and ingenuity, to provide these articles, combining
with equal elegance greater durability. And I entertain no doubt,
that, in a short time, the no less important fact will be developed,
that the domestic manufactories of the United States, fostered by
government, and aided by household exertions, are fuUy competent
to supply us with at least every necessary article of clothing. I
therefore, sir, for one (to use the fashionable cant of the day), am
in favor of encouraging them, not to the extent to which they are
carried in England, but to such an extent as will redeem us entirely
from all dependence on foreign countries. There is a pleasure —
a pride (if I may be aUowed the expression, and I pity those who
cannot feel the sentiment,) — in being clad in the productions of our
own families. Others may prefer the cloths of Leeds and of
London, but give me those of HumphreysviUe.
Aid may be given to native institutions in the form of bounties
and of protecting duties. But against bounties it is urged, that
you tax the whole for the benefit of B.part only, of the community;

198 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and in opposition to duties it is aUeged, that you make the interest
of one part, the consumer, bend to the interest of another part, the
manufacturer. The sufficiency of the answer is not always
admitted, that the sacrifice is merely temporary, being ultimately
compensated by the greater abundance and superiority of the
article produced by the stimulusj^^But, of all practicable forms of
encouragement, it might have been expected, that the one under
consideration would escape opposition, if every thing proposed in
congress were not doomed to experience it. What is it ? The
biU contains two provisions — one prospective, anticipating the
appropriation for clothing for the army, and the amendment
proposes extending it to naval supplies, for the year 1811 — and
the other, directing a preference to be given to home manufactures,
and productions, whenever it can be done without material detriment
to the public service. The object of the first is, to authorize conteacts
to be made beforehand, with manufacturers, and by making ad
vances to them, under proper security, to enable them to supply the
articles wanted, in sufficient quantity. When it is recoUected that
they are frequentiy men of limited capitals, it will be acknowl
edged that this kind of assistance, bestowed with prudence, -wUl
be productive of the best results. It is, in fact, only pursuing a
principle long acted upon, of advancing to contractors with govern
ment, on account of the magnitude of their engagements. The
appropriation contemplated to be made for the year 1811, may be
restricted to such a sum as, whether we have peace or war, we
must necessarUy expend. The discretion is proposed to be vested
in officers of high confidence, who wiU be responsible for its abuse,
and who are enjoined to see that the public service receives no
material detriment. It is stated, that hemp is now very high, and
that contracts, made under existing circumstances, will be injurious
to government. But the amendment creates no obligation upon
the secretary of the navy, to go into market at this precise moment.
In fact, by enlarging his sphere of action, it admits of his talihig
advantage of a favorable fluctuation, and getting a supply below
the accustomed price, if such a faU should occur prior to the usual
annual appropriation.
I consider the amendment, under consideration, of the first
importance, in point of principle. It is evident, that whatever
doubt may be entertained, as to the general policy of the manufac
turing system, none ean exist, as to the propriety of our being able
to furnish ourselves with articles of the first necessity, in time of
war. Our maritime operations ought not, in such a state, to
depend upon the casualties of foreign supply. It is not necessary
that they should. With very fittie encouragement from government,
I believe we shall not want a pound of Russia hemp. The
increase of the article in Kentucky has been rapidly great. Ten
Years ago there were but two rope manufactories in the state. Now

ON DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES. 199
ere are about twenty, and between ten and fifteen of cotton
igging; and the erection of new ones keeps pace with the annual
igmentation of the quantity of hemp. Indeed, the western coun-
f, alone, is not only adequate to the supply of whatever of this
tide is requisite for our own ^jonsumption, but is capable of
Fording a surplus for foreign mecrkets. The amendment proposed
)ssesses the double recommendation of encouraging, at the same
ne, both the manufacture and the growth of hemp. For by
creasing the demand for the wrought article, you also increase
e demand for the raw material, and consequ.ently present new
centives to its cultivator.
The three great subjects that claim the attention of the national
gislature, are the interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufac-
res. We have had before us, a proposition to afford a manly
•otection to the rights of commerce, and how has it been teeated ?
ejected! You have been solicited to promote agriculture, by
icreasing the facilities of internal communication, through the
leans of canals and roads, and what has been done ? Postponed !
i^e are now called upon to give a trifling support to our domestic
anufactures, and shall we close the circle of congressional
efficiency, by adding this also to the catalogue ?

ON THE LINE OE THE PERDIDO.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER 25, 1810.

[The Perdido is the name of a river and bay, which form the boundary line between'
the present state of Alabama and Fiorida. It will be recollected, that Florida was a
Spanish colony, previous to its cession to the United States by Spain, in 1819. It
was discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spanish navigator, in 1512, and by him it
was called Florida. The French made an attempt to colonize the territory in 1562,
but their settlement was broken up by the Spaniards, who founded, in 1505, the city
of St. Augustine, in East Florida. Pensacola, in West Florida, was founded in 1699.
Though often invaded by the French and English, Florida remained part of Spanish
America until 176.S, when it was ceded to Great Britain ; but, by the definitive treaty
of 17S3, it was receded by Great Britain to Spain. When Florida was a colony of
Spain, and Louisiana of France, or from 1699 to 1763, the Perdido river was a com
mon boundary, but, by the treaty of 17C3, Louisiana having been ceded by France to
Spain, the Spaniards in 1769, for their own convenience, incorporated that part of
Louisiana, between the Mississippi and Perdido rivers, with Florida. This act
caused a controversy between Spain and the United States; the latter having
purchased Louisiana of France, in 1603, to which power it had been ceded by Spain,
in ISOO. President Madison, in ISIO, took possession of the territory in dispute, for
which act he was assailed by the opposition members in the senate, particularly by
Mr. Horsey, of Delaware ; to whom Mr. Clay replied, in defence of the administra.
tion, as follows.]

Mr. President,
It would have gratified me if some other gentleman had under
taken to reply to the ingenious argument, which you have just
heard. (Speech of Mr. Horsey.) But not perceiving any one
disposed to do so, a sense of duty obliges me, though very unwell,
to claim your indulgence, whUst I offer my sentiments on this
subject, so interesting to the union at large, but especiaUy to the
western portion of it. AUow me, sir, to express my admiration at
the more than Aristidean justice,, which, in a question of territorial
titie between the United States and a foreign nation, induces
certain gentiemen to espouse the pretensions of the foreign nation.
Doubtiess, in any future negotiations, she wiU have too much
magnanimity to avaU herself of these spontaneous concessions in
her favor, made on the floor of the senate of the United States.
It was to have been expected, that, in a question fike the present,
gentiemien, even on the same side, woidd have different views, and
although arriving at a common conclusion, would do so by various

ON THE LINE OF THE PERDIDO. 201
arguments. And hence the honorable gentieman from Vermont,
entertains doubt with regard to our title against Spain, whUst he
feels entirely satisfied of it against France. Believing, as I do,
that our title against both powers is indisputable, under the teeaty
of St. Bdefonso, between Spain and France, and the teeaty
between the French republic a,nd, the United States, I shall not
inquire into the teeachery, by which the king of Spain is alleged
to have lost his crown ; nor shaU I stop to discuss the question
involved in the overthrow of the Spanish monarchy, and how far
the power of Spain ought to be considered as merged in that of
France. I shaU leave the honorable gentieman from Delaware to
mourn over the fortunes of the faUen Charles. I have no commis
eration for princes. My sympathies are reserved for the great
mass of mankind, and I own that the people of Spain have them
most sincerely.
I will adopt the course suggested by the nature of the subject,
and pursued by other gentlemen, of examining into our title to the
country lying between 'the Mississippi and the Bio Perdido,
(which, to avoid circumlocution, I wUl call West Florida, although
it is not the whole of it,) and the propriety of the recent measures
taken for the occupation of that territory. Our titie, then, depends,
first, upon the limits of the province or colony of Louisiana, and,
secondly, upon a just exposition of the teeaties before mentioned.
On this occasion it is only necessary to fix the eastern boundary.
In order to ascertain this, it wiU be proper to take a cursory view
of the settlement of the country, because the basis of European
titie to colonies in America, is prior discovery, or prior occupancy.
In 1682, La Salle migrated from Canada, then owned by France,
descended the Mississippi, and named the counti-y which it waters,
Louisiana. About 1698, D'IberviUe discovered, by sea, the mouth
of the Mississippi, established a colony at the Isle Dauphine, or
Massacre, which lies at the mouth of the bay of MobUe, and one
at the mouth of the river Mobile, and was appointed, by France,
governor of the country. In the year 1717, the famous West
India Company sent inhabitants to the Isle Dauphine, and found
some of those who had been settled there under the auspices of
D'IberviUe. About the same period, Baloxi, near the Pascagoula,
was setded. In 1719, the city of New Orleans was laid off, and
the seat of government of Louisiana was established there ; and in
1736 the French erected a fort on Tombigbee. These facts prove
that France had the actual possession of the country as far east
as the MobUe, at least. But the great instrument which ascertains,
beyond aU doubt, that the countey in question is comprehended
within the limits of Louisiana, is one of the most authentic and
solemn character which the archives of a nation can furnish ; I
mean the patent granted in 1712, by Louis XIV, to Crozat.
'Here Mr. C. read such parts of the patent as were appficable to
VOL. I. 26

202 SPEECHES OF HENR-y CLA^Y.
the subject.*] According to this document, in describing the
province or colony of Louisiana, it is declared to be bounded by
Carolina on the east, and Old and New Mexico on the west
Under this high record evidence, it might be insisted that we have
a fair daim to East as weU as West Florida, against France, at
least, unless she has, by some convention, or other obfigatOry act,
resteicted the eastern fimit of the province. It has, indeed, been
asserted, that, by a teeaty between France and Spain, concluded in
the year 1719, the Perdido was expressly stipulated to be the
boundary between their respective provinces of' Florida on the
east, and Louisiana on the west ; but as I have been unable to find
any such teeaty, I am induced to doubt its existence.
About the same period, to wit, towards the close of the seven
teenth centiiry, when France settied the Isle Dauphine, and the
MobUe, Spain erected a fort at Pensacola. But Spain never
pushed her actual settiements, or conquests, farther west than the
bay of Pensacola, whUst those of the French were bounded on
the east by the MobUe. Between those two points, a space of
about thirteen or fourteen leagues, neither nation had the exclusive
possession. The Rio Perdido, forming the bay of the same name,
* Extract from the Gra:nt to Crozat, dated at ' FontainhleoM, September 14, 1712.
, Louis, By the grace of God, &c.
' The care we have always had to procure the welfare and advantage of our
subjects, having induced us, &c. to seek for all possible opportunities of enlargiiig
and extending the trade of our American colonies, we did, in the year 1683, give our
orders to undertake a discovery of the countries and lands which are situated in (he
iiorthern part of America, between New France and New Mexico ; and the Sieur de
la Salle, to whom we committed that enterprise, having had success, enough to
confirm a belief that a communication might be settled from New France to ihe ddf
of Mexico, by means of large rivers, this obliged us, immediately after the peace of
Ryswic, to give orders fqr establishing a colony there, and maintaining a garrison,
which has kept and preserved the possession we had taken in, the very year 1683, of the lands,
coasts, and islands, which are situated in the Gulf of Mexico between Carolina on the
east, and old and new Mexico on the west. But a new war having broke out in
E urope shortly after, there was no possibility, till now, of reaping from that coloiiy
the advantages that might have been expected from thence. &c. And, whereas, upoii
the information we have received concerning the disposition and situation of tl;e said
countries, known at present by the name of the Province of Louisiana, we are of opinion,
that there may be established therein considerable commerce, &c., we have resolved
to grant the commerce of the country of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat, &c.
For these reasons, &c. we, by these presents signed by our hand, have appointed and
do appoint the said Sieur Crozat, to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by us,
and bounded by New Mexico and by the lands of the English of Carolina, all the
establishments, ports, havens, rivers, and principally the port and haven of the Isle
Dauphine, heretofore called Massacre ; the river of St. Louis, heretofore called
Mississippi, flrom the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois, together with the river St.
Philip, heretofore called the Missouri, and of St. Jerome, heretofore called Onabache,
with all the countries, territories, and lakes within land, and the rivers which fall'
directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis.
'The .Articles — 1. Our pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands, countries, streams,
rivers, and islands be, and remain comprised wider the name of the government of Lo«iisii''ii'h
which shall be dependent upon the general government of New France, to which it
is subordinate ; and further, that all the lands which we possess from the Illinois, be
United, &c. to the general government of New France, and become part thereof, &e.'

ON THE LINE OF THE PEKDIDO. 203
discharges itself into the Gulf of Mexico, between the Mobile and
Pensacola, and, being a natural and the most notorious object
between them, presented itself as a suitable boundary between the
possessions of the two nations. It accordingly appears very early
to have been adopted as the boundary, by tacit if not expressed
consent. The ancient charts and historians, tfierefqre, of the
countey, so represent it. Dupratz, one of the most accurate
historians of the time, in point of fact and detaU, whose work was
published as early as 1758, describes the coast as being bounded
on the east by the Bio Perdido. In truth, sir, no European nation
whatever, except France, ever occupied any portion of West
Florida, prior to her cession of it to England, in 1762. The
gentlemen on the other side do not, indeed, steongly conteovert, if
itliey do not expressly admit, that Louisiana, as held by the French
anterior to her cessions of it in 1762, extended to the Perdido.
The only observation made by the gentieman from Ddaware to
.the conteary, to wit, that the island of New Orleans, being particu
larly mentioned, could not, for that reason, constitute a part of
Louisiana, is susceptible of a very satisfactory answer. That
island was excepted out of the grant to England, and was the
only part of the province east of the river that was so excepted.
It formed in itself one of the most projminent ;an4 important
objects of the cession to Spain originally, and was teansferred to
her with the portion of the prov,ince west of the Mississippi. It
might with equal propriety be urged that St. Augustine is not in
East Florida, because St. Augustine is expressly mentioned by
Spain in her cession of that province to England. From this view
of the subject, I think it results that the province of Louisiana
comprised West Florida, previous to the year 1762.
What was done with it at this epoch ? By a secret convention
of the third of November, of that year, France ceded the countey
lying west of the Mississippi, and the island of New Orleans, to
Spain ; and by a contemporaneous act, the articles prefiminary to
the definitive teeaty of 1763, she teansferred West Florida to
England. Thus, at the same instant of time, she aUenated the
whole province. Posterior to this grant. Great Britain, having also
acquired from Spain her possessions east of the Mississippi,
erected the countey into two provinces. East and West Florida.
In this state of things it continued untU the peace of 1783, when
Great Britain, in consequence of the events of the war, surrendered
the countey to Spain, who, for the first time, came into actual
possession of West Florida. WeU, sir, how does she dispose of
it? She reannexes it to the residue of Louisiana — extends the
jurisdiction of that government to it, and subjects the governors, or
commandants, of the districts of Baton Rouge, Feficiana, MobUe,
,and Pensacola, to the authority of the governor of Louisiana,
residing at New Orleans; whUe the governor of East Florida iz

204 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
placed whoUy -without his conteol, and is made amenable directly
to the governor of the Havannah. Indeed, sir, I have been
credibly informed, that aU the concessions, or grants of land, made
in West Florida, under the authority of Spain, run in the name of
the government of Louisiana. You cannot have forgotten that,
about the period when we took possession of New Orleans, under
the teeaty of cession from France, the whole countey resounded
with the nefarious speculations, which were aUeged to be making
in that city with the connivance, if not actual participation, of the
Spanish authorities, by the procurement of smTeptitious grants of
land, particularly in the disteict of FeUciana. West Florida, then,
not only as France had held it, but as it was in the hands of Spain,
made a part of the pro-vince of Louisiana; as much so as the
jurisdiction or disteict of Baton Rouge constituted a part of West
Florida. What, then, is the true consteuction of the treaties of St. Bdefdnso,
and of April, 1803, from whence our tifle is derived? If an
ambiguity exist in a grant, the interpretation most favorable to the
grantee is preferred. Il was the duty of the grantor to have
expressed himself in plain and inteUigible terms. This is the
doctrine, not of Coke only, (whose dicta I admit have nothing to
do with the question,) but of the code of universal law. The
doctrine is entitled to augmented force, when a clause only of the
instrument is exhibited, in which clause the ambiguity lurks, and
the residue of the instrument is kept back by the grantor. The
entire convention of 1762, by which France transfen-ed Louisiana
to Spain, is concealed, and the whole of the teeaty of St. Ildefonso,
except a solitary clause. We are thus deprived of the aid which a
fuU view of both of those instruments would afford. But we have
no occasion to resort to any rules of construction, however reason
able in themselves, to establish our titie. A competent knowledge
of the facts connected with the case, and a candid appeal to the
treaties, are alone sufficient to manifest our right. The negotiators
of the treaty of 1803, having signed, with the same ceremony, two
copies, one in Engfish and the other in the French language, it has
been contended, that in the English version the term 'cede' has
been erroneously used instead of ' reteocede,' which is the expres
sion in the French copy. And it is argued, that we are bound by
the phraseology of the French copy, because it is declared that the
teeaty -vyas agreed to in that language. It would not be very unfair
to inquire, if this is not like the common case in private life, where
individuals enter into a contract of which each party retains a copy,
duly executed. In such case, neither has the preference. We
might as wefi say to France, we wiU cfing by the English copy, as
she could insist upon an adherence to the French copy; and if she
urged ignorance on the part of Mr. Marbois, her negotiator, of out
language, we might with equal propriety plead ignorance, on the

ON THE LINE OF THE PERDIDO. 205
part of our negotiators, of her language. As this, however, is a
disputable point, I do not avail myself of it ; gentlemen shaU have
the full benefit of the expressions in the French copy. According
to this, then, in reciting the teeaty of St. Ildefonso, it is declared by
Spain, in 1800, that she retrocedes to France, the colony or
province of Louisiana, with the same extent which it then had in
the hands of Spain, and which it had when France possessed it,
and such as it should be after the teeaties subsequently entered
into between Spain and other states. This latter member of the
description has been sufficientiy explained by my colleague.
It is said, that since France, in 1762, ceded to Spain only
Louisiana west of the Mississippi, and the Island of New Orleans,
the reteocession comprehended no more — that the reteocession ex
vi termini was commensurate with and limited by the direct cession
from France to Spain. K this were te-ue, then the description, such
as Spain held it, that is, in 1800, comprising West Florida, and
such as France possessed it, that is, in 1762, prior to the several
cessions, comprising also West Florida, would be totally inopera
tive. But the definition of the term retrocession contended for by
the other side is denied. It does not exclude the instrumentafity
of a third party. It means restoration, or reconveyance of a thing
originally ceded, and so the gentleman from Delaware acknowl
edged. I admit that the thing restored, must have come to the
restoring party from the party to whom it is retroceded ; whether
directiy or indirectly is wholly immaterial. In its passage, it may
have come through a dozen hands. The reteoceding party must
claim under and in virtue of the right originally possessed by the
party to whom the reteocession takes place. AUow me to put a
case. You own an estate called Louisiana. You convey one
moiety of it to the gentieman from Delaware, and the other to me ;
he conveys his moiety to me, and I thus become entitied to the
whole. By a suitable insteufnent, I reconvey, or reteocede the
estate called Louisiana to you as I now hold it, and as you held
it ; what passes to you ? The whole estate or my moiety only ?
Let me indulge another supposition — that the gentieman from
Delaware, after he received from you his moiety, bestowed a new
denomination upon it and caUed it West Florida; would that
circumstance vary the operation of my act of retrocession to you ?
The case supposed, is, in truth, the real one between the United
States and Spain. France, in 1762, teansfers Louisiana, west of
the Mississippi, to Spain, and at the same time conveys the eastern
portion of it, exclusive of New Orieans, to Great Britain. Twenty-
one years after, that is, in 1783, Great Britain cedes her part to
Spain, who thus becomes possessed of the entire province ; one
portion by direct cession from France, and the residue by indirect
cession. Spain, then, held the whole of Louisiana wrac^er France,
and in virtue of the titie of France. The whole moved or passed

206 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
from France to her. When, therefore, in this state of things, she
says, in the teeaty of St. Ildefonso; that she retrocedes the province
to France, can a doubt exist that she parts with, and gives back
to France the entire colony ? To preclude the possibility of such
a doubt, she adds, that she restores it, not in a mutUated condition,
but in that precise condition in which France had and she herself
possessed it.
Having thus shown, as I conceive, a clear right in the United
States to West Florida, I proceed to inqufie, if the proclamation
of the president dfiecting the occupation of property, which is thus
fairiy acquired by solemn treaty, be an unauthorized measure of war
and of legislation, as has been contended ?
The act of October, 1803, contains two sections, by one of
which the president is authorized to occupy the territories ceded to
us by France in the AprU preceding. The other empowers the
president to estabUsh a provisional government there. The first
section is unlimited in its duration ; the other is resteicted to the
expiration of the then session of congress. The act, therefore, of
March, 1804, declaring that the previous act of October should
continue in force untU the first of Octol^er, 1804, is applicable to
the second and not the first section, and was intended to continue
the provisional government of the president. By the act of twenty-
fourth February, 1804, for laying duties on goods imported into
the ceded territories, the president is empowered whenever lie deems
it expedient to erect the bay and river MobUe, &c. into a separate
district, and to establish therein a port of entey and delivery. By
this same act the Orleans territory is laid off, and its boundaries are
so defined, as to comprehend West Florida. By other acts the
president is authorized to remove by foyce, undej- certain circurar
stances, persons settfing on, or taking possession of lands cedeti to
the United States.
These laws furnish a legislative consteuction of the teeaty,
corresponding with that given by the executive, and they indisptir
tably vest in this branch of the general government the power to
take possession of the country, whenever it might be proper in his
discretion. The president has not, therefore, -violated the constitu
tion and usurped the war-making power, but he would have
violated that provision which requires him to see that the laws are
faithfuUy executed, if he had longer forborne to act. It is urged, that
he has assumed powers bdonging to congress, in undertakmg to
annex the portion of West Florida, between the Missis^ppi and
the Perdido, to the Orleans territory. But congress, as ha^ been
shown, has already made this annexation, the limits of the Orleans
territory, as prescribed by congress, comprehending the countey in
question. The president, by his proclamation, has not made law,
but has merely declared to the people of West Florida, what the
law is. This is the office of a proclamation, and it was highly

ON THE LINE OF THE PERDIDO. 207
proper that the people of that territory should be thus notified.
By the act of occupying the country, the government de facto,
whether of Spain, or the revolutionists, ceased to exist ; and the
laws Of the Orleans territory, applicable to the country, by the
operation and force of law, attached to it. But this was a state of
things which the people might not know, and which every dictate
of justice and humanity, therefore, required should be proclaimed.
I consider the bill before us merely in the fight of a declaratory law.
Never could a more propitious moment present itself, for the
exercise of the discretionary power placed in the president ; and,
had he failed to embrace it, he would have been criminaUy inatten
tive to the dearest interests of this country. It cannot be too often
repeated, that if Cuba on the one hand, and Florida on the other, are
in the possession of a foreign maritime power, the immense extent
of countey belonging to the United States, and watered by steeams
discharging themselves into the Gulf of Mexico — that is, one third,
nay, more than two thirds of the United States, comprehending
Louisiana, are placed at the mercy of that power. The possession
of Florida is a guarantee absolutely necessary to the enjoyment
of the navigation of those streams. The gentieman from Dela
ware anticipates the most direful consequences, from the occupa
tion of the country. He supposes a sally from a Spanish garrison
Upon the American forces, and asks what is to be done ? We
attempt a peaceful possession of the countey to which we are fairly
entitled. If the wrongful occupants, under the authority of Spain,
assail our teoops, I teust they will retrieve the lost honor of the
nation, in the case of the Chesapeake. Suppose an attack upon
any portion of the American army, within the acknowledged limits
of the United States, by a Spanish force ? In such event, there
would exist but a single honorable and manly course. The gen
tleman conceives it ungenerous, that we should at this moment,
when Spain is encompassed and pressed, on all sides, by the
immense power of her enemy, occupy West Florida. ShaU we
sit by, passive spectators, and witness the interesting transactions.
of that country — teansactions which tend, in the most imminent
degree, to jeopardize our rights, without attempting to interfere ?
Are you prepared to see a foreign power seize -w'hat belongs to us 7
I have heard, in the most credible manner, that, about the period
when the president took his measures in relation to that country,
agents of a foreign power were intriguing with the people there, to
induce them to come under his dominion; but whether this be
the fact or not, it cannot be doubted, that,^if you neglect the present
auspicious moment, if you reject the proffered boon, some other
nation, profiting by your errors, will seize the occasion to get a
fatal footing in your southern frontier. I have no hesitation in
saying, that if a parent country wiU not or cannot maintain its
authority, in a colony adjacent to us, and there exists in it a state

208 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
of misrule and disorder, menacing our peace ; and if, moreover,
such colony, by passing into the hands of any other power, would
become dangerous to the integrity of the union, and manifestly
tend to the subversion of our laws ; we have a right, upon the
eternal principles of self-preservation, to lay hold upon it. This
principle alone, independent of any title, would warrant our occu
pation of West Florida. But it is not necessary to resort to it—
our titie being, in my judgment, incontestably good._ We are told
of the vengeance of resuscitated Spain. If Spain, under any
modification of her government, choose to make war upon us, for
the act under consideration, the nation, I have no doubt, will be
willing to embark in such a contest. But the gentleman reminds
us that Great Britain, the ally of Spain, may be obfiged, by her
connection with that country, to take part with her against us, and
to consider this measure of the president as justifying an appeal
to arms. > ' Sir, is the time never to arrive, when we may manage
our own affairs without the fear of insulting his Britannic majesty?
Is the rod of British power to be for ever suspended over our heads?
Does congress put on an embargo to shelter our rightful commerce
against the piratical depredations committed upon it on the ocean?
We are immediately warned of the indignation of offended Eng
land. Is a law of non-intercourse proposed ? The whole navy
of the haughty misteess of the seas, is made to thunder in our ears.
Does the president refuse to continue a correspondence with a
minister, who violates the decorum belonging to his diplomatic
•character, by giving and dehberately repeating an affront to the
whole nation ? We are instantly menaced with the chastisement
which English pride will not fail to inflict. Whether we assert
our rights by sea, or attempt their maintenance by land — whither
soever we turn ourselves, this phantom incessantly pursues us. Al
ready has it had too much influence on the councils of the nation.
It contributed to the repeal of the embargo — that dishonorable
repeal, which has so much tarnished the character of our govern
ment. Mr. President, I have before said on this floor, and now
take occasion to remark, that I most sincerely desire peace and
amity with England ; that I even prefer an adjustment of aU differ
ences with her, before one with any other nation. But if she
persists in a denial of justice to us, or if she avaUs herself of the
occupation of West Florida, to commence war upon us, I teust
and JEiope that aU hearts wiU unite, in a bold and vigorous vindica
tion of our rights A I do not believe, however, in the prediction,
that war wUl be the effect of the measure in question.
It is asked, why, some years ago, when the interruption of the
right of deposit took place at New Orleans, the government did
not declare war against Spain; and how it has happened, that
there has been this long acquiescence in the Spanish possession of
West Florida. The answer is obvious. It consists in the genius

ON THE LINE OF THE PERDIDO, 209
of the nation, which is prone to peace ; in that desire to arrange,
by friendly negotiation, our disputes with all nations, which has
constantiy influenced the present and preceding administeation;
and in the jealousy of armies, with which we have been inspired
by the melancholy experience of free estates. But a new state of
things has arisen ; negotiation has become hopeless. The power
with whom it was to be conducted, if not annihilated, is in a
situation that precludes it ; and the subject matter of it is in danger
of being snatched for ever from our power. Longer delay would
be consteued into a dereliction of our right, and would amount to
teeachery to ourselves. May I ask, in my turn, why certain gentle
men, now so fearful of war, were so urgent for it with Spain, when
she withheld the right of deposit ? and stiU later, when in 180-5 or
6, this very subject of the actual Umits of Louisiana, was before
congress? I will not say, because I do not know that I am
authorized to say, that the motive is to be found in the change of
relation, between Spain and other European powers, since those
periods. Does the honorable gentleman from Delaware really believe, that
he finds in St. Domingo a case parallel with that of West Florida?
and that our government, having interdicted an iUicit commerce
with the former, ought not to have interposed in relation to the
latter ? It is scarcely necessary to consume your time by remark
ing, that we had no pretensions to that island; that it did not
menace our repose, nor did the safety of the United States require
that they should occupy it. It became, therefore, our duty to attend
to the just remonstrance of France, against American citizens'
supplying the rebels with the means of resisting her power.
lam not, sir, in favour of cherishing the passion of conquest.
But I must be permitted, in conclusion, to indulge the hope of
seeing, ere long, the new United States (if you wUl allow me th^
expression) embracing, npt only the old thirteen States, but tt«
entire country east of the Mississippi, including East Florida, and
some of the territories of the north of us also. -

VOL. I.

27

ON RENEWING THE CHARTER OF THE FIRST
BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 1811.
[The Bank of the United States, which was incorporated by an act of congress,
during the administration of general Washington, in 1791, having applied to congress
for a renewal of its charter, which was to expire, by limitation, in 1811 ; the question
came up first for decision in the senate. The renewal was advocated by the federal
members, and by Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, Mr. Pope, the colleague of Mr. Clay,
-'¦^0 by a few other democratic senators; and the bill was finally defeated, by the
casring vote of the vice president ( George Clinton). Mr. Clay, having been instructed
by the legislature of Kentucky to oppose the renewal of the charter, acted in obedi
ence to those instructions, notwithstanding the opposite course of his colleague.
His argument against tlie bill, shows that he then believed the bank charter uncon
stitutional — an opinion which subsequent reflection and examination induced him
to reverse, some years afterwards. In this change of opinion, he was sustained by
the example of Mr. Madison, who signed the charter of the bank, incorporated in
1816. and other eminent statesmen. This being the only subject of great importance
on which .Mr. Clay has been known to have changed his views of nation.il policy,
during his Jong public career, the foUowing speech will be read with much interest.]

Mr. President,
When the subject involved in the motion now under considera
tion was depending before the other branch of the legislature, a
disposition to acquiesce in their decision was evinced. For
although the committee who reported this biU, had been raised
many weeks prior to the determination of that house, on the prop
osition to recharter the bank, except the occasional reference toil
of memorials and petitions, we scarcely ever heard of it. The
rejection, it is tiue, of a measure brought before either branch of
congi-ess, does not absolutely preclude the other from taking up the
same proposition; but the economy of our time, and a just
deference for the opinion of others, would seem to recommend a
delicate and cautious exercise of- this power. As this subjectj at
the memorable period when the charter was granted, caUed forth
the best talents of the nation, as it has, on various occasions,
undergone the most thorough investigation, and as we can hardly
expect that it is susceptible of receiving any further elucidation, it
was to be hoped that we should have been spared useless debate.
This was the more desirable, because there are, I conceive, much
superior claims upon us, for every hour of the small portion of the

ON THE BANK CHARTER. 211
session yet remaining to us. Under the operation of these motives,
I had resolved to give a silent vote, until I felt myself bound, by
the defying manner of the arguments advanced in support of the
renewal, to obey the paramount duties I owe my countiy and its
constitution; to make one effort, however feeble, to avert the
passage of what appears to me a most unjustifiable law. After
my honorable friend from Virginia (Mr. GUes) had instructed
and amused us, with the very able and ingenious argument, which
he delivered, on yesterday, I should have stiU forborne to trespass
on the senate, but for the extraordinary character of his speech.
He discussed both sides of the question, with great ability and
eloquence, and certainly demonstrated, to the satisfaction of all
who heard him, both that it Avas constitutional and unconstitutional,
highly proper and improper, to prolong the charter of the bank.
The honorable gentleman appeared to me in the predicament in
which the celebrated orator of Virginia, Patrick Henry, is said to
have been once placed. Engaged in a most extensive and lucra
tive practice of the law, he mistook, in one instance, the side of the
cause in which he was retained, and addressed the court and jury
in a very masterly and convincing speech, in behalf of his antago
nist. His distracted client came up to him, whilst he was thus
employed, and, interrupting him, bitterly exclaimed, 'you have
undone me! You have ruined me!' ' Never mind, give yourself
no concern,' said the adroit advocate ; and, turning to the court and
jury, continued his argument, by observing, ' may it please your
honors, and you, gentlemen of the jury, I have been stating to you
what I presume my adversary may urge on his side. I will now
show you how fallacious his reasonings, and groundless his preten
sions, are.' The skilful orator proceeded, satisfactorUy refuted
every argument he had advanced, and gained his cause ! — a suc
cess with which I tiust the exertion of my honorable friend wUl
on this occasion be crowned.
It has been said, by the honorable gentieman from Georgia (Mr.
Crawford), that this has been made a party question ; although
the law incorporating the bank was passed prior to the formation
of parties, and when congress was not biassed by party prejudices.
(Mr. Crawford explained. He did not mean, that it had been made
a party question in the senate. His aUusion was elsewhere.) I
do not think it altogether fair, to refer to the discussions in the
house of representatives, as gentiemen belonging to that body have
no opportunity of defending themselves here. It is true that this
law was not the effect, but it is no less true that it was one of the
causes, of the political divisions in this counti-y. And if, during
the agitation of the present question, the renewal has, on one side,
been opposTed on party principles, let me ask if, on the other, it
has not been advocated on simUar principles. Where is the
Macerlonian phalanx, the opposition, in congress? I beUeve, su, I

3i2 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
fchaU not incur the charge of presumptiious prophecy, when I
predict we shaU not pick up from its ranks one single shaggier!
And if, on this occasion, my worthy friend from Georgia has gone
over into the camp of the enemy, is it kind in him to look back
upon his former friends, and rebuke them for the fidefitywith
which they adhere to their old principles ?
I shaU not stop to examine how far a representative is bound by
the instructions of his constituents. That is a question between
the giver and receiver of the instructions. But I must be permit
ted to express my surprise at the pointed difference which has been
made between the opinions and instiuctions of state legislatures,
and the opinions and detaUs of the deputations with which we
have been surrounded from PhUadelphia. WhUst the resolutions
of those legislatures — known, legitimate, constitutional, and dehb-
erative bodies — have been thrown into the back-ground, and then-
interference regarded as officious; these delegations from self-
created societies, composed of nobody knows whom, have been
received by the committee, with the utmost complaisance. Their
communications have been treasured up with the greatest difigence.
Never did the Delphic priests coUect with more holy care the frantic
expressions of the agitated Pythia, or expound them with more
solemnity to the astonished Grecians, than has the committee
gathered the opinions and testimonies of these deputies, and,
through the gentleman from Massachusetts, pompously detailed
them to the senate ! Philadelphia has her immediate representa-
fives, capable of expressing her wishes, upon the floor of the other
house. If it be improper for states to obtrude upon congress their
sentiments, it is much more highly so, for the unauthorized depu
ties of fortuitous congregations.
The first singular feature that attracts attention in this biU, is the
new and unconstitutional veto which it establishes. The constitu
tion has required only, that after bUls have passed the house of
representatives and the senate, they shaU be presented to the presi
dent, for his approval or rejection ; and his determination is to be
made known in ten days. But this bill provides, that when all the
constitutional sanctions are obtained, and when, according to
the usual routine of legislation, it ought to be considered as a law,
it is to be submitted to a new branch of the legislature, consisting
of the president and twenty-four directors of the bank of the
United States, holding their sessions in PhUadelphia ; and if they
please to approve it, why then is it to become a law ! And three
months (the term allowed by our law of May last, to one of the
¦great beUigerents, for revoking his edicts, after the other shaU have
repealed his) are gi-anted them, to decide whether an act of congress
shall be the law of the land or not! — an act which is said to be
indispensably necessary to our salvation, and without the passage
¦of which, universal distiress and banlu-uptcy are to pervade the

ON THE BANK CHARTER. 213
counti-y. Remember, sir, that the honorable gentieman from Geor
gia, has contended that this charter is no contiact. Does it, then,
become the representatives of the nation, to leave the nation at the
mercy of a corporation ? Ought the impending calamities to be
left to the hazard of a contingent remedy?
This vagrant power to erect a bank, after having wandered
throughout the whole constitution in quest of some congenial spot
to fasten upon, has been at length located by the gentieman from
Georgia on that provision which authorizes congress to lay and
coUect taxes, &c. In 1791, the power is referred to one part of the
instrument; in 1811, to another. Sometimes it is alleged to be
deducible from the power to regulate commerce. Hard pressed
here, it disappears, and shows itself under the grant to coin money.
The sagacious secretary of the teeasury, in 1791, pursued the wisest
course ; he has taken shelter behind general high sounding and
imposing terms. He has declared, in the preamble to the act
establishing the bank, that it will be very conducive tp the success
ful conducting of the national finances ; wUl tend to give facility to
the obtaining of loans, and will be productive of considerable
advantage to trade and industry in general. No allusion is made
to the collection of taxes. What is the nature of this government?
It is emphatically federal, vested with an aggregrte of specified
powers for general purposes, conceded by existing sovereignties,
who have themselves retained what is not so conceded. It is said
that there are cases in which it must act on implied powers. This
is not conteoverted, but the implication must be necessary, and
obviously flow from the enumerated power with which it is allied.
The power to chai-ter companies is not specified in the grant, and
I contend is of a nature not transferable by mere implication. It
is one of the most exalted attributes of sovereignty. In the exer
cise of this gigantic power we have seen an East India Company
created, which has carried dismay, desolation, and death, throughout
one of the largest portions of the habitable world — a company
which is, in itself, a sovereignty, which has subverted empires and set
up new dynasties, and has not only made war, but war against its
legitimate sovereign ! Under the influence of this power, we have
seen arise a South Sea Company, and a Mississippi Company, that
disteacted and convulsed aU Europe, and menaced a total over
throw of aU credit and confidence, and universal bankruptcy. Is
it to be imagined that a power so vast would have been left by
the wisdom of the constitution to doubtful inference ? It has been
aUeged that there are many instances, in the constitution, where
powers in their nature incidental, and which would have necessa
rily been vested along with the principal, are nevertheless expressly
enumerated ; and the power ' to make rules and regulations for
the government of the land and naval forces,' which it is said is
incidental to the power to raise armies and provide a navy, is given

214 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
as an example. What does this prove ? How extremely cautious
the convention were to leave as fittie as possible to inipUcation. In
aU cases where incidental powers are acted upon, the principal and
incidental ought to be congenial with each other, and partake of a
common nature. The incidental power ought to be strictly subor
dinate and limited to the end proposed to be attained by the
specified power. In other words, under the name of accomplish
ing one object which is specified, the power implied ought not to
be made to embrace other objects, which are not specified in the
constilution. If, then, you could establish a bank, to coUect and
disteibute the revenue, it ought to be expressly restricted to the
purpose of such coUection and distribution. It is mockery, worse
than usurpation, to establish it for a lawful object, and then to
extend it to other objects which are not lawful. In deducing the
power to create corporations, such as I have described it, from the
power to collect taxes, the relation and condition of principal and
incident are prostrated and desteoyed. The accessory is exalted
above the principal. As weU might it be said, that the great
luminary of day is an accessory, a sateUite, to the humblest star
that twinkles forth its feeble fight in the firmament of heaven ! .
Suppose the constitution had been silent as to an individual
department of this government, could you, under the power to
lay and collect taxes, establish a judiciary ? I presume not; but if
you could derive the power by mere implication, could you vest
it with any other authority than to enforce the collection of the
revenue ? A bank is made for the ostensible purpose of aiding
in the collection of the revenue, and whilst it is engaged in this,
the most inferior and subordinate of all its functions, it is made to
diffuse itself throughout society, and to influence all the great
operations of credit, circulation, and commerce. Like the Virginia
justice, you tell the man whose turkey had been stolen, that your
books of precedent furnish no form for his case, but that you will
grant him a precept to search for a cow, and when looking for that
he may possibly find his turkey ! You say to this corporation, we
cannot authorize you to discount, to emit paper, to regulate
commerce, &c. No! Our book has no precedents of that kind.
But then we can authorize you to collect the revenue, and, whilst
occupied with that, you may do whatever else you please !
What is a corporation, such as the bill contemplates ? It is a
splendid association of favored individuals, taken from the mass of
society, and invested with exemptions and surrounded by immu
nities and privileges. The honorable gentieman from Massachu
setts (Mr. Lloyd) has said, that the original lav/, estabUshing the
bank, was justly liable to the objection of vesting in that institution
an exclusive privilege, the faith of the government being pledged,
that no other bank should be authorized during its existence. This
objection, he supposes, is obviated by the bUl under consideration;

ON'TH-E BANK' CHARTER. 215 •
but aU corporations enjoy exclusive privUeges ; that is, the corpora
tors have privUeges which no others possess ; if you create fifty
corporations instead of one, you have only fifty privileged bodies
instead of one. I contend, that the states have the exclusive power
to regulate conteacts, to declare the capacities and incapacities to
conteact, and to provide as to the extent of responsibifity of debtors
to their creditors. If congress have the power to erect an artificial
body, and say it shall be endowed with the atteibutes of an indi
vidual ; if you can bestow on this object of your own creation
the ability to conteact, may you not, in conti-avention of state
rights, confer upon slaves, infants, and femes covert the ability to
contract ? And if you have the power to say, that an association
of individuals shall be responsible for their debts only in a certain
limited degree, what is to prevent an extension of a similar exemp
tion to individuals ? Where is the limitation upon this power to
set up corporations. You establish one in the heart of a state, the
basis of whose capital is money. You may erect others whose
capital shall consist of land, slaves, and personal estates, and thus
the whole property within the jurisdiction of a state might be
absorbed by these political bodies. The existing bank contends
that it is beyond the power of a state to tax it, and if this pretension
be well founded, it is in the power of congress, by chartering
companies, to dry up all the sources of state revenue. Georgia
has undertaken, it is true, to levy a tax on the branch within her
jurisdiction, but this law, now under a course of litigation, is
considered as invalid. The United States own a great deal of
land in the state of Ohio ; can this government, for the purpose of
creating an ability to purchase it, charter a company ? Aliens are
forbidden, I believe, in that state, to hold real estate ; could you, in
order to multiply purchasers, confer upon them the capacity to hold
land, in derogation of the local law? I imagine this will be hardly
insisted upon; and yet there exists a more obvious connection be
tween the undoubted power, which is possessed by this government,
to sell its land, and the means of executing that power by increasing
the demand in the market, than there is between this bank and
the collection of a tax. This government has the power to levy
taxes, to raise armies, provide a navy, make war, regulate commerce,
coin money, &c. &c. It would not be difficult to show as intimate
a connection between a corporation, estabhshed for any purpose
whatever, and some one or other of those great powers, as there is
between the revenue and the bank of the United States.
Let us inquire into the actual participation of this bank in the
coUection of the revenue. Prior to the passage of the act of 1800,
requiring the collectors of tUose ports of entry, at which the
principal bank, or any of- its offices, are situated, to deposit with
them the custom-house bonds, it had not the smallest agency in
the coUection of the duties. During almost one moiety of the

216 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
period to which the existence of this institution was limited, it was
nowise insteumental in the coUection of that revenue, to which it is
now become indispensable ! The coUection, previous to 1800, was
made entirely by the collectors ; and even at present, where there
is one port of entry, at which this bank is employed, thsre are eight
or ten at which the collection is made as it was before 1800. And,
ste, what does this bank or its branches, where resort is had to it?
It does not adjust with the merchant the amount of duty, nor take
his bond ; nor, if the bond is not paid, coerce the payment by
disteess or otherwise. In fact, it has no active agency whatever in
the coUection. Its operation is merely passive; that is, if the
obligor, after his bond is placed in the bank, discharges it, all is
very well. Such is the mighty aid afforded by this tax-gatherer,
without which the government cannot get along ! Again, it is not
pretended that the very limited assistance which this institution
does in truth render, extends to any other than a single species of
tax, that is, duties. In the coUection of the excise, the direct and
other internal taxes, no aid was derived from any bank. It is teue,
in the coUection of those taxes, the former did not obtain the same
indulgence which the merchant receives in paying duties. But
what obliges congress to give credit at all ? Could it not demand
prompt payment of the duties? And, in fact, does it not so
demand in many instances ? Whether credit is given or not is a
matter merely of discretion. If it be a facility to mercantile
operations (as I presume it is) it ought to be granted. But I deny
the right to engraft upon it a bank, which you would not otherwise
have the power to erect. You cannot create the necessity of a
bank, and then plead that necessity for its establishment. In the
administration of the finances, the bank acts simply as a payer and
receiver. The secretary of the teeasury has money in New York,
and wants it in Charleston; the bank will furnish him -with a
check, or biU, to make the remittance, which any merchant would
do just as well.
I will now proceed to show by fact, actual experience, not
theoretic reasoning, but by the records of the treasury themselves,
that the operations of that department may be as weU conducted
without as with this bank. The delusion has consisted in the use
of certain high-sounding phrases, dexterously used on the occasion;
*the coUection of the revenue,' 'the administeation of the finance,'
' the conducting of the fiscal affairs of the government,' the usual
language of the advocates of the bank, extort express assent, or
awe into acquiescence, without inquiry or examination into its
necessity. About the commencement of this year there appears,
by the report of the secretary of the treasury, of the seventh of
January, to have been a littie upwards of two million and four
hundred thousand doUars in the teeasury of the United States ; and
more than one thud of this whole sum was in the vaults of local

ON THE BANK CHARTER. 217
banks. In several instances, where opportunities existed of selecting
the bank, a preference has been given to the state bank, or at least a
portion of the deposits has been made with it. In New York, for
example, there were deposited with the Manhattan bank one
hundred and eighty-eight thousand and six hundred and seventy
dollars, although a branch bank is in that city. In this district,
one hundred and fifteen thousand and eighty dollars were deposited
with the bank of Columbia, although here also is a branch bank,
and yef the state banks are utterly unsafe to be trusted! If the
money, after the bonds are collected, is thus placed -with these
banks, I presume there can be no difficulty in placing the bonds
themselves there, if they must be deposited with some bank for
collection, which I deny.
Again, one of the most important and complicated branches of
the teeasury department, is the management of our landed system.
The sales have, in some years, amounted to upwards of half a
million of dollars, and are generally made upon credit, and yet no
bank whatever is made use of to facilitate the collection. After it
is made, the amount, in some instances, has been deposited with
banks, and, according to the secretary's report, which I have before
adverted to, the amount so deposited, was, in January, upwards of
three hundred thousand doUars, not one cent of which was ui the
vaults of the bank of the United States, or in any of its branches,
but in the bank of Pennsylvania, its branch at Pittsburgh, the
Marietta bank, and the Kentucky bank. Upon the point of
responsibility, I cannot subscribe to the opinion of the secretary of
the teeasury, if it is meant that the abifity to pay the amount of any
deposits which the government may make, under any exigency, is
greater than that of the state banks ; that the accountability of a
ramified institution, -vyhose afl'airs are managed by a single head,
responsible for aU its members, is more simple than that of a
number of independent and unconnected establishments, I shaU
not deny; but, with regard to safety, I am strongly inclined to
think it is on the side of the local banks. The corruption or
misconduct of the parent, or any of its branches, may bankrupt or
destroy the whole system, and the loss of the government in that
event, will be of the deposits made with each ; whereas, in the
failure of one state bank, the loss wUl be confined to the deposit in
the vauU of that bank. It is said to have been a part of Burr's
plan to seize on the branch bank, at New Orieans. At that period
large sums, imported from La Vera Cruz, are aUeged to have
been deposited -with it, and if the ti-aitor had accomphshed the
design, the bank of the United States, if not actuaUy bankrupt,
might have been consteained to stop payment.
It is urged by the gentieman from Massachusetts (Mi-. Lloyd),
that as this nation advances in commerce, weaUh, and population,
new energies wiU be unfolded, new wants and exigences ssnW arise,
VOL. I. 28

218 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and hence he infers that powers must be implied from the consti
tution. But, sir, the question is, shall we stretch the insteument to
embrace cases not fairly within its scope, or shall we resort to that
remedy, by amendment, which the constitution prescribes ?
Gentlemen contend, that the construction which they give to the
constitution has been acquiesced in by all parties and under all
administrations ; and they rely particularly on an act which passed
in 1804, for extending a branch to New Orleans ; and another act
of 1807, for punishing those who should forge or utter forged
paper of the bank. With regard to the first law, passed, no doubt,
upon the recommendation of the teeasury department, I would
remark, that it was the extension of a branch to a territory over
which congress possesses the power of legislation almost uncon
trolled, and where, without any constitutional impediment, charters
of incorporation may be granted. As to the other act, it was
passed no less for the benefit of the community than the bank ; to
protect the ignorant and unwary from counterfeit paper, purporting
to have been emitted by the bank. When gentlemen are claiming
the advantage supposed to be deducible from acquiescence, let me
inquire, what they would have had those to do, who believed the
establishment of a bank an encroachment upon state rights.
Were they to have resisted, and how ? By force ? Upon the
change of parties in 1800, it must be well recollected, that the
greatest calamities were predicted as a consequence of that event
Intentions were ascribed to the new occupants of power, of
violating the pubhc faith, and prosteating national credit. Under
such ctecumstances, that they should act with great circumspection
was quite natural. They saw in fuU operatipn a bank, chartered
by a congress who had as much right to judge of their constitu
tional powers as thete successors. Had they revoked the law
which gave it existence, the institution would, in all probabUity,
have continued to transact business notwithstanding. The judiciary
would have been appealed to, and, from the known opinions and
predilections of the judges then composing it, they would have
pronounced the act of incorporation, as in the nature of a conti-act,
beyond the repeating power of any succeeding legislature. And,'
ste, what a scene of confusion would such a state of things have.
presented ; an act of congress, which was law in the statute book,
and a nulfity on the judicial records ! was it not the -wisest to wait
the natural dissolution of the corporation rather than accelerate
that event by a repeafing law involving so many deficate consid
erations ?
When gentiemen attempt to carry this measure upon the ground
of acquiescence or precedent, do they forget that we are not in
Westminster HaU ? In courts of justice, the utUity of uniform
decision exacts of the judge a conformity to the adjudication of his
predecessor. In the interpretation and administeation of the law,

ON THE BANK CHARTER. 219
this practice is wise and proper, and without it, every thing
depending upon the caprice of the judge, we should have no
security for our dearest rights. It is far otherwise when applied to
the source of legislation. Here no rule exists but the constitution,
and to legislate upon the ground, merely, that our predecessors
thought themselves authorized, under similar circumstances, to
legislate, is to sanctify error and perpetuate usurpation. But if we
are to be subjected to the teammels of precedent, I claim, on the
other hand, the benefit of the resteictions under which the intelfi-
gent judge cautiously receives them. It is an established rule, that
to give to a previous adjudication any effect, the mind of the judge
who pronounced it must have been awakened to the subject, and
it must have been a deliberate opinion formed after fuU argument.
In technical language, it must not have been sub silentio. Now
the acts of 1804 and 1807, refied upon as pledges for the recharter
ing of this company, passed not only without any discussions what
ever of the constitutional power of congress to establish a bank,
but, I venture to say, without a single member having had his
attention drawn to this question. I had the honor of a seat in the
senate when the latter law passed, probably voted for it, and I
declare, with the utmost sincerity, that I never once thought of that
point, and I appeal confidently to every honorable member who
was then present, to say if that was not his situation.
This doctrine of precedents, appfied to the legislature, appears
to me to be fraught with the most mischievous consequences. The
great advantage of our system of government over all others, is,
that we have a written constitution defining its limits, and
prescribing its authorities; and that however for a time faction
may convulse the nation, and passion and party prejudice sway its
functionaries, the season of reflection wUl recur, when, calmly
retracing their deeds, all aberrations from fundamental principle
will be corrected. But once substitute practice for principle ; the
exposition of the constitution for the text of the constitution, and
in vain shall we look for the instrument in the instrument itself!
It will be as diffused and intangible as the pretended constitution
of England ; and must be sought for in the statute book, in the
fugitive journals of congress, and in the reports of the secretary of
the treasury! What would be our condition, if we were to take
the interpretations given to that sacred book, which is, or ought to
be, the criterion of our faith, for the book itself? We should find
the holy bible buried beneath the interpretations, glosses, and
comments of coundls, synods, and learned divines, which have
produced swarms of intolerant and furious sects, partaking less of
the mildness and meekness of their origin, than of a vindictive
spteit of hostUity towards each other! They ought to afford us a
solemn warning to make that constitution, -vyhich we have sworn
to support, our invariable guide.

220 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
I conceive, then, sir, that we were not empowered by the consti
tution, nor bound by any practice under it, to renew the charter of
this bank, and I might here rest the argument." But as there are
steong objections to the renewal on the score of expediency, and as
the disteesses which wiU attend the dissolution of the bank have
been greatly exaggerated, I wUl ask for your indulgence for a
few moments longer. That some temporary inconvenience will
arise, I shaU not deny; but most groundlessly have the recent
faUm-es in New York been attributed to 'the discontinuance of this
bank. As weU might you ascribe to that cause the failures of
Amsterdam and Hamburg, of London and Liverpool. The
embarrassments of commerce, the sequestrations in France, the
Danish captures; in fine, the beUigerent edicts are the obvious
sources of these failm-es. Thete immediate cause is the return of
biUs upon London, drawn upon the faith of unproductive or
unprofitable shipments. Yes, sir, the protests of the notaries of
London, not those of New York, have occasioned these bank
ruptcies. '
The power of a nation is said to consist in the sword and the
purse. Perhaps, at last, aU power is resolvable into that of the
purse, for with it you may command almost every thing else. The
specie cteculation of the United States is estimated by some
calculators at ten miUions of dollars, and if it be no more, one
moiety is in the vaults of this bank. May not the time arrive,
when the concenteation of such a vast portion of the circulating
medium of the country in the hands of any corporation, will be
dangerous to our liberties? By whom is this immense power
wielded? By a body, that, in derogation of the great principle
of aU our institutions, responsibility to the people, is amenable
only to a few stockholders, and they chiefly foreigners. Suppose
an attempt to subvert this government ; would not the teaitor fust
aim, by force or corruption, to acqutee the teeasure of this company?
Look at it in another aspect. Seven tenths of its capital are in
the hands of foreigners, and these foreigners chiefly EngHsh
subjects. We are possibly on the eve of a rupture with that
nation. Should such an event occur, do you apprehend that the
Engfish premier would experience any difficulty in obtaining the
entire control of this institution? Republics, above all other
governments, ought most seriously to guard against foreign influ
ence. AU history proves, that the internal dissensions excited by
foreign inteigue have produced the downfaU of almost every free
government that has ,hitherto existed ; and yet, gentiemen contend
that we are benefited by the possession of this foreign capital ! If
we could have its use, without its attending abuse, I should be
gratified also. But it is in vain to expect the one without the
other. Wealth is power, and, under whatsoever form it exists, its
proprietor, whether he lives on this or the other side of the Atlantic,

ON THE BANK CHARTER. 221
will have a proportionate influence. It is argued, that our posses
sion of this English capital gives us a great influence over the
British government. If this reasoning be sound, we had better
revoke the interdiction as to aliens holding land, and invite
foreigners to engross the whole property, real and personal, of the
country. We had better, at once, exchange the condition of
independent proprietors for that of stewards. We should then be
able to govern foreign nations, according to the reasoning of the
gentlemen on the other side. But let us put aside this theory and
appeal to the decisions of experience. Go to the other side of the
Atlantic and see what has been achieved for us there, by English
men holding seven tenths of the capital of this bank. Has it
released from galling and ignominious bondage one solitary Amer
ican seaman, bleeding under British oppression ? Did it prevent
the unmanly attack upon the Chesapeake? Did it arrest the
promulgation, or has it abrogated the orders in council — those
orders which have given birth to a new era in commerce ? In spite
of aU its boasted, effect, are not the two nations brought to the very
brink of war ? Are we quite sure, that, on this side of the water,
it has had no effect favorable to British interests. It has often been
stated, and although I do not know that it is susceptible of steict
proof, I believe it to be a fact, that this bank exercised its influence
in support of Jay's treaty; and may it not have conteibuted to
blunt the public sentiment, or paralyse the efforts of this nation
against British aggression.
The duke of Northumberland is said to be the most considerable
stockholder in the bank of the United States. A late lord chan
cellor of England, besides other noblemen, was a large stockholder.
Suppose the prince of Essling, the duke of Cadore, and other
French dignitaries, owned seven eighths of the capital of this bank,
should we witness the same exertions (I allude not to any made in
the senate) to recharter it ? So far from it, would not the danger
of French influence be resounded, throughout the nation ?
I shall, therefore, give my most hearty assent to the motion for
steiking out the first section of the biU.

ON THE AUGMENTATION OF MILITARY PORCE.

IN THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
DECEMBER 31, 1811.

[ In our biographical sketch, we have mentioned, that Mr. Clay, having left the
senate of the United States in 1811, was the same year elected to the house of repre
sentatives, where he took his seat, and was chosen speaker of that body on the
opening of the session. This took place at an eventful period in our national history.
The numerous and aggravated wrongs which the nation had sustained and endured for
years, both from France and England, but more especially from the latter, had aroused
the attention of the whole country. 'The celebrated orders in council, the impress
ment of our seamen, and the right of searching our vessels, claimed and exercised
by Great Britain, had prepared the people to expect that some decisive steps would
be taken by their representatives in congress. In accordance with public sentiment,
president Madison transmitted, November fourth, 1811, a message to congress, recom
mending appropriate measures for the vindication of our national honor, and the
redress of our violated rights. The political parties, however, into which the people
were divided, differed widely as to the course to be pursued in our foreign relations.
The opposition to the administration numbered many eminent men, among whom
the most talented and troublesome was John Randolph, of Virginia ; his intellectual
powers at this juncture being in full force and vigor. The committee on foreign'
relations proposed an immediate increase of the military force, and accordingly abill
passed, to raise thirteen additional regiments for the public service. It was the
consideration of this measure, which induced Mr. Clay to address the house, when in
committee of the whole, as follows.]

Mr. Clay (the speaker) said, that when the subject of this bill
was before the house in the abstract form of a resolution, proposed
by the commitiee of foreign relations, it was the pleasure of the
house to discuss it whilst he was in the chair. He did not com
plain of this course of proceeding ; for he did not at any time
wish the house, from considerations personal to him, to depart
from that mode of teansacting the pubfic business which they'
thought best. He merely adverted to the circumstance as an
apology for the ti-ouble he was about to give the committee. He
was at aU times disposed to take his share of responsibility, and
under this impression, he felt that he owed it to his constituents
and to himself, before the committee rose, to submit to their atten
tion a few observations.
He saw with regret a diversity of opinion amongst those who
had the happiness generally to act together, in relation to the
quantum of force proposed to be raised. For his part, he thought
it was too great for peace, and he feared too smaU for war. He

AUGMENTATION OF MILITARY FORCE. 223
had been in favor of the number recommended by the senate, and
he would ask gentiemen, who had preferred fifteen thousand, to take
a candid and dispassionate view of the subject. It was admitted, on
all hands, that it was a force to be raised for the purposes of war,
and to be kept up and used only in the event of war. It was
further conceded, that its principal destination would be the
provinces of our enemy. By the bill which had been passed, to
complete the peace establishment, we had authorized the collection of
a force of about six thousand men, exclusive of those now in service,
which, with the twenty-five thousand provided for by this bill, will
give an aggregate of new teoops of thirty-one J:housand men.
Experience in military affairs, has shown, that when any given
number of men is authorized to be raised, you must, in counting
upon the, effective men which it -will produce, deduct one fourth or
one third for desertion, sickness, and other incidents to which raw
teoops are peculiarly exposed. In measures relating to war, it is
-wisest, if you err at aU, to err on the side of the largest force, and
you wUl consequently put down your thirty-one thousand men
at not more than an effective force in the field of about twenty-
one thousand. This, with the four thousand now in service, wiU
amount to twenty-five thousand effective men. The secretary of
war has stated, in his report, that, for the single purpose of manning
your forts and garrisons on the sea-board, twelve thousand and six
hundred men are necessary. Although the whole of that number
wUl not be taken from the twenty-five thousand, a portion of it,
probably, wUl be. We are told, that in Canada, there -are between
seven and eight thousand regular teoops. If it is invaded, the
whole of that force will be concentrated in Quebec, and would
you attempt that almost impregnable forte-ess, with less than double
the force of the besieged? Gentlemen who calculate upon volun
teers as a substitute for regulars, ought not to deceive themselves.
No man appreciated higher than he did the spirit of the country.
But, although volunteers were admirably adapted to the ffi-st opera
tions of the war, to the making of a first impression, he doubted
their fitness for a regular siege, or for the manning and garrisoning
of forts. He understood it was a rule in military affairs, never to
leave in the rear a place of any sti-ength undefended. Canada is
invaded; the upper part faUs, and you proceed to Quebec. It is
tone there would be no Em-opean army behind to be apprehended:
but the people of the countey might rise ; and he warned gentie
men who imagined that the affections of the Canadians were with
us, against trusting too confidently on such a calculation, the basis
of which was teeason. He concluded, therefore, that a portion of
the invading army would be distributed in the upper countey, after
its conquest, amongst the places susceptible of military strength
and defence. The army, considerably reduced, sets itself down
before Quebec. Suppose it faUs. Here again wiU be required a

224 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
number of men to hold and defend it. And if the war be
prosecuted stiU further, and the lower country and Halifax be
assailed, he conceived it obvious, that the whole force of twenty-
five thousand men would not be too great.
The difference between those who were for fifteen thousand, and
those who were for twenty-five thousand men, appeared to him to
resolve itself into the question, merely, of a short or protracted -war;
a war of vigor, or a war of languor and imbecility. If a competent
force be raised in the first instance, the war on the continent will
be speedily terminated. He was aware that it might still rage on
the ocean. But where the nation could act with unquestionable
success, he was in favor of the display of an energy correspondent
to the feehngs and spirit of the counti-y. Suppose one third of the
force he had mentioned (twenty-five thousand men) could reduce
the country, say in three years, and that the whole could accomplish
the same object in one year ; taking into view the greater hazard
of the repulsion and defeat of the smaU force, and every other
consideration, do not wisdom and true economy equaUy decide in
favor of the larger force, and thus prevent faUure in consequence
of inadequate means? He begged gentiemen to recoUeet the
immense extent of the United States ; our vast maritime frontier,
vulnerable in almost all its parts to predatory incursions, and he
was persuaded, they would see that a regular force, of twenty-five
thousand men, was not much too great during a period of war, if
aU designs of invading the provinces of the enemy were abandoned.
Mr. Clay proceeded next to examine the nature of the force
contemplated by the bill. It was a regular army, enlisted for a
Umited time, raised for the sole purpose of war, and to be disbanded
on the return of peace. Against this army, aU our republican
jealousies and apprehensions are attempted to be excited. He was
not the advocate of standing armies; but the standing armies
which excite most his fears, are those which are kept up in time of
peace. He confessed, he did not perceive any real source of
danger in a military force of twenty-five thousand men in the
United States, provided only for a state of war, even supposing it to
be corrupted, and its arms turned, by the ambition of its leaders,
against the freedom of the country. He saw abundant security
against the success of any such treasonable attempt. The diffusion
of political information amongst the great body of the people,
constituted a powerful safeguard. The American character has
been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whether on
horse or foot, in verse and prose, have united in depreciating it. It
is teue, that we do not exhibit as many signal instances of scientific
acquirement in this country as are furnished in the old worid; but
he befieved it undeniable, that the great mass of the people
possessed more intelligence than any other people on the globe.
Such a people, consisting of upwards of seven mUfions, affording

AUGMENTATION OF MILITARY FOpCE. 225
a physical power of about a miUion of men, capable of bearing
arms, and ardentiy de-voted to liberty, could not be subdued by an
army of twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of country
over which we are spread, was another security. In other countries,
France and England, for example, the fall of Paris or London, is
the fall of the nation. Here are no such dangerous aggregations
of people. New York, and Philadelphia, and Boston, and every
city on the Atiantic, might be subdiied by an usurper, and he would
have made but a smaU advance in the accomplishment of his
purpose. He would add a still more improbable supposition, that
the country east of the Allegany, was to submit to the ambition of
some daring chief, and he insisted that the liberty of the union
would be StiU unconquered. It would find successful support
from the west. We are not only in the situation just described, but a
great portion of the militia — nearly the whole, he understood, of
that of Massachusetts — have arms in their hands ; and he teusted
in God, that that great object would be persevered in, untU every
man in the nation could proudly shoulder the musket, which was
to defend his countey and himself. A people having, besides the
benefit of one general government, other local governments in full
operation, capable of exerting and commanding great portions of
the physical power, all of which must be prosteated before our
constitution is subverted. Such a people have nothing to fear from
a petty contemptible force of twenty-five thousand regulars.
Mr. Clay proceeded, more particularly, to inquire into the object
of the force. That object he understood distinctiy to be war, and
war -with Great Britain. It had been supposed, by some gentle
men, improper to discuss publicly so delicate a question. He did
not feel the impropriety. It was a subject in its nature incapable
of concealment. Even in countries where the powers of govern
ment were conducted by a single ruler, it was almost impossible
for that ruler to conceal his intentions when he meditates war.
The assembling of armies,, the strengthening of posts ; all the
movements preparatory to war, and which it is impossible to
disguise, unfolded the intentions of the sovereign. Does Russia
or France intend war, the intention is almost invariably known
before the war is commenced. If congress were to pass a law,
with closed doors, for raising an army for the purpose of war, its
enfistment and organization, which could not be done in secret,
would indicate the use to which it was to be applied; and we
cannot suppose England would be so blind, as not to see that she
was aimed at. Nor could she, did she apprehend, injure us more
by thus knowing our purposes, than if she were kept in ignorance
of them. She may, indeed, anticipate us, and commence the war.
But that is what she is in fact doing, and she can add but fittie to
the injury which she is inflicting. If she choose to declare war in
form, let her do so, the responsibility -wiU be -with her.
VOL. I. 29

226 SPEECHES OF U E .\ R V CLAV.
What are we to gain by the war ? has been emphatically asked.
In reply, he would ask, what are we not to lose by peace ? Com
merce, "character, a nation's best treasure, honor! If pecuniary
considerations alone are to govern, there is sufficient motive for
the war. Our revenue is reduced, by the operation of the bellige
rent edicts, to about six milfions of doUars, according to the
secretary of the teeasury's report. The year preceding the embargo
it was sixteen. Take away the orders in councU, it wiU again
mount up to sixteen millions. By continuing, therefore, in peace,
(if the mongrel state in which we are deserve that denomination,)
we lose annually in revenue alone ten millions of dollars. Gentle
men will say, repeal the law of non-importation. He contended,
that, if the United States were capable of that perfidy, the revenue
would not be restored to its former state, the orders in council
continuing. Without an export teade, which those orders prevent,
inevitable ruin would ensue, if we imported as freely as we did
prior to the embargo. A nation that carries on an import trade,
without an export trade to support it, must, in the end, be as
certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be, who incurred an
annual expenditure without an income.
He had no disposition to magnify or dwell upon the catalogue
of injuries we had received from England. He could not, how
ever, overlook the impressment of our seamen — an aggression
upon which he never reflected, without feelings of indignation,
which would not allow him appropriate language to describe its
enormity. Not content with seizing upon all our property which
falls within her rapacious grasp, the personal rights of our country
men — rights which forever ought to be sacred — are trampled
upon and violated. The orders in council were pretended to have
been reluctantiy adopted, as a measure of retaliation. The French
decrees, their alleged basis, are revoked. England resorts to the
expedient of denying the fact of the revocation, and Sir WUham
Scott, in the celebrated case of Fox and others, suspends judgment
that proof may be adduced to it. At the same moment, when the
British ministey, through that judge, is thus affecting to conteovert
that fact, and to place the release of our property upon its estab
hshment, instructions are prepared for Mr. Foster, to meet at
Washington the very revocation which they were contesting. And
how does he meet it? By fulfiUing the engagement solemnly
made to rescind the orders? No, sir; but by demanding that we
shall secure the introduction, into the continent, of British manu
factures !
England is said to be fighting for the worid, and shaU we, it is
asked, atiempt to weaken her exertions ? If, indeed, the aim of the
French emperor be universal dominion, (and he was wilfing to
allow it to the argument,) how much nobler a cause is presented to
British valor! But how is her phUanthropic purpose to be

AUGMENTATION OF MILITARY FORCE. 227
achieved? By a scrupulous observance of the rights of others,
by respecting that code of public law which she , professes to
vindicate, and by abstaining from self-aggrandizement. Then
would she command the sympathies of the world. What are we
required to do by those who would engage our feelings and wishes
in her behalf? To bear the actual cuffs of her arrogance, that we
may escaipe a chimerical French subjugation! We are invited,
conjured, to drink the potion of British poison, actually presented
to our lips, that we may avoid the imperial dose prepared by
perturbed imaginations. We are called upon to submit to debase
ment, dishonor, and disgrace ; to bow the neck to royal insolence,
as a course of preparation for manly resistance to gallic invasion I
What nation, what individual, was ever taught, in the schools of
ignominious submission, these pateiotic lessons of freedom and
independence? Let those who contend for this humiliating
doctrine, read its refutation in the history of the very man against
whose insatiable thirst of dominion we are warned. The expe
rience of desolated Spain, for the last fifteen years, is worth volumes.
.Did she find her repose and safety in subserviency to the will of
that man? Had she boldly stood forth and repelled the first
attempt to dictate to her councils, her monarch would not be now
a miserable captive in MarseiUes. Let us come home to our own
history ; it was not by submission that our fathers achieved our
independence. The patriotic wisdom that placed you, Mr. Chair
man, under that canopy, penetrated the designs of a corrupt
ministry, and nobly fronted encroachment on its first appearance.
It saw, beyond the petty taxes with which it commenced, a long
teain of oppressive measures, terminating in the total annihilation
of liberty, and, contemptible as they were, it did not hesitate to
resist them. Take the experience of the last four or five years,
which he was sorry to say exhibited, in appearance, at least, a
different Idnd of spirit. He did not wish to view the past, further
than to guide us for the future. We were but yesterday contend
ing for the indirect trade ; the right to export to Europe the coffee
and sugar of the West Indies. To-day we are asserting our claim
to the direct teade ; the right to export our cotton, tobacco, and
other domestic produce, to mai-ket. Yield this point, and to-mor
row intercourse between New York and New Orieans, between
the planters on James river and Richmond, will be interdicted.
For, sir, the career of encroachment is never arrested by submis
sion. It wUl advance while there remains a single privilege on
which it can operate. Gentiemen say, that this government is
unfit for any war, but a war of invasion. What, is it not equiva
lent to invasion, if the mouths of our harbors and outiets are
blodved up, and we are denied egress from our own waters ? Or,
when the burglar is at our door, shall we bravely saUy forth and
repel his felonious enteance, or meanly skulk within the ceUs of
the castle ?

228 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
He contended, that the real cause of British aggression was, not
to disteess an enemy, but to destroy a rival. A comparative view of
our commerce with that of England and the continent, would satisfy
any one of the teuth of this remark. Prior to the embargo, the
balance of teade between this countey and England was between
eleven and fifteen mUlions of doUars in favor of England. Our
consumption of her manufactures was annuaUy increasing, and
had risen to nearly fifty miUions of doUars. ¦ We exported to her
what she most wanted, provisions and raw materials for her
manufactures, and received in return what she was most desirous
tp sell. Our exports to France, HoUand, Spain, and Italy, taking
an average of the years 1802, 1803, and 1804, amounted to about
twelve million dollars of domestic, and about eighteen miUion
dollars of foreign produce. Our imports from the same countries,
amounted to about twenty-five milfion dollars. The foreign pro
duce exported, consisted chiefly of luxuries, from the West Indies.
It is apparent that this teade, the balance of which was in favor, not
of France, but of the United States, was not of very vital conse
quence to the enemy of England. Would she, therefore, for the
sole purpose of depriving her adversary of this commerce, relin
quish her valuable teade with this countey, exhibiting the essential
balance in her favor ; nay, more, hazard the peace of the country ?
No, sir ; you must look for an explanation of her conduct in the
jealousies of a rival. She sickens at your prosperity, and beholds,
in your growth — your saUs spread on every ocean, and your
numerous seamen — the foundations of a power which, at no very
distant day, is to make her teelnble for her naval superiority. He
had omitted before to notice the loss of our seamen, if we
continued in our present situation. What would become of the
one hundred thousand (for he understood there was about that
number) in the American service ? Would they not leave us
and seek employment abroad, perhaps in the very countey that
injures us ?
It is said, that the effect of the war at home, wUl be a change of
those who administer the government, who wiU be replaced by
others that will make a disgraceful peace. He did not believe it
Not a man in the nation could ready doubt the sincerity with
which those in power have sought, by all honorable and pacific
means, to protect the interests of the countey. When the people
saw exercised towards both beUigerents the utenost impartiality;
witnessed the same equal terms tendered to both; and beheld the
government successively embracing an accommodation with each,
in exactly the same spirit of amity, he was fuUy persuaded, now
that war was the only alternative left to us, by the injustice of one
of the powers, that the support and confidence of the people would
remain undiminished. He was one, however, who was prepared
(and he would not believe that he was more so tiian any other

AUGMENTATION OF MILITAEY FORCE. 229
member of the committee) to march on in the road of his duty, at
all hazards. What! shall it be said, that our amor patrice is located
at these desks ; that we pusiUanimously cling to our seats here,
rather than boldly vindicate the most inestimable rights of the
countey? WhUst the heroic Daviess, and his gallant associates,
exposed to aU the dangers of teeacherous savagei warfare, are
sacrificing themselves for the good of their countey, shall we
shrink from our duty ?
He concluded, by hoping that his remarks had tended to prove
that the quantum of the force required was not too great, that in
its nature it was free from the objections urged against it, and that
the object of its application was one imperiously caUed for by the
present peculiar crisis.

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 22, 1812.

[The bill making provisions for the general repair and increase of the Navy,
followed the preceding measure for augmenting the army. During Mr. Jefferson's
administration, the Navy had been unpopular with the democratic party, and the
policy of reducing that branch of the national force had been pursued, in opposition
to the former course, adopted by the administration of John Adams. Many of the
democratic supporters of Mr Madison's administration, still adhered to the policy of
Mr. Jefferson; while Mr. Clay, Mr. Cheves, and other members of that party, saw the
importance of sustaining the navy, in prospect of war. Among the arguments in
opposition to the bill, now introduced, it was insisted that the fitting out of naval
armaments would require a pecuniary expenditure which the people were not
prepared to meet. The bill contained a section, providing for new frigates, leaving a
blank for the number. Mr. Cheves (of South Carolina) moved to fill the blank with
ten. Mr. Rhea (of Tennessee) moved to strike out this section of the bill. In
committee of the whole, a warm debate ensued. Mr. Clay, in the following speech,
sustained the proposition of Mr. Cheves, and the motion to strike out was rejected,
by a vote of fifty-two to forty-seven. An appropriation was made, and the Navjr
fitted out with despatch. The result is known by the naval victories, which, in less
than two years, crowned this right arm of the nation with glory, and gave it an
enduring popularity with the people.]

Mr. Clay (the speaker) rose to present his views on the bill
before the committee. He said, as he did not precisely agree in
opinion with any gentleman who had spoken, he should talie the
liberty of detaining the committee a few moments, while he offered
to their attention some observations. He was highly gratified with
the temper and ability with which the discussion had hitherto been
conducted. It was honorable to the house, and, he teusted, would
continue to be manifested on many future occasions.
On this interesting topic a diversity of opinion has existed,
almost ever since the adoption of the present government. On tiie
one hand, there appeared to him to have been attempts made to
precipitate the nation into all the evils of naval exteavagance,
which had been productive of so much mischief in other counteies;
and, on the other, strongly feeling this mischief, there has existed
an unreasonable prejudice against providing such a competent
naval protection, for our commercial and maritime rights, as is
demanded by their importance, and as the increased resources of
the country amply justify.

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 231
The attention of congress has been invited to this subject by the
president, in his message, delivered at the opening of the session.
Indeed, had it been wholly neglected by the chief magistrate, from
the critical situation of the country, and the nature of the rights
proposed to be vindicated, it must have pressed itself upon our
attention. But, said Mr. Clay, the president, in his message,
observes : ' your attention will, of course, be drawn to such
provisions on the subject of our naval force, as may be required
for the service to which it is best adapted. I submit to congress
the seasonableness, also, of an authority to augment the stock of
such materials as are imperishable in their nature, or may not, at
once, be attainable?' The president, by this recommendation,
clearly intimates an opinion, that the naval force of this country is
capable of producing effect; and the propriety of laying up
imperishable materials, was no doubt suggested for the purpose
of making additions to the navy, as convenience and exigences
might direct.
It appeared to Mr. Clay a little extraordinary, that so much, as it
seemed to him, unreasonable jealousy, should exist against the
naval establishment. If, said he, we look back to the period of the
formation of the constitution, it will be found that no such jealousy
was then excited. In placing the physical force of the nation at
the disposal of congress, the convention manifested much greater
apprehension of abuse in the power given to raise armies, than in
that to provide a navy. In reference to the navy, congress is put
under no resteictions ; but with respect to the army, that description
of force which has been so often employed to subvert the liberties
of mankind, they are subjected to limitations designed to prevent
the abuse of this dangerous power. , But it was not his intention
to detain the committee, by a discussion on the comparative utility
and safety of these two kinds of force. He would, however, be
indulged in saying, that he thought gentlemen had wholly failed in
maintaining the position they had assumed, that the fall of mari
time powers was attributable to their navies. They have told you,
indeed, that Carthage, Genoa, Venice, and other nations, had
navies, and, notwithstanding, were finally destroyed. But have
thev shown, by a teain of argument, that their overthrow was, in
any degree, attributable to their maritime greatness ? Have they
attempted, even, to show that there exists in the nature of this
power a necessstry tendency to destroy the nation using it?
Assertion is substituted for argument; inferences not authorized
by historical facts are arbitearUy drawn; things whoUy unconnected
with each other are associated together; a very logical mode of
reasoning, it must be admitted ! In the same way he could
demonsteate how idle and absurd our attachments are to freedom
itself. He might say, for example, that Greece and Rome had
forms of free government; and that they no longer exist; and,

232 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
deducing their fall from their devotion to liberty, the conclusion, in
favor of despotism, would very satisfactorily follow ! He demanded
what there is in the nature and consteuction of maritume power,
to excite the fears that have been indulged ? Do gentiemen reaUy
apprehend, that a body of seamen wiU abandon their proper
element, and, placing themselves under an aspiring chief, -will,
erect a throne to his ambition ? WUl they deign to Usten to the
voice of history, and learn how chimerical are their apprehen
sions ?
But the source of alarm is in ourselves. Gentlemen fear, that if
we provide a marine, it wUl produce coUisions with foreign nations ;
plunge us into war, and ultimately overturn the constitution of the
country. Sir, if you wish to avoid foreign coUisio;a, you had
better abandon the ocean ; surrender all your commerce ; give up
all your prosperity. It is the thing protected, not the insteument
of protection, that involves you in war. Commerce engenders
collision, collision war, and war, the argument supposes, leads to
despotism. Would the counsels of that statesman be deemed
wise, who would recommend that the nation should be unarmed;
that the art of war, the martial spirit, and martial exercises, should
be prohibited ; who should declare, in the language of Othello, that
the nation must bid farewell to the neighing steed, and the shrill
trump, the spirit-stirring drum, the ear-piercing fife, and aU the
pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war ; and that the great
body of the people should be taught, that national happiness was
to be found in perpetual peace alone ? No, sir. And yet, every
argument in favor of a power of protection on land, applies, in
some degree, to a power of protection on the sea. Undoubtedly
a commerce void of naval protection is more exposed to rapacity
than a guarded commerce ; and if we wish to invite the continu
ance of the old, or the enactment of new edicts, let us refrain from
all exertion upon that element where we must operate, and where,
in the end, they must be resisted.
For his part (Mr. Clay said) he did not allow himself to be
alarmed by those apprehensions of maritime power, which
appeared to agitate other gentlemen. In the nature of our govern
ment he beheld abundant security against abuse. He would be
unwiUing to tax the land to support the rights of the sea, and was
for drawing from the sea itself, the resources with which its
violated freedom should at aU times be vindicated. Whilst this
principle is adhered to, there wUl be no danger of running into the
folly and exteavagance which so much alarms gentiemen; and
whenever it is abandoned — whenever congress shaU lay burden
some taxes, to augment the navy beyond what may be authorized
by the increased, wealth, and demanded by the exigences, of the
country, the people will interpose, and, removing their unworthy re
presentatives, apply the appropriate corrective. Mr. Clay, then, coald

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 233
not see any just ground of dread in the nature of naval power.
It was, on the contrary, free from the evils attendant upon standing
armies. And the genius of our institutions — the great represen
tative principle, in the practical enjoyment of which we are so
eminently distinguished — afforded the best guarantee against the
ambition and wasteful exteavagance of government. What mar
itime strength is it expedient to provide for the United States? In
considering this subject, three different degrees of naval power pre
sent themselves. In the first place, such a force as would be capa
ble of contending with that which any other nation is able to bring
on the ocean ^ — a force that, boldly scouring every sea, would chal
lenge to combat the fleets of other powers, however great. He
admitted it was impossible at this time, perhaps it never would be
desirable, for this countey to establish so extensive a navy. Indeed,
he should consider it as madness in the exteeme in this government
to attempt to provide a navy able to cope with the fleets of Great
Britain, wherever they might be met.
The next species of naval power to which he would advert, is
that which, without adventuring into distant seas, and keeping
generaUy in our own harbors, and on our coasts, would be compe
tent to beat off any squadron which might be attempted to be
permanentiy stationed in our waters. His friends from South
Carolina (Messrs. Cheves and Lowndes) had satisfactorily shown,
that, to effect this object, a force equivalent only to one third of that
which the maintenance of such a squadron must require, would be
sufficient ; that if, for example, England should determine to station
permanently upon our coast a squadron of twelve ships of the
line, it would require for this service thirty-six ships of the line;
one thud in port, repairing, one third on the passage, and one third
on the station. But that is a force which it has been shown that
even England, with her boasted navy, could not spare for the
American service, whUst she is engaged in the present contest.
Mr. Clay said, that he was desirous of seeing such a force as he
had described ; that is, twelve ships of the line and fifteen or twenty
frigates, provided for the United States ; but he admitted that it
was unattainable in the present situation of the finances of tiie
countey. He contended, however, that it was such as congress
ought to set about providing; and he hoped, in less than ten years,
to see it actually established. He was far from surveying the vast
maritime power of Great Britain, with the desponding eye with
which other gentiemen beheld it. He could not aUow himself to
be discouraged at a prospect of even her thousand ships. This
countey only required resolution, and a proper exertion of its
immense resources, to command respect, and to vindicate every
essential right. When we consider. our remoteness from Europe,
the expense, difficulty, and perUs, to which any squadron would
be exposed, whUe stationed off our coastf, he entertained no doubt
VOL. I. 30

234 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
that the force to which he referred, would insure the command of
our own seas. Such a force would avail itself of our extensive
sea-board and numerous harbors, every where aflbrding asylums.
to which it Could safely retire from a superior fleet, or fi-om which
it could issue, for the purpose of annoyance. To the opinion of
his coUeague (Mr. M'Kee), who appeared to think that it was in
vain for us to make any struggle on the ocean, he would oppose
the sentiments of his distinguished connection, the heroic Daviess,
who fell in the battle of Tippecanoe. [Here Mr. Clay read certain
parts of a Work, written by colonel Daviess, in which the author
attempts to show, that, as the aggressions upon our commerce were
not committed by fleets, but by single vessels, they could, in the
same manner, be best retaliated ; that the force of about twenty or
thirty frigates, would be capable of inflicting great injury on
English commerce, by picking up steagglers, cutting off convoys,
and seizing upon every moment of supineness ; and that such a
force, with our seaports and harbors wefi fortified, and aided by
privateers, would be really formidable, and would annoy the British
navy and commerce, just as the French army was assailed in
Egypt, the Persian army in Scythia, and the Roman army in
Parthia.] The third description of force, worthy of consideration, is, that
which would be able to prevent any single vessel, of whatever
metal, from endangering our whole coasting trade, blocking up our
harbors, and laying under conteibution our cities — a force compe
tent to punish the insolence of the commander of any single ship,
and to preserve in our own jurisdiction, the inviolability of our
peace and our laws. A force of this kind is entirely within the
compass of our means, at this time. Is there a reflecting man in
the nation, who would not charge congress with a culpable neglect
of its duty, if, for the want of such a force, a single ship were to
bombard one of our cities ! Would not every honorable member
of the committee inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches, if, by
faiUng to make an inconsiderable addition to our littie gallant
navy, a single British vessel should place New York under contri
bution ! Yes, sir, when the city is in flames, its -wretched inhabi
tants begin to repent of their neglect, in not providing engines and
water-buckets. If, said Mr. Clay, we are not able to meet the
Wolves of the forest, shaU we put up with the barking impudence
of every petty cur that teips across our way ? Because we cannot
guard against every possible danger, shall we provide against
none ? He hoped not. He had hardly expected that the instruct
ing but humiliating lesson, was so soon to be forgotten, which
was taught us in the murder of Pierce, the attack on the Chesa
peake, and the insult offered in the very harbor of Charleston,
which the brave old feUow who commanded the fort in vain
endeavored to chastise. It was a rule with Mr. Clay, when acting

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 235
either in a public or private character, to attempt nothing more than
what there existed a prospect of accompfishing. He was therefore
not in favor of entering into any mad projects on this subject, but
for dehberately and resolutely pursuing what he beiieved to be
within the power of government. Gentlemen refer to the period
of 1798, and we are reminded of the principles maintauied by the
opposition at that time. He had no doubt of the ciO;irrect|ness of
that opposition. The naval schemes of that day were premature,
not warranted by the resources of the country, ;and were contem
plated for an unnecessary war, into which the nation was about to
be plunged. He always admired and approved the zeal and
ability with which that opposition was conducted, by the distin
guished gentleman now at the head of the treasury. But the state
of things is totally altered. What was foUy iri 1798, may be
wisdom now. At that time, we had a revenue only of about six
millions. Our revenue now, upon a supposition that commerce is
restored, is about sixteen millions. The population of the country,
too, is greatiy increased, nearly doubled, and the wealth of the
nation is perhaps tripled. Whilst our abiUty to construct a navy is
thus enhanced, the necessary maritime protection is proportionably
augmented. Independent of the extension of our commerce,
since the year 1798, we have had an addition of more than five
hundred mUes to our coast, from the bay of Perdjdo to the mouth
of the Sabine — a weak and defenceless accession, requiring, more
than any other part of our maritime frontier, the protecting arm of
government. The groundless imputation, that those who were friendly to a
navy, were espousing a principle inimical to freedom, should not
terrify him. He was not ashamed when in such company as the
illustrious author of the notes on Virginia, whose opinion on the
subject of a navy, contained in that work, contributed to the forma
tion of his own. But the principle of a navy, Mr. Clay contended,
was no longer open to conteoversy. It was decided when Mr.
Jefferson came into power. With all the prejudices against a navy,
which are alleged by some to have been then brought into the
administration, with many honest prejudices, he admitted, the
rash attempt was not made to destroy the establishment. It was
reduced to only what was supposed to be within the financial
capacity of the countey. If, ten years ago, when all those preju
dices were to be combatted, even in time of peace, it was deemed
proper, by the then administeation,. to retain in service ten frigates,
he put it to the candor of gentiemen to say, if now, when we arp
on the eve of a war, and takirig into view the actual growtfi of the
country, and the acquisition of our coast on the Gulf of Mexico,
we ought not to add to the estabUshment.
Mr. Clay said, he had hitherto aUuded more particularly to the
.exposed situation of certain parts of the Atlantic frftntier. Whilst

236 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
he felt the deepest soficitude for the safety of New Yorif, and
Other cities on the coast, he would be pardoned by the committee,
for referring to the interests of that section of the union from vs'hich
he came. H, said he, there be a point more than any other in the
United States, demanding the aid of naval protection,' that point is
the mouth of the Mississippi. What is the population of the
western countey, dependent on this single outiet for its surplus
productions ? Kentucky, according to the last enumeration, has
four hundred and six thousand five hundred and eleven ; Tennes
see, two hundred and sixty-one thousand/ seven hundred and
twenty-seven ; and Ohio, two hundred aiid thirty thousand seven
hundred and sixty. And when the population of the western
parts of Virginia, and Pennsylvania, and the territories which are
drained by the Mississippi or its waters, is added, it will form an
aggregate equal to about one fifth of the whole population of the
United States, resting aU their commercial hopes upon this solitary
vent! The bulky articles of which their surplus productions
consist, can be transported in no other way. They wiU not bear the
expense of a carriage up the Ohio and Tennessee, and across the
mountains, and the circuitous voyage of the lakes is out of the
question. WhUst most other states have the option of numerous
outiets, so that, if one be closed, resort can be had to others, this
vast population has no alternative. Close the mouth of the Mis
sissippi, and their export trade is annihilated. He called the
attention of his western friends, especially his worthy Kentucky
friends, (from whom he felt himself, with regret, constrained to
differ on this occasion,) to the state of the public feeling in that
quarter, whilst the navigation of the Mississippi was withheld by
Spain ; and to the still more recent period, when the right of depot
was violated. The whole country was in commotion, and, at the
nod of government, would have fallen on Baton Rouge and New
Orleans, and punished the treachery of a perfidious government.
Abandon all idea of protecting, by maritime force, the mouth of
the Mississippi, and we shall have the recurrence of many similar
scenes. We shall hold the inestimable right of the navigation of
that river, by the most precarious tenure. The whole commerce
of the Mississippi — a commerce that is destined to be the richest
that was ever borne by a single stream — is placed at the mercy of
a single ship, lying off the Balize ! Again ; the convulsions of the
new world, stiU more, perhaps, than those of Europe, chaUenge
our attention. Whether the ancient dynasty of Spain is still to be
upheld or subverted, is extremely uncertain, if the bonds connecting
the parent country with her colonies, are not for ever broken. What
is to become of Cuba ? WiU it assert independence, or remain
the province of some European power? In either case, the whole
trade of the western country, which must pass almost within gun
shot of the Moro Castie, is exposed to danger. It was not, however,

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 237
of V Cuba he was afraid. He wished her independent. But sup
pose England gets possession of that valuable island. With Cuba
on the south, and Halifax on the north — and the consequent
means of favoring or annoying commerce, of particular sections of
the country — he asked, if the most sanguine amongst us would
not tremble for the integrity of the union ? If, along with Cuba,
Great Britain should acquire East Florida, she will have the abso
lute command of the Gulf of Mexico. Can gentlemen, particularly
gentlemen from the western country, contemplate such possible,
nay, probable, events, without desteing to see at least the com
mencement of such a naval establishment as would eflectuaUy
protect the Mississippi ? He entreated them to turn their attention
to the defenceless situation of the Orleans Territory, and to the
nature of its population. It is known, that, whilst under the Span
ish government, they experienced the benefit of naval seciu-ity.
Satisfy them, that, under the government of the United States, they
will enjoy less protection, and you disclose the most fatal secret.
The general government receives annually, for the public lands,
about six hundi-cd thousand dollars. One of the sources whence
the western people raise this sum, is the exportation of the surplus
productions of that counh-y. Shut up the Mississippi, and this
source is, in a great measure, dried up. But suppose this govern
ment to look upon the occlusion of the Mississippi, without
making an eflbrt on that element, where alone it could be made suc
cessfully, to remove the blockading force, and, at the same time, to
be vigorously pressing payment for the public lands ; he shuddered
at the consequences. Deep-rooted as he knew the affections of
the western people to be to the union, (and he would not admit
their patriotism to be surpassed by any other quarter of the countey,)
if such a state of things were to last any considerable time, he
should seriously apprehend a withdrawal of their confidence. Nor,
sir, could we derive any apology for the failure to afford this pro
tection, from the want of the materials for naval architecture. On
the contrary, all the articles entering into the construction of a
navy — iron, hemp, timber, pitch — abound in the greatest quantities
on the waters of the Mississippi. Kentucky alone, he had no
doubt, raised hemp enough the last year for the whole consump
tion of the United States.
If, as he conceived, gentlemen had been unsuccessful in showing
that the downfall of maritime nations was ascribable to their navies,
they have been more fortunate in showing, by the instances to
which they had referred, that, without a marine, no foreign com
merce could exist to any extent. It is the appropriate, the natural
(if the term may be allowed) connection of foreign commerce.
The shepherd and his faithful dog, are not more necessary to guard
the flocks, that browse and gambol on the neighboring mountain.
He considered the prosperity of foreign commerce indissolubly

238 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
allied to marine power. Neglect to provide the one, and you must
ab-andon the other. Suppose the expected war with England is
commenced, you enter and subjugate Canada, and she stiU refuses
to do you justice ; what other possible mode will remain to
operate on the enemy, but upon that element where alone you can
then come in contact with him ? And if you do not prepare to
protect there your own commerce, and to assaU his, wiU he not
sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag, and destroy
even the coasting teade ? But, from the arguments of gentiemen,
it would seem to be questioned, if foreign commerce is worth the
kind of protection insisted upon. What is this foreign commerce,
that has suddenly becbme so inconsiderable ? It has, with very
trifling aid from other sources, defrayed the expenses of govern^-
ment, ever since the adoption of the present constitution ; maio'
tained an expensive and successful war with the Indians ; a war
with the Beirbary powers ; a quasi war with France ; sustained the
charges of suppressing two insurrections, and extinguishing
upwards of forty-six millions of the public debt. In revenue, it
has, since the year 1789, yielded one hundred and ninety-one
mUlions of dollars. During the first four years after the commence
ment of the present government, the revenue averaged only about
two millions annually ; during a subsequent period, of four years,
it rose to an average of fifteen millions, annually, or becsime
equivalent to a capital of two hundred and fifty millions of dollars,
at an interest of six per centum per annum. And if our commerce
is re^'stablished, it will, in the course of time, net a sum for which
¦we are scarcely furnished with figures, in arithmetic. Taking the
average of the last nine years, (comprehending, of course, the
season of the embargo,) our exports average upwards of thirty-
seven mUlions of dollars, which is equivalent to a capital of more
than six hundred miUions of dollars, at six per centum interest;
all of which must be lost in the event of a destruction of foreign
commerce. In the abandonment of that commerce, is also involved
the sacrifice of our brave tars, who have engaged in the pursuit,
from which they derive subsistence and support, under the confi
dence that government would afford them that just protection
which is due to all. They will be driven into foreign employment,
for it is vain to expect that they wiU renounce their habits of life.
The spirit of commercial enterprise, so strongly depicted by the
gentieman from New York (Mr. Mitchel), is diffused throughout
the country. It is a passion as unconquerable as any with which
nature has endowed us. You may attempt, indeed, to regulate,
but you cannot destroy it. It exhibits itself as well on the waters
of the western country, as on the waters and shores of the Atiantic.
Ml-. Clay had heard of a vessel, built at Pittsburg, having crossed
tlie Atlantic and entered an European port (he believed that of
Leghorn). The master of the vsessel kid his papers before the

ON THE INCREASE OF THE NAVY. 239
proper custom-house officer, which, of course, stated the place of
her departure. The officer boldly denied the existence of any such
American port as Pittsburg, and threatened a seizure of the vessel,
as being furnished with forged papers. The affrighted master
procured a map of the United States, and, pointing out the Gulf
of Mexico, took the officer to the mouth of the Mississippi, teaced
the course of the Mississippi more than a thousand miles, to the
mouth of the Ohio, and conducting him still a thousand miles
higher, to the junction of the Allegany and Monongahela, —
there, he exclaimed, stands Pittsburg, the port from which I sailed !
The custom-house officer, prior to the production of this evidence,
would have as soon believed that the vessel had performed a
voyage from the moon.
In delivering the sentiments he had expressed, Mr. Clay consid
ered himself as conforming to a sacred constitutional duty. When
the power to provide a navy was confided to congress, it must have
been the intention of the convention to submit only to the discretion
of that body; the period when that power should be exercised.
That period had, in his opinion, arrived, at least for making a
respectable beginning. And whilst he thus discharged what he
conceived to be his duty, he derived great pleasure from the reflec
tion, that he was supporting a measure calculated to impart
additional strength to our happy union. Diversified as are the
interests of its various parts, how admirably do they harmonize
and blend together! We have only to make a proper use of the
bounties spread before us, to render us prosperous and powerful.
Such a navy as he had contended for, wiU form a new bond of
connection between the states, concenteating their hopes, their
interests, and their affections.

ON THE NEW AEMY BILL.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 8, 1813.

[On the eighteenth of June, 1812, war was declared by congress against Great Britain,
and the next session of congress commenced in November, 1812, when the president,
in his annual message to the two houses, gave a sketch of the events which had
transpired during the reces.s. The military operations on the frontier had resulted, at
first, in a series of unexpected and disgraceful disasters to our arms. Amidst all
discouragements, Mr. Clay was the leader, and the life and soul of the administration
party in the house. His early biographer says of him : ' he moved in majesty, for
he moved in strength. No difficulties could weary or withstand his energies. Like
the Carthagenian chief in the passage of the Alps, he kept his place in front of his
comrades, putting aside, with a giant effort, every obstacle that opposed his progress,
applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing those who lingered, by words
of encouragement or reproach, till he succeeded in putting them upon a moral
eminence, from which they could look down upon the region where their prowess
was to meet with its long expected reward.'
Among the first measures proposed at this session of congress, to raise the spiritof
the nation, and retrieve the fortunes of war, made gloomy by the disasters upon the
frontier, was a bill to increase the army, by raising twenty additional regiments. la
support of this bill, and on the merits of the war, as well as in reply to the arguments
of the opposition members, Mr. Clay addressed the committee of the whole house,
in the following speech. ]

Mr. Clay '(the speaker) said he was gratified yesterday by the
recommitment of this bUl to a committee of the whole house, from
two considerations ; one, since it afforded him a slight relaxation
from a most fatiguing situation ; and the other, because it furnished
him with an opportunity of presenting to the committee his senti
ments, upon the important topics which had been mingled in the
debate. He regretted, however, that the necessity under which the
chairman had been placed, of putting the question,* precluded the
opportunity he had wished to enjoy, of rendering more acceptable
to the committee any thing he might have to offer on the interest
ing points, on which it was his duty to touch. Unprepared, how
ever, as he was, to speak on this day, of which he was the more
sensible from the ill state of his health, he would solicit the
attention of the committee for a few moments.
I was a littie astonished, I confess, said Mr. Clay, when I found
this bUl permitted to pass sUently through the committee of the
* The chairman had risen to put the question, which would have cut Mr. Clay
ott from the opportunity of speaking, by carrying the bill to the house.— iMiWr.

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 241
whole, and not selected until the moment when the question was
to be put for its third reading, as the subject on which genileiiicii
in the opposition chose to lay before the house their views of the
interesting attitude in which the nation stands. It did appear to
me, that the loan bill, which will soon come before us, would have
afforded a much more proper occasion, it being more essential, as
providing the ways and means for the prosecution of the^ war.
But the gentlemen had the right of selection, and having exercised
it, no matter how improperly, I am gratified, whatever 1 may think
of the character of some part of the debate, at the latitude in which,
for once, they have been indulged. I claim only, in return, of
gentlemen on the other side of the house, and of the committee, a
like indulgence in expressing my sentiments, with the same
unresteained freedom. Perhaps, in the course of the remarks,
which I may feel myself called upon to make, gentiemen may
apprehend, that they assume too harsh an aspect ; but I have only
now to say, that I shaU speak of parties, measures, and things, as
they strike ray moral sense, protesting against the imputation of
any intention, on ray part, to wound the feelings of any gentlemen.
Considering the situation in which this countey is now placed ^ —
a state of actual war with one of the raost powerful nations on
the earth — it raay not be useless to take a view of the past, and
of the various parties which have at different tiraes appeared in
this country, and to attend to the manner by which we have been
driven from a peaceful posture, to our present warlike attitude.
Such an inquiry may assist in guiding us to that result, an hon
orable peace, which must be the sincere desire of every friend to
America. The course of that opposition, by which the adminis
tration of the governrnent had been unremittingly impeded for the
last twelve years, was singular, and, I believe, unexampled in the
history of any countey. It has been alike the duty and the interest
of the administt-ation to preserve peace. It was their duty, because
it is necessary to the'growth of an infant people, to their genius, and to
their habits. It was their interest, because a change of the condition
of the nation, brings along with it a danger of the loss of the affec
tions of the people. The administeation has not been forgetful of
these solemn obligations. No art has been left unessayed, no experi
ment, promising a favorable result, left unteied, to maintain the
peaceful relations of the country. When, some six or seven years
ago, the affairs of the nation assumed a threatening aspect, a par
tial non-importation was adopted. As they grew more alarming,
an embargo was imposed. It would have accomplished its pur
pose, but it was sacrificed upon -the altar of concUiation. Vain
and fruitiess attempt to propitiate! Then came along non-inter
course; and a general non-importation followed in the train. In
the mean time, any indications of a return to the public law and
the path of justice, on the part of either belUgerent, are seized upon
VOL. I. 31

242 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
with avidity by the administeation. The arrangement with Mr.
Erskine is concluded. It is first applauded, and then censured by
the opposition. No matter with what unfeigned sincerity, with
what real effort, the administeation cultivates peace, the opposition
insists, that it alone is culpable for every breach that is made between
the two countries. Because the president thought proper, in ac
cepting the proffered reparation for the attack on a national vessel,
to intimate, that it would have better comported with the justice of
the king (and who does not think so?) to punish the offending
officer, the opposition, entering into the royal feelings, sees, in that
imaginary insult, abundant cause for rejecting Mr. Erskine's ar
rangement. On another occasion, you cannot have forgotten the
hypocritical ingenuity which they displayed, to divest Mr. Jackson's
coiTCspondence of a premeditated insult to this country. If gen
tlemen would only reserve for their own government, half ih^
sensibility which is indulged for that of Great Britain, they would
. find much less to condemn. Restriction after restriction has beeri
tried; negotiation has been resorted to, until further negotiation
would have been disgraceful. Whilst these peaceful experiments
are undergoing a trial, what is the conduct of the opposition?
They are the champions of war — the proud — the spirited — the
sole repository of the nation's honor — the men of exclusive vigor
and energy. The administration, on the contrary, is weak, feeble,
and pusillanimous — 'incapable of being kicked into a war.' Thq
maxim, 'not a cent for tribute, millions for defence,' is loudly pro
claimed. Is the administration for negotiation ? The opposition
is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. They want to draw the
sword, and avenge the nation's wrongs. When, however, foreign
nations, perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here made,
refuse to fisten to the amicable appeals, which have been repeated
and reiterated by the administration, to their justice and to their
interest — vdien, in fact, war with one of them has become identi
fied with our independence and our sovereignty, and to abstain
from it was no longer possible, behold the opposition veering round
and becoming the friends of peace and commerce. They tell you
of the calamities of war, its tragical events, the squandering away
of your resources, the waste of the pubfic teeasure, and the spilling of
innocent blood. ' Gorgons, hydras, and chimeras dire.' They tell
you, that honor is an illusion! Now, we see them exhibiting the
terrific forms of the roaring king of the forest. Now, the meekness
and humUity of the lamb! They are for war and no restrictions,
when the administration is for peace. They are for peace and
restrictions, when the administeation is for war. You find them,
sir, tacking wUh every gale, displaying the colors of every pajty,
and of afi nations, steady only in one unalterable purpose — to
steer, if possible, into the haven of power.
During aU this time, the parasites of opposition do not faU, by

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 243
cunning sarcasm, or sly inuendo, to throw out the idea of French
influence, which is known to be false, which ought to be met in
one manner only, and that is by the Ue direct. The administi-ation
of this countey devoted to foreign influence! The administeation
of this country subservient to France ! Great God ! what a
charge! how is it so influenced? By what ligament, on what
basis, on what possible foundation does it rest? Is it simUarity of
language ? No ! we speak different tongues, w6 speak the Engfish
language. On the resemblance of our laws ? No ! the sources
of our jurisprudence spring from another and a different country.
On commercial intercourse ? No ! we have comparatively none
with France. Is it from the correspondence in the genius of th6
two govCTiiments? No! here alone is the liberty of man secure
from the inexorable despotism, which, every where else, teamples it
under foot. Where, then, is the ground of such an influence?
But, sir, I am insulting you by arguing on such a subject. Yet,
preposterous and ridiculous as the insinuation is, it is propagated
with so much industry, that there are persons found foolish and
credulous enough to believe it. You will, no doubt, think it
incredible, (but I have nevertheless been told it is a fact,) that an
honorable member of this house, now in my eye, recentiy lost his
election by the circulation of a silly story in his district, that he Was
the first cousin of the emperor Napoleon. The proof of the charge
rested on the statement of facts, which was undoubtedly true.
The gentieman in question, it was alleged, had married a connec
tion of the lady of the President of the United States, who was the
intimate friend of Thomas Jefferson, late President of the United
States, who some years ago, was in the habit of wearing red
French breeches. Now, taking these premises as established, you,
Mr. Chairman, are too good a logician not to see that the conclu
sion necessarily foUows !
Throughout the period he had been speaking of, the opposition
has been distinguished, amidst all its veerings and changes, by
another inflexible feature — the application to Bonapal-te of every
vile and opprobious epithet our language, copious as it is in terms
of vituperation, affords. He has beeu compared to every hideous
monster, and beast, frOm that mentioned in the Revelations, down
to the most insignificant quadruped. He has been called the
scourge of mankind, the destroyer of Europe, the great robber, the
infidel, the modern Attila, and heaven knows by what other
names. Really, gentiemen remind me of an obscure lady, in a
city not very far off, who also took it into her head, in conversation
with an accomplished French gentleman, to faUv of the affairs of
Europe. She, too, spoke of the desti-tection of the ' balance of
power; stormed and raged about the insatiable ambition of the
emperor ; called him the curse of mankind, the desteoyer of
Europe. The Frenchman fistened to her -with perfect patience,

244 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and when she had ceased, said to her, with ineffable politeness,
' madame, it would give ray master, the emperor, infinite pain, if
he knew how hardly you thought of him.' Sir, gentiemen appear
to me to forget, that they stand on American soil ; that they arc not
in the British house of commons, but in the chamber of the house
of representatives of the United States ; that we have nothing to
do with the affairs of Europe, the partition of territory and sover
eignty there, except so far as these things affect the interests of onr
own country. Gentiemen transform themselves into the Burkes,
Chalhams, and Pitts, of another country, and forgetting, from honest
zeal, the interests of America, engage with European sensibility in
Ihe discussion of European interests. If gentiemen ask me,
whether I do not view with regret and hon-or the concenteation of
such vast power in the hands of Bonaparte, I reply, that I do. I
regret to see the emperor of China holding such immense sway
over the fortunes of milUons of our species. I regret to see Great
.Britain possessing so uncontrolled a command over aU the waters
of our globe. If 1 had the ability to distribute among the nations
of Europe their several portions of power and of sovereignty, I
would say, that Holland should be resuscitated, and given the
weight she enjoyed in the days of her De Witts. I would confine
Prance within her natural boundaries, the Alps, Pyrenees, and the
Rhine, and make her a secondary naval power only. I would
abridge the British maritime power, raise Prussia and Austria to
their original condition, and preserve the integrity of the empire
of Russia. But these are speculations. I look at the political
transactions of Europe, with the single exception of their possible
bearing upon us, as I do at the history of other countries, or other
times. I do not survey them with half the interest that I do the
movements in South America. Our political relation with them
is much less important than it is supposed to be. I have no fears
of French or Engfish subjugation. If we are united we are
too powerful for the mightiest nation in Europe, or all Europe com
bined. If we are separated and torn asunder, we shall become an
easy prey to the weakest of them. In the latter dreadful contin
gency, our country will not be worth preserving.
Next to the notice which the opposition has found itself called
upon to besto-w upon the French emperor, a distinguished citizen
of Virginia, formeriy president of the United States, has never for
a moment failed to receive their kindest and most respectful atten
tion. An honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy,)
of whom I am sorry to say, it becomes necessary for me, in the
course of my remarks, to take some notice, has aUuded to him in a
remarkable manner. Neither his retirement from pubhc office,
his eminent services, nor his advanced age, can exempt this pati-iot
from the coarse assaults of party malevolence. No, sir, in 1801, he
snatched from the rude hand of usurpation the violated constitu-

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 245
tion of his country, and that is his crime. He preserved that instru
ment, in form, and substance, and spirit, a precious inheritance for
generations lo come, and for this he can never be forgiven. How
vain and impotent is party rage, directed against such a man ! He
is not more elevated by his lofty residence, upon the summit of his
own favorite mountain, than he is Ufted, by the serenity of his
mind, and the consciousness of a weU-spent life, above the malig
nant passions and bitter feelings of the day. No I his own beloved
MonticeUo is not more moved by the storms that beat against its
sides, than is this illustrious man, by the bowlings of the whole
British pack, set loose from the Essex kennel! When the genile-
man to whom I have been compelled to allude, shaU have mingled
his dust with that of his abused ancestors, when he shaU have
been consigned to oblivion, or, if he lives at all, shaU live only in
the treasonable annals of a certain junto, the name of Jefferson
wiU be hailed with gratitude, his memory honored and cherished
as the second founder of the liberties of the people, and the period
of his administration will be looked back to, as one of the happiest
and brightest epochs of American history^ — an oasis in the
midst of a sandy desert. But I beg the gentleman's pardon ; he
has indeed secured to himself a more imperishable fame than I
had supposed; I think it was about four years ago that he submit
ted to the house of representatives, an initiative proposition for an
impeachment of Mr. Jefferson. The house condescended to con
sider it. The gentleman debated it with his usual temper, modera
tion, and urbanity. The house decided upon it in the most solemn
manner, and, although the gentleman had some how obtained a
second, the final vote stood, one for, and one hundred and seven
teen against the proposition !
In one respect there is a remarkable difference between the
administration and the opposition; it is in a sacred regard for
personal liberty. When out of power, my pofitical friends condemn
ed the surrender of Jonathan Robbins ; they opposed the violation
of the freedom of the press, in the sedition law ; they opposed the
more insidious attack upon the, freedom of the person, under the
imposing garb of an aUen law. The party now in opposition, then
in power, advocated the sacrifice of the unhappy Robbins, and
passed those two laws. True to our principles, we are now
steuggling for the liberty of our seamen against foreign oppression.
True to theirs, they oppose a war undertaken for this object. They
have indeed lately affected a tender solicitude for the liberties of
the people, and talk of the danger of standing armies, and the
burden of taxes. But it must be evident to you, Mr. Chairman,
that they speak in a foreign idiom. Their brogue evinces that it is
not their vernacular tongue. What ! the opposition, who, in 1798
* This prediction is already beginning to be realized. — Editor.

246 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and 1799, could raise a useless army to fight an enemy three
thousand miles distant from us, alarmed at the existence of one
raised for a known and specified object — the attack of the
adjoining provinces of the enemy. What! the gentleman from
Massachusetts, who assisted by his vote to raise the army of
twenty-five thousand, alarmed at the danger of our liberties from
this very army !
But, sir, I rnust speak of another subject, which I never think of
but with feefings of the deepest awe. The gentieman from
Massachusetts, in imitation of some of his predecessors of 1799, has
entertained us with a picture of cabinet plots, presidential plots, and
all sorts of plots, which have. been engendered by the diseased state
of the gentieman's imagination. I wish, sir, that another plot, of a
much more serious and alai-ming character — a plot that aims at
the dismemberment of our union — had only the same imaginary
existence. But no man, who has paid any attention to the tone of
certain prints, and lo transactions in a particular quarter of the
union, for several years past, can doubt the existence of such a
plot. It was far, very far from ray intention to charge the opposi
tion with such a design. No, I believe them generally incapable
of it. But I cannot say as much for some, who have been unwor
thily associated with them in the quarter of the union to which 1
have referred. The gentieman cannot have forgotten his own
sentiment, uttered even on the floor of this bouse, ' peaceably if
we can, forcibly if we must,' nearly at the very time Henry's
mission to Boston was undertaken. The flagitiousness of that
embassy had been attempted to be concealed, by directing the
pubfic attention to the price which, the gentieman says, was given
for the disclosure. As if any price could change the ateociousness
of the attempt on the part of Great Britain, or could extenuate, in
the slightest degree, the offence of those citizens, who entertained
and deliberated upon a proposition so infamous and unnatural!
There was a most remarkable coincidence between some of the
things which that man states, and certain events in the quarter
aUuded to. In the contingency of war with Great Britain, it -will
be recoUected, that the neutrality and eventual separation of that
section of the union was to be" brought about. How, sir, has it
happened, since the declaration of wai-, that British officers in
Canada have asserted to American officers, that this very neuteality
would take place? That they have so asserted can be "established
beyond conteoversy. The project is not brought forward openly,
with a direct avowal of the intention. No, the stodc of good sense
and patriotism in that portion of the country is too great to be
undisguisedly encountered. It is assailed from the masked batte
ries of friendship, of peace and commerce, on the one side, and by
the groundless imputation of opposite propensities, on the other.
The affections of the people, there, ai-e gradually to be undermined.

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 247
The project is suggested or withdrawn; the dmhoMcsl dramatis
persona, in this criminal tragedy, raaivc their appearance or exit, as
the audience, to whom they address themselves, applaud, or
condemn. I was astonished, sir, in reading lately a letter, or
pretended letter, published in a prominent print in that quarter, and
written, not in the fervor of party zeal, but coolly and dispassion
ately, to find that the writer afl'ected to reason about a separation,
and attempted to demonstrate its advantages to the different portions
of the union ; deploring the existence now of what he terms
prejudices against it, but hoping for the arrival of the period when
they shaU be eradicated. But, sir, I will quit this unpleasant
subject; I will turn from one, whom no sense of decency or
propriety could restrain from soiling the carpet on which he teeads,*
to gentlemen, who have not forgotten Vv^hat is due to themselves, to
the place in which we are assembled, or to those by whom they are
opposed. The gentlemen from North Carolina^ (Mr. Pearson),
from Connecticut (Mr. Pitkin), and from New York (Mr.Bleeker),
have, with their usual decorum, contended that the war would not
have been declared, had it not been for the dupficity of France, in
withholding an authentic instrument, repeafing the decrees of
Berlin and Milan ; that upon the exhibition of such an instrument,
the revocation of the orders in council took place ; that this main
cause of the war, but for which it would not have been declared,
being removed, the administration ought to seek for the restoration
of peace ; and that, upon its sincerely doing so, terms compatible
with the honor and interest of this country might be obtained. It
is my purpose, said Mr. Clay, to examine, first, into the circumstances
under which the war was declared; secondly, into the causes of
continuing it ; and, lastly, into the means which have been taken,
or ought to be taken, to procure peace ; but, sir, I am really so
exhausted, that, little as I am in the habit of asking of the house an
indulgence of this kind, I feel I must trespass on their goodness.
[ Here Mr. Clay sat down. Mr. Newton moved, that the com
mittee rise, report progress, and ask leave to sit again, which was
done. On the next day he proceeded. ]
I am sensible, Mr. Chairman, that some part of the debate, to
which this biU has given rise, has been attended, by circumstances
much to be regretted, not usual in this house, and of which it is to
be hoped, there will be no repetition. The gentleman from Boston
had so absolved himself from every rule of decorum and propriety,
had so outraged all decency, that I have found it impossible to
suppress the feelings excited on the occasion. His colleague, whom
I. have the honor to foUow, (Mr. Wheaton,) whatever else he might
*It is due to. Mr. Clay to observe, that one of the most ofl'ensive expressions used by
Mr. Quincy, an expression which produced disgust on all sides of the house, has been
omitted in that gentleman's reported speech, which in other lespects has been much
softened. -r^JSWpr.

248 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
not have proved, in his very learned, ingenious, and original
exposition of the powers of this government — an exposition in
wljich he has sought, where nobody before him has, and nobody
af.er him will look, for a grant of our powers, I mean the preamble
to the constitution — has cleariy shown, to the satisfaction of all
v ho heard him, that the power of defensive war is conferred. I
cliim the benefit of a similar principle, in behalf of my political
frit nds, against the gentlemen from Boston. I demand only the
exc;cise of the right of repulsion. No one is more anxious thaii J
am to preserve the dignity and the freedom of debate; no member
is more responsible for its abuse, and, if, on this occasion, its just
fimits have been violated, let him, who has been the unprovoked
aggressor, appropriate to himself, exclusively, the consequences.
I omitted yesterday, sir, when speaking of a delicate and pain
ful subject, to notice a powerful engine which the conspirators
against the integrity of the union employ, to effect their nefarions
purposes; I mean southern influence. The true friend to his
country, knowing that our constitution was the work of compro
mise, in which interests apparently conflicting were attempted to
be reconciled, aims to extinguish or allay prejudices. But this
patriotic exertion does not suit the views of those, who are urged
on by diabolical ambition. They find it convenient, to imagine the
existence of certain improper influences, and to propagate with their
utmost industry a belief of them. Hence the idea of southern
preponderance, Virginia influence, the yoking of the respectable
yeomanry of the north with negro slaves to the car of southern -
nabobs. If Virginia really cherished a reprehensible ambition, an
aim to monopolize the chief magisteacy of the country, how was
such a purpose to be accomplished ? Virginia, alone, cannot elect
a president, whose elevation depends upon a plurality of electoral
votes, and a consequent concurrence of many states. Would
Vermont, disinterested Pennsylvania, the Carolirias, independent
Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, all consent to be
come the tools of inordinate ambition ? But the jiresent incumbent
was designated to the office before his predecessor had retired. How?
By public sentiment; public sentiment, which grew out of his
known virtues, his illustrious services, and his distinguished abilities,
Would the gentleman crush this pubfic sentiment? — is he prepared
to admit, that he would arrest the progress of opinion ?
The war was declared, because Great Britain arrogated to
herself the pretension of regulating our foreign trade, under the
delu-sive name of retaliatory orders in council — a pretension by
which she undertook to proclaira to Araerican enterprise, 'thus
far shah thou go, and no further' — orders which she refused to
revoke, after the alleged cause of their enactraent had ceased;
because she persisted in the practice of impressing American
seamen ; because she had instigated the Indians to commit hostili-

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 249
ties against us ; and because she refused indemnity for her past
injuries upon our commerce. I throw out of the question other
wrongs. The war in fact was announced, on our part, to meet the
war which she was waging on her part. So undeniable were the
causes of the war, so powerfully did they address themselves to the
feelings of the whole American people, that when the bill was
pending before this house, gentlemen in the opposition, although
provoked to debate, would not, or could not, utter one syUable
against it. It is true, they wrapped themselves up in suUen sUence,
pretending they did not choose to debate such a question in secret
session. Whilst speaking of the proceedings on that occasion, I
beg to be permitted to advert to another fact which teanspired;
an important fact, material for the nation to know, and which I
have often regretted had not been spread upon our journals. My
honorable colleague (Mr. M'Kee) moved, in committee of the
whole, to comprehend France in the war ; and when the question
was taken upon the proposition, there appeared but ten votes in
support of it, of whom, seven belonged to this side of the house,
and three only to the other ! It is said, that we were inveigled into
the war by the perfidy of France ; and that, had she furnished the
document in time, which was first published in England, in May
last, it would have been prevented. I will concede to gentlemen,
every thing they ask about the injustice of France towards this
countey. I wish to God, that our ability was equal to our disposi
tion, to make her feel the sense that we entertain of that injustice.
The manner of the publication of the paper in question, was,
undoubtedly, exti-emely exceptionable. But I maintain, that, had it
made its appearance earlier, it would not have had the effect sup
posed; and the proof lies in the unequivocal declarations of the
British government. I will trouble you, sir, with going no further
back than to the letters of the British minister, addressed to the
secretary of state, just before the expiration of his diplomatic
functions. It wUl be recollected by the committee, that he exhib
ited to this government a despatch, from lord Castiereagh, in which
the principle was distinctly avowed, that, to produce the effect of a
repeal of the orders in council, the French decrees must be abso-
lutelv and entirely revoked as to all the world, and not as to
America alone. A copy of that despatch was demanded of him,
and he very awkwardly evaded it. But on the tenth of June, after
the bill declaring war had actually passed this house, and was
pending before the senate, (and which, I have no doubt, was
known to him,) in a letter to Mr. Monroe, he says : ' I have no
hesitation, sir, in saying, that Great Britain, as the case has hitherto
stood, never did, nor never could, engage, without the greatest
injustice to herself and her aUies, as well as to other neuteal nations,
to repeal her orders as affecting America alone, leaving them in
force against other states, upon condition that France would
VOL. I. 32

250 SPEECHES OF HENHY CLAY.
except, singly and speciaUy, America from the operation of her
decrees.' On the fourteenth of the same month, the biU still
pending before the senate, he repeats : ' I wiU now say, that I feel
entirely authorized to assure you, that if you can, at any time,
produce a full and unconditional repeal of the French decrees, as
you have a right to demand it, in your character of a neutral nation,
and that it be disengaged from any question concerning our
maritime rights, we shall be ready to meet you -with a revocation
of the orders in councU. Previously to your producing such an
instrument, which I am sorry to see you regard as unnecessary,
you cannot expect of us to give up our orders in councU.' Thus,
sir, you see, that the British government would not be content with
a repeal of the French decrees, as to us only. But the French
paper in question was such a repeal. It could not, therefore, satisfy
the British government. It could not, therefore, have induced that
government, had it been earlier promulgated, to repeal the orders
in councU. It could not, therefore, have averted the war. The
¦withholding of it did not occasion the war, and the promulgation
of it would not have prevented the war. But gentlemen have
contended, that, in point of fact, it did produce a repeal of the
orders in council. This I deny. After it made its appearance in
England, it was declared by one of the British ministry, in parha
ment, not to be satisfactory. And aU the world knows, that the
repeal of the orders in councU resulted from the inqutey, reluctantly
acceded to by the ministey, into the effect upon thete manufactur
ing establishments, of our non-importation law, or to the warlike
attitude assumed by this government, or to both. But it is said,
that the orders in councU are withdrawn, no matter from what
cause ; and that having been the sole motive for declaring the war,
the relations of peace ought to be restored. This brings me to
the examination of the grounds for continuing the present hostili
ties between this countey and Gre-at Britain.
I am far from acknowledging, that, had the orders in council
been repealed, as they have been, before the war was declared, the
declaration of hostilities would of course have been prevented.
In a body so numerous as this is, from which the declaration
emanated, it is impossible to say, -with any degree of certainty,
what would have been the effect of such a repeal. Each member
must answer for himself As to myself, I have no hesitation in
saying, that I have always considered the impressment of American
seamen as much the most serious aggression. But, sir, how- have
those orders at last been repealed? Great Britain, it is tine, has
intimated a wiUingness to suspend their practical operation, but
she stiU arrogates to herself the right to revive them upon
certain contingences, of which she constitutes herself the sole
^'udge. She waives the temporary use of the rod, but she suspends
it in terrovem over our heads. Supposing it to be conceded to

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 251
gentiemen, that such a repeal of the orders in councU as took
place on the twenty-thted of June last, exceptionable as it is, being
known before the war was proclaimed, would have prevented it ;
does it follow that it ought to induce us to lay down our arms, -with
out the redress of any other injury of which we complain ? Does
it foUow, in all cases, that that which would in the first instance
have prevented would also terminate the waf? By no means.
It requires a strong and powerful effort in a nation, prone to peace
as this is, to burst through its habits, and encounter the difficulties
and privations of war. Such a nation ought but seldom to embark
in a belfigerent contest ; but when it does, it should be for obvious
and essential rights alone, and should firmly resolve to extort, at all
hazards, thete recognition. The war of the revolution is an ex
ample of a war begun for one object and prosecuted for another.
It was waged, in its commencement, against the right asserted by
the parent countey to tax the colonies. Then, no one thought of
absolute independence. The idea of independence was repelled.
But the British government would have relinquished the principle
of taxation. The founders of our Uberties saw, however, that
there was no security short of independence, and they achieved
that independence. When nations are engaged in war, those rights
in conteoversy, which are not acknowledged by the treaty of peace,
are abandoned. And who is prepared to say, that American
seamen shall be surrendered as victims to the British principle of
impressment ? And, sir, what is this principle ? She contends,
that she has a right to the services of her own subjects ; and that,
in the exercise of this right, she may lawfully impress them, even
although she finds them in American vessels, upon the high seas,
without her jurisdiction. Now I deny that she has any right,
beyond her jmisdiction, to come on board our vessels, upon the
high seas, for any other purpose, than in the pursuit of enemies, or
their goods, or goods conteaband of war. But she further contends,
that her subjects cannot renounce thete allegiance to her, and
conteact a new obligation to other sovereigns. I do not mean to
go into the general question of the right of expatriation. If, as is
contended, all nations deny it, all nations at the same time admit
and practice the right of naturalization. Great Britain herself does
this. Great Britain, in the very case of foreign seamen, imposes,
perhaps, fewer resteaints upon naturalization than any other nation.
Then, if subjects cannot break their original allegiance, they may,
according to universal usage, conteact .a new aUegiance. What is
the effect of this double obligation ? Undoubtedly, that the sove
reign, having possession of the subject, would have the right to the
services of the subject. If he return within the jurisdiction of his
primitive sovereign he may resume his right to his services, of
which the subject, by his own act, could not divest himself But
his primitive sovereign can have no right to go in quest of him,

252 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
out of his own jurisdiction, into the jurisdiction of another sove
reign, or upon the high seas, where there exists either no jurisdic
tion, or it is possessed by the nation owning the ship navigating
them. But, sir, this discussion is altogether useless. It is not to
the British principle, objectionable as it is, that we are alone to
look ; it is to her practice ; no matter what guise she puts on. It is
in vain to assert the inviolability of the obligation of aUegiance.
It is in vain to set up the plea of necessity, and to aUege that she
cannot exist, without the impressment of her seamen. The naked
truth is, she comes, by her press-gangs, on board of our vessels,
seizes our native as weU as naturalized seamen, and drags them
into her service. It is the case, then, of the assertion of an errone
ous principle, and of a practice not conformable to the asserted
principle — a principle, which, if it were theoretically right, must
be for ever practicaUy wrong — a practice which can obtain counte
nance from no principle whatever, and to submit to which, on our
part, would betray the raost abject degradation. We are told, by
gentleraen in the opposition, that government has not done all that
was incumbent on it to do, to avoid just cause of complaint on the
part of Great Britain ; that, in particular, the certificates of protec
tion, authorized by the act of 1796, are fraudulently used. Sir,
government has done too much in granting those paper protections.
I can never think of them without being shocked. They resemble
the passes which the master gi-ants to his negro slave — ' let the
bearer, Mungo, pass and repass without molestation.' What do
they imply ? That Great Britain has a right to seize aU who are
not provided with them. From their very natare, they must be
Uable to abuse on both sides. If Great Britain desires a mark, by
which she can know her own subjects, let her give them an ear
mark. The colors that float from the mast-head should be the
credentials of our seamen. There is no safety to us, and the gentie
men have shown it, but in the rule, that all who saU under the flag
(not being enemies) are protected by the flag. It is impossi
ble, that this countey should ever abandon the gallant tars, who
have won for us such splendid teophies. Let me suppose that the
genius of Columbia should visit one of them in his oppressor's
prison, and attempt to reconcile him to his forlorn and -wretched
condition. She would say to him, in the language of gentlemen
on the other side, ' Great Britain intends you no harm ; she did not
mean to impress you, but one of her own subjects ; having taken
you by mistake, I wiU remonstrate, and tey to prevaU upon her, by
peaceable means, to release you ; but I cannot, my son, fight for
you.' If he did not consider this mere mockery, the poor tar would
address her judgment, and say, ' you owe me, my country, protec
tion ; I owe you, in return, obedience. I am no British subject,
I ara a native of old Massachusetts, where lived my aged father,
my wife, my chUdren. I have faithfuUy discharged my duty.

ON THJE NEW ARMY BILL. 253
WiU you refuse to do yours?' Appeafing to her passions, he
would continue:' ' I lost this eye in fighting under Truxton, -with
the Insurgente; I got this scar'before Tripofi; I broke this leg on
board the Constitution, when the Guerriere struck.' If she remained
StiU unmoved, he would breali out, in the accents of mingled dis
teess and despair, Hard, hard is my fate ! once I freedom enjoyed,
Was as happy as happy could be !
Oh ! how hard is my fate, how galling these chains !*
I wiU not imagine the dreadful catastrophe to which he would be
driven, by an abandonment of him to his oppressor. It will not be,
it cannot be, that his countey will refuse him protection.
It is said, that Great Britain has been always willing to make a
satisfactory arrangement of the subject of impressment ; and that
Mr. King had nearly concluded one, prior to his departure from
that country. Let us hear what that minister says, upon his return
to America. In his letter, dated at New Yoric, in July, 1803, after
giving an account of his. attempt to form an arrangement for the
protection of our seamen, and his interviews to this end with lords
Hawkesbury and St. Vincent; and stating, that, when he had
supposed the terms of a convention were agreed upon, a new
pretension was set up, (the mare cla/asum,) he concludes : ' I regret
to have been unable to put this business on a satisfactory footing,
knowing, as I do, its very great importance to both parties ; but I
flatter myself that I have not misjudged the interests of our own
country, in refusing to sanction a principle, that might be produc
tive of more extensive evils than those it was our aim to prevent.'
The sequel of his negotiation on this affair, is more fully given in
' the recent conversation between Mr. RusseU and lord Castiereagh,
communicated to congress during its present session. Lord Castle
reagh says to Mr. RusseU :
' Indeed, there has evidentiy been much misapprehension on this
subject ; an erroneous belief entertained, that an arrangement, in
regard to it, has been nearer an accompUshment than the facts will
warrant. Even our friends in congress, I mean those who are
opposed to going to war with us, have been so confident in this
mistake, that they have ascribed the failure of such an arrange
ment solely to the misconduct of the American government. This
error probably originated with Mr. King; for, being much esteemed
here, and always well received by the persons in power, he seems
to have misconstrued their readiness to Usten to his representations,
and their warm professions of a disposition to remove the com-
* It is impossible to describe the pathetic effect produced by this part of the speech.
The day was chilling cold ; so much so, that Mr. Clay has been heard to declare, that
it was the only time he ever spoke, when he was unable to keep himself warni by
the e-xercise of speaking ; yet there were few eyes that did not testify to the sensibility
excited. — Editor

254 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
plaints of America, in relation to impressraent, into a supposed
conviction, on their part, of the propriety of adopting the plan
which he had proposed. But lord St. Vincent, whom he might
have thought he had brought over to his opinions, appears never
for a moment to have ceased to regard aU arrangement on the
subject to be attended wUh formidable if not insurmountable
obstacles. This is obvious, from a letter which his lordship
addressed to sir WiUiam Scott, at the time.' Here lord Castiereagh
read a letter, contained in the records before him, in which lord St.
Vincent states to ste WiUiam Scott, the zeal with which Mr. King
had assaUed him, on this subject of impressment; confesses his
own perplexity, and total incompetency to discover any practical
project, for the safe discontinuance of that practice, and asks for
counsel and advice. ' Thus you see,' proceeded lord Castiereagh,
'that the confidence of Mr. King, on this subject, was entirely
unfounded.' Thus it is apparent, that at no time has the enemy been wUhng
to place this subject on a satisfactory footing. I will speak here
after of the overtures made by the administeation since the war.
The honorable gentleman from New York (Mr. Bleeker), in the
very sensible speech with which he favored the committee, made
one observation, which did not comport with his usual fiberal and
enlarged views. It was, that those who are most interested against
the practice of impressment, did not desire a continuance of the
war, on account of it; whilst those (the southern and western
members) who had no interest in it, were the zealous advocates of
American seamen. It was a provincial sentiment, unworthy of
that gentieman. It was one which, in a change of condition, he
would not express, because I know he could not feel it. Does not
that gentleman feel for the unhappy victims of the tomahawk, in
the western wilds, although his quarter of the union may be
exempted from similar barbarities ? I am sure he does. If there
be a description of rights, which, more than any other, should unite
all parties in aU quarters of the union, it is unquestionably the
rights of the person. No matter what his vocation ; whether he
seeks subsistence amidst the dangers of the deep, or draws them
from the bowels of the earth, or from the humblest occupations of
mechanic fife ; whenever the sacred rights of an American freeman
are assaUed, all hearts ought to unite, and every arm should be
braced, to vindicate his cause.
The gentieman from Delaware sees in Canada no object worthy
of conquest. According to him, it is a cold, sterile, and inhospita
ble region. And yet, such are the aUurements which it offers, that
the same gentieman apprehends that, if it be annexed to the United
States, already too much weakened by an extension of territory,
the people of New England wiU rush over the line and depopulate
that section of the union! That gentieman considers it honest to

ON THE NEW A R.M Y BILL. 255
hold Canada as a Idnd of hostage, to regard it as a sort of bond,
for the good behavior of the enemy. But he will not enforce the
bond. The actual conquest of that countey would, according to
him, make no impression upon the enemy ; and yet the very appre
hension only, of such a conquest, would at all times have a power
ful operation upon him ! Other gentiemen consider the invasion
of that country as wicked and unjustifiable. Its inhabitants are
represented as harmless and unoffending; as connected with those
of the bordering states by a thousand tender ties, interchanging
acts of kindness, and all the offices of good neighborhood. Canada,
said Mr. Clay, innocent! Canada unoffending! Is it not in
Canada, that the tomahawk of the savage has been moulded into
its death-like form ? Has it not been from Canadian magazines.
Maiden and others, that those supplies have been issued, which
nourish and continue the Indian hostilities — supplies which have
enabled the savage hordes to butcher the garrison of Chicago, and
to commit other horrible excesses and murders? Was it not by the
joint cooperation of Canadians and Indians, that a remote Ameri
can fort, Michilimackinac, was assailed and reduced, whUe in
ignorance of a state of war ? But, sir, how soon have the opposi
tion changed their tone ! When the administration was striving, by
the operation of peaceful measures, to bring Great Britain back to
a sense of justice, they were for old-fashioned war. And, now
they have got old-fashioned war, thete sensibUities are crueUy
shocked, and all their sympathies lavished upon the harmless
inhabitants of the adjoining provinces. What does a state of war
present? The united energies of one people arrayed against the
combined energies of another; a conflict in which each party
aims to inflict all the injury it can, by sea and land, upon the terri
tories, property, and citizens of the other ; subject only to the rules
of raitigated war, practiced by civilized nations. The gentieraan
would not touch the continental provinces of the enemy, nor, I
presume, for the same reason, her possessions in the West Indies.
The same humane spirit would spare the seamen and soldiers of
the enemy. The sacred person of his majesty must not be attacked ;
for the learned gentiemen, on the other side, are quite famifiar with
the maxim, that the king can do no vsrong. Indeed, sir, I know
of no person on whom we may make war, upon the principles of
the honorable gentiemen, but Mr. Stephen, the celebrated author of
the orders in council, or the board of admiralty, who authorize and
regulate the practice of impressment !
The disasters of the war admonish us, we are told, of the
necessity of terminating the contest. If our achievements by land
have been less splendid than those of our inteepid seamen by
water, it is not because the American soldier is less brave. On
the one element, organization, discipline, and a thorough knowledge
of then: duties, exist, on the part of the officers and their men. On

256 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the other, almost every thing is yet to be acquired. We have,
however, the consolation, that our countey abounds with the richest
materials, and that in no instance, when engaged in action, have
our arms been tarnished. At Brownstown and at Queenstown, the
valor of veterans was displayed, and acts of the noblest heroism
were performed. It is true, that the disgrace of Detroit remains to
be wiped off. That is a subject on which I cannot teust my feel
ings ; it is not fitting I should speak. But this much I will say, it
was an event which no human foresight could have anticipated,
and for which the administration cannot be justly censured. It
was the parent of all the misfortunes we have experienced on land.
But for it, the Indian war would have been, in a great ineasure,
prevented or terminated ; the ascendency on lake Erie acquired,
and the war pushed on, perhaps, to Monteeal. With the exception
of that event, the war, even upon the land, has been attended by a
series of the most brilliant exploits, which, whatever interest they
may inspire on this side of the mountains, have given the greatest
pleasure on the other. The expedition, under the command of
governor EdwEU-ds and colonel Russell, to lake Pioria, on the
Illinois, was completely successful. So was that of captain Craig,
who, it is said, ascended that river still higher. General Hopkins
destroyed the prophet's town. We have just received inteUigenee
of the gallant enterprise of colonel CampbeU. In short, sir, the
Indian towns have been swept from the mouth to the source of the
Wabash ; and a hostUe countey has been penetrated far beyond the
most daring incursions of any campaign, during the former Indian
war. Never was more cool, deliberate bravery displayed, than that
by Newman's party, from Georgia. And the capture of the Deteoit,
and the destruction of the Caledonia, (whether placed to a maritime
or land account,) for judgment, skiU, and courage, on the part of
lieutenant Elliot, have never been surpassed.
It is aUeged, that the elections in England are in favor of the
ministey, and that those in this country are against the war. If, in
such a cause, (saying nothing of the impurity of their elections,)
the people of that country have rallied round their government, it
affords a salutary lesson to the people here ; who, at all hazards,
ought to support theirs, struggling as it is to maintain our just
rights. But the people here have not been false to themselves-; a
great majority approve the war, as is evinced by the recent reelec
tion of the chief magistrate. Suppose it were even true, that an
entire section of the union were opposed to the war ; that section
being a minority, is the wUl of the majority to be reUnquished?
In that section the real steength of the opposition had been greatly
exaggerated. Vermont has, by two successive expressions of her
opinion, approved the declaration of war. In New Hampshire,
parties are so nearly equipoised, that out of thirty or ' thirty-five
thousand votes, those who approved and are for supporting it, lost

ON THE NEW ARMY BILL. 257
the election by only one thousand or one thousand five hundred.
In Massachusetts alone have they obtained any considerable
accession. If we come to New York, we shaU find that other and
local causes have influenced her elections.
What cause, Mr. Chairman, which existed for declaring the war,
has been removed? We sought indemnity for the past, and
security for the future. The orders in council are suspended, not
revoked ; no compensation for spoliations ; Indian hostilities, which
were before secretly instigated, are now openly encouraged ; and
the practice of impressment unremittingly persevered in and in
sisted upon. Yet the administeation has given the strongest demon
steations of its love of peace. On the twenty-ninth of June, less than
ten days after the. declaration of war, the secretary of stale writes
to Mr. Russell, authorizing him to agree to an armistice, upon two
conditions only, and what are they ? That the orders in council
should be repealed, and the practice of impressing American sea
men cease, those already impressed being released. The proposi
tion was for nothing more than a real teuce ; that the war should in
fact cease on both sides. Again, on the twenty-seventh of July,
one, month later, anticipating a possible objection to these terms,
reasonable as they are, Mr. Monroe erapowers Mr. Russell to
stipulate in general terms for an armistice, having only an in
formal understanding on these points. In return, the enemy is
offered a prohibition of the employment of his seamen in our
service, thus removing entirely all pretext for the practice of im
pressment. The very proposition which the gentleman from
Connecticut (Mr. Pitkin) contends ought to be made, has been
made. How are these pacific advances met by the other party ?
Rejected, as absolutely inadmissible ; cavils are indulged about the
inadequacy of Mr. Russell's powers, and the want of an act of
congress is intimated. And yet the constant usage of nations, I
believe, is, where the legislation of one party is necessary to carry
into effect a given stipulation, to leave it to the contracting party to
provide the requisite laws. If he fail to do so, it is a breach of
good faith, and becomes the subject of subsequent remonstrance
by the injured party. When Mr. Russell renews the overture, in
what was intended as a more agreeable form to the British govern
ment, lord Castiereagh is not content with a simple rejection, but
clothes it in the language of insult. Afterwards, in conversation
with Mr. Russell, the moderation of our government is misinter
preted, and made the occasion of a sneer, that we are tired of the
war. The proposition of admiral Warren is submitted in , a
spirit not more pacific. He is insteucted, he tells us, to propose,
that the government of the United States shall instantiy recall their
letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, together with
all orders and insteuctions for any acts of hostifity whatever, against
the territories of his majesty, or the persons or property of his
VOL. I. 33

258 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
subjects. That smaU affate being settied, he is further authorized
to arrange as to the revocation of the laws which interdict the
commerce and ships of war of his majesty from the harbors and
'waters of the United States. This messenger of peace comes
with one qualified concession in his pocket, not made to the justice
of our demands, and is fully empowered to receive our homage, a
conteite reteaction of aU our measm-es adopted against his master!
And, in default, he does not fail to assure us, the orders in council
are to be forthwith revived. The administration, stiU anxious to
terminate the war, suppresses the indignation which such a proposal
ought to have created, and, in its answer, concludes by informing
admteal Warren, ' that if there be no objection to an accommodation
of the difference relating to impressment, in the mode proposed,
other than the suspension of the BrUish claim to impressment
during the armistice, there can be none to proceeding, witlmut
the armistice, to an immediate discussion and arrangement of an
article on that subject.' Thus it has left the door of negotiation
unclosed, and it remains to be seen, if the enemy wiU accept the
invitation tendered to him. The honorable gentleman from North
Carofina (Mr. Pearson) supposes, that if congress would pass a
law, prohibituig the employment of British searaen in our service,
upon condition of a like prohibition on their part, and repeal the
act of non-import-dtion, peace would iraraediately follow. Sir, I
have no doubt, if such a law were to pass, with all the requisite
solemnities, and the repeal to take place, lord Castiereagh would
laugh at our simplicity. No, sir, the administration has erred in the
steps which it has taken to restore peace, but its error has been, not
in doing too little, but in betraying too great a solicitude for that
event. An honorable peace is attainable only by an efficient war.
My plan would be, to call out the ample resources of the country,
give them a judicious direction, prosecute the war with the utmost
vigor, steike wherever we can reach the enemy, at sea or on land,
and negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or at Halifax. We
are told, that England is a proud and lofty nation, which, disdain
ing to wait for danger, meets it half way. Haughty as she is, we
once triumphed over her, and, if wes do not listen to the counsels of
timidity and despair, we shall again prevail. In such a cause, with
the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned with success ;
but if we fail, let us fail fike men, lash ourselves to our gallant tars,
and expire together in one common struggle, fighting for free

ON HIS RETURN FROM GHENT,
AT LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY, OCTOBER 7, 1813.

IIn the following brief speech, delivered at a public dinner, given to him by his
fellow-citizens of Lexington, Kentucky, after his return from the negotiation of a
treaty of peace, at Ghent, Mr. Clay takes a summary view of the results of the war
with Great Britain, and the benefits which the United States, as a nation, had gained
by that contest with a gigantic foe, triumphant at last in all her European wars.
His allusions to the discussions at Ghent, and theproud and dignified attitude assumed
and maintained by our commissioners, on that occasion, will be read with interest,
while his views of the bright prospects opened to our country by the peace, have been
verified by subsequent national prosperity, particularly when the measures of public
policy advocated and recommended by Mr. Clay have been adopted.
The sixth toast was :
' Our able negotiators at Ghent. Their talents for diplomacy have kept pace with
the valor of our arms, in ' demonstrating ' to the enemy, that these states will he free.'
This toast was received with loud and repeated cheering. After it had subsided,
Mr. Clay addressed the assembly as follows.]

I FEEL myself called on, by the sentiment just expressed, to return
my thanks, in behalf of my colleagues and myself. I do not, and
am quite sure they do not, feel, that, in the service aUuded to, they are
at all entitled to the compliment which has been paid them. We
could not do otherwise than reject the demand made by the other
party ; and if our labors finally terminated in an honorable peace,
it was owing to causes on this side of the Atlantic, and not to any
exertion of ours. Whatever diversity of opinion may have existed
as to the declaration of the war, there are some points on which aU
may look back with proud satisfaction. The first relates to the
time of the conclusion of the peace. Had it been made immedi
ately after the teeaty of Paris, we should have retired humifiated
from the contest, befieving that we had escaped the severe chastise
ment with which we were threatened, and that we owed to the
generosity and magnanimity of the enemy, what we were incapable
of commanding by our arms. That magnanimity would have
been the theme of every tongue, and of every press, abroad and at
home. We should have retired, unconscious of our own steength,
and unconscious of the utter inabifity of the enemy, with his whole
undivided force, to make any serious impression upon us. Our
mifitary character, then in the lowest state of degradation, would

260 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
have been unreteieved. Fortunately for us. Great Britain chose to
tey the issue of the last campaign. And the issue of the last cam
paign has demonstrated, in the repulse before Baltimore, the retreat
from Plattsburgh, the hard-fought action on the Niagara frontier,
and in that most glorious day, the eighth of January, that we have
always possessed the finest elements of miUtary composition, and
that a proper use of them, only, was necessary, to insure for the
army and militia a fame as imperishable as that which the navy
had previously acquteed.
Another point which appears to me to afford the highest conso
lation is, that we fought the most powerful nation, perhaps, in
existence, single-handed and alone, without any sort of aUiance.
More than thirty years has Great Britain been maturing her physi
cal means, which she had rendered as efficacious as possible, by
skill, by discipline, and by actual service. Proudly boasting of the
conquest of Europe, she vainly flattered herself with the easy con
quest of America also. Her veterans were put to flight or defeated,
while all Europe — I mean the governments of Europe — was
gazing with cold indifference, or sentiments of positive hateed of
us, upon the arduous contest. Hereafter no monarch can assert
claims of gratitude upon us, for assistance rendered in the hour of
danger. There is another view of which the subject of the war is fairly
susceptible. From the moment that Great Britain came forward
at Ghent with her exteavagant demands, the war totally changed its
character. It became, as it were, a new war. It was no longer an
American war, prosecuted for redress of British aggressions upon
A.merican rights, but became a British war, prosecuted for objects
of British ambition, to be accompanied by American sacrifices.
And what were those demands ? Here, in the immediate neigh
borhood of a sister state and territories, which were to be made in
part the victims, they must have been felt, and their enormity justly
appreciated. They consisted of the erection of a barrier between
Canada and the United States, to be formed by cutting off from
Ohio and some of the territories a country raore extensive than
Great Britain, containing thousands of freemen, who were to be
abandoned to their fate, and creating a new power, totally unknown
upon the continent of America ; of the dismantiing of our fortresses,
and naval power on the lakes, wUh the surrender of the mUitary
occupation of those waters to the enemy, and of an arrondissement
for two British provinces. These demands, boldly asserted, and
one of them declared to be a sine qua non, were finally relinquished.
Taking this view of the subject, if there be loss of reputation by
either party, in the terms of peace, who has sustained it ?
The effects of the war are highly satisfactory. Abroad, our
character, which at the time of its declaration was in the lowes.t
state of degradation, is raised to the highest point of elevation. It

ON HIS RETURN FROM GHENT. 261
is impossible for any American to visit Europe, without being
sensible of this agreeable change, in the personal attentions which
he receives, in the praises which are bestowed on our past exertions,
and the predictions which are made as to our future prospects. At
home, a government, which, at its formation, was apprehended by
its best friends, and pronounced by its enemies to be incapable of
standing the shock, is found to answer all the purposes of its insti
tution. In spite of the errors which have been committed (and
errors have undoubtedly been committed), aided by the spteit and
patriotism of the people, it is demonstrated to be as competent to
the objects of effective war, as it has been before proved to be to
the concerns of a season of peace. Government has thus acquired
strength and confidence. Our prospects for the future, are of the
brightest kind. With every reason to count on the permanence of
peace, it remains only for the government to determine upon
military and naval establishments adapted to the growth and exten
sion of our country and its rising importance, keeping in view a
gradual but not burdensome increase of the navy ; to provide for
the payment of the interest, and the redemption of the public debt,
and for the current expenses of government. For all these objects,
the existing sources of the revenue promise not only to be abun-
dantiy sufficient, but will probably leave ample scope to the exercise
of the judgment of congress, in selecting for repeal, modification,
or abolition, those which may be found most oppressive, inconve
nient, or unproductive.
[The eighteenth and last toast was, 'our guest, Henbt Clay. We welcome his
return to that country, whose rights and interests he has so ably maintained, at home
and abroad.']
My friends, I must again thank you for your kind and affection
ate attention. My reception has been more fike that of a brother,
than a common friend or acquaintance, and I am utterly incapable
of finding words to express my gratitude. My situation is like
that of a Swedish gentleman, at a dinner given in England, by the
Society of Friends of Foreigners in Distress. A toast having
been given complimentary to his country, it was expected, as is
usual on such occasions, that he would rise and address the com
pany. The gentieman, not understanding the English language,
rose under great embarrassraent, and said, 'sir, I wish you to
consider me A Foreigner in Distress! I wish you, gentlemen,
to consider me a Friend in distress.

ON THE UNITED STATES BANK QUESTION.
ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS AT LEXINGTON, JUNE 3, 1816.

[ Mr. Clay here explains to the electors of the congressional district of Kentucky
which he represented, the grounds of his change of opinion on the subject of a
national bank. We have seen, by his speech delivered in the senate of the United
States, in 1811, that he had opposed the renewal of the charter of the first bank of
the United States, and now, in 1816, he had advocated the bill brought in by Mr.
Calhoun, of South Carolina, for incorporating a similar institution, which bill passed
both houses of congress, and received the signature of president Madison.* A peru
sal of the following address will, it is, believed, satisfy all candid persons of the
sincerity and patriotism of Mr. Clay, on both occasions. As one of his biographers
remarks, ' there is no other instance, in the whole history of his life, where he has
changed his opinions, on an important subject. His ingenuousness is evinced by his
having changed once, hut his firmness by his having done so but once. And whatwas
it that wrought this single revolution in his sentiments'? A mighty event, whose
consequences could be learned only from experience — the occurrence of a war
with Great Britain, which changed, not only his views of the policy of a bank, but
those of almost every other leading politician in the country.']

On one subject, that of the bank of the United States, to which
at the late session of congress he gave his humble support, Mi-.
Clay felt particularly anxious to explain the grounds on which he
had acted. This explanation, if not due to his own character, the
state, and the district to which he belonged, had a right to demand.
It would have been unnecessary, if his observations, addressed to
the house of -representatives, pending the measure, had been
published ; but they were not published, and why they were not
published he was unadvised.
When he was a member of the senate of the United States, he
was induced to oppose the renewal of the charter ,to the old bank
of the United States by three general considerations. The first
was, that he was instructed to oppose it by the legislature of the
state. What were the reasons that operated with the legislature,
in giving the insteuction, he did not know. He has understood
from members of that body, at the time it was given, that a clause,
declaring that congress had no power to grant the charter, was
steicken out ; from which it might be inferred, either that the legis-
¦* This speech was never published.

ON THE BANK QUESTION. 263
lature did not believe a bank to be unconstitutional, or that it had
formed no opinion on that point. This inference derives additional
strength from the fact, that, although the two late senators from this
state, as weU as the present senators, voted for a national bank, the
legislature, which must have been well apprized that such a meas
ure was in contemplation, did not again interpose, either to protest
against the measure itself, or to censure the conduct of those sena
tors. From this silence on the part of a body which has ever fixed
a watchful eye upon the proceedings of the general government,
he had a right to believe, that the legislature of Kentucky saw,
without dissatisfaction, the proposal to establish a national bank ;
and that its opposition to the former one was upon grounds of
expediency, applicable to that corporation alone, or no longer exist
ing. But when, at the last session, the question came up as to the
establishuient of a national bank, being a member of the house of
representatives, the point of inqutey with him, was, not so much
what was the opinion of the legislature, although undoubtedly the
opinion of a body so respectable would have great weight with
him under any circumstances, as, what were the sentiments of his
immediate constituents. These he believed to be in favor of such
an institution, from the following circurastances. In the first place,
his predecessor (Mr. Hawkins) voted for a national bank, without
the slightest murmur of discontent. Secondly, during the last fall,
when he was in his district, he conversed freely with many of his
constituents upon that subject, then the most common topic of
conversation, and all, without a single exception, as far as he
recollected, agreed that it was a desirable if not the only efficient
remedy for the alarming evils in the currency of the countey.
And, lastly, during the session, he received many letters from his
constituents, prior to the passage of the bill, all of which concurred,
he believed without a solitary exception, in advising the measure.
So far then from being instructed by his district to oppose the bank,
he had what was perhaps tantamount to an insteuction to support
it — the acquiescence of his constituents in the vote of their former
representative, and the communications, oral and written, of the
opinions of many of them in favor of a bank.
The next consideration which induced him to oppose the
renewal of the old charter, was, that he befieved the corporation
had, during a portion of the period of its existence, abused its
powers, and had sought to subserve the views of a political party.
Instances of its oppression, for that purpose, were asserted to have
occurred at Philadelphia and at Charleston ; and, although denied in
congress by the friends of the institution, during the discussions on
the appfication for the renewal of the charter, they were, in his
judgment, satisfactorily made out. This oppression, indeed, was
admitted in the house of representatives, in the debate on the
present bank, by a distinguished membesr of that party which had

264 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
SO warmly espoused the renewal of the old charter. It may be
said, what security is there, that the new bank wUl not imitate this
example of oppression ? He answered, the fate of the old bank,
warning all similar institutions to shun politics, with which they
ought not to have any concern ; the existence of abundant compe
tition, arising from the great raultiplication of banks: and the
precautions which are to be found in the details of the present bill.
A third consideration upon which he acted in 1811, was, that as
the ^power to create a corporation, such as was proposed to be
continued, was not specifically granted in the constitution, and did
not then appear to him to be necessary to carry into effect any
of the powers which were specificaUy granted, congress was not au
thorized to continue the bank. The constitution, he said, contained
powers delegated and prohibitory, powers expressed and consteuc-
tive. It vests in congress all powers necessary to give effect to the
enumerated powers — all that may be necessary to put into motion
and activity the machine of government which it constructs. The
powers that may be so necessary are deducible by construction.
They are not defined in the constitution. They are, from their
nature, indefinable. When the question is in relation to one of these
powers, the point of inquiry should be, is its exertion necessary to
carry into effect any of the enumerated powers and objects of the
general government ? With regard to the degree of necessity,
various rules have been, at different times, laid down ; but, perhaps,
at last, there is no other than a sound and honest judgment exer
cised, under the checks and conteol which belong to the constitu
tion and to the people.
The constructive powers being auxiliary to the specifically
granted powers, and depending for their sanction and existence
upon a necessity to give effect to the latter, which necessity is to be
sought for and ascertained by a sound and honest discretion, it is
manifest that this necessity may not be perceived, at one time,
under one state of things, when it is perceived at another time,
under a different state of things. The constitution, it is true, never
changes ; it is always the same ; but the force of circumstances
and the lights of experience may evolve to the fallible persons
charged with its administration, the fitness and necessity of a
particular exercise of constructive power to-day, which they did
not see at a former period.
Mr. Clay proceeded to remark, that when the appfication was
made to renew the old charter of the bank of the United States,
such an institution did not appear to him to be so necessary to the
fulfilrnent of any of the objects specificaUy enumerated in the
constitution, as to justify congress in assuming, by construction, a
power to establish it. It was supported mainly upon the ground
that it -was indispensable to the treasury operations. But the local
institutions in the several states were at that time in prosperous

ON THE BANK QUESTION. 265
existence, confided in by the community, having a confidence in
each other, and maintaining an intercourse and connection the
most intimate. Many of them were actually employed by the
teeasury to aid that department, in a part of its fiscal arrangements ;
and they appeared to him to be fully capable of affording to it all
the facility that it ought to desire in all of them. They superseded,
in his judgment, the necessity of a national institution. But how
stood the case in 1816, when he was called upon again to examine
the power of the general government to incorporate a national
bank? A total change of circumstances was presented; events of
the utmost magnitude had intervened.
A general suspension of specie payments had taken place, and
this had led to a train of consequences of the most alarming nature.
He beheld, dispersed over the immense extent of the United States,
about three hundred banking institutions, enjoying in different
degrees the confidence of the public, shaken as to them all, under
no direct control of the general governraent, and subject to no
actual responsibility to the state authorities. These institutions
were emitting the actual currency of the United States ; a currency
consisting of a paper, on which they neither paid interest nor
principal, whilst it was exchanged for the paper of the comraunity,
on which both were paid. He saw these institutions in fact exercis
ing what had been considered, at all times and in all countries,
one of the highest attributes of sovereignty, the regulation of the
current medium of the country. They were no longer competent
to assist the teeasury in either of the great operations of collection,
deposit, or distribution, of the public revenues. In fact, the paper
which they emitted, and which the treasury, from the force of events,
found itself constrained to receive, was constantly obstructing the
operations of that department. For it would accumulate where it
was not wanted, and could not be used where it was wanted for
the purposes of government, without a ruinous and arbitrary
brokerage. Every man who paid or received from the government,
paid or received as much less than he ought to have done as was
the difference between the medium in which the payment was
effected and specie. Taxes were no longer uniform. In New
England, where specie payments have not been suspended, the
people were called upon to pay larger contributions than where
they were suspended. In Kentucky as much ' more was paid by
the people in their taxes than was paid, for example, in the state of
Ohio, as Kentucky paper was worth more than Ohio paper.
It appeared to Mr. Clay, that, in this condition of things, the
general government could depend no longer upon these local
institutions, multiplied and multiplying daily ; coming into exist
ence by the breath of eighteen state sovereignties, some of which
by a single act of volition had created twenty or thirty at a time.
Even if the resumption of specie payments could have been
VOL. I. 34

266 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
anticipated, the general government remaining passive, it did fiot
seem to him that the general government ought longer to depend
upon these local institutions exclusively for aid in its operations.
But he did not believe it could be justiy so anticipated. It was
not the interest of aU of them that the renewal of specie payments
should take place, and yet, without concert between aU or most of
them it could not be effected. With regard to those disposed to
return to a regular state of things, great difficulties might arise, as
to the time of its commencement.
Considering, then, that the state of the cui-rency was such that
no thinking man could contemplate it without the most serious
alarm; that it threatened general distress, if it did not ultimately lead
to convulsion and subversion of the government ; it appeared to
him to be the duty of congress to apply a remedy, if a remedy
could be devised. A national bank, with other auxiliary measures,
was proposed as that remedy. Mr. Clay said, he determined to
examine the question with as little prejudice as possible arising
from his former opinion. He knew that the safest course to him,
if he pursued a cold, calculating prudence, was to adhere to that
opinion, right or wrong. He was perfectly aware, that if he
changed, or seemed to change it, he should expose himself to some
censure. But, looking at the subject with the light shed upon it by
events happening since the commencement of the war, he could no
longer doubt. A bank appeared to him not only necessary, but
indispensably necessary, in connection with another measure, to
remedy the evils of which all were but too sensible. He preferred
to the suggestions of the pride of consistency, the evident interests
of the community, and determined to throw himself upon thete
candor and justice. That which appeared to him in 1811, under
the state of things then existing, not to be necessary to the general
governraent, seemed now to be necessary, under the present state
of things. Had he then foreseen what now exists, and no objec
tion had lain against the renewal of the charter other than that
derived from the constitution, he should have voted for the renewal.
Other provisions of the constitution, but little noticed, if noticed
at aU, on the discussions in congress in 1811, would seem to urge
that body to exert aU its powers to restore to a sound state the
money of the countey. That instrument confers upon congress
the power to coin money, and to regulate the value of foreign
coins; and the states are prohibited to coin money, to emit bills of
credit, or to make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts. The plain inference is, that the subject of the
general currency was intended to be submitted exclusively to the
general government. In point of fact, however, the, regulation of
the general currency is in the hands of the state governments, or,
which is the same thing, of the banks created by them. Their
paper has every quafity of money, except that of being made a

ON THE BANK QUESTION. 267
tender, and even this is imparted to it by some states, in the law
by which a creditor must receive it, or submit to a ruinous suspen
sion of the payment of his debt. It was incumbent upon congress
to recover the conteol which it had lost over the general currency.
The remedy caUed for, was one of caution and moderation, but of
firmness. Whether a remedy directly acting upon the banks and
their paper thrown into circulation, was in the power of the general
government or not, neither congress nor the community were
prepared for the application of such a remedy. An indirect
reniedy, of a milder character, seemed to be furnished by a
national bank. Going into operation, with the powerful aid of
the treasury of the United States, he believed it would be highly
instrumental in the renewal of specie payments. Coupled with the
other measure adopted by congress for that object, he believed the
remedy effectual. The local banks must follow the example which
the national bank would set them, of redeeming their notes by the
payment of specie, or their notes wiU be discredited and put down.
If the constitution, then, warranted the establishment of a bank,
other considerations, besides those already mentioned, strongly
urged it. The want of a general medium is every where felt.
Exchange varies continually, not only between different parts
of the union, but between different parts of the same city. If
the paper of a national bank were not redeemed in specie,
it would be much better than the current paper, since, although its
value in comparison with specie might fluctuate, it would afford an
uniform standard.
If political power be incidental to banking corporations, there
ought, perhaps, to be in the general government some counterpoise
to that which is exerted by the states. Such a counterpoise might
not indeed be so necessary, if the states exercised the power to
incorporate banks equally, or in proportion to their respective
populations. But that is not the case. A single state has a banking
capital equivalent, or nearly so, to one-fifth of the whole banking
capital of the United States. Four states combined, have the
major part of the banking capital of the United States. In the
event of any convulsion, in which the disteibution of banking
institutions might be important, it may be urged, that the mischief
would not be alleviated by the creation of a national bank, since its
location must be within one of the states. But in this respect the
location of the bank is exteemely favorable, being in one of the
middle states, not likely from its position, as weU as its loyalty, to
concur in any scheme for subverting the government. And a
sufficient security against such contingency is to be found in the
distribution of branches in different states, acting and reacting
upon the parent institution, and upon each other.

ON THE DIRECT TAX,
AND THE STATE OF THE NATION AFTER THE CLOSE OF THE WAR
WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY, 1816.

[In this speech, which was made in committee of the whole, on a proposition to
lay a direct tax for the purpose of providing for the interest on the public debt, and
for other objects, as expressed in the report of the commiitee of ways and means,
Mr. Clay enters into a general view of the state of public affairs, as they existed at
the conclusion of the war with Great Britain. His defence of the poUcy of the war,
and of the treaty of peace concluded by himself and the other commissioners at Ghent,
will be found interesting and valuable, as a portion of our national history. On the
present occasion, it will be observed, Mr. Clay first boldly avows his sympathies for
the cause of the patriots of South America; thus shadowing forth, at this early period,
the feelings which prompted him, in 1818, to propose, in a definite form, the recogni
tion of their independence. This speech concludes with a masterly, although rapid,
sketch of the true policy of the country, in which are seen the outlines of the Jrner-
ican systAim, a subject always prominent in. the thoughts of this statesman.]

Mr. Clay (speaker) said, the course had been pursued, ever
since he had had the honor of a seat on this floor, to select some
subject during the early part of the session, on which, by a general
understanding, gentlemen were allowed to indulge 'themselves in
remarks on the existing state of pubUc affates. The practice was
a very good one, he said, and there could be no occasion more
proper than that of a proposition to lay a dteect tax.
Those who have for fifteen years past administered the affairs of
this government, have conducted this nation to an honorable point
of elevation, at which they raay justly pause, challenge a reteospect,
and invite attention to the bright field of prosperity which Hes
before us.
The great objects of the cominittee of finance, in the report
under consideration, are, in the first place, to provide for the pay
ment of the public debts, and in the second, to provide for the
support of the government, and the payment of such expenses as
should be authorized by congress. The greater part of the debt,
Mr. Clay admitted, had grown out of the late war; yet a consider
able portion of it consisted of that conteacted in the former war for

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 269
independence, and a portion of it, perhaps, of that which arose out
of the wars with Tripoli and Algiers. Gentiemen had, on this
occasion, therefore, fairly a right to examine into the course of
administration heretofore, to demonsteate the impolicy of those wars,
and the injudiciousness of the public expenditures generally. In
the cursory view which he should take of this subject, he must be
allowed to say, he should pay no particular attention to what had
passed before, in debate. An honorable colleague (Mr. Hardin)
who spoke the other day, like another gentieman who preceded
him in debate, had taken occasion to refer to his (Mr. Clay's) late
absence from this country on public business ; but, Mr. Clay said,
he trusted, among the fruits of that absence were a greater respect
for the' institutions which distinguish this happy country, a greater
confidence in them, and an increased disposition to cling to them.
Yes, sir ; I was in the neighborhood of the battie of Waterloo, and
some lessons I did derive from it ; but they were lessons which
satisfied me, that national independence was only to be maintained
by national resistance against foreign encroachments ; by cherishing
the interests of the people, and giving to the whole physical power
of the country an interest in the preservation of the nation. I have
been taught that lesson ; that we should never lose sight of the
possibility, that a combination of despots, of men unfriendly to
liberty, propagating what in their opinion constitutes the principle
of legitimacy, might reach, our happy land, and subject us to that
tyranny and degradation which seems to be one of their objects in
another country. The result of my reflections is, the determination
to aid with my vote in providing my counti-y with all the means to
protect its liberties, and guard them even from serious menace.
Motives of delicacy, which the committee would be able to under
stand and appreciate, prevented him from noticing some of his
colleague's (Mr. Hardin's) remarks ; but he would talce the occasion
to give him one admonition — that, when he next favored the house
with an exhibition of his talent for wit — with a display of those
elegant implements, for his possession of which, the gentleman
from Virginia had so handsomely complimented him — that he
would recollect that it is bought, and not borrowed wit, which the
adage recommends as best. With regard to the late war with
Great Britain, history, in deciding upon the justice and policy of
that war, will determine the question according to the state of things
which existed when that war was declared. I gave a vote for the
declaration of wai-. I exerted all the littie influence and talents I
could command to make the war. The war was made ; it is
terminated; and I declare with perfect sincerity, if it had been
permitted me to lift the veU of futurity, and to have foreseen the
precise series of events which has occurred, my vote would have
been unchanged. The policy of the war, as it regarded our state
of preparation, must be determined vAth reference to the state of

270 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
things at the time that war was declared. He need not take up
the time of the house, in demonstrating that we had cause sufl[icient
for war. We had been insulted and outeaged, and -spoliated upon
by almost all Europe — by Great Britain, by France, Spain, Den
mark, Naples, and, to cap the cfimax, by the fittie, contemptible
power of Algiers. We had submitted too long and too much. We
had become the scorn of foreign powers, and the contempt of our
own citizens. The question of the policy of declaring war at the
particular time when it was commenced, is best determined by
applying to the enemy himself ; and what said he! — that of all
the circumstances attending its declaration, none was so aggravat
ing as that we should have selected the moment which of all
others was most inconvenient to him ; when he was steuggfing for
self-existence in a last effort against the gigantic power of France.
The question of the state of preparation for war at any time is a
relative question — relative to our own means, the condition of the
other power, and the state of the world at the time of declaring it.
We could not expect, for instance, that a war against Algiers would
require the same means or extent of preparation, as a war against
Great Britain ; and if it was to be waged against one of the
primary powers of Europe, at peace -with all the rest of the world,
and therefore all her force at command, it could not be commenced
with so little preparation, as if her whole force were employed in
another quarter. It is not necessary again to repel the stale, ridic
ulous, false story of French influence, originating in Great Britain,
and echoed here. I now contend, as I have always done, that we
had a right to take advantage of the condition of the world, at the
time war was declared. If Great Britain were engaged in war, we
had a right to act on the knowledge of the fact, that her means of
annoyance, as to us, were diminished ; and we had a right to obtain
all the collateral aid we could, from the operations of other powers
against her, without entering into those connections which are
forbidden by the genius of our government. But it was rather hke
disturbing the ashes of the dead, now to discuss the questions of
the justice or expediency of the war. They were questions long
since settied, and on which the public opinion was decisively made
up, in favor of the administeation.
He proceeded to examine the conditions of the peace and the
fruits of the war — questions of more recent date, and more imme
diately appficable to the present discussion. The terms of the
peace must be determined by the same rule that was applicable to
the declaration of war — that rule which was furnished by the state
of the world at the time the peace was made ; and, even if it were
true, that aU the sanguine expectations which might have been
formed at the time of the declaration of war, were not realized by
the terms of the subsequent peace, it did not follow that the war
was improperly declared, or the peace dishonorable, unless the

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 271
condition of the parties, in relation to other powers, remained sub
stantially the same, throughout the struggle, and at the time of the
termination of the war, as it was at the commencement of it.
At the termination of the war, France was annihilated — blotted out
of the map of Europe ; the vast power wielded by Bonaparte
existed no longer. Let it be admitted, that statesmen, in laying
their course, are to look at probable events; that their conduct is to
be examined, with reference to the course of events, which in all
human probabifity might have been anticipated ; and is there a
man in this house, in existence, who can say, that on the eighteenth
d.iy of June, 1812, when the war was declared, it would have been
anticipated, that Great Britain, by the circumstance of a general
peace, resulting from the overthrow of a power whose base
ments were supposed to be deeper laid, more ramified, and more
extended, than those of any power ever were before, would be
placed in the attitude in which she stood in Deceraber, 1814?
Would any one say, that this government could have anticipated
such a state of things, and ought to have been governed in its
conduct accordingly ? Great Britain, Russia, Germany, did not
expect — not a power in Europe believed — as late even as January,
, 1814, that, in the ensuing March, Bonaparte would abdicate, and
the restoration of the Bourbons would foUow. What, then, was
the actual condition of Europe, when peace was concluded?
A perfect teanquillity reigned throughout; for, as late as the first of
March, the idea of Napoleon's reappearing in France, was as little
entertained as that of a man's coming from the moon to take upon
himself the government of the country. In December, 1814, a
profound and apparently a permanent peace existed ; Great Britain
was left to dispose of the vast force, the accumulation of twenty-
five years, the work of an immense system of finance and proteacted
w^ar ; she was at fiberty to employ that undivided force against this
country. Under such circumstances, it did not follow, according
to the rules laid down, either that the war ought not to have been
made, or that peace on such terras ought not to have been
concluded. What, then, were the terms of the peace ? The regular opposi
tion in this countey, the gentlemen on the other side of the house,
had not come out to challenge an investigation of the terms of the
peace, although they had several times given a sidewipe at the
teeaty, on occasions with which it had no- necessary connection. It
had been sometimes said, that we had gained nothing by the war,
that the fisheries were lost, &c. How, he asked, did this question
of die fisheries reaUy stand ? By the first part of the third article
of the treaty of 1783, the right was recognized in the people of the
United States to take fish of every kind on the Grand Bank, and
on all the other banks of Newfoundland; also in the gulf of St
lia-wrence, and at all other places, in the sea, where the inhabitants

272 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
of both countries used at any time to fish. This right was a
necessary incident to our sovereignty, although it is denied to some
of the powers of Europe. It was not contested at Ghent ; it has
never been drawn in question by Great Britain. But by the same
third article it was further stipulated, that the inhabitants of the
United States shall have ' liberty to take fish of every kind on such
part of the coast of Newfoundland as British fishermen shaU use
(but not to dry or cure the same on that island), and also on the
coasts, bays, and creeks, of all other of his Britannic majesty's
dominions in America; and that the Araerican fishermen shall
have fiberty to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettied bays,
harbors, and creeks. of Nova Scotia, Magdalen islands, and Lab
rador, so long as the same shaU remain unsettled ; but so soon as
the same or either of them shall be settled, it shall not be lawful
for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settlement, without
a previous agreement for that purpose with the inhabitants, propri
etors, or possessors of the ground.' The British commissioners,
assuming that these liberties had expired by the war between the
two countries, at an early period of the negotiation, declared that
they would not be revived without an equivalent. Whether the
treaty of 1783 does not form an exception to the general rule,
according to which treaties are vacated by a war breaking out
between the parties, is a question on which he did not mean to
express an opinion. The first article of that treaty, by which the
king of Great Britain acknowledges the sovereignty of the United
States, certainly was not abrogated by the war; that aU the other
parts of the same instrument, which define the limits, privileges,
and liberties attaching to that sovereignty, were equally unaffected
by the war, might be contended for with at least much plausibility
If we determined to offer them the equivalent required, the ques
tion was, what should it be? When the British commissioners
demanded, in their projet, a renewal to Great Britain of the right
to the navigation of the Mississippi, secured by the teeaty of 1783,
a bare majority of the American comraissioners offered to renew it,
upon the condition that the liberties in question were renewed to
us. He was not one of that majority. He would not teouble the
committee with his reasons for being opposed to the offer. A
majority of his colleagues, actuated he believed by the best motives,
made, however, the offer, and it was refused by the British com
missioners. If the British interpretation of the treaty of 1783 be correct, we
have lost the liberties in question. What the value of them -really
is, he had not been able to meet with any two gentiemen who
agreed. The great value of the whole mass of oijr fishery inter
ests, as connected with our navigation and teade, was suffidently
deraonsteated by the tonnage eraployed ; but of what was the rela
tive importance of these liberties, there was great conttariety of

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 273
statements. They -vyere liberties to be exercised within a foreign
jurisdiction, and some of them were liable to be desti-oyed by the
contingency of settlement. He did not believe, that much impor
tance attached to such liberties. And, supposing them to be lost,
we are, perhaps, sufficiently indemnified by the redemption of the
British mortgage upon the navigation of the Mississippi. This
gi-eat stream, on that supposition, is placed where it ought to be, in
the same independent condition with the Hudson, or any other river
in the United States.
If, on the conteary, the opposite construction of the teeaty. of
1783 be the teue one, these liberties remain to us, and the right to
the navigation of the Mississippi, as secured to Great Britain by
that instrument, continues with her.
But he was surprised to hear a gentleman from the western
country (Mr. Hardin) exclaim, that we had gained nothing by the
war. Great Britain acquired, by the treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay,
the right to trade with the Indians within our territories. It was a
right upon which she placed great value, and from the pursuit of
which she did not desist without great reluctance. It had been
exercised by her agents in a raanner to excite the greatest sensi
bility in the western country. This right was clearly lost by the
war ; for, whatever may be the true opinion as to the teeaty of
1783, there can be no doubt that the stipulations of that of 1794 no
longer exist.
It had been said, that the great object, in the continuation of the
war, had been to secure our mariners against impressment, and
that peace was made without accomplishing it. With regai-d
to the opposition, he presumed that they would not urge any such
argument. For, if their opinion was to be inferred (though he
hoped in this case it was not) from that of an influential and
distinguished member of the opposition, we had reason to believe
that they did not think the British docti-ines wrong on this subject.
He alluded to a letter said to be -written by a gentleman of great
consideration, residing in an adjoiniag state, to a member of this
house, in which the -wi-iter states, that he conceives the British
claim to be right, and expresses his hope that the president, however
he might kick at it, would be compelled to swallow the bitter pill.
If the peace had really given up the American doctrine, it would
have been, according to that opinion, merely yielding to the force
of the British right. In that view of the subject, the error of the
administration would have been in contending for too much in
behalf of this country ; for he presumed there was no doubt, that,
whether right or wrong, it would be an important principle gained
to secure our seamen against British impressment. And he trusted
in God that all future administrations would rather err on the side
of contending for too much than too littie for America.
But he was wiUing to admit, that the conduct of the administea-
voL. I. 35

274 SPEECH EiS OF HENRY CLAY.
tion ought to be tried by their own opinions, and not those of the
opposition. One of the great causes of the war, and of its con
tinuance, was the practice of impressment exercised by Great
Britain, and if this claim has been admitted, by necessary implica
tion or express stipulation, the administration has abandoned the
rights of our seamen. It was with utter astonishment that he heard,
that it had been contended in this countey, that because our right
of exemption from the practice had not been expressly secured in
the teeaty, it was therefore given up ! It was impossible that such
an argument could be advanced on the floor. 'No member who
regarded his reputation would have dared advance such an argu
ment here.
Had the war terminated, the practice continuing, he admitted
that such might be a fate inference ; and on sorae former occasion
he had laid down the principle, which he thought correct, that if
the United States did not make peace -with Great Britain, the war
in Europe continuing, and therefore she continuing the exercise of
the practice, without any stipulation to secure us against its effects,
the plain inference would be, that we had surrendered the right.
But what is the fact? At the time of the conclusion of the teeaty
of peace. Great Britain had ceased the practice of impressment ;
she was not only at peace with all the powers of Europe, but there
was every prospect of a permanent and durable peace. The treaty
being sUent on the subject of impressment, the only plain rational
result was, that neither party had conceded its rights, but they were
left totaUy unaffected by it. He recollected to have heard, in the
British house of commons, whilst he was in Europe, the very
reverse of the doctrine advanced here on this subject. The
British ministry were charged by a member of the opposition with
having surrendered their right of impressment, and the same course
of reasoning was employed to prove it, as he understood was em
ployed in this country to prove our acquiescence in that practice.
The argument was this : the war was made on the professed
ground of resistance of the practice of impressment; the peace
having been made without a recognition of the right of America,
the treaty being silent on the subject, the inference was, that the
British authorities had surrendered the right — that they had failed
to secure it, and, having done so,' had in effect yielded it The
member of the opposition in England was just as -wrong as any
member of the house would be, who should contend that the right
of impressment is surrendered to the British government. The
fact was, neither party had surrendered its rights ; things remain as
though the war had never been made — both parties are in posses
sion of aU the rights they had anterior to the war. Lest it might
be deduced that his sentiments on the subject of impressment had
undergone a change, he took the opportunity to say, that, although
he desired to preserve peace between Great Britain and the United

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 27©
States, and to maintain between them that good understanding
calculated to promote the interest of each, yet, whenever Great
Britain should give satisfactory evidence of her design to apply her
docteine of impressment as heretofore, he was, for ane, ready to
take up arms again to oppose her. The fact was, that the two
nations had been placed in a state of hostility as to a practice
growing out of the war in Europe. The war ceasing between
Great Britain and the rest of Europe, left England and America
engaged in a contest on an aggression which had also practicaUy
ceased. The question had then presented itself, whether theUnited
States should be kept in war, to gain an abandonment of what
had become a mere absteact principle ; or, looking at the results,
and relying on the good sense and sound discretion of both
countries, we should not recommend the termination of the war.
When no practical evil could result from the suspension of hostili'
ties, and there was no more than a possibility of the removal of
the practice of impressment, I, as one of the mission, consented
with sincere pleasure to the peace, satisfied that we gave up no
right, sacrificed no honor, comproraited no important principle.
He said, then, applying the rule of the actual state of things, as
that by which to judge of the peace, .there was nothing in the
conditions or terms of the peace that was dishonorable, notfiing for
reproach, nothing for regret
Gentlemen have complained, that we had lost the islands
in the bay of Passamaquoddy. Have they examined into that
question, and do they know the grounds on which it stands ?
Prior to the war we occupied Moose Island, the British Grand
Menan. Each party daimed bo.th islands ; America, because they
are within the limits of the United States, as defined by the teeaty
of 1783 ; and Great Britain, because, as she aUeges, they were in
the exception contained in the second article of that ti-eaty as to
islands within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia. AU the
information which he bad recdved concurred in representing
Grand Menan as the most valuable island. Does the treaty, in
stipulating for an amicable and equitable mode of settfing this
conteoversy, yield one foot of the territory of the United States ?
If our titie to Moose Island is drawn in question, that of Great
Britain to Grand Menan is equaUy so. If we may lose tiie one,
she may the other. The treaty, it was teue, contained a pro%ision
that the party in possession, at the tune of its ratification, may hold
on untU the question of right is decided. The committee would
observe, that this stipulation, as to possession, was not fimited to
the moment of the signature, but looked to the period of the rati
fication of the teeaty. The .American commissioners had thought
they might safely rely on the valor of Massachusetts, or the arms
of tiie United States, to drive the invader from our soil ; and had
also hoped that we xoight obtain possession of Grand Menan. It

276 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
is teue, they have been disappointed in the successful appfication
of the force of that state and of that of the union. But it is not
true that we have parted with the right It is fair to presume
that Great Britain will, with good faith, cooperate in carrying the
stipulations into effect; and she has, in fact, already promptly
proceeded to the appointment of commissioners under the treaty.
What have we gained by the war ? He had shown we had lost
nothing in rights, territory, or honor ; nothing for which we ought
to have contended, according to the principles of the gentiemen on
the other side, or according to our own. Have we gained nothing
by the war ? Let any man look at the degraded condition of this
country before the war — the scorn of the universe, the contempt
of ourselves — and tell me, if we have gained nothing by the war ?
What is our present situation ? Respectability and character
abroad ; security and confidence at home. If we have not obtained,
in the opinion of some, the full measure of reteibution, our charac
ter and constitution are placed on a solid basis, never to be shalten. .
The glory acquired by our gallant tars, by our Jacksons and our
Browns on the land, is that nothing? True, we have had our
vicissitudes — that there were humiliating events which the patriot
could not review without deep regret. But the great account,
when it came to be balanced, thank God, would be found vastly
in our favor. Is there a man, he asked, who would have obliterated
from the proud pages of our history the brUliant achievements of
Jackson, Brown, Scott, and the host of heroes on land and sea
whom he would not enumerate ? Is there a man who could not
desire a participation in the national glory acquired by the war ? —
yes, national glory ; which, however the expression may be con
demned by some, must be cherished by every genuine pateiot
What do I mean by national glory ? Glory such as Hull, of the
Constitution, Jackson, Lawrence, Perry, have acquired. And are
gentiemen insensible to their deeds ? to the value of them, in
animating the countey in the hour of peril hereafter? Did the
battie of Thermopylse preserve Greece but once ? WhUst the
Mississippi continues to bear the tributes of the Iron mountains
and the AUeghany to her Delta and to the Gulf of Mexico, the
eighth of January shall be remembered, and the glory of that day
shaU stimulate future patriots, and nerve the arms of unborn freemen,
in driving the presumptuous invader from our countey's soil!
Gentiemen may boast of thete insensibifity to feefings inspired by
the contemplation of such events. But he would ask, does the
recollection of Bunker's hiU, of Saratoga, of York-town, afford them
no pleasure ? Every act of noble sacrifice to the country —^ every
instance of patriotic devotion to her cause — has its beneficial
influence. A nation's character is the sum of its splendid deeds.
They, constitute one common pati-imony — the nation's inheritance.
They awe foreign powers. They arouse and animate our own

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 277
people. Do gentlemen derive no pleasure from the recent teansac
tions in the Mediterranean ? Can they regard unmoved the honor
able issue of a war, in support of our national rights, declared,
prosecuted, and terminated by a teeaty in which the enemy
submitted to a carte blanche, in the short period of forty days ?
The days of chivalry are not gone. They have been revived in
the person of comraodore Decatur, who, in releasing from infidel
bondage Christian captives — the subjects of a foreign power —
and restoring them to their country and their friends, has placed
himself beside the most renowned knights of former times. I love
true glory. It is this sentiment which ought to be cherished ; and
in spite of cavils and sneers and attempts to put it down, it will
finally conduct this nation to that height to which God and nature
have destined it Three wars, those who at present administer
this government may say, and say with proud satisfaction, they
have safely conducted us through. Two with powers, which,
though otherwise contemptible, have laid almost all Europe under
teibute — a ti-ibute from which we are exonerated. The third, with
one of the most gigantic powers that the world ever saw. These
struggles have not been without their sacrifices, nor -without their
lessons. They have created, or rather greatly increased, the public
debt They have taught, that, to preserve the character we have
established, preparation for war is necessary.
The public debt exists. However contracted, the faith of the
nation is pledged for its redemption. It can only be paid by
providing an excess of revenue beyond expenditure, or by retrench
ment. Did gentlemen contend that the results of the report were
inaccurate — that the proceeds of the revenue would be greater, or
the public expenses less, than the estimate ? On these subjects,
he believed it would be presumption in hira, when the defence of
the report was in such able hands (Mr. Lowndes's), to attempt its
vindication. Leaving the task to that gentieman, he should
assume, for the present, its accuracy. He would lay down a
general rule, from which there ought never to be a departure,
without absolute necessity — that the expenses of the year ought
to be met by the revenue of the year. If in time of war it were
impossible to observe this rule, we ought, in time of peace, to
provide for as speedy a dischai-ge of the debt contracted in the
preceding war as possible. This can only be done by an effective
sinking fund, based upon an excess of revenue beyond expendi
ture, and a -protraction of the period of peace. If in England the
sinking fund had not fulfilled what was promised, it was because
of a failure to provide such a revenue, and because the interests of
peace in that countey had been too few and too short From the
revolution to 1812, a period of one hundred and twenty-four years,
there had been sixty-three years of war, and only sixty-one of
peace ; and there had been conteacted £638,129,577 of debt, and

278 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
discharged only £39,594,305. The national debt at the peace of
Utrecht amounted to £52,681,076, and during the peace which
followed, being twenty-seven years, from 1714 to 1740, there was
discharged only £7,231,503. When the operations of our sinking
fund were contrasted with those of Great Britain, they would be found
to present the most gratifying results. Our pubfic debt, existing on
the first day of January, 1802, amounted to $78,754,568 70 ; and on
the first of January, 1815, we had extinguished $33,873,463 98.
Thus in thirteen years, one half the period of peace that foUowed
the treaty of Utrecht, we had discharged more public debt than
Great Britain did during that period. In twenty-six years she did
not pay much more than a seventh of her debt In thirteen years
we paid raore than a third of ours. If, then, a public debt, con-
tiacted in a raanner, he teusted, satisfactory to the countey, imposed
upon us a duty to provide for its payment ; if we were encouraged,
by past experience, to persevere in the application of an effective
sinking fund, he would again repeat, that the only alternatives
were the adoption of a system of taxation producing the revenue
estimated by the committee of ways and means, or by great
retrenchment of the public expenses.
In what respect can a reduction of the public expenses be effected?
Gentlemen who assaUed the report on this ground have, by the in^
definite nature of the attack, great advantage on their side. Instead
of contenting themselves with crying out retrenchment! reteench-
ment ! a theme always plausible, an object always proper, when
the public interest will admit of it, let them point the attention of
the house to some specified subject If they reaUy think a reduc
tion of the army and navy, or either of them, be proper, let them
lay a resolution upon the table to that effect. They had generally,
it was true, singled out, in discussing this report, {and he had no
objection to meet them in this way, though he thought the other
the fairest course,) the military establishment He was glad that
the navy had fought itself into favor, and that no one appeared
disposed to move its reduction or to oppose its gradual augmenta
tion. But the ' standing army ' is the great object of gentlemen's
apprehensions. And those who can bravely set at defiance
hobgoblins, the creatures of their own fertile imaginations, are
teembfing for the fiberties of the people, endangered by a standing
army of ten thousand men. Those who can courageously vote
against taxes, are alarraed for the safety of the constitution and
the country, at such a force scattered over our extensive territory !
This could not have been expected, at least in the honorable
gentieman (Mr. Ross), who, if he had been storming a fort, could
not have displayed more cool, collected courage than he did, when
he declared, that he would show to Pennsylvania, that she had one
faithful representative, bold and independent enough to vote against
a tax!

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 279
He had happened, very incidentally, the other day, and in a
manner which he had supposed could not attract particular atten
tion, to state, that the general condition of the world admonished
us to shape our measures with a view to the possible confficts into
which we might be drawn ; and he said, he did not know when he
should cease to witness the attacks made upon him in consequence
of that general remark ; when he should cease to hear the cry of
' standing army,' ' national glory,' &c. &c. From the tenor of gen
tlemen's observations, it would seem as if, for the first time in the
history of this government, it was now proposed, that a certain
regular force should constitute a portion of the public defence.
But from the administration of general Washington, down to this
time, a regular force, a standing army (if gentlemen please), had
existed, and the only question about it, at any time, had been, what
should be the amount. Gentlemen themselves, who most loudly
decry this establishment, did not propose an enttee disbandment of
it; and the question, ever with them, is, not whether a regular force be
necessary, but whether a regular force of this or that amount be
caUed for by the actual state of our affairs.
The question is not, on any side of the house, as to the nature,
but the quantum of the force. He maintained the position, that
if there was the most profound peace that ever existed ; if we had
no fears from any quarter whatever ; if all the world was in a state
of the most profound and absolute repose ; a regular force of ten
thousand men was not too great for the purposes of this govern
raent We knew too much, he said, of the vicissitudes of human
affairs, and the uncertainty of all our calculations, not to know, that,
even in the most profound tranquUfity, some tempest may suddenly
arise, and bring us into a state requiring the exertion of mifitary
force, which cannot be created in a moment, but requtees time for
its coUection, organization, and discipline. When gentlemen
talked of the force which was deemed sufl[icient some twenty years
ago, what did they mean ? That this force was not to be progres
sive ? That the fuU grown man ought to wear the clothes and
habits of his infancy ? That the establishment maintained by this
government, when its population amounted to four or five miUions
only, should be the standard by which our measures should be
regulated, in all subsequent states of the country ? If gentiemen
meant this, as it seemed to him they did, he and they, should not
agree. He contended, that estabUshments ought to be commen
surate with the actual state of the countiy, should grow with its
growth, and keep pace with its progress. Look at that map (said
he, pointing to the large map of the United States, which hangs in
the haU of representatives) — at the vast extent of that countey which
stretches from the Lake of the Woods, in the northwest, to the Bay
of Fundy, in the east. Look at the vast extent of our maritime
coast; recoUect we have Indians and powerful nations confer-

280 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
minous on the whole frontier; and that we know not at what
moment the savage enemy, or Great Britain herself, may seek to
make war with us." Ought the force of the countey to be graduated
by the scale of our exposure, or are we to be uninfluenced by the
increase of our liabUity to war? Have we forgotten that the
power of France, as a counterpoise to that of Great Britain, is
annihilated — gone, never to rise again, I believe, under the weak,
unhappy, and imbecUe race who now sway her destinies ? Any
individual must, I think, come to the same conclusion wUh myself,
who takes these considerations into view, and reflects on our growth,
the state of dur defence, tiie situation of the nations of the world,
and above all, of that nation with whom we are most likely to
come into coUision — for it is in vain to conceal it; this country
must have many a hard and desperate tug with Great Britain, let
the two governments be administered how and by whom they may.
That man must be blind to the judications of the future, who cannot
see that we ai-e destined to have war after war with Great Britain,
until, if one of the two nations be not crushed, all grounds of
coUision shall have ceased between us. I repeat, if the condition
of France were that of perfect repose, instead of that of a volcano,
ready to burst oyt again with a desolating eruption ; if with Spain
our differences were settied ; if the dreadful war raging in South
America were terminated; if the marines of aU the powers of
Europe were resuscitated as they stood prior to the revolution of
France ; if there was universal repose, and profound tranquillity
among all the nations of the earth ; considering the acmal gi-owth
of our country, in my judgment, the force of ten thousand pen
would not be too great for its exigences. Do gentlemen ask, if I
rely on the regular force entirely for the defence of the country?
I answer, it is for garrisoning and keeping in order our fortifica
tions, for the preservation of the national arras, for something like
a safe depository of military science and skill, to which we may
recur in time of danger, that I desire to maintain an adequate
regular force. I know, that in the hour of perU, our great reliance
must be on the whole physical force of the countey, and that no
detachment of it can be exclusively depended on. History proves
that no nation, not destitute of the military art, whose people were
united in its defence, ever was conquered. It is teue, that in
countries where standing armies have been entirely rdied on, the
armies have been subdued, and the subjugation ofthe nation has
been the consequence of it ; but no example is to be found of a
united people being conquered, who possessed an adequate degree
of military knowledge. Look at the Grecian republics, steuggling
successfuUy against the overwhelming force of Persia ; look more
recently at Spain. I have great confidence in the militia, and I
would go with my honorable colleague (Mr. M'Kee), whose views
I know are honest, hand in hand^ in arming, disciplining, and

ON THE DIRECT TAX.' 281
rendering effective, the mUitia ; I am for providing the nation with
every possible means of resistance. I ask my honorable coUeague,
after I have gone flius far with him, to go a step further with me,
and let us retain the force w-^e now have for the purposes I have
already described. I ask gentlemen who propose to reduce the
army, if they have examined in detail the number and extent of
the posts and garrisons on our maritime and interior frontier? If
they have not gone through this process of reasoning, how shall
we arrive at the result that we can reduce the army with safety ?
There is not one of our forts adequately garrisoned at this moment ;
and there is nearly one fourth of them that have not one solitary
man. I said the other day, that I would rather vote for the aug
mentation than the reduction of the army. When returning to my
countey from its foreign service, and looking at this question, it
appeared to me that the maximum was twenty thousand, the
minimum ten thousand of the force we ought to retain. And I
again say, that rather than reduce I would vote to increase the
present force.
A standing army had been deemed necessary, from the com
mencement of the government to the present time. The question
was only as to the quantum of force ; and not whether it should
exist No man who regards his polijical reputation, would place
himself 'before the people, on a proposition for its absolute disband
ment. He admitted a question as to quantum might be carried so
far as to rise into a question of principle. If we were to prppose
to retain an army of thirty, or forty, or fifty thousand men, then
truly the question would present itself, whether our rights were not
in some danger from such a standing army ; whether refiance was
to be placed altogether on a standing army, or on that natural safe
defence which, according to the habits of the countey and the
principles of our government, is considered the bulwark of our
liberties. But, between five and ten thousand men, or any number
under ten thousand, it could not be a question of principle ; for,
unless gentlemen were afraid of spectees, it was utterly impossible
that any danger could be apprehended from ten thousand men,
dispersed on a frontier of many thousand miles ; here twenty or
thirty, there an hundred ; and the largest amount, at Deteoit, not
exceeding a thin regiment And yet, brave gentlemen — gentle
men who are not Edarmed at hobgoblins — who can intrepidly vote
even against taxes — are alarmed by a force of this extent I What,
he asked, was the amount of the army in tlie time of Mr. Jefferson —
a time, the orthodoxy of which had been so ostentatiously pro
claimed? It was teue, when that gentieman cariie into power,
it was with a determination to retrench, as far as practicable.
Under the fuU influence of these notions, in 1802, the bold step of
wholly disbanding the array, never was thought of. The mUitary
peace establishment was then fixed at about four thousand men.
VOL. I. 36

282 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
But, before Mr. Jefferson went out of power, what was done —
that is, in April, 1808 ? In addition to the then existing peace
establishment, eight regiments, amounting to between five and six
thousand men, were authorized, making a total force precisely
equal to the present peace establishment It was true, that all this
force had never been actually enlisted and embodied; that the
recruiting service had been suspended ; and that at the commence
ment of the war we had far from this number ; and we have not now
actually ten thousand men — being at least two thousand deficient
of that number. He adverted to what had been said, on this and
other occasions, of Mr. Jefferson's not having seized the favorable
moraent for war, which was afforded by the attack on the Chesa
peake. He had always entertained the opinion, he said, that Mr.
Jefferson on that occasion took the correct, raanly, and frank course,
in saying to the British government, your officers have done this;
it is an enormous aggression; do you approve the act; do you
make it your cause, or not ? That government did not sanction
the act ; ^t disclaimed it, and promptiy too ; and although they for
a long time withheld the due redress, it was ultimately tendered.
If Mr. Jefferson had used his power to carry the country into a
war at that period, it might have been supported by public opinion,
during the moment of fever, but it would soon abate, and the
people would begin to ask, why this war had been made without
understanding whether the British government avowed the conduct
of its officers, and so forth. If the threatening aspect of our rela
tions with England had entered into the consideration which had
caused the increase of the army at that time, there were considera
tions equally steong at this time, with our augmented population,
for retaining our present force. If, however, there were no threat-
enings from any quarter; if the relative force of European nations,
and the general balance of power existing before the French
revolution were restored; if South America had not made the
attempt, in which he trusted in God she would succeed, to achieve
her independence ; if our affates with Spain were settled, he would
repeat, that ten thousand men would not be too great a force for
the necessities of the countey, and with a view to future emergences.
He had taken the liberty, the other day. to make some observa
tions which he might now repeat as furnishing auxiliary considera
tions for adopting a course of prudence and precaution. He had
then said, that our affairs with Spain were not settied ; that the
Spanish minister was reported to have made some inadmissible
demands of our government. The fact turned out as he had
presented it It appeared that what was then rumor, was now fact ;
and Spain had taken the ground, not only that there must be a
discussion of our title to that part of Louisiana, formerly called
West Florida, (which it might be doubted whether it ought to take
place,) but had required that we must surrender the territory first.

ON" THE DIRECT TAX. 283
and discuss the right to it afterwards. Besides this unsettled state
of our relations with Spain, he said, there were other rumors, and
he wished to God we had the same means of ascertaining their
correctness, as we had found of ascertaining the truth of the rumor
just noticed; it was rumored that the Spanish province of Florida
had been ceded, with all her pretensions, to Great Britain. Would
gentiemen tell him, then, that this was a time when any statesman
would pursue the hazardous policy of disarming entteely, of quietly
smoking our pipes by our firesides, regardless of impending
danger ? It might be a palatable doctrine to some, but he was
persuaded was condemned by the rules of conduct in private life,
by those maxims of sound precaution by which individuals would
regulate their private affairs. He did not here mean to take up
the question in relation to South America. Still, it was impossible
not to see, that, in the progress of things, we might be called on to
decide the question, whether we would or would not lend them our
aid. This opinion he boldly declared, and he entertained it, not in
any pursuit of vain glory, but from a deliberate conviction of its
being conformable to the best interests of the country ; that, having
a proper understanding with foreign powers — that understanding
which prudence and a just precaution recommended — it would
undoubtedly be good policy to take part with the patriots of
South America. He believed it could be shown, that, on the
strictest principles of pubfic law, we have a right to talie part with
them, that it is our interest to false part with them, and that our
interposition in their favor would be effectual. But he confessed,
with infinite regret, that he saw a supineness on this interesting
subject, throughout our countey, which left him almost without
hope, that what he bdieved the correct poficy of the country would
be pursued. He considered the release of any part of America
from the dominions of the old world, as adding to the general
.security of the new. He could not contemplate the exertions of
the people of South America, without wishing that they might
teiumph, and nobly triumph. He befieved the cause of humanity
would be promoted by the interposition of any foreign po-«'er
which should terminate the contest between the friends and enemies
of independence in that quarter, for a raore bloody and cruel war
never had been carried on since the days of Adam, than that which
is now raging in South America; in which not the least regard is
paid to the laws of war, to the rights of capitulation, to the rights
of prisoners, nor even to the rights of kindred. I do not otter
these views, expecting to influence the opinions of others ; they
are opinions of my own. But, on the question of general poficy,
whether or not we shaU interfere in the war in South Arnerica, it
may turn out that, whether we wUl or wiU not choose to interfere
in their behalf, we shaU be drawn into the contest in the cour.se of
its progress. Among other demands by the minister of Spain, is

284 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the exclusion of the flag of Buenos Ayres, and other parts of South
America, from our ports. Our government has taken a ground on
this subject, of which I think no gentieman can disapprove — that
aU parties shaU be admitted and hospitably treated in our ports,
provided they conform to our laws whUst among us. What course
Spain may take on this subject, it was impossible now to say.
Although I would not urge this as an argument for increasing our
force, I would place it among those considerations which ought to
have weight with every enlightened mind, in determining upon
the propriety of its reduction- It is asserted that Great Britain has
strengthened, and is strengthening herself in the provinces adjoin:
ing us. Is this a moment when in prudence we ought to disarm?
No, sir. Preserve your existing force. It would be exteeme indis
cretion to lessen it
Mr. Clay here made some observations, to show that a reduction
of the army to from four to five thousand men, as had been sug
gested, would not occasion such a diminution of expense as to
authorize the rejection of the report, or any essential alteration in
the amount of revenue, which the system proposes to raise from
internal taxes, and his colleague (Mr. M'Kee) appeared equally
hostile to all of them. Having, however, shown that we cannot in
safety reduce the army, he would leave the details of the report in
the abler hands of the honorable chairman (Mr. Lowndes), who,
he had no doubt, could demonstrate, that with all the reteenchments
which had been recomraended, the government would be bankrapt
in less than three years, if most of these taxes were not continued.
He would now hasten to that conclusion, at which the committee
could not regret more than he did, that he had not long since
arrived. As to the attitude in which this country should be placed, the
duty of congi-ess could not be mistaken. My policy is to preserve
the present force, naval and military ; to provide for the augmenta
tion of the navy; and, if the danger of war should increase; to
increase the army also. Arra the miUtia, and give it the most
effective character of which it is susceptible. Provide in the most
ample manner, and place in proper depots, aU the munitions and
instruments of war. Fortify and strengthen the wealc and vulner
able points indicated by experience. Construct military roads and
canals, particularly from the Miami of the Ohio to the Miami of
Erie ; from the Sciota to the bay of Sandusky ; from the Hudson
to Ontario ; that the facilities of transportation may exist, of the men
and means of the country, to points where they may be wanted. I
would employ on this subject a part of the army, which should also
be employed on our line of frontier, territorial and maritime, in
steengthening the works of defence. I would provide steam batteries
for the Mississippi, for Borgne arid Poncharteain, and for the Ches
apeake, and for any part of the north or east, where they might be

ON THE DIRECT TAX. 285
beneficially employed. In short, I would act seriously, effectively act,
on the principle, that in peace we ought to prepare for war; for I
repeat, again and again, that, in spite of aU the prudence exerted
by the government, and the forbearance of others, the hour of trial
wiU Gorae. These halcyon days of peace, this calm wiU yield to
the storm of war, and when that comes, I am for being prepared
to breast it. Has not the government been reproached for the want
of preparation at the coraraencement of the late war? And yet
the same gentlemen who utter these reproaches, instead of taldng
counsel from experience, would leave the country in an unprepared
condition. He would as earnestiy commence the great work, too long
delayed, of internal improvement. He desired to see a chain of
turnpike roads and canals, from Passamaquoddy to New Orleans ;
and other similar roads intersecting the mountains, to facifitate
intercourse between all parts of the country, and to bind and
connect us together. He would also effectually protect our manu
factories. We had given, at least, an implied pledge to do so, by
the course of administration. He would afford them protection,
not so much for the sake of the manufacturers themselves, as for
the general interest. We should thus have our wants supplied,
when foreign resom-ces are cut off, and we should also lay the
basis of a system of taxation, to be resorted to when the revenue
from imports is stopped by war. Such, Mr. Chairman, is a rapid
sketch of the poficy which it seems to me it becoraes us to pursue.
It is for you now to decide, whether we shall draw wisdom from
the past, or, neglecting the lessons of recent experience, we shall
go on . headlong without foresight, meriting and receiving the
reproaches of the community. I trust, sir, notwithstanding the
unpromising appearances sometimes presenting themselves, during
the present session, we shall yet do our duty.^ I appeal to the
friends around me, with whom I have been associated for years in
public life ; who nobly, manfuUy vindicated the national character by
a war, waged by a young people, vmskilled in arms, single-handed,
against a veteran power — a war which the nation has errierged
from, covered with laurels ; let us now do something to ameliorate
the internal condition of the countey ; let us show that objects of
domestic, no less than those of foreign policy, receive our attention;
let us fulfil the just expectations of the public, whose eyes are
anxiously directed towards this session of congi-ess ; let us, by a
liberal and enlightened policy, entitie ourselves, upon our return
home, to that best of aU rewards, the grateful exclamation, ' weU
done, thou good and faithful servant'

ON THE BILL FOR ENFORCING NEUTRALITY.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 24, 1S17.

[President Madison, in a message dated December 26, 1816, had apprized con
gress, that the existing laws did not enable him to preserve the peace of the United
States with foreign powers. The subject having been referred to the committee on
foreign relations, that committee, through their chairman, Mr. Forsyth, of Georgia,
reported a bill for enforcing neutrality. This bill was dehated in committee of the
whole, on the 24th of January, 1&17, by Messrs. Forsyth, Smith, of Maryland,
Grosvenor, of New York, Randolph, of Virginia, Sharp, of Kentucky, Sheffey, of Vir
ginia, Hopkinson, of Pennsylvania, and Clay (speaker). In the brief remarks of Mr.
Clay it will be observed, that he renews the expression of his sympathies with the
people of South America in their struggle for independence; and, considering the bill
under discussion as intended to discountenance that revolution, he avowed his oppo
sition to it.]

Mr. Clay (speaker). As long as the government abstained
from taking any part in the contest now carrying on in the southern
part of this continent, it was unquestionably its duty to maintain a
strict neutrality. On that point there was and could be no difference
of opinion. It ought not, however, to be overlooked, that the two
parties stood with this government on unequal ground. One of
them had an accredited minister here, to watch over its interests,
and to remonstrate against any acts of which it might complain;
whilst the other, being whoUy unrepresented, had no organ
through which to communicate its grievances. This inequality of
condition in the contending parties, imposed upon us the duty of
great circumspection and prudence in what we might do.
Whenever a war exists, -whether between two independent states
or between parts of a common empire, he knew of but two rela
tions in which other powers could stand towards the belligerents ;
the one was that of neutrality, and the other that of a beUigerent
Being then in a state of neutrality respecting the contest, and
bound to maintain it, the question was, whether the provisions of
the bill were necessary to the performance of that duty ? It will
be recoUected that we have an existing law, directed against arma
ments, such as are described in the bill. That law was passed in
1794. It was intended to preserve our neutrality in the contest
between France and her enemies. The circumstances under which
it was passed, must be yet fresh in our recoUection. The French

BILL FOR ENFORCINS NEUTRALITY. 237
revolution had excited a universal enthusiasm in the cause of liberty.
The flame reached this countey, and spread with electric rapidity
throughout the continent There was not a state, county, city, or
village, exempted from it. An ardent disposition to enter into the con
flict, on the side of France, was every where felt. General Washing
ton thought it the interest of this country to remain neuteal, and the
law of 1794 was enacted, to resteain our citizens from taking part
in the contest. If that law had been effectual'to preserve the neu
teality of this country, during the stormy period of the French revo
lution, we ought to pause before we assent to the adoption of new
penalties and provisions. If the law did not reach the case (which
he understood to be doubtful from sorae judicial decisions), he was
wUhng to legislate so far as to make it comprehend it. Further
than that, as at present advised, he was not willing to go.
But the present bill not only went further, but, in his judgment,
contained provisions not demanded of us by our neutral duties.
It contained two principles not embraced by the law of 1794. The
first was, the requisition of a bond from the owners of armed ves
sels, that persons, to whom they might sell these vessels, should
not use them in the contest The second was, the power vested
in the collectors to seize and detain, under certain ctecumstances,
any such vessels. Now, with regard to the first provision, it is not
denied that an armed vessel may be la-wfuUy sold by an American
citizen to a foreign subject, other than a subject of Spain. But on
what ground is it possible, then, to maintain, that it is the duty of
the American citizen to become responsible for the subsequent use
which may be made of such vessel by the foreign subject? We
are bound to take care that our own citizens do not violate our
neutrality, but we are under no such obligation as it respects the
subjects of foreign powers. It is the business of those foreign
powers to guard the conduct of their own subjects. If it be teue,
as he had heard it asserted, tiiat FeU's Point exhibits an activity in
hostile preparation, not surpassed during the late war, we had
enough to do with our own citizens. It was not incumbent upon
us, as a neutral power, to provide, after a legal sale had been made
of an armed vessel to a foreign subject, against any Ulegal use of
the vessel.
Gentiemen have contended, that this biU ought to be considered
as intended merely to enforce our own laws ; as a municipal regu
lation, having no relation to the war now existing. It was impos
sible to deceive ourselves, as to the true character of the measure.
Bestow on it what denomination you please, disguise it as you
may, it is a law, and wiU be understood by the -whole world as a
law, to discountenance any aid being given to the South American
colonies in a state of revolution against the parent countey. With
respect to the nature of that struggle, he had not now, for the first
time, to express his opinion and his wishes. An honorable gentie-

288 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
man from Virginia (Mr. Sheffey) had said, the people of Souih
America were incapable, from the ignorance and superstition
which prevail among them, of achieving independence or enjoying
liberty. And to what cause is that ignorance and superstition
owing? Was it not to the vices of their government? to the
tyranny and oppression, hierarchical and political, under which
they groaned ? If Spain succeeded in riveting thete chains upon
them, would not that ignorance and superstition be perpetuated ?
In the event of that success, he feared the time would never arrive,
when the good wishes of the honorable gentieraan from Vteginia
would be conciliated in behalf of that oppressed and suffering
people. For his part, he wished thete independence. It was the
first step towards improving thete condition. Let them have free
government, if they be capable of enjoying it; but let them have,
at all events, independence. Yes, from the inmost recesses of my
soul, I wish them independence. I may be accused of an impru
dent utterance of my feelings, on this occasion. I care not ; when
the independence, the happiness, the liberty of a whole people is at
stake, and that people our neighbors, our brethren, occupying a
portion of the same continent, imitating our example, and partici
pating of the same sympathies with ourselves, I will boldly avow
my feeUngs and my wishes in thete behalf, even at the hazard of:
such an imputation.
But, notwithstanding the feelings which he cherished on this
subject, Mr. Clay admitted that it became us not to exhibit the
spectacle of a people at war and a government at peace. We
ought to perform our neutral duties, whilst we are neuteal, without
regard to the unredressed injuries infUcted upon us by old Spain,
on the one hand, or to the glorious object of the struggle of-the South
American patriots on the other. We ought to render steict justice,
and no more. If the Mil on the table was fimited to that object,
he would vote for it But he thought it went further; that it
assumed obligations which we were not bound to incur, and,
thinking so, he could not, in its present shape, give to it his assent

ON COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS "WITH
FOREIGN NATIONS.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 30, 1817.

[ On the fifth of February, 1S16, Mr. Cyrus King, of Massachusetts, presented for
consideration a resolution, instructing the committee on foreign relations to inquire
iiito the expediency of excluding from the ports of the United States all foreign
vessels, owned in. coming from, bound to, or touching at any of his Britannic
majesty's possessions in the West Indies, and in the continent of .North America,
from which the vessels of the United States are excluded ; and of prohibiting or
increasing the duties on the importation in foreign vessels, of any articles, the growth,
produce, or manufacture of such possessions. This resolution underwent much dis-.
cussion, but was finally laid upon the table, and the subject not again introduced
during the same session. But on the twenty-seventh of January, 1817, there was
introduced '. a bill to prohibit all commercial intercourse with ports or places, into or
with which, the vessels of the United States are not ordinarily permitted to enter or
trade.' On the thirtieth of January, this bill was called up and debated in committee
of the whole. Among the speakers on the subject, were Messrs. Cyrus King, of
Massachusetts, Smith, of Maryland, Wilde, of Georgia, Randolph, of Virginia,
Lowndes, of South Carolina, Hopkinson, of Pennsylvania, and Clay (speaker).
The whole subject was finally again laid on the table. The following are Mr.
Clay's remarks in this debate. ]

Mr. Clay (speaker) said, that in one sentiment expressed by
the gentleman from Georgia he most heartily concurred ; that the
measure contemplated by the biU, or by the proposed substitute,
was the most important, as respected at least our foreign relations,
that had come before congress at this session, or would probably
be brought before it for some years ; a measure, which, whatever
fate attended it, ought to atteact the attention of honorable members
of this house, and to which, he hoped, before the final question on
it, they would give the most mature consideration.
The importance of the question by no means depended simply
on the value of the teade between this country and the colonies
of Great Britain. But considering the question as it related
merely to that teade, when the fact was stated, that it consisted of
sbc mUlions of dollars imports, and of course a like amount of
exports, it must be admitted, the question was one of deep import,
compared to any which at present presented itself to the attention
of congress. But, as was stated in the president's message, it was
not solely important on account of the effect of the colonial system
VOL. I. 37

290 SPEECHES OP HENRY CLAY.
on that teade, but the fact was, that the exclusion from a participa
tion in that navigation, essentially affected the trade between this
countey and the British European possessions, and, by the opera
tion of the system, deprived us, in a great measure, of the benefits
of the convention of commerce with Great Britain, which provided
for the estabUshment of a perfect reciprocity of commerce between
the United States and the British European possessions. Even ff
gentiemen were not disposed to do something to obtain for the
navigation of this countey a participation in the colonial teade,
they ought to go so far as to place them on an equal footing as
regarded the European teade. Some measure ought to be devised,
by which the navigation of Great Britain should be prevented
from enjoying peculiar advantages over us, in a teade wherein
reciprocity had been solemnly promised by the convention, to
which he had aUuded.
Let us, then, inqutee into the character of the evU proposed to
be remedied, and of the remedy that is offered. What is the evU?
Great Britain says, that the whole commerce between her colonies
and the United States shaU be carried on in British ships, absolutely
excluding American ships from any participation in it The most
natural course of the exchange of commodities between nations
might be thus defined; that each nation should carry its own
products to market ; that we should carry of our produce what we
do not want, but they do, to British ports ; and that they should
bring what they do not want, but we do, to our ports. With this
course, however. Great Britain was not satisfied. The next and
perhaps the most equal and best mode of providing for the free
and fair interchange of commodities, was, to open the teade equally
and reciprocally to both parties, to let each carry the commodities
of both counte-ies, in a fair competition. Great Britain was not,
however, disposed to do this. She not only prohibited the carriage
of her colonial commodities in our vessels ; not only entteely
engrossed the export trade from her colonies, but refused to aUow
us any participation, by conventional regulation or otherwise, in
the teade to the colonies. The effect was, to deprive us of the
advantages, in the augmentation of our comraerce and increase of
our seamen, which would result from the carriage of our ovm
produce, to the amount of sis mUlions of doUars annuaUy.
With regard to the importance of encouraging our navigation,
he said, he need not resort to argument The question of the
importance of a navy, to maintain and defend our rights, which
had been some years ago a question of a theoretical nature, was no
longer so ; it was now a question of practical experience. AQ felt its
importance, and aU acknowledged the expediency of cherishing, by
all means in our power, that important branch of national defence.
Gentlemen alarmed themselves by the apprehension, that the
other party would view as inimical any regulations countervailing

ON COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS. 291
her colonial poficy, and that the issue of this conflict of commercial
regulations would be war. He believed in no such result. If an
exclusion of the navigation and shipping of Great Britain from our
ports" be a measure of a hostUe character, said Mr. Clay, Great
Britain has set us the example ; for she excludes our navigation
and shipping from an extensive range of her ports. He considered
this rather as a diplomatic than ¦ a hostile measure ; but, if it were
otherwise, she had set the example, which she could not complain
if we followed.
But, said he, let us look to the fact. What would be the fight in
which Great Britain would view any such regulations as are pro
posed by the bUl ? The convention of London contains an express
stipulation on the subject ; and I wUl observe to gentlemen, that the
clause which exempts the colonial trade from the second article of
the convention, was inteoduced with the express view of retaining
in our hands the right to countervaU the British regulations in this
respect It was so understood by the framers of that convention.
But we have later evidence than that which is fm-nished by the
terms of the convention. The president, in his message at the
opening of the session, says, that it is ascertained, ' that the British
government declines all negotiation on this subject ; with a dis
avowal, however, of any disposition to view in an unfriendly light,
whatever countervailing regulations the United States may oppose
to the regulations of which they complain.' Thus, then, we have
evidence, both from the natm-e of the case, and from the express
declarations of the British government, that it wiU not, because it
cannot, view in an unfriendly light any regulations which this gov
ernment may find it expedient to adopt, to countervaU their policy.
Mr. Clay said, he did not think that the adoption of this poficy on
the part of Great Britain, ought to excite any hostile feefing towards
her. She was not singular in this respect Every country that has
colonies in the West Indies, and which is not too weak to defend
them, endeavored, he said, to appropriate to itself aU the advantages
of the trade with those colonies ; and it would be found that the
relaxation of the rigor of that system by one nation or another, was
prefcisely graduated by the degree of abUity to maintain thete colo
nies in peace, and defend them in war. There was nothing in the
regulations of Great Britain, which could be offensive, or possibly
lead to war. They might be complained of as selfish or unfriendly,
they certainly were the former. But Great Britain had a perfect
right to set the example before us ; and the question was, whether
file total exclusion of our ships from the colonial ports of Britain,
was such a measure as we ought to fold our arms and subnait to,
without an effort to obtain some part of the teade which she had
attempted to appropriate exclusively to herseff ?
Gentiemen had properly said, that this was a question which
ought to be weU weighed before decided. Whatever we do, it

292 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
ought to be with a determination to adhere firmly to it For, depend
upon it. Great Britain wUl never fightiy relax her poficy.
The policy of Great Britain was deeply laid in selfish consider
ations ; a poficy which she had never relaxed, except in periods of
war, when it became her interest to do so, from the commencement
of her colonies to this time. The measure which we address to her
interest, to induce her to relax from the rigor of her colonial poficy,
should be a measure framed with ample deliberation, which, when
we adopt "with resolution, we wUl maintain with fortitude. For,
the first conclusion of the British government would undoubtedly
be, that the American government would be incapable of maintain
ing its regulations for any length of time ; and that government, in
the expectation of a reteaction of the measure, would persevere in
its policy as long as it could.
The question which presents itself, then, is, whether we wUl
adopt measures to induce a relaxation so desteable to our interest ?
What ought to be done, if any thing is ? There were two prop
ositions before the house, and the question now was, on substituting
high duties for the prohibitory system. He preferred the prohibi
tion ; and if any gentieman would candidly compare the merits of
the two proposed remedies, he would find that the whole value
of the remedy, by the imposition of duties, was derived from its
approximation to prohibition.
Suppose the measm-e of prohibition be adopted, what would be
its effect ? In the opinion of Mr. Clay, a mere change in the dteec-
tion of the teade. St. Domingo would be opened to us, St Thomas,
Vera Cruz, and possibly St Bartholomews, and other islands and
ports. But, if not one port should be open, the necessity Great
Britain would be under, to obtain suppfies for her colonies, would
dictate the expediency of opening sorae port at which an inter
change of coramodities could take place. If this operation took
place, aU that is proposed to be effected by the bUl is accomphshed,
by the participation of our navigation in the teansportation of the
articles thus exchanged. Our ships wUl have obtained an employ
ment, in carrying our products to that enteepot, and bringing return
cargoes, of the same amount they would have now, if American,
instead of British ships, whoUy engrossed the teade. There might,
in the case supposed, be sorae littie increase in the cost of the arti
cles, but so inconsiderable, as not to amount to any offset to the
gi-eat advantages accruing to this countey, from the employment of
its tonnage.
The present moment Mr. Clay considered as particularly pro
pitious to the adoption of this regulation ; because, as regarded the
great dteect teade between the United States and British ports in
Europe, that was regulated and unalterable for nearly three years.
It stood on the footing of convention ; and we should not, by any
regulation adopted in regard to the colonial teade, put to hazard the
advantages in the other, at least untU that convention expfi-ed.

ON COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS. 293
Regarding this regulation in another view, he anticipated bene
ficial effects from it In consequence of the weakness of some of
the powers of Europe in their maritime force, they had found it
convenient to open ports to us, which were formeriy shut, and we
could thence draw our suppfies, thus effecting a mere change in
the channel of supply with the advantage of the employment of our
own navigation, as already stated. South America, besides, would
be open to us, and we could there obtain a large portion of the
commodities we import from the West Indies, except, perhaps, the
article of rum. Whether that could be obtained there or not, he
did not know. Sugar might be obtained, in quantity, from Louis
iana, where the product of that article increased every year. Georgia,
and a portion of South Carofina, too, had turned their attention to
that object ; and the effect of this measure would be, to encourage
the cultivation of that article. With respect to the article of spirits,
if its importation were totally cut off, he thought it would be a ben
efit He believed, he said, that America was the only countey that
imported as great a quantity of spteituous fiquors ; every other
countey he was acquainted with, used more of its own man
ufacture. I think that the suffering of the navigating interest, to which the
attention of congress is attracted, is one which calls loudly on this
body to do something to aUeviate it. It is atteibutable greatly to
the colonial system of Great Britain, though no doubt also greatly
to the state of peace, and the consequent resumption of thete naviga
tion by the powers of Europe, who, during war, suspended a great
proportion of it Taking care of the interests of the nation, and
guarding our commerce against the effect of foreign regulations, it
becomes us to act on this subject He should, he said, cheerfuUy
give his assent, therefore, to the biU before the house ; and should
vote for it, but with reluctance, if the amendment proposed by Mr.
Forsyth should succeed.
The great question was, the modus operandi of this bUl, to use a
favorite expression of a member of another body. Operating on
the sympathy as well as the direct interest of the parent countey, it
would induce her to relax her system. Great Britain would find a
greater interest in securing the amount of six miUions of trade,
necessary to support and cherish her colonies, than she would gain
merely on the teansportation of the articles of which that teade con
sists. That was the question on which the British people would
be called on to decide ; and he believed the effect of this measure
would be such as to induce them to decide in favor of admitting us,
on a footing of reciprocity, into the West India teade. If the British
government did not take this course, it would have to wink at the
formation of entrepots, by which the object proposed by the bUl
would be substantially accomplished.

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 4, 1817.

r Tek house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill to set apart,
and pledge, as a fund for internal improvement, the bonus and United States share of
the dividends of the national bank. The discussion was commenced by Mr. Calhoun,
of South CaroUna, who advocated the constitutionality, importance, and expediency
of a system of internal improvements, under the authority of the general government.
The same views were expressed by Mr. Clay (speaker), Mr. Gold, of New York, Mr.
Sheffey, of "Virginia, and others. The bill finally passed both houses (but was
vetoed by president Madison, on constitutional grounds, on the third of March, 1817).
In the brief remarks of Mr. Clay on this occasion, which are subjoined, he expresses
the same sentiments as will be found more at length in his subseq^uent speeches oh
this subject.]

Mr. Clay (speaker) observed, that it was not his intention to
enter into the general discussion of the subject ; he wished only to
say, that he had long thought that there were no two subjects wliich
could engage the attention of the national legislature, more worthy
of its deliberate consideration, than those of internal improvements
and domestic manufactures.
As to the constitutional point which had been made, he had not
a doubt on his mind ;, but it was not necessary, in his judgment, to
embarrass the passage of the bUl with the argument of that point
at this time. It was a sufficient answer to say, that the power Was
not now to be exercised. It was proposed merely to designate the
fund, and, from tirae to time, as the proceeds of it came in, to invest
them in the funded debt of the United States. It would thus be
accumulating ; and congress could, at some future day, examine
into the constitutionality of the question, and if it has the power, it
¦would exercise it ; if it has not, the constitution, there could be very
little doubt, would be so amended as to confer it It was quite
obviotis, however, that congress might so direct the appfication of
the fund, as not to interfere with the jurisdiction of the several
states, and thus avoid the difficulty which had been started. It
might disteibute it among those objects of private enterprise which
caUed for national pateonage in the form of subscriptions to the
^japital stock of incorporated companies, such as that of the Dela
ware and Chesapealie canal, and other simUar institiitions. Perhaps

ON INTERNAL IMPRO-V'EMENT. 295
tiiaf might be the best way to employ the fund ; but, he repeated,
this was not the time to go into this inquiry.
With regard to the general importance of the proposition;
the effect of internal improvements in cementing the union;
in facilitating internal teade ; in augmenting the wealth and
the population of the countey ; he would not consume the time
of the committee in discussing those interesting topics, after
the able manner in which they had been treated by his friend
from South Carolina. In reply to those who thought that in
ternal improvements had better be left to the several states, he
would ask, he would put it to the candor of every one, if there
¦were not various objects in which many states were interested, and
which, requiring therefore their joint cooperation, would, if not
taken up by the general government, be neglected, either for the
want of resources, or from the difficulty of regulating their respec
tive contiibutions. Such was the case with the improveraent of
the navigation of the Ohio at the rapids ; the canal from the
Hudson to the lakes; the great turnpike road, parallel with the
coast from Maine to Louisiana. These, and similar objects were
stamped with a national character ; and they required the wisdom
and the resources of the nation to accomplish them. No particular
state felt an individual interest, sufficient to execute improvements
of such magnitude. They must be pateonised, efficaciously
pateonised, by the general government, or they never would be
accomplished. The practical effect of turnpike roads in correcting the evU, if it
be one, of the great expansion of our republic, and in conquering
space itself, as was expressed by the gentleman from South
Carofina, is about to be demonstrated by the great turnpike road
from Cumberland to Wheeling. That road is partiaUy executed,
and will probably be completed in about three years. In the
mean time, Maryland is extending a line of turnpike roads from
Baltimore to Cumberiand, which is also partiaUy finished, and
wiU be completed in the same period. Three years from the
present time, we shall have a continued line of turnpike roads
from Baltimore to Ohio. The ordinary time requisite to teavel
from Wheeling to Baltimore, prior to the erection of these roads,
was eight days. When the roads are completed, the same journey
may be performed in three days. The distance, in effect, between
those two points, wiU be diminished in the proportion of five
eighths, or, in other words, they wiU be brought five days nearer
to each other. SimUar results wUl foUow wherever this species
of improvement is effected.
Mr. Clay owned that he felt anxiously desteous for the success
of this measure. He was anxious, from its inteinsic merits ; from
his sincere conviction of its tendency gready to promote the
welfare of our common countey. He was anxious from other.

296 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
perhaps more selfish, considerations. He wished the fourteenth
congress to have the merit of laying the foundations of this great
work. He wished this congress, who, in his opinion, had so
many other just grounds for the national approbation, notwith
standing the obloquy which had attended a single unfortunate
measure, to add this new claim to the public gratitude.

ON THE WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND HER
COLONIES.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 3, 1817.

[The president's message being under consideration in committee of the whole,
Mr. Taylor moved a series of resolutions, embracing references of various parts of the
message. The first resolution having been read for consideration, Mr. Clay (spealcer) moved
to amend the same by adding to the end thereof the following words :
'And that the said committee be instructed to inquire, whether any, and, if any,
what provisions of law are necessary to insure, to the American colonies of Spain, a
just observance of the duties incident to the neutral relation in which the United
States stand, in the existing war between them and Spain.']

Mr. Clay said, that his presenting, at so early a period of the
session, this subject to the consideration of the house, was in
consequence of certain proceedings which he had seen represented
in the public prints as having taken place before certain of our
courts of justice. Two or three cases bearing on this subject had
come to his knowledge, which he wished to state to the house.
> The first had occurred at PhUadelphia, before the circuit court 'of
the United States held in that city. The circumstances of the
case, for which, however, he did not pretend to vouch, having
received them through the channel aheady indicated, were these ;
if they were incorrectly stated, he was happy that a gentieman had
taken his seat this morning from that city, who would be able to
correct him : that nine or ten British disbanded officers had formed
in Europe the resolution to unite themselves with the Spanish
pateiots in the contest existing between them and Spain ; that, to
carry into effect this intention, they had sailed from Europe, and in
their teansit to South America had touched at the port of Philadel
phia; that during their residence in Philadelphia, wearing perhaps
the arms and habifiraents of military men, maldng no, disguise of
thete intention to participate in the struggle, they took passage in a
vessel bound to some port in South America ; that a knowledge
of this fapt having come to the ears of the pubfic authorities, or,
perhaps, at the instigation of some agent of the Spanish govern-
nient, a prosecution was commenced against these officers, who,
VOL. r. 38

298 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
from thete inabUity to procure baU, were confined in prison. If,
said Mr. Clay, the circumstances attending this teansaction be
correctly stated, it becomes an imperious duty in the house to
institute the inquiry contemplated by the amendraent which I have
proposed. That this was an exteaordinary case, was deraonsteated
by the fact of the general sensation which it had excited on the
subject, in the place where it had occurred. FUled, as that respect
able and populous city is, with men who differ widely on pofitical
topics, and entertaining various views of public affairs, but one
sentiment prevailed on this subject, which was favorable to the
persons thus arraigned. With regard to the conduct of the court
on this occasion, he would say nothing. The respect which, whilst he
had a seat on this floor, he should always show to every branch of the
government, the respect he entertained for the honorable judge who
had presided, forbade him from pronouncing the decision of that
court to have been unwarranted by law. But he felt himself
perfectly sustained in saying, that if the proceeding was warranted
by the existing law, it was the imperious duty of congress to alter
the law in this respect. For what, he asked, was the neuteal obli
gation which one nation owed to another engaged in war ? The
essence of it is this ; that the belligerent means of the neutral shall
not be employed in the war in favor of either of the parties. That
is the whole of the obfigation of a third party in a war between two
others ; it certainly does not require of one nation to resteain the
beUigerent means of other nations. If those nations choose to
permit thete means to be eraployed in behalf of either party, it is
their business to look to it, and not ours. Let the conduct of the
persons prosecuted be regarded in the most unfavorable light ; let it
be considered as the passage of troops through our countey, and
there was nothing in our neuteal obligations forbidding it The
passage of teoops through a neuteal country, according to his
¦ impressions, was a question depending on the particular interest,
quiet, or repose, of the countey traversed, and might be granted or
refused at its discretion, without in any degree affecting the obUga-
tions of the neuteal to either of the parties engaged in the conteo
versy. But, surely, this was not a case of the passage of teoops ;
the persons apprehended not being in sufficient number, nor
organized or equipped in such manner, as, under any construc
tion, to constitute a mUitary corps. On tiiis case he would detain
the house no longer, he said ; for he was satisfied they could not
but agree with hira, if the law justified the proceeding that had
taken place, that law ought to be immediately araended. Other
cases had occurred, in which it appeared to hira it became the
congress to interpose its authority. Persons bailing under the flag
of the provinces had been arraigned in our courts, and teied for
pteacy ; in one case, after having been arraigned, tried, and
acquitted of piracy, the same individuals, on the instigation, of a
Spanish officer or agent, had been again arraigned for the same

WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND HER COLONIES. 299
offence. The gentleman from Massachusetts would correct him if
he was wrong, for the case had occurred in the town of Boston.
We admit the flag of these colonies into our ports ; we profess to
be neuteal ; but if our laws pronounce, that the moment the
property and persons under that flag enter our ports, they shaU be
seized, the one claimed by the Spanish minister or consul as the
property of Spain, and the other prosecuted as pirates, that law
ought to be altered, if we mean to perform our neutral professions.
I have brought the subject before this house thus promptly, because
I teust that in this house the cause will find justice ; that, however
teeated elsewhere, on this floor wiU be found a guardian interest
attending to our performance of the just obligations of neutrality.
Hitherto, he said, whatever might have been our intentions, our
acts had been all on the other side. From the proclamation of
1815, issued to terminate an expedition supposed to be organizing
in Louisiana, an expedition only in the mind of Chevalier de Onis,
down to the late act — whether the measure was a proper one or
hot, he did not say ; his confidence in the executive led him to
suppose it was adopted on sufficient grounds — down to the order
for suppressing, as it was called, the establishments at Amelia
Island and Galveston — all the acts of the governraent had been
on one side ; they aU bore against the colonies, against the cause
in which the pateiots of South America were arduously engaged.
It became us, he said, to look to the other side, honestly intending
neutrality, as he befieved we did. Let us recollect the condition
of the pateiots ; no minister here to spur on our government, as was
said in an interesting, and, it appeared to him, a very candid work,
recently published in this countey, respecting the progress of the
South American revolution ; no minister here to be rewarded by
noble htDuors, in consequence of the influence he is supposed to
possess with the American government No ; their unfortunate
case was what ours had been, in the years 1778 and 1779 ; thete
ministers, fike our Frankfins and Jays at that day, were skulking
about Europe, imploring inexorable legitimacy for one kind look
— some aid to terminate a war afflicting to humanity. Nay, their
situation was worse than ours ; for we had one great and magnan
imous aUy to recognize us, but no nation had stepped forward to
acknowledge any of these provinces. Such disparity between the
parties, demanded a just attention to the interests of the party
which was unrepresented ; and if the facts which he had men
tioned, and others which had come to his knowledge, were correct,
they loudly demanded the interposition of congress. He teusted
the house would give the subject thete attention, and show that
here, in this place, the obligations^ of neuteafity would be steictiy
regarded in respect to South America.
IMt Sergeant of Philadelphia, said the statement made by Mr. Clay was substan-
4ly iorrect^and^afte^^^^ few oiher remarks by the same gentleman, the amendment
moved by Mr. Clay was agreed to, without opposition.]

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 13, 1818.

[The bill making appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, which
passed congress in 1817, having been vetoed by president Madison, on the last day of
his term, March third, 1817 ; his successor, Mr. Monroe, in his first message to con
gress, declared his sentiments on the subject, concurring with Mr. Madison in the
opinion that the power of making internal improvements was not vested in congress.
Three national executives having decided against the constitutionality of the power,
a great effort was made by the friends of the system, to obtain a contrary and favora
ble expression by congress. A resolution was offered in the house of representatives,
declaring that congress had power, under the constitution, to appropriate money for
the construction of military roads, post roads, and canals. On this interesting occa
sion, the resolution being under discussion in committee of the whole, Mr., Clay made
the following speech, in vindication of the constitutionality of internal improvements
by the national government, in which views he was sustained by the house, in the
adoption of the resolution, by a vote of ninety to seventy-five. This triumph in the
face of a new and popular administration, may be considered one of the most splen
did events in parliamentary history.]

I HAVE been anxious to catch the eye of the chairman for a few
moraerlts, to reply to sorae of the observations which have fallen
from various gentiemen. I am aware that, in doing this, I risk the
loss of what is of the utmost value — the kind favor of the house,
wearied as its patience is, by this prolonged debate. But when I
feel what a deep interest the union at large, and particularly that
quarter of it whence I come, has, in the decision of the present
question, I cannot omit any opportunity of earnestiy urging upon
the house the propriety of retaining the important power which
this question involves. It wiU be recollected, that if unfortunately
there should be a majority both against the absteact proposition
asserting the power, and against its practical execution, the power
is gone for ever — the question is put at rest, so long as the consti
tution remains as it is ; and with respect to any amendment, in this
particular, I confess I utterly despair. It wiU be borne in mind,
that the biU which passed congress on this subject, at the last
session, was rejected by the late president of the United States;
that at the commencement of the present session, the president
communicated his clear opinion, after every effort to come to a
different conclusion, that congress does not possess the power
contended for, and called upon us to take up the subject, in the

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 301
shape of an amendment to the constitution ; and, moreover, that the
predecessor of the present and late presidents, has also intimated
his opinion, that congress does not possess the power. With the
great weight and authority of the opinions of these distinguished
men against the power, and with the fact, solemnly entered upon
the record, that this house, after a deliberate review of the ground
taken by it at the last session, has decided against the existence of
it, (if such, fatally, shaU be the decision,) the power, I repeat, is
gone — gone for ever, unless restored by an amendment of the
constitution. With regard to the practicability of obtaining such
an amendment, I think it altogether out of the question. Two
different descriptions of persons, entertaining sentiments directly
opposed, wiU unite and defeat such an amendment ; one embracing
those who believe that the constitution, fately interpreted, already
conveys the power ; and the other, those who think that congress
has not and ought not to have it As a large portion of congress,
and probably a majority, beUeves the power to exist, it must be
evident, if I am right in supposing that any considerable number
of that majority would vote against an amendment which they do
not befieve necessary, that any attempt to amend would fail. Con
sidering, as I do, the existence of the power as of the first impor
tance, not merely to the preservation of the union of the states,
paramount as that consideration ever should be over aU others, but
to the prosperUy of every great interest of the countey, agriculture,
manufactures, commerce, in peace and in war, it becomes us sol
emnly, and deliberately, and anxiously, to examine the constitution,
and not to surrender it, if fairly to be coUected from a just interpre
tation of that insteument
With regard to the alarm sought to be created, as to the nature
' of the power, by bringing up the old theme of ' state rights,' I
would observe, that if the iUusteious persons just referred to are
against us in the construction of the constitution, they are on our
side as to the harmless and beneficial character of the power. For
it is not to be conceived, that each of them would have recom
mended an amendment to the constitution, if they befieved that
the possession of such a power, by the general governraent, would
be detrimental, much less dangerous, to the independence and
fiberties of the states. What real ground is there for this a.larm ?
Gentlemen have not condescended to show how the subversion of
the rights of the states is to foUow from the exercise of the power
of internal improvements by the general government. We contend
for the power to malte roads and canals, to disteibute the inteUi
genee, force, and productions of the countey, through aU its parts ;
and for such jurisdiction only over them, as is necessary to their
preservation from wanton injury and from gradual decay. Sup
pose such a power is sustained and in full operation; imagine it
to extend to every canal made, or proposed to be made, and to

302 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY,
every post-road ; how inconsiderable and insignificant is the power
in a political point of view, limited as it is, with regard to place
and to purpose, when contrasted with the great mass of powers
retained by the state sovereignties ! What a smaU subtraction
from the mass! Even upon these roads and canals, the state
governments, according to our principles, wiU still exercise juris
diction over every possible case arising upon them, whether of
crime or of conteact, or any other human teansaction, except only
what immediately affects their existence and preservation. Thus
defined, thus limited, and stripped of aU factitious causes of alarm,
I wiU appeal to the candor of gentiemen to say, if the power really
presents any thing frightful in it ? With respect to post-roads, our
adversaries admit the right of way in the general government
There have been, however, on this question, some instances of
conflict, but they have passed away without any serious difficulty.
Connecticut, if I have been rightiy informed, disputed, at one
period, the right of passage of the mail on the Sabbath. The
general government persisted in the exercise of the right, and
Connecticut herself, and every body else, have acquiesced in it
The gentieman from Virginia (Mr. H. Nelson) has contended, that
I do not adhere, in the principles of construction which I apply to
the constitution, to the repubfican docteines of 1798, of which that
gentieraan would have us believe he is the constant disciple. Let
me call the attentjbn of the committee to the celebrated state paper
to which we both refer for our principles in this respect — a paper
which, although I have not seen it for sixteen years, (until the
gentleman had the politeness to furnish me with it during this
debate,) made such an impression on my mind, that I shall never
forget the satisfaction with which I perused it. I find that I have
used, without having been aware of it, when I formerly addressed
the committee, almost the same identical language employed by
Mr. Madison in that paper. It ¦wiU be recoUected, that I claimed
no right to exercise any power under the constitution, unless such
power was expressly granted, or necessary and proper to carry into
effect some granted power. I have not sought to derive power
from the clause which authorizes congress to appropriate money.
I have been contented "with endeavoring to show, that according to
the docteines of 1798, and according to the most rigid interpretation
which any one wUl put upon the insteument, it is expressly given
in one case, and fairly deducible in others.
[Here Mr. Clay read sundry passages from Mr. Madison's report to the Virginia
legislature, in an answer to the resolutions of several states, concerning the alien and
sedition laws, showing that there were no powers in the general government but
what were granted ; and that, whenever a power was claimed to be exercised ty i'l
such power must be shown to be granted, or to be necessary and proper to carry into
effect one of the specified powers.]

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 303
It wiU be remarked, that Mr. Madison, in his reasoning on the
constitution, has not employed the language fashionable during
this debate ; he has not said, that an impfied power must be abso
lutely necessary to carry into effect the specified power, to which it
is appurtenant, to enable the general government to exercise it
No ! This was a modern interpretation of the constitution. Mr.
Madison has employed the language of the insteument itself, and
has only contended that the implied power must be necessary and
proper to carry into effect the specified power. He has only
insisted, that when congress appfied its sound judgment to the
constitution in relation to implied powers, it should be clearly seen
that they were necessary and proper to effectuate the specified
powers. These are my principles ; but they are not those of the
gentieman from Virginia and his friends on this occasion. They
contend for a degree of necessity absolute and indispensable ; that
by no possibility can the power be other-wise executed.
That there are two classes of powers in the constitution, I believe
has never been conteoverted by an American pofitician. We
cannot foresee and provide specificaUy for aU contingences. Man
arid his language are both imperfect Hence the existence of
consteuction, and of consteuctive powers. Hence also the rule, that
a grant of the end is a grant of the means. If you amend the
constitution a thousand times, the same imperfection of our nature
and our language "wiU attend our new works. There are two
dangers to which we are exposed. The one is, that the general
government may relapse into the debility which existed in the old
confederation, and finally dissolve from the want of cohesion. The
denial to it of powers plainly conferred, or clearly necessary and
proper to execute the conferred powers, may produce this effect
And I think, -with great deference to the gentieman on the other
side, this is the danger to which their principles dteectiy tend. The
other danger, that of consolidation, is, by the assumption of powers
not granted nor incident to granted powers, or the assumption of
powers which have been withheld or expressly prohibited. This
was the danger of the period of 1798 - 9. For instance, that, in dteect
conteadiction to a prohibitory clause of the constitution, a sedition
act was passed ; and an alien law was also passed, in equal violation
of the spirit, if not of the express provisions, of the constitution.
It was by such measures that the federal party, (if parties might be
named,) throwing off the veU, furnished to their adversaries the most
effectual ground of opposition. If they had not passed those acts,
I think it highly probable that the current of power would ha.ve
continued to flow in the same channel ; and the change of parties
in 1801, so auspicious to the best interests of the countey, as I
befieve, would never have occurred.
I beg the committee — I enteeat the teue friends of the confed
erated union of these states — to examine tiiis docteine of state rights,

304 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and see to what abusive, if not dangerous consequences, it may
lead, to what extent it has been carried, and how it has varied by
the same state at different times. In alluding to the state of Massa
chusetts, I assure the gentiemen from that state, and particularly
the honorable chateraan of the committee to whom the claim of
Massachusetts has been referred, that I have no intention to create
any prejudice against that claim. I hope that when the subject is
taken up it wUl be candidly and dispassionately considered, and
that a decision wUl be made on it consistent with the rights of the
union, and of the state of Massachusetts. The high character,
amiable disposition, and urbanity of the gentleman to whom I have
aUuded, (Mr. Mason, of Massachusetts,) will, if I had been other
wise incfined, prevent me from endeavoring to make impressions
unfavorable to the claim, whose justice that gentieman stands
pledged to manifest But in the period of 1798 - 9, what was the
docteine promulgated by Massachusetts ? It was, that the states,
in their sovereign capacity, had no right to examine into the
constitutionality or expediency of the measures of the general
government. [Mr. Clay here quoted several passages from the answer of the state of Massachu;
setts to the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, concerning the alien and sedition laws,
to prove his position.]
We see here an express disclaimer, on the part of Massachusetts,
of any right to decide on the constitutionality or expediency of the
acts of the general government. But what was the doctrine which
the same state, in 1813, thought proper to proclaim to the world,.
and that, too, when the union was menaced on all sides ? She not
only claimed but exercised the right which, in 1799, she had so
solemnly disavowed. She claimed the right to judge of the pro-
pneiy of the call made by the general government for her militia,
and she refused the mUitia called for. There is so much plausi-
bUity in the reasoning employed by that state in support of her
modern docteine of state rights, that, were it not for the unpopular
ity of the stand she took in the late war, or had it been in other
times, and under other circurastances, she would very probably
have escaped a great portion of that odium which has so justly
fallen to her lot. The constitution gives to congress power to
provide for calhng out the militia to execute the laws of the union,
to suppress insurrections, and to repel invasions ; and in no other
cases. The mUitia was caUed out by the general government,
during the late war, to repel invasions. Massachusetts said, as you
have no right to the militia, but in certain contingences, she was
competent to decide whether those contingences had or had not
occurred. And, having examined the facts, what then ? She said,
aU was peace and quietness in Massachusetts — no non-execution
of the laws ; no insurrection at home ; no invasion from abroad,

* ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 305
nor any immediate danger of invasion. And, in truth, I beUeve
there was no actual invasion for nearly two years after the requisi
tion. Under these ctecumstances, were it not for the supposed
motive of her conduct, would not the case which Massachusetts
made out have looked extremely plausible ? I hope it is not
necessary for me to say, that it is very far from my intention to
convey any thing like approbation of the conduct of Massachusetts.
No ! My doctrine is, that the states, as states, have no right to oppose
the execution of the powers which the general government asserts.
Any state has undoubtedly the right to express its opinion, in the
form of resolution or otherwise, and to proceed, by constitiitional
means, to redress any real or imaginary gi-ievance ; but it has no
right to withhold its military aid, when called upon by the high
authorities of the general government, much less to obstruct the
execution of a law regularly passed. To suppose the existence of
such an alarming right, is to suppose, if not disunion itself, such a
state of disorder and confusion as must inevitably lead to it
Greatly as I venerate the state which gave me birth, and much
as I respect the judges of its supreme court, several of whom are
my personal friends, I am obliged to think that some of the
doctrines which that state has recently held concerning state rights,
are fraught with much danger. If those doctrines had been asserted
during the late war, a large share of the public disapprobation
which has been given to Massachusetts would have fallen to Vir
ginia. What are these docteines ? The courts of Virginia assert,
that they have a right to determine on the constitutionafity of any
law or treaty of the United States, and to expound them according
to thete own views, even if they should vary from the decision of the
supreme court of the United States. They assert more — that
from their decision there can be no appeal to the supreme court of
the United States ; and that there exists in congress no power to
frame a law, obliging the court of the state, in the last resort, to
submit its decision to the super-vision of the supreme court of the
United States; or, if I do not misunderstand the doctrine, to
withdraw froni the state teibunal, controversies involving the laws
of the United States, and to place them before the federal judiciary.
I am a friend, a teue friend, to state rights ; but not in all cases as
they are asserted. The states have thete appointed orbit ; so has
the union ; and each should be confined within its fair, legitimate,
and Constitutional sphere. We should equaUy avoid that subtie
process of argument which dissipates into air the powers of this
government, and that spirit of encroachment which would snatch
from the state, powers not delegated to the general government
We shall thus escape both the dangers I have noticed — that of
relapsing into the alarming weakness of the confederation, which
is described as a mere rope of sand ; and also that other, perhaps
not the greatest danger, consolidation. No man deprecates more
VOL. I. 39

306 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
than I do, the idea of consofidation ; yet, between separation and
consofidation, painful as would be the alternative, I would greatiy
prefer the latter.
I wiU now proceed to endeavor to discover the real difference, ui
the interpretation of the constitution, between the gentiemen on the
other side and myself It is agreed, that there is no power in the
general government but that which is expressly granted, or which
is impfiable frora an express, grant. The difference, then, must be
in the appfication of this rule. The gentieman from Virginia, who
has favored the house with so able an argument on the subject, has
conceded, though somewhat reluctantiy, the existence of incidental
powers, but he contended that they must have a dteect and neces
sary relation to some specified power. Granted. But who is to
judge of this relation ? And what rule can you prescribe, different
from that which the constitution has required, that it should be
necessary and proper ? Whatever may be the rule, in whatever
language you may choose to express it, there must be a certain
degi-ee of discretion left to the agent who is to apply it But gen
tlemen are alarmed at this discretion — that law of tyrants, on which
they contend there is no limitation. It should be observed, in the
first place, that the gentlemen arc brought, by the very course of
reasoning which they themselves employ, by all the rules which
they would lay down for the constitution, to cases where discretion
must exist But is there no limitation, no security against the abuse
of it ? Yes, there is such security in the fact of our being members
of the same society, equally affected ourselves by the laws we pro
mulgate. There is the further security in the oath which is taken
to support the constitution, and which "will tend to resteain congress
from deriving powers which are not proper and necessary. There
is the yet further security, that, at the end of every two years, the
members must be amenable to the people for the manner in which
their trusts have been performed. And there remains also that
fm-ther, though a"wful security, the last resort of society, which I
contend belongs afike to the people and to the states in their
sovereign capacity, to be exercised in extreme cases, and when
oppression becomes intolerable, the right of resistance. Take the
gentieman's own docteine, (Mr. Barbour,) the most resteicted which
has been asserted, and what other securities have we against the
abuse of power, than those which I have enumerated ? Say that
there must be an absolute necessity to justify the exercise of an
impfied power, who is to define that absolute necessity, and then to
apply it? Who is to be the judge ? Where is the security against
teanscending that fimit? The rale the gentieman contends for has
no greater security than that insisted upon by us. It equaUy leads
to the same discretion, a sound discretion, exercised under aU the
responsibility of a solemn oath, of a regard to our fair fame, of a
knowledge that we are ourselves the subjects of those laws which

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 307
we pass, and, lastiy, of the right of resisting insupportable tyranny.
And, by way of Ulustration, if the sedition act had not been
condemned by the indignant voice of the community, the right of
resistance would have accrued. If congress assumed the power to
conteol the right of speech, and to assail, by penal statutes, the
greatest of all the bulwarks of liberty, the freedom of the press, and
there were no other means to arrest thete progress, but that to which
I have referred, lamentable as would be the appeal, such a monsteous
abuse of power, I contend, would authorize a recurrence to
that right
If, then, the gentlemen on the other side and myself differ so
fittie in our general principles, as I think I have shown, I wiU
proceed, for a few moments, to look at the constitution a littie raore
in detail. I have contended, that the power to consteuct post-roads
is expressly granted in the power to establish post-roads. If it be,
there is an end of the conteoversy ; but if not, the next inquiry is,
whether that power may be fately deduced, hy implication, from
any of the special grants of power. To show that the power is
expressly granted, I might safely appeal to the arguments aheady
used, to prove that the word establish, in this case, can mean only
one thing — the right of making. Several gentlemen have con
tended, that the word has a different sense ; and one has resorted
to the preamble of the constitution, to show that the phrase ' to
establish justice,' there used, does not convey the power of creation.
If the word ' establish' is there to be taken in the sense which gentie
men clairn for it, that of adoption or designation, congress could
have a choice only of systems of justice preexisting. WiU any
gentieman contend, that we are obliged to take the Justinian code,
the Napoleon code, the code of civil, or the code of common or
canon law? Establishment means in the preamble, as in other
cases, consteuction, formation, creation. Let me ask, in aU cases
of crime, which are merely malum prohibitum, if you do not resort
to construction, to creating, when you make the offence ? By your
laws denouncing certain acts as crirainal offences, laws which the
good of society requires you to pass, and to adapt to our peculiar
condition, you do consteuct and create a systera of rules, to be
administered by the judiciary. But gentiemen say, that the word
cannot mean make; that you would not say, for example, to
establish a ship, fo estabfish a chair. In the appfication of this,
as of aU other terms, you must be guided by the nature of the
Subject ; and if it cannot properly be used in aU cases, it does not
foUow that it cannot be in any. And when we take into considera
tion, that, under the old articles of confederation, congress had over
the subject of post-roads just as much power as gentiemen aUo-w
to the existing governraent, that it was the general scope and spirit
of the new constitution to enlarge the powers of the general
government, and that, in fact, in this very clause, the power to

308 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
estabUsh post-offices, which was alone possessed by the former
government, I think that I may safely consider the argument, on
this part of the subject, as successfully maintained. With respect.
to militai-y roads, the concession that they may be made when called
for by the emergency, is admitting that the constitution conveys
the power. And we may safely appeal to the judgment of the
candid and enlightened, to decide between the wisdom of these
two consti-uctions, of which one requires you to wait for the
exercise of your power untU the Eirrival of an emergency, which
may not allow you to exert it, and the other, without denying you
the power, if you can exercise it during the emergency, claims the
right of providing beforehand against the emergency.
One member has stated what appeared to him a conclusive
argument against the power to cut canals, that he had understood
that a proposition, made in the convention to insert such a power,
was rejected. To this argument more than one sufficient answer
can be made. In the first place, the fact itself has been denied,
and I have never yet seen any evidence of it. But, suppose that
the proposition had been made and overruled, unless the motives
of the refusal to insert it are known, gentlemen are not authorized
to draw the inference that it was from hostUity to the power, or from
a desire to withhold it from congress. May not one of the objec
tions be, that the power was fairly to be inferred from some of the
specific grants of power, and that it was' therefore not necessary to
insert the proposition; that to adopt it, indeed, might lead to
weaken or bring into doubt other incidental powers not enumer
ated? A member from New Yorlc, (Mr. Storrs,) whose absence I
regret on this Occasion, not only on account of the great aid which
might have been expected frora him, but from the cause of that
absence, has informed me, that, in the convention of that state, one
of the objections to the constitution by the anti-federalists was, that
it was understood to convey to the general governraent the power
to cut canals. How often, in the course of the proceedings of this
house, do we reject amendments, upon the sole ground that they
are not necessary, the principle of the amendment being aheady
contained in the proposition.
I refer to the Federafist, for one moment, to show that the only
notice taken of that clause of the constitution which relates to post-
roads, is favorable to my construction. The power, that book says,
must always' be a harmless one. I have endeavored to show, not
only that it is perfectly harmless, but that every exercise of it must
be necessarily beneficial. Nothing which terids to facifitate inter
course among the states, says the Federalist, can be unworthy of
the pubfic care. What intercourse? Even if resteicted on the
narrowest theory of gentiemen on the other side, to the intercourse
of intelligence, they deny that to us, since they wiU not admit that
we have the power to repair or improve the way, the right of which

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 309
they yield us. In a more liberal and enlarged sense of the word,
it wiU comprehend aU those various means of accompfishing the
object, which are calculated to render us a homogeneous people' —
one in feefing, in interest, and affection; as we are one in our
political relation.
Is there not a direct and intimate relation between the power to
make war, and miUtary roads and canals? It is in vain that the
convention have confided to the general government the tremendous
power of declaring war ; have imposed upon it the duty to employ
the whole physical means of the nation to render the war, whatever
may be its character, successful and glorious ; if the power is with
held of transporting and distributing those means. Let us appeal
to facts, which are sometimes worth volumes of theory. We have
recently had a war raging on all the four quai-ters of the union.
The only circumstance which gave me pain at the close of that
war, the detention of Moose Island, would not have occurred, if
we had possessed mifitary roads. Why did not the union, why
did not Massachusetts, make a sti-uggle to reconquer the island ?
Not for the want of men ; not for the want of patriotism, I hope ;
but from the want of physical ability to march a force sufficient to
dislodge the enemy. On the northwestern frontier, millions of
money, and some of the most precious blood of the state from
which I have the honor to come, was wastefuUy expended for the
want of such roads. My honorable friend from Ohio (General
Harrison), who commanded the army in that quarter, could furnish
a volume of evidence on this subject What now paralyses our
arms on the southern frontier, and occasioned the recent massacre
of fifty of our brave soldiers ? What, but the want of proper
means for the communication of intelligence, and for the transpor
tation of our resources from point to point ? Whether we refer to
our own experience, or that of other countries, we cannot fail to
perceive the great value of military roads. Those great masters of
the world, the Komans, how did they sustain their power so many
centuries, diffusing law and liberty, and inteUigenee, aU around
them ? They made permanent military roads ; and among the
objects of interest which Europe now presents are the remains
of those Roman roads, which are shown to the curious inquirer.
If there were no other monument remaining of the sagacity and
of the iUustrious deeds of the unfortunate captive of St. Helena,
the internal improvements which he made, the road from Ham
burgh to Basle, would perpetuate his memory to future ages. In
making these aUusions, let me not be misunderstood. I do not
desire to see mUitary roads established for the purpose of conquest,
but of defence ; and as a part of that preparation which should be
made in a season of peace for a season of war. I do not wish to
see this countey ever in that complete state of preparation for war,
for which some contend ; that is, that we should constantly have a

310 SPEECHES OP HENRY CLAY.
large standing army, well disciplined, and always ready to act I
want to see the biU reported by my friend from Ohio, or some other,
embracing an effective miUtia system, passed into a law ; and a
chain of roads and canals, by the aid of which our physical means
can be promptly teansported to any requteed point. These, con
nected -with a smaU mifitary estabfishment to keep up our forts and
garrisons, constitute the kind of preparation for war, which, it
appears to me, this country ought to make. No man, who has paid
the least attention to the operations of modern war, can have faUed
to remark, how essential good roads and canals are to the success of
those operations. How often have battles been won by celerity
and rapidity of movement! It is one of the m^ost essential
circumstances in war. But, without good roads, it is impossible.
Members wUl recall to their recollection the fact, that, in the senate^
several years ago, an honorable friend of mine (Mr. Bayard), whose
premature death I shall ever deplore, who was an ornament to
the councils of his country, and who, when abroad, was the able
and fearless advocate of her rights, did, in supporting a subscrip
tion which he proposed the United States bank should make to the
stock of the Delaware and Chesapeake canal company, earnestiy
recommend the measure as connected with our operations in war.
I listened to my friend with some incredufity, and thought he pushed
his argument too far. I had, soon after, a practical evidence of its
justness. For, in teaveUing from Philadelphia, in the faU of 1813,
I saw teansporting, by government, from EUv river to the Delaware,
large quantities of massy timbers for the consteuction of the
Guerriere or the Frankfin, or both ; and, judging from the number
of wagons and horses, and the number of days employed, I beheve
the additional expense of that single operation would have gone
very far to complete that canal, whose cause was espoused with so
much eloquence in the senate, and with so much effect, too ; bUls
having passed that body more than once to give aid, in some shape
or other, to that canal. With notorious facts like this, is it not
obvious, that a line of mUitary canals is not only necessary and
proper, but almost indispensable to the war-making power ?
One of the rules of construction which has been laid down, I
acknowledge my incapacity to comprehend. Gentiemen say, that
the power in question is a substantive power ; and that no substan
tive power can be derived by irapfication. What is their definition
of a substantive power? WiU they favor us with the principle of
discrimination between powers which, being substantive, are not
grantable but by-express grant, and those which, not being substan
tive, may be conveyed by irapfication ? Although I do not perceive
why this power is more entitled than many implied powers, to the
denomination of substantive, suppose that be yielded, how do
gentiemen prove that it may not be conveyed by irapfication ? If
the positions were maintained, which have not yet been proved,

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 311
that the power is substantive, and that no substantive power can
be impfied, yet I trust it has been satisfactorUy shown that there is
an express grant
My honorable friend from Virginia, (Mr. Nelson,) has denied the
operation of executive influence on his mind ; and has informed
the committee, that from that quarter he has nothing to expect, to
hope, or to fear. I did not impute to my honorable friend any
such motive ; I knew his independence of character and of mind
too well to do so. But I enteeat him to refiect, if he does not
expose himself to such an imputation by those less friendly disposed
towards him than myself Let us look a fittie at facts. The pres
ident recommends the establishment of a bank. If ever there were
a steetch of implied powers conveyed by the constitution, it has
been thought that the grant of the charter of the national bank was
one. But the president recommends it Where was then my
honorable friend, the friend of state rights, who so pathetically
calls upon us to repent, in sackcloth and ashes, our meditated
violation of the constitution ; and who kindly expresses his hope,
that we shall be made to feel the public indignation ? Where was
he at that awful epoch ? Where was that eloquent tongue, which
we have now heai-d with so much pleasure ? Silent ! SUent as
the grave !
[Mr. Nelson said, across the house, that he had voted against the bank bill when
first recommended.]
Alas ! my honorable friend had not the heart to -withstand a
second recommendation from the president ; but, when it came,
yielded, no doubt most reluctantiy, to the executive wishes, and
voted for the bank. At the last session of congress, Mr. Madison
recommended, (and I wUl presently make some remarks on that
subject,) an exercise of all the existing powers of the general
government, to establish a comprehensive system of internal
improvements. Where was my honorable friend on that occasion ?
Not silent as the grave, but he gave a negative vote, almost as
sUent No effort was made on his part, great as he is when he
exerts the powers of his well-stored mind, to save the common
wealth from that greatest of all calamities, a system of internal
improvement No ; although a war with aU the alfies, he now
thinks, would be less terrible than the adoption of this report, not
one word then dropped from his lips against the measure.
[Mr. Nelson said he voted against the bill.]
That he whispered out an unwiUing negative, I do not deny !
but it was unsustained by that torrent of eloquence which he has
'j)oured out on the present occasion. But we have an executive
message now, not quite as ambiguous in its terms, nor as oracular

312 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.

in its meaning, as that of Mr. Madison appears to have been. No!
the president now says, that he has made great efforts to vanquish
his objections to the power, and that he cannot but befieve that it
does not' exist Then my honorable friend rouses, thunders forth
the danger in which the constitution is, and sounds the tocsin of
alarm. Far from insinuating that he is at aU biased by the execu
tive wishes, I appeal to his candor to say, if there is not a remark
able coincidence between his zeal and exertions, and the opinions
of the chief magistrate?
Now let us review those opinions, as communicated at different
periods. It was the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, that, although there
was no general power vested by the constitution in congress, to
consta-uct roads and canals, without the consent of the states, yet
such a power might be exercised with their assent. Mr. Jefferson
not only held this opinion in the abstract but he practically execu
ted it in the instance of the Cumberland road ; and how? First,
by a compact made wilh the state of Ohio, for the application of a
specified fund, and then by compacts with Virginia, Pennsylvania,
and Maryland, to apply the fund so set apart within their respective
limits. If, however, I rightly understood my honorable friend the
other day, he expressly denied (and in that I concur wilh him) that
the power could be acquired by the mere consent of the state.
Yet he defended the act of Mr. Jefferson, in the case referred to.
[Mr. Nelson expressed his dissent to this statement of his argument.]
It is far from my intention to misstate the gentleman. I cer
tainly understood him to say, that, as the road was first stipulated
for, in the compact with Ohio, it was competent afterwards to carry
it through the states mentioned, with their assent Now, if we
have not the right to raake a road in virtue of one compact made
with a single state, can we obtain it by two contracts made "with
several states? The character of the fund cannot affect the ques
tion. It is totally immaterial whether it arises from the sales of
the public lands, or frora the general revenue. Suppose a contract
made with Massachusetts, that a certain portion of the revenue,
collected at the port of Boston, from foreign trade, should be
expended in making roads and canals leading to that state, and
that a subsequent compact should be made with Connecticut or
New Hampshire, for the expenditure of the fund on these objects,
within their limits. Can we acquire the power, in this manner,
over internal improvements, if we do not possess it independentiy
of such compacts ? I conceive, clearly not And I am entirely at
a loss to comprehend how gentiemen, consistentiy with their own
principles, can justify the erection of the Cumberland road. No
man is prouder than I am of that noble monument of the provi
dent care of the nation, and of the public spirit of its projectors;

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 313
and I teust that, in spite of aU constitutional and other scruples,
here or elsewhere, an appropriation wUl be made to complete that
road. I confess, however, freely, that I am entteely unable to con
ceive of any principle on which that road can be supported, that
would not uphold the general power contended for.
I wiU now examine the opinion of Mr. Madison. Of aU the
acts of that pure, virtuous, and iUusteious statesman, whose admin
isteation has so powerfully tended to advance the glory, honor, and
prosperity of this country, I most regret, for his sake and for the
sake of the countey, the rejection of the biU of the last session. I
think it irreconcilable with Mr. Madison's own principles — those
great, broad, and liberal principles, on which he so ably administered
the government. And, sir, when I appeal to the members of the
last congress, who are now iri my hearing, I am authorized to say,
with regard to the majority of them, that no circumstance, not even
an earthquake, that should have swallowed up one half of this city,
could have excited more surprise than when it was first communi
cated to this house, that Mr. Madison had rejected his own bUl — I
say his, own bUl, for his message at the opening of the session
meant nothing, if it did not recommend such an exercise of power
as, was contained in that bUl. My friend, who is near me, (Mr.
Johnson, of Virginia,) the operations of whose vigorous and inde
pendent mind, depend upon his own internal perceptions, has
expressed himself with becoming manUness, and thrown aside the
authority of names, as having no bearing with him on the question.
But thete authority has been referred to, and -wUl have influence
with others. It is impossible, moreover, to disguise the fact, that
the question is now a question between the executive on the one
side, and the representatives of the people on the other. So it is
understood in the countey, and such is the fact Mr. Madison
enjoys, in his reteeat at Montpelier, the repose and the honors due
to his eminent and laborious services ; and I would be among the
last to disturb it. However painful it is to me to animadvert upon
any of his opinions, I feel perfectiy sure that the ctecumstance can
only be -viewed by him with an enUghtened liberality. What are
the opinions which have been expressed by Mr. Madison on this
subject? I wUl not refer to all the messages wherein he has
recommended internal improvements ; but to that alone which he
addressed to congress, at the commencement of the last session,
which contains this passage :
' I particularly invite again the attention of congress to the expediency of exercis-
' ing their existing powers, and, where necessary,' of resorting to the prescribed mode of
¦ enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as
¦will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country, by
promoting intercourse and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part
in the common stock of national prosperity.'

VOL. I.

40

314 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAV.
In the examination of this passage, two positions force themselvies
upon our attention. The first is, the assertion that there are existing
powers in congress to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads
and canals, the effect of which would be to draw the different parts
of the country more closely together. And I would candidly admit,
in the second place, that it was intimated, that, in the exercise of
those existing powers, sorae defect might be discovered which
would render an amendment of the constitution necessary. Noth
ing could be raore clearly affirmed than the first position ; but in
the message of Mr. Madison returning the bill, passed in conse
quence of his recommendation, he has not specified a sofitary case
to which those existing powers are appficable ; he has not told us
what he meant by those existing powers ; and the general scope of
his reasoning, in that message, if well founded, proves that there are
no existing powers whatever. It is apparent, th-at Mr. Madison
himself has not examined some of those principal sources of the
constitution from which, during this debate, the power has been
derived. I deeply regret, and I know that Mr. Madison regretted,
that the circumstances under which the bill was presented to him
(the last day but one of a most busy session) deprived him of an
opportunity of that thorough investigation of which no man is
more capable. It is certain, that, taking his two messages 'at the
same session together, they are perfectly irreconcilable. What,
moreover, was the nature of that bill ? It did not apply the money
to any specific object of internal improvement, nor designate any
particular mode in which it should be applied ; but merely set apart
and pledged the fund to the general purpose, subject to the future
disposition of congress. K, then, there were any supposable case
whatever,, to which congress might apply money in the erection of
a road, or cutting a canal, the bill did not violate the constitution.
And it ought not to have been anticipated, that money constitu-
tionaUy appropriated by one congress would be unconstitutionally
expended by another.
I come now to the message of Mr. Monroe ; and if, by the com
munication of his opinion to congress, he intended to prevent dis
cussion, he has most wofuUy failed. I know that, according to a
most venerable and excellent usage, the opinion, neither of the
president nor of the senate, upon any proposition depending in this
house, ought to be adverted to. Even in the parliament of Great
Britain, a member who would refer to the opinion of the sovereign,
in such a case, would be instantly caUed to order ; but under the
exteaordinary circumstances of the president having, with, I have
no doubt, the best motives, volunteered his opinion on this head,
and inverted the order of legislation by beginning where it should
end, I am compeUed, most reluctantiy, to refer to that opinion. I
cannot but deprecate the practice of which the president has, in this
instance, set the example to his successors. The constitutional

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 315
order of legislation supposes that every biU originating in one
house, shall be there dehberately investigated, without influence
from any other branch of the legislature ; and then remitted to the
other house for a fike free and unbiased consideration. Having
passed both houses, it is to be laid before the president; signed if
approved, and if disapproved, to be returned, with his objections, to
the originating house. In this manner, enttee freedom of thought
and of action is secured, and the president finaUy sees the proposi
tion in the most matured form which congress can give to it. The
practical effect, to say no more, of forestaUing the legislative opinion,
and telfing us what we may or may not do, will be to deprive the
president himself of the opportunity of considering a proposition
so matured, and us of the benefit of his reasoning applied specifi
caUy to such proposition. For the constitution further enjoins it
upon him, to state his objections upon returning the bUl. The
originating house is then to reconsider it, and deliberately to weigh
those objections ; and it is further required, when the question is
again taken, shaU the biU pass, those objections notwithstanding?
that the votes shaU be solemnly spread, by ayes and noes, upon the
record. Of this opportunity of thus recording our opinions, in
matters of great public concern, we are deprived, if we submit to
the innovation of the president I wUl not press this part of the
subject, further. I repeat, again and again, that I have no doubt
but that the president was actuated by the purest motives. I am
compelled, however, in the exercise of that freedom of opinion
which, so long as I exist, I wiU maintain, to say, that the proceeding
is irregular and unconstitutional. Let us, however, examine the
reasoning and opinion of the president
' A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation of our constitution to
the present time, among our most enUghtened and virtuous cilizens, respecting the
right of congress to establish a system of internal improveraent. Taking into view
the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed,
that this discussion should be revived, with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting
the right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the
deliberation which its great importance and a just sense of my duty required,and the
result is,' a settled conviction in my mind, that congress does not possess, the right.
It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted to congress ; nor can I con
sider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carry
ing into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating
this result, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel, to suggest to congress the pro
priety of recommending to the states the adoption of an amendment to the constitu
tion, which shall give the right in question In cases of doubtful construction,
especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our insti
tutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our constituents for
an explicit grant of power. We may confidently rely, that, if it appears to their
satisfaction that the power is necessary, it will always he granted.'
In this passage, the president has furnished us with no reasoning,
no argument in support of his opinion — nothing addressed to the
understanding. He gives us, indeed, an historical account of the
ojjerations of his own mind, and he asserts that he has made a

316 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
laborious effort to conquer his early impressions, but that the result
is a settied conviction against the power, without a single reason.'
In his position, that the power must be specificaUy granted, or inci
dent to a power so granted, it has been seen, that I have the honor
to entirely concur with him ; but, he says, the power is not among
the specified powers. Has he taken into consideration the clause
respecting post-roads, and told us how and why that does not con
vey the power ? If he had acted within what I conceive to be his
constitutional sphere of rejecting the bUl, after it had passed both
houses, he must have learned that great stress was placed on that
clause, and we should have been enlightened by his comments upon
it. As to his denial of the power, as an incident to any of the
express grants, I would have thought that we might have safely
appealed to the experience of the president, during the late war,
when the country derived so much benefit frora his judicious
administeation of the duties of the war department, whether roads
and canals for military purposes were not essential to celerity and
successful residt in the operations of armies. This part of the mes
sage is aU assertion, and contains no argument which I can com
prehend, or which meet the points contended for during this debate.
Allow me here to say, and I do it without the least disrespect to that
branch of the government, on whose opinions and acts it has been
rendered my painful duty to comment ; let me say, in reference to
any man, however elevated his station, even if he be endowed with
the power and prerogatives of a sovereign, that his acts are worth
infinitely more, and are more intelligible, than mere paper senti
ments or declarations. And what have been the acts of the presi
dent ? During his tour of the last summer, did he not order a road
to be cut or repaired from near Plattsburgh to the St. La-wrence ?
My honorable friend wUl excuse me, if my comprehension is too
duU to perceive the force of that argument, which seeks to draw a
distinction between, repairing an old and maliing a new road.
[ Mr. Nelson said, he had not drawn that distinction, having only stated the feet.]
Certainly no such distinction is to be found in the constitution, or
exists in reason. Grant, however, the power of reparation, and we
wiU raake it do. We wiU take the post-roads, sinuous as they are,
and put thera in a condition to enable the raaUs to pass, without
those mortifying delays and disappointments, to which we, at least
in the west, are so often Uable. The president, then, ordered a road
of considerable extent to be consteucted or repaired, on his sole
authority, in a time of profound peace, when no enemy threatened
the countey, and when, in relation to the power as to which alone
that road could be useful in time of war, there exists the best under
standing, and a prospect of lasting friendship, greater than at any
other period. On his sole authority the president acted, and we are

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 317
already called upon by the chauman of the committee of ways and
means to sanction the act by an appropriation. This measure has
been taken, too, without the consent of the state of New York ;
and what is wonderful, when we consider the magnitude of the
state rights which are said to be violated, without even a protest on
the part of that state against it On the contrary, I understand,
from some of the mUitary officers who are charged with the execu
tion of the work, what is very exteaordinary, that the people through
whose quarter of the country the road passes, do not view it as a
national calamity ; that they would be very glad that the president
would visit them often, and that he would order a road to be cut
and improved, at the national expense, every time he should visit
them, Other roads, in other parts of the union, have, it seems, been
likewise ordered, or thete execution, at the public expense, sanction
ed by the executive, without the concurrence of congress. If the
president has the power to cause these public improvements to be
executed at his .pleasure, whence is it derived ? If any member
wiU stand up in this place and say the president is clothed "with this
authority, and that it is denied to congress, let us hear from him ;
and let him point to the clause of the constitution which vests it in
the executive and withholds it from the legislative branch.
There is no such clause ; there is no such exclusive executive
power. The power is derivable by the executive only from those
provisions of the constitution which charge him with the duties of
commanding the physical force of the country, and the employ
ment of that force in war, and the preservation of the public
teanquillity, and in the execution of the laws. But congress has
paramount powers to the president It alone can declare war, can
raise armies, can provide for calling out the militia, in the specified
instances, and can raise and appropriate the ways and means
necessary to those objects. Or is it come to this, that there are to
be two rules of construction for the constitution — one, an enlarged
rule, for the executive, and another, a restricted rule, for the legis
lature ? Is it already to be held, that, according to the genius and
nature of our constitution, powers of this kind may be safely
intrusted to the executive, but, when attempted to be exercised by
the legislature, are so alarming and dangerous, that a war with aU
the aiUied powers would be less tenable, and that the nation should
clothe itself steaightway in sackcloth and ashes ! No, sir ; if the
.power belongs only by implication to the chief magistrate, it is
placed both by implication and express grant in the hands of
congress. I am so far from condemning the act of the president,
to which I have referred, that I think it deserving of high approba
tion. That it was within the scope of his constitutional authority,
I have no doubt; and I sincerely teust, that the secretary at war
wiU, in time of peace, constantiy employ in that way the mUitary
force. It will at the same time guard that force against the vices

318 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
incident to indolence and inaction, and correct the evU of sub-
teacting from the mass of the labor of society, where labor is more
valuable than in any other countey, that portion of it w""hich enters
into the composition of the army. But I most solemnly protest
against any exercise of powers of this kind by the president, which
are denied to congress. And, if the opinions expressed by him,
in his message, were communicated, or are to be used here, to
influence the judgment of the house, their authority is more than
eountervaUed by the authority of his deliberate acts.
Some principles drawn from political economists have been
aUuded to, and we are advised to leave things to themselves, upon
the ground that, when the condition of society is ripe for internal
improvements — that is, when capital can be so invested with a
fair prospect of adequate remuneration, they will be executed by
associations of individuals, unaided by government With my
friend from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes) I concur in this as a
general maxim ; and I also concur with him that there are excep
tions to it. The foreign policy which I think this countey ought to
adopt, presents one of those exceptions. It would perhaps be better
for mankind, if, in the intercourse between nations, aU woidd leave
skill and industry to thete unstimulated exertions. But this is not
done ; and if other powers wUl incite the industry of their subjects,
and depress that of our citizens, in instances where they raay come
into competition, we must imitate their selfish example. Hence
the necessity to protect our manufactures. In regard to internal
improvements, it does not follow, that they wiU always be con
structed whenever they will afford a competent dividend upon the
capital invested. It may be teue generally that, in old counti-ies,
where there is a great accumulation of surplus capital, and a
consequent low rate of interest, they will be made. But, in a new
country, the condition of society raay be ripe for pubUc works long
before there is, in the hands of individuals, the necessary accumu
lation of capital to effect them ; and, besides, there is generally, in
such a country, not only a scarcity of capital, but such a multipli
city of profitable objects presenting themselves as to disteact the
judgment Further ; the aggregate benefit resulting to the whole
society, from a public improvement, may be such as to amply
justify the investment of capital in its execution, and yet that
benefit may be so disteibuted among different and distant persons,
that they can never be got to act in concert The turnpike roads
wanted to pass the AUeghany mountains, and the Delaware and
Chesapeake canal, are objects of this description. Those who wUl
be most benefited by these improvements, reside at a considerable
distance from the sites of them ; many of those persons never have
seen and never wiU sec them. How is it possible to regulate the
contiibutions, or to present to individuals so situated a sufficientiy
Uvely picture of their real interests, to get them to make exertions

ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 319
in effectuating the object, commensurate with their respective abili
ties ? I think it very possible that the capitahst, who should invest
his money in one of these objects, might not be reimbursed three
per centum annuaUy upon it ; and yet society, in various forms,
might actually reap fifteen or twenty per centum. The benefit
resulting from a turnpike road, made by private associations, is
divided between the capitalist who receives his tolls, the lands
through which it passes, and which are augmented in their value,
and the commodities whose value is enhanced by the diminished
expense of teansportation. A combination, upon any terms, much
less a just combination, of all those interests, to effect the improve
ment, is impracticable. And if you await the arrival of the period
when the tolls alone can produce a competent dividend, it is evident
that you will have to suspend its execution long after the general
interests of society would have authorized it
Again, improvements, made by private associations, ai-e gene
rally made by local capital. But ages must elapse before there ¦wiU
be concentrated in certain places, where the interests of the whole
community may call for improvements, sufficient capital to make
them. The place of the improvement, too, is not always the most
interested in its accoraplishraent. Other parts of the union — the
whole fine of the seaboard — are quite as much, if not more inter
ested, in the Delaware and Chesapeake canal, as the smaU teact
of countey through which it is proposed to pass. The same
observation -wiU apply to turnpike roads passing through the
AUeghany mountain. Sometimes the interest of the place of the
improvement is adverse to the improvement and to the general
interest I would cite LouisvUle, at the rapids of the Ohio, as an
example, whose interest wUl probably be more promoted by the
continuance, than the removal of the obsteuction. Of aU the modes
in which a government can employ its surplus revenue, none is
more permanently beneficial than that of internal improvement
Fixed to the soil, it becomes a durable part of. the land itself,
diffusing comfort, and activity, and animation, on all sides. The
first dteect effect is on the agricultural community, into whose
pockets comes the difference in the expense of teansportation
between good and bad ways. Thus, if the price of transporting a
barrel of flour by the erection of the Cumberland turnpike should
be lessened two doUars, the producer of the article would receive
that two doUars more now than formerly.
But, putting aside aU pecuniary considerations, there may be
pofitical motives suflicientiy powerful alone to justify certain internal
improvements. Does not our country present such ? How are
they to be effected, if things are left to themselves ? I -wUl not
press the subject further. I am but too sensible how much I have
abused the patience of the committee by teespassing so long upon
its attention. The magnitude of the question, and the deep interest

320 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
I feel in its rightful decision, must be my apology. We are now
maldng the last effort to estabUsh our power, and I caU on the
friends of congress, of this house, or the true friends of state rights,
(not charging others with intending to oppose them,) to raUy round
the constitution, and to support by their votes, on this occasion,
the legitimate powers of the legislature. If we do nothing this
session but pass an abstract resolution on the subject, I shall, under
all ctecumstances, consider it a triumph for the best interests of the
country, of which posterity wUl, if we do not, reap the benefit I
te-ust, that by the decision which shall be given, we shaU assert,
uphold, and maintain, the authority of congress, notwithstanding
all that has been or may be said against it
[The resolution of giving the power of congress, first, to appropriate money to the
construction of military and post roads, make canals, and improve water-courses, was
adopted : yeas ninety ; nays seventy-five : secondly, to construct such roads : lost :
yeas eighty-two ; nays eighty-four : thirdly, to construct roads and canals for com
mercial purposes : lost : yeas seventy-one ; nays ninety-five : fourthly, to construct
canals for military purposes : lost : eighty-one to eighty-three.]

ON THE EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 24, 181S.

, [The following is considered one of the most important speeches made by Mr.
Clay, during his congressional career. It is here that he appears as an advocate for
the cause of human liberty — 'when, striving to usher the southern republics into
the great family of nations, he stood up before his countrymen like an apostle, com
missioned by Freedom, to welcome her new votaries to the reward of their labors
and their sacrifices. The glory which he won by the discharge of that commission, is
as imperishable as liberty itself. It will rise freshly above his grave,,and grow greener
with the lapse of centuries.' At the sessions of congress, in I8I6 and 1817, he had
made aUusions to the situation of the South American patriots, and expressed his
warm sympathies in their behalf, as may be observed in preceding speeches, and he
now proposes to recognize the independence of the United Provinces of La Plata or
Buenos Ayres, as the first established republic of South America.
In the summer of 1817, the president of the United States (Mr. Monroe) appointed
.Messrs. Rodney, Graham, and Bland, commissioners to proceed to South America,
for the purpose of ascertaining the condition of the country, the character of the
people, and their ability for self-government. At the present session of congress,
(March twenty-fourth, 1818,) the house being in committee of the whole, on the bill
inaking appropriations for the support of government, which bill proposed thirty
thousand dollars, for compensation to the commissioners above mentioned; this item
being passed by (ot the time, Mr. Clay (speaker) moved to amend the bill, by adding,
and 'for one year's salary and an outfit to a minister to the United Provinces of Rio de
La Plata, the salary to commence, and the outfit to be paid, whenever the president
shall deem it expedient to send a minister to the said United Provinces, a sum not
exceeding eighteen thousand dollars.'
This motion he followed up by the subjoined argument, and on this occasion he
differed with many of his political and personal friends in congress, as well as the
president and heads of departments. The house rejected his proposition at this time,
but in 1820, by recognizing its principles, and the independence of South America,
congress acknowledged his triumph.]

I RISE under feefings of deeper regret than I have ever experi
enced on any former occasion, inspired, principaUy, by the painful
consideration, that I find myself, on the proposition which I meant
to submit, differing from many highly esteemed friends, in and out
of this house, for whose judgment I entertained the greatest respect
A knowledge of this circumstance has induced me to pause ; to
subject my own convictions to the severest scrutiny, and to revolve
the question over and over again. But aU my reflections have
conducted me to the same clear result; and, much as I value those
friends, great as my deference is for their opinions, I cannot
hesitate, when reduced to the disti?essing alternative of conforming
VOL. I. 41

322 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
my judgment to theirs, or pursuing the deliberate and mature
dictates of my own mind. I enjoy some consolation, for the want
of their cooperation, frora the persuasion that, if I err on this occa
sion, I err on the side of the liberty and happiness of a large portion
of the human family. Another, and, if possible, indeed a greater,
source of the regret to which I refer, is the utter incompetency,
which I unfeignedly feel, to do any thing like adequate justice to
the great cause of Araerican independence and freedom, whose
interests I wish to promote by my humble exertions in this instance.
Exhausted and worn down as I am, by the fatigue, confinement,
and incessant application incident to the arduous duties, of the
honorable station I hold, during a four months' session, I shaU need
all that kind indulgence which has been so often extended to me
by the house.
I beg, in the first place, to correct misconceptions, if any exist,
in regard to my opinions. I am averse to war with Spain, or
with any power. I would give no just cause of war to any power
— not to Spain herself I have seen enough of war, and of its
calamities, even when successful. No country upon earth has
more interest than this in cultivating peace and avoiding war, as
long as it is possible honorably to avoid it Gaining additional
strength every day ; our numbers doubling in periods of twenty-
five years ; with an income outstripping all our estimates, and so
great, as, after a war in sorae respects disastrous, to furnish results
which carry astonishraent, if not dismay, into the bosom of states
jealous of our rising importance ; we have every motive for the
love of peace. I cannot, however, approve, in aU respects, of the
manner in which our negotiations with Spain have been conducted.
If ever a favorable time existed for the demand, on the part of an
injured nation, of indemnity for past wrongs from the aggressor,
such is the present time. Impoverished and exhausted at home,
by the wars which have desolated the peninsula ; with a foreign
war, caUing for infinitely more resources, in men and money, than
she can possibly command, this is the auspicious period for insist
ing upon justice at her hands, in a firm and decided tone. Time
is precisely what Spain now most wants. Yet what are we told
by the president, in his message at the commencement of congress ?
That Spain had procrastinated, and we acquiesced in her procras
tination. And the secretary of state, in a late communication with
Mr. Onis, after ably vindicating aU our rights, tells the Spanish
minister, with a good deal of sang froid, that we had patiently
waited thirteen years for a redress of our injuries, and that it
required no great effort to wait longer! I would have abstained
from thus exposing our intentions. Avoiding the use of the lan
guage of menace, I would have required, in temperate and decided
terms, indemnity for all our viTongs ; for the spoliations of our
for the interruption of the right of depot at New

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 323
Orleans, guarantied by treaty; for the insults repeatedly offered to
oiir flag ; for the Indian hostilities, which she was bound to prevent;
for belligerent use made of her ports and territories, by our enemy,
during the late "war; and the instantaneous liberation of the free
citizens of the United States, now imprisoned in her jails. Con
temporaneous with that 'demand, without waiting for her final
answer, and with a view to the favorable operation on her councils
in regard to our own peculiar interests, as well as in justice to the
cause, itself, I would recognize any established government in
Spanish America. I, would have left Spain to draw her own
inferences from these proceedings, as to the ultimate step which
this country might adopt, if she longer withheld justice from us.
And if she persevered in her iniquity, after we have conducted the
negotiation in the manner I have endeavored to describe, I would
thentalce up and decide the solemn question of peace or war, with
the advantage of all the light shed upon it, by subsequent events,
and the probable conduct of Europe.
Spain has undoubtedly given us abundant and just cause of
war. But it is not every cause of war that should lead to war.
War is one of those dreadful scourges, that so shakes the founda
tions of society, overturns or changes the character of governments,
interrupts or destroys the pursuits of private happiness, brings, in
short, misery and wretchedness in so many forms, and at last is, in
its issue, so, doubtful and hazardous, that nothing but dire neces
sity can justify an appeal to arms. If we are to have war with
Spain, I have, however, no hesitation in saying, that no mode of
bringing it about could' be less fortunate than that of seizing, at this
time, upon her adjoining province. There was a time, under
certain circumstances, when we might have occupied East Florida
with safety ; had we then taken it, our posture in the negotiation
with Spain would have been totally different frora what it is. But
we have permitted that time, not with my consent, to pass by
unimproved. If we were now to seize upon Florida, after a great
change in those circumstances, and after declaring our intention to
acquiesce in the procrastination desired by Spain, in what light
should we be viewed by foreign powers, particularly Great Britain ?
"We have already been accused of inordinate ambition, and of
seeking to aggrandize ourselves by an extension, on aU sides, of
our limits. Should we not, by such an act of violence, give color
to the accusation ? No, Mr. Chauraan ; if we are to be involved
in a war with Spain, let us have the credit of disinterestedness.
Let us put her yet more in the wrong. Let us command the
respect which is never withheld from those who act a noble and
generous part I hope to communicate 4o the committee the con
viction which I so steongly feel, that the adoption of the amend
ment which I intend to propose, would not hazard, in the shghtest
degree, the peace of the countey. But if that peace is to be

324 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
endangered, I would infinitely rather it should be for our exerting
the right appertaining to every state, of acknowledging the inde
pendence of another state, than for the seizure of a province, which,
sooner or later, we must certainly acquire.
In contemplating the great steuggle in which Spanish America
is now engaged, our attention is first fixed by the immensity and
character of the countey which Spain seeks again to subjugate.
Steetching on the Pacific ocean from About the fortieth degree of
north latUude to about the fifty-fifth degree of south latitude, and
extending from the mouth of the Rio del Norte, (exclusive of
East Florida,) around the Gulf of Mexico, and along the South
Atiantic to near Cape Horn ; it is about five thousand mUes in
length, and in some places near three thousand in breadth. Within
this vast region we behold the most subfime and interesting objects
of creation; the loftiest mountains, the most majestic rivers in the
world ; the richest mines of the precious metals, and the choicest
productions of the earth. "We behold there a spectacle still more
interesting and subfime — the glorious spectacle of eighteen
millions of people, struggfing to burst their chains and to be free.
When we take a little nearer and raore detailed view, we perceive
that nature has, as it were, ordained that this people and this
country shall ultiraately constitute several different nations.
Leaving the United States on the north, we come to New Spain,
or the vice-royalty of Mexico on the south ; passing by Guatemala,
we reach the vice-royalty of New Grenada, the late captain-
generalship of Venezuela, and Guiana, lying on the east side of
the Andes. Stepping over the BrazUs, we arrive at the united
provinces of La Plata, and crossing the Andes, we find Chifi on
their west side, and, further north, the vice-royalty of Lima, or
Peru. Each of these several parts is sufficient in itself, in point
of limits, to constitute a powerful state ; and, in point of popu
lation, that which has the smallest, contains enough to make it
respectable. Throughout all the extent of that great portion of the
world, which I have attempted thus hastily to describe, the spirit
of revolt against the dominion of^ Spain has manifested itself The
revolution has been attended with various degrees of success in
the several parts of Spanish America. In some it has been
already crowned, as I shall endeavor to show, with complete
success, and in all I am persuaded that independence has struck
such deep root, that the power of Spain can never eradicate it
What are the causes of this great movement?
Three hundred years ago, upon the ruins of the thrones of
Montezuma and the incas of Peru, Spain erected the most stupen
dous system of colonial despotism that the world has ever seen —
the most vigorous, the most exclusive. The great principle and
object of this system, has been, to render one of the largest portions
of the world exclusively subservient, in aU its faculties, to the

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 325
interests of an inconsiderable spot in Europe. To effectuate this
aim of her poficy, sfie locked up Spanish America from all the
rest of the world, and prohibited, under the severest penalties, any
foreigner from entering any part of it. To keep the natives them
selves ignorant of each other, and of the strength and resources of
the several parts of her American possessions, she next prohibited
the inhabitants of one vice-royalty or government from visiting
those of another ; so that the inhabitants of Mexico, for example,
were not aUowed to enter the vice-royalty of New Granada. The
agriculture of those vast regions was so regulated and resteained,
as to prevent all coUision with the agriculture of the peninsula.
Where nature, by the character and composition of the soil, had
commanded, the abominable systera of Spain has forbidden, the
growth of certain articles. Thus the olive and the vine, to which
Spanish America is so weU adapted, are prohibited, wherever their
culture can interfere with the olive and the vine of the peninsula.
The commerce of the countey, in the direction and objects of the
exports and imports, is also subjected to the narrow and selfish
views of Spain, and fettered by the odious spirit of monopoly,
existing in Cadiz. She has sought, by scattering discord among
the several castes of her American population, and by a debasing
course of education, to perpetuate her oppression. Whatever
concerns public law, or the science of government, all writers upon
political economy, or that tend to give vigor, and freedom, and
expansion, to the intellect, are prohibited. Gentiemen would be
astonished by the long list of distinguished authors, whom she
proscribes, to be found in Depon's and other works. A main
feature in her policy, is that which constantly elevates the European
and depresses the American character. Out of upwards of seven
hundred and fifty viceroys and captains general, w"hom she has
appointed since the conquest of America, about eighteen only have
been from the body of the American population. On all occasions,
she seeks to raise and promote her European subjects, and to
degrade and humiliate the Creoles. Wherever in America her
sway extends, every thing seems to pine and wither beneath its
baneful influence. The richest regions of the earth: man, his
happiness and his education, all the fine faculties of his soul,
are regulated, and modified, and riioulded, to suit the execrable
purposes of an inexorable despotism.
Such is a brief and imperfect picture of the state of things in
Spanish America, in 1808, when the famous teansactions of
Bayonne occurred. The king of Spain and the Indies (for Span
ish America has always constituted an integral part of the Spanish
empire) abdicated his throne and became a voluntary captive.
Even at this day, one does not know whether he should most
condemn the baseness and perfidy of the one party, or despise the
meanness and imbecility of the otiier. If the obligation of

326 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
obedience and allegiance existed on the part of the colonies to the
king of Spain, it was founded on the duty of protection which he
owed them. By disqualifying himself for the performance of this
duty, they became released from that obligation. The monarchy
was dissolved ; and each integral part had a right to seek its own
happiness, by the institution of any new government adapted to
its wants. Joseph Bonaparte, the successor de facto of Ferdinand,
recognized this right on the part of the colonies, and recommended
them to estabUsh their independence. Thus, upon the ground of
strict right ; upon the footing of a mere legal question, governed by
forensic rules, the colonies, being absolved by the acts of the parent
country from the duty of subjection to it, had an indisputable
right to set up for themselves. But I take a broader and a bolder
position. I maintain, that an oppressed people are authorized,
whenever they can, to rise and break their fetters. This was the
great principle of the English revolution. It was the great principle
of our own. Vattel, if authority were wanting, expressly supports
this right We must pass sentence of condemnation upon the
founders of our liberty, say that they were rebels, teaitors, and
that we are at this moraent legislating without competent powers,
before we can condemn the cause of Spanish America. Oiu:
revolution was mainly directed against the mere theory of tyranny.
We had suffered coraparatively but little ; we had, in some respects,
been kindly teeated ; but our inteepid and intelligent fathers saw,
in the usurpation of the power to levy an inconsiderable tax, the
long train of oppressive acts that were to follow. They rose ; they
breasted the storm ; they achieved our freedom. Spanish America
for centuries has been doomed to the practical effects of an odious
tyranny. If we were justified, she is more than justified.
I am no propagandist. I would not seek to force upon other
nations our principles and our liberty, if they do not want them. I
would not disturb the repose even of a detestable despotism. But,
if an abused and oppressed! people wUl their freedom ; if they seek
to establish it ; if, in teuth, they have established it ; -^ve have a right,
as a sovereign power, to notice the fact, and to act as circumstances
and our interest require. I wiU say, in the language of the
venerated father of my countey, ' born in a land of liberty, my
anxious recoUections, my sympathetic feefings, and my best wishes,
are irresistibly excited, whensoever, in any country, I see an
oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom.' Whenever I
think of Spanish America, the image irresistibly forces itself upon
my mind, of an elder brother, whose education has been neglected,
whose person has been abused and maltreated, and who has been
disinherited by the unkindness of an unnatural parent And, when
I conteraplate the glorious steuggle which that countey is now
raaking, I think I behold that brother rising, by the power and
energy of his fine native genius, to the manly rank which nature,
and nature's God, intended for him.

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 327
If Spanish America be entitied to success from the justness of
her cause, we have no less reason to wish that success, from the
horrible character which the royal arms have given to the war.
More ateocities, than those which have been perpeteated during its
existence, are not to be found, even in the annals of Spain herself.
And history, reserving some of her blackest pages for the name of
MoriUo,is prepared to place him by the side of his great prototype,
the infamous desolater of the Netheriands. He who has looked
into the history of the conduct of this war, is constantiy shocked
at the revolting scenes which it portrays ; at the refusal, on the part
of the commanders of the royal forces, to teeat, on any terms, whh
the other side ; at the denial of quarters ; at the butchery, in cold
blood, of prisoners; at the violation of flags, in some cases, after
being received with religious ceremonies; at the instigation of
slaves to rise against their owners ; and at acts of wanton and
useless barbarity. Neither the weakness of the other sex, nor the
imbecility of old age, nor the innocence of infants, nor the reve
rence due to the sarcedotal character, can stay the arm of royal
vengeance. On this subject, I beg leave to trouble the comraittee,
with reading a few passages from a most authentic document, the
manifesto of the congress of the United Provinces of Eio del la
Plata, pubfished in October last. This is a paper of the highest
authority; it is an appeal to the worid; it asserts facts of notoriety
in the face of the whole worid. It is not to be credited, that the
congress would come forward with a statement which was not teue,
when the means, if it were false, of exposing their fabrications,
must be so abundant, and so easy to comraand. It is a document,
in short, that stands upon the same footing of authority with our
own papers, promulgated during the revolution by our congress.
I wUl add, that many of the facts which it aflSrms, are corrobqrated
by most respectable historical testimony, which is in my own
possession. 'Memory shudders at the recital of the horrors that were committed by Goyeneche
in Cochabamba. Would to heaven it were possible to blot from remembrance the
name of that. ungrateful and blood-thirsty American; who, on the day of his entry,
ordered the virtuous governor and intendant, Antesana, to be shot; who, beholding
from the balcony of his house that infamous murder, cried out wilh a ferocious voice
to the soldiers, that they must not fire at the head, because he wanted it to be affixed
to a pole ; and who, after the head was taken oS, ordered the cold corpse to be dragged
through the streets; and, by a barbarous decree, placed the lives and fortunes of the
citizens at the mercy of his unbridled soldiery, leaving them to exercise their licen
tious and brutal sway during several days! But those blind and cruelly capricious
men (the Spaniards) rejected the mediation of England, and despatched rigorous
orders to all the generals, to aggravate the war, and to punish us with more severity.
The scaffolds were every where multiplied, and invention was racked to devise means
for spreading murder, distress, and consternation.
' Thenceforth they made all possible efforts to spread division amongst us, to incite
us to mutual extermination ; they have slandered us with the most atrocious calum
nies; accusing us of plotting the destruction of our holy religion, the abolition of all
Morality, and of introducing licentiousness of manners. They wage a religious war

328 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
against us, contriving a thousand artifices to disturb and alarm the consciences of the
people, making the Spanish bishops issue decrees of ecclesiastical condemnation,
public excommunications, and disseminating, through the medium of some ignorant
confessor, fanatical doctrines in the tribunal of penitence. By means of these religious
discords, they have divided families against themselves ; they have caused disaffection
between parents and children ; they have dissolved the tender ties which unite man
and wife ; they have spread rancor and implacable hatred between brothers most
endeared, and they have presumed to throw all nature into discord.
' They have adopted the system of murdering men indiscriminately, to diminish
our numbers ; and, on their entry into towns, they have swept off all, even the market
people, leading them to the open squares, and there shooting them one by one. The
cities of Chuquisaca and Cochabamba have more than once been the theatres of these
horrid slaughters.
' They have intermixed with their troops soldiers of ours, whom they had taken
prisoners, carrying away the officers in chains, to garrisons where it is impossible to
preserve health for a year ; they have left others to die in their prisons, of hunger and
misery, and others they have forced to hard labor on the public works. They have
exultingly put to death our bearers of flags of truce, and have been guilty of the
blackest atrocities to our chiefs, after they had surrendered, as Well as to other
principal characters, in disregard of the humanity with which we treated prisoners;
as a proof of it, witness the deputy Mutes of Potosi, the captain-general Pumacagua,
general Augulo, and his brother commandant Munecas, and other partisan chiefs,
who were shot in cold blood after having been prisoners for several days.
' They took a brutal pleasure in cropping the ears of the natives of the town of
Ville- Grande, and sending a basket full of them as presents to the head-quarters.
They afterwards burnt that town, and set fire to thirty other populous towns of Peru,
and, worse than the worst of savages, shutting the inhabitants up in the houses before
setting them on fire, that they might be burnt alive.
' They have not only been cruel and unsparing in their mode of murder, but they
have been void of all morality and public decency, causing aged ecclesiastics and
women to be lashed to a gun, and publicly flogged, wilh the abomination of first
having them stripped, and their nakedness exposed to shame, in the presence of their
troops. I They established an inquisitorial system in all these punishments ; they have
seized on peaceable inhabitants, and transported them across the sea, to be judged for
suspected crimes, and they have put a great number of citizens to death everywhere,
without accusation or the form of a trial.
' They have invented a crime of unexampled horror, in poisoning our water and
provisions, when they were conquered by general Pinetoat Lapaz; and, in return for
the kindness with which we treated them, after they had surrendered at discretion,
they had the barbarity to blow up the head-quarters, under which they had con
structed a mine, and prepared a train, beforehand.
' He has branded us with the stigma of rebels, the moment he returned to Madrid ;
he refused to listen to our complaints, or to receive our supplications ; and, as an act
of extreme favor, he offered us pardon. He confirmed the viceroys, governors, and
generals whom he found actually glutted with carnage. He declared us guilty of a
high misdemeanor, for having dared to frame a constitution for our own government,
free from the control of a deified, absolute; and tyrannical power, under which we had
groaned three centuries ; a measure that could be offensive only to a prince, an enemy
to justice and beneficence, and consequently unworthy to rule over us.
' He then undertook, with the aid of his ministers, to equip large military arma
ments, to be directed against us. He caused numerous armies to be sent out, to
consummate the work of devastation, fire, and plunder.
' He has sent his generals, with certain decrees of pardon, which they publish to
deceive the ignorant, and induce them to facilitate their entrance into towns, whilst
at the same time he has given them other secret instructions, authorizing them, as
soon as they could get possession of a place, to hang, burn, confiscate, and sack; to
encourage private assassinations, and to commit every species of injury in their
power, against the deluded beings who had confided in his pretended pardon. It is
in tjie- name of Ferdinand of Bourbon, that the heads of patriot officers, prisoners,
are fixed up in the highways, that they beat and stoned to death a commandant of light
troops, and that, after having killed colonel Camugo, in the same manner, by the
hands of the indecent Centeno, they cut off his head, and sent it as a present to general
Pazuela, telling him it was a miracle of the virgin of the Carmelites '

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 329
In the estabfishment of the independence of Spanish America,
the United States have the deepest interest I have no hesitation
in asserting my firm befief, that there is no question in the foreign
policy of this countey, which has ever arisen, or -which I can
conceive as ever occurring, in the decision of which we have had
or can have so much at stake. This interest concerns our pofitics,
our commerce, our navigation. There cannot be a doubt that
Spanish America, once independent, whatever may be the form of
the governments established in its several parts, these governments
wUl be animated by an Araerican feefing, and guided by an
American .policy. They -will obey the laws of the system of the
new world, of which they will compose a part, in contradistinc
tion to that of Europe. Without the influence of that vortex in
Europe, the balance of power between its several parts, the preserva
tion of which has so often di-enched Europe in blood, America is
sufficientiy remote to contemplate the new wars which are to afflict
that quarter of the globe, as a calm if not a cold and indifferent
spectator. In relation to those wars, the several parts of America
wiU generally stand neuteal. And as, during the period when they
rage, it wiU be important that a liberal system of neutrality should
be adopted and observed, aU America will be interested in main
taining and enforcing such a system. The independence of Spanish
America, then, is an interest of primary consideration. Next to
that, and highly important in itself, is the consideration of the
nature of their governments. That is a question, however, for
themselves. They will, no doubt, adopt those kinds of govern
ments which are best suited to their condition, best calculated for
their happiness. Anxious as I am that they should be free
governments, we have no right to prescribe for them. They are,
and ought to be, the sole judges for themselves. I am steongly
inclined to befieve that they will in most, if not all parts of thete
countey, estabUsh free governments- We are their great example.
Of us they constantiy speak as of brothers, having a similar origin.
They adopt our principles, copy our institutions, and, in many
instances, employ the very language and sentiments of our revolu
tionary papers.
' Having, then, been tlibs impelled by the Spaniards and their king, we have
calculated all the consequences, and have constituted ourselves independent, prepared
to exercise the right of nature to defend ourselves against the ravages of tyranny, at
the risk of our honor, our lives, and fortune. We have sworn to the only King we
acknowledge, the supreme judge of the world, that we will not abandon the cause ol
justice ; that we will not suffer the country which he has given us, to be buried m
ruins, and inundated with blood, by the hands of the executioner,' &c.
But it is sometimes said, that they are too ignorant and too
superstitious to admit of the existence of free government This
cliMge of ignorance is often urged by persons themselves actually
ignorant of the real condition of that people. I deny the alleged
VOL. I. 42

330 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
fact of ignorance ; I deny the inference from that fact, if it were
true, that they want capacity for free government ; and I refuse
assent to the further conclusion, if the fact were true, and the
inference just, that we are to be indifferent to their fate. AU the
-writers of the most established authority, Deppns, Humboldt, and
others, concur in assigning to the people of Spanish America great
quickness, genius, and particular aptitude for the acquisition of the
exact sciences, and others which they have been allowed to culti
vate. In astronomy, geology, mineralogy, chemistey, botany, and
so forth, they are allowed to make distinguished proficiency. They
justly boast of their Abzate, Velasques, and Gama, and other
Ulustrious contributors to science. They have nine universities,
and in the city of Mexico, it is affirmed by Humboldt, that there
are raore solid scientific establishraents than in any city even of
North America. I would refer to the message of the supreme
director of La Plata, which I shall hereafter have occasion to use
for another purpose, as a model of fine composition of a state
paper, challenging a comparison with any, the most celebrated,
that ever issued from the pens of Jefferson or Madison. Gentie
men will egregiously err, if they form their opinions of the present
moral condition of Spanish America, from what it was under the
debasing system of Spain. The eight years' revolution in which
it has been engaged, has already produced a powerful effect
Education has been attended to, and genius developed.
' As soon as the project of the revolution arose on the shores of La Plata, genius
and talent exhibited their influence; the capacity of the people became manifest, and
the means of acquiring knowledge were soon made the favorite pursuit of the youth.
As far as the wants or the inevitable interruption of affairs has allowed, every thing
has been done to disseminate useful information. The liberty of the press has indeed
met with some occasional checks ; but in Buenos Ayres alone, as many periodical
works weekly. issue from the press as in Spain and Portugal put together.'
The fact is not therefore true, that the imputed ignorance exists;
but, if it do, I repeat, I dispute the inference. It is the doctrine of
thrones, that man is too ignorant to govern himself Thete parti
sans assert his incapacity, in reference to all nations; if they cannot
command universal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded
as to particular nations ; and our pride and our presumption too
often make converts of us. I contend, that it is to arraign the
dispositions of Providence himself, to suppose that he has created
beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on
by kings. Self-government is the natural government of man, and
for proof, I refer to the aborigines of our own land. Were I to
speculate in hypotheses unfavorable to human liberty, my specula
tions should be founded rather upon the vices, refinements, or
density of population. Crowded together in compact masses, even
if they were philosophers, the contagion of the passions is com
municated and caught, and the effect too often, I admit, is the

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 331
overthrow of liberty. Dispersed over such an immense space as
that on which the people of Spanish America are spread, their
physical, and I befieve also their moral condition, both favor thete
liberty. With regard to their superstition, they worship the same God
with us. Their prayers are offered up in their temples to the same
Redeemer, whose intercession we expect to save us. Nor is there
any thing in the Catholic religion unfavorable to freedom. AU
religions united with government, are more or less inimical to
fiberty. All, separated from government, are compatible with fiberty.
If the people of Spanish America have not already gone as far in
religious toleration as we have, the difference in their condition
from ours should not be forgotten. Every thing is progressive ;
and, in time, I hope to see them imitating, in this respect, our
example. But grant that the people of Spanish America are
ignorant, and incompetent for free government, to whom is that
ignorance to be ascribed ? Is it not to the execrable system of
Spain, which she seeks again to establish and to perpetuate ? So
far from chilling our hearts, it ought to increase our solicitude for
our unfortunate brethren. It ought to animate us to destee the
redemption of the minds and the bodies of unborn millions, from
the brutifying effects of a system, whose tendency is to stifle the
faculties of the soul, and to degrade man to the level of beasts. I
would invoke the spirits of our departed fathers. Was it for your
selves only that you nobly fought ? No, no ! It was the chains
that were forging for your posterity, that made you fly to arms, and,
scattering the elements of these chains to the winds, you teansmit
ted to us the rich inheritance of liberty.
The 6xports of Spanish America (exclusive of those of the
islands) are estimated in the valuable fittie work of M. Torres,
deserving to be better known, at about eighty-one miUions of
doUars. Of these, more than three fourths consist of the precious
metals. The residue are cocoa, coffee, cochineal, sugar, and some
other articles. No nation ever offered richer commodities in
exchange. It is of no material consequence, that we produce but
fittie , that Spanish America wants. Commerce, as it actuaUy
exists in the hands of maritime states, is no longer confined to a
mere barter, between any two states, of their respective productions.
It renders tributary to its interests the commodities of all quarters
of the world ; so that a rich American cargo, or the contents of an
American commercial wai-ehouse, present you with whatever is
rare or valuable, in every part of the globe. Comraerce is not to
be judged by its results in transactions with one nation only.
Unfavorable balances existing with one state, are made up by
conteary balances with other states, and its ti-ue value should be
tested by the totafity of its operations. Our greatest trade, that
with Great Britain, judged by the amount of what we seU for her

332 Speeches of henry gla-v.
consumption, and what we buy of her for ours, would be pro
nounced ruinous. But the unfavorable balance is covered by the
profits of teade with other nations. We may safely trust to the
daring enterprise of our merchants. The precious metals are in
South America, and they wiU command the articles wanted in
South America, which will purchase them. Our navigation -wiU
be benefited by the teansportation, and our country wiU realize the
mercantile profits. Already the item in our exports of American
luanufactures is respectable. They go chiefly to the West Indies
and to Spanish America. This item is constantiy augmenting.
And I would again, as I have on another occasion, ask gentlemen
to elevate themselves to the actual importance and greatness of our
republic ; to reflect, like true Araerican statesmen, that we are not
legislating for the present day only; and to contemplate this
country in its march to true greatness, when millions and milfions
will be added to our population, and when the increased productive
industry will furnish an infinite variety of fabrics for foreign
consumption, in order to supply our own wants. The disteibution
of the precious metals has hitherto been principally made through
the ctecuitous channel of Cadiz. No one can foresee all the effects
which will result from a direct disteibution of them from the mines
which produce them. One of these effects will probably be, to
give us the entire comraand of the Indian trade. The advantage
we have on the map of the world over Europe, in that respect, is
prodigious. Again, if England, persisting in her colonial monop
oly, continues to occlude her ports in the West Indies to us, and
we should, as I contend we ought, meet her system by a counter-
vaUing measure, Venezuela, New Granada, and other parts of
Spanish America, would afford us all we get frora the British
West Indies. I confess that I despair, for the present, of adopting
that salutary raeasure. It was proposed at the last sessioUj and
postponed. During the present session, it has been again proposed,
and, I fear, wUl be again postponed. I see, and I own it With
infinite regret, a tone and a feeling in the councUs of the countey,
infinitely below that which belongs to the country. It is, perhaps,
the raoral consequence of the exertions of the late war. We are
alarmed at dangers, we know not what ; by specttes conjiired up
by our own vivid imaginations.
The West India bill is brought up. We shrug our shoulders,
talk of restrictions, non-intercourse, embargo, commercial warfare,
make long faces, and — postpone the bill. The time WiU however
come, must come, when this countey -will not submit to a commerce
with the British colonies, upon the terms which England alone
prescribes. And, I repeat, when it arrives, Spanish America will
afford us an ample substitute. Then, as to our navigation ; gentle-
men should recollect, that if reasoning from past experience were
safe for the future, our great commercial rival wiU be in war a

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 333
greater number of years than she wiU be in peace. Whenever
she shaU be at war, and we are in peace, our navigation being free
from the risks and insurance incident to war, we shaU engross
almost the whole transportation of the Spanish American com
merce. For I do not believe that that countey wiU ever have a
considerable marine. Mexico, the most populous part of it, has
but two ports. La Vera Cruz and Acapulca, and neither of them
very good. Spanish America has not the elements to construct a
marine. It wants, and must always want, hai-dy seamen. I do
not believe, that, in the present improved state of navigation, any
nation so far south will ever make a figure as a maritime power.
If Carthage and Rome, in ancient times, and some other states of
a later period, occasionally made great exertions on the water, it
must be recollected that they were principaUy on a small theatre,
and in a totally different state of the art of navigation, or when
there was no competition from northern states.
I am aware that, in opposition to the interest, which I have been
endeavoring to manifest, that this counti-y has in the independence
of Spanish America, it is contended that we shall find that country
a great rival in agricultural productions. There is something so
narrow, and selfish, and groveUing, in this argument, if founded in
fact, something so unworthy the magnanimity of a great and a
generous people, that I confess I have scarcely patience to notice
it But it is not teue to any extent. Of the eighty odd millions
of exports, only about one mUlion and a half consist of an article
which can come into competition with us, and that is cotton. The
tobacco which Spain derives from her colonies, is chiefly produced
in her islands. Bread stuffs can nowhere be raised and brought
to market in any amount materiaUy affecting us. The table-lands
of Mexico, owing to their elevation, are, it is true, well adapted to
the culture of grain; but the expense and dilficuUy of getting it to
the Gulf of Mexico, and the action of the intense heat at La Vera
Cruz, the only port of exportation, must always prevent Mexico
from being an alarming competitor. Spanish America is capable
Of producing articles so much more valuable than those which we
raise, that it is not probable they wUl abandon a more profitable
for a less advantageous culture, to come into competition with us.
The West India islands are well adapted to the raising of cotton ;
and yet the more valuable culture of coffee and sugar is constantiy
preferred. Again, Providence has so ordered it, that, with regard
to countries producing artides apparentiy simUar, there is some
pecufiarity, resultmg from climate, or from some other cause, that
gives to each an appropriate place in the general wants and ctDn-
sumption of manldnd. The southern part of the continent. La
Plata and ChUi, is too remote to rival us. . -, .
The immense country watered by the Mississippi and its
branches, has a pecufiar interest, which I trust I shaU be excused

334 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
for noticing. Having but the single vent of New Orleans for aU
the surplus produce of thete industry, it is quite evident that they
would have a gi-eater security for enjoying the advantages of that
outlet, if the independence of Mexico upon any European power
were effected. Such a power, owning at the same time Cuba, the
great key of the Gulf of Mexico, and aU the shores of that gulf,
with the exception of the portion between the Perdido and the Rio
del Norte, must have a powerful command over our interests.
Spain, it is true, is not a dangerous neighbor at present, but, in the
vicissitudes of states, her power may be again resuscitated.
Having shown that the cause of the patriots is just, and that we
have a great interest in its successful issue, I wiU next inquire what
course of policy it becomes us to adopt. I have already-declared
it to be one of strict and impartial neuteality. It is not necessary
for their interests, it is not expedient for our own, that we should
take part in the war. AU they demand of us is a just neuteafity.
It is compatible with this pacific policy, it is required by it, that
we should recognize any established government, if there be any
estabhshed government in Spanish America. Recognition alone,
without aid, is no just cause of war. With aid, it is; not because
of the recognition, but because of the aid ; as aid, without recogni
tion, is cause of war. The truth of these propositions I will main
tain upon principle, by the practice of other states, and by the usage
of our own. There is no common teibunal among nations, to
pronounce upon the fact of the sovereignty of a new state. Each
power does and must judge for itself. It is an attribute of sove
reignty so to judge. A nation, in exerting this incontestable right,
in pronouncing upon the independence, in fact, of a new state,
takes no part -in the war. It gives neither men, nor ships, nor
money. It merely pronounces that, in so far as it may be
necessary to institute any relations, or to support any intercourse,
with the new power, that power is capable of maintaining those
relations, and authorizing that intercourse. Martens and other
publicists lay down these principles.
When the United Provinces formerly severed themselves from
Spain, it was about eighty years before their independence was
finally recognized by Spain. Before that recognition, the United
Provinces had been received by all the rest of Europe, into the
family of nations. It is true, that a war broke out between Phifip
and Elizabeth, but it proceeded frora the aid which she determined
to give, and did give, to Holland. In no instance, I believe, can it
be shown, from authentic history, that Spain made war upon any
power, on the sole ground that such power had acknowledged the
independence of the United Provinces.
In the case of our own revolution, it was not untU after France
had given us aid, and had detei-mined to enter into a treaty of
aUiance with us — a teeaty by which she guarantied our indepen-

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 335
dence — that England declared war. HoUand also was charged by
England with favoring our cause, and deviating from the line of
strict neutrality. And, when it was perceived that she was, more
over, about to enter into a treaty with us, England declared war.
Even if it were shown that a proud, haughty, and powerful nation
like England, had made war upon other provinces, on the ground
of a mere recognition, the single example could not alter the pubfic
law, or shake the steength of a clear principle.
But what has been our uniform practice ? We have constantiy
proceeded on the principle, that the government de facto is that we
can alone notice. Whatever form of government any society of
people adopts, whoever they acknowledge as their sovereign, we
consider that government or that sovereign as the one to be
acknowledged by us. We have invariably abstained from assum
ing a right to decide in favor of the sovereign de jure, and against
the sovereign de facto. That is a question for the nation in which
it arises to determine. And, so far as we are concerned, the
sovereign de facto is the soYereign de jure. Our own revolution
stands on the basis of the right of a people to change their rulers.
I do not maintain that every immature revolution, every usurper,
before his power is consolidated, is to be acknowledged by us;
but that as soon as stability and order are maintained, no matter
by whom, we always have considered, and ought to consider, the
actual as the teue government General Washington, Mr. Jefferson,
Mr. Madison, all, whUe they were respectively presidents, acted on
these principles.
In the case of the French republic, general Washington did not
Avait until some of the crowned heads of Europe should set him
the example of acknowledging it, but accredited a minister at
once. And it is remarkable, that he was received before the
government of the republic was considered as established. It will
be found in Marshall's Life of Washington, that, when it was
understood that a minister from the French republic was about to
present himself, president Washington submitted a number of
questions to his cabinet for their consideration and advice, one of
which was, whether, upon the reception of the minister, he should
be notified that America would suspend the execution of the
treaties between the two countries, until France had an established
government General Washington did not stop to inquire whether
the descendants of St Louis were to be considered as the legiti
mate sovereigns of France, and if the revolution was to be
regarded as unauthorized resistance to their sway. He saw
France, in fact, under the government of those who had subverted
the throne of the Bourbons, and he acknowledged the actual
government. During Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. iM-adison's adminis
trations, when the cortes of Spain and Joseph Bonaparte respec
tively contended for the crown, those enfightened statesmen said,

336 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
we wiU receive a minister from neither party ; settie the question
between yourselves, and we wiU acknowledge the party that
prevails. We have nothing to do with your feuds ; whoever aU
Spain acknowledges as her sovereign, is the only sovereign with
whom we can maintain any relations. Mr. Jefferson, it is under
stood, considered whether he should not receive a minister from
both parties, and finally decided against it, because of the incon
veniences to this country, which might result from the double
representation of another power. As soon as the French armies
were expeUed from the peninsula, Mr. Madison, still acting on the
principle of the government de facto, received the present minister
frora Spain. During all the phases of the French government,
repubfic, directory, consuls, consul for life, emperor, king, emperor
again, king, our government has uniformly received the minister.
If, then, there be an established government in Spanish America,
deserving to rank among the nations, we are morally and pofiticaUy
bound to acknowledge it, unless we renounce all the principles
which ought to guide, and which hitherto have guided our councUs.
I shaU now undertake to show, that the United Provinces of the
Rio de la Plata possess such a government. Its limits, extending
from the south Atiantic ocean to the Pacific, embrace a territory
equal to that of the United States, certainly equal to it exclusive
of Louisiana. Its population is about three miUions, raore than
equal to ours at the commencement of our revolution. That
population is a hardy, enterprising, and gaUant population. The
establishments of Montevideo and Buenos Ayres have, during
different periods of their history, been attacked by the French,
Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, English, and Spanish ; and such is the
martial character of the people, that, in every instance, the attack
has been repulsed. In 1807, general Whitlocke, commanding a
powerful Engfish army, was admitted, under the guise of a friend,
into Buenos Ayres, and, as soon as he was supposed to have
demonstrated inimical designs, he was driven by the native and
unaided force of Buenos Ayres from the country. Buenos Ayres
has, during now nearly eight years, been, in point of fact, in the
enjoyment of self-government. The capital, containing more than
sixty thousand inhabitants, has never been once lost As early as
1811, the regency of old Spain made war upon Buenos Ayres,
and the consequence subsequently was, the capture of a Spanish
array in Montevideo, equal to that of Burgoyne. This government
has now, in excellent discipline, three well-appointed armies, with
the most abundant material of war; the army of Chifi, the army of
Peru, and the array of Buenos Ayres. The first, under San Martin,
has conquered Chili ; the second is penetrating in a northwestern
direction frora Buenos Ayres, into the vice-royalty of Peru ; and,
according to the last accounts, had reduced the ancient seat of
empire of the incas. The third remains at Buenos Ayres to

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 337
oppose any force which Spain may send against it. To show the
condition of the country in July last, I again call the attention of
the committee to the message of the supreme director, delivered to
the congress of the United Provinces. It is a paper of the same
authentic character with the speech of the king of England on
opening his parfiament, or the message of the president of the
United States at the commencement of congress.
' The army of this capital was organized at the same time with those of the Andes
and of the interior; the regular force has been nearly doubled ; the militia has made
great progress in military discipline ; our slave population has been formed into bat-
tahons,and taught the military art as far as is consistent with their condition. The.
capital is under no apprehension that an army of ten thousand men can shalce its
liberties, and should the peninsularians send against us thrice that number, ample
provision has been made to receive them.
' Our navy has been fostered in all its branches. The scarcity of means under
which we labored until now, has not prevented us from undertaking very considerable
operations, with respect to the national vessels ; all of them have been repaired, and
others have been purchased and armed, for the defence of our coasts and rivers ;
provisions have been made, should necessity require it, for arming many more, so
that the enemy will not find himself secure from our reprisals, even upon the ocean.
' Our military force, at every point which it occupies, seems to be animated wilh
the same spirit ; its tactics are uniform, and have undergone a rapid improvement
from the science of experience, which it has borrowed from warlike nations.
' Our arsenals have been replenished with arms, and a sufficient store of cannon
and munitions of war have been provided, to maintain the contest for many vears ;
and this, after having supplied articles of every description to those districts, which
have not as yet come into the union, but whose connection with us has been only
intercepted by reason of our past misfortunes.
" Our legions daily receive considerable augmentations from new levies ; all our
preparations have been made, as though we were about to enter upon the contest
anew. Until now, the vastness of our resources was unknown to us, and our enemies
may contemplate, with deep mortification and despair, the present flourishing state
of these provinces after so many devastations.
' While thus occupied in providing for our safety within, and preparing for assaults
from without, other objects of solid interest have not been neglected, and which
hitherto were thought to oppose insurmountable obstacles.
' Our system of finance had hitherto been on a footing entirely inadequate to the
unfaiUng supply of our wants, and still more to the liquidation of the immense debt
which had been contracted in former years. An unremitted application to this
object has enabled me to create the means of satisfying the creditors of the state vvhp
had already abandoned their debts as lost, as well as to devise a fixed mode, by which
the taxes may be made to fall equally and indirectly on the whole mass of our
population. It is not the least merit of this operation, that it has been effected in
despite of the writings by which it was attacked, and which are but little creditable
to the intelligence and good intentions of their authors. At no other period have
the public exigences been so punctually supplied, nor have more important works
been undertalcen.
' The people, moreover, have been relieved from many burdens, which being
partial, or confined to particular classes, had occasioned vexation and disgust. Other
vexations, scarcely less grievous, will by degrees be also suppressed, avoiding as far
as possible a recurrence to loans, which have drawn after them the most fatal conse
quences to states. Should we, however, be compelled to resort to such expedients,
the lenders will not see themselves in danger of losing their advances.
'Man* undertakings have been set on foot for the advancement of the general
prosperity. Such has been the reestablishing of the college, heretofore named ban
Carios, but hereafter to be called the Union of the South, as a point designated for
the dissemination of leamins to the youth of every part of the state, on ttie most
extensive scale, for the attainment of which object the government is at the present
moment engaged in putting in practice every possible dihgence. It will not be -.ong
before these nurseries will.flourish, in which the lil^eral and exact sciences wih be
VOL. I. 43

338 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
cultivated, in which the hearts of those young men will be formed, who are destined
at some future day to add new splendor to our country.
' Such has been the establishment of a military depot on the frontier, with its
spacious magazine, a necessary measure to guard us from future dangers, a work
which does more honor to the prudent foresight of our country, as it was undertaken
in the moment of its prosperous fortunes, a measure which must give more occasion
for reflection to our enemies than they can impose upon us by their boastings.
' Fellow citizens, we owe our unhappy reverses and calamities to the depraving
systera of our ancient metropolis, which, in condemning us to the obscurity and
opprobrium of the most degraded destiny, has sown with thorns the path that con
ducts us to liberty. Tell that metropolis that even she may glory in your works !
Already have you cleared all the rocks, escaped every danger, and conducted these
provinces to the flourishing condition in which we now behold them. Let the
enemies of your name contemplate with despair the energies of your virtues, and let
the nations acknowledge that you already appertain to their illustrious rank. Let us
felicitate ourselves on the blessings we have already obtained, and let us show to
the world that we have learned to profit by the experience of our past misfortunes.'
There is a spirit of bold confidence running through this fine
state paper, which nothing but conscious strength could communi
cate. Their armies, their magazines, tliete finances, are on the
most solid and respectable footing. And, amidst aU the cares of
war, and those incident to the consoUdation of their new institu
tions, leisure is found to promote the interests of science, and the
education of the rising generation. It is teue, the first part of the
message portrays scenes of difficulty and coraraotion, the usual
attendants upon revolution. The very avowal of their teoubles
manifests, however, that they are subdued. And what state,
passing through the agitation of a great revolution, is free from
them ? We had our tories, our inteigues, our factions. More than
once were the affections of the country, and the confidence of our
councUs, attempted to be shaken in the great father of our liberties.
Not a Spanish bayonet remains within the iraraense extent of the
territories of the La Plata, to contest the authority of the actual
government It is free, it is independent, it is sovereign. It man
ages the interests of the society that submits to its sway. It is
capable of maintaining the relations between that society and other
nations. Are we not bound, then, upon our own principles, to acknowl
edge this new republic ? If we do not, who will ? Are we to
expect that kings wUl set us the example of acknowledging the
only republic on earth, except our own ? We receive, promptly
receive, a minister, from whatever king sends us one. From the
great powers and the littie powers, we accredit ministers. We do
more : we hasten to reciprocate the compliment ; and, anxious to
manifest our gratitude for royal civifity, we send for a minister (as
in the case of Sweden and the Netheriands) of the lowest grade,
one of the fiighest rank recognized by our laws. We are the
natural head of the American family. I would not intermeddle in
the affairs of Europe. We wisely keep aloof frora their broUs, I
would not even intermeddle in those of other parts of America,

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 339
further than to exert the incontestable rights appertaining to us as a
free, sovereign, and independent power ; and I contend, that the
accrediting of a minister frora the new republic is such a right
We are bound to receive their minister, if we mean to be really
neuteal. If the royal beUigerent is represented and heard at our
government, the republican' beUigerent ought also to be heard.
Otherwise, one party will be in the condition of the poor pateiots,
who were teied ex-parte the other day, in the supreme court, without
counsel, without friends. Give Mr. Onis his conge, or receive the
republican minister. Unless you do so, your neute-ality is nominal.
I will next proceed to inquire into the consequences of a recog
nition of the new repubfic. Will it involve us in war with Spain ?
I have shown, I trust successfully shown, that there is no just cause
of war to Spain. Being no cause of war, we have no right to
expect that war will ensue. If Spain, without cause, will make
war, she may make it whether we do or do not acknowledge the
repubfic But she will not, because she cannot, make war against
us, I call the attention of the committee to a report of the minister
of the Hacienda to the king of Spain, presented about eight months
ago. A raore beggarly account of empty boxes was never ren
dered. The picture of Mr. DaUas, sketched in his celebrated report
during the last war, may be contemplated without emotion, after
surveying that of Mr. Gary. The expenses of the current year
required eight hundred and thirty million two hundred and sixty-
seven thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine reals, and the deficit
of the income is represented as two hundred and thirty-three
miUion one hundred and forty thousand nine hundred and thirty-
two reals. This, besides an immense mass of unfiquidated debt,
which the minister acknowledges the utter inabUity of the countey
to pay, although bound in honor to redeem it. He states, that the
vassals of the king are totaUy unable to submit to any new taxes,
and the countey is without credit, so as to render anticipation by
loans wholly impracticable. Mr. Gary appears to be a vtetuous
man, who exhibits frankly the naked teuth ; and yet such a minister
acknowledges, that the decorum due to one single family, that of a
monarch, does not admit, in this critical condition of his countey,
any reduction of the enormous sum of upwards of fifty-six mUfions
of reals, set apart to defray the expenses of that family ! He states
that a foreign war would be the greatest of all calamities, and one
which, being unable to provide for it, they -ought to employ every
possible means to avert. He proposed some inconsiderable contei
bution from the dergy, and the whole body was instantiy in an
uproar. Indeed, I have no doubt that, surrounded as Mr. Gary is
by corruption, by inteigue, and folly, and imbecility, he wdl be
compdled to retire, if he has not aheady been dismissed, from a
post for which he has too much integrity. It has been now about
four years since the restoration of Ferdinand; and d,, during that

340 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
period, the whole energies of the monarchy have been dteected,
unsuccessfully, against the weakest and most vulnerable of aU the
American possessions, Venezuela, how is it possible for Spain to
encounter the difficulties of a new war with this countey ? MorUlo
has been sent out with one of the finest armies that has ever left
the shores of Europe — consisting of ten thousand men, chosen
from all the veterans who have fought in the peninsula. It has
subsequently been reinforced with about three thousand more.
And yet, during the last summer, it was reduced, by the sword and
the climate, to about four thousand effective men. And Venezuela,
containing a population of only about one million, of which near
two thirds are persons of color, remains unsubdued. The littie
island of Margaritta, whose population is less than twenty thousand
inhabitants — a population fighting for liberty, with more than
Roman valor — has compeUed that army to retire upon the main.
Spain, by the late accounts, appeared to be deliberating upon the
necessity of resorting to that measure of conscription, for which
Bonaparte has been so much abused. The effect of a War with
this country would be, to insure success, beyond aU doubt, to the
cause of American independence. Those parts even, over which
Spain has some prospect of maintaining her dominions,\vould
-probably be put in jeopardy. Such a war would be attended with
the immediate and certain loss of Florida. Commanding the
Gulf of Mexico, as we should be enabled to do by our navy,
blockading the port of Havana, the port of La Vera Cruz, and the
coast of Terra Firma, and throwing munitions of war into Mexico,
Cuba would be menaced, Mexico emancipated, and MorUlo's
army, deprived of supplies, now drawn principaUy from this country
through the Havana, compelled to surrender. The war, I verily
believe, would be terminated in less than two years, supposing no
other power to interpose.
Will the allies interfere ? If, by the exertion of an unquestion
able atti-ibute of a sovereign power, we should give no just cause
of war to Spain herself, how can it be pretended that we should
furnish even a specious pretext to the allies for making war upon
us ? On what ground could they attempt to justify a rupture "with
us, for the exercise of a right which we hold in common with
them, and with every other independent state ? But we have a
surer guarantee against their hostility, in their interests. That all
the alfies, who have any foreign commerce, have an interest in the
independence of Spanish Araerica, is perfectly evident On what
ground, I ask, is it likely, then, that they would support Spain, in
opposition to their own decided interests ? To crush the spirit of
revolt and prevent the progi-ess of free principles ? Nations, like
individuals, do not sensibly feel, and seldom act upon dangers
which are remote either in time or place. Of Spanish America,
but Uttie is known by the great body of the population of Europe.

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 341
Even in this country, the most astonishing ignorance prevails
respecting it. Those European statesmen who are acquainted
with the country, will reflect, that, tossed by a gi-eat revolution, it
wiU most probably constitute four or five several nations, and that
the ultimate modification of all their various governments is by no
means absolutely certain. But I entertain no doubt that the
principle of cohesion among the allies is gone. It was annihilated
in the memorable battie of Waterloo. When the question was,
whether one should engross aU, a common danger united all.
How long was it, even with a clear perception of that danger,
before an effective coalition could be formed ? How often did one
power stand by, unmoved and indifferent to the fate of its neighbor,
although the destruction of that neighbor removed the only barrier
to an attack upon itself ? No ; the consummation of the cause of
the allies was, and all history and all experience wUl prove it, the
desteuction of the alliance. The principle is totally changed. It
is no longer a common struggle against the colossal power of
Bonaparte, but it has become a common scramble for the spoils of
his empire. There may, indeed, be one or two points on which
a common interest still exists, such as the convenience of subsisting
their armies on the vitals of poor suffering France. But as for
action, for new enterprises, there is no principle of unity, there
can be no accordance of interests, or of views, among them.
What is the condition in which Europe is left after all its efforts ?
It is divided into two great powers, one having the undisputed
command of the land, the other of the water. .Paris is teansferred
to St. Petersburgh, and the navies of Europe are at the bottom of
the sea, or concentrated in the ports of England. Russia — that
huge land animal — awing by the dread of her vast power all
continental Europe, is seeking to encompass the Porte; and,
constituting herself the kraken of the ocean, is anxious to lave her
enormous sides in the more genial waters of the Mediterranean.
It is "said, I know, that she has indicated a disposition to take part
with Spain. No such thing. She has sold some old worm-eaten,
decayed fir-built ships to Spain, but the crews which navigate them
are to return from the port of delivery, and the bonus she is to get,
I befieve to be the island of Minorca, in conformity with the
cardinal point of. her policy. France is greatiy interested in
whatever would extend her commerce, and regenerate her marine,
and consequentiy, more than any other power of Europe, England
alone excepted, is concerned in the independence of Spanish
America. I do not despair of France, so long as France has a
legislative body coUected from aU its parts, the great repository ot
its wishes and its wiU. Already has that body manifested a spirit
of considerable independence. And those who, conversant with
French history, know what magnanimous stands have been made
by the parfiaments, bodies of limited extent, agamst the royal

342 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
prerogative, wiU be able to appreciate justiy the moral force of such
a legislative body. WhUst it exists, the true interests of France
wUl be cherished and pursued on points of foreign policy, in
opposition to the pride and interests of the Bourbon famUy, if the
actual dynasty, impelled by this pride, should seek to subserve
these interests.
England finds that, after all her exertions, she is every where
despised on the continent ; her maratime power viewed with jeal
ousy ; her comraerce subjected to the most onerous restrictions ;
selfishness imputed to aU her pohcy. All the accounts from France
represent that every party, Bonapartists, Jacobins, royalists, mode-
res, ultras, all burn with indignation towards England, and pant
for an opportunity to avenge themselves on the power to whom
they ascribe all their disasters.
[Here Mr. Clay read a part of a letter which he had just received from an intelli
gent friend at Paris, and which composed onl.y a small portion of the mass of evidence
to the same effect, which had come under his notice.]
It is impossible, that with powers, between whom so much
cordial dislike, so much incongruity exists, there ean be any union
or concert. WhUst the free principles of the French revolution
remained, those principles which were so alarming to the stability
of thrones, there never was any successful or cordial union ; coali
tion after coalition, wanting the spirit of union, was swept away
by the overwhelming power of France. It was not until those
principles were abandoned, and Bonaparte had erected on their
ruins his stupendous fabric of universal empire ; nor, indeed, until
after the frosts of heaven favored the cause of Europe, that an effec
tive coalition was formed. No, the complaisance inspired in the
aUies from unexpected if not undeserved success, may keep them
nominally together ; but for all purposes of united and combined
action, the alliance is gone ; and I do not believe in the chimera
of thete crusading against the independence of a country, whose
liberation would essentially promote all their respective interests.
But the question of the interposition of the allies, in the event
of our recognizing the new republic, resolves itself into a question,
whether England, in such event, would make war upon us ; if it
can be shown that England would not, it results, either that the
other allies would not, or that, if they should, in which case
England would raost probably support the cause of America, it
would be a war without the maratime abUity to maintain it I
contend, that England is alike restrained by her honor and by her
interests frora waging war against us, and consequently against
Spanish America, also, for an acknowledgment of the independence
of the new state. England encouraged and foraented the revolt
of the colonies as eaily as June, 1797. Sir Thomas Picton,
governor of Trinidad, in virtue of orders frora the British rainister

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 343
of foreign affairs, issued a proclamation, in which he expressly
assures the inhabitants of Terra Firma, that the British govern
ment wiU aid in estabUshing thete independence.
'With regard to the hope you entertain of raising the spirits of those persons with
whom you are in correspondence, towards encouraging the inhabitants to resist the
(oppressive authority of their government, I have little more to say than that they
may be certain that whenever they are in that disposition, they may receive at
your hands all the succors to be expected from his Britannic majesty, be it with forces
or with arms and ammunition to any extent ; with the assurance that the views of
his Britannic majesty go no further than to secure to them their independence,' and so
forth. In the prosecution of the same object. Great Britain defrayed
the expenses of the famous expedition of Miranda. England, in
1811, when she was in the most intimate relations with Spain,
then struggling against the French power, assumed the attitude of
a mediator between the colonies and the peninsula. The terms,
on which she conceived her mediation could alone be effectual,
were rejected by the cortes, at the lowest state of the Spanish
power. Among these terms, England required for the colonies a
perfect freedom of commerce, allo-wing only some degree of
preference to Spain ; that the appointments of viceroys and
governors should be made indiscriminately from Spanish Ameri
cans and Spaniards ; and that the interior government, and every
branch of public administration, should be inteusted to the cabildo,
or municipalities, and so forth. If Spain, when Spain was almost
reduced to the island of St. Leon, then rejected those conditions,
wUl she now consent to them, amounting, as they do, substantially,
to the independence of Spanish America ? If England, devoted
as she was at that time to the cause of the peninsula, e-ven then
thought those terms due to the colonies, will she now, when no
particular motive exists for cherishing the Spanish power, and after
the ingratitude with which Spain has treated her, think that the
colonies ought to submit to less favorable conditions ? And would
not England stand disgraced in the eyes of the whole worid, if,
after having abetted and excited a revolution, she should now
attempt to reduce the colonies to unconditional submission, or
should make war upon us for acknowledging that independence
which she herself sought to estabfish ?
No guarantee for the conduct of nations or individuals ought to
be stronger than that which honor imposes ; but for those who put
no confidence in its obligations, I have an argument to urge of
more conclusive force. It is founded upon the interests of England.
Excluded almost as she is from the continent, the commerce of
Ateierioa, South and North, is worth to her more than the com
merce of the residue of the world. That to all Spanish America
has been alone estimated at fifteen miUions steriing Its aggregate
value to Spanish America and the United States may be iaurly

344 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
Stated at upwards of one hundred thousand dollars. The effect of
a war with the two counteies would be, to divest England of this
great interest, at a moment when she is anxiously engaged in
repau-ing tiie ravages of the European war. Looking to the present
moment only, and merely to the interests of commerce, England
is concerned more than even this country, in the success of the
cause of independence in Spanish Araerica. The reduction of
the Spanish power in Araerica has been the constant and favorite
aim of her policy for two centuries ; she must blot out her whole
history, reverse the maxims of aU her Ulustrious statesmen, extin
guish the spirit of commerce which animates, directs, and controls
all her movemeuts, before she can render herself accessary to the
subjugation of Spanish America. No commercial advantages
which Spain may offer by treaty, can possess the security for
her trade, which independence would communicate. The one
would be most probably of limited duration, and liable to violation
frora policy, from interest, or from caprice. The other would be
as permanent as independence. That I do not mistake the views
of the British cabinet, the recent proclamation of the prince regent
I think proves. The committee wUl remark, that the document
does not describe the patriots as rebels, or insurgents, but, using
a term which I have no doubt has been well weighed, it declares
the existence of a ' state of warfare.' And with regard to English
subjects, who are in the armies of Spain, althougfi they entered the
service without restriction as to their mUitary duties, it requires
that they shall not take part against the colonies. The subjects of
England freely supply the patriots with arms and ammunition, and
an honorable friend of mine (Colonel Johnson) has just received
a letter from one of the West India islands, stating the an-ival
there from England of the skeletons of three regiments, with many
of the men to fill them, destined to aid the patriots. In the
Quarterly Review of November last, a journal devoted to the
ministry, and a work of the highest authority, as it respects their
views, the policy of neutrality is declared and supported as the
true policy of England ; and that, even if the United States were to
take part in the war ; and Spain is expressly notified, that she
cannot and must not expect aid from England.
' In arguing, therefore, for the advantage of a strict neutrality, we must enter an
early protest against any imputations of hostility to the cause of genuine freedom, or
of any passion for despotism and the inquisition. We are no more the panegyrists of
legitimate authority in all tiraes, circumstances, and situations, than we are advocates
for revolution in the abstract,' and so forth. ' But it has been plausibly asserted, that,
by abstaining from interference in the affairs of South Araerica, we are surrendering
to the United States all the advantages which might be secured to ourselves from
this revolution ; that we are assisting to increase the trade and power of a nation
which alone can ever be the maritime rival of England. It appears to us extremely
doubtful, whether any advantage, commercial or political, can be lost to England by
a neutral conduct ; it must be observed, that the United States themselves, have
given every public proof of their intention to pursue the same line of policy. But

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 345
admitting that this conduct is nothing more than a decent tj-etext • or admittinir ,t;il
further that they will afford to.the independents direct anIopefa'ssist'anTeouf'vw
of the case would remain precisely the same,' and so forth. ' To persevere in force
unaided IS to miscalculate her (Spain's) own resources, even to infatuation To
expect the aid of an ally in such a cause would, if that ally were England, be to sup-
P°fdtiir"? 7b n^°'^''^" ,°- 'I'T-^c P"^* ^'''°'y ^^°f i'^ immediat'e interests
and duties. Far better would it be for Spain, instead of calling for our aid, to profit
^^ T:^^P a"^"'^ ' """V" .^^bstitute, ere it be too late, for efforfs like those by which
the North American colonies were lost to this country, the conciliatory measures by
which they might have beeu retained.' j = = ic= ujr
In the case of the steuggle between Spain and her colonies,
England, for once, at least, has manifested a degree of wisdom
highly deserving our imitation, but unfortunately the very reverse
of her course has been pursued by us. She has so conducted, by
operating upon the hopes of the two parties, as to keep on the
best terms with both ; to enjoy all the advantages of the rich
commerce of both. We have, by a neuteality bUl containing
unprecedented features, and stiU more by a late executive measure,
to say the least of it, of doubtful constitutional character, conteived
to dissatisfy both parties. We have the confidence neither of
Spaiiji nor the colonies.
It remains for me to defend the proposition which I meant to
subniiit, from an objection which I have heard intimated, that it
interferes with the duties assigned to the executive branch. On
this subject I feel the greatest soficitude ; for no man, more than
myself, respects the preservation of the independence of the several
departments of government, in the constitutional orbits which are
prescribed to them. It is my favorite maxim, that each, acting
within its proper sphere, should move with its constitiational
independence, and under its constitutional responsibility, without
influence from any other. I am perfectly aware that the constitu
tion of the United States — and I admit the proposition in its
broadest sense — confides to the executive the reception and the
deputation of ministers. But, in relation to the latter operation,
congress has concurrent will, in the power of providing for the
payment of their salaries. The insteument nowhere says or implies
that the executive act of sending a rainister to a foreign country,
shaU precede the legislative act which provides for the payment of
his salary. And, in point of fact, our statutory code is full of
examples of legislative action prior to executive action, both in
relation to the deputation of agents abroad, and to the subject
matter of treaties. Perhaps the act of sending a minister abroad,
and the act of providing for the allowance of his salary, ought to
be simultaneous ; but if, in the order of precedence, there be more
reason on the one side than on the other, I think it is in favor of
the priority of the legislative act, as the safer depository of power.
When a minister is sent abroad, although the legislature may be
disposed to think his mission useless; although, if previously
consulted, they would have said they would not consent to pay
VOL. I. 44

846 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
such a minister; the duty is delicate and painful to refuse to pay
the salary promised to him whom the executive has even unneces-
sarUy sent abroad. I can Ulustrate my idea by the existing missions
to Sweden and to the Netherlands. I have no hesitation in saying,
that if we had not ministers of the 'first grade there, and if the
legislature were asked, prior to sending them, whether it would
consent to pay ministers of that grade, I would not, and I befieve
congi-ess would not, consent to pay them.
If it be urged that, by avowing our wUUngness, in a legislative
act, to pay a minister not yet sent, and whom the president may
think it improper to ,send abroad, we operate upon the president
by aU the force of our opinion ; it may be retorted, that when we
are caUed upon to pay any minister, sent under simUar circum
stances, we are operated upon by all the force of the president's
opinion. The teue theory of our government, at least, supposes
that each of the two departments, acting on its proper constitutional
responsibility, will decide according to its best judgment, under all
the circurastances of the case. If we make the previous appropri
ation, we act upon our constitutional responsibUity, and the presi
dent afterwards will proceed upon his. And so if he makes the
previous appointment. We have the right, after a minister is sent
abroad, and we are called upon to pay him, and we ought, to
deliberate upon the propriety of his mission ; we may and ought
to grant or withhold his salary. If this power of deliberation is
conceded subsequently to the deputation of the minister, it must
exist prior to that deputation. Whenever we deliberate, we delib
erate under our constitutional responsibifity. Pass the amendment
I propose, and it will be passed under that responsibUity. Then
the president, when he defiberates on the propriety of the mission,
will act under his constitutional responsibility. Each branch of
government, moving in its proper sphere, will act with as much
freedom from the influence of the other, as is practically attainable.
There is great reason, from the peculiar character of the American
government, for a perfect understanding between the legislative -
and executive branches, in relation to the acknowledgment of a
new power. Every where else the power of declaring war resides
with the executive. Here it is deposited -with the legislature. If,
contrary to ray opinion, there be even a risk that the acknowledg
ment of a new state may lead to war, it is advisable that the step
should not be taken without a previous knowledge of the will of
the war-making branch. I am disposed to give to the president all
the confidence which he must derive from the unequivocal expres
sion of our wUl. This expression I know may be given in the
form of an abstract resolution, declaratory of that will ; but I prefer
at this tirae proposing an act of practical legislation. And if I
have been so fortunate as to communicate to the committee, in
any thing Uke that degree of strength in which I entertain them,

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 347
the convictions that the cause of the patriots is just; that the
character of the war, as waged by Spain, should induce us to wish
them success; that we have a great interest in that success; that
this interest, as well as our neuteal attitude, requires us to acknowd-
edge any established government in Spanish America; that the
United Provinces of the river Plate is such a governraent ; that we
may safely acknowledge its independence, without danger of war
from Spain, from the allies, or from England ; and that, without
unconstitutional interference with the executive power, with peculiar
fitness, we may express, in an act of appropriation, our sentiments,
leaving him to the exercise of a just and responsible discretion ;
I hope the committee wiU adopt the proposition which I have now
the honor of presenting- to them, after a respectful tender of my
acknowledgments for their attention and kindness, during, I fear,
the tedious period I have been so unprofitably trespassing upon
their patience.

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 28, 1818.

[The house having again resolved itselfinto a committee of the whole on the general
appropriation bill, to which Mr. Clay had moved an amendment, which was still
pending, to introduce an appropriation for a mission to Buenos Ayres (as stated in
the last foregoing speech), Mr. Clay said, that as no other gentleman appeared
disposed to address the chair, he would avail himself of this opportunity of making
some remarks in reply to the opponents of his motion. The members who had
spoken against the raeasure were Messrs. Lowndes, of South Carolina, Forsyth, of
Georgia, Sraith, of Maryland, Smyth and H. Nelson, of Virginia, and Poindexter, of
Mississippi ; while those who supported it were Messrs. Robertson, of Louisiana,
Holmes, of Massachusetts, Floyd and Tucker, of Virginia, and R. M. Johnson, of Ken
tucky. The amendment was rejected by a vote pf one hundred and fifteen to forty-
five ;' a result which was reversed in 1820.]

The first objection which I think it incumbent on me to notice
is that of my friend from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes), who
opposed the form of the proposition, as being made on a general
appropriation bill, on which he appeared to think nothing ought
to be engrafted which was lUtely to give rise to a difference
between the two branches of the legislature. If the gentleman
himself had always acted on this principle, his objection would be
entitled to more weight; but, the item in the appropriation bill
next following this, and reported by the gentieman himself, is
infinitely more objectionable — which is, an appropriation of thirty
thousand dollars for defraying the expenses of three comraissioners,
appointed, or proposed to be paid, in an unconstitutional form. It
cannot be expected that a general appropriation bill wUl ever pass
without some disputable clauses, and in case of a difference be
tween the two houses (a difference which we have no right to
anticipate in this instance), which cannot be compromised as to
any article, the obvious course is, to omit such ai-tide altogether,
retaining all the others ; and, in a case of this character, relative to
brevet pay, which has occurred during the present session, such
has been the ground the gentleman himself has taken in a confer
ence with the senate, of which he is a manager.
The gentieman from South Carolina, has professed to concur
with me in a great many of his general propositions; and neither

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 849
he nor any other gentieman has disagreed with me, that the mere
recognition of the independence of the provinces is no cause of
war with Spain, except the gentieman from Maryland (Mr.
Smith), to whom I recommend, without intending disrespect to
him, to confine himself to the operation of commerce, rather than
undertake to expound questions of public law ; for I can assure
the gentieman, that, although he may make some figure, with his
practical knowledge, in the one case, he wUl not in the other. No
man, except the gentieman from Maryland, has had what I should
call the hardihood to contend, that, on the ground of principle and
mere public law, the exercise of the right of recognizing another
(power is cause of war. But though the gentieman from South
•Carolina admitted, that the recognition would be no cause of war,
and that it was not likely to lead to a war with Spain, we find
him, shortiy after, getting into a war with Spain, how, I do not see,
and by some means, which he did not deign to discover to us,
getting us into a -w^ar with England also. Having satisfied himself,
by this course of reasoning, the gentieman has discovered, that the
finances of Spain are in a most favorable condition. On this part
of the subject, it is not necessary for me to say any thing after
what the committee has heard from the eloquent gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Holmes), whose voice, in a period infinitely
more critical in our affairs than the present, has been heard with so
much delight ffoi"n the east in support of the rights and honor of
the country. He has dearly shown, that there is no parallel
'between the state of Spain and of this countey — the one of a
country whose resources are completely impoverished and ex
hausted; the other of a counti-y whose resources are almost un
touched. But, I would ask of the gentieman from South Carolina,
if he can conceive that a state, in the condition of Spain, whose
minister of the treasury admits that the people have no longer the
¦means of paying new taxes — a nation with an immense mass of
floating debt, and totaUy without credit — can feel any anxiety to
engage in a war with a nation like this, whose situation is, in every
possible view, directiy the reverse ? I ask, if an annual revenue,
equal only to five eighths of the annual expenditure, exhibits a
financial abifity to enter upon a new war, when, too, the situation
of Spain is altogether unfike that of the United States and Eng
land, whose credit, resting upon a sofid basis, enables them to
supply, by loans, any deficit in the income ?
Notwithstanding the diversity of sentiment which has been
displayed during the debate, I am happy to find that, with one
exception, every member has done justice to thp steuggle in the
south, and admitted it to be entitied to the fa.vor of the best feelings
of the human heart Even my honorable friend near me (Mr.
Nelson) has made a speech on our side, and we should not have
found out, if he had not told us, that he would vote against us.

350 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
Although his speech has been distinguished by his accustomed
eloquence, I should be glad to agree on a cartel with the gentiemen
on the other side of the house, to give them his speech for his vote.
The gentleman says his heart is with us, that' he ardentiy desires
the independence of the south. WiU he excuse me for teUing him,
that if he wUl give himself up to the honest feelings of his heart,
he will have a much surer guide than by teusting to his head, to
which, however, I am far from offering any disparagement ?
But, sir, it seems that a division of the republican party is about
to be made by the proposition. Who is to furnish, in this respect,
the correct criterion — whose conduct is to be the standard of
orthodoxy? What has been the great principle of the party to
which the gentieman -from Virginia refers, from the first existence
of the government to the present day? An attachment to fiberty,
a devotion to the gi-eat cause of humanity, of freedom, of self-
government, and of equal rights. If there is to be a division, as
the gentieman says ; if he is going to leave us, who are following
the old track, he may, in his new connections, find a great variety
of company, which, perhaps, raay inderanify hira for the loss of
his old friends. What is the great principle that has distinguished
parties in all ages, and under all governments — democrats and
federalists, whigs and tories, plebeians and patricians ? The one,
disteustful of human nature, appreciates less the influence of
reason and of good dispositions, and appeals rhore to physical
force ; the other party, confiding in human nature, refies much
upon moral power, and applies to force as an auxiliary only to the
operations of reason. AJl the modifications and denominations
of political parties and sects raay be traced to this fundamental
distinction. It is that which separated the two great parties in this
countey. If there is to be a division in the republican party, I
glory that I, at least, am found among those who are anxious for
the advancement of human rights and of human liberty ; and the
honorable gentieman who spoke of appeafing to the pubfic senti
ment, will find, when he does so, or I am much mistaken, that
public sentiment is also on the side of pubfic liberty and of human
happiness. But the gentieraan from South Carolina has told us, that the
constitution has wisely confided to the executive branch of the
government, the administeation of the foreign interests of the
country. Has the honorable gentieman attempted to show, though
his proposition be generally teue, and will never be conteoverted
by me, that we also have not our participation in the administeation
of the foreign concerns of the countey, when we are called upon, in
our legislative capacity, to defray the expenses of foreign missions,
or to regulate commerce ? I stated, when up before, and I have
fistened in vain for an answer to the argument, that no part of the
constitution says which shaU have the precedence, the act of making

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 351
the appropriation for paying a minister, or the act of sending one.
I have contended, and now repeat, that either the acts of deputing
and of paying a minister should be simultaneous, or, if either has
the preference, the act of appropriating his pay should precede the
sending of a minister. I challenge gentiemen to show me any thing
in the constitution which directs that a minister shall be sent before
his payment is provided for. I repeat, what I said the other day,
that, by sending a minister abroad, during the recess, to nations
between whom and us no such relations existed as to justify
incurring the expense, the legislative opinion is forestalled, or
unduly biased. I appeal to the practice of the government, and
refer to various acts of congress for cases of appropriations, without
the previous deputation of the agent abroad, and without the
prefiminary of a message from the president, asking for them,
[Me. Clay here quoted the act, authorizing the establishment of certain consulates
in the Mediterranean, and affixing salaries thereto, in consequence of which the
president had subsequently appointed consuls, who had been receiving their salaries
to this day.]
From these it appears that congress has constantly pursued the
great principle of the theory of the constitution, for which I now
contend — that each department of the government must act within
its own sphere, independentiy, and on its own responsibUity. It
is a little extraordinary, indeed, after the docteine which was
maintained the other day, of a sweeping right in congress to
appropriate money to any object, that it should now be contended
that congress has no right to appropriate money to a particular
object The gentieman's (Mr. Lowndes's) doctrine is broad, com
prehending every case ; but, when proposed to be exemplified in
any specific case, it does not apply. My theory of the constitution,
on this particular subject, is, that congress has the right of appro
priating money for foreign missions, the president the power to use
it The president having the power, I am wilfing to say to him,
'here is the money, which we alone have aright to appropriate,
which wiU enable you to carry your power into effect, if it seems
expedient to you.' Both being before him, the power and the
means of executing it, the president would judge, on his own
responsibifity, whether or not it was expedient to exercise it._ In
this course, each department of the government would act inde
pendentiy, without influence from, and without interference with,
the other. I have stated cases, from the statute-book, to show,
that, in instances where no foreign agent has been appointed, but
only a possibUity of their being appointed, appropriations have
been made for paying them. Even in the case of the subject
matter of negotiation (a right much more important than that ot
sending an agent), an appropriation of money has preceded the
negotiation of a teeaty — thus, in the third volume of the new

352 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
edition of the laws, page twenty-seven, a case of an appropriation
of twenty-five thousand eight hundred and eighty dollars to defray
the expense of such treaties as the president of the United States.
might deem proper to make with certain Indian te-ibes. An act,
which has been lately referred to, appropriating two mUlions for
the purchase of Florida, is a case still more sti-ongly in point, as
contemplating a treaty, not with a savage, but a civilized power.
In this case there may have been, though I believe there was not,
an executive message, recoraraending the appropriation ; but I
take upon myself to assert, that, in almost all the cases I have
quoted, there was no previous executive intimation that the appro
priation of the money was necessary to the object; but congress
has taken up the subject, and authorized these appropriations,
without any official call from the executive to do so.
With regard to the general condition of the provinces now in
revolt against the parent countey, I wUl not take up much of the
time of the house. Gentiemen are, however, much mistaken as to
many of the points of their history, geography, commerce, and
produce, which have been touched upon. Gentlemen have
supposed there would be frora those countries a considerable
corapetition of the same products which we export. I venture to
say, that, in regard to Mexico, there can be no such competition ;
that the table-lands are at such a distance from the seashore, and
the difficulty of reaching it is so gTeat, as to make the transportation
to La Vera Cruz too expensive to be borne, and the heat so intense
as to destroy the bread-stuffs as soon as they an-ive. With respect
to New Grenada, the gentleman from Maryland is entirely mistalcen.
It is the elevation of Mexico, principally, which enables it to
produce bread-stuffs; but New Granada, lying nearly under the
line, cannot produce thera. The productions of New Granada for
exportation are, the precious metals, (of which, of gold, particularly,
a greater portion is to be found than in any of the provinces,
except Mexico,) sugar, coffee, cocoa, and some other articles of a
similar character. Of Venezuela, the principal productions are
coffee, cocoa, indigo, and some sugai-. Sugar is also produced in
all the Guianas — French, Spanish, and Dutch. The interior of the
provinces of La Plata may be productive of bread stuffs, but they
are too remote to come into competition with us in the West India
market, the voyages to the United States generally occupying from
fifty to sixty days, and some times as long as ninety days. By
deducting from that number the average passage from the United
States to the West Indies, the length of the usual passage between
Buenos Ayres and the West Indies wiU be found, and wiU show
that, in the supply of the West India market with bread-stuffs, the
provinces can never come seriously into competition with us. And
in regard to Chili, productive as it may be, does the gentleman
from Maryland suppose that vessels are going to double Cape'

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 353
Horn and come into competition with us in the West Indies ? It is
impossible. But I feel a reluctance at pursuing the discussion of
this part of the question ; because I am sure these are considerations
on which the house cannot act, being entirely unworthy of the
subject. We may as weU stop all our intercourse with England,
with France, or with the Baltic, whose products are in many
respects the same as ours, as to act on the present occasion, under
the influence of any such considerations. It is too selfish, too
mean a principle for this body to act on, to refuse its sympathy for
the pateiots of the south, because some little advantage of a com
mercial nature may be retained to us from their remaining in the
present condition, which, however, I totally deny. Three fourths
of the productions of the Spanish provinces are the precious
metals, and the greater part of the residue not of the same character
as the staple productions of our soil. But it seems that a pamphlet
has recently been pubfished on this subject to which gentiemen
have referred. Now permit me to express a disteust of aU pam
phlets of this kind, unless we know their source. It may, for
aught I know, if not composed at the instance of the Spanish
minister, have been "written by some merchant who has a privUege
of trading-to Lima under royal license ; for such do exist, as I am
informed, and some of them procured under the agency of a
celebrated person by the name of Sarmiento, of whom perhaps
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Smith) can give the house
some information. To gentlemen thus privileged to trade with the
Spanish provinces under royal authority, the effect of a recognition
of the independence of the provinces would be, to deprive them
of that monopoly. The reputed author of the pamphlet in ques
tion, if I understand correctiy, is one who has been, if he is not
now, deeply engaged in the trade, and I wiU venture to say, that
many of his statements are incorrect. In relation to the trade of
Mexico, I happen to possess the Royal Gazette of Mexico of 1804,
showing what was the trade of that province in 1803 ; from which
h appears that, without making aUowance for the teade froni the
Phifippine Islands to Acapulco, the imports into the port of Vera
Cruz were in that year twenty-two miUions in value, exclusive of
conteaband, the amount of which was very considerable. Among
these articles were many which the United States could supply as
weU, if not on better terms, than they could be suppUed from any
other quarter ; for example, brandy and spteits, paper, iron, imple
ments for agriculture and the mines; wax, spices, naval stores, sate
fish, butter, provisions ; these articles amounting in the whole to
one seventh part of the whole import teade to Mexico. With
regard to the independence of that countey, which gentiemen
seemed to think improbable, I rejoice that I am able to congratu
late the house, that we have this morning inteUigenee that Mina
yet fives, and the pateiot flag is stiU unfurled, and the cause
VOL. I. 45

354 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
infinitely raore prosperous than ever. This inteUigenee I am in
hopes wUl prove ti-ue, notwithstanding the particular accounts of
his death, which, there is so much of fabrication and falsehood in
the Spanish practice, are not entitied to credit, unless corroborated
by other information. Articles are manufactured in one province
to produce effect on other provinces, and in this countey ; and I am,
therefore, disposed to think, that the detaUs respecting the capture
and execution of Mina, are too minute to be teue, and were made
up to produce an effect here.
With regard to the general value of the trade of a countey, it is
to be determined by the quantum of its population, and its
character, its productions, and the extent and character of the
territory; and, applying these criteria to Spanish America, no nation
offers higher inducements to commercial enterprise. Washed on
the one side by the Pacific, on the other by the south Atiantic ;
standing between Africa and Europe on the one hand, and Asia
on the other; lying along side of the United States; her commerce
must, when free from the restraints of despotisra, be immensely
important ; particularly when it is recoUected how great a proportion
of the precious metals it produces; for that nation which can
command the precious metals, may be said to command almost the
resources of the world. For one moment, imagine the mines of
the south locked up from Great Britain for two years, what would
be the effect on her paper system? Bankruptcy, explosion,
revolution. Even if the supply which we get abroad of the
precious metals was cut off for any length of tirae, I ask if the
effect on our paper systera would not be, not perhaps equaUy as
fatal as to England, yet one of the greatest calaraities which could
befall this country. The revenue of Spain, in Mexico alone, was,
in 1809, twenty raillions of dollars, and in the other provinces in
about the sarae proportion, taldng into view their population,
independent of the immense contiibutions annually paid to the
clergy. When you look at the resources of the countey, and the
extent of its population, recollecting that it is double our own ; that
its consumption of foreign articles, under a free commerce would
be proportionably great; that it yields a large revenue under the
most abominable system, under which nearly three fourths of the
population are unclad, and almost naked as from the hands of
nature, because absolutely deprived of the means of clothing
themselves, what raay not be the condition of this countey, under
the operation of a different system, which would let industry
develope its resources in all possible forms? Such a neighbor
cannot but be a valuable acquisition in a comraercial point of view.
Gentlemen have denied the fact of the existence of the
independence of Buenos Ayres at as early a date as I have
assigned to it. The gentieraan from South Carolina, who is well
informed on the subject, has not, I think, exhibited his usual

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 355
candor on this part of it When the gentieman taUved of the
upper provinces being out of the possession of the patriots as late
as 1815, he ought to have gone back and told the house what was
the actual state of the fact, with which I am sure the gentleman is
very weU acquainted. In 1811, the government of Buenos Ayres
had been in possession of every foot of the territory of the vice-
royalty. The war has been raging from 1811 to 1814 in those
interior provinces, bordering on Lima, which have been as often
as three times conquered by the enemy, and as often recovered,
and from which the enemy is now finally expeUed. Is this at all
remarkable during the progress of such a revolution ? During the
different periods of our war of independence, the Brifish had
possession of different parts of our country ; as late as 1780, the
whole of the southern states were in their possession ; and at an
earlier date they had possession of the great northern capitals.
There is, in regard to Buenos Ayres, a distinguishing teait, which
does not exist in the history of our revolution. That is, that from
1810 to the present day, the capital of the republic of La Plata has
been invariably in the possession of the patriot government. Gen
tlemen must admit that when, in 1814,, she captured at Monte
video an army as large as Burgoyne's captured at Saratoga, they
were then in possession of independence. If they have been since
1810 in the enjoyment of self-government, it is, indeed, not very
material under what name or under what form. The fact of their
independence is all that is necessary to be established. In reply
to the argument of the gentleman from South Carolina, derived
from his having been unable to find out the number of the
provinpes, this arose from the ctecumstance that, thirty-six years
ago, the vice-royalty had been a captain-generalship ; that it ex
tended then only to Tucuman, whilst of late and at present the
government extends to Desaguedera, in about the sixteenth degree
of south datitude. There are other reasons why there is some
confusion in the number of the provinces, as stated by different
writers; there is, in the first place, a territorial division of the
country ; then a judicial ; and next a military division ; and the
^provinces have been stated at ten, thirteen, or twenty, according
to the denominations used. This, however, with the gentieraan
from South Carolina, I regard as a fact of no sort of consequence.
I wiU pass over the report lately made to the house by the de
partment of state, respecting the state of South America, with only-
one remark — that it appears to me to exhibit evidence of an adroit
and experienced diplomatist, negotiating, or rather conferring on a
subject with a young and inexperienced minister, from a young
and inexperienced repubfic. From the manner in which this
report was communicated, after a call for information so long
made, and after a lapse of two months from the last date in the
correspondence on the subject, I was mortified at hearing the

356 SPEECHES OF JIENRY CLAY.
report read. Why talk of the mode of recognition ? Why make
objections to the form of the coramission ? If the minister has not a
formal power, why not tell hira to send back for one ? Why ask
of hira to enumerate the particular states whose independence he
wished acknowledged ? Suppose the French minister had asked
of Franklin what number of states he represented ? Thirteen, if
you please, Franklin would have repfied. But Mr. Franklin, will
you tell me if Pennsylvania, whose capital is in possession of the
British, be one of them ? What would Dr. Franklin have said ?
It would have comported better with the frankness of the American
character, and of American diplomacy, if the secretary, avoiding
cavils about the form of the commission, had said to the minister
of Buenos Ayres, ' at the present raoment we do not intend to
recognise you, or to receive or to send a minister to you.'
But among the charges which gentiemen have industeiously
brought together, the house has been told of factions prevailing in
Buenos Ayres. Do not factions exist every where ? Are they not
to be found, in the best regulated and most firmly established
governfiiefits ? Respecting the Carreras, public information is
abused ; they were supposed to have had improper views, designs
hostile to the existing government, and it became necessary to
deprive them of the power of doing mischief And what is the
fact respecting the alleged arrest of American citizens ? Buenos
Ayres has been organizing an army to attack Chili. Carrera
arrives at the river La Plata -with some North Americans ; he had
before defeated the revolution in ChUi, by withholding his coopera
tion ; the government of Buenos Ayres therefore said to him, we
do not want your resources ; our own army is operating ; if you
carry yours there, it may produce dissension, and cause the loss of
liberty ; you shall not go. On his opposing this course, what
was done which has called forth the sympathy of gentlemen ? He
and those who attended him frora this country were put in con
finement, but only long enough to permit the operations of the
Buenos Ayrean army to go on ; they were then permitted to go,
or made their escape to Montevideo, and afterwards where they
pleased. With respect to the conduct of that government, I would
only recaU the attention of gentlemen to the orders which' have
lately emanated from it, for the regulation of privateers, which has
displayed a solicitude to guard against irregularity, and to respect
the rights of neuteals, not inferior to that ever shown by any gov
ernment, which has on any occasion attempted to regulate this
ficentious mode of warfare.
The honorable gentieman from Georgia commenced his remarks
the other day by an animadversion which he might wefi have
spared, when he told us, that even the prayers of the chaplain of
this house had been offered up in behalf of the pateiots. And was
it reprehensible, that an American chaplain, whose cheeks are

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 357
furrowed by age,, and his head as white as snow, who has a
thousand times, during our own revolution, implored the smiles of
heaven oh our exertions, should indulge in the pious and patri
otic feelings flowing from his recollections o-f our own revolution?
Ought he to be subject to animadversion for so doing, in a place
where he cannot be heard ? Ought he to be subject to animad
version for soUciting the favor of heaven on the same cause as that
in which we fought the good fight, and conquered our indepen
dence ? I teust not
But the gentieman frora Georgia, it appears, can see no paraUel
between our revolution and that of the Spanish provinces. Their
revolution, in its commencement, did not aim at complete inde-
pendenccj neither did ours. Such is the loyalty of the Creole
character^ that, although groaning under three hundred years of
tyranny and oppression, they have been unwiUing to cast off their
aUegiance to that throne, which has been the throne of their ances
tors. But, looking forward to a redress of wrongs, rather than a
change of government, they graduaUy, and perhaps at first unin
tentionally, entered into a revolution. I have it from those who
have been actively engaged in our revolution, from that venerable
man (chancellor Wythe), whose meraory I shaU ever cherish with
filial regard, that, a very short time before our declaration of inde
pendence, it would have been impossible to have got a majority
of congress to declare it Look at the language of our petitions
of that day, carrying our loyalty to the foot of the throne, and
avowing our anxiety to remain under the crown of our ancestors ;
independence w-as then not even remotely suggested as our object
The present state of facts, and not what has passed and gone in
South America, must be consulted. At the present moment, the
pateiots of the south are fighting for liberty and independence ; for
precisely what we fought. But their revolution, the gentieman
told the house, was stained by scenes which had not occurred in
ours. If so, it was because execrable outrages had been committed
upon them by troops of the mother countey, which were not upon
us. Can it be believed, if the slaves had been let loose upon us in
the south, as they have been let loose in Venezuela; if quarters
had been refused ; capitulations violated ; that general Washing
ton, at the head of the armies of the United States, would not
have resorted to reteibution? Retaliation is sometiraes mercy,
mercy to both parties. The only means by which the coward soid
that indulges in such enormities can be reached, is to show to him
that they will be visited by severe but just retribution. There are
traits in the history of this revolution, which show what deep root
liberty has taken in South America. I wiU state an instance. The
only hope of a wealthy and reputable famUy was charged, at the
head of a small force, with the care of the magazine of the anny.
He saw that it was impossible to defend it ' Go,' said he to his

358 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
companions in arras, ' I alone am sufficient for its defence.' The
assailants approached ; he appfied a match and blew up the maga
zine, with himself, scattering death and destruction on his enemy.
There is another instance of the intrepidity of a female of the
patriot party. A lady in New Granada had given information to
the patriot forces, of plans and instructions by which the capitol
might be invaded. She was put upon the rack to divulge her
accomplices. She bore the torture wilh the greatest fortitude, and
died exclaiming, 'you shaU not hear it frora ray mouth; I wiU
die, and may those live who can free ray country.'
But the house has been asked, and asked with a triumph worthy
of a better cause, why recognise this republic ? Where is the
use of it ? And is it possible that gentiemen can see no use in
recognising this republic ? For what did this republic fight? To
be admitted into the famUy of nations. TeU the nations of the
world, says Pueyrredon, in his speech, that we already belong to
their illustrious rank. What would be the powerful consequences
of a recognition of their claim ? I ask ray honorable friend before
me (general Bloomfield), the highest sanction of whose judgment
in favor of my proposition, I fondly anticipate, with what anxious
solicitude, during our revolution, he and his glorious compatriots
turned their eyes to Europe and asked to be recognised, I ask
him, the patriot of '76, how the heart rebounded with joy, on the
information that France had recognised us. The raoral influence
of such a recognition, on the patriot of the south, will be irresistible.
He will derive assurance from it, of his not having fought in vain.
In the constitution of our natures there is a point, to which adversity
may pursue us, without perhaps any worse effect than that of
exciting new energy to meet it, Having reached that point, if no
gleam of comfort breaks through the gloom, we sink beneath the
pressure, yielding reluctantly to our fate, and in hopeless despair
lose all stimulus to exertion. And is there not reason to fear such
a fate to the pateiots of La Plata? Already enjoying independence
for eight years, thete ministers are yet spurned from the courts of
Europe, and rejected by the governraent of a sister republic.
Conteast this conduct of ours with our conduct in other respects.
No raatter whence the rainister comes, be it from a despotic power,
we receive him; and even now, the gentleman from Maryland,
(Mr. Smith) would have us send a rainister to Constantinople, to
beg a passage through the DardaneUes to the Black Sea, that, I
suppose, we might get some hemp and bread-stuffs there, of which
we ourselves produce none ; he, who can see no advantage to the
country frora opening to its commerce the measureless resources
of South America, would send a minister to Constantinople for a
fittie trade. Nay, I have seen a project in the newspapers, and I
should not be surprised, after what we have aheady seen, at its
being carried into effect, for sending a minister to the porte. Yes,

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 359
sir, from Constantinople, or from the Brazils; from Turk or
christian; from black or white; from the dey of Algiers or the
bey of Tunis ; fi:om the devil himsdf, if he wore a crown, we
should receive a minister. We even paid the expenses of the
minister of his subfime highness, the bey of Tunis, and thought
ourselves highly honored by his visit But, let the minister come
from a poor republic, like that of La Plata, and we turn our back
on him. The brUliant costumes of the ministers of the royal
governments are seen gfistening in the circles of our drawing-
rooms, and their splendid equipages rolling through the avenues
of the meteopofis ; but the unaccredited minister of the republic, if
he visit our president or secretary of state at all, must do it incog
nito, lest the eye of don Onis should be offended by so unseemly
a sight ! I hope the gentieman from South Carolina, who is so
capable of estimating the effect of moral causes, wiU see some use
in recognising the independence of La Plata. I appeal to the
powerful effect of moral causes, manifested in the case of the
French revolution, when, by their influence, that nation swept from
about her the armies of the combined powers, by which she was
environed, and rose up, the colossal power of Europe. There is
an example of the effect of moral power. All the pateiots ask, aU
they want at our hands, is, to be recognised as, what they have
been for the last eight years, an independent power.
But, it seems, we dare not do this, lest we tread on sacred
ground; and an honorable gentieman from Virginia (Mr. Smyth),
who, when he has been a little longer in this house, will learn to
respect its powers, calls it an usurpation on the part of this house.
Has the gentieman weighed the terms which he employed ? If I
mistake not, the gentleman, in the debate respecting the power to
make internal improvements, called that too an usurpation on the
part of this house. That power, too, however, he admitted to
belong to the executive, and traced it to an imperial source,
informing us that Csesar or somebody else, had exercised it. Sir,
the gentleman has mistaken his position here ; he is a military
chieftain, and an admirable defender of executive authority, but he
has yet to learn his horn-book as to the powers of this branch of
the legislature. Usurpation is arrogating to yourself authority
which is vested elsewhere. But what is it that I propose, to which
this term has been applied? To appropriate money to pay a
foreign minister his outfit and a year's salary. If that be an
usurpation, we have been usurping power from the commencement
of the government to the present tirae. The chairman of the
committee of ways and means has never reported an appropria
tion bill without some instance of this usurpation.
There are three modes under our constitution, in which a nation
may be recognised; by the executive receiving a minister;
Secondly, by its sending one thither; and, thirdly, this house

360 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
unquestionably nas the right to recognise, in the exercise of the
constitutional power of congress to regtilate foreign commerce.
To receive a minister from a foreign power, is an admission that
the party sending him is sovereign and independent. So the
sending a minister, as ministers are never sent but to sovereign
powers, is a recognition of the independence of the power to
whom the minister is sent Now, the honorable gentieman from
South Carolina would prefer the expression of our opinion by a
resolution, independent of the appropriation biU. If the gentie
man will vote for it in that shape, I will readily gratify him ; aU
that I want to do is, to convey to the president an expression of
our willingness, that the government of Buenos Ayres should be
recognised. Whether it shall be done by receiving a minister or
sending one, is quite immaterial. It is urged, that there raay be an
irapropriety in sending a rainister, not being certain, after what has
passed, that he will be received ; but that is one of the questions
subraitted to the direction of the executive, which he wiU determine,
upon a view of all the ctecumstances ; and who, of course, -wUl
previously have an understanding, that our minister will be duly
respected. If gentlemen desire to knowivhat a minister from us?
is to do, I would have him congratulate the republic on the
establishment of free government and on their liberation from the
ancient dynasty of Spain ; assure it of the interest we feel in its
welfare, and of our readiness to concur in any arrangement which
may be advantageous to our mutual interest. Have we not a
minister at the Brazils, a nation lying along side of the provinces
of La Plata ; and, considering the number of slaves in it, by no
means so formidable as the latter, and about equi-distant from us.
In reference to the steength of the two powers, that of La Plata
is much stronger, and the governraent of BrazU, teembling under
the apprehension of the effect of the arms of La Plata, has gone
further than any other power to recognise its independence, having
entered into a mUitary convention with the republic, by which
each power guaranties the possessions of the other. And we have
exchanged ministers with the BrazUs. The one, however, is a
kingdom, the other a republic ; and if any gentieman can assign
any other better reason why a minister should be sent to one and
not to the other of these powers, I shall be glad to hear it disclosed^
for I have not been able myself to discover it
A gentieman yesterday told the house that the news from Buenos
Ayres was unfavorable. Take it altogether, I befieve it is not
But I put but littie trust in such accounts. In our revolution,
incredulity of reports and newspaper stories, propagated by the
enemy, was so strengthened by experience, that at last, nothing
was befieved Which was not attested by the signature of ' Charles
Thomson.' I am somewhat simUarly situated ; I cannot befieve
these reports ; I wish to see ' Charles Thomson ' before 1 give

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH AMERICA. 361
fuU credit to them. The vessel which has arrived at Baltimore —
and, by the way, by its valuable cargo of specie, hides, and taUow,
gives evidence of a commerce worth pursuing — brought some
rumor of a difference between Artigas and the authorities of
Buenos Ayres. With respect to the Banda Oriental, which is
said to be occupied by Artigas, it constitutes but a very subordinate
part of the territory of the United Provinces of La Plata ; and it
can be no more objection to recognising the nation, because that
province is not included within its power, than it could have been
to our recognition, because several states held out against the
adoption of the constitution. Before I attach any confidence to a
letter not signed ' Charles Thomson,' I must know who the man
is who writes it, what are his sources of information, bis character
for veracity, and so forth, and of all those particulars, we are
deprived of the information, in the case of the recent inteUigenee
in the Baltimore papers, as extracted from private letters.
But we are charged, on the present occasion, with treading on
sacred ground. Let me suppose, what I do not befieve to be the
case, that the president has expressed an opinion one way and we
another. At so early a period of our government, because a
particular individual fills the presidential chair — an individual
whom I highly respect, more perhaps than some of those who
would be considered his exclusive friends — is the odious doctrine to
be preached here, that the chief magisteate can do no wrong ? Is
the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, are the
principles of the Stuarts, to be revived in this free government?
Is an opinion to be suppressed and scouted, because it is in oppo
sition to the opinion of the president ? Sir, as long as I have a
seat on this floor, I shall not hesitate to exert the independence
which belongs to the representative character ; I shall not hesitate
to express my opinions, coincident or not with those of the execu
tive. But I can show that this cry has been raised on the present
occasion without reason. Suppose a case — that the president had
sent a minister to Buenos Ayres, and this house had been called
on to make an appropriation for the payment of his salary. I ask
of gentiemen, whether in that case they would not have voted an
appropriation ? And has not the house a right to deliberate on the
propriety of doing so, as weU before, as after a minister is sent?
WiU gentlemen please to point out the difference ? I contend that
vie are the teue, friends of the executive ; and that the title does not
belong to those who have taken it We wish to extend his
influence, and give him patronage ; to give him means, as he has
now the power, to send another rainister abroad. But, apart from
this view of the question, as regards the executive power, this
house has the incontestable right to recognise a foreign nation in
the exercise of its power, to regulate commerce with foreign nations.
Suppose, for example, we pass an act to regulate teade between
VOL. I. 46

362 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the United States and Buenos Ayres, the existence of the nation
would be thereby recognised, as we could not regulate teade with
a nation which does not exist.
The gentieraan frora Maryland (Mr. Smith) and the gentieman
from Virginia (Mr. Smyth), the great champions of executive
power, and the opponent of legislative authority, have contended
that recognition would be cause of war. These gentiemen are
reduced to this dilemma. If it is cause of war, the executive
ought not to have the right to produce a war upon the countey,
without consulting congress. If it is no cause of war, it is an act
which there is no danger in performing. There is very little differ
ence in principle, between vesting the executive with the power of
declaring war, or with the power of necessarily leading the countey
into war, without consulting the authority to whom the power of
making war is confided. But I deny that it is cause of war ; but
if it is, the sense of congress ought certainly in some way or other
to be taken on it, before that step is taken. I know that some of
the most distinguished statesmen in the country have taken the
view of this subject, that the power to recognise the independence
of any nation does not belong to the president ; that it is a power
too momentous and consequential in its character, to belong to the
executive. My own opinion, I confess, is different, believing the
power to belong to either the president or congress, and that it
may, as most convenient, be exercised by either. If aid is to be
given, to afford which wiU be cause of war, however, congress
alone can give it
This house, then, has the power to act on the subject, even though
the president has expressed an opinion, which he has not, further
than, as appears by the report of the secretary of state, to decide
that in January last, it would not be proper to recognise them.
But the president stands pledged to recognise the republic, if on
the return of the commissioners whom he has deputed, they shaU
raake report favorable to the stabifity of the government Suppose
the chairman of the committee of foreign relations had reported a
provision for an appropriation of that description which I propose,
should we not all have voted for it? And can any gentieman be
so pliant, as, on the mere ground of an executive recommendation,
to vote an appropriation without exercising his own faculties on
the question ; and yet, when there is no such suggestion, wiU not
even so far act for himself as to determine whether a republic is so
independent that we may fairly take the step of recognition of it?
I hope that no such submission to the executive pleasure wUl
characterize this house.
One more remark, and I have done. One gentieman told the
house that the population of the Spanish provinces is eighteen
miUions ; that we, with a population of two miUions only, have
conquered our independence ; and that, if the southern provinces

EMANCIPATION OF SOUTH A Jl ERIC A. 363
wUled it, they must be free. This population, I have already
Stated, consists of distinct nations, having but fittie, if any, inter
course, the largest of which is Mexico ; and they are so separated
by immense distances, that it is impossible there should be any
cooperation between them. Besides, they have difficulties to
encounter which we had not They have a noblesse ; they are
divided into jealous castes, and a vast proportion of Indians ; to
which adding the great influence of the clergy, and it will be
seen how widely different the circumstances of Spanish America
are, from those under which the revolution in this country was
brought to a successful termination. I have already shown how
deep-rooted is the spirit of liberty in that country. I have instanced
the little island of Margarita, against which the whole force of
Spain has been in vain directed ; containing a population of only
sixteen thousand souls, but where every man, woman, and cliUd, is
a Grecian soldier, in defence of freedom. For many years the
spirit of freedom has been struggling in Venezuela, and Spain
has been unable to conquer it. MoriUo, in an official despatch,
teansmitted to the minister of marine of his own counti-y, avows
that Angostura and all Guayana are in possession of the patriots,
as well as all that country from which supplies can be drawn.
According to the last accounts, Bolivar and other patriot comman
ders, are concentrating their forces, and are within one day's march
of MoriUo ; and if they do not forsake the Fabian policy, which is
the true course for them, the result wUl be, that even the weakest
of the whole of the- provinces of Spanish America, will estabfish
their independence, and secure the enjoyment of those rights and
blessings, which rightfully belong to them.

ON THE SEMINOLE WAE.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 17, 1819.

[The Seminoles were a tribe of Indians inhabiting Florida, and parts of the
adjacent country. During the war between the United States and Great Britain,
from 1812 to 1815, the Seminoles and Creek Indians made attacks upon our frontier
settlements in the southwest, and in conseq^uence, general Andrew Jackson, then
a major-general of militia in Tennessee, was sent against thenn, at the head of a
considerable force, by which, after a sanguinary contest, the Indians were subdued,
and a treaty concluded with the Creek nation, in 1814. After the peace of ISIS,
the Seminoles, being sheltered in Florida, at that time a Spanish province, made
frequent depredations upon the people of the United States. In December, 1817, the
department of war ordered general Jackson, who in 1814 was appointed a major-
general in the United States army, to assume the command of the forces in the
southwest, and march against the Indians ; also to adopt the necessary measures to
terminate a conflict which has since been called ' the Seminole war.' In the early
part of 1818, general Jackson took command of an army of regulars, militia, and
friendly Creeks, and pursued the Seminoles into Florida, destroying their towns, and
killing and capturing many Indians and run-a-way negroes. He also took possession
of the Spanish fortresses of St. Marks, Pensacola, and the Barancas, during a period
of peace between Spain and the United States. Two Indian traders, Arbuthnot, a
Scotchman, and Ambrister, an Englishman, were taken prisoners, (being found
among the Indians and Spaniards,) tried by a court martial, and executed by order of
general Jackson. Two Indian chiefs, who were captured, were also put to death by
his order, and sundry other cruel and high-handed acts committed, to which the
attention of congress was called, at the session of 1618-19.
The subject having been referred to the committeeonmilitaryaffairs, that committee
brought in a report, concluding with the following resolution : ' Resolved, that the
house of representatives disapproves the proceedings in the trial and execution of
Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister.' To this resolution, Mr. Cobb, of
Georgia, moved to add others, disapproving of the execution of Indian captives, and
declaring that the seizure of the Spanish posts was contrary to the constitution, and
so forth. The discussion on these resolutions caused one of the most exciting and
interesting debates ever known in congress. Thirty-one of the most distinguished
members of the house participated in the debate, which was opened on the eighteenth
of January, in committee of the whole, and concluded on the tenth of February,
when the question on the resolutions was taken, and decided in the negative, by
majorities varying from thirty to forty-six, in a house of one hundred and seventy
members present. General Jackson, besides his own popularity, as the victor of NeW
Orleans, had the advantage of being sustained by the influence and power of Mr.
Monroe's administration, the president being considered as implicated with him in
some of his transactions in Florida, by having sanctioned the same. Among those
who coincided with Mr. Clay, in condemning these proceedings, were Messrs. Cobb,
of Georgia, Storrs, of New York, Colston, J. Johnson, T. M. Nelson, and Mercer, of
Virginia, Hopkinson, of Pennsylvania, Williams, of Connecticut, Harrison, of Ohio,
Tyler, of Virginia, (the two latter since presidents of the United States,) Lowndes, of
South Carolina, and Reed, of Maryland ; while, on the other side, Messrs. Holmes, of
Massachusetts, Tallmadge, of New York, P. P. Barbour, and Floyd, of Virginia.
Baldwin, of Pennsylvania, R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, and others, made able
speeches in support of the administration, and general Jackson's military course in
this campaign.
Mr. Clay twice addressed the committee of the whole on the subject ; the firs'
speech only, is reported at length, as follows.]

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 365

Mr. Chairman :

In rising to address you, sir, on the very interesting subject which
now engages the attention of congress, I must be allowed to say,
that all inferences drawn from the course which it will be my
painful duty to take in this discussion, of unfriendUness either to
the chief magistrate of the country, or to the illustrious mifitary
chieftain whose operations are under investigation, will be wholly
unfounded. Towards that distinguished captain, who shed so
much glory on our country, whose renown constitutes so great a
portion of its moral property, I never had, I never can have, any
other feelings than those of the most profound respect, and of the
utmost kindness. With him my acquaintance is very limited, but,
so far as it has extended, it has been of the most amicable kind.
I know the motives which have been, and which will again be,
attributed to me, in regard to the other exalted personage aUuded
to. They have been and will be unfounded. I have no interest,
other than that of seeing the concerns of my country well and
happily administered. It is infinitely more gratifying to behold
the prosperity of my country advancing by the wisdom of the
measures adopted to promote it, than it would be to expose the
errors which may be committed, if "there be any, in the conduct of
its affairs. Little as has been my experience in public life, it has
been sufficient to teach me that the most humble station is sur
rounded by difficulties and embarrassments. Rather than throw
obstructions in the way of the president, I would precede him, and
pick out those, if I could, which might jostie hira in his progress;
I would sympathize with him in his embarrassments, and com
miserate with him in his rrusfbrtunes. It is teue that it has been
my mortification to differ from that gentleman on several occasions.
I may be again reluctantiy compelled to differ from him ; but I
will with the utmost sincerity, assure the committee, that I have
formed no resolution, come under no engagements, and that I
never wiU form any resolution, or contract any engagements, for
systematic opposition to his administration, or to that of any other
chief magistrate.
I beg leave further to premise, that the subject under considera
tion, presents two distinct aspects, susceptible, in ray judgment, of
the most clear and precise discrimination. The one I wiU caU its
foreign, the other its domestic aspect. In regard to the first, I will
say, that I approve entirely of the conduct of our government, and
that Spain has no cause of complaint Having violated an
important stipulation of the teeaty of 1795, that power has justiy
subjected herself to aU the consequences which ensued upon the
entry into her dominions, and it belongs not to her to complain of
those measures which resuhed from her breach of contract ; stiU

366 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
less has she a right to examine into the considerations connected
with the doraestic aspect of the subject.
What are the propositions before the comraittee ? The first in
order, is that reported by the mUitary comraittee, which asserts the
disapprobation of this house, of the proceedings in the trial and
execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The second, being the
first contained in the proposed amendment, is the consequence of
that disapprobation, and contemplates the passage of a law to
prohibit the execution hereafter of any captive, taken by the^army,
without the approbation of the president. The third proposition
is, that this house disapproves of the forcible seizure of the Spanish
posts, as contrary to orders, and in violation of the constitution.
The fourth proposition, as the result of the last, is, that a law shafi
pass to prohibit the march of the army of the United States, or any
corps of it, into any foreign territory, without the previous authori
zation of congress, except it be in fresh pursuit of a defeated
enemy. The first and third are general propositions, declaring the
sense of the house in regard to the evUs pointed out; and the
second and fourth, propose the legislative remedies against the
recurrence of those evils.
It wUl be at once perceived, by this simple statement of the
propositions, that no other censure is proposed against general
Jackson himself, than what is merely consequential. His name
even does not appear in any of the resolutions. The legislature
of the country, in reviewing the state of the union, and considering
the events which have transpired since its last meeting, finds that
particular occurrences, of the greatest moment, in many respects,
have taken place near our southern border. I -wUl add, that the
house has not sought, by any officious interference with the doings
of the executive, to gain jurisdiction over this matter. The presi
dent, in his message at the opening of the session, communicated
the very information on which it was proposed to act I would
ask, for what purpose ? That we should fold our arms and yield
a tacit acquiescence, even if we supposed that information dis
closed alarming events, not merely as it regards the peace of the
countey, but in respect to its constitution and character ? Impos
sible. In communicating these papers, and voluntarily caUing the
attention of congress to the subject, the president must himself
have intended, that we should apply any remedy that we might be
able to devise. Having the subject thus regularly and fately
before us, and proposing merely to coUect the sense of the house
upon certain important transactions which it discloses, vith the
view to the passage of such laws as may be demanded by the
public interest, I repeat, that there is no censure any where, except
such as is steictiy consequential upon our legislative action. The
supposition of every new law, having for its object to prevent the
recurrence of e-vU, is, that something has happened which aught

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 367
not to have taken place, and no other than this indirect sort of
censure wiU flow from the resolutions before the committee.
Having thus given my view of the mature and character of the
propositions under consideration, I am far from intimating that it
is not my purpose to go into a fuU, a free, and a thorough investi
gation of the facts, and of the principles of law, public, municipal,
and constitutional, involved in them. And, whilst I trust I shall
speak with the decorum due to the distinguished officers of the
government whose proceedings are to be examined, I shaU
exercise the independence which belongs to me as a representative
of the people, in freely and fuUy submitting my sentiments.
In noticing the painful incidents of this war, it is impossible not
to inquire into its origin. I fear that it will be found to be the
famous treaty of Fort Jackson, concluded in August, 1814 ; and I
must ask the indulgence of the chairman while I read certain parts
of that teeaty.
' 'Whereas an unprovoked, inhuman, and sanguinary war, waged by the hostile
Creeks against the United States, hath been repelled, prosecuted, and determined,
successfully on the part of the said states, in conformity with principles of national
justice and honorable warfare : and whereas consideration is due to the rectitude of
proceedings dictated by instructions relating to the reestablishing of peace : Be it
remembered, that, prior to the conquest of that part of the Creek nation hostile to
the United States, numberless aggressions had been committed against the peace, the
property, and the lives of citizens of the United States, and those of the Creek nation
in amity with her, at the mouth of Duck river. Fort Mimms, and elsewhere, contrary
to national faith, and the regard due to an article of the treaty concluded at New
York, in the year 1790, between the two nations ; that the United States, previous to
the perpetration of such outrages, did, in order to insure future amity and concord
between the Creek nation and the said states, in conformity with the stipulations of
former treaties, fulfil, with punctuality and good faith, her engagements to the said
nation ; that more than two thirds of the whole number of chiefs and warriors of the
Creek nation, disregarding the genuine s{]irit of existing treaties, suffered themselves
to be instigated to violations of their national honor, and the respect due to a part
of their own nation, faithful to the United States, and the principles of humanity, by
impostors, denominating themselves prophets, and by the duplicity and misrepresen
tations of foreign emissaries, whose governments are at war, open or understood,
with the United States.
Article 2. The United States will guaranty to the Creek nation the integrity of
all their territory eastwardly and northwardly of the said line, (described in the first
article,) to be run and described as mentioned in the first article.
Article 3. The United States demand that the Creek nation abandon all communi
cation, and cease to hold intercourse with any British post, garrison, or town ; and
that they shall not admit among- them any agent or trader, who shall not derive
authority to hold commercial or other intercourse with them, by license from the
President or other authorized agent of the United States.
Article 4. The United States demand an acknowledgment of the right to establish
military posts and trading houses, and to open roads within the territory guarantied
to the Creek nation by the second article, and a right to the free navigation of all its
waters.' j. , , ,
Article 5. The United States demand that a surrender be immediately made, ol
all the persons and property taken from the citizens of the United States, the friendly
part of the Creek nation, the Cherokee, Chickasaw, and Choctaw nations, to the
respective owners ; and the United States will cause to be immediately restored to
the formerly hostile Creeks all the property taken from them since their submission,
either by the United States, or by any Indian nations in amity with the United btates,
together with all the prisoners taken from them during the war. . „ ,, . ,
Article 6 The United States demand the caption and surrender ot all the propnets

368 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and instigators of the war, whether foreigners or natives, who have not submitted to
the arms of the United States, and become parties to these articles of capitulation,
if ever they shall be found within the territory guarantied to the Creek nation by the
second article.
Article 7. The Creek nation being reduced to extreme want, and not at present
having the meansof subsistence, the United Stales, from motives of humanity, will
continue to furnish gratuitously the necessaries of life, until the crops of corn can be
considered competent to yield the nation a supply, and will establish trading houses
in the nation, at the discretion of the president of the United States, and at such
places as he shall direct, to enable the nation, by industry and economy, to procure
clothing.' I have never perused this insteument untU within a few days
past, and I have read it with the deepest mortification and regret
A more dictatorial spirit I have never seen displayed in any insteu
ment. I would challenge an examination of all the records of
diplomacy, not excepting even those in the most haughty period
of imperial Rome, when she was carrying her arms into the barba
rian nations that surrounded her, and I do not believe a solitary
instance can be found of such an inexorable spirit of domination
pervading a compact purporting to be a treaty oi peace. It consists
of the raost severe and humiliating demands — of the surrender of
a large territory ; of the privUege of maliing roads through the
remnant which was retained ; of the right of establishing teading-
houses ; of the obligation of delivering into our hands their
prophets. And all this of a wretched people reduced to the last
extremity of distress, whose miserable existence we have to
preserve by a voluntary stipulation to furnish them with bread !
When did the all-conquering and desolating Rome ever fail to
respect the altars and the gods of those whom she subjugated ?
Let me not be told that these prophets were impostors, who de
ceived the Indians. They were their prophets ; the Indians
beheved and venerated them, and it is not for us to dictate a
rehgious belief to them. It does not belong to the holy character
of the religion which we profess, to carry its precepts, by the force
of the bayonet, into the bosoms of other people. MUd and gentle
persuasion was the great insteument eraployed by the meek
founder of our religion. We leave to the humane and benevolent
efforts of the reverend professors of Christianity to convert from
barbarism those unhappy nations yet immersed in its gloom. But,
sir, spare them their prophets ! spare their delusions ! spare their
prejudices and superstitions ! spare thera even thete religion, such
as it is, frora open and cruel violence. When, sir, was that teeaty
concluded ? On the very day, after the protocol was signed, of
the first conference between the Araerican and British commis
sioners, treating of peace, at Ghent In the course of that nego
tiation, pretensions so enormous were set up by the other party,
that, when they were promulgated in this countey, there was one
general burst of indignation throughout the continent Faction
itself was sUenced, and the firm and unanimous determination of

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 369
aU parties -was, to fight until the last man fdl in the ditch, rather
than submit to such ignominious terms. What a conteast is
exhibited between the contemporaneous scenes of Ghent and of
Fort Jackson ! what a powerful voucher would the British com
missioners have been furnished with, if they could have got hold
of that treaty! The United States demand, the United States
demand, is repeated five or six times. And what did the preamble
itself disclose? That two thirds of the Creek nation had been
hostile, and one third only friendly to us. Now I have heard, (I
cannot vouch for the teuth of the statement,) that not one hostUe
chief signed the treaty. I have also heard that perhaps one or two
of them did. If the treaty were reaUy made by a minority of the
nation, it was not obfigatory upon the whole nation. It was void,
considered in the fight of a national compact. And, if void, the
Indians were entitled to the benefit of the provision of the ninth
article of the treaty of Ghent, by which we bound ourselves to
make peace with any tribes with whom we might be at war on
the ratification of the treaty, and to restore to them their lands, as
they held them in 1811. I do not know how the honorable senate,
that body for which I hold so high a respect, could have given thete
sanction to the teeaty of Fort Jackson, so utterly irreconcilable as it
is with those noble principles of generosity and magnanimity which
I hope to see my country always exhibit, and particularly toward
the miserable remnant of the aborigines. It would have comported
better with those principles, to have imitated the benevolent policy
of the founder of Pennsylvania, and to have given to the Creeks,
conquered as they were, even if they had made an unjust war
upon us, the teiffing consideration, to them an adequate compensa
tion, which he paid for their lands. That teeaty, I fear, has been
the main cause of the recent war. And, if it has been, it only adds
another melancholy proof to those -witli which history already
abounds, that hard and unconscionable terms, extorted by the
power of the sword and the right of conquest, serve but to whet
and stimulate revenge, and to give old hostifities, smothered, not
fexfinguished, by the pretended peace, greater exasperation and
more ferocity. A truce, thus patched up with an unfortunate
people, without the means of existence, without bread, is no real
peace. The instant there is the slightest prospect of refief from
such harsh and severe conditions, the conquered party wiU fly. to
arms, and spend the last drop of blood rather than live in such
degraded bondage. Even if you again reduce him to submission,
the expenses incurred by this second war, to say nothing of the
human fives tfiat are sacrificed, will be greater than what it would
have cost you to grant him liberal conditions in the first instance.
JIhis teeaty, I repeat it, was, I apprehend, the cause of the war)
It led to those excesses on our southern borders which began it.
Who first commenced them, it is perhaps diflJcult to ascertain.
ToL. I. 47

370 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
There was, however, a paper on this subject, communicated at the
last session by the president, that told, in language pathetic and
feeling, an artiess tale ; a paper that carried such internal evidence,
at least, of the belief of the authors of it that they were -writing tiie
truth, that I wiU ask the favor of the committee to aUow me to
read it.
To the Commanding Officer at Fort Hawkins :
Deae Sie:
Since the last war, after you sent word that we must quit the war, we, the red
people, have come over on this side. The white people have carried all the red people's
cattle off. After the war, I sent to all my people to let the white people alone, and
stay on this side of the river ; and they did so ; but the white people still continued to
carry off their cattle. Bernard's son was here, and I inquired of him what was to be
done ; and he said we must go to the head man of the white people and complain. 1
did so, and there was no head white man, and there was no law in this case. The whites
first began, and there is nothing said about that; but great complaint about what the
Indians do. This is now three years since the white people killed three Indians ;
since that time they have killed three other Indians, and taken their horses, and what
they had ; and this summer they killed three more ; and very lately they killed one
more. We sent word to the white people that these murders were done, and the
answer was, that they were people that were outlaws, and we ought to go and kill
them. The white people killed our people first ; the Indians then took satisfaction.
There are yet three men that the red people have never taken satisfaction for. You
have wrote that there were houses burnt ; but we know of no such thing being done ;
the truth, in such cases, ought to be told, but this appears otherwise. On that side
of the river, the white people have killed five Indians, but there is nothing said about
that; and all that the Indians have done is brought up. All the mischief the whitepeople
have done, ought to be told to their head man. When there is any thing done, you write
to us ; but never write to your head man what the ivhite people do. When the red
people send talks, or write, they always send the truth. You have sent to us for
your horses, and we sent all that we could find ; but there were some dead. It
appears that all the mischief is Itiid on this town ; but all the mischief that has been
done by this town, is two horses ; one of them is dead, and the other was sent back.
The cattle that we are accused of taking, were cattle that the whitepeople tookfromm.
Our young men went and brought them back, with the same marks and brands.
There were some of our young men out hunting, and they were killed; others went
to take satisfaction, and the kettle of one of the men that was killed, was found in
the house where the woman and two children were killed ; and they supposed it had
been her husband who had killed the Indians, and took their satisfaction there. We
are accused of killing the Americans, and so on ; but since the word was sent to us
that peace vy^as made, we stay steady at home, and meddle with no person. You have
sent to us respecting the black people on the Suwany river ; we have nothing to do
with them. They were put there by the English, and to them you ought to apply
for any thing about them. We do not wish our country desolated by an army passing
through it, for the concern of other people. The Indians have slaves there also ; a
great many of them. When we have an opportunity, we shall apply to the Enghsh
for them ; but we cannot get them now.
This is what we have to say at present.
Sir, I conclude by subscribing myself.
Your humble servant, &c.
September, the 11th day, 1817.
N. B. There are ten towns have read this letter, and this is the answer.
A true copy of the original. "Wm. Bell, Aid-de-camp.
,(j[ should be very unwiUing to assert, in regard to this war, that
the fault was on our side ; I fear it was?) I have heard that a very
respectable gentleman, now no more, who once fiUed the executive
chair of Georgia, and who, having been agent of Indian affairs in

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 371
that quarter, had the best opportunity of judging of the origin of
this war, deliberately pronounced it as his opinion, that the Indians
were not in fault I am far from atti-ibuting to general Jackson
any other than the very slight degree of blame that attaches to him
as the negotiator of the treaty of Fort Jackson, and wiU be shared
by those who subsequently ratified and sanctioned that teeaty.
But if there be even a doubt as to the origin of the war, whether
we were censurable or the Indians, that doubt wiU serve to increase
our regret at any distressing incidents which may have occurred,
and to mitigate, in some degree, the crimes which we impute to
the other side. I know that when general Jackson was sumraoned
to the field, it -wfas too late to hesitate ; the fatal blow had been
steuck, in the destruction of Fowl-town, and the dreadful massacre
of lieutenant Scott and his detachment; and the only duty which
remained to him, was to terminate this unhappy contest
The first circumstance which, in the course of his performing
that duty, fixed our attention, has filled me with regret It was the
execution of the Indian chiefs. How, I ask, did they come into
our possession? Was it in the course of fair, and open, and
honorable war ? No ; but by means of deception — by hoisting
foreign colors on the staff from which the stars and steipes should
alone have floated. Thus ensnared, the Indians were taken on
shore; and without ceremony, and without delay, were hung.
Hang an Indian I We, sir, who are eivifized, and can comprehend
and feel the effect of moral causes and considerations, attach
ignominy to that mode of death. And the gaUant, and refined,
and high-minded man, seeks by all possible means to avoid it
But what cares an Indian whether you hang or shoot him ? The
moment he is captured, he is considered by his tribe as disgraced,
if not lost. They, too, are indifferent about the manner in which
he is despatched. But I regard the occurrence with grief, for other
and higher considerations. Qjt was the first instance that I know
of, in the annals of our country, in which retaliatiom by executing
Indian captives, has ever been deliberately practiced^) There may
have been exceptions, but if there are, they met Wilh contempora
neous condemnation, and have been reprehended by the just pen
of impartial history. The gentieman from Massachusetts may teU
me, if he chooses, what he pleases about the tomahawk and
scalping knife ; about Indian enormities, and foreign miscreants
and incendiaries. I, too, hate them ; from my very soul I abomi
nate them, ^ut I love my country, and its constitution ; I love '
liberty and safety, grid fear mifitary despotism more, even, than I
hate these monste^ The gentieman, in the course of his remarks,
aUuded to the state from which I have the honor to come. Littie,
sir, does he know of the high and magnanimous sentiments of the
people of that state, if he supposes they wUl approve of the teans
action to which he referred. Brave and generous, humanity and

372 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
clemency towards a fallen foe constitute one of their noblest
characteristics. Amidst all the struggles for that fair land, between
the natives and the present inhabitants, I defy the gentleman to
point out one instance, in which a Kentuckian has stained his hand
by — nothing but my high sense of the distinguished services and
exalted merits of general Jackson, prevents my using a different
term — the execution of an unarmed and prostrate captive. Yes,
there is one sofitary exception, in which a man, enraged at behold
ing an Indian prisoner who had been celebrated for his enormities,
and who had desteoyed some of his kindred, plunged his sword
into his bosom. The wicked deed was considered as an abomina
ble outrage when it occurred, and the name of the man has been
handed down to the execration of posterity. I deny your right
thus to retaliate on the aboriginal proprietors of the countey ; and
unless I am utterly deceived, it may be shown that it does not
exist But before I atterapt this, allow me to make the gentieman
from Massachusetts a littie better acquainted with those people, to
whose feelings and sympathies he has appealed through thete
representative. During the late war with Great Britain, colonel
Campbell, under the command of my honorable friend from Ohio
(general Harrison), was placed at the head of a detachment, con
sisting chiefly, I believe, of Kentucky volunteers, in order to desteoy
the Mississinaway towns. They proceeded and performed the
duty, and took some prisoners. And here is the evidence of the
manner in which they teeated them.
' But the character of this gallant detachment, exhibiting, as it did, perseverance,
fortitude, and bravery, would, however, be incomplete, if, in the midst of victory, they
had forgotten the feelings of humanity. It is with the sincerest pleasure that the
general has heard, that the most punctual obedience was paid to his orders, in not
only saving all the women and children, but in sparing all the warriors who ceased to
resist; and that even when vigorously attacked by the enemy, the claims of mercy
prevailed over every sense of their own danger, and this heroic band respected the lives
of their prisoners. Let an account of murdered innocence be opened in the records
of heaven, against our enemies alone. Thi American soldier will follow the example
of his government, and the sword of the one will not be raised against the fallen and
the helpless, nor the gold of the other be paid for scalps of a massacred enemy.'
I hope, sir, the honorable gentieman wUl now be able better to
appreciate the character and conduct of my gallant counteymen,
than he appears hitherto to have done.
But, ste, I have said that you have no right to practice, under
color of retaliation, enormities on the Indians. ^J wUl advance in
support of this position, as appficable to the origin of all law, the
principle, that whatever has been the custom, from the commence
ment of a subject, whatever has been the uniform usage, coeval
and coexistent with the subject to which it relates, becomes its
fixed law. Such is the foundation of all comraon law ; and such,
I befi§ve, is the principal foundation of aU public or international
law.) If, then, it can be shown that from the first settiement of the

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 373
colonies, on this part of the American continent, to the present
time, we have constantly abstained from retaliating upon the In
dians the excesses practiced by them towards us, we are moraUy
bound by this invariable usage, and cannot lawfuUy change it
-without the most cogent reasons. So far as my knowledge ex
tends, from the first settiement at Plymouth or at Jamestown, it has
not been our practice to desteoy Indian captives, combatants or
non-combatants. I know of but one deviation from the code which
regulates the warfare between civilized communities, and that was
the desteuction of Indian towns, which was supposed to be author
ized upon the ground that we could not bring the war to a termi
nation but by destroying the means which nourished it With this
single exception, the other principles of the laws of civUized nations
are extended to them, and are thus made law in regard to them.
When did this humane custom, by which, in consideration of thete
ignorance, and our enfightened condition, the rigors of war were
mitigated, begin? At a time when we were weak, and they
comparatively strong ; when they were the lords of the soU, and
we -were seeldng, from the vices, from the corruptions, from the
rehgious intolerance, and from the oppressions of Europe, to gain
an asylum among them. And when is it proposed to change this
custom, to substitute for it the bloody maxims of barbarous ages,
and to interpolate the Indian public law with revofiing cruelties ?
At a time when the situation of the two parties is totally changed —
when we are powerful and they are weak — at a tirae when, to use
a figure drawn from their own sublime eloquence, the poor children
of the forest have been driven by the great wave which has flowed
in from the Afiantic ocean almost to the base of the Rocky mountains,
and, overwhelming them in its terrible progress, has left no other
remains of hundreds of teibes, now extinct, than those which indicate
the remote existence of their former companion, the mammoth of
the new world ! Yes, sir, it is at this auspicious period of our
country, when we hold a proud and lofty station among the first
nations of the world, that we are caUed upon to sanction a depar
ture from the established laws and usages which have regulated
our Indian hostilities. And does the honorable gentleman from
Massachusetts expect, in this august body, this enUghtened assem
bly of christians and Americans, by glowing appeals to our
passions, to make us forget our principles, our religion, our clemen
cy, and our humanity ? Why is it that we have not practiced
towards the Indian tribes the right of retaliation, now for the first
time asserted in regard to them ? It is because it is a principle
proclaimed by reason, and enforced by every respectable -writer on
the law of nations, that retafiation is only justifiable as calculated
to produce effect in the war. Vengeance is a new motive for
resorting to it If retaliation wiU produce no effect on the enemy,
we are bound to abstain from it by every consideration of humanity

374 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and of justice. WiU it then produce effect on the Indian tribes?
No ; they care not about the execution of those of thete warriors
who are taken captive. They are considered as disgraced by the
very circumstance of their captivity, and it is often mercy to the
unhappy captive to deprive him of his existence. The poet evinced
a profound knowdedge of the Indian character, when he put into
the mouth of a son of a distinguished chief, about to be led to the
stake and tortured by his victorious eneray, the words :
' Begin, ye tormentors ! your threats are in vain :
The son of Alknomook will never complain.'
Retaliation of Indian excesses, not producing then any effect in
preventing their repetition, is conderaned by both reason and the
principles upon which alone, in any case, it can be justified. On
this branch of the subject ranch mor craight be said, but as I shaU
possibly again aUude to it, I will pass from it, for the present, to
another topic.
It is not necessary, for the purpose of ray arguraent in regard to
the trial and execution of Arbuthnot and Arabrister, to insist on the
innocency of either of thera. I wUl yield for the sake of that
argument, without inqufi-y, that both of them were guUty ; that both
had instigated the war ; and that one of thera had led the enemy to
battle. It is possible, indeed, that a critical examination of the
evidence would show, particularly in the case of Arbuthnot, that
the whole amount of his crime consisted in his teading, without the
limits of the United States, with the Seminole Indians, in the
accustomed coramodities which form the subject of Indian trade,
and that he sought to ingratiate himself with his customers by
espousing their interests, in regard to the provision of the teeaty
of Ghent, which he may have honestly believed entitied them to
the restoration of their lands. And if, indeed, the teeaty of Fort
Jackson, for the reasons already assigned, were not binding upon
the Creeks, there would be but too much cause to lament his
unhappy if not unjust fate. The first impression made, on the
examination of the proceedings in the teial and execution of those
two men, is, that on the part of Arabrister there was the raost guUt,
but, at the sarae time, the most irregularity. Conceding the point
of guiU of both, with the qualification which I have stated, I wiU
proceed to inquire, first, if thete execution can be justified upon the
principles assumed by general Jackson himself If they do not
afford a justification, I wUl next inquire, if there be any other
principles authorizing their execution; and IwUl in the third place
make sorae other observations upon the raode of proceeding.
The principle assumed by general Jackson, which may be found
in his general orders commanding the execution of these men, is,
'^ that it is an established principle of the law of nations, that any
individual of a nation making war against the citizens of any other

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 375
nation, they being at peace, forfeits his allegiance, and becomes an
outiaw and a pirate.' Whatever may be the character of individ
uals waging private war, the principle assumed is totaUy erroneous
when applied to such individuals associated with a power, whether
Indian or civilized, capable of maintaing the relations of peace and
war. Suppose, however, the principle were teue, as asserted, what
disposition should he have raade of these men ? What jurisdiction,
and how acqufi-ed, has the military over pirates, robbers, and
outiaws ? If they were in the character imputed, they were alone
amenable, and should have been turned over, to the civil authority.
But the principle, I repeat, is totaUy incorrect, when applied to men
in their situation. A foreigner connecting himself with a bellige
rent, becomes an enemy of the party to whom that belfigerent is
opposed, subject to whatever he may be subject, entitied to
whatever he is entitled. Arbuthnot and Ambrister, by associating
themselves, became identified with the Indians ; they became our
enemies, and we had a right to treat them as we could lawfuUy
teeat the Indians. These positions are so obviously correct, that I
shaU consider it an abuse of the patience of the committee to
consume time in their proof. They are supported by the practice
of aU nations, and of our own. Every page of history, in all
times, and the recoUection of every member, furnish evidence
of their teuth. Let us look for a moment into some of the conse
quences of this principle, if it were to go to Europe, sanctioned by
the approbation, express or implied, of this house. We have now
in our armies probably the subjects of almost every European
power. Some of the nations of Europe maintain the doctrine
of perpetual allegiance. Suppose Britain and America in peace,
and America and France at war. The former subjects of England,
haturalized and unnaturalized, are captured by the navy or army
of France. What is their condition ? According to the principle
of general Jackson, they would be outiaws and pirates, and liable
to immediate execution. Are gentiemen prepared to return to
thete respective disteicts with this docteine in their mouths, and to
say to their Irish, English, Scotch, and other foreign constituents,
that they are liable, on the contingency supposed, to be teeated as
outiaws and pirates ?
Is there any other principle which justifies the proceedings ? On
this subject, if I admtee the wonderful ingenuity with which gentie
men seek a colorable pretext for those executions, I am at the same
time shocked at some of the principles advanced. What said the
honorable gentlemen from Massachusetts (Mr. Holmes), in a cold
address to the committee? Why, that these executions were only
the wrong mode of doing a right thing. A wrong mode of doing
a right thing ! In what code of public law ; in what system of
ethics ; nay, in what respectable novel ; where, if tbe gentieman
were to take the range of the whole literature of the world ; -wUl he

376 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
find any sanction for a principle so monstrous ? I wiU Ulustrate
its enormity by a single case. Suppose a man, being guilty of
robbery, is tried, conderaned, and executed, for murder, upon an
indictment for that robbery merely. The judge is aiTaigned for
having executed, contrary to law, a human being, innocent at heart
of the crime for which he was sentenced. The judge has nothing
to do, to insure his own acquittal, but to urge the gentleman's plea,
that he had done a right thing in a wrong way !
The principles which attached to the cases of Arbuthnot and
Ambrister, constituting them merely participes in the war, supposing
them to have been combatants, which the former was not, he having
been taken in a Spanish fortress, without arms in his hands, all that
we could possibly have a right to do, was to apply to them the rules
which we had a right to enforce against the Indians. Their English
character was only merged in their Indian character. Now, if the
law regulating Indian hostilities be established by long and
imraemorial usage, that we have no moral right to retaliate upon
them, we consequentiy had no right to retaliate upon Arbuthnot
and Arabrister. Even if it were admitted that, in regard to future
wars, and to other foreigners, their execution may have a good
effect, it would not thence follow that you had a right to execute
them. It is not always just to do what may be advantageous.
And retaliation, during a war, must ha.Ve relation to the events of
that war, and must, to be just, have an operation on that war, and
upon the individuals only who compose the belligerent party. It
becomes gentlemen, then, on the other side, to show, by some
known, certain, and recognised rule of pubfic or municipal law,
that the execution of these men was justified. Where is it? I
should be glad to see it. We are told in a paper emanating from
the department of state, recentiy laid before this house, distinguished
for the fervor of its eloquence, and of which the honorable gentle
man from Massachusetts has suppfied us in part with a second
edition, in one respect agreeing with the prototype — that they both
ought to be inscribed to the American public — we are justiy told
in that paper, that this is the first instance of the execution of
persons for the crime of instigating Indians to war. Ste, there are
two topics which, in Europe, are constantiy eraployed by the friends
and minions of legitimacy against our countey. The one is an
inordinate spirit of aggrandizement — of coveting other people's
goods ; the other is the teeatment which we extend to the Indians.
Against both these charges, the public servants who conducted at
Ghent the negotiations with the British commissioners, endeavored
to vindicate our countey, and I hope -with some degree of success.
What wiU be the condition of future American negotiators, when
pressed upon this head, I know not, after the unhappy executions
on our southern border. The gentieman from Massachusetts
seemed yesterday to read, -with a sort of triumph, the names of the

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 377
commissioners employed in the negotiation at Ghent. WiU he
excuse me for saying, that I thought he pronounced, even with more
complacency, and with a more gracious smUe, the first name in the
commission, than he emphasized that of the humble individual who
addresses you ?
[Mr. Holmes desired to explain.]
There is no occasion for explanation ; I am perfectiy satisfied.
[Mr. Holmes, however, proceeded to say that his intention was, in pronouncing the
gentleman's name, to add to the respect due to the negotiator that which was due to
the speaker of this house.]
To return to the case of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. WiU the
principle of these men having been the instigators of the war,
justify their execution ? It is a new one ; there are no landmarks
to guide us in its adoption, or to prescribe limits in its application.
If WiUiam Pitt had been taken by the French army, during the
late European war, could France have justifiably executed him on
the ground of his having notoriously instigated the continental powers
to war against France ? Would France, if she had stained her
character by executing him, have obtained the sanction of the
world to the act, by appeals to the passions and prejudices, by
pointing to the cities sacked, the countries laid waste, the hum.an
lives sacrificed in the wars which he had kindled, and by exclaiming
to the unfortunate captive, you, miscreant, monster, have occasioned
aU these scenes of devastation and blood? What has been the
conduct even of England towards the greatest instigator of all the
wars of the present age ? The condemnation of that Ulusteious
man to the rock of St. Helena, is a great blot on the English name.
And I repeat what I have before said, that if Chatham, or Fox, or
even WUfiam Pitt himself, had been prime minister in England,
Bonaparte had never been so condemned. On that transaction history
•wiU one day pass its severe but just censure. Yes, although
Napoleon had desolated half Europe ; although there was scarcely
a power, however humble, that escaped the mighty grasp of his
ambition ; although in the course of his splendid career, he is
charged ^with having committed the greatest atrocities, disgraceful
to himself and to human nature, yet even his fife has been spared.
The alfies would not, England would not, execute him upon the
ground of his being an instigator of wars.
. The mode of. the teial and sentencing these men was equaUy
objectionable with the principles on which it has been attempted to
prove a forfeiture of their fives. I know the laudable spteit which
prompted the ingenuity displayed in finding out a justification for
these proceedings. I wish most sincerely that I could reconcUe
them to my conscience. It has been att;empted to vindicate the
VOL. I. 48

378 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
general upon grounds which I am persuaded he would himself
disown. It has been asserted, that he was guilty of a mistake in
calling upon the court to tey them, and that he might have at once
ordered their execution, without that formality. I deny that there
was any such absolute right in the coramander of any portion
of our army. The right of retaliation is an atteibute of
sovereignty. It is comprehended in the war-making power that
congress possesses. It belongs to this body not only to declare
war, but to raise armies, and to make rules and regulations for
their government It is in vain for gentiemen to look to the law of
nations for instances in which retaliation is lawful. The laws of
nations merely lay down the principle or rule ; it belongs to the
government to constitute the teibunal for applying that principle or
rule. There is, for example, no instance in which the death of a
captive is more certainly declared by the law of nations to be
justifiable, than in the case of spies. Congress has accordingly
provided, in the rules and articles of war, a tribunal for the trial of
spies, and consequentiy for the application of the principle of the
national law. The legislature has not left the power over spies
undefined, to the mere discretion of the comraander-in-chief, or of
any subaltern officer in the army. For, if the docteines now
contended for were teue, they would apply to the commander of
any corps, however smaU, acting as a detachment Suppose
congress had not legislated in the case of spies, what would have
been their condition ? It would have been a casus omissus, and
although the public law pronounced their doom, it could not be
executed, becausecongress had assigned no tribunal for enforcing
that public law.(^_No man can be executed in this free country
without two things^eing shown — first, that the law condemns him
to death ; and, secondly, that his death is pronounced by that teibunal
which is authorized by the law to try him^ These principles will
reach every man's case, native or foreign, citizen or afien. The
instant quarters are granted to a prisoner, the majesty of the law
surrounds and sustains him, and he cannot be la-wfully punished
with death without the concurrence of the two circumstances just
insisted upon. I deny that any commander-in-chief, in this country,
has this absolute power of fife and death, at his sole discretion. It
is contrary to the genius of aU our laws and institutions. {To
concenteate in the person of one individual the powers to make the
rule, to judge and to execute the rule, or to judge and execute the
rule only, is utterly irreconcilable with every principle of free
government, and is the very definition of tyranny itself; and
I trust that this house wiU never give even a tacit assent
to such a principle.^/ Suppose the commander had made even
reprisals on property, would that property have belonged to
the nation, or could he have disposed of it as he pleased?
Had he more poWjcr, wiU gentienien teU me, ov^r the lives

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. JJ79'
of human beings than over property? The assertion of sticK
a power to the commander-in-chief is conteary to the practice of
the government By an act of congress which passed in 1799,
vesting the power of retaliation in certain' cases in the president of
the United States — an act which passed during the quasi war with
France — the president is authorized to retaliate upon any of the
citizens of the French repubfic, the enormities which may be
practiced, in certain cases, upon our citizens. Under what admin
istration was this act passed ? It was under that which has been
_jiustiy charged -with stretching the constitution to enlarge' the
executive powers. Even during the mad career of Mr. Adaihs,
when every means was resorted to for the purpose of infusing
vigor into the executive arm, no one thought of claiming for hira
the inherent right of retaliation. I wiU not trouble the house -with
reading another law, which passed thirteen or fourteen years after,
during the late war with Great Britain, under the administration of
that great constitutional president!, the father of the instrument itself,
by which Mr. Madison was empowered to retaliate on the British in
certain instances. It is not only contrary to the genius of our
institutions, and to the uniforrri practice of the governraent, but it
is contrairy to the obvious principles on which the general himself
proceeded; for, in forming the court, he evidently intended to
proceed under the rules and articles of wair. The exti-eme number
¦w^hich they provide for is thirteen, precisely that which is detailed
in the present instance. The court proceeded not by a bare
plurality, but by a majority of two thirds. In the general orders
issued from the adjutant general's office, at head quarters, it is
described as a court-martial. The prisoners are said, in those
orders, to have been tried, ' on the following charges and specifica
tions! The court understood itself to be acting as a court-martial.
It was so organized, it so proceeded, having a judge advocate,
hearing witnesses, and the written defence of the miserable
teembling prisoners, who seemed to have a presentiment of thete
doom. And the court was finaUy dissolved. The whole proceed
ing manifestly shows, that all parties considered it as a court-
niartial, convened and acting under the rules and articles of war.
In his letter to the secretary of war, noticing the transaction, the
general says, 'these individuals were tried under my orders,
legally convicted as exciters of this savage and negrO war, legally
condemned, and most justiy punished for their iniquities.' The
Lord ddiver us from such legal conviction, and such legal condem
nation I The general himself considered the laws of his countey
to have justified his proceedings. It is in vain then to talk of a
po-vtrer in him beyond the law, and above the law, when he himself
does not assert it. ^et it be conceded that he was clothed with
absolute aiithority over the lives cf those individuals, and that,
upon his o-w'n fiat, -without" ttiaJ, without defence, he might have

380 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
commanded thete execution. ) Now, if an absolute sovereign, in
any particular respect, promulgates a rule, which he pledges him
self to observe, if he subsequentiy deviates from that rule, he
subjects himself to the imputation of odious tyranny. If general
Jackson had the power, without a court, to condemn these men, he
had also the power to appoint a tribunal. He did appoint a teibunal,
and became, therefore, moraUy bound to observe and execute the
sentence of that tribunal. In regard to Ambrister, it is with grief
and pain I am compelled to say, that he was executed in defiance
of all law ; in defiance of the law to which general Jackson had
voluntarily, if you please, submitted himself, and given, by his
appeal to the court, his implied pledge to observe. I know but
little of military law, and what has happened, has certainly not
created in rne a taste for acquiring a knowledge of more ; but I
befieve there is no example on record, where the sentence of the court
has been erased, and a sentence not pronounced by it carried into
execution. It has been suggested that the court had pronounced
two sentences, and that the general had a right to select either.
Two sentences ! Two verdicts ! It was not so. The first being
revoked, was as though it had never been pronounced. And there
remained only one sentence, which was put aside upon the sole
authority of the comraander, and the execution of the prisoner
ordered. He either had or had not a right to decide upon the fate
of that raan, with the intervention of a court. If he had the right,
he waived it, and having violated the sentence of the court, there
was brought upon the judicial administration of the army a
reproach, which must occasion the most lasting regret
CHowever guilty these men were, they should not hgve been
•^ condemned or executed without the authority of the law) I will
not dwell, at this time, on the effect of these precedents in foreign
countries ; but I shall not pass unnoticed their dangerous influence
in our own countey. Bad examples are generally set in the cases of
bad men, and often remote from the centeal government. It was
in the provinces that were laid the abuses and the seeds of the
ambitious projects which overturned the liberties of Rome. I
beseech the committee not to be so captivated with the charms of
eloquence, and the appeals made to our passions and our sympa
thies, as to forget the fundamental principles of our government
The influence of a bad example wiU often be felt, when its authors
and all the circumstances connected with it are no longer remem
bered. I know of but one analogous instance of the execution of
a prisoner, and that has brought raore odium than almost any other
incident on the unhappy emperor of France. I allude to the
instance of the execution of the unfortunate member of the
Bourbon house. He sought an asylum in the ten-itories of Baden.
Bonaparte despatched a corps of gen-d'armes to the place of his
retreat, seized him, and brought him to the dungeons of Vincennes.

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 381
He was there tried by a court-martial, condemned, and shot.
There, as here, was a violation of neutral territory; there, the
neuteal ground was not stained with the blood of him whom
it should have protected. And there is another most unfortunate
difference for the American people. The duke d'Enghein was
executed according to his sentence. It is said by the defenders of
Napoleon, that the duke had been machinating not merely to
overturn the French government, but against the life of its chief.
If that were true, he might, if taken in France, have been legally
executed. Such was the odium brought upon the instruments of
this transaction, that those persons who have been even suspected
of participation in it, have sought to vindicate themselves from
what they appear to have considered as an aspersion, before foreign
courts. In conclusion of this part of my subject, I most cheerfuUy
and entirely acquit general Jackson of any intention to violate the
laws of the countey, or the obligations of humanity. I am
persuaded, from all that I have heard, that he considered himself
as equaUy respecting and observing both. With respect to the
purity of his intentions, therefore, I am disposed to aUow it in the
most extensive degree. Of his acts, it is my duty to speak, with the
freedom which belongs to my station. And I shaU now proceed
to consider some of them, of the most moraentous character,
as it regards the distribution of the powers of government.
^Oi all the powers conferred by the constitution of the United
States, not one is more expressly and exclusively granted, than that
which gives to congress the power to declare war. (^he immortal
convention who formed that insteument, had abundant reason,
drawn from every page of history, for confiding this tremendous
powei!„to the defiberate judgment of the representatives of the
people,) It was there seen, that nations are often precipitated into
ruinous war, from folly, from pride, from ambition, and from the
desire of military fame. It was believed, no doubt, in committing
this great subject to the legislature of the union, we should be safe
from the mad wars that have afflicted, and desolated, and ruined
other counteies. It was supposed, that before any war was
declared, the nature of the injury complained of, would be care
fully examined, and the power and resources of the enemy esti
mated, and the power and resources of our own countey, as wefi as
the probable issue and consequences of the war. It was to guard
our countiy against precisely that species of rashness which has
been manifested in Florida, that the constitution was so framed.
If, then, this power, thus cautiously and cleariy bestowed upon
congress, has been assumed and exercised by any other functionary
of the government, it is cause of serious alarm, and it becomes this
body to vindicate and maintain its authority by aU the means in
its power; and yet there are sorae gentiemen, who would have
us not merely to yield a tame and silent acquiescence in the
encroachment, but even to pass a vote of thanks to the author.

3S2 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
On the tw'^etety-fifth of March, 1818, the president of the United'
States cora-municated a message to congress in relation to the
Seminole war, in which he declared, that although, in the prosecu
tion of it, orders had been given to pass into the Spanish territory,'
they were so guarded as that the local authorities of Spain should
be respected. How respected ? The president, by the do6uments
accompanyihg the message, the orders themselves which issued
from the department of war to the commanding gen'eral, had
aisSured the legislature that, even if the enemy should take shelter
unde'i' a Spanish fortress, the fortress was not to be attacked; but
the fact to be reported to that department for further orders; Con
gress saw, therefore, that there was no danger of violating the
existing peace. And yet, on the same twenty-fifth day of March,
(a most singular concurrence of dates,)' when the representatives'
of the people received this solemn message, announced in the
presence of the nation and in the face of the world, aUd in the
midst of a friendly negotiation with Spain, does general Jackson
write from his head-quarters, that he shall take St Marks as a
necessary depot for his military operations ! The' general states,'
in his letter, what he had heard about the threat on the part of the
Indians and negroes, to occupy the fort, and declares his purpose
to possess himself of it, in either of the two contingences, of its'
being in their hands, or in the hands of the Spaniards. He
assumed a right to judge what Spain Was bound to do by her '
teeaty, ahd^ judged very correctly ; but then he also assumed the
power, belonging to congress alone, of determining what should
be the effect and Consequence of her breach of engagement; Gen
eral Jackson generally perforras what fie intimates his intention to
do. Accordingly, finding St Marks yet in the hands of the
Spaniards, he seizted and occupied it Was ever, I ask, the just
confidence of the legislative body, in the assurances of the chief
magisteate, more abused? The Spanish commander intimated
his willingness that the Araerican army should take post near him,
tentil he could have instructions from his superior officer, and
promised to maintain, in the mean tirae, the raost friendly relations.
No ! St. Marks was a convenient post for the American army,
and delay was inadmissible. I have always understood that the
Indians but rarely take or defend forteesses, because they are
UtiSkiUed in the modes of attack and defence. The threat, there
fore, on their part, to seize on St. Marks, must have been empty,'
and would probably have been impossible. At all events, when
general Jackson arrived there, no danger any longer threatened the
Spaniards, frOm the miserable fugitive Indians, who fled on aU
sidiss, upon his approach. And, sir, upon what plea is this viola
tion of orders, and this act of war upon a foreign power, attempted
to be jilstified ? Upon the grounds of the conveniency of tiie
depot and the iMdian threat; The first I wiU not seriously examine

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 383
and expose. If the Spanish character of the fort had been totally
merged in the Indian character, it might have been justifiable to
seize it. But that was not the fact ; and the bare possibility of its
being forcibly talien by the Indians, could not justify our anticipat
ing their blow. Of aU the odious transactions which occurred
during the late war between France and England, none was more
condemned in Europe and in this countey, than her seizure of the
fleet of Denmark, at Copenhagen. And I lament to be obliged to
notice the analogy which exists in the defences made of the two
cases. If my recoUection does not deceive me, Bonaparte had
passed the Rhine and the Alps, had conquered Italy, the Nether
lands, Holland, Hanover, Lubec, and Hamburg, and extended his
empire as far as Altona, on the side of Denmark. A few days'
march would have carried him through Holstein, over the two
Belts, through Funen, and into the island of Zealand. What then
was the conduct of England ? It was my lot to fall into conversa
tion with an intelligent Englishman on this subject. ' We knew
(said he) that we were fighting for our existence. It was absolutely
necessary that we should preserve the command of the seas. If
the fleet of Denmark fell into the enemy's hands, combined with
his other fleets, that command might be rendered doubtful. Den
mark had only a nominal independence. She was, in teuth,
subject to his sway. We said to her, give us your fleet; it will
btherwise be taken possession of by your secret and our open
enemy. We wUl preserve it, and restore it to you whenever the
danger shaU be over. Denmark refused. Copenhagen was bom
barded, gaUantiy defended, but the fleet was seized.' Everywhere
the conduct of England was censured ; and the name even of the
negotiator who was employed by her, who was subsequentiy the
minister near this government, was scarcely ever pronounced here
without coupfing with it an epithet, indicating his participation^ in
the disgraceful transaction. And, yet we are going to sanction
acts of violence, committed by ourselves, which but too much
resemble it! What an important difference, too, between the
relative condition of England and of this countey ! She, perhaps,
was struggfing for her existence. She was combating, single-
handed, the most enormous military power that the worid has ever
known. With whom were we contending? With a few half-
starved, half-clothed, vsnretched Indians, and fugitive slaves. And,
whUst carrying on this inglorious war, inglorious as it regards
the laurels or renown won in it, we violate neuteal rights, which
the governraent had solemnly pledged itself to respect, upon the
prmdple of convenience, or upon the light presumption that, by
possibUity, a post might be taken by this miserable combination
of Indians and slaves. ^ tt i .,. . i,
On the eighth of AprU, the general writes from St Marks, that he
¦ . margh for the Suwaney river; the desteoying of the estabfish-

384 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
ments on which wiU, in his opinion, bring the war to a close.
Accordingly, having effected that object, he writes, on the twentieth
of April, that he believes he may say that the war is at an end for
the present. He repeats the same opinion in his letter to the
secretary of war, written six days after. The war being thus ended,
it might have been hoped that no further hostifities would be
committed. But on the twenty-third of May, on his way home,
he receives a letter from the coraraandant of Pensacola, intiraating
his surprise at the invasion of the Spanish territory, and the acts
of hostility performed by the Araerican army, and his determina
tion, if persisted in, to employ force to repel them. Let us pause
and examine the proceeding of the governor, so very hostUe and
affrontive in the view of general Jackson. RecoUect that he was
governor of Florida; that he had received no orders from his
superiors, to allow a passage to the American army ; that he had
heard of the reduction of St. Marks ; and that general Jackson, at
the head of his army, was approaching in the dteection of Pensa
cola. He had seen the president's message of the twenty-fifth of
March, and reminded general Jackson of it, to satisfy him that
the American government could not have authorized all those
measures. I cannot read the allusion made by the governor to that
message, without feeling that the charge of insincerity, which it
implied, had at least but too much the appearance of teuth in it
Could the governor have done less than write some such letter?
We have only to reverse situations, and to suppose him to have
been an American governor. General Jackson says, that when he
received that letter, he no longer hesitated. No, sir, he did no
longer hesitate. He received it on the twenty-thted, he was in
Pensacola on the twenty-fourth, and immediately after set himself
before the forteess of San Carlos de Barancas, which he shortiy
reduced. Veni, vidi, vici. Wonderful energy! Admteable
promptitude ! Alas, that it had not been an energy and a prompti
tude within the pale of the constitution, and according to the orders
of the chief magistrate. It is impossible to give any definition of
war, that would not comprehend these acts. It was open, undis
guised, and unauthorized hostifity.
The honorable gentieman frora Massachusetts has endeavored
to derive some authority to general Jackson from the message
of the president, and the letter of the secretary of war to governor
Bibb. The message declares, that the Spanish authorities are to be
respected wherever maintained. What the president means by
their being maintained, is explained in the orders themselves, by
the exteeme case being put of the enemy seeking shelter under a
Spanish fort If even in that case he was not to attack, certainly
he was not to attack in any case of less steength. The letter to
governor Bibb admits of a simUar explanation. When the
secretary says, in that letter, that general Jackson is fuUy empow-

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 385
ered to bring the Seminole war to a conclusion, he means that he
is so. empowered by his orders, which, being now before us, must
speak for themselves. It does not appear that general' Jackson
ever saw that letter, which was dated at this place after the capture
of St Marks. I wiU take a momentary glance at the orders. On
the second of December, 1817, general Gaines was forbidden to
cross the Florida line. Seven days after, the secretary of war
having arrived here, and infused a little more energy into our
councUs, he was authorized to use a sound discretion in crossing
or not. On the sixteenth, he was instructed again to consider
himself at liberty to cross the line, and pursue the enemy ; but,.
if he took refuge under a Spanish fortress, the fact was to be
reported to the department of loar. These orders were transmitted
to-general Jackson, and constituted, or ought to have constituted,
his guide. There was then no justification for the occupation
of Pensacola, and the attack on the Barancas, in the message of the
president, the letter to governor Bibb, or in the orders themselves.
The gentieman from Massachusetts will pardon me for saying, that
he has undertaken what even his talents are not competent to —
the maintenance of directly contradictory propositions, that it was
right in general Jackson to take Pensacola, and wrong in the
president to keep it The gentieman has made a greater mistake
than he supposes general Jackson to have done in attacking
Pensacola for an Indian town, by attempting the defence both
of the president and general Jackson. If it were right in him to
seize the place, it is impossible that it should have been right in the
president immediately to surrender it. We, sir, are the supporters
of the president We regret that we cannot support general
Jaclison also. The gentleman's liberafity is more comprehensive
than ours. I approve with all my heart of the restoration of
Pensacola. I think St. Marks ought, perhaps, to have been also
restored; but I say this with doubt and diffidence. Tfiat the
president thought the seizure of the Spanish posts was an act of
war, is manifest from his opening message, in which he says that,
to have retained them, would have changed our relations with
Spain, to do which the power of the executive was incompetent,
congress alone possessing it The president has, in this instance,
deserved weU of his countey. He has taken the only course which
he could have pursued, consistent with the constitution of the land.
And- 1 defy the gentieman to make good both his positions, that
the general was right in taking, and the president right in giving up,
the posts.
[Mr. Holmes explained. We took these posts, he said, to keep them from the
hands of the enemy, and, in restoring them, made it a condition that Spain should not
let our enemy have them. We said to her, here is your dagger ; we found it in the
hands of our enemy, and, having wrested it from hini, we restore it to you, m the
hope that you will take better care of it for the future.]

VOL. I.

49

386 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
The gentleman from Massachusfetts is teuly unfortunate ; fact or
principle is always against him. The Spanish posts were not in
the possession of the enemy. One old Indian only was found in
the Barancas, none in Pensacola, none in St Marks. There was
not even the color of a threat of Indian occupation as it regards
Pensacola and the Barancas. Pensacola was to be restored
unconditionally, and might, therefore, immediately have come into
the possession of the Indians, if they had the power and the wiU to
take it The gentleman is in a dilemma from which there is no
escape. He gave up general Jackson when he supported the
president, and gave up the president when he supported general
Jackson. I rejoice to have seen the president manifesting, by the
restoration of Pensacola, his devotedness to the constitution. When
the whole countey was ringing with plaudits for its capture, I said,
and I said alone, in the limited circle in which I moved, that the
president must surrender it ; that he could not hold it. It is not
my intention to inqutee, whether the army was or was not constitu
tionally marched into Florida. It is not a clear question, and I am
inclined to think that the express authority of congress ought to
have been asked. The gentieman from Massachusetts wiU allow
me to refer to a part of the correspondence at Ghent different from
that which he has quoted. He -will find the condition of the
Indians there accurately defined. And it is widely variant from
the gentieman's ideas on this subject The Indians, inhabiting the
United States, according to the stateirient of the American commis
sioners at Ghent, have a qualified sovereignty only, the supreme
sovereignty residing in the government of the United States.
They live under their own laws and customs, may inhabit and
hunt thete lands ; but acknowledge the protection of the United
States, and have no right to seU their lands but to the government
of the United States. Foreign powers or foreign subjects have no
right to maintain any intercourse with them, -without our permission.
They are not, therefore, independent nations, as the gentieman
supposes. Maintaining the relation described with them, we must
allo-w a simUar relation to exist between Spain and the Indians
residing within her dorainions. She must be, therefore^ regarded
as the sovereign of Florida, and we are, accordingly, teeating with
her for the purchase of it. In steictness, then, we ought first to
have demanded of her to resteain the Indians, and, that faifing, we
should have demanded a right of passage for our army. But, if
the president had the power to march an army into Florida, without
consulting Spain, and without the authority of congress, he had no
power to authorize any act of hostility against her. If the gentle
man had even succeeded in showing that an authority -was
conveyed by the executive to general Jackson to take the Spanish
posts, he would only have established that unconstitiitional orders
had been given, and thereby teansferred the disapprobation from

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 387
tiie mUitary officer to the executive. But no such orders were, in
truth, given. The president acted in conformity to the constitution,
when he forbade the attack of a Spanish fort, and when, in the
same spirit, he surrendered the posts themselves.
I wUl not teespass much longer upon the tune of the committee ;
but I trust I shall be indulged wilh some few reflections upon the
danger of permitting the conduct on which it has been my painfid
duty to animadvert, to pass without a solemn expression of the
disapprobation of this house. RecaU to your recollection the free
nations which have gone before us. Where are they now ?
' Gone glimmering through the dream of things that were,
A school-boy's tale, the wonder of an hour.'
/^And how have they lost their liberties ? If we could teansport v/,/
Sewrselves back to the ages when Greece and Rome flourished in
their greatest prosperity, and, mingling in the throng, should ask
a Grecian if he did not fear that some daring mUitary chieftain,
covered with glory, some Philip or Alexander, would one day
overthrow the liberties of his country, the confident and indignant
Grecian would exclaim, no ! no ! ¦v^^gJi^jQ^^jhmgJ.Qjearfi^SLSJiic
herQesj,_QijjJiJa^rJi^_^^ill^e etftaal. If a Roman citizenTiad been
asked, if he did not fear that the conqueror of Gaul might establish a
throne upon the ruins of public liberty, he would have instantly
repelled the unjust insinuation. Yet Greece feU ;' Csesar passed
the Rubicon, and the pateiotic arm even of Brutus could not
preserve the liberties of his devoted country! The celebrated
Madame de Stael, in her last and perhaps her best work, has said,
that in the very year, almost the very month, when the president of
the directory declared that monarchy would never more show its
frightful head in France, Bonaparte, with his grenadiers, entered
the palace of St. Cloud, and dispersing, with the bayonet, the
deputies of the people, deliberating on the affairs of the state, laid
the foundation of that vast fabric of despotism which overshadowed
all Europe, tj hope not to be misunderstood ; I am. far from inti
mating that general Jackson cherishes any designs inimical to the
fiberties of tbe country. I believe his intentions to be pure and
pateiotic. I thank God that he would not, but I thank him stUl
more that he could not if he would, overturn the liberties of the
republic^ But precedents, if bad, are fraught with the most danger
ous consequences. Man has been described, by some of those
who have teeated of his nature, as a bundle of habits. The
definition is much truer when applied to governments. ?recedems
are their habits. There is one important difference between the
formation of habits by an individual and by governments. He
QQUteacts it only after frequent repetition. A single instance fixes
the habit and determines the direction of governments. Agamst

388 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the alarming doctrine of unlimited discretion in our mUitary
commanders when applied even to prisoners of war, I must enter
my protest It begins upon them ; it wiU end on TJs.rj hope our
happy form of governraent is to be perpetual. But, if it is to be
preserved, it must be by the practice of virtue, by justice, by
moderation, by magnanimity, by greatness of soul, by keeping a
watchful and steady eye on the executive ; and, above aU, by
holdine to a steict accountabUity the mUitary branch of the pubfic
forceTjj ^We are fighting a great moral battle, for the benefit not only of
our countey, but of aU raankind. The eyes of the whole Avorld are
in fixed attention upon us>\ One, and the largest portion of it, is
gazing wUh contempt, -witn jealousy, and with envy; the other
portion, with hope, with confidence, and with affection. Every
where the black cloud of legitimacy is suspended over the world,
save only one bright spot, which breaks out from the politi
cal heraisphere of the west, to enlighten, and animate, and gladden
the human heart Obscure that, by the downfall of fiberty here,
and all mankind are enshrouded in a pall of universal darkness.
CTo you, Mr. Chateraan, belongs the high privilege of teansmitting,
unimpaired, to posterity, the fair character and liberty of our
countey. Do you expect to execute this high trust, by ti-ampling,
or suffering to be trampled down, law, justice, the constitution, and
the rights of the peoplej^by exhibiting examples of inhumanity,
and cruelty, and ambition ? When the minions of despotism
heard, in Europe, of the seizure of Pensacola, how did they
chuckle, and chide the admirers of om- institutions, tauntingly
pointing to the demonstration of a spirit of injustice and aggran
dizement made by our country, in the midst of an amicable
negotiation. Behold, said they, the conduct of those who are
constantly reproaching kings. You saw how those admirers were
astounded and hung their heads. You saw, too, when that iUus
trious man, who presides over us, adopted his pacific, moderate,
and just coui-se, how they once more lifted up their heads, with
exultation and delight beaming in their countenances. And
you saw how those minions themselves were finaUy compeUed
to unite in the general praises bestowed upon our government
Beware how you forfeit this exalted character. Beware how
you give a fatal sanction, in this infant period of our repubUc,
scarcely yet two score years old, to mUitary insubordination. Re-
meraber that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her Caesar, England
her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and that if we would escape
the rock on which they split, we must avoid their errors.
How different has been the treatraent of general Jackson, and
that modest, but heroic young man, a native of one of. the smallest
states in the union, who achieved for his countey, on lake Erie,
one of the most glorious victories of the late war. In a moment

ON THE SEMINOLE WAR. 389
of passion, he forgot himself, and offered an act of violence which
was repented of as soon as perpeteated. He was teied, and
suffered the judgment to be pronounced by his peers. Public
justice was thought not even then to be satisfied. The press and
congress took up the subject My honorable friend from Virginia
(Mr. Johnson), the faithful and consistent sentinel of the law and
of the constitution, disapproved in that instance, as he does in this,
and moved an inquiry. The pubfic mind remained agitated and
unappeased, untU the recent atonement so honorably made by the
gaUant commodore. And is there to be a distinction between the
officers of the two branches of the public service? Are former
services, however eminent, to preclude even inquiry into recent
misconduct? Is there to be no limit, no prudential bounds to the
national gratitude? I am not disposed to censure the president
for not ordering a court of inquiry, or a general court-martial.
Perhaps, impelled by a sense of gratitude, he determined, by
anticipation, to extend to the general that pardon which he had the
undoubted right to grant after sentence. Let us not shrink from
our duty. Let us assert our constitutional powers, and vindicate
the instrument from military violation.
I hope gentlemen will dehberately survey the awful isthmus on
which we stand. They may bear down all opposition ; they may
even vote the general the public thanks ; they may carry him
teiumphantly through this house. But, if they do, in my humble
judgment, it will be a teiumph of the principle of insubordination,
a teiumph of the military over the civU authority, a triumph over
the powers of this house, a triumph over the constitution of the
Mnd. And I pray most devoutly to Heaven, that it may not prove,
in its ultimate effects and consequences, a triumph over the liberties
of the people.

ON SOUTH AMEEICAN AFEAIES.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 9, 1819.

[The house being in committee of the whole, on the bill to increase ijhe salaries
of certain officers of government, Mr. Clay rose and said :]
It had been his settled intention to renew, pending this biU, the
proposition which he had the honor of submitting at the last
session, having for its object the recognition of the independence
of the United Provinces of South America. He was resteained
from executing that intention, by two considerations ; one was his
personal indisposition, but another and more important one, was,
the smaU portion of the session yet remaining, to transact the
pubhc business. Whilst he was up, he would say, that so far
from his opinions, expressed on the former occasion, having under
gone any change, they had been steengthened and confirmed, by
all the occurrences which had subsequently taken place. He had
been anxious, if time had permitted, to exarnine what appeared to
him very exceptionable reasons assigned for declining to recognise
our sister republic, in a paper entitied to the most profound respect,
the message of the president at the opening of congress. He was
desirous, also, of noticing the still more exceptionable grounds
taken in a paper recentiy teansmitted to the house, from the depart
ment of state (it ought to be laid on our table ; why it was not, he
did not know ; he hoped our worthy clerk would, in his future
conteact for the public printing, guard against the delay to which
we have so often been subjected). From that paper it appeared,
that even a consul could not be received from the southern republic,
because the gi-ant of an exequator implied recognition! We
receive her flag, we admit her commerce, and yet refuse the
consular protection which that flag and commerce necessarily
drew with them! But to submit his proposition, would be to
occasion, perhaps, a proti-acted debate. And considering the few
days yet left us, the pressing and urgent, though not more impor
tant business yet to be done, he should not hold himself excusable
to the house and to the countey, after having himself so materiaUy
conteibuted to the consumption of time in debate, if he were even

ON SOUTH AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 391
the unintentional insteument of preventing the passage of what
might be thought essential laws. He would like exceedingly to
contrast the objections urged against the reception of the Venezue-
lean minister, with the more forcible and stronger personal ones
that lay to the present Spanish minister. But deep as the interest
which he heretofore had felt and still felt, in the success of that
great steuggle to the south, he must, for the reasons assigned,
forbear to press any proposition upon the house, at present. Should
it be necessary at another session, and should he have the honor
of a seat on this floor then, he pledged himself to bring up the
subject, unless adverse causes should render it highly inexpedient.

ON THE SPANISH TEEATY.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 3, 1820.

[A PERUSAL of this speech will be always gratifying and instructive, to all who
would wish to be well informed in the political history of the United States. While
it shows, in a striking manner, the foresight and sagacity of Mr. Clay, as an American
statesman, it contains facts of much importance with regard to the settlement of the
southern boundaries of the United States and the acquisition of Florida. It will be
seen, that Mr. Clay disapproved of the treaty between this country and Spain, made
in 1819, by the administration of Mr. Munroe, for reasons stated in this speech, which
was made before the treaty was ratified by Spain. His principal objection to the
treaty appears to have been, that it relinquished our claim to Texas, which territory
Mr. Clay considered of much greater value to us than Florida. The settlement of
these questions, by the subsequent ratification - of the treaty, in October, 1820, by
which we relinquished Texas and acquired Florida, does not diminish the value of
this record of Mr. Clay's views on a subject, which has increased in importance since
the independence of both Mexico and Texas has been established.]

The house ha-ving resolved itself into a committee of the whole,
on the state of the union, and the foUowing resolutions, submitted
some days ago by Mr. Clay (the speaker) being under consider
ation: Ftest, resolved, that the constitution of the United States vests
in congress the power to dispose of the territory belonging to them;
and that no teeaty, purporting to alienate any portion thereof, is
valid without the concurrence of congress :
Second, resolved, that the equivalent proposed to be given by
Spain to the United States in the teeaty concluded between thera,
on the twenty-second of February, 1819, for that part of Louisiana
lying west of the Sabine, was inadequate ; and that it would be
inexpedient to make a teansfer thereof to any foreign power, or to
renew the aforesaid teeaty :
Mr. Clay said, that, whUst he felt very grateful to the house for
the prompt and respectful manner in which they had aUowed him
to enter upon the discussion of the resolutions which he had the
honor of submitting to their notice, he must at the same time
frankly say, that he thought their character and consideration, in
the councUs of this countey, were concerned in not letting the
present session pass off -without defiberating upon our affairs with

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 393
Sr^xioS wSf tf !? \'i P"'""'^' "^^^^^'^ °f ^°"g^^^^' it h-d been
his anxious wish to be able to concur witfi the Executive branch
of he government in the measures which it might conceive iS
called upon to recommend on that subject, fo? two reasoni of
which the first, relating personaUy to himself, he would not tiouWe
the committee with fm-ther no'ticing The other was 2 it
^TTnf,^ '"" '° ^" ^^^y^ '^^^^'^'*^' ^ ^^^P^^t t° *; foreign
action of this government, that there should be a perfect coincidence
in opinion between its several coordinate branches. In time of
peace, however. It might be allowable, to those who are charged
with the pubfic interests, to entertain and express thete respective
views, although there might be some discordance between them.
fii a season of war there should be no division in the pubfic
councUs ; but a united and vigorous exertion to bring the war to
an honorable conclusion. For his part, whenever that calamity
may befall his country, he would entertain but one wish, and that
IS, that success might crown our steuggle, and the wai- be honorably
and gloriously terminated. He would never refuse to share in the
joys incident to the victory of our arms, nor to partidpate in the
gnds of defeat and discomfiture. He conceded entteely in the
sentiment once expressed by that iUusteious hero, whose recent
melancholy faU we aU so sincerely deplore, that fortune may attend
our country in whatever war it may be involved.
There are two systems of policy, he said, of which our govern
ment had had the choice. The first was, by appeafing to the
justice and affections of Spain, to employ all those persuasives
which could arise out of our abstinence from any dteect countenance
to the cause of South America, and the observance of a strict
neuteality. The other was, by appealing to her justice also, and to
her fears, to prevail upon her to redress the injuries of which we
complain — her fears by a recognition of the independent govern
ments of South America, and leaving her in a state of uncertainty
as to the further step we might take in respect to those governments.
The unratified teeaty was the result of the first system. It could
not be positively affirmed, what effect the other system would have
produced ; but he verily believed that, whilst it rendered justice to
those governments, and would have better comported with that
magnanimous policy which ought to have characterized our own,
it would have more successfully tended to an amicable and
satisfactory arrangement of our differences with Spain.
The first system has so far failed. At the commencement of the
session, the president recommended an enforcement of the provis
ions of the teeaty. After three months' defiberation, the committee
of foreign affairs, not being able to concur with him, has made us
a report, recommending the seizure of Florida in the nature of a
reprisal. Now the president recommends our postponement of the
subject until the next session. It had been his intention, whenever
VOL. I. 50

394: SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the committee of foreign affairs should engage the house to act
upon their bill, to offer, as a substitute for it, the system which he
thought it became this country to adopt, of which the occupation of
Texas, as our own, would have been a part, and the recognition of
the independent governments of South America another. If he
did not now bring forward this system, it was because the committee
proposed to withdraw thete bill, and because he knew too much
pf the temper of the house and of the executive, to think that it
was advisable to bring it forward. He hoped that some suitable
opportunity might occur during the session, for considerteig the
propriety of recognising the independent governments of South
America. Whatever he might think of the discretion which was evinced in
recoraraending the postponeraent of the biU of the committee of
foreign relations, he could not think that the reasons, assigned by
the president for that recommendation, were entitied to the weight
which he had given them. He thought the house was called upon,
by a high sense of duty, seriously to animadvert upon some of
those reasons. He believed it was the first example, in the annals
of the countey, in which a course of policy, respecting one foreign
power, which we must suppose had been deliberately considered,
has been recommended to be abandoned, in a domestic communi
cation from one to another coordinate branch of the government.
Upon the avowed ground of the interposition of foreign powers.
And what is the nature of this interposition ? It is evinced by a
cargo of scraps, gathered up frora this charge d'affaires, and that;
of loose conversations held with this foreign minister, and
that — perhaps mere levee conversations, without a commitment in
•writing, in a solitary, instance, of any of the foreign parties
concerned, except only" in the case of his imperial majesty; and
what was the character of his commitraent we shall preseritiy see.
But, he must enter his solemn protest against this and every other
species of foreign interference in our matters with Spain. What
have they to do with them? Would they not repel as officious
and insulting intrusion, any interference on our part in their concerns
with foreign states ? Would his imperial majesty have fistened
with complacency, to our remonstrances against the vast acquisi
tions which he has recentiy made? He has lately crammed his
enormous maw with Finland, and with the spoUs of Poland, and,
whUst the difficult process of digestion is going on, he throws
himself upon a couch, and cries out, don't, don't disturb my
repose. He charges his minister here to plead the cause of peace and
concord! The Anierican 'government is too enfightened' (ah!
sir, how sweet this unction is, which is poured down our backs,)
to take hasty steps. And his imperial majesty's minister here is
required to engage (Mr. Clay ,said, he hoped the original expression

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 395
was less steong, but he befieved the French word engager bore the
same meaning,) 'the American government,' &c.- ' Nevertheless
the emperor does not interpose in this discussion.' No! not he'
He makes above aU 'no pretension to exercise influence in the
councils of a foreign power.' Not the shghtest And yet, at the
very instant when he is protesting against the imputation of this
influence, his interposition is proving effectual! His imperial
majesty has at least manifested so far, in this particular, his
capacity to govern his emptee, by the selection of a sagadous
minister. For if count Nesselrode had never written another
¦paragraph, the exteact from his despatch to Mr. Poletiea, which
¦has been teansmitted to this house, wiU demonsteate that he merited
the confidence of his master. It is quite refreshing to read such
state papers, after perusing those (he was sorry to say it, he wished
there was a veil broad and thick enough to conceal them for ever,)
which this treaty had produced on the part of our government
¦ Conversations between my lord Castiereagh and our minister at
London had also been communicated to this house. Nothing
from the hand of his lordship is produced; no! he does not
commit himself in that way. The sense in which our minister
understood him, and the purport of certain parts of despatches
from the British government to its minister at Madrid, which he
deigned to read to our minister, are alone communicated to us.
Now we know very weU how diplomatists, when it is their
pleasure to do so, can wrap themselves up in mystery. , No man
more than my lord Castiereagh, who is • also an able minister,
possessing much greater talents than are allowed to him generaUy
in this country, can successfully express himself in ambiguous
language, when he chooses to employ it. .He recoUected himself
once to have witnessed this facility, on the part of his lordship.
The case was this. When Bonaparte made his escape from Elba,
and invaded France, a great part of Europe believed it was with
the connivance of the British ministry. The opposition charged
them, in parliament, with it, and they were interrogated, to know
what measures of precaution they had taken against such an event
Lord Castlereagh replied by stating, that there was an understand
ing with a certain naval officer of high rank, commanding in the
adjacent seas, that he was to act on certain contingences. Now,
Mr. Chairman, if you can make any thing intelligible out of this
reply, you wUl have much more success than the English opposi
tion had.
The aUowance of interference by foreign powers in the affairs
of our government, not pertaining to themselves, is against the
councUs of all our wisest politicians — those of Washington,
Jefferson, and he would also add those of the present chief magis
trate ; for, pending this very Spanish negotiation, the offer of
the mediation of foreign states was declined, upon the teue ground,

396 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAV.
that Europe had her system, and we ours; and that it was not
compatible -with our policy to entangle ourselves in the labyrinths
of hers. But a mediation is far preferable to the species of inter
ference on which it had been his reluctant duty to comment. The
mediator is a judge, placed on high ; his conscience his guide, the
world his spectators, and posterity his judge. His position is
one, therefore, of the greatest responsibility. But what respon-
sibiUty is attached to this sort of irregular, drawing-room, intriguing
interposition ? He could see no motive for governing or uifluenc-
ing our policy, in regard to Spain, furnished in any of the
communications which respected the disposition of foreign powers.
He regretted, for his part, that they had at all been consulted.
There was nothing in the character of the power of Spain, nothing
in the beneficial nature of the stipulations of the teeaty to us, which
warranted us in seeldng the aid of foreign powers, if in any case
whatever that aid were desirable. He was far from saying that,
in the foreign action of this government, it might not be pradent
to keep a watchful eye upon the probable conduct of foreign
powers. That might be a material circumstance to be taken into
consideration. But he never would avow to our own people, never
promulgate to foreign powers, that their wishes and interference
were the conti-olling cause of our policy. Such promulgation
would lead to the most alarming consequences. It was to invite
further interposition. It might, in process of time, create in the
bosom of our country a Russian faction, a British faction, a French
faction. Every nation ought to be jealous of this species of inter
ference, whatever was its form of government. But of all forms of
government the united testimony of aU history, admonished a
republic to be most guarded against it From the moment Phihp
. intermeddled with the affates of Greece, the fiberty of Greece was
doomed to inevitable desti-uction.
Suppose, said Mr. Clay, we could see the communications which
have passed between his imperial majesty and the British govern
ment, respectively, and Spain, in regard to the United States ; what
do you imagine would be their character ? Do you suppose the same
language has been held to Spain and to us ? Do you not, on the
contrary, believe that sentiments have been expressed to her, consol
ing to her pride ? That we have been represented, perhaps as an
ambitious republic, seeking to aggrandize ourselves at her expense ?
In the other ground taken by the president, the present disteessed
condition of Spain, for his recomraendation of forbearance to act
during the present session, he was also sorry to say, that it did not
appear to him to be solid. He could wefi conceive, how the weak
ness of your aggressor might, when he was withholding from you
justice, form a motive for your pressing your equitable demands
upon him ; but he could not accord in the -wisdom of that policy
which would wait his recovery of steength, so as to enable hi™

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 397
SuccessfuUy to resist those demands. Nor would it comport with
the practice of our government heretofore. Did we not, in 1811,
when the present monarch of Spain was an ignoble captive, and
the people of the peninsula were contending for the inestimable
privUege of self-government, seize and occupy that part of Louis
iana which is situated between the Mississippi and the Perdido ?
What must the people of Spain think of that policy which would
not spare them, and which commiserates alone an unworthy prince,
who ignominiously surrendered himself to his enemy; a vUe
despot, of whom I cannot speak in appropriate language, without
departing from the respect due to this house or to myself? What
must the people of South America think of this sympathy for
Ferdinand, at a moment when they, as well as the people of the
peninsula, themselves, (if we are to believe the late accounts, and
God send that they may be ti-ue,) are struggling for liberty ?
Again: when we declared our late just war against Great
Britain, did we wait for a moment when she was free from embar
rassment or disteess; or did we not rather wisely select a period
when there was the greatest probability of giving success to our
arms ? What was the .complaint in England ; what the language
of faction here ? Was it not, that we had cruelly proclaimed the
war at a time when she was steuggfing for the liberties of the
world ? How teuly, let the sequel and the voice of impartial
history teU.
• Whilst he could not, therefore, persuade himself, that the reasons
assigned by the president for postponing the subject of our Spanish
affates untU another session, were entitied to aU the weight which
he seemed to think belonged to them, he did not, nevertheless,
regret that the particular project recommended by the committee
of foreign relations was thus to be disposed of; for it was war —
war, attempted to be disguised. And if -we went to war, he
thouo-ht it should have no other limit than indemnity for the past,
and ''security for the future. He had no idea of the wisdom of
that measure of hostility which would bind us, whdst the other
party is left free. . .
Before he proceeded to consider the particular propositions which
the resolutions contained, which he had had the honor of submit
ting, it was material to determine the actual posture of our relations
to Spain He considered it too clear to need discussion, that the
treaty was at an end; that it contained, in its present state, no
obligation whatever upon us, and no obfigation whatever on he
part'of Spain. It was, as if it had never been. We are remtt ed
back to the sfate of our rights and our demands which existed
prior to the conclusion of the teeaty, with this only difference, that,
instead of being merged in, or weakened by the teeaty, they had
tqW aU X^dditional force which ^e intervening time and
the faithlessness of Spain, can communicate to them, btanding

398 . SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
on this position, he should not deem it necessary to interfere with
the teeaty-making power, if a fixed and persevering purpose had
not been indicated by it, to obtain the revival of the teeaty. Now
he thought it a bad ti-eaty. The interest of the countey, as it
appeared to him, forbade its renewal. Being gone, it was perfectiy
incomprehensible to him, why so much solicitude was manifested
to restore it. Yet it is clung to with the same sort of frantic affec
tion with which the bereaved mother hugs her dead infant, in the
vain hope of bringing it back to life.
Has the house of representatives a right to express its opinion
upon the arrangement raade in that treaty? The president, by
asking congress to carry it into effect, has given us jurisdiction of
the subject, if we had it not before. We derive from that circum
stance the right to consider, first, if there be a teeaty ; secondly, if
we ought to carry it into effect ; and, thtedly, if there be no teeaty,
whether it be expedient to assert our rights, independent of the
teeaty. It will not be contended that we are resteicted to that
specific mode of redress which the president intimated in his
opening message.
The first resolution which he had presented, asserted, that the
constitution vests in the congress of the United States the power to
dispose of the territory belonging to them ; and that no treaty,
purporting to alienate any portion thereof, is valid, -without the
concurrence of congress.* It was far from his -wish to renew at
large a discussion of the teeaty-raaking power. The constitution
of the United States had not defined the precise liraits of that
power, because, from the nature of it, they could not be prescribed.
It appeared to him, however, that no safe American statesman
would assign to it a boundless scope. He presumed, for example,
that it would not be contended that in a government which was
itself limited, there was a functionary without limit. The first
great bound to the power in question, he apprehended, was, that
no teeaty could constitutionally teanscend the very objects and
purposes of the government itself. He thought, also, that wherever
there were specific grants of powers to congress, they limited and
conteoUed, or, he would rather say, modified the exercise of the
general grant of the treaty-making power, upon the principle which
was famifiar to every one. He did not insist, that the treaty-making
power could not act upon the subjects committed to the charge, of
congress ; he merely contended that the concurrence of congress, in
its action upon those subjects, was necessary. Nor would he insist,
that the concurrence should precede that action. It would be
always raost desirable that it should precede it, if convenient, to
guard against the coraiuitraent of congress, on the one hand, by
^ * The proposition which it asserts was, he thought, sufficiently maintained by
barely reading the clause in the constitution on which it rests : ' the congress shall
have power to dispose, &c. the territory or other property belonging to the United
States.'

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 399
the executive, or on the other, what might seem to be a violation
of the faith of the countey, pledged for the ratification of the treaty.
But he vvas perfectiy aware, that it would be very often highly
inconvenient to deliberate, in a body so numerous as congress, on
the nature of those terms on which it might be proper to treat with
foreign powers. In the view of tbe subject which he had been
taking, there was a much higher dpgree of security to the interests
of this countey. For, with aU respect to the president and senate,
it could not disparage the wisdom of their councils, to add to that
of this house also. But, if the concurrence of this house be not
necessary in the cases asserted, if there be no restriction upon the
power he was considering, it might draw to itself and absorb the
whole of the powers of government. To contract aUiances ; to
stipulate for raising troops to be employed in a common war about
to be waged ; to grant subsidies ; even to introduce foreign teoops
within the bosom of the country ; were not unfrequent instances of
the exercise of this power ; and if, in all such cases, the honor and
faith of the nation were committed, by the exclusive act of the
president and senate, the melancholy duty alone might be left to
congress of recording the ruin of the republic*
¦ Supposing, however, that no teeaty, which undertakes to dispose
of the territory of the United States, is valid, without the concurrence
of congress, it may be contended, that such teeaty may constitution
ally fix the limits of the territory of the United States, where they
are disputed, without the cooperation of congress. He admitted it,
when the fixation of the limits simply was the object As in the
case of the river St Croix, or the more recent stipulation in the teeaty
of Ghent, or in that of the teeaty of Spain in 1795. In all these cases,
the ti-eaty-making power merely reduces to certainty that which
was before unascertained. It announces the fact ; it proclaims, in a
tangible form, the existence of the boundary. It does not make a
new boundary ; it asserts only where the old boundary was. But
it cannot, under color of fixing a boundary previously existing,
though not in fact marked, undertake to cede away, without the
concurrence of congress, whole provinces. If the subject be one of
a mixed character, if it consists partiy of cession, and partly of the
fixation of a prior limit, he contended that the president must come
here for the consent of congress. But in the Florida treaty it was
not pretended that the object was simply a declaration of where the
western limit of Louisiana was. It was, on the conti-ary, the case
* The house of representatives has uniformly maintained its right to deliberate
upon those treaties, in which their cooperation was asked by the executive. In the
first case that occurred in the operation of our government, that of the treaty commonly
called Mr. Jay's treaty, after general Washington refused to communicate his instruc
tions to that minister, the house asserted its rights, by fifty odd votes to thuty odd.
Inthe last case that occurred, the convention in 1815 with Great Britain, although it
passed oif upon what was called a compromise, this house substantially obtained its
object ; for, if that convention operated as a repeal of the laws with which it was
incompatible, the act which passed was altogether unnecessary.

400 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
of an avowed cession of territory from the United States to Spain.
The whole of the correspondence manifested that the respective
parties to the negotiation were not engaged iSO much In an inquiry
where the limit of Louisiana was, as that they were exchanging
overtures as to where it should be. Hence, we find various fimits
proposed and discussed. At one time the Mississippi is proposed;
then the Missouri ; then a river discharging itself into the gulf east
of the Sabine. A vast desert is proposed to separate the territories
of the two powers ; and finaUy the Sabine, which neither of the
parties had ever contended was the ancient limit of Louisiana, is
adopted, and the boundary is extended from its source by a line
perfectiy new and arbitrary ; and the teeaty itself proclaims its
purpose to be a cession from the United States to Spain.
The second resolution comprehended three propositions; the
first of which was, that the equivalent granted by Spain to the
United States, for the province of Texas, was inadequate. To
determine this, it was necessary to estimate the value of what
we gave, and of what we received. This involved an inquiry into
our claim to Texas. It was not his purpose to enter at large into
this subject. He presumed the spectacle would not be presented
of questioning, in this branch of the government, our title to
Texas, which had been constantiy maintained by the executive for
more than fifteen years past, under three several administeations.
He was, at the same time, ready and prepared to make out our
titie, if any one in the house were fearless enough to conteovert it.
He would, for the present, briefly state, that the man who is most
faraUiar with the transactions of this government, who largely
participated in the formation of our constitution, and all that has
been done under it, who, besides the eminent services that he has
rendered his countey, principaUy contributed to the acquisition of
Louisiana, who must be supposed, from his various opportunities,
best to know its limits, declared, fifteen years ago, that our titie to
the Rio del Norte was as well founded as it was to the island of
New Orleans. [Here Mr. Clay read an extract from a memote
presented in 1805, by Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinckney, to Mr.
Cevallos, proving that the boundary of Louisiana extended east
ward to the Perdido, and westward to the Rio del Norte, in which
they say, ' the facts and principles which justify this conclusion,
are so satisfactory to their government as to convince it, that the
United States have not a better right to the island of New Orleans,
under the cession referred to, than they have to the whole disteict of
territory thus described.'] The titie to the Perdido on the one side,,
and to the Rio del Norte on the other, rested on the same principle
— the priority of discovery and of occupation by France. Spam
had first discovered and made an establishment at Pensacola;
France at Dauphine island, in the bay of Mobile. The interme
diate space was unoccupied ; and the principle observed among
European nations having contiguous settiements, being, that the

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 401,
unoccupied space between them should be equally divided, was
appfied to it, and the Perdido thus became the common boundary.
So, west of the Mississippi, La SaUe, acting under France, in
1682 or 3, first discovered that river. In 1685, he made an estab-
lishnient on the bay of St Bernard, west of the Colorado, emptying
into it. The nearest Spanish settiement was Panuco ; and the
Rio del Norte, about the midway fine, became the common boun
dary. AU the accounts concurred in representing Texas to be exti-emely
valuable. Its superficial extent was three or four times greater
than that of Florida. The cfimate was delicious ; the soU fertUe ;
the margins of the rivers abounding in live oak ; and the coun
tey admitting of easy settiement. It possessed, moreover, if he
were not misinformed, one of the finest ports in the Gulf of
Mexico. The productions of which it was capable were suited to
our wants. The unfortunate captive of St Helena wished for
ships, commerce, and colonies. We have them all, if we do not
wantonly throw them away. The colonies of other counteies are
separated from them by vast seas, requiring great expense to
protect them, and are held subject to a constant risk of thete being
torn from their grasp. Our colonies, on the conteary, are united to
and form a part of our continent ; and the same Mississippi, from
whose rich deposit the best of them (Louisiana) has been formed,
wiU transport on her bosom the brave, the pateiotic men from her
teibutary steeams, to defend and preserve the next most valuable,
the province of Texas.
We wanted Florida, or rather we shall want it ; or, to speak
more correctly, we want no body else to have it We do not desire
it for immediate use. It fills a space in our imagination, and we
wish it to complete the arrondissement of our territory. It must
certainly come to us. The ripened fruit will not more surely fall.
Florida is enclosed in between Alabama and Georgia, and cannot
escape. Texas may. Whether we get Florida now, or some five"
or ten years hence, it is of no consequence, provided no other
power gets it ; and if any other power should attempt to take it,
an existing act of congress authorizes the president to prevent it
He Was not disposed to disparage Florida, but its inteinsic value
was incomparably less than that of Texas. Almost its sole value^
was;mifitary. The possession of it would undoubtedly communi
cate some additional security to Louisiana, and to the American
commerce in the Gulf of Mexico But it was not very essential
to have it for protection to Georgia and Alabama. There could
be no attack upon either of them, by a foreign power, on the side
ofiFlorida. It now covered those states. Annexed to the United
States, and we should have to extend our line of defence so as to
embrace Florida. , Far from being, therefore, a source of immediate
profit, it woul4 be the occasion of considerable immediate expense.
VOL. I. 51

402 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
The acquisition of it was certainly a fair object of our poficy ; and
ought never to be lost sight of It is even a laudable ambition, in
any chief magisteate, to endeavor to illusteate the epoch of his
administeation, by such an acquisition. It was less necessary,
however, to fill the measure of honors of the present chief magis
teate, than that of any other man, in consequence of the large share
which he had in obtaining all Louisiana. But, whoever may
deserve the renown which may attend the incorporation of Florida
into our confederacy, it is our business, as the representatives of
that people who are to pay the price of it, to take care, as far as we
constitutionally can, that too much is not given. He would not
give Texas for Florida in a naked exchange. We were bound by
the teeaty to give not merely Texas, but five mUlions of doUars,
also, and the excess beyond that sum of all our claims upon Spain,
which have been variously estimated at from fifteen to twenty
millions of doUars !
The public is not generally apprized of another large consideration
which passed frora us to Spain ; if an interpretation which he had
heard given to the treaty were just ; and it certainly was plausible.
Subsequent to the teansfer, but before the delivery of Louisiana
from Spain to France, the then governor of New Orleans (he
believed his name was Gayoso) made a number of concessions,
upon the payment of an inconsiderable pecuniary consideration,
amounting to between nine hundred thousand and a miUion acres
of land, similar to those recentiy made at Madrid to the royal
favorites. This land is situated in Feficiana, and between the
Mississippi and the Amite, in the present state of Louisiana. It
was granted to persons who possessed the very best information
of the countey, and is no doubt, therefore, the choice land. The
United States have never recognised, but have constantly denied
the validity of these concessions. It is contended by the parties
concerned, that they are confirmed by the late teeaty. By tbe
second article his catholic majesty cedes to the United States, in
full property and sovereignty, all the territories which belong to
him, situated to the eastward of the Mississippi, known by the
name of East and West Florida. And by the eighth article, all
grants of land made before the twenty-fourth of January, 1818, by
his catholic majesty, or by his lawful authorities, shaU be ratified
and confirmed, &c. Now, the gi-ants in question having been
made long prior to that day, are supposed to be confirmed. He
understood from a person interested, that don Onis had assured
him it was his intention to confirm thera. Whether the American
negotiator had the same intention or not, he did not know. It
wUl not be pretended, that the letter of Mr. Adams, of the twelfth
of March, 1818, in which he decfines to teeat any further with
respect to any part of the territory included within the Umits of the
state of Louisiana, can conteol the operation of the subsequeHt
treaty. That teeaty must be interpreted by what is in it, and not

ON THE SPANISH TREATY. 403
by what is out of it The overtures which passed between the
parties respectively, prior to the conclusion of the teeaty, can neither
resteict nor enlarge its meaning. Moreover, when Mr. Madison
occupied, in 1811, the countiry between the Mississippi and the
Perdido, he declared, that in our hands it should be, as it has been,
subject to negotiation.
It results, then, that we have given for Florida, charged and
incumbered as it is,
Firfet, unincumbered Texas ;
Secondly, five miUions of dollars ;
Thirdly, a surrender of aU our claims upon Spain, not included
fii that five mUfions ; and.
Fourthly, if the interpretation of the teeaty which he had stated
were weU founded, about a milUon of acres of the best unseated
land in the state of Louisiana, worth perhaps ten miUions of
doU-ars. The first proposition contained in the second resolution, was
thus, he thoi:^ght, fully sustained. The next was, that it was inex
pedient to cede Texas to any foreign power. They constituted, in
his opinion, a sacred inheritance of posterity, which we ought to
preserve unimpaired. He wished it was, if it'were not, a funda
mental and inviolable law of the land, that they should be
inalienable to any foreign power. It was quite evident, that it
was in the order of providence ; that it was an inevitable result of
the principle of population, that the whole of this continent,
including Texas, was to be peopled in process of time. The
question was, by whose race shall it be peopled ? la our hands it
wiU be ' peopled by freemen, and the sons of freemen, carrying
with them our language, our laws, and our fiberties ; establishing,
on the prairies of Texas, temples dedicated to the simple, and
devout modes of worship of God, incident to our religion, and
temples dedicated to that freedom which we adore next to Him.
In the hands of others, it may become the habitation of despotism
and of slaves, subject to the vile dominion of the inquisition and
of superstition. He knew that there were honest and enlightened
men, who feared that our confederacy was aheady too large, and
that there was danger of disruption, arising out of the want of
reciprocal coherence between its several parts. He hoped and
befieved, that the principle of representation, and the formation of
states, would preserve us a united people. But if Texas, after
being peopled by us, and grappfing with us, should, at some distant
day, break off, she wiU carry along with her a noble crew, consist
ing of our chUdren's chUdren. The difference between those who
might be disinclined to its annexation to our confederacy, and him,
was, that their system began where his might, possibly, in some
distant future day, terminate; and their's began with a foreign
race, afiens to every thing that we hold dear, and his .ended with a
race partaking of all our quafities.

404 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
The last proposition which the second resolution affirms, is, that
it is inexpedient to renew the teeaty. If Spain had promptly
ratified it bad as it is, he would have acquiesced in it. After the
proteacted negotiation which it terminated ; after the irritating and
exasperating correspondence which preceded it, he would have
taken the teeaty as a man who has passed a long and restiess
night, turning and tossing in his bed, snatches at day an hour's
disturbed repose. But she would not ratify it; she would not
consent to be bound by it ; and she has liberated us from it Is it
wise to renew the negotiation, if it is to be recomraenced, by
announcing to her at once our ultimatura ? Shall we not give
her the vantage ground ? In early life he had sometimes indulged
in a species of amusement, which years and experience had
determined him to renounce, -which, if the committee would allow
hira to use it, furnished hira with a figure — shall we enter on the
game, with our hand exposed to the adversary, whilst he shufiles
the cards to acquire more steength ? What has lost us his ratifica
tion of the teeaty ? Incontestably, our iraportunity to procure the
ratification, and the hopes which that iraportunity inspteed, that he
could yet obtain more from us. Let us undeceive him. Let us
proclaim the acknowledged truth, that the treaty is prejudicial to
the interests of this countey. Are we not told, by the secretary of
state, in the bold and confident assertion, that don Onis was
authorized to grant us much more, and that Spain dare not deny
his insteuctions? The line of demarcation is far within his limits?
If she would have then granted us more, is her position now more
favorable to her in the negotiation? In our relations to foreign
powers, it may be sometimes politic to sacrifice a portion of our
rights to secure the residue. But is Spain such a power, as that it
becomes us to sacrifice those rights ? Is she entitied to it by her
justice, by her observance of good faith, or by her possible annoy
ance of us in the event of war ? She will seek, as she has sought,
procrastination in the negotiation, taking the treaty as the basis.
She will dare to offend us, as she has insulted us, by asking the
disgraceful stipulation, that we shall not recognise the pateiots.
Let us put aside the ti-eaty ; teU her to grant us our rights, to their
uttermost extent And if she still palters, let us assert those rights
by whatever measures it is for the interest of our countey to adopt
If the teeaty were abandoned ; if we were not on the conteary
signified, too distinctiy, that there was to be a continued and unre
mitting endeavor to obtain its revival; he would not think it
advisable for this house to interpose. But, -with all the information
in our possession, and holding the opinions which he entertained,
he thought it the bounden duty of the house to adopt, the resolu
tions. He had acquitted himself of what he deemed a solemn
duty, in bringing up the subject. Others would discharge theiir's,
aicoording to their own sense of them.

ON THE PEOTECTION OE HOME INDUSTRY.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 26, 1820.

[ On the twenty-second of March, Mr. Baldwin, of Pennsylvania, from the com
mittee on manufactures, reported a tariif bill, embracing provisions of great importance,
particularly as a measure of protection to home industry, and the same being under
consideration in committee of the whole, Mr. Clay (speaker) renewed his efforts in
support of the American system, in the following speech. The bill passed the house
by a vote of ninety to sixty-nine, but was postponed in the senate twenty-two to
twenty-one. ]

Mr. Chairman,
Whatever may be the value of my opinions on the interesting
subject now before us, they have not been hastily formed. It may
'possibly be recollected by some gentlemen, that I expressed them
when the existing tariff was adopted ; and that I then urged, that
the period of the termination of the war, during which the manu
facturing industry of the country had received a powerful spring,
was precisely that period ^when governraent was alUce irapelled, by
duty and interest, to protect it against the free admission of foreign
fabrics, consequent upon a state of peace. I insisted, on that
occasion, that a less measure of protection would prove more
efficacious, at that time, than one of greater extent at a future day.
My wishes prevailed only in part ; and we are now caUed upon to
decide whether we wiU correct the error which, I think, we then
committed. In considering the subject, the first important inquiry that we
should make is, whether it be desirable that such a portion of the
capteal and labor of the countey should be employed in the busi
ness of manufacturing, as would furnish a supply of our necessary
wants? Since the first colonization of America, the principal
dteection of the labor and capital of the inhabitants, has been to
produce raw materials for the consumption or fabrication of foreign
nations. We have always had, in great abundance, the means of
subsistence, but we have derived chiefly frora other counteies our
clothes, and the insti-uments of defence. Except during those
interruptions of commerce arising firom a state of war, or from
measures adopted for vindicating our commerdal rights, we have

406 speeches of henry clay.
experienced no very great inconvenience heretofore from this mode
of supply. The limited amount of our surplus produce, resulting
from the smaUness of our numbers, and the long and arduous
convulsions of Europe, secured us good markets for that surplus
in her ports, or those of her colonies. But those convulsions have
now ceased, and our population has reached nearly ten mUlions.
A new epoch has arisen ; and it becomes us deliberately to con
template our own actual condition, and the relations which are
fikely to exist between us and the other parts of the world. The
actual state of our population, and the ratio of its progressive
increase, when compared with the ratio of the increase of the
population of the countries which have hitherto consumed our raw
produce, seem, to rae, alone to demonstrate the necessity of divert
ing some portion of our industey frora its accustomed channel. We
double our population in about the term of twenty-five years. If
there be no change in the mode of exerting our industey, we shaU
double, during the sarae term, the amount of our exportable
produce. Europe, including such of her colonies as we have free
access to, taken altogether, does not duplicate her population in a
shorter term, probably, than one hundred years. The ratio of the
increase of her capacity of consumption, therefore, is, to that of
our capacity of production, as one is to four. And it is manifest, ,
frora the simple exhibition of the powers of the consuming '
counteies, compared with those of the supplying country, that the
former are inadequate to the latter. It is certainly teue, that a
portion of the mass of our raw produce, which we transmit to her,
reverts to us in a fabricated form, and that this return augments
with our increasing population. This is, however, a very incon
siderable addition to her actual abifity to afford a market for the
produce of our industi-y.
I believe that we are already beginning to experience the want
of capacity in Europe to consume our surplus produce. Take the
articles of cotton, tobacco, and bread-stuffs. For the latter we
have scarcely any foreign deraand. And is there not reason to
believe, that we have reached, if we have not passed, the maximum
of the foreign deraand for the other two articles ? Considerations
connected with the cheapness of cotton, as a raw material, and the
facUity with which it can be fabricated, wUl probably make it to be
more and more used as a substitute for other raaterials. But, after
you allow to the demand for it the utmost extension of which it is
susceptible, it is yet quite limited — fimited by the number of
persons who use it, by their wants and thete abifity to supply them.
If we have not reached, therefore, the maximum of the foreign
demand, (as I befieve we have,) we must soon fuUy satisfy it With
respect to tobacco, that article affording an enjoyraent not neces
sary, as food and clothes are, to human existence, the foreign demand
for it is StUl raore precarious, and I apprehend that we have aheady

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 407
passed its fimits. It appears to me, then, that, if we consult our
interest merely, we ought to encourage home manufactures. But
there are other motives to recommend it, of not less importance.
• The wants of man may be classed under three heads ; food,
raiment, and defence. They are felt alike in the state of barbarism
and of civilization. He must be defended against the ferocious beasts
of prey in the one condition, and against the ambition, violence,
and injustice, incident to the other. If he seeks to obtain a supply
of those wants without giving an equivalent, he is a beggar or a
robber ; if by promising an equivalent which he cannot give, he is
fraudulent ; and if by commerce, in which there is perfect free
dom on his side, whilst he meets with nothing but restrictions on
the other, he submits to an unjust and degrading inequality. What
is true of individuals is equally so of nations. The country, then,
which relies upon foreign nations for either of those great essentials,
is not, in fact, independent Nor is it any consolation for our
dependence upon other nations, that they are also dependent upon
us, even were it ti-ue. Every nation should anxiously endeavor to
establish its absolute independence, and consequentiy be able to feed,
and clothe, and defend itself. If it rely upon a foreign supply, that
may be cut off by the caprice of the nation yielding it, by war with
it, or even by war with other nations, it cannot be independent.
But it is not true, that any other nations depend upon us in a
"degree any thing like equal to that of our dependence upon them for
the great necessaries to which I have referred. Every other nation
seeks to supply itself with them from its own resources ; and, so
steong is the desire which they feel to accomplish this purpose, that
they exclude the cheaper foreign article, for the dearer home
production. Witness the English policy in regard to corn. So
selfish, in this respect, is the conduct of other powers, that, in some
instances, they even prohibit the produce of the industry of thete
own colonies, when it comes into corapetition with the produce of
the parent country. All other countries but our own, exclude by
high duties, or absolute prohibitions, whatever they can respectively
produce within themselves. The teuth is, and it_ is in vain to
disguise it, that we are a sort of independent colonies of England'
— politically free, commercially slaves. Gentiemen teU us of the
advantages of a free exchange of the produce of the world. But
they teU us of what has never existed, does not exist, and perhaps
never wiU exist They invoke us to give perfect freedom on our
side, whUst, in the ports of every other nation, we are met with a
code of odious resteictions, shutting out entirely a great part of our
produce, and letting in only so much as they cannot possibly do
without. I wiU hereafter examine their favorite maxim, of leaving
things to themselves, more particulariy. At present, I wUl only say
that I too am a friend to free teade, but it must be a free teade of
perfect reciprocity. If the governing consideration were cheapness ;

408 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
if national independence were to weigh nothing ; if honor nothing;
why not subsidize foreign powers to defend us ? why not htee
Swiss or Hessian mercenaries to protect us ? why not get our arms
of aU kinds, as we do in part, the blankets and clothing of our
soldiers, from abroad ?' We should probably consult economy by
these dangerous expedients.
But, say gentiemen, there are to the manufacturing system some
inherent objections, which should induce us to avoid its inteoduc
tion into this countey; and we are warned by the example of
England, by her pauperism, by the vices of her population, her
wars, and so forth. It would be a strange order of Providence, if
it were teue, that he should create necessary and indispensable
wants, and yet should render us unable to supply them without
the degradation or contamination of our species.
Pauperism is, in general, the effect of an overflo-wing population.
Manufactures may undoubtedly produce a redundant population ;
but so raay coramerce, and so may agriculture. In this respect they
are alike ; and from whatever cause the disproportion of a popula
tion to the subsisting faculty of a countey may proceed, its effect of
pauperism is the same. Many parts of Asia would exhibit, perhaps,
as afflicting effects of an extreme prosecution of the agricultural
system, as England can possibly furnish, respecting the manufac
turing. It is not, however, fair to argue from these exteeme cases,
against either the one system or the other. There are abuses
incident to every branch of industry, to every profession. It would
not be thought very just or ¦v\rise to arraign the honorable profes
sions of law and physic, because the one produces the pettifogger,
and the other the quack. Even in England it has been estab
lished, by the dUigent search of Colquhoun, from the most authentic
evidence, the judicial records of the countey, that the instances of
crime were much raore numerous in the agricultural than in the
manufacturing disteicts ; thus proving that the cause of wretch
edness and vice in that countey was to be sought for, not in this or
that system, so much as in the fact of the density of its popula
tion. France resembles this country more than England, in respect
to the employments of her population ; and we do not find that
there is any thing in the condition of the manufacturing portion
of it, which ought to dissuade us from the inteoduction of it into
our own countey. But even France has not that great security
against the abuses of the manufacturing system, against the effects
of too great a density of population, which we possess in our
waste lands. WhUe this resource exists, we have nothing to
apprehend. Do capitalists give too low wages ; are the laborers
too crowded, and in danger of starving ? the unsettied lands -wiU
draw off the redundancy, and leave the others better provided for.
If an unsettied province, such as Texas, for example, could, by
some convulsion of nature, be wafted alongside of, and attached to,;

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 409
the island of Great Britain, the instantaneous effect would be, to
draw off the redundant portion of the population, and to render
more comfortable both the emigrants and those whom they would
leave behind. I am aware, that whUe the pubfic domain is an
acknowledged security against the abuses of the manufacturing, or
any other system, it constitutes, at the same time, an impediment,
in the opinion of some, to the success of manufacturing industey,
by its tendency to prevent the reduction of the wages of labor.
Those who urge this objection have their eyes too much fixed on
the ancient system of manufacturing, when manual labor was the
principal instrument which it employed. During the last half
century, since the inventions of Arkwright, and the long train of
improvements which followed, the labor of machinery is principaUy
used. I have understood, from sources of information which I
believe to be accurate, that the combined force of all the machinery
employed by Great Britain, in manufacturing, is equal to the labor
of one hundred millions of able-bodied men. If we suppose the
aggregate of the labor of all the individuals which she employs
in that branch of industry to be equal to the united labor of two
miUions of able-bodied men, (and I should think it does not
exceed it,) machine labor wiU stand to manual labor, in the propor
tion of one hundred to two. There cannot be a doubt that we
have skill and enterprise enough to command the requisite amount
of machine power.
There are, too, some checks to emigration from the settied parts
of our countey to the waste lands of the west. Distance is one,
and it is every day becoming greater and greater. There exists,
also, a natural repugnance (felt less, it is true, in the United States
than elsewhere, but felt even here,) to abandoning the place of our
nativity. Women and children, who could not migrate, and who
would be comparatively idle if manufactures did not exist, may be
profitably employed in them. This is a very great benefit. I
witnessed the advantage' resulting from the employment of this
description of our population, in a visU which I lately made to the
Waltham manufactory, near Boston. There, some hundreds of
giris and boys were occupied in separate apartments. The greatest
order, neatness, and apparent comfort, reigned throughout the
whde estabfishment The daughters of respedable farmers, in
one instance, I remember, the daughter of a senator in the state
legislature, were usefuUy employed. They would come down to
the manufactory, remain perhaps some months, and return, with
their earnings, to thete famifies, to assist them throughout the year.
But one instance had occurred, I was informed by the inteUigent
manager, of doubtful conduct on the part of any of the females,
and, after she was dismissed, there was reason to believe that
injustice had been done her. Suppose that establishment to be
d^teoyed, what would become of aU the persons who are there
VOL. I. ^2

410 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
engaged so beneficially to themselves, and so usefuUy to the state ?
Can it be doubted that, if the crowds of fittie mendicant boys and
girls who infest this edifice, and assail us, every day, at its very
tiiresholds, as we come in and go out, begging for a cent, were
eraployed in sorae manufacturing establishment, it would be better
for them and the city? Those whO object to the manufacturing
system should recoUect, that constant occupation is the best security
for innocence and virtue, and that idleness is the parent of vice and
crime. They should conteraplate the laboring poor with employ
ment, and ask themselves what would be their condition without
it If there are instances of hard taskmasters among the manufac
turers, so also are there in agriculture. The cause is to be sought
for, not in the nature of this or that system, but in the nature of
man. If there are particular species of unhealthy employment in
manufactures, so there are in agriculture also. There has been
an idle atterapt to ridicule the manufacturing system, and we
have heard the expression, 'spinning-jenny tenure.' It is one of
the noblest inventions of human skUl. It has diffused comforts
among thousands who, without it, would never have enjoyed them ;
and millions yet unborn will bless the man by whom it was
invented. Three important inventions have distinguished the last
half century, each of which, if it had happened at long intervals of
tirae from the other, would have been sufficient to constitute an
epoch in the progress of the useful arts. The first was that of
Ark-wright ; and our own countey is entitled to the merit of the
other two. The world is indebted to Whitney for the one, and
to Fulton for the other. Nothing is secure against the shaftsl of
ridicule. What would be thought of a man who should speak of
a cotton-gin tenure, or a steamboat tenure ?
In one respect there is a great difference in favor of manufac
tures, when compared with agriculture. It is the rapidity with
which the whole manufacturing community avail themselves of an
irhprovement It is instantly communicated and put in operation.
There is an avidity for impro-veraent in the one system, an aver
sion to it in the other. The habits of generation after generation
pass down the long teack of tirae in perpetual succession without
the slightest change in agriculture. The ploughman who, fastens
his plough to the tails of his cattie, will not own that there is aiiy
other mode equal to his. An agricultural people wiU be in the
neighborhood of other communities, who have made the greatest
progress in husbandry, without advancing in the shghtest degree.
Many parts of our countey are one hundred years in advance of
Sweden in the cultivation and improvement of the soU.
It is objected, that the effect of the encourageriient of home
manufactures, by the proposed tariff, -wUl be, to diminish /the
revenue from the customs. The amount of the. re venue from that
source wiU depend upon the amount of importatidns, andthe

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 411
measure of these wiU be the value of the exports from this countey.
The quantity of the exportable produce will depend upon the
foreign demand; and there can be no doubt tiiat, under any dis
teibution of the labor and capital of this country, from the greater
allurements which agriculture presents than any other species of
industry, there would be always a quantity of its produce sufficient
to satisfy that demand. If there be a diminution in the ability of
foreign nations to consume our raw produce, in the proportion of
our diminished consumption of theirs, under the operation of this
system, that will be compensated by the substitution of a home for
a foreign market, in the same proportion. It is true, that we cannot
remain in the relation of seUer, only to foreign powers, for any
length of time; but if, as I have no doubt, our agriculture will
continue to supply, as far as it can profitably, to the extent of the
limits of foreign demand, we shall receive not only in return mdny
of the articles on which the tariff operates, for our own consumption,
but they may also form the objects of trade with South America
arid other powers, and our comforts raay be multipfied by the
importation of other articles. Diminished consumption, in conse
quence of the augmentation of duties, does not necessarily imply
diminished revenue. The increase of the duty may compensate
the decrease in the consumption, and give you as large a revenue
as yon before possessed.
Can any one doubt the impolicy of government resting solely
upon the precarious resource of such a revenue ? It is constantiy
fluctuating, it tempts us, by its enormous amount, at one time,
into exteavagant expenditure ; and we are then driven, by its sudden
and unexpected depression, into the opposite extreme. We are
seduced by its flattering promises into expenses which we might
avoid; and we are afterwards constrained by its teeachery, to avoid
expenses which we ought to make. It is a system under which
there is a sort of perpetual war, between the interest of the govern
ment and the interest of the people. Large importations fiU the
coffers of government, and empty the pockets of the people. Small
importations imply prudence on the part of the people, and leave
the teeasury empty. In war, the revenue disappears ; in peace it
is unsteady. On such a system the government wUl not be able
much longer exclusively to rely. We all antidpate that we shaU
have shortiy to resort to some additional supply of revenue within
oiirselves. ' I was opposed to the total repealof the internal revenue.
1 would have preserved certain parts of it at least, to be ready for
emergences such as now exist. And I am, for one, ready to
exclude fordgn spirits altogether, and substitute for the revenue
levied on them a tax upon the spirits made within the countey.
No other nation lets in so much of fordgn spirits as we do. By
the encouragement of home industey you wiU lay a basis of
Internal taxation, when it gets strong, that wiU be steady and

412 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY. i
uniform, yielding afike in peace and in war. We do not derive
om ability from abroad, to pay taxes. That depends upon our
wealth and our industey ; and it is the same, whatever may be the
form of levying the public conteibutions.
But it is urged, that you tax other interests of the state to sustain
manufacturers. The business of manufacturing, if encouraged,
wiU be open to all. It is not for the sake of the particular indi
viduals who may happen to be engaged in it, that we propose to
foster it ; but it is for the general interest We think that it is
necessary to the comfort and well-being of society, that fabrication,
as weU as the business of production and distribution, should be
supported and taken care of Now, if it be even teue, that the
price of the home fabric will be somewhat higher, in the first
instance, than the rival foreign articles, that consideration ought
not to prevent our extending reasonable protection to the home
fabric. Present temporary inconvenience may be weU submitted
to for the sake of future permanent benefit. If the experience of
aU other countries be not utterly fallacious ; if the promises of the
manufacturing systera be not absolutely illusory ; by the compe
tition which wiU be elicited in consequence of your parental care,
prices will be ultimately brought down to a level with that of the
foreign commodity. Now, in a scheme of policy which is devised
for a nation, we should not limit our views to its operation during
a single year, or for even a short terra of years. We should look
at its operation for a considerable time, and in war as well as in
peace. Can there be a doubt, thus contemplating it, that we shall
be compensated by the certainty and steadiness of the supply in
aU seasons, and the ultimate reduction of the price for any tempo
rary sacrifices we make ? Take the example of salt, which the
ingenious gentieman from Virginia (Mr. Archer) has adduced.
He says, during the war, the price of that article rose to ten doUars
per bushel, and he asks if you would lay a duty, perraanent in its
duration, of three doUars per bushel, to secure a supply in war.
I answer, no, I would not lay so high a duty. That which is now
. proposed, for the encouragement of the domestic production, is
only five cents per bushel. In forty years the duty would amount
only to two doUars. If the recurrence of war shaU be only after
intervals of forty years' peace, (and we may expect it probably
oftener,) and if, when it does come, the same price should again be
given, there wiU be a clear saving of eight doUars, by promoting
the domestic fabrication. All society is an affair of mutual con
cession. If we expect to derive the benefits which are incident to
it, we must sustain our reasonable share of burdens. The great
interests which it is intended to guard and cherish, must be sup
ported by their reciprocal action- and reaction. The harmony of
its parts is disturbed, the discipline which is necessary to its order
is incomplete, when one of the three great and essential branches

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 413
of its industey is abandoned and unprotected. If you want to find
an example of order, of freedom from debt, of economy, of expen
diture falling below rather than exceeding income, you wiU go to
the weU-regulated famUy of a farmer. You wiU go to the house
of such a man as Isaac Shelby; you wUl not find him haunting
taverns, engaged in broUs, prosecuting angi-y lawsuits ; you will
behold every member of his famUy clad with the produce of their
own hands, and usefully employed ; the spinning-wheel and the
loom in motion by day-break. With what pleasure wiU his wife
carry you into her neat dairy, lead you into her store-house, and point
you to the table-cloths, the sheets, the counterpanes which lie on
this shelf for one daughter, or on that for another, aU prepared in
advance by her provident care for the day of their respective
marriages. If you want to see an opposite example, go to the
house of a man who manufactures nothing at home, whose family
"resorts to the store for every thing they consume. You wiU find
him perhaps in the tavern, or at the shop at the cross-roads. He
is engaged, with the rum-grog on the table, taldng depositions to
make out some case of usury or fraud. Or perhaps he is furnish
ing to his lawyer the materials to prepare a long biU of injunction
in some intricate case. The sheriff is hovering about his farm to
serve some new writ On court-days — he never misses attending
them — you wiU find him eagerly collecting his witnesses to defend
himself against the merchant and doctor's claims. Go to his
house, and, after the short and giddy period that his wife and
daughters have flirted about the country in their calico and muslin
frocks, what a scene of discomfort and distress is presented to you
there ! What the individual famUy of Isaac Shelby is, I wish to
see the nation in the aggregate becorae. But I fear we shaU
shortiy have to contemplate its resemblance in the opposite picture.
If statesmen would carefully observe the conduct of private indi
viduals in the management of their own affairs, they would have
much surer guides in promoting the interests of the state, than the
visionary speculations of theoretical writers.
The manufacturing system is not only injurious to agriculture,
¦but, say its opponents, it is injurious also to foreign commerce.
We ought not to conceal from ourselves our present actiial position
in-rdation to other powers. During the proteacted war which has
so long convulsed aU Europe, and which wiU probably be succeeded
by a long peace, we transacted the commercial business of other
¦nations, and largely shared with England the carrying teade of the
•worid. Now, every other nation is anxiously endeavoring to
'transact its own business, to rebuUd its marine, and to foster its
fraavigation. The consequence of the former state of things was,
that our mercantUe marine, and our commercial employment were
enormously disproportionate to the exchangeable domestic produce
of our countey. And the result of the latter -wdU be, that, as

414 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
exchanges between this country and other nations wiU hereafter
consist principaUy, on our part, of our domestic produce, that
marine and that employment will be brought down to what is
necessary to effect those exchanges. I regret exceedingly this
reduction. I wish the mercantUe class could enjoy the same
extensive commerce that they formerly did. But, if they cannot,
it would be a foUy to repine at what is irrecoverably lost, and we
should seek rather to adapt ourselves to the new circumstances in
which we find ourselves. If, as I think, we have reached the
maximum of our foreign demand for our three great staples, cotton,
tobacco, and flour, no man will contend that we should go on to
produce more and more, to be sent to the glutted foreign market,
and consumed by devouring expenses, merely to give employment
to our tonnage and to our foreign commerce. It would be
extremely unwise to accomraodate our industi-y to produce, not
what is wanted abroad, but cargoes for our unemployed ships. I
would give our foreign teade every legitimate encouragement, and
extend it whenever it can be extended profitably. Hitherto it has
been stimulated too highly, by the condition of the world, and our
own policy acting on that condition. And we are reluctant to
believe that we must submit to its necessary abridgment The
habits of teade, the tempting instances of enormous fortunes
which have been made by the successful prosecution of it, are
such, that we turn with regret from its pursuit ; we stiU cherish a
lingering hope ; we persuade ourselves that something wUl occur,
how and what it may be, we know not, to revive its former activ
ity ; and we would push into every unteied channel, grope through
the DardaneUes into the Black sea, to restore its former profits. I
repeat it, let us proclaira to the people of the United States the
incontestable teuth, that our foreign trade must be circumscribed
by the altered state of the world ; and, leaving it in the possession
of all the gains which it can now possibly raake, let us present
motives to the capital, and labor of our countey, to employ them
selves in fabrication at home. There is no danger that, by a with
drawal of that portion which is unprofitably employed on other
objects, and an application of it to fabrication, our agricuUure
would be too much cramped. The produce of it wiU always
come up to the foreign demand. Such are the superior allure
ments belonging to the cultivation of the soil to all other branches
of industry, that it vsdU always be preferred when it can profitably
be foUowed. The foreign demand wiU, in any conceivable state
of things, limit the amount of the ex:portable produce of agricul
ture. The amount of our exportations vdU form the measure of
our importations, and, whatever these may be, they wiU constitute
the basis of the revenue derivable from customs.
The manufacturing system is favorable to the maintenance of
peace. Foreign commerce is the great source of foreign wars.

>ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 415
The eagerness with which we contend for every branch of it, the
teinptations which it offers, operating alike upon us and our foreign
conipetitors, produce constant collisions. No countey on earth, by
the extent of its stiperfices, the richness of its soil, the variety of
its climate, contains within its own fimits more abundant facilities
for supplying all our rational wants than ours does. It is not
necessary or desirable, however, to cut off all intercourse with
foreign powers. But, after securing a supply, within ourselves, of
afi the great essentials of life, there will be ample scope still left
for preserving such an intercourse. If we had no intercourse with
foreign states, if we adopted the policy of China, we should have
no external wars. And in proportion as we diminish our depend
ence upon them, shall we lessen the danger of the recurrence of
war. Our late war would not have existed if the counsels of the
manufacturers in England had been listened to. They finally did
pevail, in their steady and persevering effort to produce a repeal
of the orders in council; but it was too late to prevent the war.
Those who attribute to the manufacturing system the burdens and
iriisfOrtunes of that country, commit a great error. These were
probably a joint result of the operation of the whole of her sys
tems, and the larger share of it was to be ascribed to her foreign
cortimerce, and to the ambition of her rulers, th-an to any other
cause. • The war of our revolution, in which that arabition dis
played its monstrous arrogance and pretensions, laid the broad
fburidjition of that enormous debt under which she now groans.
The tendency of reasonable encouragement to our home industey
is favorable to the preservation and strength of our confederacy.
Now our connection is merely political. For the sale of the
surplus of the produce of our agricultural labor, aU eyes are con
stantly turned upon the markets of Liverpool. There is scarcely
any of that beneficial intercourse, the best basis of political
connection, which consists of the exchange of the produce of our
labor. On our maritime frontier there has been too much stimulus,
an unnatural activity ; in the great interior of the countey, there
exists a perfect paralysis. Encourage fabrication at home, and
there wiU instantly arise animation and a healthful cteculation
throughout aU the parts of the repubfic. The cheapness, fertUity,
and quantity of our waste lands, offer such powerful induceinents
to cultivation, that our counteymen are constantiy engaging in it
I would not check this disposition, by hard terms in the sale of it
Let it be easUy accessible to all who wish to acqutee it But I
¦would countervail this predUection, by presenting to capital' and
labor motives for employraent in other branches of industry.
Nothing is more uncertain than the pursuit of agriculture, when
we mainly rely upon foreign markets for the sale of its surplus
produce. In the first place, it is impossible to determine, a prion,
the amount of this surplus ; and, in the second, it is equally impos-

416 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
sible to anticipate the extent of the foreign demand. Both the one
and the other depend upon the seasons. From the fluctuations
incident to these, and from other causes, it may happen that the
supplying country wiU,''for a long series of years, have employed
a larger share of its capital and labor than is wise, in production,
to supply the wants of the consuming countries, without becoming
sensible of its defect of poUcy. The faUure of a crop, or the
failure of a market, does not discourage the cultivator. He renews
his labors another year, and he renews his hopes. It is otherwise
with manufacturing industry. The precise quantum of its produce,
at least, can -with some accuracy be previously estimated. And
the wants of foreign counteies can be with some probabUity
anticipated. I am sensible, Mr. Chairman, if I have even had a success,
which I dare not presume, in the endeavor I have been making to
show that sound policy requtees a diversion of so much of the
capital and labor of this country from other employments as may
be necessary, by a different application of them, to secure, within
ourselves, a steady and adequate supply of the great necessaries
of life, I shall have only established one half of what is incumbent
upon me to prove. It -will stUl be requteed by the other side, that
a second proposition be supported, and that is, that government
ought to present motives for such a diversion and new appfication
of labor and capital, by that species of protection which the tariff
holds out. Gentiemen say, we agree with yo\i ; you are right in
your first proposition ; but, ' let things alone,' and they wiU come
right in the end. Now, I agree with them, that things would,
ultimately get right ; but not until after a long period of disorder
and disteess, terminating in the impoverishment, and perhaps min,
of the country. Dissolve government, reduce it to its primitive
elements, and, without any general effort to reconstruct it, there
would arise, out of the anarchy which would ensue, partial combi
nations for the purpose of individual protection, which would
finally lead to a social form, competent to the conservation of
peace within, and the repulsion of force from without Yet no
one would say, in such a state of anarchy, let things alone ! If
gentiemen, by thete favorite raaxim, mean only that, within the
bosom of the state, things are to be left alone, and each individual,
and each branch of industry, allowed to pursue their respective
interests, wUhout giving a preference to either, I subscribe to it
But if they give it a more comprehensive import ; if they requtee
that things be left alone, in respect not only to interior action, but
to exterior action also ; not only as regards the operation of our
own government upon the mass of the interests of the state, but
as it relates to the operation of foreign governments upon that
mass, I dissent from it
This maxim, in this enlarged sense, is indeed every where

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 417
proclaimed; but nowhere practiced. It is truth in the books ol
European political economists. It is error in the practical code of
every European state. It is not appfied where it is most appli
cable; it is attempted to be introduced here, where it is least
applicable; and even here its friends propose to fimit it to the
single branch of manufacturing industry, whilst every other interest
is encouraged and protected according to the policy of Europe,
The maxim would best suit Europe, where each interest is
adjusted and arranged to every other, by causes operating during
many centm-ies. Every thing there has taken and preserved its
ancient position. The house that was built centuries ago, is
occupied by the descendants of its original constructor. If one
could rise up, after the lapse of ages, and enter a European shop,
he would see the same hammer at work, on the same anvil or last,
and almost by the same hand. There every thing has found its
place and its level, and every thing, one would thinjr, might there
be safely left alone. But the policy of the European states is
otherwise. Here every thing is new and unfixed. Neither the
state, nor the individuals who compose it, have settied down in
their firm and permanent positions. There is a constant tend
ency, in consequence of the extent of our public domain, towdrds "
production for foreign markets. The maxim, in the compre
hensive sense in which I am considering it, requires, to entitie it
to observation, two conditions, neither of which exists. First, that
there should be perpetual peace, and secondly, that the maxim
should be every where respected. When war breaks out, that free
and general circulation of the produce of industry among the
nations which it recommends, is interrupted, and the nation that
depends upon a foreign supply of its necessai-ies, must be subjected
to the greatest inconvenience. If it be not every where observed,
there wiU be, between the nation that does not, and the nation that
does, conform to it, an inequality alike condemned by honor and
by interest. If there be no reciprocity ; if, on the one side, there is
perfect freedom of teade, and on the other a code of odious resteic
tions ; wiU gentiemen stiU contend that we are to submit to such an
unprofitable and degrading intercourse ? Will they require that
-we shaU act upon the social system, whilst every other power acts
upon the selfish ? WiU they demand of us to throw widely open
our ports to every nation, whUst all other nations entteely or partly
exclude theirs against our productions ? It is, indeed, possible,
that some pecuniary advantage might be enjoyed by our counti-y in
prosecuting the remnant of the 'trade which the conteacted policy
of other powers leaves to us. But what security is there for our
continuing to enjoy even that? And is national honor, is national
independence,- to count as nothing ? I wiU not enter into a detail
of the resteictions with which we are every where presented in
fordgn counteies. I wiU content myself with asserting that they
VOL. I. 53

418 sJ'EEOHES Of Henry claY.
take nothing from us which they can produce themselves, upon
even worse terras than We could supply thera. Take, again, as an
exaraple, the English corn-laws. Araerica presents the image of a
fine, generous-hearted young feUow, who had just come to the
possession of a rich estate — an estate, which, however, requtees
careful management. He makes nothing ; he buys every thing.
He is surrounded by a parcel of Jews, each holding out his hand
with a packet of buttons or pins, or some other commodity, for sale.
If he asks those Jews to buy any thing which his estate produces,
they teU him no ; it is not for our interest ; it is not for yours. Talce
this new book, says one of them, on political economy, and you
will there perceive it is for your interest to buy from us, and to let
things alone in your own countey. The gentieraan from Virginia,
to whom I have already referred, has Surrendered the whole argu
ment, in the example of the East India teade. He thinks that
because India takes nothing but specie from us ; because there is
not a reciprocal exchange between us and India, of our respective
productions, that the trade ought to be discontinued. Now I do
not agree with him, that it ought to be abandoned, though I would
put it under considerable restrictions, when it comes in compe
tition with the fabrics of our own counte-y. If the want of entirfe
reciprocity be a sufficient ground for the total abandonment of a
particular branch of teade, the same principle requires that, where
there are some restrictions on the one side, they should be counte^
vailed by equal restrictions on the other.
But this maxim, according to which gentlemen would have us
abandon the home industey of the countey, to the influence of the
restrictive systems of other counti-ies, without an effort to protect
and preserve it, is not itself observed by the same gentiemen, in
regard to the great interests of the nation. We protect our fisheries
by bounties and drawbacks. We protect our tonnage, by excluding
or restricting foreign tonnage, exactiy as our tonnage is excluded
or resteicted by foreign states. We passed, a year or two ago, the
bill to prohibit British navigation from the West India colonies
of that power to the United States, because ours is shut out from
them. The session prior to the passage of that law, the gentieman
from South Carolina and I, almost alone, urged the house to pass
it But the subject was postponed until the next session, when it
was passed by neai-ly a unanimous vote, the gentieman frora South
Carolina, and the two gentlemen from Virginia (Messrs. Barbour
and Tyler) voting with the majority. We have now upon our
table other biUs connected with that object, and proposing restric
tion upon the French tonnage to countervail thetes upon ours. I
shall, with pleasure, vote for these measures. We protect our
foreign trade, by consuls, by foreign ministers, by embargoes, by
non-intercourse, by a na-vy, by fortifications, by squadrons constantly
acting abroad, by war, and by a variety of commercial regulations

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 419
in our statute-book. The whole system of the general government,
from its first formation to the present time, consists, almost exclu
sively, in one unremitting endeavor to nourish, and protect, and
defend the foreign trade. Why have not all these great interests
been left to the operation of the gentlemen's favorite maxim ? Sir,
it is perfectly right that we should have afforded this protection.
And it is perfectly right, in my humble opinion, that we should
extend the principle to the home industry. I am a friend to
foreign ti-ade, but I protest against its being the monopolist of all
the parental favor and care of this government.
But, sir, friendly as I ara to the existence of domestic manu
factures, I would not give to them unreasonable encouragement,
by protecting duties. Their growth ought to be gradual, but sure.
I believe aU the circumstances of the present period highly favor
able to their success. But they are the youngest and the weakest
interest of the state. Agriculture wants but little or no protection
against the regulations of foreign powers. The advantages of our
position, and the cheapness, and abundance, and fertility of our
land, afford to that greatest interest of the state almost all the
protection it wants. As it should be, it is strong and flourishing ;
or, if it be not, at this moment, prosperous, it is not because its
produce is not ample, but because, depending, as wc do altogether,
upon a foreign market for the sale of the surplus of that produce,
the foreign market is glutted. Our foreign teade, having almost
exclusively engrossed the protecting care of government, wants no
fm-ther legislative aid. And, whatever depression it may now
experience, it is attributable to causes beyond the control of this
government The abundance of capital, indicated by the avidity
with which loans are sought, at the reduced rate of five per
centiira ; the reduction in the wages of labor, and the decline in
the price of property of every kind, as wefi as that of agi-lcultural
.produce, aU concur favorably for domestic raanufactures. Now, as
when we arranged the existing tariff, is the auspicious moment for
government to step in and cheer and countenance thera. We did
too fittie then, and I endeavored to warn this house of the effects
of inadequate protection. We were called upon, at that time, by
the previous pledges we had given, by the inundation of fordgn
fabrics, which was to be anticipated from their free admission after
¦the termination of the war, and by the lasting interests of this
country, to give them effident support W^did not do it; but let
us not now repeat the error. Our great mistake has been in the
irregularitv of the action of the measures of this government upon
manufacturing industey At one period it is stimulated too high,
and then, by an opposite course of policy it is precipitated into a
condition of depression too low. First there came the embargo ;
then non-intercourse, and other restrictive measures followed ; and
finally that greatest of all atim^i tQ doniegtiQ fabncafton, wax.

420 - SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
During all that long period, we were adding to the positive effect
of the measures of government, all the moral encouragement
which results from popular resolves, legislative resolves, and other
manifestations of the public will and the public wish to foster our
home raanufactures, and to render our confederacy independent of
foreign powers. The peace ensued, and the counti-y was flooded
with the fabrics of other countries ; and we, forgetting aU our
promises, coolly and philosophically talk of leaving things to them
selves ; making up our deficiency of practical good sense, by the
stores of learning which we coUect from theoretical -writers. I, too,
sometiraes amuse myself with the visions of these -writers, (as I do
with those of metaphysicians and novefists,) and, if I do not forget,
one of the best among thera enjoins it upon a country to protect
its industi-y against the injurious influence of the prohibitions and
restrictions of foreign countries, which operate upon it.
Monuments of the melancholy effects upon our raanufactures,
and of the fluctuating policy of the councUs of the union in regard
to them, abound in all parts of the countey. Villages, and parts of
villageSj which sprang up but yesterday in the western countey,
under the excitement to which I have referred, have dwindled into
decay, and are abandoned. In New England, in passing along
the highway, one frequentiy sees large and spacious buildings,
with the glass broken out of the windows, the shutters hanging
in ruinous disorder, -without any appearance of activity, and
enveloped in solitary gloom. Upon inquiring what they are, you
are almost always informed that they were some cotton or other
factory, which their proprietors could no longer keep in motion
against the overwhelming pressure of foreign competition.
Gentlemen ask for facts to show the expediency and propriety of
extending protection to our raanufactures. Do they want stronger
evidence than the condition of things I have pointed out ? They
ask, why the manufactiiring industey is not resumed under the
encouraging auspices of the present time ? Ste, the answer is
obvious; there is a general dismay; there is a want of heart; there
is the greatest moral discouragement experienced throughout the
nation. A man who engages in the manufacturing business is
thought by his friends to be deranged. Who will go to the ruins
of Carthage or Balbec to rebuUd a city there ? Let goverrimeih't
comraence a systematic but moderate support of this important
branch of our industi-y. Let it announce its fixed purpose, that
the protection of manufactures against the influence of the meas
ures of foreign governments, wiU enter into the scope of our
national policy. Let us substitute, for the irregidar action of our
measures, one that shall be steady and uniform ; and hope, and
animation, and activity, wUl again revive. The gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes) offered a resolution, which the
house rejected, having for its object to ascertain the profits now

ON PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY. 421
made upon capital employed in manufacturing. It is not, I repeat
it, the individuals, but the interests we wish to have protected.
From the infinite variety of circumstances under which different
manufacturing establishments are situated, it is impossible that any
information, such as the gentieman destees, could be obtained,
that ought to guide the judgment of this house. It may happen
that, of two establishments engaged in the same species of fabri
cation, one will be prospering and the other laboring. Take the
example of the Waltham manufactory near Boston, and that of
Brunswick in Maine. The former has the advantage of a fine
water situation, a manager of exceUent information, enthusiastically
devoted to its success, a machinist of most inventive genius, who
is constantiy making some new improvement, and who has carried
the water loom to a degree of perfection which it has not attained
in England — to such perfection as to reduce the cost of weaving
a yard of cloth adapted to shfi-ting to less than a cent — whUe it is
abundantly supplied with capital by several rich capitalists in
Boston. These gentlemen have the most extensive correspondence
with all parts of the United States. Owing to this exteaordinary
combination of favorable circumstances, the Waltham establish
ment is doing pretty well ; whUst that of Brunswick, not possessing
aU of them, but perhaps as many as would enable it, under adequate
protection, to flourish, is laboring arduously. WiU gentiemen infer,
from the success of a few institutions having peculiar advantages,
which form exceptions to the languishing condition of manufac
turing industey, that there exists no necessity for protection ? In
the most discouraging state of teade and navigation, there are, no
doubt, always some individuals who are successful in prosecuting
them. Would it be fair to argue, from these instances, against any
measure brought forward to revive their activity ?
The gentieman from Massachusetts (Mr. Whitman) has mani
fested pecufiar hostility to the tariff, and has aUowed himself to
denominate it a mad, quixotic, ruinous scheme. The gentleman
is dissatisfied with the quarter — the west — frora which it emanates.
To give higher tone and more effect to the gentieman's declama
tion, which is vague and indefinite, he has even assumed a new
place in this house. Sir, I would advise the gentieraan to return
to his ancient position, moral and physical. It was respectable and
useful. The honorable gentieman professes to be a friend to
manufacturers ! And yet he has found an insurmountable constitu
tional impediment to thete encouragement, of which, as no othe^-
gentleman has refied upon it, I shall leave him in the undistorbed
possession. The honorable gentieman a friend to manufactiirers .
And yet he has delivered a speech, marked with pecufiar emphasis,
against thete protection. The honorable gentieman a frigid to
manufacturers ! And yet he requtees, if this constitutional difficulty
could be removed, such an arrangement of the tariff as shaU please

./

422 SPEJiCUES OF HENRY CLAY.
him, although every one else should be dissatisfied. The intimation
is not new of the presumptuousness of western politicians, in
endeavoring to give to the policy of this country such a dteection
as will assert its honor and sustain its interests. It was first made
whUst the measures preparatory to the late war were under considi
eration, and it now probably emanates from the sarne quarter. The
predilection of the school of the Essex junto for foreign teade and
British fabrics — I am far from insinuating that other gentiemen
who are opposed to the tariff are actuated by any such spirit — is
unconquerable. We disregarded the intimation when it was first
made ; we shall be uninfluenced by it now. If, indeed, there were
the least color for the assertion, that the foreign teade is to be crushed
by the tariff, is it not strange, that the whole of the representation
from all our great comraercial metropolises should unite to desteoy
it ? The member frora Boston, — to whose rational and disinter
ested course I am happy, on this, as on many other occasions, to be
able to testify, — the representatives frora the city of New York,
from Philadelphia, from Baltimore, all entered into this confederacy,
to destroy it, by supporting this mad and ruinous scheme. Some
gentlemen assert that it is too comprehensive. But its chief
recommendation to me is, that it leaves no important interest
unprovided for.
The same gentlemen, or others, if it had been more limited,
would have objected to its partial operation. The general measure
of the protection which it coraraunicates, is pronounced to be
iramoderate and enormous. Yet no one ventures to enter into a
specification of the particular articles of which it is composed, to
show that it deserves thus to be characterized. The article of
molasses has, indeed, been selected, and held up as an instance of
the alleged extravagance. The existing tariff imposes a duty of
five cent^, the proposed tariff ten cents per gallon. We tax foreign
spirits very high, and yet we let in, with a very low duty, foreign
molasses, which ought to be considered as rum in disguise, fiUing
the space of so much domestic spirits. If (which I do not believe
will immediately be the case, to any considerable extent) the
manufacture of spirits from molasses, should somewhat decfine
under the new tariff, the manufacture of spirits from the raw
material, produced at home, will be extended in the same ratio.
Besides the incidental advantage of increasing our security against
the effect of seasons of scarcity, by increasing the distUlation of
spirits from grain, there is scarcely any item in the tariff which
combines so many interests in supporting the proposed rate of
duty. The grain-growing country,, the fruit country, and the
culture of cane, would be all benefited by the duty. Its operation
is said, however, to be injurious to a certain quarter of the union.
It is not to be denied, that each particular section of the countey
will feel some one or more articles of the tariff to bear hard upon

ON PROTECTION OF HOMEINDUSTRY. 423
it, during a short period ; but the compensation is to be found in
the more favorable operation of others. Now I am fully persuaded
that, in the first instance, no part of the union would share more
largely than New England, in the aggregate of the benefits result
ing from the tariff. But the habits of economy of her people, thete
industey, their skUl, their noble enterprise, the stimulating effects
of their more rigorous climate, all tend to insure to her the first
and the richest fruits of the tariff. The middle and the western
states will come in afterwards for their portion, and all will partici
pate in the advantage of internal exchanges and cteculation. No
quarter of the union will urge, with a worse grace than New
England, objections to a measure, having for its object the advance
ment of the interests of the whole; for no quarter of the union
participates more extensively in the benefits flowing from the
general government. Her tonnage, her fisheries, her foreign teade,
have been constantly objects of federal care. There is expended
the greatest portion of the public revenue. The building of the
pubfic ships; their equipments; the expenses incident to their
remaining in port, chiefly take place there. That great drain on
the revenue, the revolutionary pension law, inclines principally
towards New England. I do not, however, coraplain of these
'advantages which she enjoys. She is probably fairly entitled to
them. But gentlemen from that quarter may, at least, be justly
reminded of them, when they complain of the onerous effect of
one or two items of the tariff.
Mr. Chairman, I frankly own that I feel great solicitude for the
success of this bill. The entire independence^ of my countey on
aU foreign states, as it respects a supply of our essential wants, has
ever been with me a favorite object The war of our revolution
effected our political emancipation. The last war conteibuted
greatly towards accomplishing our commercial fireedom. But our
complete indepeiidence will only be consummated after tbe policy
of this biU shall be recognised and adopted. We have, indeed,
great difficulties to contend with — old habits, colonial usages, the
obduracy of the colonial spirit, the enormous profits of a foreign
teade, prosecuted under favorable ctecumstances, which no longer
continue. I wiU not despair ; the cause, I verily befieve, is the
cause of the countey. It may be postponed ; it may be frusteated
for the moment, but it must finaUy prevaU. Let us endeavor to
acqutee for the present congress, the merit of having laid this sofid
foundation of the national prosperity. If, as I think, fataUy for
the pubfic interest, the biU shaU be defeated, what wiU be the
character of the account which we shall have to render to our
constituents upon our return among them? We shaU be asked,
what have you done to remedy the disorders of the pubfic cur
rency ? Why, Mr. Secretary of the teeasury made us a long report
on that matter, containing much valuable information, and some

424 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
very good reasoning, but, upon the whole, we found that subject
rather above our comprehension, and we concluded that it was
wisest to let it regulate itself What have you done to supply the
deficit in the freasm-y ? We thought that, aUhough you are aU
endeavoring to get out of the banks, it was a very good time for us
to go into thera, and we have authorized a loan. You have done
something then, certainly, on the subject of retrenchment. Here, at
home, we are practicing the greatest economy, and our daughters,
no longer able to wear calico gowns, are obliged to put on home
spun. Why, we have saved, by the indefatigable exertions of a
member from Tennessee (general Cocke), fifty thousand doUars,
which were wanted for the Yellow Stone expedition. No, not
quite so much ; for thirty thousand dollars of that sum were stiU
wanted, although we stopped the expedition at the Council Bluffs.
And we have saved another sura, which we hope will give you
great satisfaction. After nearly two days' debate, and a division
between the two houses, we struck off two hundred dollars from
the salary of the clerk of the attorney general. What have you
done to protect home industey from the effects of the conteacted
policy of foreign powers ? We thought it best, after much defibe
ration, to leave things alone at home and to continue our encourage
ment to foreign industry. Well, surely you have passed some law
to reanimate and revive the hopes of the numerous bankrupts that
have been made by the exteaordinary circurastances of the world,
and the ruinous tendency of our policy? No; the senate could
not agree on that subject, and the bankrupt bill failed ? Can we
plead, sir, ignorance of the general disteess, and of the ardent
wishes of the community for that protection of its industey which
this bill proposes ? No, sir, almost daily, throughout the session,
have we been receiving petitions, with which our t^ble is now
loaded, humbly imploring us to extend this protection. Unanimous
resolutions from important state legislatures have called upon us
to give it, and the people of whole states in mass — almost in
mass, of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio — have
transmitted to us their earnest and humble petitions to encourage
the home industry. Let us not turn a deaf ear to them. Let us
not disappoint their just expectations. Let us manifest, by the
passage of this bUl, that congress does not deserve the reproaches
which have been cast on it. Of insensibUity to the wants and
sufferings of the people.

MISSION TO SOUTH AMERICA.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 10, 1820.

[At this period of the session of the sixteenth congress, only five days before its
close, after which he temporarily retired, in November following, by resigning as
speaker, Mr. Clay had the gratification of witnessing the triumphant resultofhis oft-
repeated efforts in the cause of South American independence. The resolution on
the subject which he had offered on the third of April, was supported on this occasion
by the following speech, and adopted by the house by a vote of eighty to seventy-five.
Itwas understood that the measure was carried against the wishes and influence of
the administration.
The wisdom of the policy proposed and advocated by Mr. Clay, from ISIS, or even
an earlier period, until finally adopted by the congress of the United States, namely,
in recognising the independence of the infant republics of South America, was proved
by the course of the British government, in being the first of the great European
powers to follow the example. In June, 1S24, the cabinet of George the Fourth
determined on the recognition of Mexico, Colombia, and Buenos Ayres, as indepen
dent states ; and in 1826, that great statesman, Mr Canning, in a speech in the house
of commons, alluding to the occupation of Spain by a French army, about that time,
used the following memorable words - ' I admit that the entry of a French army in{o
Spain was a disparagement to Great Britain. Do you think, that for the disparagement
to England we have not been compensated ? I looked, sir, at Spain by another name
than Spain. I looked upon that power as ' Spain and the Indies' I looked at the
Indies, and there I have called a new world into existence, and thus redressed the balance
of power.' A comparison of dates will show how much the American statesman
was in advance of the British minister, in ' calling this new world into existence.']

The house being in committee of the whole, on the state of the
union, and a motion being made to that effect, the committee
resolved to proceed to the consideration of the foUowing resolu
tions :
Resolved, That it is. expedient to provide by law a suitable outfit
and salary for such minister or ministers as the president, by and
with the advice and consent of the senate, may send to any of the
governments of South America, which have established, and are
maintaining, their independence on Spain :
I Resolved, That provision ought to be made for requesting the
president of the Uruted States to cause to be presented to the
general, the most worthy and distinguished, in his opinion, in the
service of any of the independent governments of South America,
the sword which was given by the viceroy of Lima to captain
Biddle of the Ontario, during her late cruise in the Pacific, and
VOL. I. 54

426 - speeches of henry clay.
which is now in the office of the department of state, wUh the
expression of the wish of the congress of the United States, that
it may be employed in the support and preservation of the liberties
and independence of his countey:
When Mr. Clay arose and said : It is my intention, Mr. Chair
man, to withdraw the latter resolution. Since I offered it, this
house (by the passage of the bill to prevent, under suitable penalties,
in future, the acceptance of presents, forbidden by the constitution,
to prohibit the carrying of foreigners in the public vessels, and to
fimit to the case of our own citizens, and to regulate, in that case,
the transportation of money in them,) has, perhaps; sufficientiy
animadverted on the violation of the constitution, v.'hich produced
that resolution. I confess, that when I heard of captain Biddle
receiving frora the deputy of a king the sword in question; I felt
greatiy mortified. I could not help conteasting his conduct with
that of the surgeon on board an American man-of-war^, in the bay
of Naples, (I regret that I do not recollect his name, as I should like
to record, with the testimony which I with pleasure bear to his highr
minded conduct,) who, having performed an operation on one of
the suite of the emperor of Austria, and being offered fifteen
hundred pistoles or doUars for his skilful service, returned the purse,
and said, that what he had done was in the cause of humanity, and
that the constitution of his country forbade his acceptance of the
proffered boon. There was not an American heart that did- not
swell with pride on hearing of his noble disinterestedness. It did
appear to rae, also, that the time of captain Biddle's interposition
was unfortunate to produce an agreement between the viceroy of
Lima and Chili, to exchange thete respective prisoners, however
desirable the accomplishment of such a humane object might be,
The viceroy had constantiy refused to consent to any such exchange.
And it is an incontestable fact, that the barbarities which have
characterized the civil war in Spanish America have uniformly
originated, with the royalists. After the memorable battie of Maipu,
decisive of the independence of Chili, and fatal to the arms of the
viceroy, this interposition, if I am not mistaken, took place. The
teansportation of money, upon freight, from the port of Callao to
that of Rio Janeiro, for royalists, appeared to me also highly
improper. If we wish to preserve, unsuUied, the iUustrious
character, which our navy justiy sustains, we should repress the
-very first instances of irregularity. But I am wiUing to believe that
captain Biddle's conduct has been inadvertent He is a gaUanl
officer, and belongs to a respectable and pati-iotic family. His
errors, I am persuaded, wiU not be repeated by him or imitated by
others. And I trust that there is no man more unwiUing than I
am, unnecessarily to press reprehension. It is thought, moreover; by
some, that the president might feel an emban-assment in executing
the duty required of him by the resolution, which it was far frora
my purpose to cause him. I withdraw it

RUSSION TO SOUTH AMERICA. 427
There is no connection intended, or in fact, between that
resolution and the one I now propose briefly to discuss. The
proposition, to recognise the independent governments of South
Arnerica, offers a subject of as great importance as any which could
claim the deliberate consideration of this house.
Mr. Clay then went on to say, that it appeared to him the object
of this, government, heretofore, had been, so to manage its afi'airs, in
Regard to South America, as to produce an effect on its existing
.negotiations with the parent country. The house were now
apprized, by the message from the president, that this poficy had
totally failed ; it had failed, because pur country would not dishonor
itself by surrendering one of the most important rights incidental
to sovereignty. Although w-^e had observed a course toward the
patriots, as Mr. Gallatin said, in his communication read yesterday,
.greatly exceeding in rigor the course pursued towards them either
,by France or England; although, also, as was remarked by the
secretary of state, we had observed a neutrality so strict that blood
had been spilt in enforcing it ; still, Spanish honor was not
satisfied, and fresh sacrifices were demanded of us. If they were
resisted in form, they were substantially yielded by our course as
to South America. We will not stipulate with Spain not to
recognise the independence of the south ; but wc nevertheless grant
her all she demands.
Mr. Clay said, it had been his intention to have gone into a
.general view of the course of policy which has characterized the
.general government ; but on account of the lateness of the session,
and the desire for an early adjournment, he should waive, for that
purpose, and, in the observations he had to ir.ake, confine himself
pretty much to events subsequent to the period at which he had
¦submitted to the house a proposition having neariy the same object
¦ as this.
After the return of our commissioners from Soutii America;
after they had all agreed in attesting the fact of iiulcijcndent
sovereignty being exercised by the government of Buenos Ayres;
the whole nation looked forward to the recognition of the indepen
dence of that country, as the policy which the government ought
to pursue. He appealed to every member to say, whether there
was not a general opinion, in case the report of that mission should
turn out as it did, that the recognition of the independence of that
, government would follow, as a matter of course. The surprise at
a different course being pursued by the executive at the, last session,
was proportionably great On this subject, so strong was the
mes=ao-e of the president at the commencement of the present
session, that some of the presses took it for granted, tliat the recog
nition would follow of course, and a paper in this neighborhood
¦ has said that there was, in regard to that question, a race o popu
larity between the president of the United Slates and the humble

428 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
individual who now addressed the house. Yet, faithless Ferdinand
refuses to ratify his own teeaty, on the pretext of violations of our
neuteality ; but, in fact, because we will not basely surrender an
important atteibute of sovereignty. Two years ago, he said, would,
in his opinion, have been the proper time for recognising the
independence of the south. Then the struggle was somewhat
doubtful, and a kind office on the part of this government would
have had a salutary effect. Since that period, what had occui-red?
Any thing to prevent a recognition of their independence, or to
make it less expedient? No; every occun-ence tended to prove
the capacity of that country to maintain its independence. He
then successively adverted to the batties of Maipu, and Bojaca,
their gi-eat brilliancy, and their important consequences. Adverting
to the union of Venezuela and New Grenada in one republic, he
said one of their first acts was, to appoint one of their raost distin
guished citizens, the vice president Zea, a rainister to this country.
There was a tirae, he said, when impressions are made on individ
uals and nations, by kindness towards them, which lasts for ever,
when they are surrounded with enemies, and embairassments
present themselves. Ages and ages raay pass away, said he,
before we forget the help we received in our day of peril, from the
hands of France. Her injustice, the tyranny of her despot, may
alienate us for a time ; but die moment it ceases, we relapse into a
good feeling towards her. Do you mean to wait, said lie,'untU
these republics are recognised by the whole world, and then step
in and extend your hand to them, when it can no longer be with
held ? If wc are to believe general Vives, we have gone about
among foreign powers, and consulted with lord Castlereagh and
count Nesselrode, to seek some aid in recognising the indepen
dence of these powers. What I after the president has told us that
the recognition of the independence of nations is an incontestable
right of sovereignty, shaU we lag behind tiU the European powers
thijik proper to advance ? The president has assigned, as a reason
for abstaining from the recognition, that the congress of Aix-la-
Chapelle might take offence at it So far from such an usurped
interference being a rcasou for stopping, he would have exerted' the
right the sooner for it But, the congress of Ai.\-la-ChapelIe had
refused to interfere, and on that point the president was mistaken.
Spain, it was true, had gone about begging the nations of Europe
not to interfere in behalf of the South Americans; but the wishes
of the whole unbiassed world must be in their favor. And while
we had gone on, passing neutrality bill after neutrality bill, and
bills to punish piracy — with respect to unquestioned piracy,' no
one was more in favor of punishing it than he; but he had no
idea of imputing piracy to men fighting under the flag of a people
at war for independence — whilst we pursued this course, even in
advance of the legitimates of Europe, what, he asked, had been

MISSION TO SOUTH AMERICA. 429
the course of England herself on this head ? Here he quoted a
few passages from the work of Abbe de Pradt, recently tean slated
by one of our citizens, which, he said, though the author was not
very popular among crowned heads, no man could read without
•being enfightened and instructed. These passages dwelt on the
importance of the commerce of South America, when freed from
its present resteaints, and so forth. What would I give, exclaimed
he, could we appreciate the advantages which may be reafized by
pursuing the course which I propose ! It is in our power to create
a system of. which we shall be the centre, and in which all South
America wUl act with us. In respect to comraerce, we shaU be
most benefited; tiiis country would become the place of deposit of
the commerce of the world. Our citizens engaged in foreign
trade at present were disheartened by the condition of that ti-ade ;
they .'must take new channels for it, and none so advantageous
could be found, as those which the trade with South America
would afford. Mr. Clay took a prospective view of the growth of
wealth, and increase of population of this country and South
America. That country had noAV a population of upwards of
¦ eighteen millions. The same activity in the principle of popula
tion would exist in that country as here. Twenty -five years hence
it might be estimated at thirty-six millions; fifty years fience, at
seventy-two millions. We now have a population of ten milUons.
From the character of our population, we must always take the
lead in the prosecution of commerce and manufactures. Imagine
the vast power of the tw-o countries, and the value of the inter
course between them, when we shall have a population of .forty
millions, and they of seventy millions ! In relation to South Amer
ica, the people of the United States will occupy the sarae position
as the people of New England do to the rest of the United States.
Our enterprise, industry, and habits of econoray, wiU give us the
advantage in any competition which South America may sustain
^with us, and so forth.
But, however important our early recognition of the indepen
dence of the south might be to us, as respects our coramercial and
manufacturing interests, was there not another view of the subject,
infinitely more gi-atifying? We should become the centre of a
¦system which would constitute the rallying point of human freedom
against all the despotism of the old worid. Did any man doubt
the feelings of the south towards us ? In spite of our coldness
towards them, of the rigor of our laws, and the conduct of our
officers, their hearts still turned towards us, as to their brethren ;
and he had no earthly doubt, if our government would take the
lead and recognise them, they would become yet more anxious to
imUate our institutions, and to secure to themselves and to their
posterity the sarne freedom which we enjoy.
On a subject of this sort, he asked, was it possible we could be

430 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
content to remain, as we now were, looking anxiously to Europe,
watching the eyes of lord Castiereagh, and getting scraps of letters
doubtfully indicative of his wishes ; and sending to the czar of .
Russia and getting another scrap frora count Nesselrode ? Why
not proceed to act on our own responsibility, and recognise these
governments as independent, instead of taking the lead of the holy
alliance in a course which jeopardizes the happiness of unborn
millions. He deprecated this deference for foreign powers- If
lord Castlereagh says we raay recognise, we do ; if not, we do
not A single expression of the British minister to the present
secretary of state, then our minister abroad, he was ashamed to
say, had moulded the policy of our government towards South
America. Our institutions now make us free ; but how long shall
we continue so, if we mould our opinions on those of Europe?
Let us break these commercial and political fetters; let us no
longer watch the nod of any European politician ; let us become
real and true Americans, and place ourselves at the head of the
American systera.
Gentiemen all said, they were all anxious to see the indepen
dence of the South established. If sympathy for them was enough,
the patriots wOuld have reason to be satisfied -with the abundant
expressions of it. But something more was Wanting. Some
gentlemen had intimated, that the people of the south were unfit
for freedora. WiU gentiemen contend, said Mr. Clay, because
those people are not like us in aU particulars, they are therefore
unfit for freedora ? In sorae particulars, he ventured to say, that
the people of South America were in advance of us. On the
point which had been so much discussed on this floor, during the
present session, they were greatiy in advance of us. Grenada,
"Venezuela, and Buenos Ayres, had aU emancipated their slaves.
He did not say that we ought to do so, or that they ought to have
done so, under different circumstances ; but he rejoiced that the
circumstances were such as to permit them to do it.
Two questions only, he argued, were necessarily preliminary to
the recognition of the independence of the people of the south ;
first, as to the fact of their independence ; and, secondly, as to the
capacity for self-government On the first point, not a doubt
existed. On the second, there was every evidence in their favor.
They had fostered schools with great care, there were more news
papers in the single town of Buenos Ayres (at the time he was
speaking) than in the whole kingdom of Spain. He never saw a
question discussed with more abUity than that in a newspaper of
Buenos Ayres, whether a federative or consofidated form of gov
ernment was best
But, though every argument in favor of the recognition should
be admitted to be just, it would be said, that another revolution
had occurred in Spain, and we ought, therefore, to delay. On the

MISSION. TO SOUTH AMERICA. 431
¦contrary, said he every consideration recommended us to act now.
in r^.r^^'^^r^u^'l'" estabUshing her freedom, the colonies must
alsobe free. The first desire of a government itself free, must be
to give fiberty to its dependencies. On the other hand if Spain
should not succeed m gaining her freedom, no raan can doubt
that bpam, in her reduced state, would no longer have power to
carry, on the contest So many miUions of men could not be
subjugated by the enervated arm and exhausted means of aged
bpain. In ten years of war, the most unimportant province of
Soutfi America had not been, subdued by all the wealth and the
resources of Spain. The certainty of the successful resistance of
the atteinpts of Spain to reduce them, would be found in the great
extent of the provinces of South America — of larger extent than
aU the empire of Russia. The relation of the colonies and mother
country could not exist, from the nature of things, under whatever
aspect the government of Spain might assume. The condition
of Spain was no reason for neglecting now to do what we ought
to have done long ago. Every thing, on the conteary, tended" to
prove that this, this was the accepted time.
, With regard to the form of his proposition, all he wanted was,
to obtain an expression of the opinion of the house on this subject ;
and whether a minister should be authorized to one or the other of
these governments, or whether he should be of one grade or of
another, he cared not. This republic, with the exception of the
people of South America, constituted the sole depository of pofiti
cal and rehgious freedom ; and can it be possible, said he, that we
can remain passive spectators of the struggle of those people to
break the same chains which once bound us ? The opinions of
the friends of freedom in Era-ope is, that our poficy has been cold,
heartless, and indifferent, towards the gi-eatest cause which could
possibly engage om- affections and enlist our feefings in its behalf.
Mr. Clay concluded by saying that, whatever might be. the
decision of this house on this question, proposing shortly to go
into retirement from public fife, he should there have the consola
tion of knowing that he had used his best exertions in favor of a
people inhabiting a territory calculated to contain as many souls
as the whole of Christendom besides, whose happiness was at
stake, and which it was in the power of this government to do so
much towards securing.

ON THE GREEK EEVOLUTION.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 20, 1824.

[The house being in committee of the whole, on the resolution offered by Mr.
Webster, of Massachusetts, in the words following:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, for defraying the expense
incident to the appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever the
president shall deem it expedient to make such appointment :
Mr. Clay addressed the committee in the following speech in support of the reso
lution, in which it will be seen he was true to the principles which he had so often
vindicated when the independence of South America was under consideration. Not
withstanding the combined efforts of Mr. Clay and. Mr. Webster, the resolution was
not sustained by a majority of the house, although there is no doubt that the measure
proposed was in accordance with public opinion, in the sympathies then felt for the
cause of the Greeks.]

In rising, let me state distinctly the substance of the original
proposition of the gentieraan from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster),
with that of the amendment of the gentieraan from South Caro
lina (Mr. Poinsett). The resolution proposes a provision of the
means to defray the expense of deputing a commissioner or agent
to Greece, whenever the president, who knows, or ought to know,
the disposition of all the European powers, Turkish or Christian,
shaU deem it proper. The amendment goes to withhold any appro
priation to that object, but to make a public declaration of our
syrapathy with the Greeks, and of our good wishes for the success
of their cause. And how has this simple, unpretending, unam
bitious, this harmless proposition, been ti-eated in debate ? It has
been argued as if it offered aid to the Greeks ; as if it proposed
the recognition of the independence of their governraent; as a
measure of unjustifiable interference in the internal affairs of a
foreign state, and, finally, as war. And they who thus argue the
question, whUst they absolutely surrender themselves to the Ulu-
sions of their own fervid imaginations, and depict, in glowing
terms, the monsteous and alarming consequences which are to
spring out of a proposition so simple, impute to us, who are its
humble advocates, quixotism, quixotism ! WhUst they are taking
the most exteavagant and boundless range, and arguing any thuig
and every thing but the question before the coramittee, they accuse
us of enthusiasm, of giving the reins to excited feeling, of being

ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 433
transported by our imaginations. No, sir, the resolution is no
proposition for aid, nor for recognition, nor for interference, nor for
war. I know that there are some who object to the resolution on
account of the source from which it has sprung — who except to
its mover, as if its value or importance were to be estimated by
personal considerations. I have long had the pleasure of knowing
the honorable gentieman from Massachusetts, and sometiraes that
of acting with him ; and I have much satisfaction in expressing
my high admiration of his great talents. But I would appeal to
my repubfican friends, those faithful sentinels of civU liberty with
whom I have ever acted, shaU we reject a proposition, consonant
to our principles, favoring the good and great cause, on account of
the pofitical character of its mover ? ShaU we not rather look to
the intrinsic merits of the measure, and seek every fit occasion to
steengthen and perpetuate liberal principles and noble sentiments ?
If it were possible for republicans to cease to be the champions of
human freedom, and if federalists become its only supporters, I
would cease to be a republican; I would becorae a federalist
The preservation of the public confidence can only be secured, or
merited, by a faithful adherence to the principles by which it has
been acquteed.
Mr. Chairman, is it not extraordinary that for these two successive
years the president of the United States should have been freely
indulged, not only -without censure, but with universal applause, to
express the feelings which both the resolution and the amendment
proclaim, and yet, if this house venture to unite with him, the
raost a-vvful consequences are to ensue ? From Maine to Georgia,
from the Atlantic ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, the sentiment of
approbation has blazed with the rapidity of electricity. Every
where the interest in the Grecian cause is felt with the deepest
intensity, expressed in every form, and increases with every new
day and passing hour. And are the representatives of the people
alone to be insulated from the common moral atmosphere of the
whole land? Shall we shut ourselves up in apathy, and separate
ourselves from our countey, from our constituents, from our chief
magisteate, from our principles ?
The measure has been most unreasonably magnified. Gentie
men speak of the watchful jealousy of the Turk, and seem to think
the slightest movement of this body wUl be matter of serious spec
ulation at Constantinople. I believe that neither the sublirae porte,
nor the European aUies, attach any such exaggerated importance
to the acts and defiberations of this body. The Turk wiU, in all
probabifity, never hear of the names of the gentiemen who either
espouse or oppose the resolution. It certainly is not without a
value ; but that value is altogether raoral ; it throws our littie teibute
into the vast stream of public opinion, which sooner or later must
VOL. J. 5^

484 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
regulate the physical action upon the great interests of the civilized
world. But, rely upon it, the Ottoman is not about to declare war
against us because this unoffending proposition has been offered
by my honorable friend from Massachusetts, whose name, however
distinguished and eminent he may be in our own country, has
probably never reached the ears of the sublime porte. The aUied
powers are not going to be thrown into a state of consternation,
because we appropriate some two or three thousand dollars to send
an agent to Greece.
The question has been argued as if the Greeks would be exposed
to StUl more shocking enormities by its passage ; as if the Turldsh
cimeter would be rendered still keener, and dyed deeper and yet
deeper in christian blood. Sir, if such is to be the effect of the
declaration of our sympathy, the evil has been already produced.
That declaration has been already publicly and solemnly made by
the chief magistrate of the United States, in two distinct messages.
It is this document which comraands at home and abroad the most
fixed and universal attention ; which is teanslated into all the foreign
journals; read by sovereigns and their ministers; and, possibly, in
the divan itself But our resolutions are doraestic, for home con
sumption, and rarely, if ever, meet iraperial or royal eyes. The
president, in his messages, after a most touching representation of
the feelings excited by the Greek insurrection, tells you that the
dominion of the Turk is gone for ever ; and that the most sanguine
hope is entertained that Greece will achieve her independence.
Well, sir, if this be the fact, if the allied powers themselves may,
possibly, before we again assemble in this hall, acknowledge that
independence, is it not fit and becoming in this house to make
provision that our president shall be among the foremost, or at least
not among the last, in that acknowledgment ? So far from this
resolution being likely to whet the vengeance of the Turk against
his Grecian victims, I believe its tendency -wiU be dteectiy the
reverse. Sir, with all his unliraited power, and in all the elevation
of his despotic throne, he is at last but raan, raade as we are, of
flesh, of rauscle, of bone and sinew. He is susceptible of pain,
and can feel, and has felt the uncalculating valor of American
freemen in some of his dominions. And when he is made to
understand that the executive of this government is sustained by
the representatives of the people ; that our entire political fabric,
base, column, and entablature, rulers and people, with heart soul,
mind, and strength, are all on the side of the gallant people whom
he would crush, he will be raore likely to resteain than to increase
his atrocities upon suffering and bleeding Greece.
The gentieraan frora New Harapshfi-e (Mr. Bartiett) has made,
on this occasion, a very ingenious, sensible, and ironical speech — ¦
an admirable debut for a new raember, and such as I hope we shall
often have repeated on this floor. But, perrait me to advise my

ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 435
young friend to remember the maxim, ' that sufficient unto the day
is the evU thereof;' and when the resolution* on another subject,
which I had the honor to submit, shall come up to be discussed, I
hope he will not content himself with saying, as he has now done,
that it is a very extraordinary one ; but that he wiU then favor the
house with an argumentative speech, proving that it is our duty
quietly to see laid prosteate every fortress of human hope, and to
behold, with indifference, the last outwork of liberty taken and
desteoyed. It has been said, that the proposed measure will be a departure
from our uniform policy with respect to foreign nations ; that it
will provoke the wrath of the holy alliance ; and that it will, in
effect, be a repetition of their own offence, by an unjustifiable inter
position in the domestic concerns of other powers. No, sir, not even
if it authorized, which it does not, an immediate recognition of
Grecian independence. What has been the settled and steady
policy and practice of this governraent, from the days of Wash
ington to the present moment ? In the case of France, the father of
his countey and his successors received Genet, Fouchet, and all
the French ministers who foUowed them, whether sent from king,
convention, anarchy, emperor, or king again. The rule we have
ever foUowed has "been this ; to look at the state of the fact, and
to recognise that government, be it what it might, which was in
actual possession of sovereign power. When one government is
overthrown, and another is estabhshed on its ruins, without embar
rassing ourselves with any of the principles involved in the contest,
we have ever acknowledged the new and actual government as
soon as it had undisputed existence. Our simple inquiry has been,
is there a government de facto ? We have had a recent and memo
rable example. When the allied ministers retired from Madrid,
and refused to accompany Ferdinand to Cadiz, ours remained, and
we sent out a new minister, who sought at that port to present
himself to the constitutional king. Why? Because it was the
government of Spain, in fact. Did the aUies declare war against
us for the exercise of this incontestable attribute of sovereignty ?
Did they even transmit any diplomatic note, coraplaining of our
conduct'? The fine of our European poUcy has been so plainly
described, that it is impossible to mistake it We are to abstain
from all interference in thete disputes, to take no part in their
contests, to make no entangling alliances with any of thera ; but to
assert and exercise our indisputable right of opening and main
taining diplomatic intercourse with any actual sovereignty.
There is reason to apprehend, that a tremendous storm is ready
to burst upon our happy country; one which may call into action
* The resolution, offered by Mr. Clay declaring that A«.y"it«dSf|s would not
see with indifference any interference of the holy alliance in behalf of Spam against
the new American republics.

436 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
all our vigor, courage, and resources. Is it wise or prudent, in
preparing to breast the storm, if it muist come, to talk to this nation
of its incompetency to repel European aggi-ession ; to lower its
spirit, to weaken its moral energy, and to qualify it for easy con
quest and base submission ? If there be any reality in the dangers
which axe supposed to encorapass us, should we not aniraate the
people, and adjure them to believe, as I do, that our resources are
ample ; and that we can bring into the field a milfion of freemen,
ready to exhaust their last drop of blood, and to spend the last
cent in the defence of the country, its liberty, and its institutions?
Sir, are these, if united, to be conquered by aU Europe combined?
All the perils to which we can possibly be exposed, are much less
in reafity, than the imagination is disposed to paint them. And
they are best averted by an habitual contemplation of them, by
reducing them to their true diraensions. If combined Europe is
to precipitate itself upon us, we cannot too soon begin to invigo
rate our strength, to teach our heads to think, our hearts to conceive,
and our arms to execute, the high and noble deeds which belong
to the character and glory of our country. The experience of the
world instructs us, that conquests are already achieved, which are
boldly and firmly resolved on ; and that men only become slaves
who have ceased to resolve to be free. If we wish to cover
ourselves with the best of all armor, let us not discourage our
people, let us stimulate their ardor, let us sustain their resolution,
let us proclaira to thera that we feel as they feel, and that, with
thera, we are determined to live or die like freemen.
Surely, sir, we need no long or learned lectures about the nature
of government, and the influence of property or ranks on society.
We may content ourselves with studying the true character of our
own people ; and with knowing that the interests are confided to
us of a nation capable of doing and suffering all things for its
liberty. Such a nation, if its rulers be faithful, must be invincible.
I well remember an observation made to me by the raost illustrious
feraale* of the age, if nbt of her sex. All history showed, she
said, that a nation was never conquered. No, sir, no united
nation, that resolves to be free, can be conquered. And has it come
to this ? Are we so hurabled, so low, so debased, that we dare not
express our sympathy for suffering Greece ; that we dare not articu
late our detestation of the brutal excesses of which she has been
the bleeding victim, lest we might offend some one or more of
their imperial and royal majesties ? If gentiemen are afraid to act
rashly on such a subject, suppose, Mr. Chairman, that we unite in
an humble petition, addressed to their majesties, beseeching thera,
that of their gracious condescension, they would allow us to express
our feelings and our sympathies. How shaU it run ? ' We, the
* Madame de StaSl.

ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 437
representatives of the free people of the United States of America,
humbly approach the thrones of your imperial and royal majesties,
and supplicate that, of your imperial and royal clemency — ' I
cannot go through the disgusting recital ; my lips have not yet
learned to pronounce the sycophantic language of a degraded
slave ! Are we so mean, so base, so despicable, that we may not
attempt to express our horror, utter our indignation, at the most
brutal and ateocious war that ever stained earth or shocked high
heaven ? at the ferocious deeds of a savage and infuriated soldiery,
stimulated and urged on by the clergy of a fanatical and inimical
religion, and rioting in all the excesses of blood and butchery, at
the mere details of which the heart sickens and recoils ?
If the great body of Christendom can look on calmly and coolly,
whilst all this is perpeteated on a christian people, in its own
immediate vicinity, in its very presence, let us at least evince, that
one of its remote extremities is susceptible of sensibifity to christian
wrongs, and capable of sympathy for christian sufferings ; that in
this remote quarter of the world, there are hearts not yet closed
against compassion for human woes, that can pour out their
indignant feelings at the oppression of a people endeared to us by
every ancient recollection, and every modern tie. Sir, attempts
have been made to alarm the committee, by the dangers to our
coramerce in the Mediterranean ; and a wretched invoice of figs
and opium has been spread before us to repress our sensibifities
and to eradicate our humanity. Ah ! sir, ' what shaU it profit a
man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul,' or what
shaU it avail a nation to save the whole of a miserable trade, and
lose its liberties ?
On the subject of the other independent American states, hitherto
it has not been "necessary to depart from the rule of our foreign
relations, observed in regard to Europe. Whether it will become
us to do so or not, wiU be considered when we take up another
resolution, lying on the table. But we may not only adopt this
measure ; we raay go further ; we may recognise the government
in the Morea, if actually independent, and it wiU be neither war,
nor cause of war, nor any violation of our neutrality. Besides,
sir, what is Greece to the aUies ? A part of the dominions of any
of them ? By no means. Suppose the people in one of the
Phifippine isles, or any other spot stiU more insulated and remote,
in Asia or Africa, were to resist their former rulers, and set up and
establish a new governraent, are we not to recognise thera, in dread
of the holy allies"? If they are going to interfere, frora the danger of
the contagion of the example, here is the spot, our own favored
land, where they must strike. This government, you, Mr. Chair
man, and the body over which you preside, are the living and
cutting reproach to aUied despotism. If we are to offend thera, it
is not by passing this resolution. We are daUy and hourly givmg

438 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
them cause of war. It is here, and in our free institutions, that
they will assail us. They wiU attack us because you sit beneath
that canopy, and we are freely debating and deliberating upon the
great interests of freemen, and dispensing the blessings of free
government. They wiU strike, because we pass one of those bUls
on your table. The passage of the least of thera, by our free
authority, is more gaUing to despotic powers, than would be the
adoption of this so much dreaded resolution. Pass it, and what
do you do ? You exercise an indisputable attribute of sovereignty,
for which you are responsible to none of thera. You do the same
when you perform any other legislative function ; no less. If the
allies object to this measure, let thera forbid us to take a vote in this
house ; let them steip us of every atti-ibute of independent govern
ment ; let them disperse us.
Will gentiemen attempt to maintain that, on the principles of
the law of nations, those aUies would have cause of war ? If
there be any principle which has been settled for ages, any which
is founded in the very nature of things, it is that every independent
state has the clear right to judge of the fact of the existence of
other sovereign powers. I admit that there may be a state of
inchoate initiative sovereignty, in which a new government, just
steuggling into being, cannot be said yet perfectly to exist But the
premature recognition of such new governraent can give offence
justiy to no other than its ancient sovereign. The right of recogni
tion coraprehends the right to be informed ; and the means of
information must, of necessity, depend upon the sound discretion
of the party seeking it You may send out a commission of
inquiry, and charge it with a provident attention to your own people
and your own interests. Such will be the character of the proposed
agency. It will not necessarily follow, that any public functionary
will be appointed by the president. You merely grant the means by
which the executive may act when he thinks proper. What does
he teU you in his message ? That Greece is contending for her
independence; that all sympathize with her; and that no power
has declared against her. Pass this resolution, and what is the
reply which it conveys to him ? ' You have sent us grateful
intelligence ; we feel warmly for Greece, and we grant you money,
that, when you shall think it proper, when the interests of this
nation shall not be jeoparded, you may depute a coraraissioner or
public agent to Greece.' The whole responsibility is then left
where the constitution puts it A member in his place may make
a speech or proposition, the house may even pass a vote, in respect
to our foreign affairs, which the president, with the whole field lying
full before him, would not deera it expedient to effectuate.
But, sir, it is not for Greece alone that I desire to see this measure
adopted. It will give to her but littie support, and that purely of
a moral kind. It is principaUy for America, for the credit and

ON THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 439
character of our common country, for our own unsuUied name, that
I hope to see.it pass. Mr. Chairman, what appearance on the
page of history would a record like this exhibit ? ' In the month
of January, in the year of our Lord and Saviour, 1824, while aU
European Christendom beheld, with cold and unfeeling indifference,
the unexampled wrongs and inexpressible misery of christian
Greece, a proposition was made in the congress of the United
States, almost the sole, the last, the greatest depository of human
hope and human freedom, the representatives of a gaUant nation,
containing a iniUion of freemen ready to fly to arms, whUe the
people Of that nation were spontaneously expressing its deep-toned
feeling, and the whole continent, by one simultaneous emotion,
was rising, and solemnly and anxiously supplicating and invoking
high heaven to spare and succor Greece, and to invigorate her
arms in her glorious cause, whilst temples and senate houses were
alike resounding with one burst of generous and holy sympathy ;
in the year of our Lord and Saviour, that Saviour of Greece and
of us ; a proposition was offered in the American congress to send a
messenger to Greece, to inquire into her state and condition, with
a kind expression of our good wishes and our sympathies — and
it was rejected!' Go home, if you can ; go h9me, if you dare, to
your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down ; meet, if
you can, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here,
and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of your own
sentiments; that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown
dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger,
drove you from your purpose ; that the spectees of cimiters, and
cro^vns, and crescents, gleamed before you and alarmed, you ; and
tiiat you suppressed all the noble feelings prorapted by religion,
by liberty, by national independence, and by huraanity. I cannot
bring myself to believe, that such will be the feeling of a majority
of the committee. But, for myself, though every friend of the
cause should desert it, and I be left to stand alone -with the gentle
man from Massachusetts, I wiU give to his resolution the poor
sanction of my unquaUfied approbation.

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 30 and 31, 1824.

[The tariff of 1S24, as it passed both houses of congress and became a law, was
avowedly adopted as a measure to protect American industry. The bill was reported
by the committee on manufactures, of which Mr, Tod of Pennsylvania was chair
man. While under discussion in committee of the whole, Mr. Clay (spealcer) made
the following elaborate argument in support of an Amemoan system for the protec
tion of American industry. On this occasion he met and replied to the ablest
opponents of the system, which at that time included Mr. Webster. The latter
subseq^uently changed his opinion and became a supporter of protection.]

The gentieman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) has embraced the
occasion produced by the proposition of the gentieman from
Tennessee to steike out the minimura price in the bill on cotton
fabrics, to express his sentiments at large on the poUcy of the
pending measure ; and it is scarcely necessary for me to say that
he has evinced his usual good teraper, abiUty, and decorura. The
parts of the bUl are so intermingled and interwoven together, that
there can be no doubt of the fitness of this occasion to exhibit its
merits or its defects. It is my intention, with the permission of the
comraittee, to avail rayself also of this opportunity, to present to
its consideration those general views, as they appear to me, of the
ti-ue policy of this country, which imperiously deraand the passage
of this biU. I am deeply sensible, Mr. Chairman, of the high
responsibility of my present situation. But that responsibifity
insptees me with no other apprehension than that I shall be unable
to fulfil my duty ; with no other soficitude than that I may, at least,
in some sraaU degree, conteibute to recaU my countey from the
pursuit of a fatal policy, which appears to me inevitably to lead to
its impoverishment and ruin. I do feel most awfully this responsi
bility. And, if it were allowable for us, at the present day, to
imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid of the Most
High. I would anxiously and ferventiy implore His divine assist
ance ; that He would be graciously pleased to shOwer on my
countey His richest blessings ; and that He would sustain, on this
interesting occasion, the humble individual who stands before Him,
and lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn
duties which now belong to his public station.

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 441
Two classes of politidans divide the people of the United
btates. According to the systera of one, the produce of foreign
industey should be subjected to no other impost -than such as may
be necessary to provide a public revenue; and the produce of
American industey should be left to sustain itself, if it can, with no
other than that incidental protection, in its competition, at home as
-wefi as -abroad, with rival foreign articles. According to the systera
of the other dass, whUst they agree that the imposts should be
mainly, and may under any modification be safely, relied on as a
, fit and convenient source of pubfic revenue, they would so adjust
and arrange the duties on foreign fabrics as to afford a gradual but
adequate protection to American industey, and lessen our depend
ence on foreign nations, by securing a certain and ultimately a
, cheaper and better supply of our own wants from our own
abundant resources. Both classes are equaUy sincere in their
respective opinions, equally honest, equally patriotic, and desirous
of advancing the prosperity of the countey. In the discussion and
consideration of these opposite opinions, for the purpose of
ascertaining which has the support of truth and reason, we should,
therefore, exercise every indulgence, and the greatest spirit of mutual
moderation and forbearance. And, in our deliberations on this
-great question, we should look fearlessly and truly at the^ actual
condition of the country, retrace the causes which have brought us
into it, and snatch, if possible, a view of the future. We should,
above all, consult experience — the experience of other nations, as
well as our own — as our teuest and most unerring guide.
In casting our eyes around us, the most prominent circumstance
which fixes our attention, and challenges our deepest regret, is the
general distress which pervades the whole country. It is forced
upon us by numerous facts of the most incontestable character. It
is indicated by the diminished exports of native produce ; by the
depressed and reduced state of our foreign navigation ; by our
diminished commerce ; by successive unthrashed crops of grain,
perishing in our barns and barn-yards for the want of a market;
by the alarming diminution of the circulating medium; by the
numerous bankruptcies, not limited to the trading classes, but
extending to all orders of society; by a universal complaint of the
want of employment, and a consequent reduction of the wages of
la,bor ; by the ravenous pursuit after public situations, not for the
sake of their honors and the performance of their pubhc duties, but
as a means of private subsistence ; by the reluctant resort to the
perilous use of paper money ; by the intervention of legislation in
the delicate relation between debtor and creditor ; and, above all,
by the low and depressed state of the value of almost every
description of the whole mass of the property of the nation, which
has, on an average, sunk not less than about fifty per centum within
a few years. This disteess pervades every part of the union, every
VOL. I 56

442 speeches of henry clay.
class of society ; aU feel it, though it may be felt, at different places,
in different degrees. It is like the atmosphere which surrounds
us — all must inhale it, and none can escape it. Li some places it
has burst upon our people, -without a single mitigating circumstance
to temper its severity. In others, more fortunate, slight alleviations
have been experienced in the expenditure of the public revenue,
and in other favoring causes. A few years ago, the planting
interest consoled itself with its happy exemptions, but it has now
reached this interest also, which experiences, though vidth less
severity, the general suffering. It is most painful to me to attempt
to sketch or to dwell on the gloom of this picture. But I have
exaggerated nothing. Perfect fidelity to the original would have
authorized me to have thrown on deeper and darker hues. And it
is the duty of the statesman, no less than that of the physician, to
survey, with a peneteating, steady, and undismayed eye, the actual
condition of the subject on which he would operate ; to probe to
the bottom the diseases of the body pofitic, if he would apply
efficacious remedies. We have not, thank God, suffered in any
gTeat degree for food. But disteess, resulting frora the absence of a
supply of the mere physical wants of our nature, is not the only
nor perhaps the keenest distress, to which we raay be exposed.
Moral and pecuniary suffering is, if possible, raore poignant It
plunges its victim into hopeless despair. It poisons, it paralyses,
the spring and source of all useful exertion. Its unsparing action
is collateral as well as direct. It faUs with inexorable force at the
same time upon the wretched faraUy of erabarrassraent and insol
vency, and upon its head. They are a faithful rairror, reflecting
back upon hira, at once, his own frightful iraage, and that, no less
appalling, of the dearest objects of his affection. What is the
CAUSE of this wide-spreading disteess, of this deep depression,
which we behold stamped on the public countenance ? We are
the sarae people. We have the same countey. We cannot arraign
the bounty of Providence. The showers stiff fall in the same
grateful abundance. The sun stiU casts his genial and -vivifying
influence upon the land ; and the land, fertUe and diversified in its
soils as ever, yields to the industeious cultivator, in boundless
profusion, its accustomed fruits, its richest teeasures. Our -vigor is
unirapaired. Our industey has not relaxed. If ever the accusa
tion of wasteful exteavagance could be raade against our people, it
cannot now be justiy preferred. They, on the conteary, for the few
last years, at least, have been practicing the raost rigid economy.
The causes, then, of our present affliction, whatever they may be,
are human causes, and human causes not chargeable upon the
people, in their private and individual relations.
What, again I would ask, is the cause of the unhappy condition
of our country, which I have faintiy depicted ? It is to be found
in the fact that, during almost the whole ex.istence of this govern-

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 443
ment, we have shaped our industey, our navigation, and our
comraerce, in reference to an exteaordinary war in Europe, and to
foreign markets, which no longer exist ; in the fact, that we have
depended too much upon foreign sources of supply, and excited
too fittie the native; in the fact that, whUst we have cultivated,
with assiduous care, our foreign resources, we have suffered those
at home to wither, in a state of neglect and abandonment. The
consequence of the termination of the war of Europe has been,
the resumption of European commerce, European navigation, and
the extension of European agriculture and European industry, in
aU its branches. Europe, therefore, has no longer occasion, to any
thing like the same extent as that she had during her wars, for
American comraerce, Araerican navigation, the produce of Amer
ican industry. Europe, in commotion, and convulsed throughout
all her members, is to America no longer the same Europe as she
is now, teanquil, and watching with the most vigilant attention aU
her own pecufiar interests, without regard to the operation of her
policy upon us. The effect of this altered state of Europe upon
us has been, to circumscribe the employment of our marine, and
greatly to reduce the value of the produce of our territorial labor.
The further effect of this twofold reduction has been, to decrease
the value of all property, whether on the land or on the ocean, and
which I suppose to be about fifty per centum. And the stUl
further effect has been, to diminish the amount of our cteculating
teiediura, in a proportion not less, by its teansmission abroad, or its
Withdrawal by the banking institutions, from a necessity which
they could not conteol. The quantity of money, in whatever form
it may be, which a nation wantSj is in proportion to the total mass
of its wealth, and to the activity of that wealth. A nation that has
but fittie wealth, has but a fimited waiit of money. In stating the
fact, therefore, that the total wealth of the countey has diminished,
within a few years, in a ratio of about fifty per centum, we shall,
at once, fully comprehend the inevitable reduction which must
have ensued, in the total quantity of the circulating mediurti of the
countey. A nation is most prosperous when there is a gradual
and untempting addition to the aggregate of its circulating medium.
It is in a condition the most adverse, when there is a rapid dirainu-
tion in the quantity of the circulating mediutn, and a consequent
depression in the value of property. In the former case, the wealth
of individuals insensibly increases, and income keeps ahead of
expenditure. But in the latter instanccj debts have been conti-acted,
engagements made, and habits of expense estabUshed, in reference
to the existing state of wealth and of its representative. When
these come to be greatly reduced, individuals find their debts stiU
existing, their engagements unexecuted, and thdr habits inveterate.
They see themselves in the possession of the sarae property, on
which, in good faith, they had bound themselves. But that prop-

444 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
erty, without thete fault, possesses no longer the same value ; and
hence discontent, impoverishment, and ruin, arise. Let us suppose.
Ml-. Chairman, that Europe was again the theati-e of such a
general war as recently raged throughout all her dorainions — such
a state of the war as existed in her greatest exertions and in our
greatest prosperity ; instantly there would ai-ise a greedy demand
for the surplus produce of our industry, for our commerce, for our
navigation. The languor which now prevails in our cities, and in
our sea-ports, would give way to an animated activity. Our roads
and rivers would be crowded with the produce of the interior.
Every where we should witness excited industi-y. The precious
metals would reflow from abroad upon us. Banks,, which have
maintained their credit, would revive their business; and new
banks would be established to take the place of those which have
sunk beneath the general pressure. For it is a mistake to suppose
that they have produced our present adversity; they may have
somewhat aggravated it, but they were the effect and the evidence
of our prosperity. Prices would again get up ; the former value
of property would be restored. And those embarrassed persons
who have not been already overwhelmed by the times, would
suddenly find, in the augmented value of their property, and the
renewal of their business, ample means to extricate themselves
from all their difficulties. The greatest want of civilized society
is, a market for the sale and exchange of the surplus of the produce
of the labor of its members. This market may exist at home or
abroad, or both ; but it must exist somewhere, if society prospers;
and, wherever it does exist, it should be competent to the absorption
of the entire surplus of production. It is most desirable that there
should be both a home and a foreign .raarket But, with respect
to thete relative superiority, I cannot entertain a doubt The home
raarket is first in order, and pararaount in importance. The
object of the biU under consideration, is, to create this home market,
and to lay the foundations of a genuine American policy. It is
opposed ; and it is incuinribent upon the partizans of the foreign
policy (terms which I shall use without any invidious intent), to
demonstrate that the foreign market is an adequate vent for the
surplus produce of our labor. But is it so ? First, foreign nations
cannot, if they would, take our surplus produce. If the source of
supply, no matter of what, increases in a greater ratio than the
demand for that supply, a glut of the market is inevitable, even if
we suppose both to remain perfectly unobstructed. The duphcation
of our population takes place in terras of about twenty-five years.
The terra will be raore and raore extended as our numbers multi
ply. But it wUl be a sufficient approximation to assume this ratio
for the present. We increase, therefore, in population, at the rate
of about four per centum per annum. Supposing the increase of
our production to be in the same ratio, we should, every succeeding

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 445
year, have of surplus produce, four per centum more than that of
the preceding year, without taking into the account the differences
of seasons which neuteafize each other. If, therefore, we are to
rely upon the foreign market exclusively, foreign consuraption
ought to be shown lo be increasing in the sarae ratio of four per
centum per annum, if it be an adequate vent for our surplus
produce. But, as I have supposed the measure of our increasing
production to be furnished by that of our increasing population,
so the measure of their power of consumption must be determined
by that of the increase of their' population. Now, the total foreign
population, v.'ho consume our surplus produce, upon an average,
do not double their aggregate number in a shorter term than that
of about one hundred years. Our powers of production increase
then, in a ratio four times greater than thete powers of consump
tion. And hence their utter inability to receive from us our surplus
produce. But, secondly, if they could, they will not The poficy of all
Europe is adverse to the reception of our agricultural produce, so
far as it comes into collision with its own ; and under that limita
tion we are absolutely forbid to enter their ports, except under
circumstances which deprive them of all value as a steady market
The policy of all Europe rejects those great staples of our countey,
which consist of objects of human subsistence. The policy of all
Europe refuses to receive from us any thing but those raw materials
of smaller value, essential to their manufactures, to which they can
give a higher value, with the exception of tobacco and rice, which
they cannot produce. Even Great Britain, to which we are its
best customer, and from which we receive nearly one half in value
of our whole imports, will not take frora us articles of subsistence
produced in our country cheaper than can be produced in Great
Britain. In adopting this exclusive poficy, the states of Europe
do not inqutee what is best for us, but what suits theraselves
respectively ; they do not take jurisdiction of the question of our
interests, but fimit the object of their legislation to that of the
conservation of their own peculiar interests, leaving us free to
prosecute ours as we please. They do not guide theraselves by
that roraantic philanthropy, which we see displayed here, and
which invokes us to continue to purchase the produce of foreign
industey, without regard to the state or prosperity of our own, that
foreigners may be pleased to purchase the few remaining articles
- of ours, which thete resteicted policy has not yet absolutely excluded
frora their consumption. What sort of a figure would a member
of the British parfiament have made, what. sort of a reception
would his opposition have obtained, if he had remonsteated against
the passage of the corn-law, by which BrUish consumption is
fimited to the bread-stuffs of British production, to the enttee
exdusion of American, and stated, that America could not and

446 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
would not buy British manufactures, if Britain did not buy
Araerican flour ?
Both the inabUity and the policy of foreign powers, then, forbid
us to rely upon the foreign raarket, as being, an adequate vent for
the surplus produce of American labor. Now let us see if this
general reasoning is not fortified and confirmed by the actual
experience of this country. If the foreign market raay be safely
relied upon, as furnishing an adequate deraand for our surplus
produce, then the official docuraents wUl show a progressive
increase) frora year to year, in the exports of our native produce, in
a proportion equal to that which I have suggested. If, on the
contrary, we shall find from them that, for a long term of past years,
sorae of our raost valuable staples have retrograded, sorae remained
stationary, and others advanced but little, if any, in amount, with
the exception of cotton, the deductions of reason and the lessons
of experience will alike comraand us to withdraw our confidence
in the competency of the foreign market. The total amount of all
our exports of doraestic produce for the year, beginning in 1795, and
ending on the thirtieth September, 1796, was forty raiUions seven
hundred and sixty-four thousand and ninety-seven. Estimating
the increase according to the ratio of the increase of our popula
tion, that is, at four per centum per annum, the amount of the
exports of the same produce, in the year ending on the thirtieth
of September last, ought to have been eighty-five mUlions four
hundred and twenty thousand eight hundred and sixty-one. It
was in fact, only forty-seven miUions one hundred and fifty-five
thousand four hundred and eight. Taldng the average of five
years, frora 1803 to 1807, inclusive, the araount of native produce'
exported, was forty-three railfions two hundred and two thousand
seven hundred and fifty-one for each of those years. Estimating
what it ought to have been, during the last year, applying tiie
principle suggested to that amount, there should have been exported
seventy-seven mUfions seven hundred and sixty-six thousand seven
hundred and fifty-one, instead of forty-seven mUlions one hundred
and fifty-five thousand four hundred and eight. If these compara
tive amounts of the aggregate actual exports, and what they ought
to have been, be discouraging, we shall find, on descending into
particulars, stUl less cause of satisfaction. The export of tobacco
in 1791, was one hundred and twelve thousand four hundred and
twenty-eight hogsheads. That was the year of the largest exporta
tion of that article ; but it is the only instance in which I have
selected the maximura of exportation. The amount of what we
ought to have exported last year, estimated according to the scale
of increase which I have used, is two hundred and sixty-six
thousand three hundred and thirty-two hogsheads. The actual
export was ninety-nine thousand and nine hogsheads. We
exported, in 1803, the quantity of one mUlion three hundred and

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 447
eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty-three bari'ds of flour;
and ought to have exported last year, two milfions three hundred
and sixty-one thousand three hundred and thirty-three barrels.
We, in fi^ct, exported only seven hundred and fifty-six thousand
seven hundred and two barrels. Of that quantity, we sent to South
America one hundred and fifty thousand barrels, according to a
statement furnished me by the dUigence of a friend near me, (Mr.
Painsett,) to whose valuable mass of accurate information, in
regard to that interesting quarter of the world, I have had occasion
frequentiy to apply. But that deraart(i4?^temporary, growing out
of the existing state of war. Whenever peace is restored to it, and
I now hope, that the day is not distant when its independence wUl
be generally acknowledged, there cannot be a doubt that it wiU
supply its own consumption. In all parts" of it, the soil, either
from climate or from elevation, is weU adapted to the culture of
wheat ; and no where can better wheat be produced, than in some
portions of Mexico and Chifi. Still the raarket of South Araerica,
is one which, on other accounts, deserves the greatest consideration.
And I congratulate you, the committee, and the countey, on the
recent adoption of a more auspicious policy towards it
We exported, in 1803, Indian corn to the amount of two
miUions seventy-four thousand six hundred and eight bushels.
The quantity should have been, in 1833, three miUions seven
hundred and thirty-four thousand two hundred and eighty-eight
bushels. The actual quantity exported, was seven hundred and
forty-nine thousand and thirty-four bushels, or about one fifth of
what it should have been, and a littie more than one third of what
it was more than twenty years ago. We ought not, then, to be
surprised at the extreme depression of the price of that article, of
which I have heard my honorable friend ( Mr. Bassett) complain,
nor of the distress of the corn-growing disti-icts adjacent to the
Chesapeake Bay. We exported seventy-seven thousand nine
hundred and thirty-four barrels of beef in 1303, and last year but
sixty-one thousand four hundred and eighteen, instead of one
hundred and forty thousand two hundred and seventy-four barrels.
In the same year (1803) we exported ninety-six thousand six
hundred and two barrels of pork, and last year fifty-five thousand
five hundred and twenty-nine, instead of one hundred and seventy-
three thousand eight hundred and eighty-two barrels. Rice has
not advanced, by any means, in the proportion which it ought to
have done. All the smaU artides, such as cheese, butter, candles,
and so forth, too minute to detail, but important in thete aggregate,
have also materially diminished. Cotton alone has advanced.
But, whUst the quantity of it is augmented, its actual value is
considerably diminished. The total quantity last year, exceeded
that of the preceding year, by neariy thirty millions of pounds
And yet the total value of the year of smaller exportation, exceeded

448 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
that of the last year by upwards of three and a half miUions
of dollars. If this article, the capacity of our country to produce
which was scarcely known in 1790, were subtracted from the
mass of our exports, the value of the residue would only be a littie
upwards of twenty-seven raillions during the last year. The
distribution of the articles of our exports throughout the UnUed
States, cannot fail to fix the attention of the comraittee. Of the
forty-seven millions one hundred and fifty-five thousand four
hundred and eight, to which they amounted last year, three articles
alone, (cotton, rice, and tobacco,) composed together twenty-eight
millions five hundred and forty-nine thousand one hundred and
seventy-seven. Now these articles are chiefly produced to the
south. And if we estimate that portion of our population who are
actually engaged in their culture, it would probably not exceed two
millions. Thus, then, less than one fifth of the whole population
of the United States produced upwards of one half, nearly two
thirds, of the enttee value of the exports of the last year.
Is this foreign market, so incompetent at present, and which,
limited as its demands are, operates so unequaUy upon the pro
ductive labor of our country, likely to improve in future ? If I am
correct in the views which I have presented to the comraittee, it
must become worse and worse. What can improve it? Europe
will not abandon her own agriculture to foster ours. We may even
anticipate that she will more and more enter into competition with
us in the supply of the West India market. That of South Amer
ica, for articles of subsistence, will probably soon vanish. The
value of our exports, for the future, may remain at about what it
was last year. But, if we do not create some new market ; if we
persevere in the existing pursuits of agriculture, the inevitable con
sequence must be, to augment greatly the quantity of our produce,
and to lessen its value in the foreign raarket. Can there be a doubt
on this point ? Take the article of cotton, for exaraple, which is
alraost the only article that now remunerates labor and capital. A
certain description of labor is powerfuUy attracted towards the
cotton-growing country. The cultivation will be greatly extended,
the aggregate araount annually produced, will be vastly augmented.
The price will fall. The more unfavorable soUs will then be gradu
ally abandoned. And I have no doubt that, in a few years, it wiU
cease to be profitably produced, any where north of the thirty-fourth
degree of latitude. But, in the mean tirae, large nurabers of the
cotton-growers will suffer the greatest distress. And whilst this
distress is brought upon our own country, foreign industry will be
stimulated by the very cause which occasions our distress. For, by
surcharging the markets abroad, the price of the raw material being
reduced, the manufacturer will be able to supply cotton fabrics
cheaper; and the consuraption, in his own country, and in foreign
nations, other than ours, (where the value of the import must be

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 449
limited to the value of the export, which I have supposed to remain
the same,) being proportionally e.x.tended, there will be, coii.se-
quently, ati increased demand for the produce of liis industry.
Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought ever to be
predorninant All others .should bend to it And, in considering
what is for its advantage, we should contemplate it in all its
varieties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing
to invigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the past, and to
brighten the stiU more unpromising prospects which lie before us?
We have seen, I think, the causes of the disti-esses of the country.
We have seen, that an exclusive dependence upon the foreign
market must lead to stUl severer distress, to impoverishment, to
ruin. We must then change somewhat our course. We must
give a new direction to some portion of our industry. We must
speedily adopt a genuine American policy. Still cherishing the
foreign market, let us create also a home market, to give further
scope to the consumption of the produce of American industry.
Let us counteract the policy of foreigners, and withdraw the sup
port which we now give to their industry, and stimulate that of our
own country. It should be a prominent object with wise legis
lators, to multiply the vocations and extend the business of society,
as far as it can be done, by the protection of our interests at home,
against the injurious effects of foreign legislation. Suppose we
were a nation of fishermen, or of skippers, to the exdusion of every
other occupation, and the legislature had the power to introduce
the pursuits of agriculture and manufactures, would not our happi
ness be promoted by an exertion of its autiiority? All the existing
employments of society — the learned professions — commerce —
agriculture — are now overflowing. We stand in each other's Way.
Hence the want of employment Hence the eager pursuit after
pubfic stations, which I have before glanced at I have been again
and again shocked, during'this session, by instances of solicitation
for places, before the vacancies existed. The pulse of incumbents,
who happen to be taken iU, is not marked with more anxiety by
the attending physicians, than by those who desire to succeed them,
though with very opposite fed'ings. Our old friend, the faithful
sentinel, who has stood so long at our door, and the gaUaiitry of
whose patriotism desei-ves to be noticed^ because it was displayed
when that virtue was most rare and most wanted, on a memorable
occasion in this unfortunate city, became indisposed some weeks
ago. The first inteUigenee which I had of his dangerous iUness,
was by an applicatiori for his unvacated place. I hastened to assure
myself of the extent of his danger, and was happy to find that the
eagerness of succession outsteipped the progress of disease. By
creating a now and extensive business, then, we should not only
give employraent to those who want it, and augment the sum of
national wealth, by all that this new business would create, but we
VOL. I. 57

450 SPEECHES OF HENRY CL,\Y.
should meliorate the condition of those who are now engaged in
existing employraents. In Europe, particularly in Great Britain,
then- large standing armies, large navies, large even on their peace
arrangement, their established church, afford to their population
employraents, which, in that respect, the happier constitution of
our government does not tolerate but in a very limited degree.
The peace estabfishraents of our array and our navy, are extremely
small, and I hope ever will be. We have no established church,
and I ti-ust never shaU have. In proportion as the enterprise of our
citizens in public employraents is circumscribed, should we excite
and invigorate it in private pursuits.
The creation of a home market is not only necessary to procure
for our agriculture a just reward of its labors, but it is indispensable
to obtain a supply of our necessai-y wants. If we cannot seU, we
cannot buy. That portion of our population, (and we have seen
that it is not less than four fifths,) which makes coraparatively
nothing that foreigners wUl buy, has nothing to make purchases
with from foreigners. It is in vain that we are told of the amount
of our exports supplied by the planting interest They may enable
the planting interest to supply all its wants : but they bring no
ability to the interests not planting ; unless, which cannot be pl-e-
tended, the planting interest was an adequate vent for the surplus
produce of the labor of all other interests. It is in vain to tantalize
us with the greater cheapness of foreign fabrics. There must be an
abUity to purchase, if an article be obtained, whatever may be the
price, high or low, at which it is sold. And a cheap article is aS
much beyond the grasp of him who has no means to buy, as a high
one. Even if it were true that the American manufacturer would
supply consuraption at dearer rates, it is better to have his fabrics
than the unattainable foreign fabrics ; because it is better to be ill
supplied than not supplied at aU. A coarse coat, which wUl com
municate warmth and cover nakedness, is better than no coat The
superiority of the horae raarket results, first, frora its steadiness and
coraparative certainty at all times ; secondly, from the creation of re
ciprocal interest ; thirdly, from its greater security ; and, lastiy, from
an ultimate and not distant augmeUtatidn of consumption, (and con
sequentiy of comfort,) from increased quantity and reduced prices.
But this home raarket, highly desirable as it is, can only be created
and cherished by the protection of our own legislation against
the inevitable prostration of our industry, which must ensue from
the action of foreign policy and legislation. The effect and the
Value of this domestic care of our own interests wiU be obvious from
a few facts and considerations. Let us suppose that half a miUion
of persons are now eraployed abroad in fabricating, for our con'
suraption, those artides, of which, by the Operation of this biU, a
Supply is intended to be provided within ourselves. That half a
miUion of persons are, in effect, subsisted by us ; but tbeif actual

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRYi 451
means of subsistence are drawn from foreign agriculture. If we
could transport them to this counti'y, and incorporate them in the
mass of our own population, there would instantiy arise a demand
for an amount of provisions equal to that which would be requisite
for their subsistence throughout the whole year. That demand,
inthe article of flour alone, would not be less than the quantity
of about nine hundred thousand barrels, besides a proportionate
quantity of beef, and pork, and other articles of subsistence. But
nine hundred thousand barrels of flour exceeded the entire quantity
exported last year, by nearly one hundred and fifty thousand barrels.
What activity would not this give, what cheerfulness would it not
communicate, to our now dispirited farming interest! But if, instead
of these five hundred thousand artisans emigrating frora abroad,
we give by this bill employment to an equal number of om- own
citizens, now engaged in unprofitable agriculture, or idle, from the
want of business, the beneficial effect upon the productions of our
farming labor would be nearly doubled. The quantity Vvrould be
diminished by a subteaction of the produce from the labor of all
those who should be diverted from its pursuits to manufacturing
industry, and the value of the residue would be .enhanced, both by
that diminution and the creation of the home market, to the extent
supposed. And the honorable gentleman from Virginia may repress
any apprehensions which he entertains, that the plough will be
abandoned, and our fields remain unsown. For, under aU the
modifications of social industey, if you wUl secure to it a just
reward, the greater attractions of agricultm-e -will give to it that
proud superiority which it has always maintained. If we suppose
no actual abandonment of farming, but, what is most fikely, a
gradual and imperceptible employment of population in the
business of manufacturing, instead of being compeUed to resort to.
a,griculture, the salutary effect would be neariy the same. Is any
part of our common country fikely to be injured by a teansfer of
the theatee of fabrication, for our own consumption, frora Europe
to America ? AU that those parts, if any there be, which wUl not,
nor cannot engage in nianufactures, should require, is, that their
consumption should be weU suppfied ; and if the objects of that
consumption are produced in other parts of the union, that can
manufacture, far from having on that account any just cause of
complaint, their pati-iotism wiU and ought to inculcate a cheerful
acquiescence in what essentiaUy contributes, and is indispensably
necessary, to the prosperity of the common famUy.
The great desideratuiu in political economy is the same as m
private pdrsuits ; that is, what is the best application of the aggre
gate industry of a nation, that can be made honestly to produce the
largest sum of national wealth ? Labor is the source of all wealth ;
but it is not natural labor only. And the fundamental error of the
genlleman from Virginia, and of the school to which he bdongs,

452 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
in deducing, frora our sparse population, our unfitness for the
introduction of the arts, consists in their not sufficiently weighing
ibe importance of the power of machinery. In former tiraes, when
but littie coraparative use was made of machinery, manual labor,
and the price of wages, were circumstances of the greatest consid
eration. But it is far otherwise in these latter tiraes. Such are the
iraprovements and the perfection of machinery, that, in analysing
the compound value of many fabrics, the element of natural labor
is so inconsiderable as almost to escape detection. This truth is
demonstrated by many facts. Formerly, Asia, in consequence of
the density of her population, and the consequent lowness of
wages, laid Europe under tribute for many of her fabrics. Now
Europe reacts upon Asia, and Great Britain, in particular, throws
back upon her countless raiUions of people, the rich treasures
produced by artificial labor, to a vast amount, infinitely cheaper
than they can be manufactured by the natural exertions of that
portion of the globe. But Britain is herself the raost striking
illustration of the immense power of machinery. Upon what
other principle can you account for the enormous wealth which she
has accuraulated, and which she annually produces? A statistical
writer of that country, several years ago, estimated the total amount
of the artificial or machine labor of the nation, to be equal to that
of one hundred millions of able-bodied laborers. Subsequent
estimates of her artificial labor, at the present day, carry it to the
enormous height of two hundred raiUions. But the population of
the three kingdoms is twenty-one raillions five hundi-ed thousand.
Supposing that, to furnish able-bodied labor to the araount of four
raillions, the natural labor wiU be but two per centum of the artificial
labor. In the production of wealth she operates, therefore, by a
power (including the whole population) of two hundred and
twenty-one millions five hundred thousand ; or, in other words, by
a power eleven tiraes greater than the total of her natural power.
If we suppose the machine labor of the United States to be equal
to that of ten raillions of able-bodied raen, the United States will
operate, in the creation of wealth, by a power (including aU their
population) of twenty raUlions. In the creation of wealth, therefore,
the power of Great Britain, compared to that of the United States,
is as eleven to one. That these views are not imaginary, wUl be, I
think, evinced, by contrasting the wealth, the revenue, the power, of
the two countries. Upon what other hypothesis can we explain
those almost incredible exertions which Britain made during the
late wars of Europe ? Look at her iraraense subsidies ! Behold
her standing, unaided and alone, and breasting the storm of
Napoleon's colossal power, when all continental Europe owned
and yielded to its irresistible sway ; and finally, contemplate her
vigorous prosecution of the war, with and without allies, to its
splendid termination, on the ever-memorable field of Waterioo!

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 453
The British works which the gentieraan from Virginia has quoted,
portray a state of the most wonderful prosperitv, in regai-d to wealth
and resources,' that ever was before contemplated. Let us look a
littie into the semi-official pamphlet written wUh gi-eat force,
clearness, and ability, and the valuable work of Lowe, to both of
which that gentleman has referred. The revenue of the united
kingdom amounted, during the latter years of the war, to seventy
millions of pounds steriing ; and one year it rose to the astonishing
height of ninety miUions steriing, equal to four hundred miUions
of dollars. This was actual revenue, made up of real contribu
tions, from the purses of the people. After the close of the war,
ministers slowly and reluctantiy reduced the mifitary and naval
establishments, and accommodated them to a state of peace. The
pride of power, every where the same, always unwiUingly suiTen-
dei-s any of those circumstances, which display its porap and
exhibit its greatness. Contemporaneous with this reduction, BrUain
was enabled to lighten some of the heaviest burdens of taxation,
and particularly that most onerous of all, the income tax. In this
lowered state, the revenue of peace, graduaUy rising from the
momentary depression incident to a transition from war, attained,
in 1S22, the vast amount of fifty-five railfions sterling, upwards of
two hundred and forty millions of dollars, and more than eleven
times that of the United States for the same year ; thus indicating
the diflerence, which I have suggested, in the respective productive
powers of the two countries. The excise alone (coUected under
twenty-five different heads) amounted to twenty-eight milfions,
more than one half of the total revenue of the kingdom. This
grfeat revenue allows Great Britain to constitute an efficient sinking
fund of five millions sterling, being an excess of actual income
beyond expenditure, and araounting to more than the entire revenue
of the United States.
If we look at the commerce of England, we shaU perceive that
its prosperous condition no less denotes the immensity of her riches.
The average of three years' exports, ending in 1789, was between
thirteen and fourteen millions. The average for the same terra,
ending in 1822, was forty millions sterling. The average of the
imports for three years, ending in 1789, was seventeen mUlions.
The average for the same term, ending in 1822, was thirty-six
miUions, showing a favorable balance of four miUions. Thus, in
a period not longer than that which has elapsed since the establish
ment of our, constitution, have the exports of that kingdom been
trippled ; and this has mainly been the effect of the power of
machinery. The total amount of the commerce of Great Britain
is greater since the peace, by one fourth, than it was during the
war. The average of her tonnage, during the most flourishing
period of the war, was two mUfions four hundred thousand tons.
Its, -average, during the three years, 1819, 1820, and 1821, was tw^o

454 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
millions six hundred thousand; exhibiting an increase of two
hundred thousand tons. If we glance at some of the more
pa-orainent articles of her manufactures, we shall be assisted in
comprehending the true nature of the sources of her riches. The
amount of cotton fabrics exported, in the most prosperous year of
the war, was eighteen milUons sterling. In the year 1820, it was
sixteen miUions six hundred thousand ; in 1821, twenty mUlions
five hundred thousand; in 1822, twenty-one mUlions six hundred
and thirty-nine thousand pounds sterling; presenting the aston
ishing increase in two years of upwards of five millions. The
total amount of imports in Great Britain, frora all foreign parts, of
the article of cotton wool, is five railfions sterling. After supplying
most abundantly the consuraption of cotton fabrics within the
country, (and a people better fed and clad and housed, are not to
be found under the sun than the British nation,) by raeans of her
industry, she gives to this cotton wool a new value, which enables
her to sell to foreign nations to the araount of twenty-one miUions
six hundred and thirty-nine thousand pounds, making a clear profit
of upwards of sixteen millions five hundi-ed thousand pounds
sterling! In 1821, the value of the export of woollen manufac
tures was four raillions three hundred thousand pounds. In 1822,
it was five millions five hundred thousand pounds. The success
of her resteictive policy is strikingly iUusteated , in the article of
sUl^. In the manufacture of that article she labors under great
disadvantages, besides that of not producing the raw material.
She has subdued them aU, and the increase of the manufacture has
been most rapid. Although she is stUl unable to maintain, in
foreign counteies, a successful cornpetition with the silks of France,
of India, and of Italy, and therefore exports but littie, she gives to
the two miUions of the raw material which she imports, in various
forms, a value of ten raiUions, which chiefly enter into British
consumption. Let us suppose that she was dependent upon foreign
nations for these ten milfions, what an injurious effect would it not
have upon her commercial relations with thera ? The average of
the exports of British raanufactures, during the peace, exceeds the
average of the raost productive years of the war. The araount of
her wealth annually produced, is three hundred and fifty millions
sterling ; bearing a large proportion to all of her preexisfing wealth.
The agricultural portion of it is said, by the gentleman from
Virginia, to be greater than that created by any other branch of her
industey. But that flows mainly from a poficy simUar to that
proposed by this bUl. One third only of her population is engaged
in agriculture ; the other two thirds furnishing a market for the
produce of that third. Withdraw this market, and what becomes
of her agriculture ? The power and the wealth of Great Britain
cannot be more steikingly iUusteated than by a comparison of her
population and revenue with those of other countries and with our

Population.
37,006,000 30,700,000

TaSes & public
burdens.
:£18,000,000 37,000,000

Taxation.
per capita.
£0 9 9
14 0

14,500,000

40,000,000

2 15 0

21,500,000 11,600 000
11,000,000 7,000,000
10,000,000

44,000,000
36,000,000 6,000,000
4,000,0004,500,000

2 0 0
3 2 0
OHO
0 11 0
0 9 0

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 455
own. [Here Mr. Clay exhibited the foUOwing table, made out
from authentifc materials.]

Russia in Europe,
I'rance, including Corsica, i
Great Britain, exclusive of Ireland,"]
(the taxes computed according to I
the value of motley on the European [
continent.) J
iSreat Britain and I'relahd collectively,
England alone,
Spain,Ireland,The United States of Ainferica,
From this exhibit we must remark, that the wealth of Great Britain,'
and Consequentiy her power, is greater than that of any of the
Other nations with which it is compared. The amount of the
contributions which she draws from the pockets of her subjects, is
fiot feferfed to for imitation, but as indicative of their wealth. The
burden of taxation is always relative to the ability of the subjects
of it. A poor nation can pay but little. And the heavier taxes of
British subjects, for example, in consequence of their greater -wealth,
may be more easily borne than the much lighter taxes of Spanish
subjects, in consequence of their exteeme poverty. The object of
-wise governments should be, by sound legislation, so to protect the
industry of their own cilizens against the policy of foreign powers,
as to give to it the most expansive force in the production of wealth.
Great Britain has ever acted, and still acts, on this policy. She has
pushed her protection of British interest, further than any other
nation has fostered its industey. The result is, greater wealth
among her subjects, and consequently greater ability to pay their
public burdens. If their taxation is estimated by their natural
labor alone, nominally it is greater than the taxation of the subjects
of any other power. But, if on a scale of their national and
artificial labor, compounded, it is less than the taxation of any
other people. Estimating it on that scale, and assuming the aggre
gate of the natural and artificial labor of the united kingdom to
be what I have already stated, two hundred and twenty-one
mUlions five hundred thousand, the actual taxes paid by a British
subject, are only about three and seven-pence sterling. Estima
ting our own taxes, on a similar scale — that is, supposing both
descriptions of labor to be equal to that of twenty mUlions of
able-bodied persons — the amount of tax paid by each soul in the
United States is four shillings and six-pence steriing.
The committee will observe, from that table, that the measure
of the wealth of a nation is indicated by the measure of its protec
tion of its industry ; and that the measure of the po\^rty of a
nation is marked by that of the degree in which it neglects and

456 SPEECHES OF HENRY C LA Y .
abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the
action of foreign powers. Great Britain protects raost her industry,
and the wealth 'of Great Britain, is consequently the gi-eatest.
France is next in the degree of protection, and France is next in
the order of wealth. Spain most neglects the duty of protecting
the industry of her subjects, and Spain is one of the poorest of
European nations. Unfortunate Ireland, disinherited or rendered
in her industi-y subservient to England, is exactly in the same state
of poverty with Spain, measured by the rule of taxation. And
the United States are still poorer than either.
The views of British prosperity, which I have endeavored to
present, show that her protecting policy is adapted alike to a state
of war and of peace. Self-poised, resting upon her own internal
resources, possessing a horae raarket, carefully cherished and
guarded, she is ever prepared for any eraergency. We have seen
her coming out of a war of incalculable exertion, and of great^
duration, with her power unbroken, her means undiminished. We
have seen, that almost every revolving year of peace has brought
along with it an increase of her raanufactures, of her coramerce,
and, consequently, of her navigation. We have seen, that, con
structing her prosperity upon the solid foundation of her own
protecting policy, it is unaflected by the vicissitudes of other states.
What is our own condition ? Depending upon the state of foreign
powers, confiding exclusively in a foreign, to the culpable neglect
of a domestic policy, our interests are affected by aU their move
ments. Their wars, their misfortunes, are the only source of our
prosperity. In their peace, and our peace, we behold our condition
the reverse of that of Great Britain, and all our interests stationary
or declining. Peace brings to us none of tiie blessings of peace.
Our system is anomalous ; alike unfitted to general ti-anquillity, and
to a state of war or peace, on the part of our own country. It can
succeed only in the rare occun-ence of a general state of war
throughout Europe. I am no eulogist of England. I am far from
recoraraending her systems of taxation. I have adverted to them
only as manifesting her extraordinary abUity. The political and
foreign interests of that nation raay have been, as 1 believe them
to have been, often badly raanaged. Had she abstained from the
wars into which she has been plunged by her arabition, or the
mistaken policy of her ministers, the prosperity of England would,
unquestionably, have been much greater. But it raay happen that
the public liberty, and the foreign relations of a nation, have been
badly provided for, and yet that its political econoray has been
wisely managed. The alacrity or suUenness with which a people
pay taxes, depends upon their wealth or poverty. If the system of
their rulers leads to their impoverishraent, they can contribute but
littie to the necessities of the state ; if to their wealth, they cheer
fuUy and promptiy pay the burdens imposed on them. Enormous

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 457
as British taxation appears to be, in comparison with that of other
nations, but reaUy lighter, as it in fact is, when we consider its great
weaUh, and its powers of production, that vast amount is coUected
-with the most astonishing regularity. [Here Mr. Clay read certain
passages from Holt, showing that, in 1822, there was not a solitary
prosecution arising out of the coUection of the assessed taxes,
which are there considered among the most burdensome, and that
the prosecution for violations of the excise laws, in aU its numerous
branches, were sensibly and progressi-vely decreasing. ]
Ha\dng caUed the attention of the coramittee to the present
adverse state of our country, and endeavored to point out the
causes which have led to it ; having shown that sirailar causes,
wherever they exist in other countries, lead to the sarae adversity
in their condition; and having shown that, wherever we find
opposite causes prevaUing, a high and animating state of national
prosperity exists, the comraittee will agree with me in thinking
that it is the solemn duty of government to apply a remedy to the
evils which afflict our country, if it can apply one. Is there no
remedy within the reach of the government ? Are we doomed to
behold our industry languish and decay, yet more and more ?
But there is a remedy, and that remedy consists in modifying our
foreign policy, and in adopting a genuine American system. We
must naturalize the arts in our country; and we must naturalize
them by the only means which the wisdom of nations has yet
discovered to be effectual; by adequate protection against the
otherwise overwhelming influence of foreigners. This is only to
be accomplished by the establishment of a tariff, to the considera
tion of which I am now brought.
And what is this tariff? It seems to have been regarded as a
sort of monster, huge and deformed — a wUd beast, endowed with
teemendous powers of desteuction, about to be let loose among
our people, if not to devour them, at least to consume their
substance. But let us calm our passions, and deliberately survey
this alarming, this terrific being. The sole object of the tariff is
to tax the produce of foreign industry, with the view of promoting
American industry. The tax is exclusively leveUed at foreign
industey. That is the avowed and the dteect purpose of the tariff.
If it subjects any part of American industry to burdens, that is
an effect not intended, but is altogether incidental, and perfectiy
voluntary. It has been teeated as an imposition of burdens upon one pa.rt
of the community by design, for the benefit of another ; as it, in
fact, money were taken from the pockets of one portion of the
people and put into the pockets of another. But is that a fair
representation of it? No man pays the duty assessed on the
fordgn artide by compulsion, but voluntarily ; and this voluntary
dutyfif paid, goes into the common exchequer, for the comraon
VOL. I. 58

458 speeches of henry clay.
benefit of all. Consumption has four objects of choice. Ffi-st, it
raay abstain from the use of the foreign article, and thus avoid the
payment of the tax. Second, it may employ the rival American
fabric. Third, it may engage in the business of manufacturing,
which this biU is designed to foster. Fourth, or it may supply
itself frora the household manufactures. But it is said, by the
honorable gentieraan from Virginia, that the south, owing to the
character of a certain portion of its population, cannot engage in
the business of manufacturing. Now, I do not agree in that
opinion, to the extent in which it is asserted. The circumstance
alluded to may disqualify the south from engaging in every branch
of manufacture, as largely as other quarters of the union, but to
some branches of it, that part of our population is weU adapted.
It indisputably affords great facility in the household or domestic
fine. But, if the gentleman's premises were te-ue, could his con
clusion be admitted ? According to hira, a certain part of our
population, happily ranch the sraaUest, is peculiarly situated. The
cu-curastance of its degradation unfits it for the manufacturing
arts. The weU-being of the other, and the larger part of our
population, requires the introduction of those arts. What is to be
done in this conflict? The gentieraan would have us abstain
from adopting a policy called for by the interest of the greater and
freer part of our population. But is that reason-able? Can it be
expected that the interests of the greater part should be made to
bend to the condition of the servile part of our population ? That,
in effect, would be to make us the slaves of slaves. I went, -with
great pleasure, along with my southern friends, and I am ready
again to unite with them in protesting against the exercise of any
legislative power, on the part of congress, over that deUcate subject,
because it was my solemn conviction, that congress was interdicted,
or at least not authorized, by the constitution, to exercise any such
legislative power. And I am sure that the patriotism of the south
raay be exclusively relied upon to reject a policy which should be
dictated by considerations altogether connected with that degraded
class, to the prejudice of the residue of our population. But does
not a perseverance in the foreign policy, as it now exists in fact,
make all parts of the union, not planting, tributary to the planting
parts? What is the argument? It is, that we must continue
freely to receive the produce of foreign industey, without regard to
the protection of American industey, that a market may be retained
for the sale abroad of the produce of the planting portion of the
countey; and that, if we lessen in all parts of America — those
which are not planting as weU as the planting sections — the
consumption of foreign manufactures, we diminish to that extent
the foreign market for the planting produce. The existing state of
things, indeed, presents a sort of tacit compact between the cotton-
grower and the British manufacturer, the stipulations of which are,

on AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 459
on the part of the coMon-grower, that the whole of the United
States, the other portions as weU as the cotton-growing, shaU
remain open and unrestricted in the consumption of British man
ufactures; and, on the part of the British manufactiirer, that, in
consideration thereof, he wUl continue to purchase the cotton of
the south. Thus, then, we perceive that the proposed measure,
instead of sacrificing the south to the other parts of the union,
seeks only to preserve them from being absolutely sacrificed under
the operation of the tacit compact which I have described. Sup
posing the south to be actually incorapetent, or disinclined, to
embark at all in the business of manufacturing, is not its interest,
nevertheless, likely to be promoted by creating a new and an
American source of supply for its consumption ? Now foreign
powers, and Great Britain, principaUy, have the monopoly of the
supply of southern consumption. If this biU should pass, an
American competitor, in the supply of the south, would be raised up,
and ultimately, I cannot doubt, that it will be supplied more cheaply
and better. I have before had occasion to state, and wiU now
again mention, the beneficial effects of American competition with
Europe, in furnishing a supply of the article of cotton bagging.
After the late war, the influx of the Scottish manufacture prostrated
the American establishments. The consequence was, that the
Scotch possessed the monopoly of the supply ; and the price of it
rose, and attained, the year before the last, a height'which amounted
to more than an equivalent for ten years protection to the American
- manufacture. This circumstance tempted American industry
again to engage in the business, and several valuable manufacto
ries have been estabhshed in Kentucky. They have reduced the
price of the fabric very considerably ; but, -without the protection
of government, they may again be prostrated, and then, the Scot
tish manufacturer engrossing the supply of our consuraption, the
price -wiU probably again rise. It has been tauntingly asked, if
Kentucky cannot maintain herself in a competition with the two
Scottish towns of Inverness and Dundee? But is that a fair state
ment of the case ? Those two towns are cherished and sustained
by the whole protecting poficy of the British empire, whUst Ken-
hicky cannot, and the . general government wiU not, extend afike
protection to the few Kentucky viUages in which the article is
made. . .
If the cotton-growing consuraption could be constitutionally
exerapted from the operation of this bill, it might be fate to exempt
it, upon the condition that foreign manufactures, the proceeds of
the sale of cotton abroad, should not enter at all into the consump
tion of the other parts of the United States. But such an arrange
ment as that, if it could be made, would probably be objected to
by the cotton-growing country itself _
Second. The second objection to the proposed bUl is, that it

460 speeches of henry clay.
will diminish the amount of our exports. It can have no effect
upon our exports, except those which are sent to Europe. Except
tobacco and rice, we send there nothing but the raw materials.
The argument is, that Europe wiU not buy of us, if we do not
buy of her. The first objection to it is, that it caUs upon us to
look to the question, and to take care of European abUity in legis
lating for Araerican interests. Now if, in legislating for thete
interests, they would consider and provide for our ability, the
principle of reciprocity would enjoin us so to regulate our inter
course with thera, as to leave their ability unimpaired. But I have
shown that, in the adoption of their own poficy, their inquiry is
strictiy limited to a consideration of their peculiar interests, without
any regard to that of ours. The next remark I would make, is,
that the bill only operates upon certain articles of European
industey, which it is supposed our interest requires us to manufac
ture within ourselves ; and although its effect wiU be to diminish
the amount of our imports of those articles, it leaves thera free to
supply us with any other produce of their industey. And since
the ctecle of human comforts, refinements, and luxuries, is of great
extent, Europe -will still find herself able to purchase from us what
she has hitherto done, and to discharge the debt in some of those
objects. If there be any diminution in our exports to Europe, it
wiU probably be in the article of cotton to Great Britain. I have
stated that Britain buys cotton wool to the araount of about five
raillions sterling, and sells to foreign states to the amount of
upwards of twenty-one mUlions and a half Of this sum, we talte
a little upwards of a mUlion and a half The residue, of about
twenty milfions, she must sell to other foreign powers than to the
United States. Now their market wiU continue open to her, as
much after the passage of this bill, as before. She will therefore
require from us the raw material to supply thete consumption.
But, it is said, she may refuse to purchase it of us, and seek a
supply elsewhere. There can be but littie doubt that she now resorts
to us, because we can supply her raore cheaply and better than
any other country. And it would be unreasonable to suppose that
she would cease, frora any pique towards us, to pursue her own
interest. Suppose she was to decline purchasing frora us. The
consequence would be, that she would lose the raarket for the
twenty millions sterling, which she now sells other foreign powers,
or enter it under a disadvantageous competition with us, or with
other natipns, who should obtain their supplies of the raw material
from us. If there should be any dirainution, therefore, in the
exportation of cotton, it would only be in the proportion of about
one and a half to twenty; that is, a little upwards of five per
centum ; the loss of a raarket for which, abroad, would be fully
corapensated by the raarket for the article created at horae. Lastly,
T would observe, that the new application of our industry, produc-

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 461
ing new objects of exportation, and they possessing much greater
value than in the raw state, we should be, in the end, amply
indemnified by their exportation. ' Already the item in our foreign
exports of manufactures is considerable ; and we know that our
cotton fabrics have been recentiy exported in a large araount to
South America, where they maintain a successful competition
with those of any other country.
Third. The third objection to the tariff is, that it wUl diminish
our navigation. This great interest deserves every encouragement,
consistent with the paramount interest of agriculture. In the order
pf nature it is secondary to both agriculture and manufactures.
Its business is the transportation of the productions of those two
superior branches of industry. It cannot therefore be. expected,
that they shall be moulded or sacrificed to suit its purposes ; but,
on the contrary, navigation must accommodate itself to the actual
state of agriculture and manufactures. If, as I believe, we have
nearly reached the maximum in value of our exports of raw
produce to Europe, the effect hereafter wUl be, as it respects that
branch of our trade, if we persevere in the foreign system, to retain
our navigation at the point which it has now reached. By reducing,
indeed, as wUl probably take place, the price of our raw materials,
a further quantity of them could be exported, and, of course,
additional employment might, in that way, be given to our tonnage ;
but that would be at the expense of the agricultural interest. If I
am right in supposing that no effect wiU be produced by this
ineasure upon any other branch of our export teade, but that to
Europe; that, with regard to that, there wUl be no sensible dirainu
tion of our exports ; and that the new dteection given to a portion
of our industey wUl produce other objects of exportation; the
probability is, that our foreign tonnage wiU be even increased
under the operation of this biU. But, if I am mistaken in these
views, and it should experience any reduction, the increase in our
coasting tonnage, resulting from the greater activity of domestic
exchanges, wUl more than compensate the injury. Although oux
navigation partakes in the general disteess of the country, it is less
depressed than any other of our gi-eat interests. The forei^
tonnage has been gradually, though slowly, increasing, since 1818.
And our coasting tonnage, since 1816, has uicreased upwards of
one hundred thousand tons.
Fourth. It is next contended that the effect of the measure wUl be
to diminish our foreign commerce. The objection a^^;^"^^^' jjf J
have endeavored to conteovert, that there wil^ be a rf;^;^°" ^ *e
value of our exports. Commerce is an exchange "f -^^^^^^^^^^^
Whatever WiU tend to augment the wealth ^J \"^^^°"^ J^^^J^^";
crease its capadty to mate these exchanges, ^y X^P™'^""^
or creating new values in the fabricated forms ^^^^f J^J^^Xsh
to old objects of our industey, we shaU give to commerce afresh

462 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
spring, a new aliment. The foreign coraraerce of the countey, from
causes, some of which I have endeavored to point out, has been
extended as far as it can be. And I think there can be but littie
doubt that the balance of trade is, and for some tirae past has been,
against us. I was sm-prised to hear the learned gentieraan from
Massachusetts (Mr. Webster) rejecting, as a detected and explo
ded fallacy, tfie idea of a balance of trade. I have not time nor
inchnation now to discuss that topic. • But I will observe, that all
nations act upon the supposition of the reality of its existence, and
seek to avoid a ti-ade, the balance of which is unfavorable, and to
foster that which presents^ a favorable balance. However the
account be made up, whatever raay be the iteras of a teade, commod
ities, fishing industey, marine labor, the carrying ti-ade, all of which
I admit should be comprehended, there can be no doubt, 1 think,
that the totality of the exchanges of aU descriptions made by one
nation with another, or against the totality of the exchanges of all
other nations together, raay be such as to present the state of an
unfavorable balance with the one or with all. It is teue that, in
the long run, the measures of these exchanges, that is, the totality
in value of what is given and of what is received, must be equal to
each other. But great distress raay be felt long before the coun
terpoise can be effected. In the mean tirae, there will be an export
of the precious raetals, to the deep injury of internal trade, an
unfavorable state of exchange, an export of public securities, a resort
to credit, debt, mortgages. Most of, if not all, these ctecumstances,
are believed now to be indicated by our country, in its foreign com
mercial relations. What have we received, for example, for the
public stocks sent to England? Goods. But those stocks arc
our bond, which must be paid. Although the solidity of the credit
of the English pubfic securities is not surpassed by that of our
own, strong as it justly is, when have we seen English stocks sold
in our market, and regularly quoted in the prices current, as Amer
ican stocks are in England ? An unfavorable balance with one
nation, may be raade up by a favorable balance with other nations ;
but the fact of the existence of that unfavorable balance is steong
presuraptive evidence against the trade. Commerce wiU regulate
itself! ' Yes, and -the extravagance of a spendthrift hete, who squan
ders the rich patrimony which has descended to hira, wiU regulate
itself ultiraately. But it wiU be a regulation which wUl exhibii
hira in the end safely confined within the waUs of a jail. Com
merce wiU regulate itself! But is it not the duty of wise govern-
raents to watch its course, and, beforehand, to provide against even
distant evUs, by prudent legislation stimulating the industry of
their own people, and checking the policy of foreign powers as it
operates on them? The supply, then, of the subjects of foreign
coraraerce, no less than the supply of consuraption at home, re
qutees of us to give a portion of our labor such a direction as -will

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 463
enable us to produce thera. That is the object of the measure
under consideration, and I cannot doubt that, if adopted, it wiU
accomplish its object.
Fifth. The fifth objection to the tariff is, that it wiU diminish the,
public revenue, disable us from paying the public debt, and finaUy'
compel a resort to a system of excise and internal taxation. This
objection is founded upon the supposition that the reduction in the
importation of the subject*, on which the increased duties are to
operate, wiU be such as to produce the aUeged effect. AU this is
matter of mere conjecture, and can only be determined by experi
ment. I have very Uttie doubt, with my coUeague, (Mr. Trimble,)
that the revenue -wiU be increased considerably, for some years at
least, under the' operation of this biU. The diminution in the quan
tity imported will be compensated by the augmentation of the duty.
In reference to the article of molasses, for exaraple, if the iraport of
it should be reduced fifty per Centura, the araount of duty col
lected would be the same as it now is.. But it wiU not, in all
probabUity, be reduced by any thing like that proportion. And then
there are some other articles which wiU continue to be introduced
¦ in as large quantities as ever, notwithstanding the increase of duty,
the object in reference to them being revenue, and not the encour
agement of domestic manufactures. Another cause wiU render the
revenue of this year, in particular, much more productive than it
other-wise would have been ; and that is, that large quantities of
goods have been introduced into the country, in anticipation of the
adoption of this measure. The eagle does not dart a keener gaze
upon his intended prey, than that with which the British manufac
turer and merchant watches the foreign market, and the course
even of our elections as well as our legislation. The passage of
this bUl has been expected ; and all our information is that the
importations, during this spring, have been immense. But, further,
the measure of our importations is that of our exportations. If I
am right in supposing that, in future, the amount of these, in the
old or new forms of the produce of our labor, wUl not be dimin
ished, but probably increased, then the amount of our importations,
and consequently of our revenue, wUl not be reduced, but raay be
extended. If these ideas be correct, there wiU be no inabUity
on the part of government to extinguish the pubfic debt. The
payment of that debt, and the consequent liberation of the public
resources from the charge of it, is extremely desirable. No one is
more anxious than I ara to see that important object accomphshed.
But I entteely concur with the gentieraan frora Vteginia, (Mr.
Barbour,) in thinking that no material sacrifice of any of the great
interests of the nation ought to be raade to effectuate it. Such is the
dastic and accumulating nature of our public resources, frora the
silent augmentation of our population, that if, in any given state of
the public revenue, we throw oursdves upon a couch and go to

464 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
sleep, we raay, after a short tirae, awake with an abifity abundantly
increased to redeem any reasonable araount of pubfic debt -with
which we raay happen to be burdened. The public debt of the
United States, though norainally larger now than it was in the year
1791, bears really no sort of discouraging coraparison to its amount
at that time, whatever standard we may choose to adopt to institute
the comparison. It was in 1791 about seventy-five miUions of dol
lars. It is now about ninety. Then vwe had a population of about
four raiUions. Now we have upwards of ten rnUlions. Then we
had a revenue short of five raUlions of doUars. Now our revenue
exceeds twenty. If we select population as the standard, our pres
ent population is one hundred and fifty per Centura greater than it
was in 1791 ; if revenue, that is four tiraes more now than at the
former period ; whilst the public debt has increased only in a ratio
of twenty per centum. A public debt of three hundred raiUions of
dollars, at the present day, considering our actual abUity, com
pounded both of the increase of population and of revenue, would
not be raore onerous now than the debt of seventy-five mUfions of
dollars was, at the epoch of 1791, in reference to the same ctecum
stances. If I am right in supposing that, under the operation of
the proposed measure, there will not be any dirainution, but a
probable increase of the public revenue, there will be no difficulty
in defraying the current expenses of governraent, and paying the
principal as weU as the interest of the public debt, as it becoraes due.
Let us, for a raoment, however, indulge the improbable supposition
of the opponents of the tariff, that there wiU be a reduction of the
revenue to the extent of the raost exteavagant calculation which has
been raade, that is to say, to the extent of five mUfions. That sum
deducted, we shaU stUl have remaining a revenue of about fifteen
railfions. The treasury estimates of the current service of the years
1822, 1823, and 1824, exceeds, each year, nine raUlions. The
lapse of revolutionary pensions, and judicious retrenchraents which
might be raade, without detriment to any of the essential estabfish
raents of the country, would probably reduce thera below nine mU
lions. Let us assume that sura, to which add about five millions
and a half for the interest of the public debt, and the wants of gov
ernment would require a revenue of fourteen and a half mUfions,
leaving a surplus of revenue of half a mUlion beyond the public
expenditure. Thus, by a postponement of the payment of the prin
cipal of the public debt, in which the public creditors would gladly
acquiesce, and confiding, for the raeans of redeeraing it, in the
necessary increase of our revenue from the natural augmentation
of our population and consumption, we may safely adopt the pro
posed measure, even if it should be attended (which is confidently
denied) witfi the supposed diminution of revenue. We shaU not,
then, have occasion to vary the existing systera of taxation ; we
shaU be under no necessity to resort either to direct taxes or to an

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 465
excise. ^ But, suppose the alternative were reaUy forced upon us of
continuing the foreign systera, with its inevitable impoverishment
of the countey, but with the advantage of the present mode of
collecting the taxes, or of adopting the American system, with its
increase of the national wealth, but with the disadvantage of an
excise, could any one hesitate between them ? Customs and an
excise agree in the essential particulars, that they are both taxes
upon consumption, and both are voluntary. They differ only in the
mode of collection. The office for the collection of one is located
on the frontier, and that for the other within the interior. I believe
it was Mr. Jefferson, who, in reply to the boast of a citizen of New
York of the amount of the public revenue paid by that city, asked
who would pay it, if the coUector's office were removed to Paulus
Hook, on the New Jersey shore ? National wealth is the source of all
taxation. And, my word for it, the people are too inteUigent to be
deceived by mere names, and not to give a decided preference to
that system which is based upon their wealth and prosperity,
rather than to that which is founded upon thete impoverishraent
and ruin.
Sixth. But, according to the opponents of the domestic policy, the
proposed system will force capital and labor into new and reluc
tant employments ; we are not prepared, in consequence of the
high price of wages, for the successful establishment of manufac
tures, and we must fail in the experiment. We have seen, that the
existing occupations of our society, those of agriculture, coramerce,
navigation, and the learned professions, are overflowing with
competitors, and that the want of employment is severely felt.
Now what does this biU propose ? To open a liew and extensive
field of business, in which all that choose may enter. There is no
compulsion upon any one to engage in it. An option only is
given to industry, to continue in the present unprofitable pursuits,
or to embark in a new and pronaising one. The effect wiU be, to
lessen the competition in the old branches of business, and to
muUiply our resources for increasing our comforts, and augment
ing the national wealth. The alleged fact of the high price of
wages is not admitted. The teuth is, that no dass of society
suffers more, in the present stagnation of business, than the laboring
dass. That is a necessary effect of the depression of agricul-
tiire, the principal business of the community. The wages of
able-bodied men vary from five to eight dollars per month, and
such has been the want of employment, in some parts of the union,
that instances have not been unfrequent, of men working merdy for
the means of present subsistence. If the wages for labor here and in
England are compared, they wiU be found not to be essentiaUy
different I agree with the honorable gentieman from Virginia,
that high wages are a proof of national prosperity ; we. differ only
in the means by which that desirable end shaU be attained. But,
VOL. I. 59

466 SPELiCHES OF HENRY CLAV.
if the fact were true, that the wages of labor are high, I deny the
correctness of the argument founded upon it. The argument as
sumes, that natural labor is the principal eleraent in the business
of manufacture. That was the ancient theory. But the valuable
inventions and vast improveraents in machinery, which have been
made within a few past years, have produced a new era in the
arts. The effect of this change, in the powers of production, may
be estimated, from what I have already stated in relation to Eng
land, and to the triumphs of European artificial labor over the
natural labor of Asia. In considering the fitness of a nation for the
establishment of manufactures, we must no longer lirait our views
to the state of its population, and the price of wages. AU cte-
curastances raust be regarded, of which that is, perhaps, the least
important. Capital, ingenuity in the construction and adroitness
in the use of machinery, and the possession of the raw materials,
are those which deserve the greatest consideration. AU these
ctecumstances (except that of capital, of which there is no
deficiency,) exist in our country in an eminent degree, and more
than counterbalance the disadvantage, if it reaUy existed, of
the lower wages of labor in Great Britain. The dependence upon
foreign nations for the raw material of any great manufacture, has
been ever considered as a discouraging fact. The state of our
population is peculiarly favorable to the raost extensive inteoduc
tion of raachinery. We have no prejudices to combat, no persons
to drive out of employraent. The pamphlet, to which we have
had occasion so often to refer, in enumerating the causes which
have brought in England their manufactures to such a state of
perfection, and which now enable them, in the opinion of the
writer, to defy all competition, does not specify, as one of them,
low wages. It assigns three : first, capital ; secondly, extent and
costiiness of machinery ; and, thirdly, steady and persevering in
dustey. Notwithstanding the concurrence of so raany favorable
causes, in our countey, for the introduction of the arts, we are
earnestiy dissuaded from making the experiment, and our ultimate
failure is confidentiy predicted. Why should we fail ? Nations,
fike men, fail in nothing which they boldly atterapt, when sus
tained by virtuous purpose and firra resolution. I ara not wilfing
to adrait this depreciation of Araerican sldU and enterprise. I am
not wiUing to strike before an effort is made. All our past history
exhorts us to proceed, and insptees us with animating hopes of
success. Past predictions of our incapacity have faded, and
present predictions wiU not be realized. At the commencement
of this government, we were told that the atterapt would be idle to
construct a marine adequate to the commerce of the country, or
even to the business of its coasting teade. The founders of our
government did not listen to these discouraging counsels; and,
behold the fruits of their just comprehension of our resources. Our

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY- 467
restrictive policy was denounced, and it was foretold that it would
utterly disappoint aU our expectations. But our restrictive poficy
has been eminentiy successful ; and the share which our naviga
tion now enjoys in the trade with France, and -with the British
West India islands, attests its victory. What were not the dis
heartening predictions of the opponents of the late war ? Defeat,
discomfiture, and disgrace, were to be the certain, but not the
worst effect of it. Here, again, did prophecy prove false ; and the
energies of our country, and the valor and the pateiotism of our
people, carried us gloriously through the war. We are now, and
ever wiU be, essentially an agricultural people. Without a ma
terial change in the fixed habits of the countey, the friends of this
measure destee to draw to it, as a powerful auxiliary to its indus
try, the manufacturing arts. The difference between a nation
with and without the arts may be conceived, by the difference
between a keel-boat and a steam-boat, combating the rapid torrent
of the Mississippi. How slow does the forraer ascend, hugging
the sinuosities of the shore, pushed on by her hardy and exposed
crew, now throwdng themselves in vigorous concert on thete oars,
and then seizing the pendant boughs of overhanging trees : she
seems hardly to move ; and her scanty cargo is scarcely worth the
transportation ! With what ease is she not passed by the steam
boat, laden with the riches of aU quarters of the world, with a crew
of gay, cheerful, and protected passengers, now dashing into the
midst of the cun-ent, or gliding through the eddies near the shore !
Nature herself seems to survey, with astonishraent, the passing
wonder, and, in sUent submission, reluctantly to own the magni
ficent toiumphs, in her own vast dominion, of FuUon's immortal
genius. Seventh. But it is said that, wherever there is a concurrence of
favorable circumstances, manufactures wfil arise of themselves,
^thout protection ; and that we should not disturb the natural
progress of industry, but leave things to themselves. If aU nations
would modify thete poficy on this axiom, perhaps it would be better
for the common good of the whole. Even then, in consequence
of natiiral advantages and a greater advance in civifization and
in the arts, some nations would enjoy a state of much higher pros
perity than others. But there is no universal legislation. The
globe is divided into different coramunities, each seeking to appro
priate to itseff aU the advantages it can, without reference to the
prosperity of others. Whether this is right or not, it has always
been, and ever wiU be the case. Perhaps the care of the raterests
of one people is sufficient for aU the wisdom of one legislature ;
and that it is among nations as among individuals, that the teappi-
ness of the whole is best secured by each attending to its own
pecufiar interests. The proposition to be mamtaraed by our ad
versaries is, that manufactures, without protection, will in due time

468 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
spring up in our country, and sustain themselves, in a corapetition
with foreign fabrics, however advanced the arts, and whatever the
degree of protection raay be in foreign counteies. Now I contend,
that this proposition is refuted by all experience, ancient and
raodern, and in every country. If I am asked, why unprotected
industry should not succeed in a steuggle with protected industey,
I answer, the fact has ever been so, and that is sufficient ; I reply,
that UNIFORM EXPERIENCE cviuces that it cannot succeed in such an
unequal contest, and that is sufficient. If we speculate on the
causes of this universal truth, we may differ about thera. StUl the
indisputable fact remains. And we should be as unwise in not
availing ourselves of the guide which it furnishes, as a man would
be, who should refuse to bask in the rays of the sun, because he
could not agree with judge Woodward as to the nature of the
substance of that planet, to which we are indebted for heat and
light. If I were to attempt to particularize the causes which
prevent the success of the manufacturing arts, without protection,
I should say that they are, first, the obduracy of fixed habits. No
nation, no individual, will easily change an established course of
business, even if it be unprofitable ; and lea,st of all is an agricul
tural people prone to innovation. With what reluctance do they
not adopt improveraents in the instruraents of husbandry, or in
modes of cultivation ! If the farmer makes a good crop, and sells
it badly ; or makes a short crop ; buoyed up by hope he perse
veres, and trusts that a favorable change of the market, or of the
seasons, will enable him, in the succeeding year, to repair the mis
fortunes of the past. Secondly, the uncertainty, fluctuation, and
unsteadiness of the home market, when liable to an unrestricted
influx of fabrics from all foreign nations ; and, thirdly, the superior
advance of skill, and araount of capital, which foreign nations
have obtained, by the protection of their own industry. From the
latter, or from other causes, the unprotected manufactures of a
country are exposed to the danger of being crushed in their in
fancy, either by the design or from the necessities of foreign man
ufacturers. Gentiemen are incredulous as to the attempts of
foreign merchants and manufacturers to accompfish the destruc
tion of ours. Why should they not make such attempts ? If the
Scottish manufacturer, by surcharging our market, in one year,
with the article of cotton bagging, for example, should so reduce
the price as to discourage and put down the horae raanufaeture,
he would secure to himself the monopoly of the supply. And now,
having the exclusive possession of the raarket, perhaps for a long
term of years, he might be more than indemnified for his first loss,
in the subsequent rise in the price of the article. What have we
not seen under our own eyes ! The competition for the transporta
tion of the mail, between this place and Baltiraore, so excited, that
to obtain it an individual offered, at great loss, to carry it a whole

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 469
year for one doUar ! His calculation no doubt was, that, by driving
his competitor off the road, and securing to himself the caniage of
the mail, he would be afterwards able to repair his original loss by
new contracts with the department. But the necessities of foreign
manufacturers, without imputing to them any sinister design, may
oblige them to throw into our markets the fabrics which have
accumulated on their hands, in consequence of obstruction in the
ordinary vents, or frora over-calculation ; and the forced sales, at
losing prices, raay prosteate our establishraents. From this view
of the subject, it follows, that, if we would place the industey of our
country upon a solid and unshakable foundation, we must adopt
the protecting policy, which has every where succeeded, and reject
that which would abandon it, which has every where failed.
Eighth. But if the policy of protection be wise, the gentle
man from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) has made some ingenious
calculations, to prove that the measure of protection, already
extended, has been sufficiently great. With some few exceptions,
the existing duties, of which he has made an estimate, were laid
with the object of revenue, and without reference to that of
encouragement to .our domestic industry ; and although it is
admitted that the incidental effect of duties, so laid, is to promote
our manufactures, yet, if it falls short of competent protection, the
duties might as weU not have been imposed, with reference to that
purpose. A moderate addition may accomplish this desirable
end ; and the proposed tariff is believed to have this character.
Ninth. The prohibitory poficy, it is confidentiy asserted, is
condemned by the wisdom of Europe, and by her most enfightened
statesmen. Is this the fact ? We caU upon gentlemen to show
in what instance a nation that has enjoyed its benefits has surren
dered it. [Here Mr. Barbour rose (Mr. Clay giving way) and
said, that England had departed frora it in the China trade, in
aUowing us to trade with her East India possessions, and in tolera
ting our navigation to her West India colonies.] With respect to the
teade to China, the whole araount of what England has done, is,
to raodify the monopoly of the East India company, in behalf of
one and a smaU part of her subjects, to increase the commerce of
another and the greater portion of them. The abofition of the
resteiction, therefore, operates altogether among the subjects of
England; and does not touch at aU the interests of foreign powers.
The toleration of our comraerce to British India, is for the sake of
the spede, with which we raainly carry on that commerce, and
which, having performed its circuit, returns to Great Britain m
exchange for British manufactures. The rdaxation from the
colonial policy, in the instance of our teade and navigation WT^^h
the West Indies, is a most unfortunate example for the honorable
gentieman; for in it is an Ulusteious proof of the success of our
restrictive poficy, wheu resolutdy adhered to. Great Brttain had

470 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
prescribed the terms on which we were to be graciously allowed
to carry on that teade. The effect of her regulations was, to exclude
our navigation altogether, and a complete monopoly, on the part
of the British navigation, was secured. We forbade it, unless our
vessels should be allowed a perfect reciprocity. Great Britain
stood out a long time, but finally yielded, and our navigation now
fairly shares with hers in the ti-ade. Have gentleraen no other to
exhibit than these ti-ivial relaxations from the prohibitory policy,
which do not araount to a drop in the bucket, to prove its abandon
ment by Great Britain? Let them show us that her laws are
repealed which prohibit the introduction of om- flour and provisions ;
of French sUks, laces, porcelain, manufactures of bronze, mirrors,
woollens ; and of the manufactures of all other nations ; and then,
we. may be ready to allow that Great Britain has really abolished
her prohibitory policy. We find there, on the conteary, that
system of policy in full and rigorous operation, and a most
curiously inte'rwoven system it is, as she enforces it. She begins
by protecting all parts of her immense dominions against foreign
nations. She then protects the parent country against the colonies ;
and, finally, one part of the parfent countey against another. The
sagacity of Scotch industey has carried the process of distiUation
to a perfection, which would place the art in England on a footing
of disadvantageous competition, and English distUlation has been
protected accordingly. But suppose it were even teue that Great
Britain had abolished aU restrictions upon ti-ade, and allowed the
freest inteoduction of the produce of foreign labor, would that
prove it unwise for us to adopt the protecting systera? The
object of protection is the establishment and perfection of the arts.
In England it has accomplished its purpose, fulfiUed its end. If
she has not carried every branch of manufactare to the same high
state of perfection that any other nation has, she has succeeded in
so many, that she raay safely challenge the raost unshackled
corapetition in exchanges. It is upon this very ground that many
of her -writers recomraend an abandonment of the prohibitory
systera. It is to give greater scope to British industry and enter
prise. It is upon the sarae selfish principle. The object of the
most perfect freedom of trade, with such a nation as Britain, and
of the most rigorous systera of prohibition, with a nation whose
arts are in their infancy, may both be precisely the same. In both
cases, it is to give greater expansion to native industey. They
only differ in the theab-es of their operation. The abolition of the
restrictive system by Britain, if by it she could prevaU upon other
nations to imitate her example, would have the effect of extending
the consumption of British produce in other countries, where her
-writers boldly affirm it could maintain a fearless competition -with
the produce of native labor. The adoption of the restrictive system,
on the part of the United States, by excluding the produce of foreign

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 471
labor, would extend the consumption of American produce, unable,
in the infancy and unprotected state of the arts, to sustain a cora
petition with foreign fabrics. Let our arts breathe under the
shade of protection ; let them be perfected, as they are in England,
and we shaU then be ready, as England now is said to be, to put
aside protection, and to enter upon the freest exchanges. To what
other cause, than to their whole prohibitory policy, can you ascribe
British prosperity ? It will not do to assign it to that of her
antiquity ; for France is no less ancient ; though much less rich
and powerful, in proportion to the population and natural advanta
ges of France. HaUam, a sensible and highly approved writer on
the middle ages, assigns the revival of the prosperity of the north
of Europe to the success of the woollen manufactories of Flanders,
and the commerce of which their fabrics became the subject ; and
the commencement of that of England to the establishment of
simUar manufactures there under the Edwards, and to the prohibi
tions which began about the same time. As to the poor-rates, the
theme of so much reproach without England, and of so much
tegret within it, among her speculative writers, the systein was a
strong proof, no less of her unbounded wealth than of her pauper
ism. What other nation can dispense, in the form of regulated
charity, the enormous sum, I believe, of ten or twelve raillions
sterling? [Mr. Barbour stated itwas reduced to six ; to which Mr.
Clay replied, that he entertained no doubt, but that the benign
operation of British protection of home industry, had greatiy
reduced it within the last few years, by the fuU employment of her
subjects, of which her flourishing trade bore evidence.] The
number of British paupers was the result of pressing the principle
of population to its utmost limits, by her protecting policy, in the
creation of wealth, and in placing the rest of the world under
teibute to her industry. Doubtless the condition of England would
be better, without paupers, if in other respects it remained the same.
But in her actual circumstances, the poor system has the salutary
effect of an equalizing corrective of the tendency to the concentea
tion of riches, produced by the genius of her pofitical institutions
and by her prohibitory system.
But is it teue, that England is convinced of the impolicy of the
prohibitory system, and desirous to abandon it ? What proof have
we to that effect ? We are asked to reject the evidence deducible
from the settied and steady practice of England, and to take lessons
in a school of phUosophical writers, whose visionary theories are
no where adopted; or, if adopted, bring with them inevitable
disteess, impoverishment, and ruin. Let us hear the testimony of
an illustrious personage, entitied to the greatest attention, because
he speaks after the full experiment of the unrestrictive system made
in his own empue. I hope I shaU give no offence in quoting from
a^bfication issued from ' the mint of PhUadelphia ; ' from a work

472 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAV.
of Mr. Carey, of whom I seize, with great pleasure, the occasion
to say, that he merits the public gratitude, for the disinterested
dihgence with which he has collected a large mass of highly useful
facts, and for the clear and convincing reasoning with which he
generally illusteates thera. The emperor of Russia, in March, 1822,
after about two years trial of the free system, says, through count
Nesselrode :
' To produce happy effects, the principles of comraercial freedom
must be generally adopted. The state which adopts, whUst others
reject them, must condemn its own industi-y and commerce, to pay
a ruinous tribute to those of other nations.'
' Frora a circulation exempt from resteaint, and the facifity
afforded by reciprocal exchanges, almost aU the governments at
first resolved to seek the means of repairing the evil which Europe
had been doomed to suffer; but experience, and more correct
calculations, because they were made frora certain data, and upon
the results already known of the peace that had just taken place,
forced them soon to adhere to the prohibitory system.
' England preserved hers. Austria remained faithful to the rule
she had laid down, to guard herself against the rivalship of foreign
industry. France, with the same views, adopted the raost rigorous
raeasures of precaution. And Prussia published a new tariff in
October last, which proves that she found it impossible -not to
follow the exaraple of the rest of Europe.'
' In proportion as the prohibitory system is extended and rendered
perfect in other counteies, that state which pursues the contrary
system, makes, from day to day, sacrifices more extensive and
more considerable. * * * j). offers a continual
encouragement to the manufactures of other countries, and its own
manufactures perish in the struggle which they are, as yet, unable
to maintain.
' It is with the most lively feelings of regret we acknowledge it
is our own proper experience which enables us to teace this picture.
The evUs which it details have been realized yi Russia and
Poland, since the conclusion of the act of the seventh afid nine
teenth of Deceraber, 1818. Agriculture without a market, industry
toithout protection, languish and decline. Specie is exported, and
the most solid commercial houses are shaken. The pubhc
prosperity would soon feel the wound inflicted on private fortunes,
if new regulations did not proraptiy change the actual state of
affairs. ' Events have proved, that our agriculture and our commerce, as
well as our manufacturing industry, are not only paralysed, but
brought to the brink of ruin!
The exaraple of Spain has been properly referred to, as
affording a steiking proof of the calamUies which attend a state
that abandons the care of its own internal industey. Her pros-

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 473
perity was the greatest when the arts, brought there by the Moors,
flourished most in that kingdom. Then she received from Eng
land her wool, and returned it in the manufactured state ; and then
England was least prosperous. The two nations have reversed
conditions. Spain, after the discovery of America, yielding to an
inordinate passion for the gold of the Indies, sought in their mines
that wealth which might have been better created at home. Can
the remarkable difference in the state of the prosperity of the two
counteies be otherwise explained, than by the opposite systems
which they pursued? England, by a sedulous attention to her
home industry, supplied the means of an advantageous coramerce
with her colonies. Spain, by an utter neglect of her doraestic
resources, confided altogether in those which she derived from her
colonies, and presents an instance of the greatest adversity.
Her colonies were infinitely more valuable than those of England ;
and, if she had adopted a similar policy, is it unreasonable to
suppose that, in wealth and power, she would have surpassed that
of England? I think the honorable gentieman frora Virginia
does great injustice to the catholic religion, in specifying that as
one of the leading causes of the decline of Spain. It is a religion
entitied to great respect; and there is nothing in its character
incompatible with the highest degree of national prosperity. Is
not France, the most polished, in many other respects the most
distinguished state, of Christendom, catholic ? Is not Flanders, the
most- populous part of Europe, also catholic ? Are the catholic
parts of Switzerland and of Germany less prosperous than those
which are protestant ?
Tenth. The next objection of the honorable gentleman frora
Virginia, which I shall briefly notice, is, that the manufacturing
system is adverse to the genius of our government,, in its tendency
to the accumulation of large capitals in a few hands; in the
corruption of the public morals, which is alleged to be incident to
U; and in the consequent danger to the public fiberty. The first
part of the objection would apply to every lucrative business, to
commerce, to planting, and to the learned professions. Would the
gentieraan introduce the system of Lycurgus ? If his principle be
correct, it should be extended to any and every vocation which had
a sirailar tendency. The enormous fortunes in our country — the
nabobs of the land — have been chiefly made by the profitable
pursuit of that foreign coramerce, in more propitious times, which
the honorable gentieman would so carefuUy cherish. Immense
estates have also been made in the south. The dependents are,
perhaos, not more numerous upon that weaUh which is accumu
lated 'in manufactures, than they are upon that which is acquired
by commerce and by agriculture. We may safely confide in the
laws of disteibutions, and in the absence of the rule of primogeni
ture, for the dissipation, perhaps too rapid, of large fortunes. What
VOL. I. 60

474 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
has become of those which were held two or three generations back
in Virginia ? Many of the descendants of the ancient aristocracy,
as it was called, of that state, are now in the raost indigent condi
tion. The best security against the demoralization of society, is
the constant and profitable employraent of its members. The
greatest danger to public liberty is from idleness and vice. If
manufactures form cities, so does cominerce. And the disorders
and violence which proceed frora the contagion of the jiassions, are
as frequent in one description of those communities as in the other.
There is no doubt but that the yeomanry of a country is the safest
depository of public liberty. In all tirae to corae, and under any
probable direction of the labor of our population, the agricultural
class raust be ranch the raost nuraerous and powerful, and will
ever retain, as it ought to retain, a preponderating influence in our
councils. The extent and the fertility of our lands constitute an
adequate security against an excess in raanufactures, and also
against oppression, on the part of capitalists, towards the laboring
portions of the coramunity.
Eleventh. The last objection, with a notice of which I shall
ti-ouble the coraraittee, is, that the' constitution does not authorize
the passage of the bill. The gentleman frora Vteginia does not
assert, indeed, that it is inconsistent with the express pro-visions of
that instrument, but he thinks it incompatible with the spirit of the
constitution. If we attempt to provide for the internal improve
raent of the country, the constitution, according to some gentiemen,
stands in our way. If we attempt to protect American industry
against foreign policy and the rivah-y of foreign industry, the
constitution presents an insuperable obstacle. This constitution
raust be a most singular insteument ! It seems to be made for any
other people than pur own. Its action is altogether foreign.
Congress has power to lay duties and imposts, under no other
limitation whatever than that of thete being uniform throughout the
United States. But they can only be imposed, according to the
honorable gentieraan, for the sole purpose of revenue. This is a
restriction which we do not find in the constitution. No doubt
revenue was a principal object with the fraraers of the constitution
in investing congress with the power. But, in executing it,
raay not the duties and iraposts be so laid as to secure domestic
interests ? Or is congress denied all discretion as to the amount
or the distribution of the duties and imposts ?
The gentieman frora Vteginia has, however, entirely mistalien
the clause of the constitution on which we rely. It is that which
gives to congress the power to regulate coraraerce -with foreign
nations. The grant is plenary, without any liraitation whatever,
and includes the whole power of regulation, of which the subject
to be regulated is susceptible. It is as fuU and complete a grant
of the power, as that is to declare war. What is a regulation of

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 475
conimerce ? It impfies the admission or exclusion of the object
of it, and the terms. Under this power some articles, by the
existing laws, are admitted freely ; others are subjected to duties so
high as to amount to their prohibition, and various rates of duties
are applied to others. Under this power, laws of total non-inter
course with some nations, embargoes, producing an entire cessation
of commerce with aU foreign countries, have been, from time to
time, passed. These laws,. I have no doubt, met with the entire
approbation of the gentieraan from Vteginia. [Mr. Barbour said
that -he was not in congress.] Wherever the gentleman was,
whether on his farm or in the 'pursuit of that profession of which
he is an ornament, I have no doubt that he gave his zealous support
to the laws referred to.
The principle of the system under consideration, has the sanc
tion of some of the best and wisest men, in all ages, in foreign
countries as well as in our own — of the Edwards, of Henry the
Great, of Elizabeth, of the Colberts, abroad; of our Frankfin,
Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, at horae. But it comes recom
mended to us by a higher authority than any of these, iUusteious as
they unquestionably are — by the master-spirit of the age — that
extraordinary man, who has thrown the Alexanders and the Caesars
infinitely further behind him than they stood in advance of the
most eminent of their predecessors — that singular man, who,
whether he was seated on his imperial throne, deciding the fate of
nations and allotting kingdoms to the members of his family, with
the sarae composure, if not with the same affection, as that with which
a Virginia father divides his plantations among his children, or on
the miserable rock of St. Helena, to which he was condemned by
the cruelty and the injustice of his unworthy victors, is equaUy an
object of the most intense admiration. He appears to have
comprehended, -with the rapidity of intuition, the true interests of a
state, and to have been able, by the turn of a single expression, to
develope the' secret springs of the policy of cabinets. We find
that Las Cases reports him to have said :
'He opposed the principles of economists, which he said were
correct in theory though erroneous in their application. The
political constitution of different states, contuiued he, must render
these principles defective ; local circumstances continuaUy caU for
deviations from thete uniformity. Duties, he said, which were so
severely conderaned by pofitical economists, should not, it is true,
be an object to the teeasury; they should be the guaranty and
protection of a nation, and should correspond with the nature and
the objects of its teade. Holland, which is destitute of productions
and manufactures, and which was a ti-ade only of teansit and
commission, should be free of all fetters and barriers. France, on
the conteary, which is rich in every sort of production and manu-
factiires, should incessantiy guard against the iraportations ot a

476 SPEECHES OP HENRY CLAY.
rival, who raight still continue superior to her, and also against the
, cupidity, egotisra, and indifference, of mere brokers.
' I have not faUen into the error of modern systematizers,' said
the emperor, 'who imagine that aU the wisdom of nations is
centred in themselves. Experience is the teue wisdom of nations.
And what does all the reasoning of economists amount to ? They
incessantly extol the prosperity of England, and hold her up as our
model; but the custom-house system is more burdensome and
arbitrary in England than in any other counti-y. They also
condemn prohibitions; yet it was England set the example of
prohibitions ; and they are in fact necessary with regard to certain
objects. Duties cannot adequately supply the place of prohibitions ;
there will always be found means to defeat the object of the legis
lator. In France we are still very far behind on these delicate
points, which are still unperceived or ill understood by the mass of
society. Yet, what advancement have we not made; what
correctness of ideas has been inteoduced by my gradual classifica
tion of agriculture, industry, and trade; objects so distinct in
themselves, and which present so great and positive a graduation!
' First. Agriculture ; the soul, the first basis, of the empire.
'Second. Industry; the comfort and happiness of the popu
lation. ' Third. Foreign trade ; the superabundance, the proper appfi
cation, of the surplus of agriculture and industey.
' Agriculture was continually improving during the whole course
of the revolution. Foreigners thought it ruined in France. In
1814, however, the English were corapeUed to adrait that we had
fittie or nothing to learn frora thera.
' Industey or raanufactures, and internal trade, raade iramense
progress during ray reign. The application of chemistey to the
raanufactures, caused thera to advance with giant strides. I gave
an irapulse, the effects of which, extended throughout Europe.
' Foreign trade, which, in its results, is infinitely inferior to
agriculture, was an object of subordinate iraportance in my mind.
Foreign trade is made for agriculture and home industry, and not
the two latter for the former. The interests of these three funda-
raental cases are diverging and frequently conflicting. I always
promoted them in their natural gradation, but I could not and
ought not to have ranked them aU on an equality. Tirae will
unfold what I have done, the national resources which I created,
and the eraancipation frora the English which I brought about.
We have now the secret of the coraraercial treaty of 1783. France
StiU exdairas against its author ; but the English demanded it on
pain of resuming the war. They wished to do the same after the
treaty of Amiens, but I was then all-powerful ; I was a hundred
cubits high. I replied, that if they were in possession of the
heights of Montmartre I would still refuse to sign the teeaty.
These words were echoed through Europe.

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 477
' The Engfish wiU now impose some such treaty on France, at
least, if popular clamor and the opposition of the mass of the
nation, do not force them to draw back. This thraldom would be
an additional disgrace in the eyes of that nation, which is now
beginning to acquire a just perception of her own interests. .
' When I came to the head of the government, the American
ships, which were permitted to enter our ports on the score of their
neuteality, brought us raw materials, and had the impudence to
sail from France without freight, for the purpose of taking in
cargoes pf Engfish goods in London. They, moreover, had the
insolence to make their payments, when they had any to make, by
giving biUs on persons in London. Hence the vast profits reaped
by the English manufacturers and brokers, entirely to our prejudice.
I made a law that no American should import goods to any
amount, without immediately exporting their exact equivalent. A
loud outcry was raised against this : it was'said that I had ruined
teade. But what was the consequence? Notwithstanding the
closing of my ports, and in spite of the English, who ruled the
seas, the Americans returned and subraitted to my regulations.
What might I not have done under more favorable circumstances?
' Thus I naturalized in France the manufacture of cotton, which
includes, ' First, spun cotton. We did not previously spin it ourselves ;
the English supplied us with it, as a sort of favor.
' Secondly, the web. We did not yet make it ; it came to us
from abroad.
' Thirdly, the printing. This was the only part of the' manufac
ture that we performed ourselves. I wished to naturafize the two
first branches ; and I proposed to the council of state, that their
importation should be prohibited. This excited great alarm. I
sent for Oberkamp, and I conversed with him a long tirae. I
learned from him, that this prohibition would doubtiess produce a
shock, but that, after a year or two of perseverance, it would prove
a triumph, whence we should derive iraraense advantages. Then
I issued my decree in spite of aU ; this was a true piece of states
manship. ' I at first confined myself merely to prohibiting the web ; then
. I extended the prohibition to spun cotton ; and we now possess,
within ourselves, the three branches of the cotton manufactiare, to
the great benefit of our population, and the injury and regret of
the English ; which proves that, in civil government, as well as in
war, decision of character is often indispensable to success.' _
I wUl teouble the committee with only one other quotation,
which I shaU make frora Lowe; and frora heading which the
committee must shai-e with rae in the mortification which i teit on
perusing it. That author says, ' it is now above forty years since
the United States of Araerica were definitely separated from us,

478 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and since, their situation has afforded a proof that the benefit of
mercantile intercourse may be retained, in all its extent, without
the care of governing, or the expense of defending, these once
regretted provinces.' Is there not. too much truth in this observa
tion? By adhering to the foreign policy, which I have been
discussing, do we not remain essentially British, in every thing
but the form of our government? Are not our interests, our
industi-y, our comraerce, so modified as to swell British pride, and
to increase British power ?
Ml-. Chairman, our confederacy comprehends, within its vast
limits, great diversity of interests ; agricultural, planting, farming,
coramercial, navigating, fishing, manufacturing. No one of these
interests is felt in the same degree, and cherished with the same
solicitude, throughout all parts of the union. Some of them are
peculiar to particular sections of our comraon countey. But all
these great interests are confided to the protection of one govern
ment — to the fate of one ship ; and a most gallant ship it is, -with
a noble crew. If we prosper, and are happy, protection must be
extended to all ; it is due to aU. It is the great principle on which obe
dience is demanded frora all. If our essential interests cannot find
protection frora our own governraent against the policy of foreign
powers, where are they to get it ? We did not unite for sacrifice,
but for preservation. The inquiry should be, in reference to the
great interests of every section of the union, (I speak not of minute
subdivisions,) what would be done for those interests if that section
stood alone and separated from the residue of the republic ? If
the promotion of those interests would not injuriously affect any
other section, then every thing should be done for them, which
would be done if it formed a distinct government. If they come
into absolute coUision with the interests of another section, a
reconciliation, if possible, should be attempted, by mutual conces
sion, so as to avoid a sacrifice of the prosperity of either to that of
the other. In such a case, all should not be done for one which
would be done, if it were separated and independent, but some
thing ; and, in devising the raeasure, the good of each part and of
the whole, should be carefully consuUed. This is the only mode
by which we can preserve, in full vigor, the harmony of the whole
union. The south entertains one opinion, and imagines that a
modification of the existing policy of the country, for the protection
of American industey, involves the ruin of the south. The north,
the east, the west, hold the opposite opinion, and feel and contem
plate, in a longer adherence to the foreign policy, as it now exists,
their utter destruction. Is it true, that the interests of these great
sections of our country are irreconcilable with each other ? Axe
we reduced to the sad and afflicting dilemma of determining which
shall faU a victim to the prosperity of the other? HappUy, I think,
there is no such distressing alternative. If the north, the west.

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 479
and the east, formed an independent state, unassociated wUh the
south, can there be a doubt that the restrictive system would be
carried to the point of prohibition of every foreign fabric of which
they produce the raw material, and which they could manufacture?
Such would be their policy, if they stood alone; but they are
fortunately connected with the south, which befieves Us interests to
require a free admission of foreign manufactures. Here then is a
case for mutual concession, for fair compromise. The biU under
consideration presents this compromise. It is a medium between
the absolute exclusion and the unrestricted admission of the
produce of foreign industey. It sacrifices the interest of neither
section to that of the other ; neither, it is true, gets aU that it wants,
nor is subject to all that it fears. But it has been said that the
south obtains nothing in this compromise. Does it lose any thing?
is the first question. I have endeavored to prove that it does not,
by showing that a mere transfer is effected in the source of the
supply of its consumption from Europe to Araerica ; and that the
loss, whatever it raay be, of the sale of its great staple in Europe,
is compensated by the new market created in America. But does
the south really gain nothing in this compromise ? The consurap
tion of the other sections, though somewhat restricted, is still left
open by this bill, to foreign fabrics purchased by southern staples.
So far its operation is beneficial to the south, and prejudicial to
the industry of the other sections, and that is the point of mutual
concession. The south will also gain by the extended consurap
tion of its great staple, produced by an increased capacity to
consurae it in consequence of the establishment of the home
market. But the south cannot exert its industi-y and enterprise in
the business of manufactures! Why not? The difficulties, if
not exaggerated, are artificial, and may, therefore, be surmounted.
But can the other sections embark in the planting occupations of
the south ? The obstructions which forbid them are natural,
created by the immutable laws of God, and, therefore, unconquer
able. Other and animating considerations invite us to adopt the policy
of this system. Its' importance, in connection with the general
defence in time of war, cannot fail to be duly estimated. Need I
recaU to our painful recoUection the sufferings, for the want of an
adequate supply of absolute necessaries, to which the defenders of
their country's rights and our entire population, were subjected
during the late war ? Or to remind the coraraittee of the great
advantage of a steady and unfaUing source of supply, unaffected
afike in war and in peace? Its importance, in reference to the
stabifity of our union, that paramount and greatest of aU our
interests, cannot fail warmly to recomraend it, or at least to concil
iate the forbearance of every patriot bosom. Now our people
present the spedade of a vast assemblage of jealous rivals, aU

480 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
eagerly rushing to the sea-board, jostling each other in thete way,
to hurry off to glutted foreign markets the perishable produce of
their labor. The tendency of that policy, in conformity to which
• this biU is prepared, is to transform these corapetitors into friends
and mutual customers ; and, by the reciprocal exchanges of their
respective productions, to place the confederacy upon the most
solid of all foundations, the basis of common interest. And is
not governraent called upon, by every stiraulating raotive, to adapt
its policy to the actual condition and extended growth of our great
republic. At the commenceraent of our constitution, alraost the
whole population of the United States was confined between the
Alleghany raountains and the Atlantic ocean. Since that epoch,
the western part of New York, of Pennsylvania, of Virginia, all
the western states and ten-itories, have been principally peopled.
Prior to that period we had scarcely any interior. An interior has
sprung up, as it were by enchantment, and along -with it new
interests and new relations, requiring the parental protection of
government. Our policy should be modified accordingly, so as to
comprehend aU, and sacrifice none. And are we not encouraged
by the success of past experience, in respect to the only article
which has been adequately protected ? Already have the predic
tions of the friends of the American systera, in even a shorter
tirae than their most sanguine hopes could have anticipated, been
completely realized in regard to that article ; and consumption is
now better and raore cheaply suppUed with coarse cottons, than it
was under the prevalence of the foreign system.
Even if the benefits of the policy were limited to certain sections
of our country, would it not be satisfactory to behold American
industry, wherever situated, active, animated, and thrifty, rather
than persevere in a course which renders us subservient to foreign
industey? But these benefits are twofold, direct and collateral, and,
in the one shape or the other, they wUl diffuse themselves through
out the union. All parts of the union will participate, more or less,
in both. As to the dteect benefit, it is probable that the north and
the east wiU enjoy the largest share. But the west and the south
will also participate in them. Philadelphia, Baltiraore, and Rich
mond, wiU divide with the northern capitals the business of manu
facturing. The latter city unites more advantages for its successful
prosecution than any other place I know ; ZanesviUe, in Ohio, only
excepted. And where the direct benefit does not accrue, that will
be enjoyed of supplying the. raw material and provisions for the
consuraption of artisans. Is it not raost desirable to put at rest and
prevent the annual recurrence of this unpleasant subject, so weU
fitted, by the various interests to which it appeals, to excite irritation
and to produce discontent ? Can that be effected by its rejectioii ?
Behold the mass of petitions which lie on our table, earnestiy and
anxiously enteeating the protecting interposition of congress against

ON AMERICAN INDUSTRY. 481
the ruinous poficy which we are pursuing. WiU these petitioners,
comprehending aU orders of society, entfie states and comraunities,
public companies and private individuals, spontaneously assera-
bfing, cease in their humble prayers by your lending a deaf ear ?
Can you expect that these petitioners and others, in countiess num
bers, that will, if you delay the passage of this biU, supplicate your
mercy, should contemplate their substance gradually withdrawn to
foreign counties, their ruin slow, but certain and as inevitable as
death itself, without one expiring effort? You think the raeasure
injurious to you ; we believe our preservation depends upon its
adoption. Our convictions, mutuaUy honest, are equally steong.
What is to be done ? I invoke that saving spirit of mutual conces
sion under which our blessed constitution was formed, and under
which alone it can be happily administered. I appeal to the south
— to the high-minded, generous, and patriotic south — with which
I have so often cooperated, in attempting to sustain the honor and
to vindicate the rights of our country. Should it not offer, upon
the altar of the public good, some sacrifice of its peculiar opinions?
Of what does it complain ? A possible temporary enhancement in
the objects of consumption. Of what do we complain ? A total
incapacity, produced by the foreign policy, to pra-chase, at any
price, necessary foreign objects of consumption. In such an alter
native, inconvenient only to it, ruinous to us, can we expect too
much from southern magnanimity ? The just and confident expec
tation of the passage of this bUl has flooded the counti-y with recent
importations of foreign fabrics. If it should not pass, they will
complete the work of destruction of our domestic industry. If it
should pass, they wUl prevent any considerable rise in the price of
foreign commodities, until our own industry shaU be able to supply
competent substitutes.
To the friends of the tariff I would also anxiously appeal. Every
arrangement of its provisions does not suit each of you ; you desire
some further alterations ; you would make it perfect. You want
what you wiU never get. Nothing human is perfect. And I have
seen, with great surprise, a piece signed by a member of congress,
pubfished in the National InteUigencer, stating that this bUl must
be rejected, and a judicious tarUT brought in as its substitute. A
judicious tariff! No member of congress could have signed that
piece ; or, if he did, the public ought not to be deceived. L this
bUl do not pass, unquestionably no other can pass at this session,
or probably during this congress. And who wiU go home and say
that he rejected aU the benefits of this bill, because raolasses has
been subjected to the enorraous additional duty of five cents per
gallon? I call, therefore, upon the friends of the Araerican policy
to yield somewhat of thete own peculiar wishes, and not to reject
the practicable in the idle pursuit after the unattainable. Let us
imUate the Ulusteious example of the framers of the constitution,
VOL. I. 61

482 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
and, always reraerabering that whatever springs from man partakes
of his imperfections, depend upon experience to suggest, in future,
the necessary araendments.
We have had great difficulties to encounter. First, the splendid
talents which are arrayed in this house against us. Second, we
are opposed by the rich and powerful in the land. Third, the
executive government, if any, affords us but a cold and equivocal,
support. Fourth, the importing and navigating interest, I verUy
believe from misconception, are adverse to us. Fifth, the British
factors and the British influence are inimical to our success. Sixth,
long-estabfished habits and prejudices oppose us. Seventh, the
reviewers and literary speculators, fpreign and domestic. And,
lastly, the leading presses of the countey, including the influence of
that which is established in this city, and sustained by the public
purse. From some of these, or other causes, the bUl may be postponed,
thwarted, defeated. But the cause is the cause of the countey, and
it must and wUl prevaU. It is founded in the interests and affec
tions of the people. It is as native as the granite deeply irabosomed
in our raountains. And, in conclusion, I would pray God, in his
infinite raercy, to avert frora our countey the evUs which are
irapending over it, and, by enfightening our councils, to conduct
us into that path which leads to riches, to greatness, to glory.

REPLY TO JOHN RANDOLPH.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 1824.
[During the session of 1823 - 4, attempts were made to run at Mr. Clay, on account
of his peculiar situation m being named for the presidency, -while speaker of the house
of representatives, and for his zealous support of the American system. In a debate
on an improvement bill he encountered Mr. Randolph of Virginia, who had endeavored
to provolce him to reply, and the following remarks were made by Mr. Clay on that
occasion, m the course of the debate.]

Sir, I am gro-wing old. I have had some little measure of ex
perience in pubfic life, and the result of that experience has brought
me to this conclusion, that when business, of whatever nature, is
to be teansacted in a deliberative assembly, or in private fife, cour
tesy, forbearance, and moderation, are best calculated to bring it to
a successful conclusion. Sir, my age admonishes me to abstain
from involving myself in personal diflBculties ; would to God that
I could say, I am also resteained by higher motives. I certainly
never sought any collision with the gentieraan frora Virginia. My
situation at this tirae is peculiar, if it be nothing else, and raight,
I should think, dissuade, at least, a generous heart frora any wish to
draw me into circurastances of personal altercation. I have expe
rienced this magnanimity from sorae quarters of the house. But I
tegret, that from others it appears to have no such consideration.
The gentleman from Virginia was pleased to say, that in one point at
least he coincided with me — in an humble estimate of my gram
matical and phUological acquirements. I know my deficiencies.
I was born to no proud pateimonial estate ; from my father I in
herited only infancy, ignorance, and indigence. I feel my defects .;
but, so far as my situation in early life is concerned, I may,
without presumption, say they are more my misfortune than my
fault. But, however I regret my want of abUity to furnish to the
gentieman a better specimen of powers of verbal criticism, I wiU
venture to say, it is not greater than the disappointment of this
comnuttee as to the strength of his argument.

ADDRESS TO LA FAYETTE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 10, 1824.

[In the year 1624, general La Fayette visited the United States, as the guest of the
nation, and was welcomed with the raost gratifying testimonies of affection and
respect by the whole American people, in behalf of whose rights and liberty he had
so gallantly fought, and performed other important services during the revolutionary
war. The general landed at New York in August 1824, (having embarked at the
same place about forty years before, namely, in December, 1784, on his return to
France.) After visiting various parts of the United States, he was received at the
city of Washington with distinguished honors by the people and the public authori
ties, and on the tenth of Deceraber, 1824, he was introduced to the house of representa.
lives by a committee appointed for that purpose. The general, being conducted to
the sofa placed for his reception, the speaker (Mr. Clay) addressed him in the follow
ing words.]

General,
The house of representatives of the United States, impeUed
alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole American
people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty than
that of presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occasion
of your recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with the
wishes of Congress, and to assure you of the very high satisfaction
which your presence affords on this early theatre of your glory and
renown. Although but few of the merabers who corapose this
body shared with you in the war of our revolution, aU have, from
impartial history, or from faithful teadition, a knowledge of the
perils, the sufferings, and the sacrifices, which you voluntarily
encountered, and the signal services, in America and in Europe,
which you performed for an infant, a distant, and an alien people ;
and all feel and own the very great extent of the obfigations under
which you have placed our country. But the relations in which
you have ever stood to the United States, interesting and important
as they have been, do not constitute the only raotive of the respect
and adrairation which the house of representatives entertain for you.
Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to regulated
liberty, in aU the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also
commands its admiration. During aU the recent convulsions of
Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every pofitical storm, the

ADDRESS TO LA FAYETTE. 485
people of the United States have beheld you, teue to your old
principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating with your weU-
known voice, the votaries of liberty, its faithful and fearless cham
pion,, ready to shed the last drop of -that blood which here you so
freely and nobly spUt, in the same holy cause.
The vain A\dsh has been sometimes indulged, that Providence
would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his countey, and to
contemplate the intermediate changes which had taken place ; to
view the forests felled, the cities buUt, the mountains levelled, the
canals cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the
advancement of learning, and the increase of population. Gen
eral, your present visit to the United States is a reaUzation of the
consofing object of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity.
Every where, you mustrhave been struck with the great changes,
physical and moral, which have occurred since you left us. Even
this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you
and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered
its site. In one respect you behold us unaltered, and this is in the
sentim'ent of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection
and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his
countey, and to you, and to your Ulusteious associates in the field
and in the cabinet, for the multipfied blessings which surround us,
and ifor the very privUege of addressing you which I now exercise.
This sentiment, now fondly cherished by raore than ten millions
of people, will be teansmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide
of time, through the countiess raUfions who are destined to inhabit
this continent, to the latest posterity.
[After the above address. La Fayette lose, and in a tone influenced by po-vrerfnl
feeling, made an eloquent reply.]

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS.

ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OY 1825. MARCH 26, 1825.

[In the year 1816, as the term of president Madison was about to expire the following
year, a caucus of the democratic members of congress was held, in conformity to
previous custom, to designate a candidate to succeed Mr. Madison, as president. It
being the general impression and understanding that Mr. Monroe would be nominated,
Wiuch surprise was felt when it was ascertained that he had received only a small
majority in the caucus — the votes standing thus; for James Monroe sixty-five, for
William H. Crawford fifty-four. In consequence of this circumstance it was evident
that the popular will with regard to nominations might be defeated by caucus manage
ment, and a powerful opposition to nominations of president by members of congress
grew* up, previous to the election of a successor to Mr. Monroe. It was ascertained
that Mr. Crawford, then secretary of the treasury, would be the caucus candidate in
1824, and the people began to look around forcandidates to oppose him. John Quincy
Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun, were each warmly advo
cated by their friends for the succession. Mr. Calhoun was withdrawn and supported
for vice-president, to which office he was elected. Neither of the other four candi-
<lates being withdrawn, and Mr. Crawford having been nominatfed by a minority of
only sixty-six members of congress, in caucus, it became evident that no election
¦would be made by the people. The result was, that general Jackson received ninety-
nine electoral votes, Mr. Adams eighty-four, Mr. Crawford forty-one, and Mr. Clay
thirty-seven. The constitution requiring that the house of representatives should
now choose the president, from the three highest names on the list, (Mr. Clay being
excluded,) the greatest interest was felt by the friends of all the candidates, as lo tbe
course which would be pursued by Mr. Clay and his friends in the house, of which
he was then speaker. It was soon known, as he had previously declared, that he
would vote for Mr. Adams, which he did, and that gentleman was elected president.
A cry of ' bargain and corruption ' was thereupon set up by the disappointed and
zealous partisans of general Jackson, in which they were joined by some of the
friends of Mr. Crawford. This charge having been agitated by members of congress
at Washington, and reiterated in other quarters, was indignantly repelled by Mr. Clay,
and in refutation he issued the following address to his constituents in Kentucky,
composed of the people of the counties of Fayette, Woodford, and Clarke.]

The relations of your representative and of your neighbor,/ in
which I have so long stood, and in which I have experienced so
many steong proofs of your confidence, attachment, and friendship,
having just been, the one terminated, and the other suspended, I
avaU myself of the occasion on taking, I hope a temporary, leave
of you, to express ray unfeigned gratitude for aU your favors, and
to assure you, that I shaU cherish a fond and unceasing recoUection
of thera. The exteaordinary ctecurastances in which, during the
late session of congress, I have been placed, and the unmerited

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 487
animadversions which I have brought upon rayself, for an honest
and faithful discharge of my public duty, form an additional motive
for this appeal to your candor and justice. If, in the office which
I have just left, I have abused your confidence and betrayed your
interests, I cannot deserve your support in that on the duties of
which I have now entered. On the contrary, should it appear that
I have been assaUed without just cause, and that misguided zeal
and interested passions have singled me out as a victim, I cannot
doubt that I shaU continue to find, in the enlightened tribunal of
the public, that cheering countenance and impartial judgment,
without which a public servant cannot possibly discharge -with
advantage the teust confided to him.
It is known to you, that my name had been presented, by the
respectable states of Ohio, Kentucky, Louisiana, aijd Missouri, for the
office of president, to the consideration of the American public, and
that it had attracted sorae attention in other quarters of the union.
When, early in November last, I took my departure from the district
to repair to this city, the issue of the presidential election before the
people was unknown. Events, however, had then so far teanspired
as to render it highly probable that there would be no election by
the people, and that I should be excluded from the house of repre
sentatives. It became, therefore, my duty to consider, and to make
up an opinion on, the respective pretensions of the three gentiemen
who might be returned, and at that early period I stated to Dr.
Drake, one of the professors in the medical school of Transylvania
university, and to John J. Crittenden, esqutee, of Frankfort, ray
determination to support Mr. Adams in preference to general
Jackson. I -wrote to Charles Hammond, esquire, of Cincinnati,
about the same time, and mentioned certain objections to the
election of Mr. Crawford, (among which was that of his continued
UI health,) that appeared to me almost insuperable. During rny
journey hither, and up to near christmas, it reraained uncertain
whether Mr. Crawford or myself would be returned to the house
of representatives. Up to near christraas, all our inforraation raade
it highly probable that the vote of Ijouisiana would be given to
me, and that I should consequently be returned, to the exclusion
of Mr. Crawford. And, while that probabUity was steong, I
communicated to Mr. senator Johnston, from Louisiana, my resolu
tion not to allow my name, in consequence of the smaU number
of votes by which it would be carried into the house, if I were
retiirned, to constitiate an obstacle, for one moraent, to an election
in the house of representatives.
During the month of December, and the greater part of January,
steong professions of high consideration, and of unbounded
admiration of me, were made to my friends, in the greatest profu-
sion, by some of the active friends of aU the returned candidates.
Every body professed to regret, after I was excluded from the

488 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
house, that I had not been returned to it. I seemed to be the
favorite of every body. Describing my situation to a distant friend,
I said to him, ' I ara enjoying, whilst alive, the posthuraous honors
which are usually awarded to the venerated dead.' A person not
acquainted with huraan nature would have been surprised, in
listening to these praises, that the object of thera had not been
elected by general acclamation. None made more or warmer
manifestations of these sentiments of esteem and admiration than
some of the friends of general Jackson. None were so reserved as
those of Mr. Adams; under an opinion, (as I have learned since
the election,) which they early imbibed, that the western vote would
be only influenced by its own sense of public duty ; and that if its
judgment pointed to any other than Mr. Adams, nothing which
they could do would secure it to him. These professions and
manifestations were taken by me for what they were worth. I
knew that the sunbeams would quickly disappear, after my opinion
should be ascertained, and that they would be succeeded by a
storm ; although I did not foresee exactly how it would burst upon
my poor head. I found myself teansforraed from a candidate
before the people, into an elector for the people. I dehberately
examined the duties incident to this new attitude, and weighed all
the facts before me, upon which my judgment was to be formed
or reviewed. If the eagerness of any of the heated partisans of
the respective candidates suggested a tardiness in the declaration
of my intention, I believed that the new relation in which I was
placed to the subject, imposed on rae an obfigation to pay some
respect to delicacy and decorura.
Meanwhile, that very reserve supplied aliraent to newspaper criti-
cisra. The critics could not coraprehend how a raan standing as
I had stood towards the other gentleraen, should be resteained, by
a sense of propriety, from instantiy fighting under the banners of
one of thera, against the others. Letters were issued from the
manufactory at Washington, to come back, after performing long
journeys, for Washington consumption. These letters imputed to
' Mr. Clay and his friends a mysterious ate; a portentous silence,' and
so forth. From dark and distant hints the progress was easy to open
and bitter denunciation. Anonymous letters, fuU of menace and
abuse, were alraost daily poured in on me. Personal threats were
communicated to me, through friendly organs, and I was kindly
apprized of all the glories of viUage effigies which awaited me. A
systematic attack was simultaneously comraenced upon me from
Boston to Charleston, with an object, present and future, which it
was impossible to mistake. No man but myself could know the
nature, extent, and variety, of raeans which were eraployed to awe
and influence rae. I bore thera, I trust, as your representative
ought to have borne them, and as became me. Then followed the
letter, afterwards adopted as his own, by Mr. Eremer, to the

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 489
Columbian Observer. With its character and contents you are well
acquainted. When I saw that letter, aUeged to be written by a
member of the very house over which I was presiding, who was
so far designated as to be described as belonging to a particu
lar delegation by name, a member with whom I raight be daily
exchanging, at least on ray part, friendly salutations, and who was
possibly receiving from me constantly acts of courtesy and kind
ness, I felt that I could no longer remain silent. A crisis appeared
to me to have arisen in my public life. I issued my card. I ought
not to have put in it the last paragi-aph, because, although it
does not necessarily imply the resort to a personal combat, it
admits of that construction ; nor wUl I conceal that such a possible
issue was within my contemplation. I owe it to the community
to say, that whatever heretofore I may have done, or, by inevitable
circumstances, might be forced to do, no man in it holds in deeper
abhorrence than I do, that pernicious practice. Condemned as it
must be by the judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the
religion, of every thinking raan, it is an affate of feeling about
which we cannot, although we should, reason. Its teue corrective
¦wiU be found when aU shaU unite, as aU ought to unite, in its
unqualified proscription.
A few days after the publication of ray card, ' another card,'
under Mr. Kremer's name, was published in the InteUigencer. The
night before, as I was voluntarily informed, Mr. Eaton, a senator frora
Tennessee, and the' biographer of general Jackson, (who boarded
in the end of this city opposite to that in which Mr. Kremer took
up his abode, a distance of about two miles and a half,) was clos
eted for sorae time wUh him. Mr. Kreraer is entitied to great credit
for having overcome all the disadvantages, incident to his eariy
life and want of education, and forced his way to the honorable
station of a member of the house of representatives. Ardent in his
attachment to the cause which he had espoused, general Jackson
is his idol, and of his blind zeal others have availed themselvesj
and have made him thete dupe and thete insteument. I do not
pretend to know the object of Mr. Eaton's visit to him, I state the
fact, as it was communicated to me, and leave you to judge. Mr.
Krem«r's card is composed with some care and no httle art, and he
is made to avow in it, though somewhat equivocally, that he is the
author of the letter to the Columbian Observer. To Mr. Crown
inshield, a member frora Massachusetts, formerly secretary ot the
navy, he dedared that he was not the author of that letter. In his
card he draws a dear fine of separation between ^y fnends and
me, acquitting them, and undertaking to make good his charge n
tha letter, only so far as I was concerned. The purpose of this
di r mination'ls obvious. At that tirae the f^^'^ZZ'^^^^us
and it was therefore as important to abstam f ""^ "JP"g^ °"J
against my friends, as it was politic to fix them upon me. If they
VOL. I. 62

490 SPEECHES 01- HENRY CLAY.
could be made to believe that I had been perfidious, in the transport
of their indignation, they might have been carried to the support of
general Jackson. 1 received the National Intelligencer, containing
Mr. Kreraer's card, at breakfast, (the usual tirae of its distribution,)
on the raorning of its pubfication. As soon as I read the card, I
took ray resolution. The terras of it clearly iraplied that it had
not entered into his conception to have a personal affair with me ;
and I should have justly exposed niyself to universal ridicule, if I
had sought one -with him. I determined to lay the raatter before
the house, and respectfully to invite an investigation of my con
duct. I accordingly made a coraraunication to the house on the
sarae day, the raotives for which I assigned. Mr. Kreraer was in
his place, and, when I sat down, rose and stated that he was pre
pared and wUling to substantiate his charges against me. This
was his voluntary declaration, unprompted by his aiders and
abettors, who had no opportunity of previous consultation -with
him on that point. Here was an issue publicly and solemnly
joined, in which the accused invoked an inquiry into serious
charges against him, and the accuser professed an ability and. a
wiUingness to establish them. A debate ensued on the next day
which occupied the greater part of it, during which Mr. Kremer
declared to Mr. Brent, of Louisiana, a friend of mine, and to Mr.
Little, of Maryland, a friend of general Jackson, as they have certi
fied, ' that he never intended to charge Mr. Clay with corruption
or dishonor, in his intepded vote for Mr. Adams, as president, or
that he had transferred, or could transfer, the votes or interests of
his friends; that he (Mr. Kreraer) was araong the last raen in the
nation to make such a charge against Mr. Clay; and that his letter
was nevei^ intended to convey the idea given to it.' Mr. Digges, a
highly respectable inhabitant of this city, has certified to the same
declarations of Mr. Kremer.
A message was also conveyed to me, during the discussion,
through a member of the house, to ascertain if I would be satis
fied with an explanation which was put on paper and shown me,
and which it was stated Mr. Kremer was wiUing, in his place, to
raake. I replied that the raatter was in the possession of the
house. I was afterwards told, that Mr. Ingham, of Pennsylvania,
got hold of that paper, put it in his pocket, and that he advised Mr.
Kreraer to take no step without the, approbation of his friends. Mr.
Cook, of Illinois, moved an adjournment of the house, on infor
mation which he received of the probability of Mr. Kremer's making
a satisfactory atonement on the next day, for the injury which he
had done me, which I have no doubt he would have made, if he
had been left to the impulses of his native honesty. The house
decided to refer my coraraunication to a coramittee, and adjourned
until the next day to appoint it by baUot. In the mean time Mr.
Kremer had talien, I presume, or rather there had been forced upon

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 491
hini, the advice oi his friends, and I heard no more of the apology,
A committee was appointed of seven gentienien, of whom not one
was my pofitical friend, but who were araong the raost erainent
members of the body. I received no summons or notification from
the committee from its first organization to its final dissolution, but
Mr. Kremer was called upon by it to bring forward his proofs. For
one moment be pleased tb stop here and contemplate his posture,
his relation to the house and to me, and the high obligations under
which he had voluntarily placed himself He was a meraber of
one of the most august assemblies upon earth, of which he was
bound to defend the purity or expose the corruption by every
consideration which ought to influence a patriot bosom. A most
responsible and highly important constitutional duty was to be
•performed by that assembly. He had chosen, in an anonymous
letter, to bring against its presiding officer charges, in respect to that
duty, of the most flagitious character. These charges coraprehend
.delegations from several highly respectable states. If true, that
.presiding officer merited not merely to be dragged frora the chair,
•but to be expelled the house. He challenges an investigation into
his conduct, and Mr. Kreraer boldly accepts the challenge, and
promises to sustain his accusation. The committee appointed by
¦the house itself, with the common consent of both parties, calls
upon Mr. Kremer to execute his pledge publicly given, in his
¦proper place, and also previously given in the public prints. Here
is the theatee of the alleged arrangements ; this the vicinage in which
the trial ought to take place. Every thing was here fresh in the
recollection of the witnesses, if there were any. Here aU the proofs
were concentrated. Mr. Kremer was stimulated by every motive
which could impel to action ; by his consistency of character ; by
duty to his constituents, to his country ; by that of redeeming his
solemn pledge ; by his anxious wish for the success of his favorite,
whose interests could not fail to be advanced by supporting his
.ateocious charges. But Mr. Kreraer had now the benefit of the
advice of his friends. He had no proofs, for the plainest of aU
reasons, because there was no truth in his charges. They saw
that to atterapt to establish thera and to faU, as he raust faU in the
attempt, might lead to an exposure of the conspiracy, of which he
was the organ. They advised, therefore, that he should make a
retreat, and^hete adroitness suggested, that in an objection to that
jurisdiction of the house, which had been admitted, and in. the
popular topics of the freedom of the press, his duty to his constit
uents, and the inequality in the condition of the speaker of the
house, and a meraber on the floor, plausible raeans might be lound
to deceive the ignorant and conceal his disgi-ace. A labored com
munication was accordingly prepared by tliern, m Mr. Kremer s
name, and teansmitted to the committee, founded upon these sug-
ges^tions. Thus the valiant champion, who had boldly stepped

492 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
forward, and promised, as a representative of the people, to ' ciy
aloud and spai-e not,' forgot aU his gratuitous gallantry and boasted
patriotisra, and sank at once into profound silence.
With these remai-ks, I wiU for the present leave hira, and proceed
to assign the reasons to you, ,to whom alone I admit myself to be
officially responsible, for the vote which I gave on the presidential
election. The first inqutey which it behooved me to raake was, as
to the influence which ought to be exerted on ray judgment, by
the relative state of the electoral votes which the three returned
candidates brought into the house from the colleges. General
Jackson obtained ninety-nine, Mr. Adams eighty-four, and Mr.
Crawford forty-one. Ought the fact of a plurality being given to
one of the candidates to have any, and Avhat, weight? If the
constitution had intended that it should have been decisive, the
constitution would have raade it decisive, and interdicted the
exercise of any discretion, on the part of the house of representa
tives. The constitution has not so ordained, but, on the contrary,
it has provided, that ' from the persons having the highest numbers,
not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as president, the
house of representatives shall choose, iraraediately, by ballot, a
president.' Thus a discretion is necessarily invested in the house;
for choice iraplies exaraination, coraparison, judgment. The
fact, therefore, that one of the three persons was* the highest
returned, not being, by the constitution of the country, conclusive
upon the judgment of the house, it still remains to determine what
is the teue degree of weight belonging to it ? It has been contended
that it should operate, if not as an instruction, at least in the nature
of one, and that in this form it should control the judgment of the
house. But this is the sarae argument of conclusiveness which
the constitution does not enjoin, thrown into a different but more
imposing shape. Let rae analyze it. There are certain states, the
aggregate of whose electoral votes conferred upon the highest
returned candidate, indicate their wish that he should be the presi
dent. Their votes araount in nuraber to ninety-nine, out of two
hundred and sixty-one electoral votes of the whole union. These
ninety-nine do not, and cannot, of themselves, make the president.
If the fact of particular states giving ninety-nine votes, can, accord
ing to any received notions of the docteine of insteuction, be
regarded in that fight, to whom are those instructions to be consid
ered addressed? According to that doctrine, the people who
appoint, have the right to direct, by their insteuction, in certain
cases, the course of the' representative whom they appoint. The
states, therefore, who gave those ninety-nine votes, may in some
sense be understood thereby to have insteucted their representatives
in the house to vote for the person on whom they were bestowed,
in the choice of a president. But most clearly the representatives
coming from other states, which gave no part of those ninety-nine

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 493
votes, cannot be considered as having been under any obligation
to surrender thete judgments to those of the states which gave the
ninety-nine votes. To contend that they are under such an
obligation, would be to maintain that the people of one state have
a right to instruct the representatives from another state. It would
be to maintain a stUl more absurd proposition; that in a case
where the representatives from a state did not hold themselves
instructed and bound by the wiU of that state, as indicated in its
electoral coUege, the representatives frora another state were, never
theless, instructed and bound by tiiat alien wiU. Thus the entire
vote of North Carolina, and a large majority of that of Maryland,
in their respective electoral colleges, were given to one of the three
returned candidates, for whom the delegation from neither of those
states voted. And yet the argument combated requires that the
delegation from Kentucivy, who do not represent the people of
North Carolina nor Maryland, should be instructed by, and give
an effect to, the indicated will of the people of those two states,
when their own delegation paid no attention to it. Doubtiess,
those delegations felt themselves authorized to look into the actual
composition of, and all other circumstances connected with, the
majorities which gave the electoral votes, in their respective states ;
and felt themselves justified, frora a view of the whole ground, to
act upon their responsibility, and according to their best judgraents,
disregarding the electoral votes in their states. And are represen
tatives from a different state not only bound by the will of the
people of a different comraonwealth, but forbidden to exaraine
into the manner by which the expression of that wUl was brought
about — an examination which the immediate representatives them
selves, feel it their duty to raake ?
Is the fact, then, of a plurafity to have no weight? Far from it.
Here are twenty-four comraunities united under a coraraon govern
ment. The expression of the wiU of any one of them is entitled
to the most respectful attention. It ought to be patientiy heard and
kindly regarded by the others ; but it cannot be admitted to be
conclusive upon them. The expression of the wiU of ninety-nine
out of two hundred and sixty-one electors, is entitied to very
great attention, but that will cannot be considered as entitied to
conteol the wUl of the one hundred and sixty-two electors who
have manifested a different wiU. To give it such conteoUing
influence, would be a subversion of the fundamental maxira of the
republic — that the majority should govern. The wiU of the
ninety-^nine can neither be aUowed rightfuUy to control the remain
ing one hundred and sixty-two, nor any one of the one hundred
and sixty-two dectoral votes. It raay be an arguraent, a persuasion,
addressed to aU and to each of thera, but it is bindmg and obhga-
tory upon none. It foUows, then, that the fact of a plurality was
only one araong the various considerations which the house was

494 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
called upon to weigh, in making up its judgment. And the weight
of the consideration ought to have been regulated by the extent df
the plurality. As between general Jackson and Mr. Adams, the
vote standing in the proportions of ninety-nine to eighty-four, it
was entitied to less weight ; as between the general and Mr. Craw
ford, it was entitled to more, the vote being as ninety-nine to forty-
one. The concession may even be made that, upon the supposition
of an equality of pretensions between competing candidates, the
preponderance ought to be given to the fact of a pluredity.
With these views of the relative state of the vote with which
the three returned candidates entered the house, I proceeded to
examine the other considerations which belonged to the question.
For Mr. Cra-wford, who barely entered the house, with only four
votes raore than one candidate not returned, and upon whose case,
therefore, the arguraent derived frora the fact of plurality operated
with strong, though not decisive force, I have ever felt much
personal regard. But I was called upon to perform a solemn
public duty, in which my private feelings, whether of affection or
aversion, were not to be indulged, but the good of my countey
only consulted. It appeared to me that the precarious state of that
gentleman's health, although I participated with his best friends in
all their regrets and sympathies on account of it, was conclusive
against him, to say nothing of other considerations of a public
nature, which would have deserved exaraination if, happily, in that
respect he had been differently circumstanced. He had been iU
near eighteen months ; and, although I am aware that his actual
condition was a fact depending upon evidence, and that the
evidence in regard to it, which had been presented to the public,
was not perfectiy harmonioii;^, I judged for rayself upon what I
saw and heard. He may, and I ardentiy hope will, recover; but I
did not think it became me to assist in coraraitting the executive
administration of this great republic, on the doubtful contingency
of the restoration to health of a gentieman who had been so long
and so seriously afflicted. Moreover, if, under all the circumstan
ces of his situation, his election had been desirable, I did not think
it practicable. , I believed, and yet believe, that, if the votes of the
western states, given to Mr. Adams, had been conferred on Mr.
Crawford, the effect would have been to protract in the house the
decision of the contest, to the gi-eat agitation and disteaction of the
countey, and possibly to defeat an election altogether ; the very
worst resuU, I thought, that could happen. It appeared to me,
then, that, sooner or later, we must an-ive at the only practical issue
of the contest before us, and that was between Mr. Adams and
general Jackson, and I thought that the earfier we got there, the
better for the country, and for the house.
On considering this only alternative, I was not unaware of your
steong desire to have a western president ; but I thought that I

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 495
knew enough of yom- patriotism and magnaniraity, displayed on
SO many occasions, to believe that you could rise above the mere
gratification of sectional pride, if the common good of the whole
required you to make the sacrifice of local partiality) I solemnly
believed it did, and this brings me lo the most impdrtant consider
ation -which belonged to the whole subject — that arising out of the
respective fitness of the only two real competitors, as it appeared
to my best judgmen(f_In speaking of general Jackson, I am aware
of the deficacy and'respect which are justly due to that distinguished
citizen. It is far from my purpose to atterapt to disparage him. I
could not do it if I were capable of making the attempt ; but I
shaU nevertheless speak of him, as becomes me, with tinith. I did
not befieve him so competent to discharge the various, inteicate,
and complex duties of the office of chief magistrate, as his com
petitor, ^-^e has displayed great skiU and bravery, as a military
comraander, and his own renown wiU endure as long as the raeans
exist of preserving a recoUection of huraan transactions. But to
be qualified to discharge the duties of president of the United
States, the incumbent must have more than mere mUitary attain
ments — he must be a statesman. An individual may be a
gallant and successful general, an eminent lawyer, an eloquent
divine, a learned physician, or an accompfished artist ; and doubt
less the union of all these characters in the person of a chief
magistrate would be desirable, but no one of them, nor all com
bined, will qualify him to be president, unless he superadds that
indispensable requisite of being a statesman. Far from meaning
to say that it is an objection to the elevation to the chief magistracy
of any person, that he is a military comraander, if he unites the
other qualifications, I only intend to say that, whatever raay be the
success or splendor of his railitary achievements, if his qualifica
tions be only military, that is an objection, and 1 think a decisive
objection, to his election. If general Jackson has exhibited, either
in the councils of the union, or in those of his own state, or in
those of any other state or territory, the qualities of a statesman, the
evidence of the fact has escaped ray observation. It would be as
painful as it is unnecessary, to recapitulate sorae of the incidents,
which must be fresh in your recoUection, of his public life. But I
was greatiy deceived in ray judgraent if they proved hira to be
endowed with that prudence, temper, and discretion, which are
necessary fof civU adrainistration*^Qt"W^as in vain to reraind rae
of the illustrious exaraple of Wasliington. There was in that ,
exteaordinary person, united, a serenity of raind, a cool and
collected wisdom, a cautious and deliberate judgraent, a perfect
command of the passions, and, throughout his whole life, a famil
iarity and acquaintance wUh business, and civU teansactions, which
rarely characterize any human bdng No raan was ever raore
deeply peneteated than he was, with profound respect lor the sale

496 speeches of henry clay.
and necessary principle of the entire subordination of the raUitary
to the civil authority. I hope I do no injustice to general Jackson
when I say, that I could not recognise, in his pubfic conduct, those
attainments, for both civil government and military command,
which contemporaries and posterity have alike unanimously
concurred in awarding as yet only to the father of his country. I
was sensible of the gratitude which the people of this countey
justly feel towards general Jackson, for his brilfiant military
services. But the impulses of public gratitude shoidd be controUed,
as it appeared to me, by reason and discretion, and I was not
prepared bUndly to surrender rayself to the hazardous indulgence
of a feeling, however araiable and excellent that feefing raay be,
when properly directed. It did not seem to me to be wise or
prudent, if, as I soleranly befieve, general Jackson's competency
for the office was highly questionable, that he should be placed in
a situation -where neither his fame nor the public interests would
be advanced.) General Jackson himself would be the last man to
recoramend^r vote for any one for a place for which he thought
hira unfit. I felt myself sustained, by his own reasoning, in his
letter to Mr. Monroe, in which, speaking of the quafifications of'
our venerable Shelby for the department of war, he remarked : ' I
ara corapeUed to say to you, that the acquirements of this worthy
man are not competent to the discharge of the multiplied duties
of this departraent. I therefore hope he raay not accept the
appointment. I am fearful, if he does, he wUl not add much
splendor to his present well-earned standing as a public character.'
Such was my opinion of general Jackson, in reference to the
presidency. His conviction of governor Shelby's unfitness, by the
habits of his life,' for the appointment of secretary of war, were
not raore honest nor sti-onger than mine were of his own want of
experience, and the necessary civil qualifications to discharge the
duties of a president of the United States. In his elevation to this
office, too, I thought I perceived the establishment of a fearful
precedent ; and 1 ara raistaken in all the warnings of insteuctive
history, if I erred in ray judgment. Undoubtedly there are other
and many dangers to public liberty, besides that which proceeds
from mifitary idolatry ; but I have yet to acquire the knowledge
of it, if there be one more perilous, or raore frequent.
Whether Mr. Adams would or would not have been my choice
of a president, if I had been left freely to select from the whole
mass of American citizens, was not the question submitted to my
decision. I had no such liberty ; but I was circumscribed, in the
selection I had to make, to one of the three gentiemen whom the
people themselves had thought proper to present to the house of^
representatives. Whatever objections might be supposed to exist
against hira, stiU greater appeared to rae to apply to his competitor.
Of Mr. Adams, it is but teuth and justice to say, that he is hig^y

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 497
gifted, profoundly learned, and long and greatiy experienced in
public affairs, at home and abroad. Intimately conversant whh
the rise and progress of every negotiation with foreign powers,
pending or concluded ; personally acquainted with the capacity
and attainments of most of the public men of this country, whom
it might be proper to employ in the public service ; extensively
possessed of much of that valuable kind of information which is
to be acquired neither from books nor teadition, but which is the
fruit of largely participating in public affairs ; discreet and saga
cious ; he would enter upon the duties of the office with great
advantages. I saw in his election the establishment of no danger
ous example. I saw in it, on the contrary, only conformity to the
safe precedents which had been established in the instances of Mr.
Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, who had respectively
filled the same office from which he was to be translated.
A collateral consideration of much wdght, was derived from the
-wishes of the Ohio delegation. A majority of it, during the
progress of the session, made up their opinions to support Mr.
Adams, and they were communicated to rae. They said, ' Ohio
supported the candidate who -was the choice of Kentucky. We
failed in our common exertions to sc^cure his election. Now,
among those returned, we have a decided preference, and we think
you ought to make some sacrifice to gratify us.' Was not much
due to our neighbor and friend ?
I considered, with the greatest respect, the resolution of the
general assembly of Kentucky, requesting the delegation to vote
for general Jackson. That resolution, it is true, placed us in a
pecufiar situation. WhUst every other delegation, from every other
state in the union, was left by its legislature entirely free to examine
the pretensions of aU the candidates, and to form its unbiased
judgment, the general assembly of Kentucky thought proper to
interpose, and request the delegation to give its vote to one of the
candidates, whom they were pleased to designate. I felt a sincere
destee to comply with a request emanating from a source so
respectable, if I could have done so consistentiy with those para
mount duties which I owed to you and to the countey. But, after
fuU and anxious consideration, I found it incompatible with my
best judgraent of those duties, to conforra to the request pf the
general assembly. The resolution asserts, that it was the wish of
the people of Kentucky, that thete delegation should vote for the
general It did not inform me by what raeans that body had
arrived at a knowledge of the wish of the people. I knew that
its raembers had repaired to Frankfort before I departed firom home
to come to Washington. I knew that thete attention was fixed on
important local concerns, wdl entitied, by thete magnitude, exclu
sively to engross it. No dection, no general expression ot the
popular senti^ment, had occurred since that in November, when
VOL. I. 63

498 speeches of henry clay.
¦electors were chosen, and at that the people, by an overwhelming
majority, had decided against general Jackson. I could not see
how such an expression against him, could be interpreted into that
of a desire for his election. If, as is ti-ue, the candidate whom
they preferred was not returned to the house, it is equally true that
the state of the contest, as it presented itself here to me, had never
been considered, discussed, and decided by the people of Kentucky,
in their collective capacity. What would have been their decision
on this new state of the question, I might have undertaken to
conjecture, but the certainty of any conclusion of fact, as to thete
opinion, at which I could arrive, was by no means equal to that
certainty of conviction of ray duty to which I was carried by the
exertion of ray best and raost deliberate reflections. The letters
from horae, which some of the delegation received, expressed the
most opposite opinions, and there were not wanting instances of
letters frora some of the very members who had voted for that
resolution, advising a different course. I received from a highly
respectable portion of my constituents a paper, instructing me as
foUows :
' We, the undersigned voters in the congressional district, having viewed the
instruction or request of the legislature of Kentuckjr, on the subject of choosing a
president and vice-president of the United States, with regret, and the said request or
instruction to our representative in congress from this district being without out
knowledge or consent, we, for many reasons known to ourselves, connected with so
momentous an occasion, hereby instruct our representative in congress to vote on this
occasion agreeably to his own judgment, and the best lights he may have on the
subject, with or without the consent of the legislature of Kentucky.'
This insteuction came both unexpectedly and unsolicited by me,
and it was accompanied by letters assuring rae that it expressed the
opinion of a raajority of ray constituents. I could not, therefore,
regard the resolution as conclusive evidence of your wishes.
Viewed as a mere request, as it purported to be, the general
assembly doubtiess had the power to make it. But, then, with
deference, I think it was worthy of serious consideration, whether
the dignity of the general assembly ought not to have induced it
to forbeai- addressing itself, not to another legislative body, but to
a small part of it, and requesting the merabers who coraposed that
part, in a case which the constitution had confided to them, to vote
according to the wishes of the general assembly, whether those
wishes did or did not conforra to their sense of duty. I could not
regard the resolution as an insteuction ; for, frora the origin of our
state, its legislature has never assuraed or exercised the right to
instruct the representatives in congress. I did not recognise the
right, therefore, of the legislature, to instruct me. I recognised that
right only when exerted by you. That the portion of the public
servants who made up the general assembly, have no right to
insteuct that portion of them who constituted the Kentucky dJelegar

address to his constituents. 499
tion in the house of representatives, is a proposition too clear to be
argued. The members of the general assembly would have been
the first to behold as a presumptuous interposition, any instruction,
if the Kentucky delegation could have committed the absurdity to
issue, from this place, any instruction to them to vote in a particular
manner on any of the interesting subjects which lately engaged
their attention at Frankfort. And ahhough nothing is further from
my intention than to impute either absurdity or presumption to
the general assembly, in the adoption of the resolution referred
to, I must say, that the difference between an instruction emanating
from them to the delegation, and frora the delegation to thera, is
not in principle, but is to be found only in the degree of superior
importance which belongs to the general assembly.
Entertaining these views of the election on which it was made
my duty to vote, I felt myself bound, in the exercise of my best
judgment, to prefer Mr. Adams ; and I accordingly voted for him.
I should have been highly gi-atifled if it had not been my duty to
vote on the occasion ; but that was not my situation, and I did not
choose to shrink from any responsibility which appertained to your
representative. Shortly after the election, it was rumored that Mr.
Kremer was preparing a publication, and the preparations for it
which were making excited much expectation. Accordingly, on
the twenty-sixth of February, the address, under his name, to the
' electors of the ninth congi-essional disteict of the state of Pennsyl
vania,' raade its appearance in the Washington City Gazette. No
meraber of the house, I am persuaded, believed that Mr. Kremer
ever wrote one paragraph of that address, or of the plea, which
was presented to the committee, to the jurisdiction of the house.
Those who counseUed him, and composed both papers, and then-
purposes, were just as weU known as the author of any report from
a coraraittee to the house. The first observation which is called
for by the address is the place of its pubfication. That place was
in this city, remote from the centee of Pennsylvania, near which
Mr. Kremer's district is situated, and in a paper having but a very
fimited, if any circulation in it. The time is also remarkable.
The fact that the president intended to nominate me to the senate
for the office which I now hold, in the course of a few days, was
then weU known, and the pubfication of the address was, no doubt,
made less with an intention to communicate information to the
electors of the ninth congi-essional disteict of Pennsylvania, than to
affect the decision of the senate on the intended noraination. Oi
the charader and contents of that address of Messrs. George
Kreraer & Co., made up, as it is, of assertion without proot, ot
inferences without premises, and of careless, jocose, and quizzing
conversations of some of my friends, to which I was no pai-ty, and
of which I had never heard, it is not my intention to say much. It
carried its own refutation, and the parties concerned saw its abortive

500 speeches of henry clay.
nature the next da,y, in the indignant countenance of every
unprejudiced and honorable meraber. In his card, Mr. Kremer
had been raade to say, that he held himself ready ' to prove, to the
satisfaction of unprejudiced minds, enough to satisfy them of the
accuracy of the statements which are contained in that letter, to the
extent that they concerned the course of conduct of H. Clay! The
object for excluding ray friends frora this pledge has been noticed.
But now the election was decided, and there no longer existed a
raotive for discrimination between them and me. Hence the only
statements that are made, in the address, having the serablance of
proof, relate rather to thera than- to me; and the design was, by
establishing something like facts upon them, to make those facts
react upon rae.
Of the few topics of the address upon which I shaU remark, the
first is, the accusation brought forward against me, of violating
insteuctions. If the accusation were teue, who was the party
offended, and to whom I was amenable ? If I violated any insteuc
tions, they raust have been yours, since you only had the right to
give thera, and to you alone was I responsible. Without aUowing
hardly tirae for you to hear of ray vote, without waiting to know
what your judgraent was of my conduct, George Kremer & Co.
chose to arraign rae before the American public as the violater of
insteuctions which I was bound 'to obey. If, instead of being, as
you are, and 1 hope always wUl be, vigilant observers of the
conduct of your public agents, jealous of your rights, and compe
tent to protect and defend them, you had been ignorant and culpably
confiding, the gratuitous interposition, as your advocate, of the
honorable George Kreraer, of the ninth congressional district in
Pennsylvania, would have merited your most grateful acknowledg
ments. Even upon that supposition, his arraignment of me would
have required for its support one small ctecumstance, which happens
not to exist, and that is, the fact of your having actually insteucted
rae to vote according to his pleasure.
The relations in which I stood to Mr. Adaras constitute the next
theme of the address, which I shall notice. I am described as
having assuraed ' a position of peculiar and decided hostility to the
election of Mr. Adaras,' and expressions towards hira are atteibuted
to me, which I never used. I am also made responsible for
' pamphlets and essays of great abUity,' published by my friends in
Kentucky in the course of the canvass. The injustice of the
principle of holding me thus answerable, may be tested by apply
ing it to the case of general Jackson, in reference to publications
issued, for example, frora the Columbia Observer. That I was
not in favor of the election of Mr. Adams, when the contest was
before the people, is most certain. Neither was I in favor of that
of Mr. Crawford or general Jackson. That I ever did any thing
against Mr. Adams, or either of the other gentleraen, inconsistent

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 501
•with a fair and honorable competition, I utterly deny. My rela
tions to Mr. Adams have been the subject of much misconception,
if not misrepresentation. I have been stated to be under a public
pledge to expose sorae nefarious conduct of that gentleman, during
the negotiation at Ghent, which would prove him to be entirely
unworthy of public confidence ; and that, with the knowledge of
his perfidy, I nevertheless voted for him. If these imputations are
well founded, I should, indeed, be a fit object of public censure ;
but if, on the contrary, it shall be found that others, inimical both
to him and to me, have substituted their own interested wishes for
my public promises, I teust that the indignation, which they would
excite, will be turned from me. My letter, addressed to the editors
of the Intelligencer, under date of the fifteenth of November, 1822,
is made the occasion for ascribing to rae the promise and the
pledge to make those treasonable disclosures on Mr. Adaras. Let
that letter speak for itself, and it will be seen how littie justice th^re
is for such an assertion. It adverts to the controversy which had
arisen between Messrs. Adams and Bussell, and then proceeds to
state that, ' in the course of several publications, of which it has
been the occasion, and particularly in the appendix to a pamphlet,
which had been recently published by the honorable John Quincy
Adams, I think there are sorae errors, no doubt unintentional, both
as to matters of fact and matters of opinion, in regard to the trans
actions at Ghent, relating to the navigation of the Mississippi, and
certain fiberties claimed by the United States in the fisheries, and
to the part which I bore in those transactions. These important
interests are now well secured.' ' An account, therefore, of what
occurred in the negotiation at Ghent, on those two subjects, is not,
perhaps, necessary to the present or future security of any of the
rights of the nation, and is only interesting as appertaining to its
past history. With these irapressions, and being exteeraely un
wiUing to present rayself, at any time, before the public, I had
almost resolved to remain silent, and thus expose myself to the in
ference of an acquiescence in the correctness of all the statements
made by both my coUeagues ; but I have, on more reflection,
thought it may be expected of me, and be considered as a duty on
my part, to conteibute all in my power tow-ards a fuU and faithful
understanding of the teansactions referred to. Under this convic
tion, I wiU, at some future period, more propitious than the present
to calm and dispassionate consideration, and when there can be no
misinterpretation of motives, lay before the pubfic a narrative ot
those teansactions, as I understood them.'
Frora even a cardess perusal of that letter, it is apparent, that
the only two subjects of the negotiations at Ghent, to _ which it
refers, were the navigation of the Mississippi, and certain fishing
liberties • that the errors which I had supposed were comraitted,
appfied to both Mr. RusseU and Mr. Adams, though more particu-

502 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
larly to the appendix of the latter ; that they were unintentional ;
that they affected myself principally ; that I deemed them of no
public importance, as connected with the then, or future security
of any of the rights of the nation, but only interesting to its past
history ; that I doubted the necessity of my offering to the pubfic
any account of those ti-ansactions ; and that the narrative which I
promised was to be presented at a season of more calra, and when
there could be no misinterpretation of raotives. Although Mr.
Adaras believes otherwise, I yet think there are sorae unintentional
errors in the conteoversial pajjers between him and Mr. RusseU
But I have reserved to rayself an excfiisive right of judging when
I shall execute the proraise which I have made, and I shaU be
neither quickened nor retarded in its performance by the friendly
anxieties of any of my opponents.
If injury accrue to any one by the delay in publishing the narra
tive, the public will not suffer by' it. It is already known by the
publication of the British and American projets, the protocols, and
the correspondence between the respective plenipotentiaries, that
the British government made at Ghent a demand of the navigation
of the Mississippi, by an artide in their projet nearly in the same
words as those which were employed in the treaty of 1783 ; that a
raajority of the American comraissioners was in favor of acceding
to that demand, upon the condition that the British governm,ent
would concede to us the same fishing liberties within their juris
diction, as were secured to us by the same treaty of 1783 ; and
that both demands were finally abandoned. The fact of these
mutual propositions was communicated by me to the American
public in a speech which I delivered in the house of representa
tives, on the twenty-ninth day of January, 1816. Mr. Hopkinson
had arraigned the terms of the teeaty of peace, and charged upon
the war and the administration the loss of the fishing liberties,
within the British jurisdiction, which we enjoyed prior to the war.
In vindicating, in my reply to him, thd course of the government,
and the conditions of the peace, I stated :
' When the British commissioners demanded, in their projet, a renewal to Great
Britain of the right to the navigation of the Mississippi, secured by thetreaty of 1783,
a bare majorityof the American commissioners offered to renew it, upon the condi
tion that the liberties in question were renewed to us. I was not one of that majority.
I will not trouble the committee with my reasons for being opposed to the offer. A
majority of my colleagues, actuated, I believe, by the best motives, made, however,
the offer, and it was refused by the British commissioners.'
And what I thought of my coUeagues of the majority, appears
frora the same extract. The spring after the termination of the
negotiations at Ghent, I went to London, and entered upon a new
and highly important negotiation with two of them, (Messrs.
Adams and GaUatin,) which resulted, on the third day of July,
1815, in the commercial convention, which has been since made

ADDRESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. 503
¦the basis of most of our commercial aiTangements with foreign
powers. Now, if I had discovered at Ghent, as has been asserted,
that either of them was false and faithless to his country, would I
have voluntarUy commenced wUh them another negotiation?
Further : there never has been a period, during our whole acquaint
ance, that Mr. Adams and I have not exchanged, when we have
met, friendly salutations, and the courtesies and hospitalities of
social intercourse.
The address proceeds to characterize the support which I gave
to Mr. Adams as unnatural. The authors of the address have not
stated why it is unnatural, and we are therefore left to conjecture
their meaning. Is it because Mr. Adams is from New England,
and I am a citizen of the west ? If it be unnatural in the western
states to support a citizen of New England, it must be equally
unnatural in the New England states to support a citizen of the
west. And, on the same principle, the New England states ought
to be resteained from concurring in the election of a citizen of the
southern states, or the southern states from cooperating in the
election of a citizen of New England. And, consequently, the
support which the last three presidents have derived frora New
England, and that which the vice-president recently received, has
been most unnaturally given. The tendency of such reasoning
would be to denationalize us, and to contract every part of the
union within the narrow, selfish limits of its own section. It would
be still worse ; it would lead to the destruction of the union itself
For if it be unnatural in one section to support a citizen in another,,
the union itself must be unnatural ; all our ties, aU our glories, all
that is animating in the past, all that is bright and cheering in the
future, must be unnatural. Happily, such is the admirable texture
of our union, that the interests of aU its parts are closely inter
woven. If there are strong points of affinity between the south
and the west, there are interests of not less, if not greater, strength
and vigor, binding the west, and the north, and the east.
Before I close this address, it is my duty, which I proceed to
perform with great regret, on account of the occasion which caUs
for U, to invite your attention to a letter, addressed by general
Jackson to Mr. Swartwout, on the twenty-thted day of February
last. The names of both the general and mysdf had been before
the American public for its highest office. We had both been
unsuccessful. The unfortunate have usually some sympathy lor
each other. For myself, I claim no merit for the cheerful acqui
escence which I have given in a result by which I was excluded
from the house. I have beheved that the decision by the consti
tuted authorities, in favor of others, has been founded upon a
conviction of the superiority of thete pretensions. It has been my
habit, when an election is once decided,^to forget as soon as
possible, an the irritating ctecumstances which attended the pre-

504 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
ceding canvass. If one be successful, he should be content with
his success. If he have lost it, railing will do no good. I never
gave general Jackson nor his friends any reason to believe that I
would, in any contingency, support hira. He had, as I thought,
no public claira, and, I will now add, no personal clairas, if these
ought to be ever considered, to ray support. No one, therefore,
ought to have been disappointed or chagrined that I did not vote
for him, no more than I was neither surprised nor disappointed
that he did not, on a raore recent occasion, feel it to be his duty to
vote for me. After commenting upo.n a particular phrase used in
ray letter to judge Brooke, a calra reconsideration of which will,
I think, satisfy any person that it was not eraployed in an offensive
sense, if indeed it have an offensive sense, the general, in his letter
to Mr. Swartwout, proceeds to remark : ' No one beheld me
seeking, through art or management, to entice any representative
in congress from a conscientious responsibility of his own, or the
wishes of his constituents. No midnight taper burnt by me ; no
secret conclaves were held, nor cabals entered into to persuade any
one to a violation of pledges given, or cf instructions received
By rae no plans were concerted to impair the pure principles ol
our republican institutions, nor to prosti-ate that fundamental
maxim which maintains the supremacy of the people's wUl. On
the contrary, having never in any manner, before the people or
congress, interfered in the shghtest degree with the question, my
conscience stands void of offence, and will go quietly -with me,
regardless of the insinuations of those who, through management,
may seek an influence not sanctioned by integrity and merit.' I am
not aware that this defence of himself was rendered necessary by
any charges brought forward against the general. Certainly I
never made any such charges against him. I -will not suppose
that, in the passage cited, he intended to impute to me the mis
conduct which he describes, and yet, taking the whole context of
his letter together, and coupling it with Mr. Kremer's address, it
cannot be disguised that others may suppose he intended to refer
to me. I am quite sure that, if he did, he could not have formed
those unfavorable opinions of rae upon any personal observation
of my conduct made by himself ; for a supposition that they were
founded upon his own knowledge, would imply that my lodgings
and my person had been subjected to a systera of espionage
whoUy incorapatible with the open, manly, and honorable conduct
of a gallant soldier. If he designed any insinuations against me,
I must believe that he made thera upon the inforraation of others,
of whora I can only say that they have deceived his credulity, and
are entirely unworthy of all credit. I entered into no cabals ; I held
no secret conclaves ; I enticed no raan to violate pledges given or
instructions received. The members from Ohio, and from the
other western states, with whom I voted, were all of them as com
petent as I was to form an opinion on the pending election. The

ADDRESS TO HIS CONS-TITUENTS. 505
McArthurs and the Metcalfs, and the other gentiemen from the
west, (some of whom have, if I have not, bravely ' made an
effort to repel an invading foe,') are as incapable of dishonor as
any men breathing ; as disinterested, as unambitious, as exclusively
devoted to the best interests of their country. It was quite as likely
that I should be influenced by thera, as that I could control their
votes. Our object was not to impair, but to preserve frora all
danger, the purity of our repubUcan institutions. And how I pros
trated the maxim which maintains the supremacy of the people's
will, I am entirely at a loss to comprehend. The Ulusions of the
general's imagination deceive him. The people of the United
States had never decided the election in his favor. If the people
had willed his election, he would have been elected. It was
because they had not willed his election, nor that of any other
candidate, that the duty of making a choice devolved on the house
of representatives. The general remarks :
' Mr. Clay has never yet risked himself for his country. He has never sacrificed
his repose, nor made an effort to repel an invading foe ; of course his conscience
assured him it Was altogether wrong in any other man to lead his countrymen to
battle and victory.'
The logic of this conclusion is not very striking. General
Jackson fights better than he reasons. When have I failed to
concur in awarding appropriate honors to those who, on the sea or
on the land, have sustained the glory of our arms, if I could not
always approve of the acts of sorae of them ? It is true, that it
has been ray raisfortune never to have repelled an invading foe,
nor to have led ray countryraen to victory. If I had, I should have
left to others to proclaim and appreciate the deed. The general's
destiny and mine have led us in different directions. In the civil
employraents of my country, to which I have been confined, I
regret that the littie service which I have been able to render it l^alls
far short of my wishes. But why this denunciation of those who
have not repelled an invading foe, or led our armies to victory ?
At the very raoment when he is inveighing against an objection to
his election to the presidency, founded upon the exclusive mUitary
nature of his merits, does he not perceive that he is establishing its
vafidity by proscribing every man who has not successfully fought
the public enemy ; and that, by such a general proscription, and
the requireraent of successful military service as the only condition
of civil preferment, the inevitable effect would be the ultimate
establishment of a military government?
If the contents of the letter to Mr. Swartwout, were such as
justiy to excite surprise, there were other circurastances not calcu
lated to dirainish it. Of aU the dtizens of the United States, that
gentieman is one of the last to whora it was necessary to address
any vindication of general Jackson. He had given abundant
VOL. I. 64

506 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
evidence of his entire devotion to the cause of the general. He
was here after the election, and was one of a coraraittee who
invited the general to a public dinner, proposed to be given to him
in this place. My letter to judge Brooke was published in the
papers of this city on the twelfth of February. The general's note,
decUning the invitation of Messrs. Swartwout and others, was
published on the fourteenth, in the National Journal. The proba
bility, therefore, is, that he did not leave this city until after he had
a fuU opportunity to receive, in a personal interview with the
general, any verbal observations upon it which he raight have
thought proper to make. The letter to Mr. Swartwout, bears date
the twenty-third of February. If received by him in New York,
it must have reached hira, in the ordinary course of maU, on the
twenty -fifth or twenty-sixth. Whether intended or not as a ' private
communication,' and not for the ' public eye,' as alleged by him,
there is much probability in believing that its publication in New
York, on the fourth of March, was then made, like Mr. Kremer's
address, with the view to its arrival in this city in time to affect my
nomination to the senate. In point of fact, it reached here the
day before the senate acted on that nomination.
Fellow-citizens, I am sensible that, generally, a public officer had
better abstain from any vindication of his conduct, and leave it to
the candor and justice of his countrymen, under all its attending
circurastances. Such has been the course which I have heretofore
prescribed to myself This is the first, as I hope it may be the last,
occasion of my thus appearing before you. The separation -^hich
has just taken place between us, and the venom, if not the vigor
of the late onsets upon my public conduct, will, I hope, be allowed
in this instance to form an adequate apology. It has been
upwards of twenty years since I first entered the pubfic service.
Nearly three fourths of that time, with sorae interraissions, I have
represented the sarae district in congress, with but fittie variation
in its forra. During that long period, you have beheld our country
passing through scenes of peace and war, of prosperity and
adversity, and of party divisions, local and general, often greatly
exasperated against each other. I have been an actor in most of
those scenes. Throughout the whole of them, you have clung lo
me with an affectionate confidence which has never been surpassed.
I -have found in your attachment, in every embarrassment in my
pubfic career, the greatest consolation, and the most encouraging
support. I should regard the loss of it as one of the most afflict
ing public misfortunes which could befall me. That I have often
misconceived your true interests, is highly probable. That I have
ever sacrificed them to the object of personal aggrandizement, I
utterly deny. And, for the purity of my motives, however in
other respects I may be unworthy to approach the throne of grace
and raercy, I appeal to the justice of my God, with all the confi
dence which can flow from a consciousness of perfect rectitude.

ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BY
CONGEESS, IN 1825.
SPEECH AT LEWISBURG, VIRGINIA, AUGUST 30, 1826.
[In the_ following remarks at a public dinner given him by citizens of Lewisbur?
and Its vicinity, while he was secretary of stale, under president Adams, Mr Clav
explains the motives which influenced him in voting for that gentleman for the office
of president, and afterwards accepting a seat in his cabinet. He also alludes to some
of the measures of the administration, of which he was then a member, in a manner
Which will be found to possess great interest.]

_, „ Lewisburg, August 23rf, 1826.
The honorable Henky Clay:
Sir, at a meeting of a respectable number of the inhabitants of Lewisburg
and its vicinity,-convened in the court house on the twenty-second instant, it was
unanimously determined to greet your arrival amongst them by some public demon
stration of the respect which they in common with a great portion of the community,
feel towards one of their most distinguished fellow-citizens. It was therefore unani
mously resolved, as the most eligible means of manifesting their feelings, to request
the honor of your presence at a public dinner to be given at the tavern of Mr. Frazer,
in the town of Lewisburg, on Wednesday the thirtieth instant
In pursuance of the above measures, we, as a committee, have been appointed to
communicate their resolutions and solicit a compliance with their invitation. In
performing this agreeable duty, we cannot but express our admiration of the uniform
course which, during a long political career, you have pursued with so much honor to
yourself and country. Although the detractions of envy, and the violence of party
feeling have endeavored to blast your fair reputation, and destroy the confidence
reposed in you by the citizens of the United States, we rejoice to inform you, that the
people of the western part of that state which claims you as one of her most gifted
sons, still retain the same high feeling of respect, which they have always manifested
jn spite of the maledictions and bickerings of disappointed editors and interested politi
cians. We cannot close our communication without hailing you as one of the most
distinguished advocates of that system of internal improvement which has already
proved so beneficial to our country, and which at no distant period will make even
these desert mountains to blossom as the rose.
We have the honor to subscribe ourselves, yours with esteem,
J. G. M'Clenachen, John Beikne,
James M'Laughun,, J- A. North,
J F. Caldwell, Henry Erskine.
White Sulphur Springs, 24<ft August, 1826.
Gentlemen I have received the note which you did me the honor on yesterday
to address to me, inviting me in behalf of a respectable number of the citizens of Lewis
burg and its vicinity, to a public dinner at Mr. Frazer's tavern, on Wednesday next,
which they have the goodness to propose, in consequence of my arrival amongst

508 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
them, as a manifestation of their respect. Such a compliment was most unexpected
by me on a ]oumey to Washington, by this route, recommended to my choice by tbe
pure air of a mountain region, and justly famed mineral waters, a short use of which
I hoped might contribute to the perfect re.;stabUshment of my health. The gratifi
cation which I derive from this demonstration of kindness and confidence, springs, in
no small degree, from the consideration that it is the spontaneous testimony of those
with whom I share a common origin, in a venerated state, endeared lo me by an early
lie of res])ect and affection, which no circumstance can ever dissolve. In communi
cating to that portion of the citizens of Lewisburg and its vicinity, who have been
pleased thus lo favor me, by their distinguished notice, my acceptance of their hospi
table invitation, I pray you to add my profound acknowledgments. And of the friendly
and flattering manner in which you have conveyed it, and for the generous sympathy,
characteristii' of Virginia, which you are so obliging as to express, on account of the
detractions of which I have been the selected object, and the meditated victim, be
assured that I shall always retain a lively and grateful remembrance.
I am, gentlemen, with great esteem and regard, faithfully, your obedient servant,
Henry Clay.
Messrs. M'Clenachen, North, M'Laughlin, Caldwell, Beirne, and Erskine, &c., &c.
TOAST.
Seventh. Our distinguished guest, Henry Clay — the statesman, orator, patriot, and
philanthropist; his splendid talents shed lustre on his native stale, his eloquence is
an ornament to his country.
When this toast was drunk, Mr. Clay rose, and addressed the
company in a speech, which occupied nearly an hour in the defivery,.
of which we can only attempt an imperfect sketch.
He said, that he had never before felt so intensely the want of
those powers of eloquence which had been just erroneously ascribed
to him. He hoped, however, that in his plain and unaffected
language, he might be allowed, without violating any established
usage which prevails here, to express his grateful sensibifity, excited
by the sentiment with which he had been honored, and for the kind
and respectful consideration of him manifested on the occasion
which had brought thera together. In passing through my native
state, said he, towards which I have ever borne, and shall continue,
in all vicissitudes, to cherish, the greatest respect and affection, I
expected to be treated -with its accustomed courtesy and private
hospitality. But I did not anticipate that I should be the object of
such public, distinguished, and cordial manifestations of regard.
In offering you the poor and inadequate return of my warm and
respectful thanks, I pray you to believe that I shall treasure up these
testimonies among the most gratifying reminiscences of my life.
The public service which I have rendered my country, your too
favorable opinion of which has prorapted you to exhibit these
deraonstrations of your esteera, has fallen far below the ineasure of
usefulness, which I should have been happy to have filled. I claim
for it only the humble merit of pure and patriotic intention. Such
as it has been, I have not always been fortunate enough to give
satisfaction to every section and to all the great interests of our
country. When an attempt was made to impose upon a new state, about

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BY CONGRESS. 509
to be admitted into the union, restrictions incompatible as I thought
with her coequa sovereign power, I was charged in the north with
bemg too partial to the south, and as bdng friendly to that unfor
tunate condition of slavery, of the evUs of which none are more
sensible than I am.
At another period, when I bdieved that the industry of this
country required some protection against the selfish and contiacted
legislation ol foreign powers, and to constitute it a certain and safe
source of supply, in aU exigendes ; the charge against me was
transposed, and I was converted into a foe of southern, and -an
infatuated friend of northern and western interests.
There were not wanting persons, in every section of the union,
in another stage of our history, to accuse me with rashly contiibuting
to the support of a war, the only aUernative left to our honor by
the persevering injustice of a foreign nation. These contradictory
charges and perverted views gave me no concern, because I was
confident that time and truth would prevail over all- misconcep
tions ; and because they did not impeach my public integrity. But
I confess I was not prepared to expect the aspersions which I have
experienced on account of a more recent discharge of pubfic duty.
My situation on the occasion to which I refer, was most peculiar
and extraordinary, unlike that of any other Araerican citizen. One
of the three candidates for the presidency, presented to the choice
of the house of representatives, was out of the question for noto
rious reasons now adraitted by all. Liraited as the competition
was to the other two, I had to choose between a statesman long
experienced at home and abroad in nuraerous civil situations, and
a soldier, brave, gallant, and successful, but a mere soldier, who,
although he had also fiUed several civil offices, had quickly resigned
thera all, frankly acknowledging, in sorae instances, his incorape-
tency to discharge their duties.
It has been said that I had .some differences with the present
chief magistrate, at Ghent. It is true that we did not agree on one
of the many important questions which arose during the negotia
tions in that city, but the difference equaUy applied to our present
minister at London and to the lamented Bayard, between whom
and myself, although we belonged to opposite political p^irties,
there existed a warm friendship to the hour of his death. It was
not of a nature to prevent our cooperation together in the pubfic
service, as is demonstrated by the convention at London subse
quently negotiated by Messrs. Adams, Gallatin, and myself It was
a difference of opinion on a point of expediency, and did not relate
to any constitutional or fundamental principle. But with respect
to the conduct of the distinguished citizen of Tennessee, I had
solemnly expressed, under the highest obligations, opinions, which,
whether right or wrong, were sincerely and honestiy entertained,
and are stiU held. These opinions related to a mifitary exercise of

510 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
power befieved to be arbitrary and unconstitutional. I should have
justly subjected myself to the grossest inconsistency, if I had given
him my suffrage. I thought if he were elected, the sword and the
constitution, bad companions, would be brought too near together.
I could not have foreseen that, fully justified as I have been by
those very constituents, in virtue of whose authority I exerted the
right of free suffrage, I should nevertheless be charged with a
breach of duty and corruption by strangers to them, standing in no
relation to thera but that of being citizens of other states, members
of the confederacy. It is in vain that these revilers have been
caUed upon for their proofs; have been defied, and are again
invited, to enter upon any mode of fair investigation and trial;
shrinking from every impartial examination, they persevere, with
increased zeal, in the propagation of calumny, under the hope of
supplying by the frequency and boldness of asseveration, the want
¦of truth and the deficiency of evidence ; until we have seen the
spectacle exhibited of converting the hall of the first legislative
assembly upon earth, on the occasion of discussions which above
all others should have been characterized by dignity, calmness, and
temperance, into a theatre for spreading suspicions and groundless
imputations against an absent -and innocent individual.
Driven from every other hold, they have seized on the only plank
left within their grasp, that of my acceptance of the office of secre
tary of state, which has been asserted to be the consummation of a
previous corrupt arrangement. What can I oppose to such an
assertion, but positive, peremptory, and unqualified denial, and a
repetition of the demand for proof and trial? The office to which
I have been appointed is that of the country, created by it, and
administered for its benefit. In deciding whether I should accept
it or not, I did not take counsel frora those who, foreseeing the
probability of my designation for it, sought to deter me frora its
acceptance by fabricating anticipated, charges, which would have
been preferred with the sarae zeal and alacrity, however I might
have decided. I took counsel frora my friends, from my duty,
frora ray conscious innocence of unworthy and false imputations.
I was not left at liberty by either my enemies or my friends to
decline the office. I would wUlingly have declined it from an
unaffected distiust of my ability to perform its high duties, if I could
have honorably declined it. I hope the uniform tenor of my whole
public life wUl protect me against the supposition of any unrea
sonable avidity for pubfic employment. During the admiiiistiation
of that Ulustrious raan, to whose civil services raore than to those of i
any other Araerican patiiot, fiving or dead, this country is indebted
for the blessings of its present constitution, now raore than ten
years ago, the mission to Russia, and a place in his cabinet, were
successively offered me. A place in his cabinet, at that period of
my fife, was more than equivalent to any place under any adiuin-

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BY CONGRESS. 511
istration, at my present more advanced age. His immediate
successor tendered to me the same place in his cabinet, which he
anxiously urged me to accept, and the mission to England. Gen
tlemen, I hope you will believe that far frora being impelled by any
vain or boastful spirU, to mention these things, I do it wUh humUi
ation and mortification.
If I had refused the department of state, the same individuals
who now, in the absence of all proof, against all probabUity, and in
utter disregard of all truth, proclaim the existence of a corrupt pre
vious arrangement, would have propagated the same charge with
the sarae affected confidence which they now unblushingly assume.
And it would have been said, with at least much plausibility, that
I had contributed to the election of a chief magistrate, of whom I
thought so unfavorably that I would not accept that place in his
cabinet which is generally regarded as the first. I thought it
my duty, unawed by their denunciations, to proceed in the office
assigned me by the president and senate, to render the country the
best service of which my poor abilities are capable. If this admin
istration should show itself unfriendly to American liberty and to
free and liberal institutions ; if it should be conducted upon a
system adverse to those principles of public policy, which I have
ever endeavored to sustain, and I should be found still clinging to
office ; then nothing which could be said by those who are inimical
to me, would be undeserved.
But the president ought not to have appointed one who had
voted for him. Mr. Jefferson did not think so, who called to his
cabinet a gentleman who had voted for him, in the most warmly
contested election that has ever occurred in the house of represent
atives, and who appointed to other highly important offices other
merabers of the same house, who voted for him. Mr. Madison did
not think so, who did not feel himself restrained frora sending rae
on a foreign service, because I had supported his election. Mr.
Monroe did not think so, who appointed in his cabinet a gentie
man, nowfiUing the second office in the government, who attended
the caucus that nominated and warmly and efficientiy espoused
his election. But, suppose the president acted upon the most
disinterested doctrine which is now contended for by those who
opposed his election, and were to appoint to public office frora
their ranks only, to the entire exclusion of those who voted for
him, would he then escape their censure ? No ! we have seen him
charged, for that equal distribution of the public service among
every class of citizens, which has hitherto characterized his admin
isti-ation, with the nefarious purpose of buying up portions of the
community. A spirit of denunciation is abroad. With some,
condemnation, right or -wrong, is the order of the day. No matter
what prudence and wisdom raay starap the raeasures of the admin-
istiation, nO matter how much "the prosperity of the countiry may

512 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
be advanced, or what public evils may be averted, under its guid
ance, there are persons who would raake general, indiscriminate,
and interminable opposition. This is not a fit occasion, nor
perhaps am I a fit person, to enter upon a vindication of its meas
ures. But I hope I shall be excused for asking what measure of
domestic policy has been proposed or recommended by the present
executive, which has not its prototype in previous acts or recom
mendations of administrations at the head of which was a citizen
of Virginia? Can the fiberal and high-minded people of this state,
condemn measures emanating from a citizen of MassachuseUs,
which, -when proposed by a Virginian, commanded their express
assent or silent acquiescence, or to which, if in any instance they
made opposition, it was respectful, limited, and qualified? The
present adrainislration desires only to be judged by its raeasures,
and invites the strictest scrutiny and the most watchful vigUance
on the part of the public.
With respect to the Panama mission, it is true that it was not
recomraended by any preceding administration, because the circum
stances of the world were not then such as to present it as a subject
for discussion. But during that of Mr. Monroe, it has been seen
that it was a matter of consideration, and there is every reason to
believe, if he were now at the head of affairs, his determination
woujd correspond with that of his successor. Let me suppose that
it was the resolution of this country, under no circumstances, to
contract with foreign powers intimate public engagements, and to
remain altogether unbound by any tieaties of aUiance ; what should
have been the course taken with the very respectful invitation
which was given to the United States to be represented at Panama?
Haughtily folding your arras, would you have given it a cold and
abrupt refusal ? Or would ycu not rather accept it, send ministers,
and, in a friendly and respectful manner, endeavor to satisfy those
who are looking to us for counsel and exaraple, and iraitating our
free institutions, that there is no necessity for such an alliance ; that
the dangers which alone could, in the opinion of any one, have
justified it, have vanished, and that it is not good for thera or for us?
What raay be the nature of the instructions with which our
ministers may be charged, it is not proper that I should state ; but
all candid and reflecting men raust admit, that we have great
interests in connection with the southern republics, independent of
any compacts of aUiance. Those republics, now containing a
population of upwards of twenty millions, duplicating their num
bers probably in periods still shorter than we do, comprising within
their limits the most abundant sources of the precious metals, offer
to our coraraerce. to our manufactures, to our navigation, so many
advantages, that none can doubt the expediency of cultivating the
most friendly relations with them. If treaties of coraraerce and
friendship, and Uberal stipulations in respect to neutial and belUge-

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT BY CONGRESS. 513
rent rights, could be negotiated with each of them at its separate
seat of government, there is no doubt that much greater facUities
for the conclusion of such treaties present themselves at a point
where, aU being represented, the way may be smoothed and aU
obstacles removed by a disclosure of the views and wishes of aU,
and by mutual and friendly explanations. There was one con
sideration which had much weight with the executive, in the
decision to accept the mission ; and that was the interest which this
country has, and especially the southern states, in the fate and
fortunes of the island of Cuba. No subject of our foreign rela
tions has created with the executive government more anxious
concern, than that of the condition of that island and the possibUity
of prejudice to the southern states, from the convulsions to which
it raight be exposed. It was believed, and is yet befieved, that the
dangers which, in certain contingencies, raight threaten our quiet
and safety, may be more successfully averted at a place at which
all the American powers should be represented than any where else.
And I have no hesitation in expressing the firm conviction, that, if
there be one section of this union more than all others interested
in the Panama mission, and the benefits which may flow from it,
that section is the south. Itwas, therefore, with great and unaffected
surprise, that I witnessed the obliquity of those political views
which led some gentlemen from that quarter to regard the measure,
as it might operate on the southern states, in an unfavorable light.
Whatever may be the result of the mission, its moral effect in
Europe will be considerable, and it cannot fail to make the raost
friendly impressions upon our southern neighbors. It is one of
which it is difficult, in sober imagination, to conceive any possible
mischievous consequences, and which the executive could not
have declined, in my opinion, without culpable neglect of the
interests of this country, and without giving dissatisfaction to
nations whose friendship we are caUed upon by every dictate of
policy to conciliate.
There are persons who would impress on the southern states the
belief that they have just cause of apprehending danger to a
certain portion of their property from the present administration.
It is not difficult to comprehend the object and the motive of these
idle alarms. What measure of the present administiration gives
any just occasion for the smaUest apprehension to the tenure by
which that species of property is held? However much the
president and the members of his administration may deprecate
the existence of slavery among us, as the greatest evU with which
we are afflicted, there is not one of them that does not befieve that
the constitution of the general governraent confers no authority to
interpose between the master and his slave, none to apply an
adequate remedy, if indeed there be any remedy within the scope
of human power. Suppose an object of these alarmists were
VOL. I. 65

514 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
accomplished, and the slave-holding states were united in tlie
sentiment, that the policy of this government in all tirae to come,
should be regulated on the basis of the fact of slavery, would not
union on the one side lead to union on the other ? And would
not such a fatal division of the people and states of this confede
racy, produce perpetual mutual irritation and exasperation, and
ultiraately disunion itself? The slave-holding states cannot forget
that they are now in a minority, which is in a constant relative
dirainution, and should certainly not be the first to put forth a
principle of public action by which they would be the greatest losers.
I am but too sensible of the unreasonable trespass on your time
which I have comraitted, and of the egotisra of which my
discourse has partaken. I raust depend for ray apology upon
the character of the times, on the venom of the attacks which
have been made upon my character and conduct, and upon the
genemus syrapathy of the gentlemen here assembled. During
this very journey a paper has been put into my hands, in which a
memb-^r of the house of representatives is represented to have said
that the distinguished individual at the head of the government,
and rayself, have been indicted by the people. If that is the case,
I presume that sorae defence is lawful. By the bye, if the honora
ble meraber is to have the sole conduct of the prosecution without
tbe aid of other counsel, I think that it is not difficult to predict
that his clients will be nonsuited, and that they wUl be driven out
of com-t with the usual judgment pronounced in such cases.
In conclusion, I beg leave to offer a toast which, if you are as
dry as I am, will, I hope, be acceptable for the salie of the wine, if
not the sentiment.
' The continuation of the turnpUie road which passes through
Lewisburg, and success to the cause of internal improvement,
under every auspice.'
He then took his seat amid the repeated cheers of tbe whole
company.

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION.

IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AT THE
ANNUAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION
SOCIETY, AT WASHINGTON CITY, JANUARY 20,1827.

[The subject of colonizing the free people of color and emancipated slaves, became
one of deep and profound interest, at an early period, in the history of the United
States. The question was agitated in Virginia in 1800, and a resolution passed in
the legislature of that state, requesting the governor to correspond with the president
of the United States, on the subject of purchasing land for a colony; and president
Jefferson made efforts, which, however, ¦were unsuccessful, to obtain by negotiation
an establishment within the British colonies, in Africa, or the Portuguese colonies,
in South America. The movement which finally led to a successful result, in estab
lishing an American colony on the coast of Africa, commenced in the legislature of
Virginia, in December, 1S16, by instructing the executive of that state, and their
members of congress, to cooperate with the United States government in endeavoring
to obtain a territory on the before-mentioned coast, for an asylum for free persons of
color. Through the instrumentality of the Rev. Robert Finley, an early and zealous
friend of the cause, a meeting of public men and private citizens was held at Wash
ington city, on the twenty-first of December, 1816, over which Mr. Clay, then speaker
of the house of representatives, was called to preside. A constitution of the Ameri
can Colonization Society was adopted, at an adjourned meeting on the twenty-eighth
of December, and on the first of January, 1817, the officers of the society were
chosen, judge Bushrod Washington being elected president, and Henry Clay, William
H. Crawford, Andrew Jackson, Robert Finley, and others, vice-presidents. Mr. Clay
has always taken a warm and decided interest in the promotion of the objects of this
society, and at the annual meeting thereof, in 1827 (being then secretary of state), he
delivered the following address.]
I CANNOT withhold the expression of ray congratulations to the
society, on account of the very valuable acquisition which we
have obtained in the eloquent gentieraan from Boston, (Mr.
Knapp,) who has just before favored us vvitfi an address. He has
told us of his original impressions, unfavorable to the object of the
society, and of his subsequent conversion. If the same industry,
investigation, and unbiased judgraent, raanifested by himself and
another gentieman (Mr. Powell), who avowed at the last meeting
of the society a simUar change wrought in his mind, were carried,
by the public at large, into the consideration of the plan ot the
sodety, the conviction of its utility would be universal.
I have risen to submit a resolution, in behalf of which I would
bespealc the favor of the sodety. But before I off^er any observa-

516 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
tions in its support, I must say that, whatever part I shall take in
the proceedings of this society, whatever opinions or sentiraents I
raay utter, they are exclusively my own. Whether they are worth
any thing or not, no one but myself is at all responsible for them. '
I have consulted with no person out of this society, and I have
especially abstained from all coraraunication or consultation with
any one to whora I stand in any official relation. My judgment
on the object of this society has been long since deliberately
formed. The conclusions to which, after much and anxious con
sideration, my mind has been brought, have been neither produced
nor refuted, by the official station the duties of which have been
confided to me.
From the origin of this society, every member of it has, I
believe, looked forward to the arrival of a period, when it would
becorae necessary to invoke the public aid in the execution of the
great scherae which it was instituted to proraote. Considering
itself as the mere pioneer in the cause which it had undertaken, it
was well aware that it could do no raore than reraove preliminary
difficulties, and point out a sure road to ultimate success ; and that
the public only could supply that regular, steady, and efficient
support, to which the gratuitous means of benevolent individuals
would be found incorapetent. My surprise has been, that the
sodety has been able so long to sustain itself, and to do so much
upon the charitable contributions of good, and pious, and enlight
ened raen, whora it has happily found in all parts of our country.
But our work has so prospered and grown under our hands, that
the appeal to the power and resources of the public, should be no
longer deferred. The resolution which I have risen to propose,
conteraplates this appeal. It is in the following words :
' Resolved, that the board of managers be empowered and
directed, at such time or tiraes as raay seera to them expedient, to
make respectful application to the congress of the United States,
and to the legislatures of the different states, for such pecuniai-y
aid, in furtherance of the object of this society, as they may respect
ively be pleased to grant.'
In soliciting the countenance and support of the legislatures of
the union and the states, it is incumbent on the society, in making
out its case, to show, first, that it offers to their consideration a
scheme which is practicable, and secondly, that the execution of
the practicable scheme, partial or entire, will be fraught with such
beneficial consequences as to merit the support which is soficited.
I befieve both points to be maintainable. First, it is now a little
upwards of ten years since a religious, amiable, and benevolent
resident* of this city, first conceived the idea of planting a colony,
* It has been, since the delivery of the speech, suggested, that the reverend Robert
Finley, of New Jersey, (who is also, unfortunately, dead,) contemplated the formation
of a society, with a view to the establishment of a colony in Africa, and probably first

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 517
from the United States, of free people of color, on the western
shores of Africa. He is no more, and the noblest eulogy which
could be pronounced on him would be, to inscribe upon his tomb,
the merited epitaph, 'here lies the projector of the American
Colonization Society.' Amongst others, to whom he communicated-
the project, was the person who now has the honor of addressing
you. My first impressions, fike those of all who have not fuUy
investigated the subject, were against it. They yielded to his
earnest persuasions and my own reflections, and I finally agreed
with him that the experiment was worthy of a fair trial. A meeting
of its friends was called, organized as a deliberative body, and a
constitution was formed. The society went into operation. He
lived to see the most encouraging progress in its exertions, and died
in fuU confidence of its complete success. The society was
scarcely forraed before it was exposed to the derision of the
unthinking ; pronounced to be visionary and chiraerical by those
who were capable of adopting wiser opinions, and the most confi
dent predictions of its entire failure were put forth. It found itself
equally assailed by the two extremes of public sentiment in regard
to our African population. According to one, (that rash class
which, without a due estiraate of the fatal consequence, would
forthwith issue a decree of general, iraraediate, and indiscrirainate
emancipation,) it was a scherae of the slaveholder to perpetuate
slavery. The other (that class which believes slavery a blessing,
and which trerables with aspen sensibifity at the appearance of the
most distant and ideal danger to the tenure by which that descrip
tion of property is held,) declared it a contrivance to let loose on
society all the slaves of the countiy, ignorant, uneducated, and
incapable of appreciating the value or enjoying the privUeges of
freedom.* The society saw itself surrounded by every sort of
embarrassment. What great human enterprise was ever under
taken without difficulty? Whatever faded, within the compass
of human power, when pursued wUh perseverance and blessed by
the smiles of Providence? The society prosecuted undismayed
its great work, appealing for succor to the moderate, the reasonable,
the virtuous, and religious portions of the pubfic. It protested, frora
the coraraencement, and throughout aU its progress, and it now
protests, that it entertains no purpose, on its own authority or by its
own means, to attempt emandpation, partial or general; that it
knows the general government has no constitutional power to
A ,v.o „,.«;o,-t It ;<! nuite likely that he did ; and Mr. Clay recollects seeing
mTfX and%Ciu ingwfth^hfm on th^e subject, about the period of the formation
of the society But the allusion to Mr. Caliwell was founded on the facts, well
Of the society. ^""^ " . gn^T in the organization of the society, and his
u=itl:d^ubs?q\'enf laLt: whicl' we?e not confi'ned to the District of Columbia,
'"*A'rocietVof%'few individuals, without power, without oth^^
wit are supplied by spontaneous benevolence, to emancipate all the slaves of the
country !

518 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
achieve such an object; that it beUeves that the states, and the states
only, which tolerate slavery, can accomplish the work of eraanci
pation ; and that it ought to be left to them, exclusively, absolutely,
and voluntarily, to decide the question.
The object of the society was the colonization of the free colored
people, not the slaves, of the country. Voluntary in its institution,
voluntary in its continuance, voluntary in all its ramifications, all
its means, purposes, and instruments, are also voluntary. But it was
said that no free colored persons could be prevailed upon to aban
don the comforts of civilized life and expose theraselves to all the
perils of a settieraent in a distant, inhospitable, and savage country;
that, if they could be induced to go on such a quixotic expedition,
no territory could be procured for their establishraent as a colony ;
that the plan was altogether incorapetent to effectuate its professed
object; and that it ought to be rejected as the idle dreara of
visionary enthusiasts. The society has outlived, thank God, all
these disastrous predictions. It has survived to swell the list of
false prophets. It is no longer a question of speculation whether
a colony can or cannot be planted frora the United States of free
persons of color on the shores of Africa. It is a raatter demon
strated ; such a colony, in fact, exists, prospers, has raade successful
war, and honorable peace, and transacts all the raultiplied business
of a civilized and christian community.* It now has about five
hundred souls, disciplined troops, forts, and other means of defence,
sovereignty over an extensive territory, and exerts a powerful and
salutary influence over the neighboring clans.
Numbers of the free African race among us are willing to go to
Africa. The society has never experienced any difficulty on that
subject, except that its means of comfortable transportation have
been inadequate to accomraodate all who have been anxious to
migrate. Why should they not go ? Here they are in the lowest
state of social gradation; aliens — political, raoral, social aliens —
strangers, though natives. There, they would be in the midst of
their friends and their kindred, at home, though born in a foreign
land, and elevated above the natives of the country, as much as
they are degraded here below the other classes of the community.
But on this matter, I ara happy to have it in my power to furnish
indisputable evidence frora the raost authentic source, that of large
nurabers of free persons of color theraselves. Nuraerous meetings
have been held in several churches in Baltiraore, of the free people
of color, in which, after being organized' as deliberative assemblies,
by the appointment of a chairman (if not of the same complexion)
presiding as you, Mr. Vice-president, do, and secretaries, they have
voted memorials addressed to the white people, in which they have
* See the last annual report and the highly interesting historical sketch of the
reverend Mr. Ashmun.

OJJ AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 519
argued the question with an abUity, moderation, and temper,
surpassing any that I can command, and emphatieaUy recomraended
the colony of Liberia to favorable consideration, as the most
desirable and practicable scherae ever yet presented on this inter
esting subject. I ask permission of the society to read this highly
creditable document.
[Here Mr. Clay read the memorial referred to.]
The society has experienced no difficulty in the acquisition of a
territory, upon reasonable terms, abundantly sufficient for a most
extensive colony. And land in ample quantities, it has ascer
tained, can be procm-ed in Africa, together with all rights of
sovereignty, upon conditions as favorable as those on which the
United States extinguish the Indian title to territory within their
own liraits.
In respect to the aUeged incorapetency of the scherae to accora-
plish its professed object, the society asks that that object should be
taken to be, not what the iraaginations of its enemies represent it
to be, but what it really proposes. They represent that the purpose
of the society is, to export the whole African population of the
United States, bond and free ; and they pronounce this design to
be unattainable. They declare that the means of the whole
counti-y are insufficient to effect the transportation to Africa of a
mass of population approximating to two millions of souls.
Agreed ; but that is not what the sodety contemplates. They have
substituted their own notion for that of the society. What is the
true nature of* the evil of the existence of a portion of the African
race in our population ? It is not that there are some, but that there
are so many among us of a different caste, of a different physical,
if not moral, constitution, who never can amalgamate with the
great body of our population. In every country, persons are to be
found varying in their color, origin, and character, from the native
mass. But this anomaly creates no inquietude or apprehension,
because the exotics, from the smallness of their nuraber, are known
to be utterly incapable of disturbing the general tianquilfity. Here,
on the contirary, the African part of our population bears so large a
proportion to the residue, of European origin, as to create the raost
lively apprehension, especially in sorae quarters of the union,
Any project, therefore, by which, in a material degree, the dangerous
element in the general mass, can be diminished or rendered
stationary, deserves deliberate consideration.
The colonization society has never imagined it to be practicable,
or wUhin the reach of any means which the several governments
of the union could bring to bear on the subject, to tiransport the
whole of the African race within the limits of the United States.
Nor is that necessary to accompfish the desuable objects of domestic

520 S P E E C H E S O F H E N R Y C L A Y .
tranquillity, and render us one homogeneous people. The population
of the United States has been supposed to duplicate in periods of
twenty-five years. That may have been the case heretofore, but
the terms of duplication wUl be more and more protracted as we
advance in national age ; and I do not believe that it wiU be found,
in any period to come, that our numbers wiU be doubled in a less
term than one of about thirty-three and a third years. I have not
tirae to enter now into detaUs in support of this opinion. They
would consist of those checks which experience has shown to
obstruct the progress of population, arising out of its actual
augmentation and density, the settieraent of waste lands, &c.
Assuming the period of thirty-three and a third, or any other
number of years, to be that in which our population wiU hereafter
be doubled, if, during that whole term, the capital of the African
stock could be kept down, or stationary, whilst that of European
origin should be left to an unobstructed increase, the result, at the
end of the term, would be most propitious. Let us suppose, for
exaraple, that the whole population at present of the United States,
is twelve raUfions, of which ten raay be estimated of the Anglo-
Saxon, and two of the African race. If there could be annually
transported frora the United States an araount of the African
portion equal to the annual increase of the whole of that caste,
whilst the European race should be left to multiply, we should find
at the termination of the period of duplication, whatever it may be,
that the relative proportions would be as twenty to two. And if
the process were continued, during a second term of duplication,
the proportion would be as forty to two — one which would eradi
cate every cause of alarm or solicitude from the breasts of the most
timid. But the transportation of Africans, by creating, to the extent
to which it raight be carried, a vacuura in society, would tend to
accelerate the duplication of the European race, who by aU the
laws of population, would fUl up the void space.
This society is weU aware, I repeat, that they cannot touch the
subject of slavery. But it is no objection to their scheme, limited,
as it is, exclusively to those free people of color who are wilfing to
migrate, that it admits of indefinite extension and appfication, by
those who alone, having the competent authority, may choose to
adopt and apply it. Our object has been to point out the way, to
show that colonization is practicablcj and to leave it to those states
or individuals who may be pleased to engage in the object, to
prosecute it. We have demonstrated that a colony may be planted
in Africa, by the fact that an American colony there exists. The
problem which has so long and so deeply interested the thoughts
of good and patriotic men, is solved ; a country and a home have
been found, to which the African race may be sent, to the promo
tion of their happiness and our own.
But, Mr. Vice-president, I shaU not rest contented -with the fact

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 521
of the estabfishment of the colony, conclusive as it ought to be
deemed, of the practicability of our purpose. ¦ I shaU proceed to
show, by reference to indisputable statistical details and calcula
tions, that it is within the compass of reasonable human mean.s.
I am sensible of the tediousness of aU arithmetical data, but 1 wiU
endeavor to simplify them as much as possible. It will be borne
in mind that the aim of the society is, to establish in Africa a
colony of the free African population of the United States, to an
extent which shaU be beneficial both to Africa and America. The
whole free colored population of the United States, araounted, in
1790, to fifty-nine thousand four hundred and eighty-one ; in 1800,
to one hundred and ten thousand and seventy-two ; in 1810, to
one hundred and eighty-six thousand four hundred and forty -six ;
and in 1820, to two hundi-ed and thirty-three thousand five hun
dred and thirty. The ratio of annual increase during the first term
of ten years, was about eight and a half per cent, per annum ;
during the second, about seven per cent, per annum ; and during
the third, a littie more than two and a half. The very great differ
ence in the rate of annual increase, during those several terms,
may probably be accounted for by the effect of the number of
voluntary emancipations operating with raore influence upon the
total smaller araount of free colored persons at the first of those
periods, and by the facts of the insurrection in St. Domingo, and
the acquisition of Louisiana, both of which, occurring during the
first and second terms, added considerably to the nuraber of our
free colored population.
Of aU descriptions of our population, that of the free colored,
taken in the aggregate, is the least prolific, because of the checks
arising frora vice and want. During the ten years, between 1810
and 1820, when no extraneous causes existed to prevent a fair
competition in the increase between the slave and the free African
race, the former increased at the rate of nearly three per cent, per
annum, whilst the latter did not much exceed two and a half.
Hereafter it may be safely assumed, and I venture to predict, will
not be contradicted by the return of the next census, that the
increase of the free black population will not surpass two and a
half per cent, per annum. Their amount at the last census, being
two hundred and thirty-three thousand five hundred and thirty, for
the sake of round numbers, their annual increase may be assumed
to be six thousand, at the present tirae. Now if this number could
be annually ti-ansported from the United States during a term of
years, it is evident that, at the end of that term, the parent capital
will not have increased, but will have been kept do-wn at least to
what it was at the comraenceraent of the term. Is it practicable,
then, to colonize annuaUy six thousand persons from the United
States, without materially impairing or affecting any of the great
interests of the United States ? This is the question presented to
VOL. I. 66

522 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the judgments of the legislative authorities of our country. This
is the whole scheme of the society. From its actual experience,
derived frora the expenses which have been incurred in teansport
ing the persons already sent to Africa, the entire average expense
of each colonist, young and old, including passage money and
subsistence, raay be stated at twenty doUars per head. There is
reason to believe that it may be reduced considerably below that
sum. Estimating that to be the expense, the total cost of trans
porting six thousand souls, annually to Africa, would be one
hundred and twenty thousand dollars. The tonnage requisite to
effect the object, calculating two persons to every five tons, (which
is the provision of existing law) would be fifteen thousand tons.
But as each vessel could probably make two voyages in the year,
it may be reduced to seven thousand five hundred. And as both
our mercantile and raUitary marine raight be occasionally eraployed
on this coUateral service, without injury to the raain object of the
voyage, a further abatement might be safely made in the aggregate
araount of the necessary tonnage. The navigation concerned in
the coraraerce between the colony and the United States, (and it
already begins to supply subjects of an interesting trade,) raight
be incidentally eraployed to the same end.
Is the annual expenditure of a sum no larger than one hundred
and twenty thousand dollars, and the annual employment of
seven thousand five hundred tons of shipping, too much for
reasonable exertion, considering the magnitude of the object in
view? Are they not, on the contiary, within the compass of
moderate efforts ?
Here is the whole schenie of the society — a project which has
been pronounced visionary by those who have never given them
selves the trouble to exaraine it, but to which I believe most
unbiassed raen wUl yield their cordial assent, after they have inves
tigated it.
Liraited as the project is, by the society, to a colony to be formed
by the free and unconstrained consent of free persons of color, it is
no objection, but on the contiary a great recommendation, of the
plan, that it admits of being taken up and applied on a scale of
much more comprehensive ulUity. The society knows, and it
affords just cause of felicitation, that aU or any one of the states
which tolerate slavery, may carry the scheme of colonization into
effect, in regard to the slaves within then- respective limits, and
thus ultimately rid themselves of a universaUy acknowledged
curse. A reference to the results of the several enumerations of
the population of the United States will incontestably prove the
practicabUity of its appfication on the more extensive scale. The
slave population of the United States amounted, in 1790, to six
hundred and ninety-seven thousand, six hundred and ninety-seven;
in 1800, to eight hundred and ninety-six thousand, eight hundred

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 523
and forty-nine ; in 1810, to eleven hundred and ninety-one thous
and, three hundred and sixty-four ; and in 1820, to fifteen hundred
and thu-ty-eight thousand, one hundred and twenty-eight. The
rate of annual increase, (rejecting fractions and taking the integer
to which they make the nearest approach,) during the first term of
ten years, was not quite three per centum per annum, during the
second, a littie more than three per centum per annum ; and during
the third, a littie less than three per centum. The mean ratio of
increase for the whole period of thirty years, was very littie' more
than three per Centura per annum. During the first two periods,
the native stock was augmented by importations frora Africa in
tiiose states which continued to tolerate them, and by the acquisi
tion of Louisiana. Virginia, to her eternal honor, abolished the
abominable traffic among the earliest acts of her self-government.
The last term alone presents the natural increase of the capital
unaffected by any extianeous causes. That authorizes, as a safe
assumption, that the futm-e increase wUl not exceed three per
centum per annum. As our population increases, the value of
slave labor wiU diminish, in consequence of the superior advan
tages in the employment of free labor.' And when the value of
slave labor shall be materially lessened, either by the multipfication
of the supply of slaves beyond the demand, or by the Qompetition
between slave and free labor, the annual increase of slaves wiU be
reduced, in consequence of the abatement of the motives to provide
for and rear the offspring.
Assuming the future increase to be at the rate of three per
centum per annum, the annual addition to the number of slaves
in the United States, calculated upon the return of the last census,
(one mUfion five hundred and thirty-eight thousand, one hundred
and twenty-eight) is forty-six thousand. Applying the data which
have been already stated and explained, in relation to the coloniza
tion of free persons of color from the UnUed States to Africa, to
the aggregate annual increase, both bond and free, of the African
race, and the result -wiU be found most encouraging. The total
' number of the annual increase of both descriptions is fifty-two
thousand. The total expense of transporting that number to
Africa, (supposing no reduction of present prices) would be one
miUion and forty thousand doUars, and the requisite amount of
tonnage would be only one hundred and thuty thousand tons of
shipping — about one ninth part of the mercantUe marine of the
United States. Upon the supposition of a vessel's malcing ^o
voyages in the year, it would be reduced to one naU, sixty-fave
thousand. And this quantity would be stiU further reduced, by
erabradno- opportunities of inddental eraployraent ot vessds
bdonging both to the mercantUe and military marines.
But, is the annual application of one mUfion and forty thousand
dollars, and the employment of sixty-five or even one hundi-ed and

524 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
thirty thousand tons of shipping, considering the magnitude of the
object, beyond the ability of this country? Is there a patriot,
looking foi-ward to its domestic quiet, its happiness, and its glory,
that would not cheerfully contribute his proportion of the burden,
to accompfish a purpose so great and so humane ? During the
general continuance of the African slave trade, hundreds of thous
ands of slaves have been, in a single year, imported into the
several countries whose laws authorized their admission. Not
withstanding the vigUance of the powers now engaged to suppress
the slave trade, I have received inforraation, that in a single year,
in the single island of Cuba, slaves equal in araount to one half
of the above number of fifty-two thousand, have been fificitly
introduced. Is it possible that those who are concerned in an
infamous traffic can effect more than the states of this union, if
they were seriously to engage in the good work ? Is it credible,
is it not a Ubel upon human nature to suppose, that the triumphs
of fraud, and violence, and iniquity, can surpass those of virtue,
and benevolence, and humanity ?
The population of the United States being, at this time, esti
mated at about ten miUions of the European race, and two of the
African, on the supposition of the annual colonization of a num
ber of the latter, equal to the annual increase, of both of its classes,
during the whole period necessary to the process of duplication of
our numbers, they would, at the end of that period, relatively stand
twenty millions for the white and two for the black portion. But
an annual exportation of a nuraber equal to the annual increase, at
the beginning of the term, and persevered in to the end of it, would
accomplish more than to keep the parent stock stationary. The
colonists would coraprehend raore than an equal proportion of
those of the prolific ages. Few of those who had passed that age
would migrate. So that the annual increase'of those left behind,
would contiime gradually, but at first insensibly, to diminish ; and
by the expiration of the period of duplication, it would be found
to have materially abated. But it is not merely the greater relative
safety arid happiness which would, at the termination of that period,
be the condition of the whites. Their ability to give further
stimulus to the cause of colonization will have been doubled,
whilst the subjects on which it would have to operate, wiU have
decreased or remained stationary. If the business of colonization
should be regularly continued, during two periods of duplication,
at the end of the second, the whites would stand to the blacks, as
forty millions to not raore than two, whilst the sarae ability wUl
have been quadrupled. Even if colonization should then alto
gether cease, the proportion of the African to the European race
will be so small, that the raost tiraid raay then, for ever, dismiss aU
ideas of danger from within or without, on account of that incon
gruous and perilous element in our population.

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 525
Further; by the annual withdrawal of fifty-two thousand persons
of color, there would be annual space created for an equal nuraber
of the white race. The period, therefore, of the duplication of the
whites, by the laws which govern population, would be accelerated.
Such, Mr. Vice-president, is the project of the society; and
such is the extension and use which raay be made of the principle
of colonization, in application to our slave population, by those
states which are alone competent to undertake and execute it. AU,
or any one, of the states which tolerate slavery, may adopt and
execute it, by cooperation or separate exertion. If I could be
instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain upon the character of
our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account of it,
by foreign nations ; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of
this foul blot that revered state that gave rae birth, or that not less
beloved state which kindly adopted me as her son ; I would not
exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the
honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the raost successful
conqueror. Having, I hope, shown that the plan of the sodety is not vision
ary, but rational and practicable ; that a colony does in fact exist,
planted under its auspices ; that free people are willing and anxious
to go ; and that the right of soil as weU as of sovereignty, may be
acquired in vast tracts of country in Africa, abundantly sufficient
for all the purposes of the most ample colony, and at prices almost
only nominal, the task which remains to me of sho-wing the bene
ficial consequences which would attend the execution of the
scherae, is comparatively easy.
Of the utility of a total separation of the two incongruous por
tions of our population, supposing it to'be practicable, none have
ever doubted. The mode of accomplishing that most desirable
object, has alone divided public opinion. Colonization in Hayti,
for a time, had its partisans. Without throv^dng any impediraents
in the way of executing that scheme, the American Colonization
Society has steadily adhered to Us own. The Haytien project
has passed away. Colonization beyond the Stony raountains has
soraetimes been proposed; but it would be attended with an
expense and difficultifes far surpassing the African project, whilst it
would not unite the same animating motives. There is a moral
fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her chUdren, whose
ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud
and violence. Transplanted in a foreign land, they wUl carry back
to their native soU the rich fruits of refigion, civUization, law, and
liberty. May it not be one of the great designs of the Kuler of
the universe, (whose ways are often inscrutable by short-sighted
mortals,) thus to transform an original crime into a signal blessing,
to that most unfortunate portion of the globe Of aU classes of our
population, the most vidous is that of the free colored. It is the

526 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
inevitable result of their raoral, political, and civil degradation.
Contarainated themselves, they extend their vices to aU around
thera, to the slaves and to the whites. If the principle of coloniza
tion shopld be confined to them ; if a colony can be firmly estab-
fished and successfuUy continued in Africa which should draw off
annually an amount of that portion of our population equal to its
annual increase, much good will be done. If the principle be
adopted and applied by the states,. whose laws sanction the exist
ence of slavery, to an extent equal to the annual increase of slaves,
still greater good will be done. This good wUl be felt by the Afri
cans who go, by the Africans who remain, by the white popula
tion of our country, by Africa, and by America. "It is a project
which recoraraends itself to favor in all the aspects in which it can
be conteraplated. It will do good in every and any extent in which
it may be executed. It is a circle of philanthrophy, every segment
of which tells and testifies to the beneficence of the whole.
Every emigrant to Africa is a missionary carrying with him
credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion, and free insti
tutions. Why is it that the deg-ree of success of missionary exer
tions is so limited, and so discouraging to those whose piety and
benevolence prompt them ? Is it not because the missionary is
generally an alien and a stranger, perhaps of a different color, and
from a different tribe ? There is a sort of instinctive feefing of
jealousy and distiust towards foreigners which repels and rejects
them in all countries ; and this feeling is in proportion to the degree
of ignorance and barbarism which prevail. But the African colo
nists, whom we send to convert the heathen, are of the same color,
the same faraily, the sarae physical constitution. When the pur
poses of the colony shall be fully understood, they will be received
as long lost brethren Restored to the erabraces of their friends and
their Idndred by the dispensations of a wise providence.
The society is reproached for agitating this question. It should
be recoUected that the existence of free people of color is not lim
ited to the states only which tolerate slavery. The evU extends
itself to all the states, and sorae of those which do not aUow of
slavery, (their cities especially,) experience the evil in an extent
even greater than it exists in the slave states. A coraraon evU
confers a right to consider and apply a coraraon reraedy. Nor is
it a valid objection that this reraedy is partial in its operation or
distant in its efficacy. A patient, writhing under the tortures of
excruciating disease, asks of his physician to cure hira if he can,
and, if be cannot, to mitigate his sufferings. But the remedy pro
posed, if generally adopted and perseveringly appfied, for a sufficient
length of time, should it not entirely eradicate the disease, fWiU
enable the body politic to bear it without danger and without suf
fering. We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 527
this question. The society goes into no household to disturb its
domestic tiranquiUUy ; it addresses itself to no slaves to weaken
their obfigations of obedience. It seeks to aflfect no man's prooerty.
It neither has the power nor the wUl to affect the property of any
one contrary to his consent. The execution of its scheme would
augment instead of diminishing the value of the property left
behind. The society, composed of free men, concerns itself only
with the free. CoUateral consequences we are not responsible for.
It is not this society which has produced the great moral revolution
which the age exhibits. What would they, who thus reproach us,
have done ? If they would repress aU tendencies towards fiberty
and ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the
benevolent efforts of this society. They must go back to the era of
our liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon which thun
ders Us annual joyous return. They must revive the slave trade,
with aU its train of atrocities. They must suppress the workings
of British phUanthropy, seeking to meliorate the condition of the
unfortunate West Indian slaves. They must arrest the career of
South American deliverance from thraldom. They must blow out
the moral lights around us, and extinguish that gi-eatest torch of
all which America presents to a benighted world, pointing the way
to their rights, their liberties, and their happiness. And when they
have achieved all these purposes, their work will be yet incomplete.
They must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the light of
reason and the love of liberty. Then, and not tiU then, when
universal darkness and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery,
and repress all sympathies, and all humane and benevolent efforts
among freemen, in behalf of the unhappy portion of our race
doomed to bondage.
Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest of human evils,
deserve the kindest attention and consideration. Their property and
their safety are both involved. But the liberal and candid araong
them will not, cannot, expect that every project to deliver our
country from it is to be crushed because of a possible and ideal
danger. Animated by the encouragement of the past, let us pro
ceed under the cheering prospects which lie before us. Let us
continue to appeal to the pious, the liberal, and the wise. Let us
bear in mind the condition of our forefathers, when, coUected on
the beach in England, they embarked, araidst the scoffings and the
false predictions of the assembled multitude, for this distant land ;
and here, in spite of all the perils of forest and ocean, which they
encountered, successfuUy laid the foundations of this glorious
republic. Undismayed by the prophecies of the presumptuous, let
us supplicate the aid of the Araerican representatives of the people,
and redoubfing our labors, and invoking the blessings of an aU-
wise Providence, I boldly and confidently anticipate success. I
hope the resolution which I offer will be unaniraously adopted.

528 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.

EXTRACTS
FROM THE REPORT OF THE BOARD OF MANAGERS OF THE AMERICAN
COLONIZATION SOCIETY, PRESENTED AT ITS ANNUAL MEETING,
JANUARY THIRTEENTH, 1827, READ BY MR. CLAY IN THE COURSE
OF THE DELIVERY OF THE PRECEDING SPEECH.
The systera of government established with the full consent of
the colonists, in the autumn of 1824, and which the managers had
the happiness to represent in their last report, as having thus far ful
fiUed all the purposes of its institution, has continued its operations
during the year without the least irregularity, and with undimin
ished success. The republican principle is intioduced as far as is
consistent with the youthful and unformed character of the settie
ment, and in the election of their officers the colonists have evinced
such integrity and judgraent ^s afford proraise of early preparation
for all the duties of self-government. ' The civil prerogatives and
government of the colony and the body of the laws by which they
are sustained,' says the colonial agent, ' are the pride of aU. I am
happy in the persuasion I have, that I hold the balance of the laws
in the midst of a people, with whom the first perceptible inclina
tion of the sacred scale determines authoritatively their sentiments
and their conduct. There are individual exceptions, but these re
marks extend to the body of the settiers.'
The moral and religious character of the colony exerts a powerful
influence on its social and civil condition. That piety which had
guided raost of the early eraigrants to Liberia, even before they
left this country, to respectability and usefulness among their asso
ciates, prepared them, in laying the foundations of a colony, to act
with a degree of wisdom and energy which no earthly motives
could inspire. Humble, and for the most part unlettered men ;
boi-n and bred in circumstances the most unfavorable to mental
culture ; unsustained by the hope of renown, and unfamiliar -with
the history of great achievements and heroic virtues, theirs was
nevertheless a spirit unmoved by dangers or by sufferings, which
misfortunes could not darken, nor death dismay. They left
America, and felt that it was forever ; they landed in Africa, possi
bly to find a horae, but certainly a grave. Strange would it have
been had the refigion of every individual of these early settlers
proved genuine ; but iramensely changed as have been their cir
curastances and severely tried their faith, most have preserved
untarnished the honors of their profession, and to the purity of
their morals and the consistency of their conduct, is in a great
measure to be attributed the social order and general prosperity of
the colony of Liberia. Their example has proved most salutary ;
and while subsequent emigrants have found themselves awed and

, ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 529
restrained, by their regularity, seriousness, and devotion, tbe poor
natives have given their confidence and acknowledged the c.xc cl-
lence of practical Christianity. ' It deserves record,' says Mr. Ash
mun, ' that religion has been tho principal agent employed in
laying and confirming the foundations of the settiement. To this
sentiment, ruling, restraining, and actuating the minds of a large
proportion of the colonists, must be referred the whole strength of
our civil government.' Examples of intemperance, profaneness, or
licentiousness, are extremely rare, and vice, wherever it exists, is
obliged to seek concealment from the public eye. Tbe sabbath is
universaUy respected ; sunday schools, both for tbe children of the
colony and for the natives, are established ; all classes attend regu
larly upon the worship of God ; sorae charitable associations have
been forraed for the benefit of the heathen ; and though it must not
be concealed, that the deep concern on the subject of religion
which resulted, towards the conclusion of the year 1825, in the
pubfic profession of Christianity by about fifty colonists, has in a
measure subsided, and some few cases of delinquency since oc
curred ; and though there are faults growing out of the eariy
condition and habits of the settiers which require amendment; yet
the managers have reason to believe, that there is a vast and in
creasing preponderance on the side of correct principle and virtuous
practice. The agi-iculture of the colony has received less attention than its
importance demands. This is to be attiibuted to the fact, that the
labor of the settiers has been applied to objects conducing more
immediately to their subsistence and comfort.
It will not, the board trust, be concluded that, because more
might have been done for the agricultural interests of the colony,
what has been effected is inconsiderable. Two hundred and
twenty-four plantations, of from five to ten acres each, were, in
June last, occupied by the settlers, and most of thera are bdieved
to be at present under cultivation. One hundred and fourteen of
these are on cape Montserado, thirty-three on Stockton creek, (de
nominated the half-way farms, because neariy equidistant from
Monrovia and Caldwell, the St. Paul's settieraent) and seventy-
seven at the confluence of Stockton creek with the St. Paul's.
The St Paul's territory indudes the half-way farms, and is
represented as a beautiful trad of country, comparatively open,
well watered and fertile, and stiU further recommended as having
been for ages selected by the natives, on account of its productive
ness for tlieir rice and cassada plantations. The agi-icultural
habits of the present occupants of this tract, concur with the advan
tages of their situation, in affbrdmg promise of success to their
exertions. ' Nothing,' says the colonial agent, 'but circumstances
of the most exti-aordinarV nature, can prevent thera frora making
their way directly to respedability and abundance.
VOL. !• 67

530 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
Oxen were trained to labor in the colony in 1825, and it was
then expected that the plough would be introduced in the course
of another year. Although commerce has thus far taken the lead
of agriculture, yet the excellence of the soil, the small amount of
labor required for its cultivation, and the value and abundance of its
products, cannot fail, finaUy, to render the latter the more cherished,
as it is, certainly, the more important interest of the colony.
The trade of Liberia has increased with a rapidity almost un
exampled, and while it has supplied the colonists not only with
the necessaries, but with the conveniences and comforts of life,
the good faith with which it has been conducted, has concifiated
the friendship of the natives, and acquired the confidence of
foreigners. The regulations of the colony allowing no credits, except by a
-wi-itten permission, and requiring the barter to be carried on through
factories established for the purpose, has increased the profits of
the traffic, and prevented nuraerous evUs which must have attended
upon a more unrestricted license.
Between the first of January and the fifteenth of July, 1826, np
less than fifteen vessels touched at Monrovia, and purchased the
produce of the country, to the amount, according to the best
probable estiraate, of forty-three thousand nine hundred and eighty
doUars, African value. The exporters of this produce realize, on
the sale of the goods given in barter for it, a profit of twenty-
one thousand nine hundred and ninety dollars, and on the freight,
of eight thousand seven hundred and eighty-six dollars, making a
total profit of thirty thousand seven hundred and eighty-sbc dollars.
A gentieraan in Portiand has comraenced a regular trade with
the colony ; and for his last cargo landed in Liberia, amounting to
eight thousand dollars, he received payment in the course of ten
days. The advantages of this trade to the colony, are manifest
frora the high price of labor, (that of raechanics being two doUars
per day, and that of coraraon laborers frora seventy-five cents to
one dollar and twenty-five cents,) and from the easy and comforta
ble circumstances of tbe settlers. ' An industrious family, twelve
months in Africa, destitute of the means of furnishing an abundant
table, is not known ; and an individual, of whatever age or sex,
without ample provision of decent apparel, cannot, it is believed,
be found.' ' Every faraUy,' says Mr. Ashmun, ' and nearly every
single adult person in the colony, has the meansof employing from
one to four native laborers, at an expense of from four to six doUars
the month ; and several of the settlers, when called upon in conse
quence of sudden emergences of the public service, have made
repeated advances of merchantable produce, to the amount of three
hundred to six hundred dollars each.'
Tbe managers are happy to state, that the efforts of the colonial
agent to enlarge the territory of Liberia, and particularly to bring

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 531
under the government of the colony a more extended line of coast,
have been judicious and energetic, and in neariy every instance
resulted in complete success. From ; gape Mount to Tradetown, a
distance of one hundred and fifty mUes^the colonial governraent has
acquired partial jurisdiction, Four of the raost important stations
on this tract, including Montserado, belong to the society, either
by actual purchase, or by a deed of perpetual lease ; and such nego
tiations have been entered upon -with the chiefs of the country, as
amount to a preclusion of aU Europeans frora any possessions
within these limits. The fine territory of the St. Paul's, now
occupied by settiers, was described in the last annual report of the
society. The territory of Young Sesters, recently ceded to the society, is
ninety miles south of Montserado, in the midst of a very produc
tive rice country, affording also large quantities of palm oil,
camwood, and ivory. The tract granted to the colony, includes
the bed of the Sester's river, and all the land on each side, to the
distance of half a league, and extending longitudinally from the
river''s mouth to its source. In compliance with the terras of the
contract, the chief of the countiy has constructed a commodious
storehouse, and put a number of laborers sufficient for the cultiva
tion of a rice plantation of forty acres, under the direction of a
respectable colonist, who takes charge of the establishment.
The right of use and occupancy have also been obtained to a
region of country on the south branch of the St. John's river, north
nine mUes from Young Sesters, and the trading factory established
there, under the superintendence of a faraily frora Monrovia, has
already provided a valuable source of income to tbe colony. Rice
is also here to be cultivated, and the chief who cedes the territory,
agrees to furnish the labor.
The upright and exemplary conduct of the individual at the head
of this estabfishment, has powerfully irapressed the natives with
the importance of inviting them to settie in their countiry ; and
consequently, the offer made by the colonial agent for the purchase
of Factory island, has been accepted by its proprietor. This
island is in the river St. John's, four raUes frora its raouth, frora
five to six railes in length, and one third of a mile in breadth, and
is araong the most beautiful and fertile spots in Africa. A few
famifies are about to take up their residence upon it, and prepare
for founding a settieraent, ' which cannot fail,' says Mr. Ashmun,
' in a few years, to be second to no other in the cdony, except
Negotiafions are also in progress with the chiefs of cape Moun^
which, if successful, wUl secure to the colony the whole ti-ade of
tiiat station, estimated at fifty thousand dollars per annum and
may ultimately lead to its annexation to the territories of Liberia
'The whole country between cape Mount and Tradetown,'

532 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
observes Mr. Ashraun, ' is rich in soil and other natural advantages,
and capable of sustaining a nuraerous and civUized population
beyond almost any other country on earth. Leaving the seaboard,
the traveller, every where, at the distance of a very few miles,
enters upon a uniform upland countiy, of moderate elevation,
intersected by innumerable rivulets, abounding in springs of
unfailing water, and covered with a verdure which knows no
other changes except those which refresh and renew its beauties.
The country directiy on the sea, although verdant and fruitful to a
high degree, is found every where to yield, in both respects, to the
interior.' Much progress has been raade the last year in the construction
of public buildings and works of defence, though with adequate
supplies of lumber, more raight doubtless have been accoraplished.
Two handsome churches, erected solely by the colonists, now
adorn the village of Monrovia. Fort Stockton has been rebuUt in
a style of strenglh and beauty. A receptacle capable of accommo
dating one hundred and fifty emigrants, is completed. The new
agency-bouse, raarliet-bouse, Lancasterian school, and town-house,
in Monrovia, were sorae raonths since far advanced, and the
finishing strokes were about to be given to the governraent-house
on the St. Paul's. The wing of the old agency-house has been
' handsomely fitted up for the colonial library, which now consists
of twelve hundred volumes systematically arranged in glazed
cases with appropriate hangings. All tbe books are substantially
covered, and accurately labelled ; and files of raore than ten
newspapers, raore or less complete, are preserved. The library is
fitted up so as to answer the purpose of a reading-room, and it is
intended to make it a museura of all the natural curiosities of
Africa, which can be procured.'
No efforts have been spared to place the colony in a state of
adequate defence, and while it is regarded as perfectly secure from
the native forces, it is hoped and believed, that it may sustain
itself against any piratical assaults. ' Tbe establishment has fifteen
large carriage guns and three small pivot guns, all fit for service.'
Fort Stockton overlooks the v;hole town of Monrovia, and a strong
battery is now budding on the height of Thompson-town, near the
extremity of the cape, which it is thought wUl afford protection to
vessels anchoring in the roadstead. The militia of tbe colony
consists of two corps appropriately uniformed, one of artiUery of
about fifty men, the other of infantry of forty men, and on various
occasions have they proved themselves deficient neither in disci
pline nor courage.

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 533

EXTRACTS FROM THE REV. J. ASHMUn's REPORT OF THE COLONY.
The money expended on these various objects has necessarily
been considerable; but, in comparison with the expense which
sirailar objects in this country cost European governments, it wiU
be found not merely moderate, but ti-ifling. Less than has been
effected towards the extension of our limits, I could not atterapt :
and I am certain that where the direction of every other establish
ment on the coast, except the Portuguese, would regard itself not
only authorized, but obliged, to pay away thousands, I havd in
countless instances spent not a dollar. But that species of economy
which sacrifices to itself any object essential to the success of this
undertaking, I am as little able to practice as the board is to
approve. The natives of tbe country, but particularly of the interior, not
withstanding their habitual indolence, produce, after supplying
their own wants, a considerable surplus of the great staple of this
part of Western Africa, rice. Tbe moderate rate a^ which this
grain is purchased by such as deal directly with the growers,
and the various uses of which it is susceptible in the doraestic
econoray, easily place the means of supplying the first necessities
of nature in the reach of every one. Rice, raoreover, always
commands a ready sale with transient trading vessels or coasters ;
and forms a useful object of exchange for other provisions and
necessaries, between individuals of the colony.
To this succeeds, as next in importance, the camwood of the
counti-y, of which several hundred tons every year pass through
the hands of the settiers, and serve to inti-oduce, in return, the
provisions and groceries of America; and the dry goods and
wares, both of Europe and America, which, from tbe necessary
dependence of the merabers of every society on each other, come
soon to be distributed, for the comraon advantage of all.
The ivory of Liberia is less abundant, and less valuable, than
that of other distiicts of W^estern Africa. It, however, forms a
valuable article of barter and export, to the settlement ; and the
amount annually bought and sold, faUs between five and eight
thousand dollars. . .
No less than five schools for different descriptions ot learners,
exclusive of the Sunday schools, have been supported during the
vear, and stUl continue in operation. The youths and children of
ihe colony discover, for their age, unequivocal proofs of a good
degree of mental accompUshment. The contrast between chi dren
several years in the enjoyment of the advantages of he colony,
and most others of tbe same age, arriving from the United States,
is striking and would leave an entire stianger at no loss to distm-
^liS throne from the other. Should emigration, but for a very

534 speeches of henry clay.
few months, cease tp throw the littie ignorants into the colony,
from abroad, the phenomenon of a child of five years, unable to
read, it is believed, would not exist araong us.
The first successful essay in the construction of small vessels,
has been made the past year. I have built, and put upon tbe rice
trade, between our factories to the leeward, and cape Montserado,
a schooner of ten tons burthen, adapted to the passage of the bars
of all the navigable rivers of the coast. The saUing qualities of
this vessel are so superior, that before the wind, it is believed, few,
or none of the numerous pirates of the coast, can overtake her.
She makes a trip, freighted both ways, in ten days ; and commonly
carries and brings merchandise and produce, to the amount of from
four to eight hundred dollars each tiip. Another craft of equal
tonnage, but of very indifferent materials, has been built by one of
the colonists. The model of the St. Paul's (the public boat) was
furnished by myself; but she was constructed under tbe superin
tendence of J. Blake, who has thus entitled himself to the character
of a useful and ingenious mechanic.
One of the most obvious effects of this colony, has already been
to check, in this part of Africa, the prevalence of the slave-trade.
The promptness and severity with which our arms have, in every
instance, avenged the insults and injuries offered by slave ships
and factories to the colony, have, I may confidently say, banished
it for ever frora this district of the coast. Our influence with the
natives of this section of the coast, is known to be so great as to
expose to certain miscan-iage, any tiansaction entered into with
them for slaves. But there is a moral feefing at work in the minds
of most of our neighbors, contracted, doubtless, by means of their
intercourse with the colony, which represents to them the dai-k
business in a new aspect of repulsiveness and absurdity. Most
are convinced that it is indeed a bad business, and are apparentiy
sincere in their determination to drop it for ever, unless compelled
by their wants to adventure a few occasional speculations.
In the punishment of offences, the most lenient maxims of
modern jurisprudence have been observed, by way of experiment
on human nature, in that particular modffication of it exhibited by
the population of this colony. The result has been, so far, favor
able to the policy pursued. The passion to which corporeal and
other ignominious punishments address their arguments, is certainly
one of the least ingenuous of the human constitution.
EXTRACTS from a MEMORIAL FROM THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR
TO THE CITIZENS OF BALTIMORE.
We have hitherto beheld, in sUence, but with the intensest
interest, the efforts of the wise and philanthropic in our behalf If
it became us to be silent, it became us also to fed the livefiest
anxiety and gratitude.

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 535
The time has now arrived, as we befieve, in which your work
and our happiness may be promoted by the expression of our
opinions. We have therefore assembled for that purpose, from
every quarter of the city, and every denomination, to offer you this
respectful address, with all the weight and influence which our
number, character, and cause, can lend it.
We reside among you, and yet are strangers ; natives, and yet
not citizens ; surrounded by the freest people and most repubfican
institutions in the world, and yet enjoying none of the immunities
of freedom.
It is not to be imputed to you that we are here. Your ancestors
remonstrated against the introduction of the first of our race, who
were brought amongst you ; and it was the mother country that
insisted on their admission, that her colonies and she might profit,
as she thought, by their compulsory labor. But the gift was a
curSe to them, without being an advantage to herself. The colonies,
grown to womanhood, burst from her dominion ; and if they have
an angry recoUection of thefi- union and rupture, it must be at the
sight of the baneful institution which she has entailed upon them.
How much you regret its existence araong you, is shown by the
severe laws you have enacted against the slave-trade, and by your
employment of a naval force for its suppression. You have gone
still further. Not content with checking the increase of the already
too growing evil, you have deliberated how you might best exter
minate the evil itself. This deficate and important subject has
produced a great variety of opinions ; but we find, even in that
diversity, a consolatory proof of the interest with which you regard
the subject, and of your readiness to adopt that scheme which may
appear to be the best.
• Leaving out all considerations of generosity, humanity, and
benevolence, you have the strongest reasons to favor and facifitate
the withdrawal from among you of such as wish to remove. It UI
consists, in the first place, with your republican principles, and
with the health and moral sense of the body politic, that there
should be. in the midst of you, an extianeous mass of men, united
to you only by soil and cfimate, and urevocably excluded frora
your institutions. Nor is it less for your advantage in another
point of view. Our places might, in our opinion, be better occu
pied by men of your own color, who would increase the strength
of your country. In the pursuit of livelihood, and the exercise of
industrious habits, we necessarUy exclude from eniployment many
of the whites, your fellow-citizens, who would find it easier,
in proportion as we depart, to provide for theraselves and their
^ BuTif vou have every reason to wish for our reraoval, how ranch
greater a^e our induceraents to reraove! Though we are not
Saves'we are not free. We do not, and never shall, participate

536 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
in the enviable privileges which we continually witness. Beyond
a mere subsistence, and the irapulse of religion, there is nothing to
arouse us to the exercise of our faculties, or excite us to the attain
ment of eminence.
Of the many schemes that have been proposed, we most approve
of that of African colonization. If we were able, and at fiberty to
go whithersoever we would, the greater nuraber, wiUing to leave
this community, would prefer Liberia, on the coast of Africa.
Others, no doubt, would turn them towards sorae other regions ;
the world is wide. Already established there, in the settieraent of
tbe Araerican colonization society, are raany of our brethren, the
pioneers of African restoration, who encourage us to join them.
Several were formerly residents of this city, and highly considered
by the people of their own class and color. They have been
planted at cape Montserado, the raost eligible, and one of the most
elevated sites on tbe western coast of Africa, selected in 1821;
and their nuraber has augmented to five hundred. Able, as we
are inforraed, to provide for their own defence and support, and
capable of self-increase, they are now enjoying all the necessaries
and coraforts, and many of the luxuries of larger and older com
munities. In Africa we shall be freemen indeed, and republicans,
after the model of this republic. We shall carry your language,
your customs, your opinions and Christianity to that now desolate
shore, and thence they will gradually spread, with our growth, far
into the continent. The slave-trade, both external and internal,
can be abofisbed only by settiements on the coast. Africa, if
destined to be ever civUized and converted, can be civUized and
converted by that means only.
We foresee that difficulties and dangers await those who
eraigi-ate, such as every infant establishment must encounter and
endure ; such as your fathers suffered, when first they landed on
this now happy shore.
The portion of comforts which they may lose, they will cheer
fully abandon. Huraan happiness does not consist in meat and
drink, nor in costly raiment, nor in stately habitations ; to contribute
to it even, they rnust be joined with equal rights, and respectabiUty,
and it often exists in a high degree without them.
That you may facilitate the withdrawal from among you of such
as wish to remove, is what we now solicit. It can best be done,
we think, by augmenting the means at the command of the Amer
ican Colonization Society, that tbe colony of Liberia raay be
strengthened and iraproved for their gradual reception. The
greater the nuraber of persons sent thither, frora any part of this
nation whatsoever, so ranch the more capable it becomes of
receiving a still greater. Every encouragement to it, therefore,
though it may not seera to have any particular portion of eraigrants
directly in view, will produce a favorable effect upon aU. The

ON AFRICAN COLONIZATION. 537
emigrants may readUy be enabled to remove, in considerable
numbers every faU, by a concerted system of individual contiibu
tions, and StiU more efficientiy by the enactment of laws to promote
their emigration, under the pationage of the state. The expense
would not be nearly so great as it might appear at first sight ; for,
when once the current shaU have set towards Liberia, and inter
course grown frequent, the cost wiU, of course, diminish rapidly,
and many will be able to defray it for themselves. Thousands
and tens of thousands poorer than we, annually emigrate from
Europe to your country, and soon have it in their power to hasten
the arrival of those they left behind. Every inteUigent and indus
trious colored man would continuaUy look forward to the day,
when he or his children might go to their veritable home, and
would accumulate all his little earnings for that purpose.
We have ventured these remarks, because we know that you
take a kind concern in the subject to which they relate, and because
we think they may assist you in the prosecution of your designs.
If we were doubtful of your good -will and benevolent intentions,
we would remind you of the time when you were in a situation
sirailar to ours, and when your forefathers were driven, by religious
persecution, to a distant and inhospitable shore. We are not so
persecuted ; but we, too, leave our hpraes, and seek a distant and
inhospitable shore : an empire may be the result of our emigration,
as of their's. The protection, kindness, and assistance which you
would have desired for yourselves under such circumstances, now
extend to us : so may you be rewarded by the riddance of the stain
and evil of slavery, the extension of civifization and the gospel, and
the blessings of our common Creator !
WILLIAM CORNISH,
Chairman of the meeting in Bethel church.
ROBERT COWLEY,
Secretary of the meeting in Bethel church.
JAMES DEAVER,
Chairman of the meeting in the African church, Sharp street.
REMUS HARVEY,
Secretary of the meeting in the African church, Sharp street

VOL. I.

68

ON THE CHAEGE OF COERUPTION.
AT LEXINGTON, KKNTUCKY, JULY 12, 1827.

[In June, 1827, Mr. Carter Beverley, of Virginia, published in the United States
Telegraph, printed at Washington, a letter from general Jackson, charging Mr. Clay
with corrupt motives in having voted for his competitor, Mr. Adams, for president of
the United States, in the election by congress, in 1&2S. Mr. Clay being on a visit to
Kentucky during the same summer, attended various meetings of his former constitu
ents and friends, who were desirous of testifying their continued regard for him. At
a public dinner given him at Lexington, the following toast was given, in the course
of his answer to which, Mr. Clay takes the opportunity to refute the charges of
general Jackson against him, as will be seen in the subjoined remarks.]

' Our distinguished guest, Henry Clay. The furnace of persecution may be heated
seven times hotter, and seventy times more he will come out unscathed by the fire
of malignity, brighter to all and dearer to his friends : while his enemies shall sink
with the dross of their own vile materials.'

Mr. President, friends, and fellow-citizens,
I beg permission to offer ray hearty thanks, and to make my res
pectful acknowledgments, for tbe affectionate reception which has
been given me during my present visit to my old congressional
district, and for this hospitable and honorable testimony of your
esteeni and confidence. And I thank you especially for the friendly
sentiraents and feelings expressed in the toast which you have just
done rae the honor to drink. I always had the happiness of knowing
that I enjoyed, in a high degree, the attachment of that portion of
my fellow-citizens whom I formerly represented ; but I should
never have been sensible of the strength and ardor of their affec
tion, except for tbe extraordinary character of the times. For near
two years and a half I have been assailed with a rancor and bitter
ness which have few examples. I have found myself tbe particular
object of concerted and concentrated abuse ; and others, thrusting
themselves between you and me, have dared to arraign me for treach
ery to your interests. But my former constituents, unaffected by the
caJuranies which have been so perseveringly circulated to ray preju
dice, have stood by me with a generous confidence and a noble
magnaniraity. The raeasure of their regard and confidence has risen
with, and even surpassed, that of the malevolence, great as it is, of

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION, 539
my personal and political foes. I thank you, gentlemen, who are a
large portion of my late constituents. I thank you, and every one of
them, with aU my heart, for the manly support which I have uniformly
received. It has cheered and consoled me, amidst all my severe
ti-ials ; and may I not add, that it is honorable to the generous
hearts and enfightened heads who have resolved to protect the
character of an old friend and faithful servant.
The numerous manifestations of your confidence and attach
ment wiU be among the latest and most tieasured recollections of
my life. They impose upon me obfigations which can never be
weakened or cancelled. One of these obfigations is, that I should
embrace every fair opportunity to vindicate that character which
you have so generously sustained, and to evince to you and to tbe
worid, that you have not yielded to the impulses of a blind and
enthusiastic sentiment. I feel that I am, on aU fit occasions, espe
cially bound to vindicate myself to my former constituents. It
was as their representative, it was in fulfilment of a high trust
which they confided to me, that I have been accused of violating
the most sacred of duties — of treating their wishes -with contempt,
and their interests with treachery. Nor is this obfigation, in my
conception of its import, at all weakened by the dissolution of tbe
relations which heretofore existed between us. I would instantly
resign the place I hold in the councils of the nation, and directly
appeal to the suffrages of my late constituents, as a candidate for
reelection, if I did not know that my foes are of that class whom
one rising from the dead cannot convince, whom nothing can silence,
and who wage a war of extermination. On the issue of such an
appeal they would redouble their abuse of you and of me, for
their hatred is common to us both.
They have compelled me so often to be the theiue of my
addresses to the people, that I should have willingly ab'stained, on
this festive occasion, from any allusion to this subject, but for anew
and imposing forra which the calurany against rae has recentiy
assumed. I am again put on my defence, not of any new charge,
nor by any new adversary ; but of the old charges, clad in a new
dress, and exhibited by an open and undisguised enemy. The
fictitious names have been stricken from the foot of the indictment,
and that of a known and substantial prosecutor has been voluntarily
offered. Undaunted by the formidable name of that prosecutor, I
wiU avaU myself, with your indulgence, of this fit opportunity of
free and unreserved intercourse with you, as a large number of ray
late constituents, to raake some observations on the past and
present state of the question. When evidence shaU be produced,
as I have now a clear right to demand, in support of the accusa
tion, it wiU be the proper time for me to take such notice of it as
'^InS^a^y.lsa'i^ was my duty, as the representative of this

540 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
district, to vote for soraq one of tbe three candidates for the presi
dency, who were returned to the house of representatives. It has
been established, and can be further proved, that, before I left this
state tbe preceding faU, I coraraunicated to several gentleraen of
the highest respectability, my fixed determination not to vote for
general Jackson. The friends of Mr. Crawford asserted to the
last, that the condition of his health was such as to enable him to
administer the duties of tbe office. I thought otherwise, after I
reached Washington city, and visited him to satisfy rayself; and
thought that physical irapediraent, if there were no other objections,
ought to prevent bis election. Although the delegations from four
states voted for hira, and his pretensions were zealously pressed to
the very last raoraent, it has been of late asserted, and I believe by
sorae of the very persons who then warmly espoused his cause,
that his incompetency was so palpable as clearly to limit ,the
choice to two of tbe three returned candidates. In ray view of
my duty, there was no alternative but that which I embraced.
That I had some objections to Mr. Adams, I am ready freely to
admit ; but these did not weigh a feather in comparison with the
greater and insurmountable objections, long and deliberately enter-
tauied against his competitor. I take this occasion, with great
satisfaction, to state, that my objections to Mr. Adaras arose
chiefly from apprehensions which have not been realized. I have
found him at the head of the government able, enfightened, patient
of investigation, and ever ready to receive with respect, and, when
approved by his judgment, to act upon, the counsels of his official
advisers. I add, with unmixed pleasure, that, from the commence
ment of the government, wilh the exception of Mr. Jefferson's
administration, no chief luagistrate has found the members of his
cabinet so united on aU public measures, and so cordial and
friendly in all their intercourse, private and official, as these are of
the present president.
Had I voted for general Jackson, in opposition to the well-known
opinions which I entertained of him, one tenth part of the ingenuity
and zeal which have been eraployed to excite prejudices against
me, would have held me up to universal conterapt ; and what
would have been worse, /should have felt that I reaUy deserved il.
Before the election, an atterapt was made by an abusive letter,
published in the Columbian Observer, at Philadelphia, a paper
which, as has since transpired, was sustained by Mr. senator Eaton,
tbe colleague, the friend, and the biographer of general Jadison, to
assail my motives, and to deter me in the exercise of my duty.
This letter being avowed by Mi-. George Kremer, I instantiy
demanded ixoxn the house of representatives an investigation. A
coraraittee was accordingly, on the fifth day of February, 1825,
appointed in tbe rare raode of balloting by the house, instead of by'
selection of the speaker. It was composed of some of the leading

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 541
members of that body, not one of whom was my political friend in
the preceding presidential canvass. Although Mr. Kremer, in
addressing the house, had declared his willingness to bring forwaid
his proofs, and his readiness to abide the issue of the inquiry, his
fears, or other counsels than his own, prevaUed upon him to take
refuge in a miserable subterfuge. Of all possible periods, that was
the most fitting to substantiate the charge, if it were true. . Every
circumstance was then foesh ; the witnesses all living and present ;
the election not yet complete ; and therefore the imputed corrupt
bargain not fulfilled. AU these powerful considerations had no
weight with the conspirators and their accessories, and they
meanly shrunk from even an attempt to prove their charge, for the
best of all possible reasons — because, being false and fabricated,
they could adduce no proof which was not false and fabricated.
During two years and a half, which have now intervened, a
portion of the press devoted to the cause of general Jackson has
been teeming with the vilest calumnies against me, and the charge,
-under every chameleon form, has been a thousand times repeated.
Up to this time, I have in vain invited investigation, and demanded
evidence. None, not a particle, has been adduced.
The extiaordinary ground has been taken, that the accusers were
not bound to establish by proof the guUt of their designated victim.
In a civUized, christian, and free comraunity, the monstrous
principle has been assumed, that accusation and conviction are
synonymous ; and that the persons who dehberately bring forward
an ati'ocious charge are exempted from aU obligations to substan
tiate it! And the pretext is, that the crim«, being of apolitical
nature, is shrouded in darkness, and incapable of being substan
tiated But is there any real difference, in this respect, between
political and other .offences ? Do not aU the perpetrators of crime
endeavor to conceal their guUt and to elude detedion? It the
accuser of a political offence is absolved from the duty of support
ing his accusation, every other accuser of offence stands equally
absolved. Such a principle, practicaUy carried into society, would
subvert aU harmony, peace, and tranquillity. None- no age nor
sex, nor profession, nor calling - would be safe agamst its oalefu
and oveJwhdming influence. It would araount to a universal
license to universal calumny ! j. , u v ^^i,i=;vpW
No -one has ever contended that the proof should be exclusively
that of eye-witnesses, testifying from their senses positively and
,dir ctly to the fad. 'Pofitic'al, like other offences, may be estab
lished by circumstantial as weU as positive evidence. But 1 clo
contend that some evidence, be it what it m-ay ought to be
exh bited If there be none, how do the accusers know that an
fffence has been perpetrated ? If they do know it, let us ha.e he
fnrt nn which their conv otion is based. I wiU not even asseri,
that! in pub]£^a£s, a citizen has ^pt a right Wy to express feis

542 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
opinions of pubfic raen, and to speculate upon the motives of their
conduct. But if he chooses to promulgate opinions, let them be
given as opinions. The public will correctiy judge of their value
and their grounds. No one has a right to put forth a positive
assertion, that a political offence has been committed, unless he
stands prepared to sustain, by satisfactory proof of some kind, its
actual existence.
If he who exhibits a charge of pofitical crime is, from its very
nature, disabled to establish it, how much raore difficult is the
condition of the accused ? How can he exhibit negative proof of
his innocence, if no affirraative proof of his guUt is or can be
adduced ?
It raust have been a conviction that the justice of the pubfic
required a definite charge, by a responsible accuser, that has at last
extorted from general Jackson his letter of the sixth of June, lately
published. I approach that letter with great reluctance, not on my
own account, for on that I do most heartily and sincerely rejoice
that it has made its appearance. But it is reluctance, excited by
the feelings of respect which I would anxiously have cultivated
towards its author. He has, however, by that letter, created such
relations between us, that, in any language -which I may employ,
in examining its contents, I feel myself bound by no other obliga
tions than those which belong to truth, to public decorum, and to
rayself The first consideration which must, on the perusal of the letter,
force itself upon every reflecting mind, is that which arises out of
the delicate posture in which general Jackson stands before the
Araerican public. He is a candidate for the presidency, avowed
and proclairaed. He has no competitor at present, and there is no
probability of his having any, but one. The charges which he has
allowed himself to be the organ of comraunicating to the very
public who is to decide the question of the presidency, though
directly airaed at rae, necessarily implicate his only competitor.
Mr. Adams and myself are both guilty, or we are both innocent
of the imputed arrangement between us. His innocence is abso
lutely irreconcilable with m,y guUt. If general Jackson, therefore,
can establish ray guilt, and, by inference or by insinuation, that of
his sole rival, he will have removed a great obstacle to the consum
mation of the object of his ambition. And if he can, at tbe same
tirae, raake out his own purity of conduct, and irapress the
Araerican people -with the beUef, that his purity and integrity alone
prevented his success before tbe house of representatives, his claims
v/ill become absolutely irresistible. Were there ever more powerful
raotives to propagate, was there ever greater interest, at aU hazards,
to prove the truth of charges ?
I state the case, I hope, fairly ; I mean to state it fairly and
fearlessly. If the position be one which exposes general Jackson

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 543
to unfavorable suspidons, it must be borne in mind that he has
voluntarily taken it, and he must abide the consequences. I am
acting on the defensive, and it is he who assaUs rae, and who has
caUed forth, by the eternal laws of self-protection, the right to use
aU legitimate means of self-defence.
General Jackson has shown in his letter, that he is not exempt
from the influence of that bias towards one's own interest, which
is unfortunately the too common lot of human natm-e. It is his
interest to make out that he is a person of spotiess innocence, and
of unsullied integrity; and to estabfish by direct charge, or by
necessary inference, the want of those qualities in his rival.
Accordingly, we find, throughout the letter, a labored attempt to set
forth his own imraaculate purity in striking contrast with the corrup
tion which is attributed to others. We would imagine from his
letter, that he very seldom touches a newspaper. The Telegraph
is maUed regularly for him at Washington, but it arrives at the
Hermitage very irregularly. He would have the pubfic to infer,
that the postmaster at NashviUe, whose appointment happened not
to be upon his recommendation, obstructed his reception of it. In
consequence of his not receiving the Telegraph, he had not on tbe
sixth of June, 1827, seen Carter Beverley's famous FayetteviUe
letter, dated the eighth of the preceding Slarch, pubUshed in
numerous gazettes, and pubfished, I have very littie doubt, although
I have not the means of ascertaining the fact, in the gazettes of
NashviUe. I wiU not say, contiary to general Jackson's assertion,
that he had never read that letter, when he wrote that of the sixth
of June, but I must think that it is very strange that he should not
have seen it ; and I doubt whether there is another man of any
political eminence in the United States who has not read it. There
is a remarkable coincidence between general Jackson and certain
editors who espouse his interest, in relation to Mr. Beverley's
letter. They very early took the ground, in respect to it, that I
ought, under my own signature, to come out and deny the state
ments. And general Jackson now says, in his letter of the sixth
of June, that he ' always intended, should Mr. Clay come out over
his own signature, and deny having any knowledge of the corarau
nication made by his friends to my friends and to rae, that I would
give him the name of the gentieman through whora that corarau
nication came.'
The distinguished meraber of congress who bore the alleged
overture, according to general Jackson, presented himself with
diplomatic curcuraspection, lest he should wound the very great
sensibUity of the general. He avers that the coraraunication was
intended with the most friendly motives, ' that he came as a friend,'
and that he hoped, however it might be received, there would be no
alteration in the friendly feefings between thera. The general
graciously condescends to receive the communication, and, in

544 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
consideration of the high standing of the distinguished member,
and of bis having always been a professed friend, he is promised
impunity, and assured that there shaU be no change of amicable
ties. After all these necessary preliminaries are arranged between
the high negotiating powers, the envoy proceeds: 'he had been
informed by the friends of Mr. Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams
had raade overtures to them, saying if Mr. Clay and his friends
would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay should
be secretary of state ; that the friends of Mr. Adams were urging,
as a reason to induce the friends of Mr. Clay to accede to their
proposition, that if I was elected president, Mr. Adams would be
continued secretary of state, (inuendo, there would be no room for
Kentucky.)' [Is this general Jackson's inuendo, or that of the
distinguished meraber of congress ? ] ' That the friends of Mr.
Clay stated the west does not want to separate frora the west, and
if I Would say, or perrait any of ray confidential friends to say
that, in case I was elected president, Mr. Adaras should not be
continued secretary of state, by a coraplete union of Mr. Clay and
his friends, they would put an end to the presidential contest in one
hour ; and he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguei-S
with their own weapons.' To which the general states himself to
have replied in substance, ' that in politics, as in every thing else,
my guide was principle, and contrary to the expressed and unbiased
will of the people or their constituted agents, I never would step
into the presidential chair ; and requested hira to say to Mr. Clay
and his friends, (for I did suppose he had corae from Mr. Clay,
although he used the terms Mr. Clay's friends,) that before I would
reach the presidential chair by such means of bargain and corrup
tion, I would see tbe earth open and swallow both Mt. Clay and
his friends and myself with thera.' Now all these professions are
very fine, and display admirable purity. But its sublimity would
be somewhat more impressive, if sorae person other than general
Jackson bad proclaimed it. He would go into the presidential
chair, but never, no ! never, contrary to ' the expressed and unbiased
will of the people, or their constituted agents:' two modes of
arriving at it tbe raore reasonable, as there happens to be no other
constituted way. He would see ' tbe earth open and swallow both
Mf. Clay and his friends and rayself,' before he would reach the
presidential chair by ' such means of bargain and corruption.' I
hope general Jackson did not intend that the whole human race
should be also sWaUowed up, on the contingency he has stated, ol-
that they were to guaranty that he has an absolute repugnance
to the employraent of any exceptionable raeans to secure his
elevation to the presidency. If he had rendered the distinguished
meraber of congress a littie more distinguished, by instantiy
ordering him from his presence, and by forthwith denouncing him
and the Infamous propositions which he bore, to the American

ON THE CHARGE Of CORRUPTION. 545
pilblic, we should be a fittie better prepared to admit the daims to
untarnished integrity, which the general so raodestiy pufs forward.
But, according to his own account, a corrupt and scandalous
proposal is made to him ; the person who conveyed it, advises him
to accept it, and yet that person stUl retains the friendship of general
JacksoHj who is so tender of his character that his name is carefuUy
concealed and reserved to be hereafter brought forward as a
witness ! A man, whoj if he be a meraber of the house of repre
sentatives, is doubly infamous — infamous for the advice which he
gave, and infamous for his wiUingness to connive at the corruption
of the body of which he is a sworn meraber — is the credible
wUness by whom general Jackson stands ready to estabfish the
corruption of men, -whose characters are never questioned !
Of aU the properties which belong to horidraible men, not one is
so highly prized as that of character. General Jackson cannot be
insensible to its value, for he appears to be the most anxious to set
forth the loftiness and purity of his own. How has he treated
niirie ? During the dispensation of the hospitalities of the her
mitage, in the midst of a mixed coinpany of individuals from
various states, he permits himself to make certain statements
respecting my friends and rhe, which, if true, would forever
dishonor arid degrade us. The -words are hardly passed from his
mouth, before they are committed to paper, by one of his guests,
and transnlitted in the form of a lettdr to another state, when they
are published in a newspaper, and thence circulated throughout the
union. And now he pretends that these statements were made
'without any calculation that they were to be thrown into the public
journals.' Does he reprove the indiscretion of this guest who had
violated the sanctity of a corlversation at the hospitable board ?
Far from it. The "pubfic is incredulous. It cannot be, general
Jackson would be so wanting in delicacy and decorura. The guest
appeals to hini for the cOrifirmalion of the pubfished statements ;-
and the general proraptiy addresses a letter to hira, in which ' he
unequivocally confirras (says Mr. Carter Beveriey,) all I have said
regarding the overture raade to him pending the last presidential
election before congress ; and he asserts a great deal more than he
ever told me! I should be glad to know if all tbe versions of the
tale have now made their appearance, and whether general Jack
son wiU aUege, that he did not ' calculate' upon the pubfication of
his letter of the' sixth of June.
The general states that the unknown envoy used tbe terras, ' Mr.
Clay's friends,' to the exdusion, therefore, of rayself, but he never
theless inferred that he had come from me. Now, why did he draw
this inference Conti-ary to the iraport of tbe stateraent which he
received ? Does not this disposition to deduce conclusions unfa
vorable to liie, manifest the spirit which actuates him? And does
not generalJacksdri exhibit throughout his letter a desire to give a
VOL. I. 69

546 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
coloring to the statements of his friend, the distinguished member
of congress, higher than they would justify ? No one should ever
resort to implication but from necessity. Why did he not ascertain
from the envoy if he had come frora rae ? Was any thing more
natural than that general Jackson should ascertain the persons who
had deputed the envoy ? If his slacked sensibility and indignant
virtue and patriotisra would not allow hira to inquire into particu
lars, ought he to have hazarded the assertion, that I was privy to
the proposal, without assuring himself of the fact ; could he not,
after rejecting the proposal, continuing, as he did, on friendly terms
with the organ of it, have satisfied himself if I were conusant of
it ? If he had not time then, might he not have ascertained the fact
from his friend or from me, during the intervening two and a half
years? The compunctions of his own conscience appear for a
moment to have visited him towards the conclusion of his letter,
for , he there does say, ' that in the supposition stated, / may have
done injustice to Mr. Clay ; if so, the gentieman informing me can
explain.' No good or honorable man wUl do another voluntarUy
any injustice. It was not necessary that general Jackson should
have done me any. And he cannot acquit himself of the rashness
and iniquity of his conduct towards me, by referring at this late
day to a person whose narae is withheld from the public. This
compendious mode of administering justice, by first hanging and
then trying a man, however justifiable it may be, according to the
precepts of the Jackson code, is sanctioned by no respectable
system of jurisprudence.
It is stated in the letter of the sixth of June, that the overture
was made early in January ; and that the second day after the
communication, it ' was announced in the newspapers, that Mr.
Clay bad corae out openly and avowedly in favor of Mr. Adams.'
The object of this stateraent is obvious. It is to insinuate that the
proposal which was rejected with disdain by general Jackson, was
accepted with promptitude by Mr. Adams. This renders the fact
as to the tirae of the alleged annunciation very iraportant. It is to
be regretted that general Jackson had not been a littie raore precise.
It was early in January that the overture was made, and the second
day after, the annunciation of my intention took place. Now, I
wiU not assert that there may not have been some speculations in
the newspapers about that time, (although I do not believe there
were any speculations so early,) as to the probable vote which I
should give ; but I should be glad to see any newspaper which the
second day after early in January, asserted in its columns, that I
had come out ' openly and avowedly in favor of Mr. Adams.' I
chaUenge the production of such a paper. I do not befieve my
intention so to vote for Mr. Adams was announced in the news
papers openly and avowedly during the whole month of January,
or at any rate until late in that month. The only avowal of my

ON THE CHARGE OF CO R^ U P TION. 547

.-.1

intention to vote for him, which was publicly made in the news
papers, prior to the election, is contained' in my letter to Judge
Brooke, which is dated the twenty-eighth' of January. It was first
pul^|ished in the Enquirer at Eichmond, sorne time in the ensuing
month. I go further ; I do not befieve -any newspaper at Wash
ington can be produced, announcing, before the latter part of
January, the fact, whether upon my avowal or not, of my intention
to vote for Mr. Adams. General Jackson's meraory raust deceive
him. He must have confounded events and circumstances. His
friend, Mr. George Kremer, in his letter to the Columbian Observer
bearing date the twenty-fifth of January, has, according to my
recollection of the public prints, a claim to the merit of being the
first, or among the first, to announce to the public my intended
vote. That letter was first published at PhUadelphia, and returned
in the Colurabian Observer to Washington city, on the thirty-first
of January. How long before its "date that letter was written to
Mr. Kreraer, does not appear. Whether there be any connection
made by the distinguished meraber of congress, and that letter,
perhaps general Jackson can explain.
At the end of more than two" years after a corrupt overture has
been made to general Jackson, he~now, for the first time, openly
proclaims it. It is true, as I ha-ve ascertained since the publica
tion of Mr. Beverley's FayetteviUe letter, the general has been for
a long time secretiy circulating the charge. Iraraediately on the
appearance at Washington,, of that letter in the public prints, the
editor of the Telegraph asVerted, in his paper, that general Jackson
had communicated the -overture to him about the period of the
election, not as he now states, but according to Mr. Beverley's
version of the tale. Since I left Washington on tbe tenth of last
month, I have understood that general Jackson has made a similar
communication to several other persons at different and distant
points. Why has the overture been thus clandestinely cuculated ?
Was it that through the medium of the Telegraph, the leading
paper supporting the interest of general Jackson, and through his
other depositories, the befief of the charge should be duly and
gradually infused into the public raind, and thus contiribute to the
support of his cause ? The zeal and industi-y with which it has
been propagated, the daily columns of certain newspapers can
testify. Finding the public stiU unconvinced, has the general found
it to |3e necessary to come out in proper person, through the thm
veU of Mr. Carter Beveriey's ageficy ?
When the aUeged overture was raade, the election remained
undecided. Why did not general Jackson then hold up to univer
sal scorn and indignation the infamous bearer of the proposal, and
those who dared to insult his honor, and taraper with his integrity ?
If he had at that time denounced all the infamous parties concerned,
demanded an inquiry in the house of representatives, and estab-

548 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
lished by satisfactory proof the tiuth of his accusation, there might
and probably would have been a different result to the election,
Why, when at my instance, a committee was on the fifth day of
February, 1825, (only four days before tbe election,) appointed to
investigate tbe charges of Mr. Kremer, did not general Jackson
present himself and establish their truth ? Why, on the seventh of
that month, two days before the election, when tbe committee
reported that Mr. Kreraer declined to corae forward, and that ' if
they knew of any reason for such investigation, they would have
asked to be clothed with the proper power, but not having them
selves any such knowledge, they have felt it to be their duty only
to lay before tbe house the coraraunication which they have
received;' why did not general Jackson authorize a motion to
recommit the report, and raanfuUy corae forward with aU his
information ? The congress of the nation is in session. An
important election has devolved on it. All eyes are turned towards
Washington. The result is awaited with intense anxiety and
breathless expectation. A corrupt proposition, affecting the elecT
tion, is made to one of the candidates. He receives it, is advised
to accept it, deliberates, decides upon it, A coramittee is in session
to investigate the very charge. The candidate, notwithstanding,
reraains profoundly silent, and, after the lapse of raore than two
years, when the period of another election is rapidly approaching,
in which he is the only corapetitor for the office, for the first time,
announces it to the American republic ! They must have more
than an ordinary share of credulity who do not believe that general
Jackson labors under some extraordinary delusion.
It is possible that he may urge by way of excuse, for what must
be deemed his culpable concealment of meditated corruption, that
he did not fike to volunteer as a witness before the committee, or
to transmit to it the narae of his friend, the distinguished member
of the house of representatives, although it is not very easy to
discern any just reason for his volunteering now, which would not
have applied with raore force at that time. But what apology can
be made for bis failure to discharge his sacred duty as an American
senator? More than two months after the alleged overture, my
nomination to the office which I now hold, was raade to tbe senate
of the United States, of which general Jackson was then a sworn
raember. On that nomination he had to deliberate and to act in
tbe most soleran raanner. If I were privy to a corrupt proposal tp
general Jackson, touching the recent election ; if I had entered into
a corrupt bargain with Mr. Adams to secure his elevation, I was
unworthy of the office to which I was nominated ; and it was the
duty of general Jackson, if he really possessed the information
which be now puts forward, to have moved the senate to appoint
a coramittee of inquiry, and by establishing my guilt, to have pre
served the national councils from an abominable contamin^tipn.

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 540
As the conspiracy of George Kremer & Co. had a short tirae
before meanly shrunk from appearing before the committee of tbe
bouse of representatives, to make good their charges, I requested
a senator of the United States, when my nomination should be
taken up, to ask of the senate the appointment of a comraittee of
inquiry, unless it should appear to him to be altogether unneces
sary. One of our senators was compelled, by the urgency of his
private business, to leave Washington before my noraination was
disposed of; and as I had but fittie confidence in the fidelity and
professed friendship of the other, I was constrained to present my
application to a senator from another state. I was afterwards
informed that when it was acted upon, general Jackson, and every
other senator present, was silent as to the imputation now made ;
no one presuming to question my honor or integrity. How can
general Jackson justify to bis conscience or to his country, this
palpable breach of his public duty ? It is in vain to say that he
gave a silent negative vote. He was in possession of information
which, if true, must have occasioned the rejection of my nomina
tion. It does not appear that any other senator possessed the
same information. Investigation was alike due to tbe purity of
the national councils, to me, and, as an act of strict justice, to all
the other parties implicated. It is impossible for him to escape
from the dilemma that he has been faithless as a senator of the
United States, or has lent himself to the circulation of an atrocious
calumny. After the election, general Jackson was araong the first who
eagerly pressed his congratulations upon his successful rival. If
Mr. Adaras had been guilty of the eraployraent of impure means
to effect his election, general Jackson ought to have disdained to
suUy his own hands by touching those of his corrupt competitor.
On the tenth of February, 1825, the very next day after the
election, general Jackson was invited to a public dinner at Wash
ington, by some of his friends. He expressed to them his wish
that he might be excused from accepting the invitation, because,
alluding to the recent election, he said, ' any evidence of kindness
and regard, such as you propose, might, by many, be viewed as
conveying with it exception, murmurings, and feefings of com
plaint, which I sincerely hope belong to none of ray friends.'
More than one month after tbe corrupt proposal is pretended to
have been received, and after, according to the insinuation of
general Jackson, a corrupt arrangement had been made between
Mr. Adams and me : after tbe actual termination of an election,
theissue of which was brought about, according to general Jack-
son by the basest means, be was unwilling to accept the honors
of a pubfic dinner, lest it should imply even an exception against
the result of the election. . , . , . , • ,, p t t
General Jackson professes in his letter of the sixth of June-. I

550 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
quote again his words — 'to have always intended, should Mr. Clay
come out over his own signature, and deny having any knowledge
of the communication raade by his friends to my friends, and to
me, that I would give him the name of the gentieman through
whom that coraraunication came.' He pretends never to have
seen the FayetteviUe letter; and yet the pretext of a denial under
my signature is precisely that which had been urged by the princi
pal editors who sustain his cause. If this be an unconcerted, it is
nevertheless a most wonderful coincidence. The general never
coraraunicated to rae his professed intention, but left me in entire
ignorance of his generous purpose ; like the overture itself, it was
profoundly concealed from me. There was an authorized denial
from rae, which went to tbe circle of the public prints, immedi
ately after the arrival at Washington of the FayetteviUe letter. In
that denial ray words are given. They were contained in a letter
dated at Washington city on the eighteenth day of April last, and
are correctly stated to have been ' that the statement that his (my)
friends had made such a proposition as the latter describes to the
friends of general Jackson was, as far as he knew or befieved,
utterly destitute of foundation ; that he was unwilling to believe
that general Jackson had raade any such statement; but that no
matter with whom it had originated, he was fully persuaded it was
a gross fabrication of the same calumnious character with the
Kreraer story, put forth for the double purpose of injuring his
public character, and propping the cause of general Jackson ; and
then for himself and for his friends he defied the substantiation of
the charge before any fair tribunal whatever.' Such were my own
words, tiansmitted in the form of a letter frora a friend'to a known
person. Whereas tbe charge which they repeUed was contained
in a letter written by a person then unknown to sorae person also
unknown. Did I not deny the charge under my own signature,
in ray card of the thirty-first of January, 1825, published in the
National Intelligencer? Was not there a substantial denial of it
in my letter to Judge Brooke, dated the tv/enty-eighth of the same
month ? In my circular to ray constituents ? In ray Lewisburg
speech ? And may I not add, in tbe whole tenor of ray public
life and conduct ? If general Jackson had offered to furnish me
the narae of a meraber of congress, who was capable of advising
his acceptance of a base and corrupt proposition, ought I to have
resorted to his infamous and discredited witness ?
It has been a thousand tiraes asserted and repeated, that I viola
ted instructions which I ought to have obeyed. I deny the charge ;
and I am happy to have this opportunity of denying it in the
presence of my assembled constituents; The general assembly
requested the Kentucky delegation to vote in a particular way. A
majority of that delegation, including myself, voted in opposition
to that request. The legislature did not intend to give an impera-

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 661
tive instruction. The distinction between a request and an instruc
tion was famifiar to the legislature, and their roUs attest that the
former is always addressed to the members of the house of repre
sentatives, and the latter only to the senators of the United States.
But I do not rely exclusively on this recognised distinction. I
dispute at once the right of the legislature to issue a mandatory
instruction to the representatives of the people. Such a right has
no foundation in the constitution, in the reason or nature of things,
nor in usage of the Kentucky legislatnre. Its exercise would be a
manifest usurpation. The general assembly has the incontroverti
ble right to express its opinions and to proclaim its vdshes on any
pofitical subject whatever ; and to such an expression great defer
ence and respect are due ; but it is not obligatory. The people,
when, in August, 1824, they elected members to the general
assembly, did not invest them with any power to regulate or control
the exercise of the discretion of the Kentucky delegation in the
congress of the United States. I put it to the candor of every
elector present, if he intended to part with his own right, or antici
pated the exertion of any such power, by the legislature, when he
gave his vote in August, 1824 ?
The only instruction which I received from a legitimate source,
emanated from a respectable portion of my iraraediate constituents;
and that directed me to exercise my own discretion, regardless of
the wiU of the legislature. You subsequentiy ratified my vote by
unequivocal demonstrations, repeatedly given, of your affectionate
attachment and your unshaken confidence. You ratified it two
years ago, by the election of- my personal and political friend,
(judge Clarke) to succeed me in the house of representatives, who
had himself subscribed the only legitimate instruction which I
received. You ratify it by the presence and tbe approbation, of
this vast and respectable assemblage.
I rejoice again and again, that the contest has at last assumed
its present practical forra. Heretofore, malignant whispers and
dark surmises have been clandestinely circulated, or openly or
unblushingly uttered by irresponsible agents. They were borne
upon the winds, and fike them were invisible and intangible. No
responsible man stood forward to sustain thera, with his acknowl
edged authority. They have at last a local habitation and a name.
General Jackson has now thrown off the raask and comes conies-
sedly forth from behind his concealed batteries, publidy to accuse
and convict me. We stand confronted before the American
people. Pronouncing the charges, as I again do, destitute of all
foundation, and gross aspersions, vvhether f^'^^^'f'l^^y ZZ^,''^}!
issued from the haUs of the capitol, the saloons ol the hermitage
or bv Dress by pen, or by tongue, and safely resting on my
consJioSs Seglty^, I'dema/ded the witness, and await the event
with fearless confidence.

552 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
The issue is fairly joined. The iraputed offence does not com
prehend a single friend, but the collective body of my friends in
congress ; and it accuses thera of offering, and rae with sanction
ing, corrupt propositions, derogating from honor, and in violation
of the raost sacred of duties. The charge has been raade after
two years deliberation. General Jackson has voluntarily taken his
position, and without provocation. In voting against him as
president of tbe United States, I gave him no just cause of offence.
I exercised no more than ray indisputable privilege, as, on a
subsequent occasion, of which I have never complained, he exer
cised his in voting against me as secretary of state. Had I voted
for hira, I must have gone counter to every fixed principle of my
public life. I believed him incompetent, and his election fraught
with danger. At this early period of the republic, keeping steadily
in view the dangers which had overturned every other free state, I
believed it to be essential to tbe lasting preservation of our liberties,
that a man, devoid of civil talents, and offering no recommendation
but- one founded on railitary service, should not be selected to
administer the government. I believe so yet ; and I shall consider
tbe days of the coramonweahh numbered, when an opposite
principle is established. I believed, and still believe, that now,
when our institutions are in comparative infancy, is the time to
establish the great principle, that railitary qualification alone is not
a sufficient title to tbe presidency. If we start right, wc raay run
a long race of liberty, happiness, and glory. If we stumble in
setting out, we shall fall as others have fallen before us, and fdl
without even a claim to the regrets or sympathies of raankind.
I have never done general Jackson, knowingly, any injustice. I
have taken pleasure, on every proper occasion, to bestow on him
merited praise, for the glorious issue of the battle of New Orleans.
No American citizen enjoyed higher satisfaction than I did with
tbe event. I heard it for the first time on the boulevards of Paris ;
and I eagerly perused tbe details of tbe actions, with tbe anxious
hope that I should find that the gallant militia of my own state
had avenged, on the banks of tbe Mississippi, tbe blood, which
they bad so freely spilt on tbe disastrous field of Raisin. That
hope was not then gratified ; and although I had the mortification
to read in the official statement, that they ingloriously fled, I was
nevertheless thankful for tbe success of the arms of my country,
and felt grateful to hira who had raost contributed to the ever
raeraorable victory. This concession is not now made for the
purpose of concUiating the favor or mitigating the -wrath of general
Jackson. He has erected an impassable barrier between us, and I
would scorn to accept any favor at his hands. I thank my God
that He has endowed rae with a soul incapable of apprehensions
from the anger of any being but himself.

ON THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 553
I have, as your representative, freely examined, and, in my defib
erate judgment, justly condemned the conduct of general Jackson
in some of our Indian wars. I believed and yet believe him to
have trampled upon the constitution of his country, and to have
violated the principles of humanity. Entertaining these opinions,
I did not and could not vote for him.
I owe you, my friends and fellow-citizens, many apologies for
this long interruption of the festivities of the day. I hope that my
desire to vindicate their honored object, and to satisfy you that he
is not altogether unworthy of them, will be deemed sufficient.

VOL. I. 70

ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE UNITED STATES
DURING J. Q. ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION.
DELIVERED AT CINCINNATI, AUGUST 23, 1828.

[On Friday, (twenty-second August,) Mr. Clay arrived in Cincinnati. During the
day he was visited by a large number of the citizens. On Saturday, at two o'clock,
he met his fellow-citizens at Mr. RufFner's, where a collation was prepared. A vast
concourse of persons were present. The general impression was, that the number
exceeded five thousand. Mr. Clay was introduced to the company by a short address
from the chairman of the administration committee, S. W. Davies, Esq., to which he
replied in the following words.]

Mn. Chairman,
Although it is not entirely compatible with the precautions
which are enjoined by the delicate state of my health, to which
you have so obligingly aUuded, to present rayself in this attitude,
I cannot refrain from making a public expression to you, and to
my feUow-citizens here assembled, of my profound acknowledg
ments for the hearty welcome and the cordial, spontaneous, and
enthusiastic manifestation of respect and attachment with which
my present visit to your city has been attended. It has been
frequentiy, but not less tiuly said, that the highest reward for
pubfic service, is the approbation of the public. The support of
pubfic opinion is the greatest incentive to the faithful and beneficial
discharge of official duty. If, as you have truly suggested, it has
been my misfortune for several years, to have been abused and
assaUed without example, I have nevertheless had the satisfaction
to have been cheered and sustained, in all parts of the union, by
some of the best and most virtuous men in it. And I seize with
pleasure this occasion to say, that, even among my pofitical oppo
nents, many of the most moderate and intelligent have done me
the justice to discredit and discountenance the calumnies of which
I have been the object. But nowhere have I found more constant,
ardent, and effective friends than in this city. I thank them most
heartily for aU their friendly sentiments and exertions.
Whatever may be the issue of the contest which at present
unhappily divides and distracts our country, I trust that the bene
ficial system, to which you have referred, wiU survive the struggle.

ADMINISTRATION OF J. Q. ADA MS. 555
and continue to engage the affections, and to cheer and animate
the industry of the people of the United States. It has indeed
been J-ecently attacked in another quarter of the union, by some of
our fellow-citizens, with a harshness and intemperance which
must every where excite the patriot's regret. It has been denounced
as if it were a new system, that sprung into existence but yesterday,
or at kast with the present administration, if not during the last
session of congress. But it owes its origin to a much earlier date.
The present administration, though sincerely attached to it, and
most anxious for its preservation, has not the raerit of having first
proposed or first established it. The manufacturing system was
quickened into existence by the commercial resteictions which
preceded the late war with Great Britain, and by that greatest of
them aU, the -war itself Our wants, no longer supplied frora
abroad, must have been supplied at home, or we must have been
deprived of the necessaries and coraforts of civilization, if we had
not relapsed into a state of barbarisra. The policy of Jefferson and
Madison fostered, if it did not create, the manufactures of our
countey. The peace brought with it a glut of foreign fabrics, which
would have prostrated our establishments, if government bad been
capable of unjustiy witnessing such a spectacle, without interposing
its protective power. Protection, therefore, was not merely caUed
for by the substantial independence of our country, but it was a
pal-ental duty of government to those citizens who had been tempted
by its restrictive policy to embark aU their hopes and fortunes in
the business of manufacturing. Twelve years ago congress took
up the subject, and after long and mature deliberation, solemnly
decided to extend that measure of protection which was alUte
demanded by sound poficy and steict justice. Then the founda
tions were laid of the American system ; and aU that has been
subsequently done, including the act of the last session of congress,
are' but the consequences of the policy then deliberately adopted,
having for their object tbe improveraent and perfection of the great
work then begun. It is not the least remarkable of the curcum-
Stances of these strange tiraes, that sorae who assisted in tbe
commencement, who laid corner-stones of the edifice, are now
ready to puU down and demofish it. . . , -a-
It is not the fact of the existence ol an opposition to tbe tariff,
that can occasion any inquietude; nor that of large and respectable
assemblies of the people, to express their disapprobation of the
policy, and their firm resolution "to consurae only the Produce of
ihdr own industey. These raeetings are in the true spir it of our
free institutions, and that resolution is in the true spirit of the
Ame Sn system itself But what raust excite deep regret is, that
SivDersons should allow themsdves to speak of open and lorcible
relst^nce to the government of their countey, and to threaten a
dissolutSnoftheJnion. What is the state of the case ? A great

556 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
raeasure of national policy is proposed ; it is a sul^ject of discussion
for a period of twelve years, in the public prints, in popular assem
blies, in political circles, and in tbe congress of the United States.
That body, after hearing tbe wishes and wants of aU parts of the
union, fairly stated by their respective representatives, decides by
repeated majorities, to adopt the raeasure. It is accordingly put
into successful operation, improved from time to time, and is
rapidly fulfilling all the hopes and expectations of its friends. In
this encouraging condition of things, a small nuraber of the citizens
composing the rainority, (for I wiU not impute to the great body
of the minority any such violent purposes,) threaten the employ
ment of force, and the dissolution of the union ! Can any principle
be more subversive of aU government, or of a tendency more
exceptionable and alarming. It amounts to this, that whenever
any portion of the community finds itself in a minority, in reference
to any important act of the government, and by high coloring and
pictures of imaginary distress, can persuade itself that the measure
is oppressive, that minority may appeal to arms, and if it can,
dissolve the union. Such a principle would reverse the estab
lished maxira of representative governraent, according to which,
tbe wUl of the raajority raust prevail. If it were possible that the
rainority could govern and conteol, the union may indeed as well
be dissolved ; for it would not then be worth preserving. The
conduct of an individual would not be more unwise and suicidal,
who, because of some teifling disease afflicting his person, should,
in a feverish and fretful moraent, resolve to terminate his existence.
Nothing can be more unfair and ridiculous, than to compare any
of the acts of the congress of the United States, representing all,
and acting for all, to any of the acts of tbe British parliament, which
led to our revolution. The principle on which the colonies seceded
was, that there should be no taxation without representation. They
were not represented in the British parliament, and to have submitted
•to taxation, would have been to have submitted to slavery, and to
have surrendered the most valuable privileges of freeraen. If the
colonies had been fairly represented in tbe British parliaraent, and
equal taxes, alike applicable to all parts of the British empire, had
been imposed by a majority, a case of remote analogy to any act
of congress to which a minority is opposed, raight be deduced from
the history of tbe revolution. But every state of this confederacy
is fairly represented, and has the faculty of being fully heard in the
congress of the United States. The representation has been regu
lated by a joint principle of disteibution, the result of a wise spirit
of rautual compromise and concession, which I hope never to see
disturbed, of which none can justly complain, and least of all, those
citizens who have resorted to threats of an appeal to arms and
disunion. But there is, I hope and believe, no reason to apprehend the

ADMINISTRATION OF J. Q. ADAMS. 557,
execution of those erapty threats. Tbe good sense, the patriotism,
and the high character of the people of South Carolina, are sure
guarantees for repressing, without aid, any disorders, should any be
attempted within her limhs. The spirU of Marion, and Pickens,
and Sumpter, of the Rutiedges, the Pinckneys, and of Lowndes,
yet survives, and animates the high-rainded C-arofinians. Tbe
Taylors, and the Williamses, and their compatriots of tbe present
day, will be able to render a just account of all, if there be any who
shall dare to raise their parricidal hands against the peace, the
constitution, and the union of the states. Rebuked by public
opinion — a sufficient corrective — and condemned by their own
sober reflections, tbe teeasonable purpose wUl be relinquished, if it
were ever seriously contemplated by any.
I have no fears for the perraanency of our union, whilst our
liberties axe preserved. It is a tough and steong cord, as aU wiU
find who shall presumptuously attempt to break it. It has been
competent to suppress all the doraestic insurrections, and to carry
us safely through all the foreign wars with W|hich we have been
afflicted since it was formed, and it has come out of each with
more strength, and greater promise of durability. It is the choicest
political blessing which, as a people, we enjoy, and I trust and
hope that Providence will perrait us to transrait it, unimpaired, to
posterity, through endless generations.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the flattering opinion which you
have expressed of ray public services, and especially of those which
I have endeavored to render to the west. WhUst I ara sensible
that you appreciate thera much too highly, it is at the same time
true, that I have sought, on all occasions that appeared to me
proper, to advance the interests of that section, of which I am
proud to be a citizen, whenever I have thought it could be done
without prejudice to the predominant interests of tbe whole. I
have, nevertheless, in several iraportant instances, given ray most
zealous support to measures, (the navy, and the late war, for
example,) in which the west could not be regarded as having any
distinct or other interest, than that which belongs to the honor, the
prosperUy, and the character, of the whole confederacy. During
tbe short period of the present administeation, I hope I may be
perraitted to say, without meaning to claim for it exclusive merit,
that more has been done and recommended for the west, than ever
was done during the whole preceding period of our present con
stitution, with the exception only of the acquisition of Louisiana,
under the administeation of Mr. Jefferson. I have not strength or
time to enter into detaUs to establish the general proposttion ; but
those who wiU take the trouble to examine ffie appropriations of
land and of raoney, for objects of internal improvement and edu
cation, the measures which have been adopted or reconimended
•in resped to the pubfic domain, the judiciary, and so forth, wUl
find that proposition fully sustained.

553 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
There are here raany who, by a too flattering estimate of my
capacity, decided me, worthy of the office of chief iliagistatatej and,
during the last presidential canvass, honored me with their Support.
To them I take this occasion to say, that, if instead of the present
abused chief magistirate, they had obtained the preference, the
measures of the administration -would not have been, in any
essential particular, different from those which have been adopted.
AU the principal acts and measures of the existing administration)
have met with my humble and hearty concurrence.
Cultivating a farm in Kentucky, and having other objects of
private concern, I have found it necessary^ both on that account,
and the relaxation from official business, indispensable to the
preservation of health, annually to visit this quarter of the union,
during the period of my connection with the executive of the
United States. In these visits, I have frequentiy met large portions
of my fellow-citizens, upon their friendly and pressing invitations.
My object has been caUed in question, and my motives assaUed.
It has been said, that my purpose was electioneering. If it be
intended to charge me with employing improper or dishonorable
acts, to secure ray election, I deny the charge, and disdaim the
purpose. I defy my most malignant enemies to show that I ever,
during any period of my life, resorted to such acts to promote my
own election, or that of any other person. I have availed myself
of these assemblies, and of other opportunities, to defend myself
against- an accusation, publidy made, and a thousand times
repeated. I had a right to do this by the imrautable laws of self-
defence. My addresses to the public, heretofore, have been gen
erally steictiy defensive. If they have ever given pain to any of
my adversaries, they raust reproach theraselves with its infliction.
There is one -way, and but one -way, in which they can silence
me. My ti'aducers have attributed to me great facility in making
a bargain. Whether I possess it or not, there is one bargain
which, for their accommodation, I am wiUing to enter into With
them. If they will prevaU upon their chief to acknowledge that
he has been in error, and has done me injustice, and if they Will
cease to teaduce and abuse me, I -will no longer present >myself
before public assemblies, or in pubfic prints, in my own defence.
That is one bargain which I have no expectation of being able to
conclude ; for men who are in a long'-established line of business,
will not voluntarily quit their accustomed trade, and acknowledge
themselves bankrupts to honor, decency, and teuth.
Sorae who have persuaded theraselves that they saw in my
occasional addresses to the people, incompatibility with the dignity
and reserve belonging to the office I hold, I know not according
to what standard, (it can hardly be any deduced from a popular
representative government,) these gentlemen have regulated their
opinions. True dignity appears to me to be independent of office

ADMINISTRATION OF J. Q. ADAMS. 659
or Station. It belongs to every condition ; but if there be a differ
ence between private and public life, the more exalted the station,
the greater is the obligation of the public functionary, in my
humble judgment, to render himself araiable, affable, and accessible.,
The pubfic officer who displays a natural soficitude to defend
himself against a charge deeply affecting his honor and his char
acter, manifests, at the same time, a just respect for the community.
It is, I think, an erroneous judgnient, of the nature of office, and its
relations, to suppose that it imposes the duty on the officer, of
abstracting himself from society, and a stiff and stately port.
Without, I hope, forgetting what was due to myself, my habit,
throughout life, has been that of friendly, free, and frank intercourse
with my fellow-citizens. I have not thought it necessary to change
my personal identity in any of the various offices through which I
have passed, or to assume a new character. It may not be easy
to draw the line, as to the occasions in which a man should
remain sUent, or defend himself In the general, it is better,
perhaps, that he should leave his public acts, and the measures
which he espouses or carries, to their own vindication ; but if his
integrity be questioned, and dishonorable charges, under high and
imposing names, be preferred against him, he cannot remain silent
without a culpable insensibifity to aU that is valuable in human
life. Sir, I feel that I have teespassed too much, both upon you and
myself. If prudence were a virtue of which I could boast, I should
have spared both you and me. But I could not deny myself the
gratification of expressing my thanks to ray Cincinnati friends, for
the numerous instances which I have experienced of their kind
and respectful consideration. I beg you, sir, and every gentieman
We attending, to accept my acknowledgments; and I especially
owe them to the gentiemen of the committee, who did rne the
honor to meet me at LouisvUle, and accompany me to this city.
Whatever may be my future destiny, whilst my faculties are
preserved, I shaU cherish a proud and grateful recoUection of these
testimooies of respect and attachment

ON RETIEING FROM OFFICE.
AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 7, 1829

[At the close of Mr. Adams's administration, Mr. Clay, having resigned his office
of secretary of state before the inauguration of general Jackson as president of the
United States, was invited to meet his friends at Washington city, and others from
various parts of the union, at a public dinner, which he accepted, while preparing to
return to the place of his residence at the west. On this occasion the fifth toast was:
' Heallh, prosperity, and happiness to our highly valued and esteemejl guest and
fellow-citizen, Henrv Clay. Whatever the future destination of his life, he has
done enough for honor, and need desire no higher reward than the deep seated affec
tion and respect of his friends and his country.'
This having been received with much feeling and applause, Mr. Clay arose and
addressed the conipany as follows:]

In rising, Mr. President, to offer my respectful acknowledgments
for the honors of which I am here tbe object, I must ask the
indulgence of yourself and the other gentlemen now assembled,
for an unaffected erabarrassraent, which is more sensibly felt than
it can be distinctly expressed. This city has been the theatee of
the greater portion of my pubfic life. You, and others whom I
now see, have been spectators of my public course and conduct.
You and they are, if I may borrow a technical expression from an
honorable profession of which you and I are both members, jurors
of the vicinage. To a judgment rendered by those who have thus
long known me, and by others though not of the panel, who have
possessed equal opportunities, of forming correct opinions, I most
cheerfully submit. If the weight of huraan testiraony should be
estiraated by tbe intelligence and respectability of the witness, and
tbe extent of his knowledge of the raatter on which he testifies, the
highest consideration is due to that which has been this day spon
taneously given. I shall ever cherish it with the most grateful
recollection, and look back upon it with proud satisfaction.
I should be glad to feel that I could with any propriety abstain
from any aUusion at this time and at this place, to public affairs.
But considering the occasion which has brought us together, the
events which have preceded it, and the influence which they may
exert upon the destinies of our country, my silence might be
misinterpreted, and 1 think it therefore proper that I should embrace

ON RETIRING FROM o'fFICE. 561
this first public opportunity which I have had of saying a few
words, since the terraination of the late raeraorable and erabittered
contest. It is far frora my wish to continue or to revive the agita
tion with which that contest was attended. It is ended, for good
or for evU. The nation wants repose. A majority of the people
has decided, and from their decision there can and ought to be no
appeal. Bowing, as I do, with profound respect to thera, and to
this exercise of their sovereign authority, I raay nevertheless be
allowed to retain and to express my own unchanged sentiments,
even if they should not be in perfect coincidence wilh theirs. It is
a source of high gratification to me to believe that I share these
sentiments in common with more than half a million of freemen,
possessing a degree of virtue, of inteUigenee, of religion, and of
genuine patriotism, which, without disparagement to others, is
unsurpassed, in the same number of men in this or any other
cpuntry, in this or any other age. j
CX deprecated the election of the present president of tbe United
States, because I believed he had neither the temper, the experi
ence, nor the attainments requisite to discharge tbe complicated and
arduous duties of chief magistrate. I deprecated it still more,
because his elevation, I believed, would be the result exclusively of
admiration and gratitude for mUitary service, without regard to
indispensable civil qualifications/ I can neither retract, nor alter,
nor modify, any opinion which, on these subjects, I have at any
thne heretofore expressed. I thought I beheld in his election an
awful foreboding of the fate which, at some future (I pray to God
that, if it ever arrive, it raay be some far distant) day, was to befall
this infant republic. All past history has irapressed on ray raind
this solemn apprehension. Nor is it effaced or weakened by
contemporaneous events passing upon our own favored continent.
it is remarkable that, at this epoch, at the head of eight of the nine
independent governments established in both Americas, mUitary
officers have been placed, or have placed themselves. _ General
LavaUe has, by railitary force, subverted tbe republic of ba Plata.
General Santa Cruz is tbe chief raagistrate of Bolivia; colonel
Pinto of Chili ; general Lamar of Peru ; arid general BoUvar of
Colombia. Central America, rent in pieces, and bleeding at every
pore, from wounds in Aided by contending miUtary facttons, is
under the alternate sway of their chiefs. In the government of
our nearest neighbor, an election, conducted according to all the
requirements of their constitution, has terminated wUh a majonty
of the states in favor of Pedrazza, the dvil candidate. An insur
rection was raised in behalf of bis military rival ; the cry, not
exactlv of a bargain, but of corruption, was sounded ; the eledion
was annuUed, and a reform effected by prodaimmg .general
Guerrero, having only a minority of the states, duly elected presi
dent. The thunders from the surrounding forts, and the acdaraa-
VOL. I. '¦'•

562 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
tions of tbe assembled multitude, on tbe fourth, told us what general
was at the head of our affairs. Qt is true, and in this respect we
are happier than some of the American states, that his election has
not been brought about by military violence. Tbe forms of the
constitution have yet reraained inviolate)
In reasserting the opinions which I hold, nothing is further from
ray purpose than to treat with tbe slightest disrespect those of my
fellow-citizens, here or elsewhere, who may entertain opposUe senti
ments. The fact of claiming and exercising the free and inde
pendent expression of tbe dictates of my own deliberate judgment,
affords tbe strongest guarantee of my full recognition of their
corresponding privilege.
(_^^ majority of my fellow-citizens, it would seera, do not perceive
the dangers which I apprehended from the exaraple. Believing
that they are not real, or that we have sorae security against their
effect, which ancient and raodern republics have not found, that
raajority, in the exercise of their incontestable right of suffrage,
have chosen for chief magistrate a citizen whobringsinto that high
teust no qualification other than railitary triumphsT)
^ That citizen has done much injustice — wanton, unprovoked,
and unatoned injustice. It was inflicted, as I must ever befieve,
for the double purpose of gratifying private resentment and promo
ting personal arabition. When, during the late canvass, he came
forward in the public prints under his proper name, with his charge
against me, and sumraoned before the pubfic tribunal his friend
and his only witness to establish it, the anxious attention of the
whole American people was directed to the testimony which that
witness might render. He promptly obeyed tbe call and testified
to what he knew. He could say nothing, and he said nothing,
which cast the slightest shade upon my honor or integrity. What
he did say was tbe reverse of any implication of me. Then all
just and impartial men, and all who had faith in the magnanimity
of my accuser, believed that he would voluntarUy make a pubhc
acknowledgment of his error. How far this reasonable expectation
has been fulfilled, let his persevering and stubborn silence attest.
But ray relations to that citizen by a recent event are now changed.
Pie is the chief magistrate of my country, invested with large and
extensive powers, the administration of which raay conduce to its
prosperity or occasion its adversity. Patriotism enjoins as a duty,
that whilst he is in that exalted station, he should be te-eated with
decorum, and his official acts be judged of in a spirit of candor.
Suppressing, as far as I can, a sense of my personal wrong;
willing even to forgive hira, if his own conscience and our common
God can acquit hira ; and entertaining for the raajority which has
elected hira, and for the office^hich he fills, all the deference which
is due frora a private citizen ;(lniost anxiously hope, that under his
guidance the great interests of our countey, foreign and domestic,

ON RETIRING FROM OFFICE. 56o
may be upheld, our free institutions be unimpaired, and the
happiness of the nation be continued and increased J
While I am prompted by an ardent devotion to-^he welfare of
my country, sincerely to express this hope, I make no pledges, no
promises, no threats, and I must add, I have no confidence. My
public life, I trust, furnishes the best guarantee for my faithful
adherence to those great principles of external and internal policy,
to which it has been hitherto zealously dedicated. AVhether I shall
ever hereafter take any part in the public councils or not, depends
upon circumstances beyond my control. ^Holding the principle
that a citizen, as long as a single pulsation remains, is under an
obligation to exert his utmost energies in the service of his country,
if necessary, whether in private or public station, my friends, here
and every where, may rest assured that, in either condition, I shall
stand erect, with a spirit unconquered, whUst life endures, ready to
second their exertions in the cause of liberty, the union, and the
national prosperityT)
Before I sit dSwn, I ayail myself with pleasure of this oppor
tunity to make my grateful acknowledgments, for the courtesies and
friendly attentions which I have uniformly experienced frora the
inhabitants of this city. A free and social intercourse with them,
during a period of more than twenty years, is about to terminate,
without any recoUection on my part of a single painful collision,
and without leaving behind me, as far as I know, a solitary
personal enemy. If, in the sentiment with which I am about to
conclude, I do not give a particulaf expression to the feelings
inspired by the interchange of civilities and friendly offices, I hope
the citizens of Washington wUl be assured that theur individual
happiness and the growth and prosperity of this city wiU ever be
objects of my fervent wishes. In the sentiment which I shaU
presentiy offer, they are indeed comprehended. For the welfare
of this city is indissolubly associated with that of our union, and
the preservation of our fiberty. I request permission to propose,
Let us never despaib or the Amebioan republic.

ON THE COMMENCEMENT OF JACKSON'S
ADMINISTEATION.
AT FOWLER'S GARDEN, LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY, MAY 16, 1829.

[After the election of general Jackson as president of the United States, Mr. Clay,
having retired to private life at his former residence in Kentucky, was occasionally
invited to meet his frienris and neighbors at public entertainments, where large
concourses always assembled to manifest for him their continued regard and
coiifiilence. On one of these occasions he made the following speech, in which he
contrasts the proscrlptive course of Jackson's administration In removals from office,
with that adopted and pursued by previous presidents. He also alludes lo other
subjects of prominent public interest.] TOAST.
Our distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, H.eney Clay. With increased
proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the assurance of our confidence in hi?
patriotism, talents, and incorruptibility. May health and happiness attend him in
retirement, and a grateful nation do justice to his virtues. .
After the above, Mr. Clay rose and addressed the immense
assemblage of people present, as foUows :
I fear, friends and fellow-citizens,' that if I could find language
to express tbe feelings which now animate me, I could not be
heard throughout this vast assembly. My voice, once strong and
powerful, has had its vigor impaired by delicate health and
advancing age. You rnust have been separated, as I have been,
for four years past, frora sorae of your best and dearest friends,
Vi'itb whora during the greater part of your lives, you had associated
in the most intimate friendly intercourse; you must have been
traduced, as I have been, after exerting with zeal and fidefity the
utmost of your powers to promote the welfare of our country ; and
you raust have returned among those warm-hearted friends, and
been greeted and welcomed and honored by thera, as I have
recently been ; before you could estiraate tbe degree of sensibility
which I now feel, or conceive how utterly inadequate all human
language is to portray the grateful emotions of my heart. I behold
gathered here, as I have seen in other instances since ray return
araong you, sires far advanced in years, endeared to rae by an inter
change of friendly office and sympathetic feeling, beginning more

beginning of Jackson's administration. 565
than thirty years ago. Their sons, grown up during my absence
in the public councUs, accompanying thera ; and aU, prorapted by
ardent attachment, affectionately surrounding and saluting me, as
if I belonged to their own household. Considering the multitude
here assembled, their standing and respectability, and the distance
which raany have come personaUy to see me, and to testify their
respect and confidence, I consider this day and this occasion as the
proudest of my life. The tribute, thus rendered by my friends,
neighbors, and feUow-citizens, flows spontaneously from their
hearts, as it penetrates the inmost recesses of mine. ' Tendered in
no servile spirit, it does not aim to propitiate one in authority.
Power qould not buy or coerce it. The offspring of enlightened
and independent freemen, it is addressed to a beloved fellowr
citizen in private life, without office, and who can present nothing
in return, but his hearty thanks. I pray all of you, gentiemen, to
accept these. They are due to every one of you for the sentiment
just pronounced, and for the proceedings of this day. And I owe
a particular expression of them to that portion of ray friends, who,
although I had the misfortune to differ from them in the late
contest, have honored me by their attendance here. I have no
reproaches to make thera. Regrets I have ; but I give, as I have
received from them, the hand of friendship as cordially as it is
extended to any of my friends. It is highly gratifying to me to
know, that they, and thousands of others who cooperated with
thera in producing the late political change, were unaffected towards
me by the prejudice attempted to be excited against me. I enter
tain too high respect for the inestimable privilege of freely exercising
one's independent judgraent on public affairs, to draw in question
the right of any of my feUow-citizens to form and to act upon
their opinions in opposition to mine. The best and wisest araong
us are, at best, but weak and fallible human beings. And no man
ought to set up his own judgraent as an unerring standard, by
which the correctness of aU others is to be tested and tried.
It cannot be doubted that, with individual exceptions, the great
body of every political party that has hUberto appeared in this
country, has been honest in its intentions, and pateiotic in its airas.
Whole parties may have been sometiraes deceived and deluded,
but without being conscious of it ; they no doubt sought to advance
the welfare of the country. Where such a contest has existed as
that which we have recentiy witnessed, there wUl be prejudices on
the one side, and predUections on the other. If, during its process,
we cannot calm the passions, and permit truth and reason to have
their undisturbed sway, we ought, at least, after it has terminated,
to own their empire. Judging of public men and pubfic raeasures
in a spu-it of candor, we should steive to eradicate every bias, and
to banish from our minds every consideration not connected with
the good of our countey.

566 speeches of henry clay.
I do not pretend to be, more than other men, exerapt from the
influence of prejudice and predilection. But I declare most
sincerely, that I have sought, in reference to the present adminis
tration, and shall continue to strive, to discard all prejudices, and
to judge its acts and measures as they appear to me to affect
the interests of our countey.
A large portion of my friends and fellow-citizens, from whom I
differed on the late occasion, did not disagree whh me as to the
foreign or domestic policy of government. We only differed in
tbe selection of agents to carry that policy into effect. Experience
can alone determine who was right. If that poficy continues to be
pursued under the new administration, it shall have as cordial
support from me, as if its care had been confided to agents of my
choice. If, on the contrary, it shaUbe neglected or abandoned,' the
friends to whom I now refer will be bound by all the obligations
of patriotisra and consistency to adhere to the policy.
We take a new commenceraent from the fourth of March last.
After that day, those who supported tbe election of the present
chief magistrate were left as free to judge of tbe conduct of his
adrainislration, as those who opposed it. It will be no raore incon
sistent in thera, if it disappoint their expectations, to disapprove
his adrainistration, than itwiUbe to support it, if, disappointing ours,
he should preserve the established policy of the nation, and intro
duce no new principles of alarraing tendency.
They bestowed their suffrages upon the supposition that the
government would be well administered ; that public pledges would
be redeemed, solemn professions be fulfilled, and the rights and
liberties of the people be protected and maintained. If they shall
find themselves deceived in any of these respects ; should principles
avowed during the canvass be violated during the presidency, and
new principles of dangerous iraport, neither avowed to nor antici
pated by thera, be put forth, they wUl have been betrayed ; the
distinguished individual for whom they voted will have failed to
preserve his identity, and they will be urged by the most sacred of
duties to apply tbe proper corrective.
(_ Government is a trust, and the officers of government are trustees ;
and both the trust and the trustees are created for the benefit of
the people. Official incumbents are bound, therefore, to admin
ister the trust, not for their own private or individual benefits, but
so as to promote the prosperity of the people. This is the vital
principle of a republic. If a different principle prevail, and a govern
ment be so administered as to gratify the passions or to promote the
interests of a particular individual, the forms of free institutions
may remain, but that government is essentially a monarchy. The
great difference between the two forms of government is, that in a
republic all power and authority and aU public offices and honors
emanate from the people, and are exercised and held for their _

beginning of Jackson's administ ration. 567
benefit. In a monarchy, aU power and authority, all offices and
honors, proceed from the monarch. His interests, his caprices and
his passions, influence and control the destinies of tbe kingdom.
In a republic, the people are every thing, and a particular indi
vidual nothing. In a monarchy, the monarch is every thing, and
the people nothing. And tbe true character of the government is
stamped, not by the forms of the appointment to office alone, but
by its practical operation. If in one, nominally free, the chief
magistrate, as soon as he is clothed wUh power, proceeds to exercise
it, so as to minister to his passions, and to gratify his favorites, and
systematically disteibutes his rewards and punishments, in the
application of the power of patronage, with which he is invested for
the good of the whole, upon the principle of devotion and attach
ment to him, and not according to the abUity and fidefity wilh
which the people are or may be served, that chief magistrate, for
the time being, and within the scope of his discretionary powers,
is in fact, if not in form, a monarch.
, It was objected to the late administration, that it adopted and
enforced a systera of proscription. During the whole period of it,
not a solitary officer of the government, from Maine to Louisiana,
within my knowledge, was dismissed on account of bis political
opinions. It was well known to the late president, that many
officers, who held their places subject to the power of dismission,
were opposed to his reelection, and were actively eraployed in
behalf of his corapetitor. Yet not one was discharged frora that
cause. In the coraraenceraent and early part of his adrainistration,
appointments were promiscuously made frora all the parlies in the
previous canvass. And this course was pursued until an oppo
sition was organized, which denounced all appointraents frora its
ranks as being made for impure purposes.
I am aware that it may be urged, that a change was made in
some of the publishers of the laws. There are about eighty
annually designated. Of these, during the four years of the late
administeation, about twelve or fifteen were changed. Some of
tbe changes were made from geographical or other local consider
ations, in several instances one friend was substituted for another.
In others, one opponent for another.
Several papers, araong the raost influential in the opposition,
but otherwise conducted with decorum, were retained. Of the
entire number of changes, not more than four or five were made
because of the scurrilous character of their papers, and not
on account of the political sentiraents of the editors. H was
deemed injurious to the resped and moral influence, which the
laws should always command, that they should be promulgated m
the columns of a public paper, paralld with which were other
columns, in the same paper, of the grossest abuse of ffie governraent
and its functionaries.

563 speeches of henry clay.
On this subject I can speak with certainty, and I embrace with
pleasm-e this opportunity for explanation. The duty of designating
the printers of the laws appertains to the office which I lately filled.
The selection is usuaUy made at the coraraencement of every
session of congress. It was made by me, without any particular
consultation with tbe president, or any meraber of his cabinet. In
making it, I felt under no greater obfigation to select the publisher
of the laws of the previous year, than an individual feels himself
bound to insert a succeeding advertisement in the same paper which
published his last. The law does not require it, but leaves the
secretary of state at liberty to make the selection according to his
sense of propriety. A publisher of the laws is not an officer of the
government. It has been judicially so decided. He holds no
commission. Tbe accuracy of the statement, therefore, that no
officer of the governmentwas dismissed by tbe late administration,
in consequence of his political opinions, is not impaired by the
few changes of publishers of the laws which were made.
But if they had been officers of government, who could have
imagined that those who objected to the reraoval, would so soon
have theraselves put in practice a general and sweeping system of
exclusion. The president is invested with tbe tremendous power of dismis
sion, to be exercised for the public good, and not to gratify any
private passions or purposes. It was conferred to prevent the
public from suffering through faithless or incorapetent officers. It
was raade summary because, if the slow progress of teial before a
judicial tribunal were resorted to, tbe public might be gi-eatly
injured during the progress and prior to tbe decision of the case.
But it never was in the contemplation of congress, that the power
would or could be applied to tbe removal of competent, diligent,
and faithful officers. Such an application of it is an act of arbiteary
power, and a great abuse.
I regret extrerady that I feel constrained to notice the innovation
upon tbe principles and practice of our institutions now in progress.
I had raost anxiously hoped, that I could heartily approve tbe acts
and measures of the new administration. And I yet hope that it
will pause, and hereafter pursue a course raore in unison with the
spirit of a free governraent. I entreat ray friends and fellow-
citizens, here and elsewhere, to be persuaded that I now perform
a painful duty ; and that it is far from ray wish to say one word
that can inflict any wound upon the feefings of any of them. I
think, indeed, that it is the duty of aU of them to exercise their
judgraents freely and independentiy on what is passing; and that
none ought to feel themselves restrained, by false pride, or by any
part which they took in the late election, from condemning what
their hearts cannot approve.
Knowing the imputations to which I expose myself, I would

beginning of Jackson's administration. 569
remain silent if I did not solemnly befieve that there was serious
cause of alarm in the principle of removal, which has been
recently acted on. HUherto, the uniform practice of tbe govern
ment has been, where charges are preferred against public officers,
foreign or domestic, to transrait to thera a copy of tbe charges, for
the purpose of refutation or explanation. This has been considered
an equitable substitute to the raore tedious and formal trials before
judicial tribunals. But now, persons are dismissed, not only
wUhout trial of any sort, but without charge. And, as if the
intention were to defy public opinion, and to give to the acts of
power a higher degree of enormity, in some instances the persons
dismissed have carried with them, in their pockets, the strongest
testimonials to their abifity and integrity, furnished by the very
instruments employed to execute the purposes of oppression. If
the new administration had found these discharged officers wanting
in a zealous cooperation to execute the laws, in consequence of
their preference at the preceding election, there would have been
ground for their removal. But this has not been pretended ; and
to show that it formed no consideration, they have been dismissed
araong its first acts, without affording thera an opportunity of
manifesting that their sense of^ public duty was unaffected by the
choice which they had at the preceding election.
I -wiU not dwell on the injustice and individual distress which
are the necessary consequences of these acts of authority. Men
who accepted public employraents entered on thera with the
impfied understanding, that they would be retained as long as they
continued to discharge their duties to tbe public honestly, ably, and
assiduously. All their private arrangements are made accordingly.
To be dismissed without fault, and without trial ; to be expelled,
with their families, without the means of support, and in some
instances disqualified by age or by official habits from the pursuit
of any other business, and aU this to be done upon tbe will of one
man, in a free governraent, was surely intolerable oppression.
Our institutions proclaira, reason enjoins, and conscience
requires, that every freeraan shall exercise the elective franchise
freely and independentiy; and that among tbe candidates for his
suffrage, he shaU feariessly bestow it upon hira who wiU best
advance the interests of his country. The presurapteon is, that
this is always dope, unless the contrary appears. But if the
consequence of such a performance of patriotic duty is to be
punishment; if an honest and sincere preference of A. to J. is to
be teeated as a crime, ffien our dearest privUege is a mockery, and
our institutions are snares. . .
During the reign of Bonaparte, upon one of those occasions m
which he affeded to take the sense of ffie French people as to his
bdng made consul for life, or emperor, an oi-der was sen to tbe
French armies to collect their suffrages. They were told m a
VOL. I. "^2

570 speeches of henry clay.
pubfic proclamation, that they were authorized and requested to •
vote freely, according to tbe dictates of their best judgments, and
their honest convictions. But a mandate was privately circulated
among thera, iraporting that if any soldier voted against Bonaparte,
ne should be instantly shot.
Is there any other difference, except in tbe mode of punishment,
between that case and the arbiteary removal of men from their
public stations, for no other reasons, than that of an honest and
conscientious preference of one presidential candidate to another?
And can it be doubted, that the spirit which prompts these removals
is restrained from being extended to aU, in private hfe, who
manifested a sirailar preference, only by barriers which it dare not
yet break down ? But should public opinion sanction them, how
long will these barriers remain ?
One of the worst consequences of the introduction of this tenure
of public office wUl be, should it be permanently adopted, to
substitute for a system of responsibility, founded upon the abUity
and integrity with which public officers discharge their duties to
the comraunity, a systera of universEd rapacity. Incumbents,
feeling the instabUity of their situations, and knowing their liabUity
to periodical removals, at short terms, without any regard to the
raanner in which they have executed their trusts, wiU be disposed
to raake the most of their uncertain offices while they hold them.
And hence we may expect innumerable cases of fraud, peculation,
and corruption.
President Jackson commenced his official career on the fourth
of March last, with every motive which should operate on the
human heart to urge him to forget the prejudices and passions
which had been exhibited in the previous contest, and to practice
dignified raoderation and forbearance. He had been the choice
of a considerable raajority of the ngople, and was elected by a
large majority of the electoral votes. Tjje had been elected mainly
from the all-powerful influence of gratitude for his brUliant
mifitary services, in spite of doubts and fears entertained by many
who conteibuted to his devatiom) He was far advanced in years,
and if fame speak true, was suffering under the joint infirmities of
age and disease. He had recentiy been visited by one of the
severest afflictions of Providence, in the privation of the partner
of his bosom, whom he is represented to have tenderly loved, and
who warmly returned all his affection. He had no child on whom
to cast his honors. Under such circurastances, was ever man more
imperiously called upon to stifle aU the vindictive passions of his
nature, to quell every rebeUious feeling of his heart, and to dedicate
the short residue of his life to tbe God who had so long blessed and
spared him, and to tbe countey which had so greatly honored him ?
I sincerely hope that he wUl yet do this. I hope so for the sake
of human nature, and for the sake of his own reputation. Whether

BEGINNING OF JACKSON'S A D M I N I S T R A T I O N. 571
he has, during the two months of his administration, so conducted
himself, let facts teU and history pronounce. Truth is mighty, and
wiU prevaU.
It was objected to Mi-. Adams, that by appointing several
members of congress to pubfic places, he endangered the purity
of the body, and established a precedent fraught with the most
dangerous consequences. And president Jackson, (no, he begged
his pardon, it was candidate Jackson,) was so much alarmed by
these appointments, for the integrity and permanency of our institu
tions, that in a solemn communication which he made to the
legislature of Tennessee, he declared his firm conviction to be, that
no member of congress ought to be appointed to any office except
a seat upon the bench. And he added, that he himself would
conform to that rule.
During the four years of Mr. Adams's administeation, the whole
number of appointments made by him frora congress, did not
exceed four or five. In the first four weeks of that of his successor,
more than double that number have been appointed by him. In
the. first two months of president Jackson's administeation, he has
appointed more members of congress to public office, than I believe
were appointed by any one of his predecessors during their whole
period of four or eight years. And it appears, that no office is too
high or too low to be bestowed by him on this favored class, frora
that of a head of a departraent, down to an inconsiderable coUector-
ship, or even a subordinate office under a collector. If I have not
been raisimformed, a representative from the greatest commercial
metropofis in the United States, has recently been appointed to
some inferior station, by the collector of the port of New York.
Without meaning to assert as a general principle, that in no
ease would it be proper that a resort should be had to the haUs of
congress, to draw from them tried talents, and experienced pubfic
servants, to aid in the executive or judicial departments, aU must
agree, that such a resort should not be too often made and that there
should be some limit both as to the number and the nature of the
appointments. And I do sincerely think, that this lirait has, in
both particidars, been teanscended beyond aU safe bounds, and so
as to excite serious apprehensions.
It is not, however, my opinion, but that of president Jackson,
which the public has now to consider. Having dedared to the
American people, through the Tennessee legislature, the danger
of ffie practice; having deliberately comraitted hirasdf to act^in
consonance with that dedared opinion, how can he now be justified
in violating this solemn pledge, and in entaUing upon his countey
a perUous precedent, fraught wiffi the conruptmg tendency which
It is in vain to say, that the constitution, as it now stands, does
not forbid these appointments. It does not enjom ffiem. If ffiere

572 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
be an inherent defect in the theoretical character of the instrument,
president Jackson was bound to have redeemed his pledge, and
employed the whole influence and weight of his name to remedy
the defect in its practical operation. The constitution admitted of
the service of one man in the presidential office, during his life, if
he could secure successive elections. That great reformer, as
president Jackson describes him, whom he professes to imitate, did
not wait for an amendraent of the constitution, to correct that defect;
but after the exaraple of the father of his country, by declining to
serve longer than two terms, established a practical principle which
is not likely to be violated.
There was another class of citizens upon whom public offices
bad been showered in tbe greatest profusion. I do not know the
nuraber of editors of newspapers that have been recentiy appointedj
but I have noticed in the public prints, some fifteen or twenty.
And they were generally of those whose papers had manifested
the greatest activity in the late canvass, the raost vulgar abuse of
opponents, and tbe raost fulsome praise of their favorite candidate.
Editors are as much entitled to be appointed as any other class of
tbe community; but if tbe nuraber and tbe quality of those
promoted, be such as to render palpable the motive of their
appointment; if they are preferred, not on account of their fair
pretensions, and their ability and capacity to serve tbe public, but
because of their devotion to a particular individual, I ask if the
necessary consequence must not be to render the press venal, and
in tirae to destroy this hitherto justly cherished paUadium of our
liberty. If the principle of all these appointments, this raonopoly of
pubfic trusts by raembers of congress and particular editors, be
exceptionable, (and I would not have alluded to them but from my
defiberate conviction that they are essentially vicious,) their effects
are truly alarming. I will not impute to president Jackson any
design to subvert our liberties. I hope and believe, that be does
not now entertain any such design. But I must say, that if
an ambitious president sought the overthrow of our government,
and ultimately to estabfish a different form, he would, at the com
menceraent of bis administration, proclaira by his official acts, that
tbe greatest public virtue was ardent devotion to hira. That no
matter what bad been the character, the services, or the sacrifices of
i ncurabents or applicants for office, what their experience or ability
to serve the republic, if they did not bow down and worship him,
they possessed no claira to his pateonage. Such an ambitious
president would say, as raonarchs have said, ' I ara the state.' He
would disraiss all frora public eraployraent who did not belong to
the true faith. He would starap upon the whole official corps of
government one homogeneous character, and infuse into it one
uniform principle of action. He would scatter, with an open and

BEGINNING OF JACKSON's ADMINISTRATION. 573
liberal hand, offices araong merabers of congress, giving the best
to those who had spoken, and written, and franked, raost in his
behalf He would subsidize the press. It would be his earnest
and constant aim to secure the two greatest engines of operation
upon public opinion — congress and the press. He would promid-
gate a new penal code, the rewards and punishments of which,
would be distributed and regulated exclusively by devotion or
opposition to him. And when all this powerful machinery was
put in operation, if he did not succeed in subverting the fiberties of
his country, and in establishing himself upon a throne, it would be
because some new means or principle of resistance had been
discovered, which was unknown in other times or to other republics.
But if an administeation, conducted in the manner just supposed,
did not aira at the desteuction of public liberty, it would engender
evils of a raagnitude so great as gradually to alienate the affections
of the people frora their government, and finally to lead to its
overthrow. According to the principle now avowed and practiced,
afi offices, vacant and fiUed, within the compass of the Excutive
power, are to be aUotted among the partisans of the successful
candidate. The people and the service of the state are to be put
aside, and every thing is to be decided by the zeal, activity, and
attachraent, in the cause of a particular candidate, which were
manifested during the preceding canvass. The consequence of
these principles would be to convert the nation into one perpetual
theatee for political gladiators. There would be one universal
scramble for the public offices. The termination of one presiden
tial contest w-ould be only the signal for the coraraenceraent of
another. And on the conclusion of each we should behold the
victor distributing the prizes and applying his punishments, like a
mifitary commander, immediately after he had won a great victory.
Congress corrupted, and the press corrupted, general corruption
would ensue, untU the substance of free government having disap
peared, some pretorian band would arise, and with the general
concurrence of a disteacted people, put an end to usdess forms.
I am aware that the late acts of administeation on which it has
been my disagreeable duty to animadvert, (I hope without giving
pain to any of my fellow-citizens, as I raost smcerdy wish to give
none,) were sustained upon sorae vague notion or purpose ot
reform And it was remarkable that among the loudest teum-
peters of reform were some who had lately received appointments
to lucrative offices. Now it must be admitted ffiat, as to them, a
most substantial and valuable reform had taken place; but I teust
ffiat someffiing more extensively beneficial to the people at large
was intended by ffiat sweet sounding word. I know that, at he
commencement; and throughout nearly the whole progress of the
late administeation, a reform in the constitution was talked of, so as
o exclude from public office members of congress, durmg ffie

574 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
periods for which they were elected, and a limited term beyond
them. The proposition appeared to be received with much favor,
was discussed in tbe house of representatives, session after session,
at great length, and with unusual eloquence and ability. A
majority of that body seemed disposed to accede to it, and I
thought for some time, that there was high probabUity of its pas
sage, at least, through that house. Its great champion (general
Srayth, of Virginia,) pressed it with resolute perseverance. But
unfortunately, at the last session, after the decision of the presiden
tial question, it was raanifest that the kindness with which it had
been originaUy received had greatly abated. Its deterrained patron
found it extremely difficult to engage the house to consider it.
When, at length, he prevailed by his frequent and earnest appeals
to get it taken up, new views appeared to have suddenly struck
tbe reformists. It was no longer an amendment in their eyes, so
indispensable to the purity of our constitution ; and the majority
which had appeared to be so resolved to carry it, now, by a direct
or indirect vote, gave it tbe go-by. That majority, I befieve, was
coraposed in part of merabers who, after the fourth of March last,
gave tbe best practical recantation of their opinions, by accepting
from the new president lucrative appointments, in direct opposition
to the principle of their own araendment. And now general Smyth
would find it e-ven more impracticable to make amongst them
proselytes to his conservative alteration in tbe constitution, than he
did to gain any to his exposition of the Apocalypse.
Reform, such as alone could interest a whole people, can only
take place in the constitution, or laws, or policy of tbe government.
Now and then, under every administration, and at all times, a
faithless or incompetent officer raay be discovered, who ought to
be displaced. And that, in all the departments of tbe government.
But I presume that the correction of such occasional abuses could
hardly be expected to fulfil the promise of reform which had been
so solemnly made. I would then ask, what was the reform
intended ? What part of the constitution was to be altered ? what
law repealed ? what branch of the settled policy of the country was
to be changed? The people have a right to know what great
blessing was intended by their rulers for thera, and to demand
some tangible practical good, in lieu of a general, vague, and
undefined assurance of reform.
I know that the recent removals frora office are attempted to be
justified by a precedent drawn from Mr. Jefferson's administeation.
But there was not the most distant analogy between the two cases.
Several years prior to his election, the pubfic offices of the countey
had been almost exclusively bestowed upon tbe party to which that
at the bead of which he stood was opposed. When he commenced
his administration he found a complete raonopoly of thera in the
hands of tbe adverse party. He dismissed a few incumbents for

BEGINNING OF.JACKSON's ADMINISTRATION. 575
the purpose of introducing in their places others of his own party,
and thus doing equal justice to both sects. But the number of
removals was far short of those which are now in progress. When
president Jackson entered on his administration, he found a far
different state of things. There had been no previous monopoly.
Pubfic offices were alike fUled by his friends and opponents in the
late election. If the fact could be ascertained, I believe it would
be found that there was a larger number of officers under the
government attached than opposed to his late election.
Further, in the case of Mr. Jefferson's election, it was the
consequence of the people having determined on a radical change
of system. There was a general belief among the raajority who
brought about that event, that their opponents had violated the
constitution in the enactraent of the alien and sedition laws ; that
they had committed other great abuses, and that some of them
contemplated an entire change in the character of our government,
so as to give it a monarchical cast. I state the historical fact,
without intending to revive the discussion, or deeming it necessary
to examine whether such a design existed or not. But those who
at that day did befieve it, could hardly be expected to acquiesce in
the possession by their opponents, the minority of the nation, of all
the offices of a government to which sorae of thera were befieved
to be fiostile in principle. The object of Mr. Jefferson was, to break
down a preexisting monopoly in the hands of one party, and to
estabfish an equUibrium between the two great parties. The object
of president Jackson appears to be, to desteoy an existing equili
brium between the two parties to the late contest, and to estabfish
a monopoly. The object of president Jefferson was the repubfic, Vi/
and not himself. That of president Jackson is himself, and not
the state.
It never was advanced under Mr. Jefferson's administeation, that
devotion and attachment to him Avere an indispensable qualificaticn,
without which no one could hold or be appointed to office. The
conteast between the inaugural speech of that great man, and that
of his present successor, was reraarkable in every respect. Mr.
Jefferson's breathed a spirit of peace. It breathed a spirit of calm
phUosophy and dignified moderation. It treated the nation as one
family ' We are all republicans, aU federahsts.' It contained no
denundations ; no mysterious or ambiguous language ; no reflec
tions upon ffie conduct of his great rival and iraraediate predecessor.
What is ffie character of ffie inaugural speech of the present chief
magisteate, I shall not atterapt to sketch. Mr. Jefferson, upon the
solemn occasion of his instaUation into office, laid down his rule
for appointment to office -'is he honest? is he capable? is he
faiffiful to ffie constitution ? ' But capacity and integrity and fidefity
according to ffie modern rule, appear to count for noffimg, wiffiout
ffie all-absorbing virtue of fiddity to president Jackson.

576 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY-
I will not consume the tirae of ray friends and fellow-citizens
with observations upon raany of the late changes.
My object has been, to point your attention to the principle
which appears to have governed all of them, and to classes. I
vrould not have touched this unpleasant topic, but that it seems to
me to furnish much and just occasion for serious alarm. I hope
that I have treated it in a manner becoming rae, without incurring
the displeasure of any one now present. I believe the times
require all the calra heads and sound hearts of tbe countey. And
I would not intentionally say one word, to excite the passions.
But there are a few cases of recent reraoval of such flagrant
irapropriety, as I sincerely think, that I cannot forbear alluding to
thera. Under no administeation prior to the present, from the
commenceraent of the government, have our diplomatic represen
tatives been recaUed frora abroad, on account of tbe political
opinions they entertained in regard to a previous presidential
election. Within ray recollection, at this tirae, there has been but
one instance of recall of a foreign rainister under the present constitu
tion, on account of any dissatisfaction with hira. But president
Washington did not recall colonel Monroe (the case referred to)
from France, on his individual account, but because he was not
satisfied with the manner in which he performed tbe duties of the
raission. President Jackson has ordered horae two of our foreign
rainisters, one filling the most important Eufopean mission, and
the other the raost iraportant of our raissions on this continent.
In both cases the sole ground of recaU is, that they were opposed
to his election as president. And as if there should be no possible
conteoversy on this head, one of thera was recaUed before it was
known at Washington that he had reached Bogota, the place of
his destination ; and consequently before he could have possibly
disobeyed any instruction, or violated any duty.
The pecuniary effect of these changes, is the certain expenditure,
in outfits, of eighteen thousand dollars, and, perhaps more than
triple that sura in contingences. Now it does seera to me,
that (and I put it to your candid judgments whether) this is too
large a sum for the public to pay, because two gentiemen had
made a mistake of the name which they should have written on a
littie bit of paper thrown into the baUot-boxes. Mistake ! They
had, in fact, made no practical mistake. They had not voted at
all, one being out of the United States, and the other iut of his
own state at the tirae of the election. The raoney is therefore to
be paid because they raade a mistake in the abstract opinions
which they held, and might possibly, if they had been at home,
have ¦ erroneously inscribed one name instead of another on their
ballots. There would be sorae consolation for this waste of public
teeasm-e, if it were compensated by the superiority of qualification

BEGINNING OF JACKSON's ADMINISTRATION. 577
on the part of the late appointments, in comparison with the
previous. But I know aU four of the gentiemen perfectiy well,
and my firm conviction is, that in neither change has the public
gained any intellectual advantage. In one of them, indeed, ffie
victor of Tippecanoe iand of Thames, of whose gallantry many
who are now here were witnesses, is replaced by a gentleman
who, if he possesses one single attainment to qualify him for the
office, I solemnly declare it has escaped my discernment.
There was another class of persons whose expulsion from office
was mEurked by peculiar hardship and injustice. Citizens of the
Disteict of Columbia were deprived of all actual participation in.
the elections of the United States. They are debarred from voting
for a president, or any member of congress. Their sentiments,
therefore, in relation to any election of those officers, are perfectly
abstract. To punish them, as in numerous instances has been
done, by dismissing them from their employments, not for what
they did, but for what they thought, is a cruel aggravation of their
anomalous condition. I know well those who have been dis
charged from the department of state, and I take great pleasure in
bearing testimony to their merits. Some of them would have
done honor to any bureau in any country.
We may worship God according to the dictates of our own
consciences. No, man's right, in that respect, can be called in
question. The constitution secures it. Public offices are happily,
according to the theory of our constitution, alike accessible to all,
protestants and catholics, and to every denomination of each. But
if our homage is not paid to a mortal, we are liable to a punish
ment which an erroneous worship of God does not bring upoff us.
Those public officers, it seems, who have failed to exhibit their
devotion to that mortal, are to be visited by aU the punishraent
which he can inflict, in virtue of laws, the execution of which was
comraitted to his hands for the pubfic good, and not to subserve
his private purposes.
At the most important port of the United States, tbe office ot
coUedor was fiUed by Mr. Thompson, whose removal was often
urged upon the late administeation by some of its friends, upon
the ground of his aUeged attachment to general Jackson. But the
late president was immovable in his resolution to deprive no man
of his office, in consequence of his political opinions, or preferences.
Mr. Thompson's removal was so often and so strongly pressed, tor
tiie reason -just stated, that an inquiry was made of the secretary of
the ti-easury, into ffie manner in which the duties of the office were
discharged The secretary stated, that ffiere was no better coUector
inthe public service; and that his returns and accounts were
regularly and neatly rendered, and all the duties of his office ably
and Sestiy performed, as far as he knew or bdieved This
StoS ous offi^cer has been removed to provide a place for Mr.
VOL. I. ^^

578 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
Swartwout, whose association with colonel Burr is notorious
throughout the United States. I put it to the candor of aU who
are here, to say if such a change can be justified in tbe port of
New York, the revenue collected at which amounts to about ten
mUlions of doUai-s, or more. than one third of the whole revenue of
the United States.
I wiU detain the present assembly no longer, upon subjects
connected with the general government. I hope that I shaU find,
in tbe future course of the new administeation, less cause for
public disapprobation. I most anxiously hope, that when its
measures come to be developed, at the next and succeeding
sessions of congress, they shaU be perceived to be such as are best
adapted to promote tbe prosperity of the countey. I wiU s-ay, with
entire sincerity, that I shall be most happy to se? it sustaining the
Araerican systera, including internal iraprovements, and upholding
the established poficy of the government at horae and' abroad.
And I shaU ever be as ready to render praise where praise is due,
as it is now painful to rae, under existing circurastances, to par
ticipate in the disapprobation which recent occurrences have
produced. No occasion can be raore appropriate than the present, when
surrounded by ray forraer constituents, to say a few words upon
the unimportant subject of myself Prior to my return home I
had stated, in answer to all inquiries whether I should be again
presented as a candidate to represent my old disteict in the house
of representatives, that I should corae to no absolute decision,
until I had taken tirae for reflection, and to ascertain what might
be the feelings and wishes of those who had so often honored me
with their suffrages. The present representative of tbe district has
conducted himself towards me wilh tbe greatest fiberality, and I
take pleasure now in raaking my public acknowledgments, so
justly due to him. He had promptly declined being a candidate,
if I would offer, and he warmly urged me to offer.
Since my return horae, I have raixed freely as I could -with my
friends and fellow-citizens of the district. They have met me
with tbe greatest cordiality. Many of them have expressed a wish
that I would again represent thera. Some of the most prominent
and respectable of those who voted for the present chief magisteate,
have also expressed a similar wish. I have every reason to befieve,
that there would be no opposition to me, from any quarter or any
party, if I were to offer. But if I am not greatiy deceived in the
prevaUing feeling throughout the district, it is one more delicate
and respectful towards me, and I appreciate it much higher, than if
it had been manifested in loud calls upon rae to return to my old
post. It referred the question to ray own sober judgraent. My
former constituents were generaUy ready to acquiesce in any
decision 1 might think proper to make. If I were to offer for

BEGINNING OF JACKSON's ADMINISTRATION. 579
congress, they were prepared to support me with their accustomed
zeal and teue-heartedness. I thank thera aU, from the very bottom
of my heart, whether they agreed or differed with me in the late
contest, for this generous confidence.
I have deliberated much on the question. My friends in other
parts of the union, are divided in opinion about the utifity of any
services which I could render, at tbe present period, in tbe national
legislature. This state of things, at home and abroad, left me free
to follow the impulse of my own feefings, and the dictates of my
own judgment. These prompted me to remain in private life. In
coming to this resolution, I did not mean to impair the force of the
obfigation under which every citizen, in my opinion, stood, to the
last flickering of human life, to dedicate bis best exertions to the
service of the republic. I am ready to act in conformity with that
obligation, whenever it shall be the pleasure of the people ; and
such a probability cf usefulness shall exist as will justify my
acceptance of any service which they may choose to designate.
I have served my country now near thirty years. My constitu
tion, never very vigorous, requires repose. My health, always of
late years very deUcate, demands care. My private affairs want
my attention. Upon my return home, I found my house out of
repair ; my farm not in order, the fences down, the stock poor, the
crop not set, and late in April the corn-stalks of the year's growth
yet standing in the field — a sure sign of slovenly cultivation.
Under all circurastances, I think that, without being liable to the
reproach of dereliction of any public duty to ray country or to ray
friends, I may continue at home for a season, if not during the
remainder of my life, among my friends and old constituents,
cheering and cheered by them, and interchanging aU the kind and
friendly offices incident to private fife. I wished to see thera aU ;
to shake hands cordially with them ; to inquire into the deaths,
births, marriages, and other interesting events among them; to
identify myself in fact, as I am in feefing, with them, and with the
generation which has sprung up whUst I have been from home,
serving them. I wish to put my private affairs to rights, and if I
can, with the blessing of Providence, to reestabfish a shattered
constitution and enfeebled health.
¦ It has been proposed to me to offer for a seat in the legislature
of the state. I should be proud of the selection, if I befieved I
could be useful at Frankfort. I see, I think, very dearly, the wants
of Kentucky. Its finances are out of order, but they could be
easUy put steaight, by a little moral courage, on ffie part of the
general assembly, and a smaU portion of candor and goodwill
Long ffie people. Above aU, we want an efficient system of
internll improvements adopted by the state. No Kentuckian who
teavelled in or out of it, could behold the wretched condition of
our roads, without ffie deepest mortffication. We are greatiy m

580 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
the rear of almost aU the adjacent states, some of which sprung
into existence long after we were an established commonwealth.
WhUst they are obeying tbe spirit of the age, and nobly marching
forward in tbe improvement of their respective territories, we are
absolutely standing still, or rather going backwards. It is scarcely
credible, but nevertheless true, that it took my faraily, in. the
month of April, nearly four days to teavel, through mud and mire,
a distance of only sisty-four miles, over one of the most frequented
roads in the state.
And yet our wants, on this subject, are perfectiy -within the
corapass of our raeans, judiciously appUed. An artificial road
from Maysville to tbe Tennessee line, one branch in the direction
of Nashville, and a second to strike the mouth of Curaberland or
Tennessee river; an artificial road extending frora LouisviUe to
intersect the other, soraewhere about Bowling Green ; one passing
by Sbelbyville and Frankfort, to the Cumberland gap ; and an
artificial road extending from Frankfort to the mouth of Big Sandy;
compose all the leading roads which at present need tbe resources
of the state. These might be constructed, partiy upon the Mc
Adams method, and partly by simply graduating and bridging
them, which latter raode can be performed at an expense less than
one thousand dollars per mile. Other lateral connecting these
main roads, might be left to tbe public spirit of the local authorities
and of private companies.
Congress, without doubt, would aid the state, if we did not call
upon Hercules without putting our shoulders to tbe wheel. But
without that aid we could ourselves accomplish all the works which
I have described. It would not be practicable to complete them
in a period of less than seven or eight years, and of course not
necessary to raise tbe whole sum requisite to the object in one
year. Funds drawn from executed parts of tbe system might be
applied to tbe corapletion of those that remained. This auxiliary
source, combined with the ample raeans of the state, properly
developed, and faithfuUy appropriated, would enable us to consteuct
aU the roads which I have sketched, without burdening the people.
But, solicitous as I feel on this interesting subject, I regret that I
have not yet seen sufficient deraonsteations of tbe public wUl, to
assure rae that the judgraent of the people had carried them to the
same or similar conclusions to which my mind has conducted me.
We have been, for years past, unhappily greatly distracted and
divided. These dissensions have drawn us off from a view of
greater to less important concerns. They have excited bitter feel
ings and animosities, and created steong prejudices and jealousies.
I fear that frora these causes the public is not yet prepared dispas
sionately to consider and adopt a coraprehensive, I think the only
practical, systera of internal improveraents, in this state. A prema
ture effort might retard, instead of accelerating, the object. And I

BEGINNING OF JACKSON's A D M I N I S T R A T I O N . 581
must add, that I fear exteaneous causes would bias and influence
the judgment of the legislature.
Upon the whole, I must decline acceding to the wishes of those
who desired to see me in the legislature. Retirement, unqualified
retirement, from all public employraent, is what I unaffectedly
desire. I would hereafter, if my fife and health are preserved, be
ready at all times to act on the principles I have avowed, and
whenever, at a more auspicious period, there shall appear to be a
probabUity of my usefulness to the union or to the state, I wiU
promptly obey any call which the people may be pleased to make.
And now, my friends and feUow-citizens, I cannot part from
you, on possibly this last occasion of my ever publicly addressing
you, without reiterating the expression of my thanks from a heart
overflowing with gratitude. I came among you, now more than
thirty years ago, an orphan boy, pennyless, stranger to you aU,
without friends, without the favor of the great. You took me up,
cherished me, caressed me, protected me, honored me. You have
constantiy poured upon rae a bold and unabated streara of innu
merable favors. Time, which wears out every thing, has increased
and steengthened your affection for rae. When I seem deserted
by almost the whole world, and assaUed by almost every tongue,
and pen, and press, you have fearlessly and manfuUy stood by me,
with unsurpassed zeal and undirainished friendship. When I feU
as if I should sink beneath the storra of abuse and detraction,
which was violently raging around me, I have found myself upheld
and sustained by your encouraging voices, and your approvuig
smiles. I have doubtless comraitted raany fauUs and indiscretions,
over which you have thrown the broad raantle of your charity.
But I can say, and in the presence of ray God and of this assera-
bled multitude, I wiU say, that I have honestiy and faithfully served
my country; that I have never wronged it; and that, however
unprepared I lament that I am to appear in the Divine presence
on offier accounts, I invoke the stern justice of his judgment on
my pubfie conduct, without the smaUest apprehension ol his
displeasure. . , r n • + t
Mr. Clay conduded by proposing the foUowing toast.
The State op Kentucky. A cordial union of all parties in favor of an efficient
system of internal improvements, adapted to the wants of the state.

EFFECT OE THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM
ON THE SOUTHEM STATES.
AT NATCHEZ, MISSISSIPPI, MARCH 13, 1830.

[On this occasion, Mr. Clay (then in private life) being on his return home from a
visit to New Orleans, was invited by the citizens of Natchez to partake of a public
dinner, which invitation he accepted. A brief sketch of his remarks in reply to a
toast in honor of him, taken from a Natchez paper, is given below, in which he
shows that the operation of a protective tariff is beneficial to the cotton-growing
regions of the south, as well as to the interests of the north, although the latter are
more directly employed in manufactures.]

THE RECEPTION AND ENTERTAINMENT OF MR. CLAY.
' The manner in which Mr. Clay has been received in Natchez, reflects great credit
upon the citizens ; nothing they could do, becoming a patriotic and hospitable people,
was neglected, and the attentions were not confined to his political friends; he
accepted private entertainments from others, and was visited by all.
' On Saturday (thirteenth instant) a public dinner was given to Mr. Clay by the
people of the city and county, agreeably to previous engagements ; on this occasion
numbers came to see him from distant counties. But on one occasion of the kind,
have we seen in this city a larger assemblage of citizens, and that was in honor of
La Fayette.'
'The honorable Edward Turner, judge of the supreme court of this state, presided,
assisted by several vice-presidents.'
' Previous to giving the toast in honor of Mr. Clay, judge Turner addressed the
company, in which he alluded to his (Mr. Clay's) great public services, and concluded
by announcing the following sentiment, which was received with the strongest
emotion. ' Our DISTINGUISHED guest — the firm and patriotic statesman; the grandeur
and usefulness of his political views can only be surpassed by his eloquence &nd
ability in advocating them.'
To which Mr. Clay replied in substance as follows :

Me. President and felloav-citizens,
I not only rise in gratitade for tbe favorable opinions you enter
tain of me, but to avail rayself of an opportunity to acknowledge
ray sense of the honors conferred upon me by my feUow-citizens
of Mississippi. I did, indeed, expect to receive from them such
kind attentions, as they are celebrated for extending to every
stranger having had the satisfaction to visit them; but it is my
pride to acknowledge, that those paid to me, have far, very far,

The protective system. 583
exceeded my expectations; to have received and not acknowledge
how sensible I am of them, would seera an affedation of conce-al-
mg feefings, which I ought to rejoice in possessing, and which
justice to rayself,. as weU as to those who bestow' this kindness,
requires of me to avow.
Ere I landed on your shores, your wdcorae and congratulations
carae to meet me ; and ffiey came too ffie more welcome, because
i saw commingling around me, citizens, who, though at variance
on political subjects, do not suffer their differences to interfere with
the claims, which, as friends and as counteymen, they have on each
other; and if I have done aught deserving their approbation as
weU as their censure, believe me, in all that I have done, I have
acted in view of the interest and happiness of our coraraon
country. There is nothing in life half so delightful to the heart, as to know,
that, notwithstanding all the conflicts that arise among raen, yet
there comes a time when their passions and prejudices shaU slumber,
and that the steanger guest shall be cheered in seeing, that whatever
differences m.ay arise among them, yet there are moments when
they shaU cease from troubfing, and when afi that is turbulent and
distrustful aniong them, shall be sacrfficed to the generous and
social dictates of their nature ; and it would be to me a source of
great satisfaction to think, that a recoUection of tbe present would
act as a mediator, and soften the asperities of your divisions, as
circumstances and events may renew them.
The gentieman who sUs at the head of this festive board, and
near whose person your kind consideration and courtesy has placed
me, was the companion of my early days ; and neither time nor
distance have weakened in him the feelings which began with our
youth, the strong and bright evidences of which are shown in the
narration he has given of my public services. But I fear that he
has rather conceived me to be what his wishes would have me ;
and that to these, more than to my own deservings, must I atteibute
his flattering notice of me.
He then adverted to that part of judge Turner's address which
spoke of Mr. Clay as the decided advocate of the late war. We
cannot atterapt to draw even the outlines of his observations, or to
portray the feelings he discovered while depicting the part which
Kentucky acted in the war ; of the volunteers she sent forth to
battie, of the privations she suffered, of the money expended, and
of the blood that flowed from her sons, in supporting tbe nation in
the defence of her rights and independence. The expression of
his eye, his attitude, and gestures, evinced how deeply the subject
affected him. The people of Kentucky, he said, acted nobly
throughout the whole contest ; and whether in defeat or in victory,
she stUl showed the determination to sustain tbe American charac
ter, and to maintain American independence ; and it would be

584 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
only to repeat, what was a common observation among the people
of his state, to say, that their counteymen of Mississippi, acted with
a spirit during the war worthy the best days of tbe revolution.
In speaking of tbe invasion of Louisiana, and of the battle of
New Orleans, his feelings and his voice seemed to rise with the
subject. The encomiums he passed upon the hero who had
achieved the victory, though said in a few words, were such as
might be expected from a statesman so great in honor, and so
exalted in pati-iotism as Mr. Clay. He concluded this part of his
speech, by saying, that, although by the negotiations at Ghent,
none of the objects for which the nation went to war, were guaran
tied by the teeaty of peace ; yet they were secured to us by a power
much steonger than any teeaty stipulations could give ; the influence
of our arms, the resources and power of the republic, as brought
forth and shown in tbe contest.
He now spoke of tbe apprehensions entertained by many, that
the union would be dissolved ; but he considered all apprehensions
of this kind, as arising more from our fears that such a misfortune
should visit the country, than from any substantial reasons to justify
thera. Ruraors, he said, had gone abroad ever since tbe adoption
of the present constitution, that the repubfic would be dismembered.
Whenever any important question arose, in which tbe passions and
prejudices of party, rather than the reason of the people, was
brought to bear on tbe discussion, tbe cry would be heard, that tbe
union would fall in the conflict ; to-day, the disposition to separate
would be charged on tbe west ; to-morrow, against the north or
the east; and then it would be returned baek again to the south;
but as long as I have lived, said Mr. Clay, I have seen nothing to
give me any serious fears that such an evU could befall us. First,
the people were divided into democrats and federahsts ; then we
had the funding systera, and the bank of the United States ; then
came the Missouri question, and last tbe tariff. On this question
my partial friend has honored me with the appellation of the
advocate of domestic industry. I am, indeed, from conscientious
convictions, the friend of that system of public policy, which has
been called the Araerican systera ; and here, among those who
honestiy differ with me on this question, I would be indulged,
by this magnaniraous people, in offering a few reraarks on this
subject. It has been objected to this policy by a distinguished statesman
in congress, that our countey was too extended, the lands too cheap
and fertile, and our population too sparse to adrait of the manu
facturing system ; that our people were physically incapable of that
confined degree of labor, necessary to excellence in manufactures ;
but experience has surely disproved these positions. We are by
nature inferior to no people, physicaUy or mentally, and tirne has
proved and will continue to prove it.

the protective system. 585
I am aware that the people of this quarter of the union consci
entiously befieve, that tbe tariff bears heavily on them ; yet I feel
also well assured, from a reteospect of tbe past, that if the laws on
this subject were even more severe in their operation than I believe
them to be, this patriotic, people would endure them patientiy.
Yes, if tbe independence of the country, the interests, and above
aU the cause of the anion required heavy sacrifices, they would
endure them. But whilst claiming no immunity from error, I feel
the most sincere, the deepest conviction, that the tariff, so far from
haviug proved injurious to the peculiar interests of this section of
country, has been eminentiy beneficial. I ask leave to put two
questions to those interested in your great staple. I would take the
comraon operations of sale and oi purchase ; has tbe operation of the
tariff lowered the price of what you sell ? The price of every article
must be regulated raainly by the demand ; has, then, the consump
tion of cotton diminished since the tariff of 1824, or 1828? No,
it has increased, greatiy increased ; and why ? Because the
protection extended by this policy, has created a neiv customer in
the American manufacturer, who takes two hundred thousand
bales, without having lessened the demand for the European
market. British merchants have found new markets for their cotton
fabrics, and the competition, thus created, while it has reduced the
price of the manufactured article, has increased the consumption
of the raw material. Again, has the tariff increased the price of
what you buy ? Take the article of domestic cottons, for exaraple ;
has not the American manufacturer, since the adoption of this
systera, afforded you a better article and at less price ffian before ?
Take a familiar instance, one in which having some personal
interest, I ought to be acquainted with ; take the article manufac
tured in ray own state, for the covering of your cotton bales ; take
any period, say six years before and six years since the tariff of
1824; has the average price of cotton bagging increased or
diminished, in that period ? I think I can appeal confidentiy to
those around me, for the reply. We afford you a better article than
the European, and at a greatly reduced price. But, I am permit
ting myself to be carried away by the subject ; I wUl obteude no
longer on the indulgence of this generous people. I fed my
inabUity to express my profound and heartfelt gratitude, for the too
flattering reception you have given me, and for the sentiraents you
have been pleased to honor me wiffi, an humble individual in
private life. I ask permission to offer a sentiment.
'The health and prosperity of the people of the state of Mississippi.'

VOL. 1. ''*

ON THE REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS.
^ IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 11, 1832.

[The following resolution, previously offered by Mr. Clay, was taken up for
consideration :
' Resolved, that the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries,
and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the
United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties upon wines and silks,
and that those ought to be reduced. And that the committee on finance be instructed
to report a bill accordingly.'
To meet the approaching crisis of the extinguishment of the national debt, and to
endeavor to allay the hostility to a protective tariff, then existing in the southern
states, Mr. Clay offered the above proposition, which he supported in the following
speech. The discussion of the subject, in the senate, led to a debate which was not
terminated until late in the month of March, when the resolution was referred to the
committee on manufactures. Mr. Clay having given his views in part in this opening
of the debate, followed it up in February by a more elaborate speech in defence of
the American system (as will be seen by the one which we have given under that
head). The resolution having been read, Mr. Clay rose and addressed the senate as
follows.]

I HAVE a few observations, Mr. President, and only a few, to
submit to the senate, on the measure now before you, in doing
which I have to ask all your indulgence. I ara getting old ; I feel
but too sensibly and unaffectedly the effects of approaching age,
and I have been for some years very little in the habit of addressing
deliberative assembfies. I am told that I have been the cause —
the most unwilling cause, if I have been — of exciting expectations,
ffie evidence of which is around us. I regret it ; for, however the
subject on which I am to speak, in other hands, might be teeated, to
gratify or to reward the presence and attention now given in mine,
I have nothing but a plain, unvarnished, and unambitious exposi
tion to make.
It forms no part of my present purpose to enter into a considera
tion of the established policy of protection, Steong in the convic
tions and deeply seated in the affections of a large majority of the
people of the United States, it stands self-vindicated in the general
prosperity, in the rich fruits which it has scattered over the land, in
the experience of aU prosperous and powerful nations, present and
past, and now in that of our own. Nor do I think it necessary to
discuss that policy on this resolution. Other gentiemen may'think

REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 587
differentiy, and may choose to argue and assaU it. If they do, I
have no doubt that in aU parts of the senate, members more
competent than I am, wUl be ready to support and defend it. My
object now is to limit myself to a presentation of certain views and
principles connected witfi the present financial condition of ' the
countey. A consideration of the state of the pubfic revenue has become
necessary in consequence of the near approach of the entire
extinction of the public debt; and I concur with you, sir, in
befieving that no season could be more appropriate than the present
session of congress, to endeavor to make a satisfactory adjustment
of the tariff. The public debt chiefly arose out of the late war,
justly denominated the second contest for national independence.
An act, commonly called the sinking fund act, was passed by
congress nearly fifteen years ago, providing for its reimbursement.
That act was prepared by a friend of yours and mine, and proposed
by him, whose premature death was not a loss merely to his native
state, of which he was one of its brightest ornaments, but to the
whole nation. No man with whom I ever had the honor to be
associated in the legislative councils, combined raore extensive and,
useful information, with more firmness of judgment, and blandness
of manner, than did the lamented Mr. Lowndes. And when in
ffie prime of life, by the dispensation of an all- wise Providence, he
was talcen from us, his country had reason to anticipate the greatest
benefits from his -wisdom and discretion. By that act an annual
appropriation was made, of ten millions of doUars, towards the
payment of the principal and interest of the pubhc debt, and also
any excess which might yearly be in the teeasury, beyond two
milfions of doUars, which it was thought prudent to reserve for
unforeseen exigences.
But this system of regular and periodical application of pubfic
revenue to the payment of the pubfic debt, would have been
unavaifing if congress had neglected to provide the necessary ways
and means. Congress did not, however, neglect tbe performance
of that duty. By various acts, and more especiaUy by the tariff
of 1824 — the abused tariff of 1824 — the pubfie coffers were
^amply replenished, and we have been enabled to reach our present
proud eminence of financial prosperity. After congress had thus
abundantiy provided funds, and directed their systematical applica
tion, the duty remaining to be' performed by the executive was one
simply ministerial. And no executive, and no adrainistration, can
justiy claim for itself any other merit in the discharge of the public
debt, than that of a faithful execution of the laws ; no other merit
than that simUar one to which it is entitied, for directing a regular
payment of what is due from tirae to tirae to the ai-my and navy,
or to the officers of the civU government, for their salaries.
The operatiLon of ffie sinking fund act commenced wiffi the

588 SPEECHES OP H&NRY CLAY.
commencement of Mr. Monroe's administeation. During- its,
continuance, of eight years, in consequence of the embarrassments
of the treasury, tbe ten miUions were not regularly applied to the
payment of the debt, and upon the terraination of that adminis
teation the treasury stood largely , in arrear to the sinking fund.
During the subsequent adrainistration of four years, not only were
the ten raillions faithfuUy applied during each year, but those
arrears were brought up, and all previous deficiencies made good.
So that, when the present administration began, a plain; unincum
bered, and well-defined path lay directiy before it. Under the
measures which have been devised in the short term of fifteen
years, the government has paid nearly one hundred mUlions of
principal, and about an equal sura of interest, leaving the small
remnant behind, of twenty-four raillions. Of that araount, thirteen
miUions consist of three per cent, stock, created by the act of
1790, which the government does not stand bound to redeem at
any prescribed time, but which it raay discharge whenever it may
suit its own convenience, and when it is discharged it must be
done by tbe payment of dollar for dollar. I cannot think, and I
should suppose congress can hardly believe with the secretary of
the treasury, that it would be wise to pay off a stock of thirteen
mUlions, entitling its holders to but three per cent, with a capital
of thirteen millions, worth an interest of six per cent. In other
words, to take from the pockets of tbe people two dollars, to pay
one in the bands of the stockholder.
Tbe moral value of the payment of a national debt consists in
the demonstration which it affords of the abifity of a countey to
meet, and its integrity in fulffiling, aU its engagements. That the
resources of this country, increasing, as it constantly is, in popula
tion and wealth, are abundantly sufficient to meet any debt, which
it may ever prudentiy contra:ct, cannot be doubted. And its
punctuality and probity, from the period of the assumption, in 1790,
of the debt of the revolution, down to the present time, rest upon a
solid and incontestable foundation. The danger is not, perhaps,
that it will not fairly meet its engagements, but that, from an inordi
nate avidity, arising frora teraporary causes, it raay bring discredit
upon itself by improvident arrangement, which no prudent man, in
tbe management of his private affairs, would ever think of adopting.
Of the residue of thdt twenty-four miUions of debt, after
deducting tbe thirteen mUlions of three per cent., less than two
millions are due, and of right pa.yable within the present year. If
to that sum be added the moiety which becomes due on the thirty-
first of Deceraber next, of the four mUlion four hundred and fifty-
four thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven doUars, created by
the act of the twenty-sixth of May, 1824, we have but a sum of
about four miffions, which the pubUc creditor can lawfuUy
deraand, or which ffie government is bound to pay in the

REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 589
coiirse of this year. If more is paid, it can only be done by
anticipating the period of its payment, and going into the pubfic
market to purchase the stock. Can it be doubted tfiat, if you do
so," the vigUant holder of the stock, taking advantage of your
anxiety, -wiU demand a greater price than its value ? Aheady we
perceive, that the three per cent, have risen to the exteaordinary
height of ninety-six per cent. The difference between a pay-
inent of the inconsiderable portion remaining of the pubfic debt
in one, two, or three years, is certainly not so important as to justify
a resort to highly disadvantageous terms.
.Whoever may be entitled to tbe credit of the payment of the
public debt, I congratulate you, sir, and the countey, most cordially,
that it is, so near at hand. It is so nearly being totally extinguished,
that we raay now safely inquire whether, without prejudice to any
established policy, we may not relieve the consumption of the
country, by the repeal or reduction of duties, and curtail consid
erably the public revenue. In making this inquiry, tbe first question
that presents itself is, whether it is expedient to preserve the
existing duties in order to accurriulate a surplus in tbe treasury, for
the purpose of subsequent disteibution among the several states. I
think not. If the collection for the purpose of such a surplus is to
be made from the pockets of one portion of tbe people, to be
ultimately returned to the same pockets, the process would be
attended with the certain loss arising frora the charges of collection,
and with the loss also of interest while the money is performing
the unnecessary circuit, and it would therefore be unwise. If it is
to be collected from one portion of tbe people and given to another,
it would be unjust. If it is to be given to the states in their corpo
rate capacity, to be used by thera in their public expenditure, I know
of no principle in the constitution that authorizes the federal
government to become such a collector for the states, nor of any
principle of safety or propriety which adraUs of the states becoraing
such recipients of gratuity frora the general government.
The pubfic revenue, then, should be regulated and adapted to
the proper service of tbe general governraent. It should be ample ;
for a deficit in the public income, always to be deprecated, is
soraetimes attended, as we know weU from history and frora what
has happened in our own time, with fatal consequences. In a
country so rapidly growing as this is, with such diversified interests,
new wants and unexpected calls upon the pubfic teeasury must
frequentiy occur. Take some examples from this session. The
state of Virginia has presented a claim for an amount but littie
short of a mffiion, which she presses with an earnestness deraon-
strating her conviction of its justice. The state of South Carolina has
'also a claim for no inconsiderable sura, being upwards of one hundred
thousand doUars, which she urges wiffi equal earnestness. The
gentieman from Pennsylvania (Mr. WUkms) has brought forward a

590 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
claim arising out of French spofiations previous to the convention of
1800, which is perhaps not short of five milfions, and to some
extent I have no doubt it has a just foundation. In any provision
of public revenue, congress ought so to fix it as to adroit of the
payment of honest and proper demands, which its justice cannot
reject or evade.
I hope, too, that either in the adjustment of the pubfic revenue,
or what would be preferable, in the appropriation of the proceeds of
the public lands, effectual and perraanent provision wUl be made
for such internal improvements as raay be sanctioned by congress*
This is due to the Araerican people, and eraphaticaUy due to the
western people. Sir, teraporary causes may exact a reluctant
acquiescence from the people of the west in tbe suspension of appro
priations to objects of internal improvement, but as certain as you
preside in that chair, or as the sun perforras its diurnal revolution,
they wUl not be satisfied with an abandonraent of the policy. They
will corae here and tell you, not in a tone of menace or suppfi-
cation, but in the language of conscious right, that they must share
with you in tfie benefits, as they divide with you the burdens and the
perUs, of a comraon government. They wiU say that they have no
direct interest in tbe expenditures for the navy, the fortifications, nor
even the array, those greatest absorbents of the public teeasure. That
they are not indifferent, indeed, to the safety and prosperity of any
part of our coraraon country. On the contrary, that every portion of the
republic is indirectly, at least, interested in the welfare of tbe whole,
and that they ever sympathize in tbe distresses and rejoice in the hap
piness of the most distant quarter of the union. And to demonsteate
. that they are not careless or indifferent to interests not diredly their
own, they raay proudly and teiumphantly appeal to the gaUant part
which they bore in the late war, and point to tbe bloody fields on
which sorne of their raost patriotic sons nobly feU fighting in the
comraon cause. But they will also say, that these paternal and just
sentiments ought to be reciprocated by their Atiantic brethren.
Tbat these ought not to be indifferent to the welfare of the west,
and that they have the same collateral or indirect interest in its
success and advancement that the west has in theii-s. Tbat it does
not ask internal improvements to be confined exclusively to itself,
but that it may receive, in common with the rest of the union, a
practical benefit in the only form compatible with its interior
condition. The appropriation of the proceeds of the public lands, or a
considerable portion of them, to that object, would be a most
natural and suitable disposition. And I do hope, sir, that that
great resource wiU be cherished and dedicated to some national
purpose, worthy of the republic. Utterly opposed as I trust con
gress wiU show itself to be, to all the mad and wild schemes — and
to that latest, but maddest and wUdest of tdl, recommended by the

REDUCTION OF BUTIES ON IMPORTS. 591
secretary of the teeasury — for squandering the pubfic domain, I
hope it wUl be preserved for the present generation and for posterity,
as it has been received from our ancestors, a rich and bountiful
inheritance. In these halcyon days of peace and plenty and an
overflowing teeasury, we appear to ernbarrass ourselves in devising
visionary schemes for casting away the bounties with which the
goodness of Providence has blessed us. But, sir, the storm of war
wiU come when we know not, the day of trial and difficulty will
assuredly come, and now is the time, by a prudent forecast, to
husband our resources, and this, the greatest of thera all. Let thera
not be hoarded and hugged with a raiser's embrace, but liberally
used. Let the pubfic lands be administered in a generous spirit ;
and especially towards the states within which they are situated.
Let the proceeds of the sales of the public lands be applied in a
season of peace to some great object^ and when war does come,
by suspending that application of them during its continuance, you
wiU be at once put in possession of means for its vigorous prose
cution. More than twenty-five years ago, when first I took a seat
in this body, I was told by the fathers of the government, that if we
had any thing perfect in our institutions, it was the system for
disposing of the public lands, and I was cautioned against rash
innovations in it. Subsequent experience fully satisfied me of tbe
¦wisdom of their counsels, and that all vital changes in it ought to
be resisted.
Although it may be impracticable to say what the exact amount
of the public revenue should be for the future, and what would be
the precise produce of any given system of imports, we may safely
assume that the revenue may now be reduced, and considerably
reduced. This reduction may be effected in various ways and on
different principles. Only three modes shaU now be noticed.
First, to reduce duties on aU articles in the same ratio, without
regard to the principle of protection.
Second, to retain them on the unprotected articles, and augment
them on the protected artides. And,
V Third, to abofish and reduce tbe duties on unprotected arttcles,
retaining and enforcing the faiffiful coUection of those on the
protected articles. . .
To the first mode there are insuperable objections, it would
lead inevitably to the desteuction of our horae manufactures. It
would establish a sort of bed of Procrustes, by which the duties on
aU articles should be blindly measured, wiffiout respect to then-
nature or the extent of ffidr consumption. And it would be
derogatory to every prindple of ffieory or practice on which ffie
government has hitherto proceeded. ^, . .i. r r ,u
The second would be stiU more objectionable to ffie foes of ffie
tariff ffian either of the offiers. But it cannot be controverted, ffiat,
by augmenting considerably the duties on the protected class, so as

592 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
to carry them to the point, or near to the confines, of absolute
prohibition, the object in view, of effecting tbe necessary reduction
of the pubfic revenue, raay be accoraplished -without touching the
duties on the unprotected class. The consequence of such an
augraentation would be, a great diminution in the importation of
the foregoing article, and of course in the duties upon it. But
against entire prohibition, except perhaps in a few instances, I have
been always and still ara opposed. By leaving tbe door open to
tbe foreign rival article, the benefit is secured of a salutary compe
tition. If it be herraeticaUy closed, the danger is incurred of
monopoly. The third mode is the most equitable and reasonable, and it
presents an undebatable ground, on which I had hoped we aU could
safely tread without difficulty. It exacts no sacrifice of principle
from the opponent of the American system, it comprehends none
on the part of its friends. The measure before you embraces this
mode. It is simple, and free from all complexity. It divides the
whole subject of imports according to its nature. It settles at once
what ought not to be disputed, and leaves to be settled hereafter, if
necessary, what may be conteoverted.
A certain part of the south has hitherto complained, that it pays
a disproportionate araount of the iraports. If the complaint be
well founded, by the adoption of ffiis raeasure it -wUl be relieved at
once, as will be hereafter shown, from at least a fourth of its
burdens. The measure is in conformity with tbe uniform practice
of the government frora its coraraenceraent, and with the professions
of all the eminent politicians of the south until of late. It assumes
the right of the government, in the assessment of duties, to ffisciim-
inate between those articles which sound poficy requires it to foster
and those which it need not encourage. This has been the
invariable principle on which tbe government has proceeded, from
tbe act of congress of the fourth of July, 1789, down to the present
time. And has it nbt been adraitted by almost every prominent
southern pofitician ? Has it not even been acknowledged by the
fathers of the free-teade church, in their late address promulgated
from Philadelphia to tbe people of tbe United States ? K we
never had a system of foreign imports, and were now called upon
for the first time to originate one, should we not discriminate
between the objects of our own industey and those produced by
foreigners ? And is there any difference in its application between
the modification of an existing system and tbe origination of a new
one? If the gentleraen of the south, opposed to the tariff, were to
obtain coraplete possession of the powers of governraent, would
they hazard their exercise on any other principle ? If it be said
that some of the articles that would by this measure be liberated
from duties, are luxuries, the remark is equally teue of some of the
articles remaining subject to dutiea In the present advanced stage

REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 593
of civUization and cOmfort, it is not easy to draw the line between
luxuries and necessaries. It wUl be difficult to make the people
befieve that bohea tea is a luxury, and the article of fine broadclotfi
is a necessary, of fife.
In stating that the duties on the protected class ought to be
retained, it has been far frora my wish to preclude inquiry into
their adequacy or propriety. If it can be shown that in any instance
they are excessive or disproportionately burdensome on any section
of the union, for one I am ready to vote for their reduction, or
modification. The system contemplates an adequate protection ;
beyond that it is not necessary to go. Short of that its operation
will be injurious to aU parties.
The people of this countey, or a large majority of thera, expect
that the system wiU be preserved. And its abandonraent would
produce general surprise, spread desolation over the land, and
occasion as great a shock as a declaration of war forthwith against
the raost powerful nation of Europe.
But if the system be preserved, it ought to be honestly, fairly,
and faithfully enforced. That there do exist the most scandalous
violations of it, and the grossest frauds upon the public revenue in
regard to some of the most important articles, cannot be doubted.
As to iron, objects really belonging to one denomination to which
a higher duty is attached, are imported under another narae, to
which a lower duty is assigned, and thus the law is evaded. False
invoices are made as to wooUens, and the classifications into
minimums is constantly eluded. The success of the American
manufacture of cotton bagging has been such that, by furnishing
a better and cheaper article, the bagging of Inverness and Dundee
has been almost excluded from the consumption of the states
bordering on the Mississippi and its tributaries. There has not yet
been sufficient time to fabricate and transport the article in neces
sary quantities from the western states to the southern Atiantic
states, which have therefore been almost exclusively suppfied from
the Scottish manufactories. The payment of the duty is evaded by
the inteoduction of the foreign fabric, under the narae of burlops,
or some other mercantUe phrase, and instead of paymg five cents
the square yard, it is entered with a duty of only fifteen per centum
ad valorem. That this practice prevaUs is deraonsteated by the
teeasury report of the duties accruing on cotton bagging for the
years 1828, 1829-30. During ffie first year ffie araount -was one
hundred thirty-seven thousand five hundred and six doUars, the
second, one hundred and six ffiousand and sixt.y-eight dollars
and the third it sank down to fourteen thousand one hundred
and forty-one doUars. , . ' . i.. .. i, • i
The time has an-ived when the inquuy ought to be seriously
made, wheffier it be not practicable to arrest this Ulegitimate course
of teade, and secm-e ffie faithful execution of the laws. No time
VOL. I. '^

594 SPEECHES OP HENRY CLAV.
could be more suitable than that at which it is contemplated to
make a great reduction of the pubfic revenue. Two radical
changes have presented themselves to my mind, and which I wiU
now suggest for consideration and investigation. On such a sub
ject, I would, however, seek from the mercantUe community and
practical men, aU the light which they are so capable of affording^
and should be reluctant to act on my own convictions, however
strong. The first is, to make a total change in the place of valuation.
Now the valuation is made in foreign counteies. We fix the
duties, and we leave to foreigners to assess tbe value on articles
paying ad valorem duties. That is, we prescribe the rule and leave
iis execution to the foreigner. This is an anomaly, I believe,
peculiar to this countey. It is evident that the amount of duty
payable on a given article, subject to an ad valorem duty, may be
effected as much by the fixation of the value, as by the specifica
tion of the duty. And, for all practical purposes, it would be just
as safe to retain to ourselves the ascertainment of the value, and
leave to the foreigner to prescribe the duty, as it is to reserve to
ourselves the right to declare the duty and allow to him the privUege
to assess the v^ue.
The effect of this vicious condition of the law has been, to throw
almost the whole import teade of the countey, as to some important
articles, into the hands of tbe foreigner. I have been informed
that seven eighths of the importation of woollens into tbe port of
New York, where raore is received than in aU the other ports of
the United States together, are in his hands. This has not pro
ceeded from any want of enterprise, intdhgence, or capital, on the
part of the American merchant; for in these particulars he is
surpassed by the merchant of no counti-y. It has resulted from
his probity, his character, and his respect to the laws and institu
tions of his countey^ a respect -which does not influence the
foreigner. I am aware that it is raade, by law, the duty of the
appraiser to ascertain the value of the goods in certain cases. But
what is his chief guide. It is the foreign invoice, made by whom
he knows not ; certainly by no person responsible to our laws.
And if its fairness be contested, they -will bring you cart-loads of
certificates and affidavits, from unknown persons, to verify its
exactness and the first cost of the article.
Now, sir, it seems to me tbat this is a state of things to which
we should promptly apply an efficient remedy ; and no other
appears to me but that of taking into our own hands both parts of
the operation — the ascertainment of the value as weU as the duty
to be paid on the goods. If it be said that we might have in
different ports different rules, the answer is, that there could be no
diversity greater than that to which we are liable, from the fact of
the valuation being now made in aU the ports of foreign counteieSj

REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 595
from which we make our importations. And that it is better to
have the valuations inade by persons responsible to our own
government, and regulated by one head, than by unknown foreign
ers, standing under no responsibility whatever to us. The other
change to which I allude, is, to reduce the credits aUowe^ for the
payment of duties, and to render them uniform. It would be
better, if not injurious to commerce, to abolish them aUogether.
Now we have various periods of credit, graduated according to
the distance of the foreign port, and the nature of the trade. These
credits operate as so much capital, on which the foreign merchant
can sometimes raake several adventures, before the day of payment
arrives. There is no reciprocal advantage afforded to the Ameri
can merchant, I believe, in any foreign port. As we shall probably
abolish, or greatly reduce the duties on aU articles imported beyond
the cape of Good Hope, on which the longest credits are allowed,
the moment would seem to be propitious for resteicting the other
credits in such manner, that while they afforded a reasonable
facUity to the merchant, they should not supply the foreigner, at
the instance of the public, with capital for his mercantUe operations.
If the laws can be strictly enforced, and some such alterations as
have been suggested can be carried into effect, it is quite probable
that a satisfactory reduction may be made, on some of the articles
falling within the system of protection. And without impairing
its principle, other modes of relief may probably be devised to
some of those interests upon which it is suffered to press most
heavily. There remains one view to present to the senate, in respect to
the amount of reduction of the revenue which will be produced by
the proposed measure, if adopted, and its influence upon the
payment of the public debt within the time suggested by the
secretary of the teeasury. The estimate which I have made of
that amount, is founded upon teeasury returns prior to the late
reduction of duties on tea, coffee, and cocoa. Supposing the duties
on wines and sUks to be reduced as low as I think they may be,
the total amount of revenue -with which the proposed raeasure -will
dispense, -will be about seven millions of dollars. The secretary
of the teeasury estimates the receipts of the present year, from all
sources, at thirty miUion one hundred thousand dollars; and he
supposes those of the next year wiU be of an equal amount. He
acknowledges that the past year has been one of exteaordinary
commercial activity, but on what principles does he antidpate
that the present -wUl also be? The history of our coraraerce
demonsteates that it alternates, and that a year of intemperate
speculation, is usually foUowed by one of more guarded importa
tion. That the importations of ffie last year have been excessive,
I befieve is generaUy confessed, and is demonsteated by two
unerring facts. The first is, that the imports have exceedecj the

596 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
exports, by about seventeen raiffions of dollars. Whatever may
be the qualifications to which the theory of the balance of teade
may be liable, it raay be safely affirraed, that when the aggregate
of the importations from all foreign counteies exceeds the aggregate
of the exportations to aU foreign counteies, considerably, the
unfavorable balance must be made up by a remittance of the
precious metals to sorae extent. Accordingly we find the existence
of the other fact to which I aUude, the high price of biUs of exchange
on England. It is, therefore, fairly to be anticipated, that the
duties accruing this year -will be less in amount than those of the
past year. And I think it would be un-wise to rely upon our
present information, as to the income of either of ffiese two years,
as furnishing a safe guide for the future. The years 1829-30
wiU supply a surer criterion. There is a remarkable coincidence
in the amount of the receipts into the teeasury during those two
years, it having been the first, frora all sources, twenty-four mUlion
eight hundred and twenty-seven thousand six hundred and twenty-
seven dollars and thirty-eight cents, and the second, twenty-four
miUion eight hundred and forty-four thousand one hundred and
sixteen dollars and fifty-one cents, differing only about seventeen
thousand dollars.
The mode recommended by the secretary for the modification
of the tariff is, to reduce no part of the duties on the unprotected
articles prior to March, 1833, and then to retain a considerable
portion of them. And as to the protected class, he would make a
gradual but prospective reduction of the duties. The effect of this
would be, to destroy the protecting system, by a slow but certain
poison. The object being to reduce the revenue, every descending
degree in tbe scale of his plan of gradual reduction, by letting in
more of the foreign -article to displace the doraestic rivd fabric,
would increase the revenue, and create the necessity for further and
further reduction of duties, untU they would be carried so low as
to end in the entire subversion of the systera of protection.
For the reasons which have been assigned, it would, -I think, be
unwise in congress at this tirae to assume for the future, that there
would be a greater amount of net annual revenue from all sources,
including the public lands, than twenty-five mUlions of dollars.
Deducting from that sum the amount of seven mUlions of doUars,
which it has been supposed ought to be subteacted, if the resolution
before you should be adopted, there would remain eighteen miUions
of dollars, as the probable revenue for future years. This includes
the sura of three mUfions of doUars, estiraated as the future annual
receipt frora the sale of the public lands — an estiraate which I
presurae -wUl be deraonsteated by experience to be ranch too large.
If a reduction so large as seven raiUions be made at this session,
and if the necessary measures be also adopted to detect and punish
fraudsj-and insure a faithful execution of the laws, we may safely

REDUCTION OF DUTIES ON IMPORTS. 597
make a temporary pause, and- await the development of the effect
of these arrangements upon the revenue. That the authority of
the laws should be vindicated, aU ought to agree. Now the fraud
ulent importer, after an exposure of his fraud, by a most steange
teeasury consteuction of the law, (raade, I understand, however,
not. by, the present secretary,) eludes aU punishment, and is only
required to pay those very duties which he was originaUy bound
for, but which he dishonestly sought to evade. Other measures,
with a view to a further reduction of the revenue, may be adopted.
In some instances there might be an augmentation of duties for
that purpose. I wUl mention the article of foreign distiUed spirits.
In no other countey upon earth is there so much of the foreign
article imported, as in this. The duties ought to be doubled, and
the revenue thereby further reduced from six hundred thousand, to
a miUion of doUars. The pubfic morals, the grain-growing country,
the fruit-raising and the cane-planting countey, would be aU ben
efited by rendering the duty prohibitory. I have not proposed the
measure, because it ought to originate, perhaps, in the other house.
That the measure which I have proposed may be adopted,
without interfering with the plan of the secretary of the teeasury
for the payment of the pubfic debt by the fourth of March next, I
will now proceed to show. The secretary estimates that the
receipts of the present year, after meeting aU other just engage
ments, will leave a surplus of fourteen mUlions of dollars, applicable
to the payment of the principal of the debt. With this sum, eight
mUlions of doUars, which he proposes to derive from the sale of
the bank stock, and two miUions of doUars, which he would
anticipate from the revenue of the next year, he suggests that the
whole of the debt remaining, may be discharged by tbe time
indicated. The fourteen miUions, I understand, (ahhough on this
subject the report is not perfectly explicit,) are receipts anticipated
this year, from duties which accrued last year. If this be the
secretary's meaning, it is evident that he wants no part of the duties
which may accrue during the current year, to execute his plan.
But if his meaning be, that the fourteen raUfions wiU be coraposed,
in part, of duties accruing and payable within the present year,
then the measure proposed might prevent the payment of the whole
of the remnant of the debt by the exact day which has been stated.
If, however, the entire seven miUions embraced by the resolution
on your table were subteacted from the fourteen, it would stiU leave
him seven mUfions, besides the bank stock to be appfied to the
debt, and that, of itself, would be three raiUions more than can be
properiy appfied to the object in the course of tius year, as I have
already endeavored to show.
I came here, sir, most anxiously desiring that an an-angement
of the pubfic revenue should be made, which, without sacrificing
any of the great interests of the countiy, would reconcde and

598 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
satisfy aU its parts. I thought I perceived, in the class of objects
not produced within the country, a field on which we could aU
enter, in a teue and genuine spirit of comproraise and harmony,
and agree upon an amicable adjustment. Why should it not be
done ? Why should those who are opposed to ffie American
system, demand of its friends an unconditional surrender ? Our
common object should be, so to reduce the pubfic revenue as to
refieve the burdens of the people, if the people of this countey can
be truly said to be burdened. The government must have a
certain amount of revenue, and that amount must be coUected
from the iraports. Is it material to the consumer, wherever situated,
whether the coUection be made upon a few, or many objects,
provided, whatever be the mode, the amount of his conteibution to
the public exchequer remains the sarae ? If the assessraent can
be raade on objects which wiU greatiy benefit large portions of the
union, without injury to hira, why should he object to the selection
of those objects ? Yes, sir, I came here in a spirit of warm attach
ment to all parts of our beloved country, with a Uvely soficitude to
restore and preserve its harmony, and -with a firm determination
to pour oil and balm into existing wounds, rather than further
to lacerate thera. For the truth and sincerity of these declarations,
I appeal to Hira whora none can deceive. I expected to be met
by corresponding dispositions, and hoped that our deliberations,
guided by fraternal sentiments and feeUngs, would terminate in
diffusing contentment and satisfaction throughout the land. And
that such may be the spirit presiding over them, and such their
issue, I yet most ferventiy hope.

ON THE NOMINATION OF MR. VAN BUREN AS MINISTER
TO GREAT BRITAIN.
IN SECRET SESSION IN THE U. S. SENATE, JANUARY 24, 1832.

[In April, 1831, a rapture in the cabinet of president Jackson terminated in the
resignation of the four secretaries, and the attorney general. Among them was Mr.
Martin Van Buren, who resigned the office of secretary of state, which he had held a
little over two years. General Jackson soon afterwards appointed Mr. Van Buren
minister to Great Britain, and he took his departure for London during the recess of
the senate ; of course, before the nomination could be submitted to that body, for their
action. At the ensuing session of congress, the president sent in his name to the
senate, and the subject Was as usual acted upon in secret session, but the injunction
of secrecy was afterwards removed, which enables us to give Mr. Clay's brief but
-topinted remarks on the occasion. The principal ground of opposition to the con-
flraiation of the nomination, was, that Mr. Van Buren, while secretary of state, in
July, 1829, had instructed Mr. McLane, then minister to Great Britain, to represent
to the British government that a change of administration in the United States had
produced a change of policy ; thus bringing our party politics into our negotiations
with a foreign power. The senate, therefore, rebuked Mr. Van Buren and the presi
dent, by rejecting his nomination on this occasion, by an equal vote of the senators,
and the casting vote of the vice-president (Mr. Calhoun).
Mr. President,
I regret that I find myself utterly unable to reconcile with the
duty I owe to my countey a vote in favor of this nomination. I
¦ regret it, because in aU the past steife of party the relations of
ordinary civility and courtesy were never interrupted between the
gentieman whose name is before us and myself. But I regard my
obfigations to the people of the United States, and to the honor and
character of their government, as paramount to every private
consideration. There was no necessity known to us for the
departure of this gentieman from the United States, prior to the
submission of his name to the senate. Great Britain was repre
sented here by a diplomatic agent, having no higher rank than that
of a charge des affaires. We were represented in England by one
of equal rank ; one who had shed lustee upon his country by his
high literary character, and of whom it may be justiy said, that m
no resped was he inferior to ffie gentleman before us. Although
I shall not controvert ffie right of the president, in an extraordmary
case, to send abroad a public minister wiffiout ffie advice and

600 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
consent of the senate, I do not admit that it ever ought to be done
without the existence of some special cause, to be coraraunicated
to the senate. We have received no coraraunication of the exist
ence of any such special cause. This view of the raatter might
not have been sufficient alone to justify a rejection of this nomi
nation ; but it is sufficient to authorize us to examine the subject
with as perfect freedom as we could have done if tbe minister had
remained in tbe United States, and awaited the decision of the
senate. I consider myself, therefore, not committed by the separate
and unadvised act of the president in despatching Mr. Van Buren
in the vacation of the senate, and not a very long time before it
was to assemble.
My main objection to the confirmation of his appointment
arises out of his instructions to the late rainister of the United
States at the court of Great Britain. The attention of the senate
has been already called to parts of those insteuctions, but there are
other parts of thera, in my opinion, highly reprehensible. Speaking
of the colonial question, be says, ' in reviewing the events which
have preceded, and raore or less contributed, to a result so much to
be regretted, there wUl be found three grounds, on which we are
most assailable. First, in our too long and too tenaciously resisting
the right of Great Britain to impose protecting duties in her
colonies.' * * * * ' And, thirdly, in omitting to accept the
terms offered by tbe act of parfiament of July, 1825, after the subject
had been brought before congress, and dehberately acted upon by
our government. * * * * You will, therefore, see the pro
priety of possessing yourself of aU tbe explanatory and mitigating
circurastances connected with them, that you may be enabled to
obviate, as far as practicable, the unfavorable impression which they
have produced.' And after reproaching the late adrainistration with
setting up claims for the first tirae, which they explicitly aban
doned, be says, in conclusion, ' I will add nothing as to the
irapropriety of suffering any feelings, that find their origin in the
past pretensions of this governraent, to have adverse influence upon
the present conduct of Great Britain.'
On our side, according to Mr. Van Buren, aU was -wrong ; on
the British side, aU was right. We brought forward nothing but
claims and pretensions. The British government asserted, ou the
other hand, a clear and incontestable right. We erred in too
tenaciously and too long insisting upon our pretensions, and not
yielding at once to the force of their just demands. And Mr.
McLane was comraanded to avail hirasdf of all the circurastances
in his power to mitigate our offence, and to dissuade the British
governraent frora allowing their feelings, justiy incurred by the
past conduct of the party driven frora power, to have an adverse
influence towards tbe Araerican party now in power. Sir, was
this becoraing language from one independent nation to another ?

NOMINATION OF MR. VAN BUREN. 601
Was it proper, in the mouth of an American minister ? Was it
in conformity with the high, unsulUed, and dignified character of
our previous diplomacy? Was it not, on the conteary, the
language of an humble vassal to a proud and haughty lord ? Was
it not prosteating and degrading the American eagle before the
British lion?
Let us examine a littie those pretensions which the American
government so unjustly put forward, and so pertinaciously
maintain. The American government contended, that the produce
of the United States ought to be admitted into the British West
Indies, on the same terms as sirailar produce of the British
American continental possessions ; that without this equafity our
produce could not maintain in the British West Indies a fair
competition with the produce of Canada, and that British preference
given to the Canadian produce in the West Indies would draw
from the western part of New York, and the northern part of Ohio,
American produce into Canada, aggrandizing Montreal and
Quebec, and giving employment to British shipping, to the
prejudice of the canals of New York, the port of New York, and
American shipping. ^
This was the offence of the American governraent, and we are
at this raoraent realizing the evUs which it foresaw. Our produce
is passing into Canada, enriching her capitals, and nourishing
British navigation. Our own wheat is ti-ansported frora the western
part of New York into Canada, there raanufactured, and then
teansported in British ships in the form of Canadian flour. We
are thus deprived of the privilege even of manufacturing our own
grain. And when the produce of the United States, shipped from
•the Atiantic ports, arrives at the British West Indies, it is unable,
in consequence df the heavy duties wUh which raost of it is
burdened, to sustain a competition with British or colonial produce,
freely admitted.
The general rule may be admitted, that every nation has a right
to favor its own productions, by protecting duties, or other regula
tions ; but, like all general rules, it raust have Us exceptions. And
the relation in which Great Britain stands to her continental and
West India colonies, from which she is separated by a vast sea,
and the rdations in which the United States stand to ffiose colonies,
some of which are in juxtaposition with them, coi^stitiite a fit case
for such an exception. . ,, -^ ,, .^.
It is time, that the late administeation did auffionze Mr. GaUatin
to teeat wiffi Great Britain on the basis of ffie rule which has been
stated, but it was wiffi the express understanding, that some
competent provision should be made in the teeaty to guard agauist
the British monopoly of the teansportation of our own produce
passing through Canada. Mr. GaUatin was "ifo™«'i' *f *f
Jjnited States consent to the demand which they have heretofore
VOL. I. 76

602 SPEECHES OP HENRY CLAY.
made of the admission of their productions into British colonies, at
the same and no higher rate of duty as simUar productions are
chargeable with when iraported from one into another British colony,
with the exception of our produce descending the St. Lawrence and
the Sorell!
There was no abandonraent of our right, no condemnation of
the previous conduct of our government, no humifiating admission,
that we had put forth and too tenaciously clung to unsustainable
pretensions, and that Great Britain had all along been in the right.
We only forebore for the present to assert a right, leaving ourselves
at liberty subsequentiy to resume it. What Mr. GaUatin was au
thorized to do was, to raake a teraporary concession, and it was
proposed with this prelirainary annunciation. ' But, notwithstand
ing on a fuU consideration of the whole subject, the president,
anxious to give a strong proof to Great Britain of the desire of the
government of the United States to arrange this long contested
matter of the colonial intercourse in a raanner mutually satisfactory,
authorizes you,' &c. And Mr. Gallatin was required ' to endeavor
to make a lively impression on tbe British government of the
concUiatory spirit of that of the United States, which has ffictated
the present liberal offer, and of their expectation to meet, in the
progress of the negotiations, with a corresponding friendly dispo
sition.' Now, sir, keeping sight of the object which the late secretary of
state had in view, the opening of the teade with the British colonies,
which was the best raode to accompfish it — to send our minister
to prostrate himself as a suppliant before the British throne, and to
say to the British king, we have offended your majesty ! the late
American adrainisteation brought forward pretensions which we
cannot sustain, and they too long and too tenaciously adhered to
them ! your majesty was always in the right ; but we hope that
your majesty wUl be graciously pleased to recoUect, that it was
not we who are now in possession of the American power, but
those who have been expelled from it, that -wronged your majesty,
and that we, when out of power, were on the side of your majesty ;
and we do humbly pray, that your majesty, taking all mitigating
circumstances into consideration, wiU graciously condescend to
extend to us the privUeges of the British act of parfiament of 1825,
and to grant us tbe boon of a teade with your majesty's West
India colonies — or to have presented himself before the British
monarch in the manly and dignified attitude of a minister of this
republic, and, abstaining from aU condemnation or animadversion
upon the past conduct of his own governraent, to have placed the
¦withdrawal of our forraer demand upon the ground of concession
in a spirit of amity and compromise ?
But the late secretary of state, the appointed organ of the Amer
ican people to vindicate their rights -with all foreign powers, and to

NOMINATION OF MR. VAN BUREN. 603
expose the injustice of any unfounded demands which they might
assert, was not content to exert his own ingenuity to put. his own
countiry in the wrong, and the British government in the right.
He endeavored to attach to the late administeation the discredit of
bringing forward unfounded pretensions, and by disclaiming them,
to propitiate the favor of the British king. He says, that the .views
of the present administration upon the subject of the colonial teade
' have been submitted to the people of the United States, and the
counsels by which your conduct is now directed are the result of
the judgment expressed by the only earthly teibunal to which the
late adrainistration was amenable for its acts. It should be sufficient,
that the claims set up by them, and what caused the interruption
of the teade in question, have been explicitly abandoned by those
who first asserted thera, and are not revived by their successors.'
The late secretary of state — the gentleman under consideration —
here makes the statement, that the late administeation were the
first to set up the claims to which he refers. Now, under aU the
high responsibility which belongs to tbe seat which I occupy,
I defiberately pronounce that this statement is untrue, and that the
late secretary either must have known it to be unteue, or he was
culpably negfigent of his duty in' not ascertaining what had been
done under prior administeations. I repeat the charge, the statement
must have been known to be untrue, or there was culpable negli
gence. If it were material, I believe it could be shown, tbat the
claim in question — the right to the admission into the British
West Indies of the produce of the United States upon an equal
footing with similar produce of tbe British continental colonies —
is coeval -with the existence of our present constitution, and that
whenever the occasion arose for asserting the claim, it was asserted.
But I shaU go no further back than to Mr. Madison's administration.
Mr. Monroe, the then secretary of state, instructed our then minister
at London upon this subject. He negotiated with lord Castie
reagh in respect to it, and this very daira prevented an adjustment
at that time of the colonial question. It was again brought forward
under Mr. Monroe's adrainistration, when Mr. Eush was our
minister at London. He opened a long and protracted negotia
tion upon this and other topics, which was suspended in the summer
of 1824, principaUy because the parties could not agree on any
satisfactory arrangement of this very colonial question.
Thus, at least, two administeations pnor to ffiat of Mr. Adams s
had brought forward ffiis identical claira or pretension, which his
was the first to assert, according to ffie late secretary of state
The next charge which ffie late secretary of state -the official
defender of ffie rights of ffie American people - preferred agamst
blow government, was that of 'omitting to accept the terms
offereTbf the act of parliament, of July, 1825, after the subject
Tr^eXligU before congress, and dehberately acted upon by

604 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
our government.' Never was there a more unfounded charge
brought forward by any native against his own government, and
never was there a raore unwarranted apology set up for a foreign
governraent ; and a plain, historical narrative, -wiU deraonsteate ffie
truth of both these propositions.
It has been already stated, that the negotiations of Mr. Rush,
embracing the precise colonial claim under consideration, was
suspended in 1824, with an understanding between the two govern-
raents, that it was to be resumed on all points, at some future
convenient period. Early in July, 1825, neither government having
then proposed a resumption of the negotiation, the British parha
ment passed an act to regulate tbe colonial teade with foreign
powers. This act was never, during the late administeation, either
at London or Washington, officially coraraunicated by the BrUish
to the American government, and we only obtained it through other
channels. Now if it had been the purpose of the British govern
ment, by the passage of that act, to withdraw the colonial question
from the negotiation, it ought to have communicated that purpose
to this governraent, and at the sarae time, the act of parliament, as
supplanting and substituting the negotiation. But it never did
communicate such purpose. Tbe act itself did not specificaUy
embrace the United States, and offered terras, which, upon the
face of the act, it was irapossible for the United States to
accede to. It required, for example, that, to entitie powers not
possessing colonies, to the benefit of the act, they must place the
navigation and commerce of Great Britain upon the footing of the
most favored nations. To have done this, would have admitted
British shipping to iraport into the United States, on the same
conditions with native shipping, the productions of any quarter of
tbe globe, without a reciprocal liberty, on the pa/rt of the shipping
of the United States, in British ports. Tbe act itself was ffiffer-
entiy consteued, in different colonial ports of Great Britain, and an
order of the local government of Halifax, closing that port against
our vessels frora the fifth of January, was subsequentiy revoked,
thereby confirraing the impression, that tbe act of parliament was
not intended to dispense with the previous negotiation. And to
conclude this part of the narrative, as late as the twentieth of
October, 1826, Mr. Vaughan, the British rainister, upon being
interrogated by the then secretary of state, was totally uninstructed
to afford any information, as to the meaning or intent of the act of
July, 1825.
Mean time,, in March, more than six months after the passage of
the act of parfiament, Mr. Vaughan notified the department of
state, that he bad 'received insteuctions from his majesty's govern
ment, to acquaint you that it is preparing to proceed to the impor
tant negotiations between that countey and the United States, now
placed in the hands of the American minister, in London.' * * *-

NOMINATION OF MR. VAN BUR^N. 605
' The negotiations wUl therefore be forth-with resumed.' * * *
Here the negotiations were spoken of without exception of the
colonial question, the most important of them. K it had been
intended to withdraw that, no time could have been more
suitable to announce that intention, but no such annunciation
was made. Mr. Vaughan was informed, that we also would
prepare for the negotiation, (including, of course, the colonial ques
tion,) and Mr. Gallatin was accordingly shortly after sent out, with
full powers and insteuctions, amicably to settie that question. On
his arrival in England, in the sumraer of 1826, he was told by the
British governraent, that they would not negotiate on the colonial
question ; that they had made up their mind, from the passage of
the act of July, 1825, not to negotiate about it ; and he was
informed by the sarcastic Mr. Canning, that as we had failed to
accept the boon which the British governraent had then offered, we
were then too late !
Such is the state of the case on which the late secretary of state so
authoritatively pronounces judgraent against his own governraent,
for ' omitting to accept the terms offered by the act of parfiament,
of July, 1825!' He adds, indeed, 'after the subject had been
brought before congress, and defiberately acted upon by our gov
ernment.' It was brought before congress in the session of 1825-6,
not at the instance of the American executive, but upon the spon
taneous and Ul-judged motion of the gentleman from Maryland,
(Mr. Smith), and Mr. Gallatin was informed that if the bill proposed
by that gentleman had been passed, it would have been unsatisfac
tory to the British government
I have another objection to this noraination. I befieve, upon
circumstances which satisfy my mind, that to this gentieman is
principaUy to be ascribed the inti-oduction of the odious system of
pros^cription, for the exercise of the elective franchise, in the govern
ment of the United States. I understand that it is the system on
which the party in his own state, of which he is the reputed head,
constantly acts. He was among the first of the secretaries, to
apply that system to the dismission of clerks in his department,
known to me to be highly meritorious, and among them one who
is now a representative in the other house. It is a detestable systeni,
drawn from the worst periods of the Roman repubfic, and if it
were to be perpetuated— if the offices, honors, and dignities of the
people were to be put up to a scramble, and to be decided by the
results of every presidential election — our government and institu
tions, becoraing intolerable, would finaUy end in a despotism as
inexorable as that at Constantinople. tj * -*
Sir, the necessity under which we are placed is pamtul. But it
is no fault of the senate, whose consent and advice are required by
the constitution, to consummate this appointinent, that the minister
has been sent out of ffie United States, without ffieur concurrence.

606 SPEECHES OF HENRY CLAY.
I hope that the public wiU not be prejudiced by his rejection, if he
should be rejected. And I feel perfectly assured, that if the govern
ment to which he has been deputed, shaU learn that he has been
rejected, because he has there, by his insteuctions to Mr. McLane,
stained tbe character of our country, the moral effect of our
decision wUl greatiy outweigh any advantages to be derived from
his negotiations, whatever they may have been intended to be.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.