YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY W. Grestbateh-. .#ts^- m&Wo "w&.mM&'M' ^a^~;ek©s . FRCiC A2T .-¦hJV.WAL V ( y .-AT VTlB 5Y OZ1AS )~l'V l-£~Y, R.A . NARRATIVES MISSION OF GEOKGE BOGLE TO TIBET, AND OF THE JOUKNEY OF THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA. EDITED, WITH NOTES, AN INTRODUCTION, AND LIVES OF MR. BOGLE AND MR. MANNING. BY CLEMENTS E. MAEKHAM, C.B., F.E.S. FKINTED EY ORDER OP HEK MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA IK COIJKC1L. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: TRUBNBR AND CO., LUDGATE HILL. 18 79. All Eights reserved. DEDICATION OF THE FIEST EDITION. To the Eight Hos. the Lord Northbrook, G.M.S.I., Viceroy and Governor-General of India. My deae Lord Northbrook, I am glad to be allowed to inscribe to you, from whom, when I was your Private Secretary, in times past, I received so much kindness, my editorial labours in connection with a book which cannot, I venture to think, fail to have interest for the Viceroy of India. The most important portion of the volume would, without doubt, have been dedicated to Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General, by- his envoy Mr. George Bogle, if untoward circumstances had not intervened to prevent its publication. A century has since elapsed, and now that the intention of Warren Hastings that it should be given to the world is fulfilled, it is appropriate that the book should be dedicated to his successor, the present Viceroy and Governor-General of India. In the long period that has intervened, since the first Governor-General retired, no greater advances have been made towards the establishment of friendly commercial intercourse a 2 iv DEDICATION. between India and the countries on the northern side of the Himalaya than in the time of your Lordship's administration. A mission has visited Kashgar, the Pamir table-land has been explored, and Mr. Edgar has held friendly converse on the Jelep-la with the Tibetan officials of Pari-jong, the prelude of further steps towards acquiring the goodwill of the Lhasa Government. The contents of the present volume will, I trust, prove to be useful contributions towards that knowledge which will be the means of some day re-establishing friendly intercourse between India and Tibet ; and in the hope that my efforts towards that end will receive your approval, I remain, Dear Lord Northbrook, Yours with much regard and respect, CLEMENTS E. MAEKHAM. Geographical Department, India Office, December, 1875. PREFACE. It has long been known that the first British mission to Tibet was sent by Warren Hastings in 1774 under Mr. George Bogle, B.O.S., that a great friendship was formed between Mr. Bogle and the Teshu Lama, and that intercourse was then established between the Governments of British India and Tibet. But up to the present time no full account of this important mission has been given to the world. All attempts to find adequate materials among the records at Calcutta, or at the India Office, have failed. It is less generally known that the only Englishman who ever visited Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, and saw the Dalai Lama, was Mr. Thomas Manning, an adventurous traveller who performed that extraordinary feat in 1811. No account has hitherto been published of Mr. Manning's remarkable journey. These two gaps in the history of intercourse between India and Tibet have now been filled up. The whole of Mr. Bogle's journals, memoranda, official and private correspondence, have been carefully preserved by his family in Scotland. Through the kindness and public spirit of Miss Brown of Lanfine, in Ayrshire, the representative of the Bogle family, these valuable manuscripts, after having been judiciously arranged by Mr. Gairdner of Kilmarnock, were placed in the hands of the present editor. They were con tained in a large box, and consisted of journals, memoranda of various kinds, and on many subjects ; numerous bundles of private letters, including correspondence with Warren Hastings, Sir Elijah Impey, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Mrs. Morehead, Dr. Hamilton, and the members of Mr. Bogle's family; appoint- vi PREFACE. ments, minutes of conversations, and official despatches. No commencement had been made of a work intended for publica tion. The whole of this voluminous mass of papers had to be carefully read through and annotated before any attempt could be made to arrange a consecutive narrative of the mission. My object has been to keep the author constantly in the foreground, and to avoid any sign of editorial intrusiveness, and, as the journal was fragmentary, and it was necessary to supplement it occasionally with extracts from letters and other materials, there were some difficulties in adhering to this plan. They have, however, been overcome, and a connected history of the Mission to Tibet is now presented to the world. It must, however, be remembered that Mr. Bogle had not prepared any of his materials for the press, that they are submitted in a more or less crude form a century after they were written, and that, therefore, it would be unfair to judge of them as of a work completed and revised by its author. Mr. Manning appears to have hastily jotted down his first impressions, day by day, in a rough note-book, which was copied out fair by his sister, and has since remained in manu script. He was a man of learning and great ability, and was well able to have written a good account of his remarkable journey. He never did so. But, through the kindness of his nephew, the Eev. C. E. Manning, Eector of Diss, in Norfolk, I have had the rough journal placed in my hands. Thus an account of the visit to Lhasa of the only Englishman who ever entered that famous city, is presented to the world. It must be remembered that Manning's narrative is from the hasty and desultory jottings of a note-book. We are fortunate to have obtained this relic, and must make the most of it. Good or bad, it stands alone. No other countryman of ours has ever followed in Manning's footsteps. And, for those who know how to find it, there is much wheat to be gathered from amongst Mr. Manning's chaff. In my introduction, I have attempted, in a narrative form PEEPACE. vii with foot-note references, to enumerate all the sources of in formation respecting Great Tibet, and the region between it and British India ; and especially to furnish particulars as to the visits of Europeans to those countries. My first object is thus to show the exact positions, in history, which are occupied by the mission sent by Warren Hastings and conducted by Mr. Bogle, and by the journey of Mr. Manning to Lhasa. My second object is to supply facilities for the exhaustive study of an important subject, and one which ought to be thoroughly understood by all public men connected with British India, and by all who interest themselves in the progress and welfare of our Eastern Empire. The introduction is followed by two biographical sketches, one of Mr. George Bogle, B.C.S., and the other of Mr. Thomas Manning. The narratives of Grueber, Desideri, and Horace della Penna, Catholic priests who visited Lhasa in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, are given in an Appendix. I should not have been able to complete my task if I had not received much kind assistance from many quarters. In the first place, the proof sheets of Bogle's narrative have had the in estimable advantage of revision from Mr. Brian Hodgson, who, in addition, has supplied me with many hints from his vast storehouse of information. I have also to thank Sir John Davis, Colonel Yule, Colonel Haughton, Dr. Hooker, Commodore Jansen of the Hague, Professor Veth of Leyden, the learned President of the Dutch Geographical Society, Mr. Major of the British Museum, Mr. Charles B. Phillimore, and Colonel Montgomerie, for valuable assistance. The staff of the Geographical Department of the India Office have zealously made the aid they have given in the produc tion of this volume a part of their extra work. Mr. Trelawney Saunders, besides preparing the maps, has been indefatigable in identifying names of places, and in conducting difficult bits of research. It must be remembered that a single identification, viii PREFACE. represented perhaps by a sentence or a word, may have occupied many hours and even days of weary searching and close study. Mr. Charles E. D. Black, whose aptitude for orderly and lucid exposition, and whose accomplishments as a linguist render his co-operation most acceptable, has given a helping hand, which is only very partially represented by the translations in the Appendix. Last, but not least, Mr. W. Eonson has been a most valuable assistant in the labour of passing the sheets through the press, and in attending to their methodical arrangement. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Dedication Preface .. TAGE iii INTRODUCTION. Policy of Warren Hastings xxi Abandonment of former policy. Loss of records xxii Narratives of Bogle and Manning . xxii Objects of the Introduction xxii Geographical Sketch : the Himalayan system xxiii The Northern Range, or Nyenchhen-tang-la xxiv The Central Range . . xxv Tibet— the name — provinces .. xxvi The valley of the Tsanpu or Brahmaputra xxvii Identity of the Tsanpu and Brahmaputra xxx Region between the Central and Southern Himalaya xxxi Passes over the Central Chain xxxii The Central Chain . . . .' xxxiii The Southern Chain . . , . xxxiv River systems of Nepal xxxv Sikkim and Bhutan rivers xxxvii Duars xxxvii Rivers of Bhutan xxxviii The Himalayan system xxxix The Andes and the Himalaya xl Historical Sketch. — Tibet. The inhabitants xlii The Pon religion xliii Buddhism xliii The Chinese pilgrims xliv Tibetan Buddhism xlv Odoric of Pordenone xlvi The reformer Tsong-khapa xlvi The Dalai and Teshu Lamas xlvii The Taranath Lama xlviii Monks and monasteries 1 Religious services. Literature li Tribes of Nepal i .. .. Iii Trade of Nepal liv Sikkim and Bhutan 1 v x CONTENTS. PAGE Romish Priests in Tibet. — Andrada lvi Grueber and Dorville ^T11 Desideri and Freyre Ivui Manuscripts of Desideri "x Horace della Penna > 1* The Lama Survey lxi Samuel Van de Putte kui Revolution at Lhasa Ixv Gorkha conquest of Nepal lxvi Bogle's mission to Tibet lxviii Hamilton's mission to Bhutan lxix Death of Mr. Bogle and the Teshu Lama lxx Turner's mission to Tibet lxxi Mission of Purungir Gosain to Tibet lxxv Gorkha invasion of Tibet lxxvi Chinese invasion of Nepal lxxvii Kirkpatrick's mission to Nepal lxxviii The Chinese close the passes lxxix Journey of Manning to Lhasa Ixxx War with Nepal lxxxi Troubles with Bhutan lxxxii Pemberton's mission to Bhutan lxxxiii Residents in Nepal. — The Hon. Edward Gardner, Mr. Brian Hodgson, Sir Herbert Maddock lxxxiv Services of Mr. Brian Hodgson in Nepal lxxxv Political services of Mr. Hodgson lxxxvii Csoma de Koros lxxxviii Archibald Campbell lxxxix Daijfling xc War with Sikkim xci Dr. J. D. Hooker xcii Hooker's ' Himalayan Journals ' xciii Klaproth, Gutzlaff, Hue xciv Tibetan politics xcv ThefDalai Lamas xcviii Present state of Nepal xcix Trade between Tibet and India, through Nepal xcix Eden's mission to Bhutan c The Bhutan war ci Tawang cii Recent exploration in Sikkim ciii Relations with Sikkim civ Mr. Edgar's Report cv Moravian mission in Lahaul cvii Pundit Nain Sing's journey to Lhasa cix The Pundit's account of Lhasa cxiii Exploration of No. 9 cxv Exploration of Lake Tengri-nor cxvi Pundit Nain Sing's second joui'ney to Lhasa cxviii Trade of Tibet exxiii Policy of Warrou Hastings exxv CONTENTS. xi PAGE Speculations as to the future cxxvi OoncltlBion cxxvii NOTE ON THE MAPS OF TIBET, NEPAL, SIKKIM, AND BHUTAN. Early maps, including Tibet cxxviii Delisle and D'Auville cxxix Crawford. Aaron Arrowsmith .. cxxx Later maps of Nepal cxxxi Maps of Sikkim cxxxii Recent maps of Bhutan and Tibet cxxxiii Maps of Colonel Montgomerie's explorers cxxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GEORGE BOGLE. Disciples of the school of Hastings cxxxv Family of George Bogle cxxxvi Bogle's early years cxxxvii Bogle enters the Company's service cxxxviii The famine of 1770 cxxxix Bogle in the Revenue Department , . . . . cxl Bogle's character of Warren Hastings cxli Friendship for Alexander Elliot cxlii Letters from Tibet cxliii The Lama's necklace . . . . cxliv Approval of Bogle's proceedings cxlv The Francis faction cxlvi Dignified conduct of Warren Hastings cxlviii Characters of Hastings and Francis cxlix Death of Alexander Elliot cl Bogle's appointment to Rangpiir cli Correspondence while at Rangpiir clii Death and character of Mr. Bogle cliv Letter of Hastings to Dr. Johnson civ Preservation of the Bogle manuscripts clviii BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THOMAS MANNING. Birth and education of Mr. Manning clix Manning goes to China clx Manning goes to Calcutta clxi The journey to Lhasa . . . . clxii Joins Lord Amherst's Embassy clxiii Eccentric life clxiv Death of Mr. Manning clxv NAEEATIVE OF THE MISSION OF MR. GEORGE BOGLE TO TIBET (1774). CHAPTER I. MISSION TO TIBET. LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA — MISSION TO TIBET — APPOINTMENT OF MR. BOGLE — HIS INSTRUCTIONS. PAGE 1. Letter from the Teshu Lama to Warren Hastings 1 2. Minute by Warren Hastings 3 3. Letter from Warren Hastings to the Court of Directors 5 i. Appointment of Mr. Bogle 6 5. Private commissions to Mr. Bogle 8 6. Memorandum on Tibet, by Warren Hastings 9 CHAPTER II. FROM KTJCH BAHAR TO TASSISUDON. The mission departs from Calcutta 14 Enters Bhutan 15 Buxa-Diiar 16 Ascent of the mountains 17 Bhutanese and Bengalis 18 Rivers and cascades 19 Vegetation of Bhutan 20 Briages 21 List of stages 22 CHAPTER III. TASSISUDON, THE CAPITAL OF BHUTAN. Scenery round Tassisudon 23 Arrival of the Deb Rajah 24 Interview with the Deb Rajah 25 The Lama-Rimboche' 26 Services and dances of the priests 27 Manners and customs 28 A funeral pile 29 Position of women 30 Trouble with servants gj Temples and praying wheels .... .. .... .. 32 CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER IV. HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN. PAGE The lamas 33 Priests, officials, and peasants 34 Influence of the priests in Bhutan 35 Government. Revenue 36 Career of Deb Judhur 37 Fall of Deb Judhur 38 Insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur 39 Arguments of the contending factions 40 CHAPTER V. BHUTAN : NEGOTIATIONS. 1. Interview with the Deb Rajah 42 2. Reports to Warren Hastings 44 Objections to Mr. Bogle proceeding to Tibet 45 Obstacles to progress 46 Detention at Tassisudon 47 Removal of the obstacles to progress 48 Permitted to proceed 49 Proposals for the extension of trade 50 The caravan to Rangpiir 51 Collection of plants and seeds 52 Encouragement of trade 53 CHAPTER VI. SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING BHUTAN AND ASSAM. TheDriars 55 Future military operations against Bhutan 56 Trade through Assam 58 Proposal respecting Assam % 59 CHAPTER VII. THE JOURNEY TO TIBET. 1. From Tassisudon to Pari-jong 61 Soldiers in Bhutan 62 Lumbolong 63 The harvest at Essana 64 Paro 65 The valley of the Pachu 66 Pari-jong 67 2. From Pari-jong to Desheripgay 67 Pari-jong 68 Set out from Pari-jong " 69 Chumalhari Peak 70 xiv CONTENTS. PAGK Lake of Shani-chu Pelling 71 Game laws in Tibet 72 Sham-chu and Calo-chu lakes 73 A happy family 74 Position of women in Tibet 75 Giansu 76 Painam 78 Banks of the Tsanpu 79 Gylongs - 80 Arrival at Desheripgay 81 CHAPTER VIII. AT DESHERIPGAY. Desheripgay -, 82 Interview with the Teshu Lama 83 Character of the Lama 84 Grand reception by the Lama 85 Dried meat. Dangerous medicine 86 Charity of the Lama 87 Tibetan dress 88 CHAPTER IX. RIDE FROM DESHERIPGAY TO TESHU LUMBO. Leave Desheripgay 90 The procession 91 Teshu-tzay. A Tibetan dance 92 Birth-place of the Lama 93 Return of the Lama to his palace 94 Enthusiastic reception of the Lama 95 # CHAPTER X. TESHU LUMBO. Palace of Teshu Lumbo 96 Ceremony of blessing the people 98 A Tibetan feast 99 The images in the palace 100 A game of chess 101 Reception of an envoy from Lhasa 102 A monastio life ,. 103 Chess, and church-going 104 The Lama's relations 105 New year ceremonies 106 Fortune-telling 107 Tibetan ladies 108 Generous feeling of the Lama's family 109 Familiar intercourse with the Lama's family 110 CONTENTS. xv CHAPTER XI. A VISIT TO A TIBETAN COUNTRY SEAT. Journey with the Pyn Cushos 112 Ride to Rinjaitzay 113 Hunting the musk deer 114 Return to Teshu Lumbo 116 The Governor of Janglache 117 Departure from Teshu Lumbo 118 Parting with the Pyn Cushos 118 CHAPTER XII. AN ACCOUNT OF TIBET. FACE OF THE COUNTRY — PRODUCE — FOOD — DRESS OF THE PEOPLE — PRIESTS AND NUNS — HORSES AND OTHER ANIMALS — HOUSES — DISPOSAL OF DEAD BODIES — POLYANDRY. Produce. Food 119 Dress of the people 120 Priests. Horses 121 Burial of the dead 122 Polyandry 123 CHAPTER XIII. TRADE OF TIBET. Kashmiris 124 Trade with Bhutan, Assam, and China 125 Trade with Nepal 126 Trade with Bengal .. 127 Currency 128 CHAPTER XIV. NEGOTIATIONS. 1. Politics of Tibet and neighbouring countries 130 Obstructive policy of the Gesub Rimboche 131 Character of the Teshu Lama 132 Exclusion of Europeans 133 The Lama's proposal to use influence at Peking 134 2. Conversations with the Teshu Lama at Desheripgay 135 Discussion of the Bhutan War 136 Friendly feeling of the Lama. Questions as to religion 138 Encounter with the Benares vakil 139 The Sopon Chumbo 140 Decline of trade between Bengal and Tibet — causes 141 Mussulman invasion of India 142 Religious conversation — reference to Lhasa 143 Gorkha aggression. Further conversation 144 xvi CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. CONVERSATIONS WITH THE TESHU LAMA AT TESHU LUMBO. PAGE The Lama's desire to have a Buddhist temple on the Ganges 146 Interest with the high-priest at Peking !*6 Conversation with deputies from Lhasa 1*7 Decay of trade through the conduct of the Gorkhas 148 Aggression of the Gorkhas. Invasion of Sikkim 149 The Gesub Rimboehe and the Chinese 150 Second interview with the deputies from Lhasa 152 Letter to Gesub Rimboehe 153 Reasons for not going to Lhasa 154 Narrow-minded prejudices of Gesub Rimboehe 155 Vakils from Nepal. The Gorkha Rajah 157 Death of the Gorkha Rajah 159 Misunderstanding between Russia and China 160 Interview with the Kashmiri merchants 161 Visit from the Tibetan merchants 163 The temple on the Ganges. Further conversation 164 Requests at parting 166 More religious conversation. Catholic missionaries 167 Russians and Chinese. The Lama's watches 168 Efforts of the Lama to remove jealousy of English 169 Desire of the Lama for friendly relations between India and China . . . . 170 Farewell to the Lama 171 CHAPTER XVI. THE EPISODE WITH THE CHAUDURI. The Chauduri an emissary of the Gesub Rimboehe 172 Conversation with the Chauduri 173 The Chauduri disclaimed by the Gesub 174 Second interview with the Chauduri ,. .. 175 Reasoning on the Chauduri intrigue 176 CHAPTER XVII. RETURN FROM TIBET TO BENGAL. NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. Mr. Bogle's affection for the Lama and his people 177 Incidents on the road 178 Sects of the Yellow and Red Caps 180 Old friends. A hot spring 181 Arrival at Paro. Return to Tassisudon 182 Paro as a central mart 183 Proposals for facilitating trade .. : , 184 Offer of free trade to Bhutan 186 Opening of trade with Bhutan 187 Exclusion of Europeans 188 Negotiations wilh the Deb Rajah .. .. 189 Return to Bengal 190 CONTENTS. xvii CHAPTER XVHI. m GENERAL REPORT BY MR. BOGLE ON HIS RETURN FROM TIBET. PAGE Bhutan. — Face of the country 191 „ History 192 „ Revenue. Contrast between Bhutan and Tibet 193 Tibet. — History 194 „ The Lamas. Chinese at Lhasa 195 „ Parallel between Lamas and Popes 196 „ influence of Teshu Lama 197 „ Conduct of the Gorkha Rajah 197 Visits from Kashmiri and Tibetan merchants 198 Reasons for not going to Lhasa. Return to Bhutan 199 Difficult negotiations at Tassisudon 200 Trade engrossed by the Deb Rajah and his officers 201 Permission obtained for merchants to pass through Bhutan 202 Trade between Bengal and Tibet 203 Suggestions for extension of trade 204 Importance of removing obstructions in Nepal 205 CHAPTER XIX. JOURNEY OF THE TESHU LAMA TO PEKING, AND HIS DEATH. PROJECT OF MR. BOGLE FOR MEETING THE LAMA AT PEKING. Debts of Chinese merchants. Journey of the Teshu Lama 207 Promise of the Lama to procure passports to Peking for Mr. Bogle . . . . 208 Account of the Teshu Lama's journey and death (note) 208 Proposals respecting Mr. Bogle's mission to Peking 209 JOURNEY OF MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA (1811-12). CHAPTER I. JOURNEY FROM CANTALBARY TO PARI-JONG. Approaching Bhutan 213 On the road to Paro 214 Theft of spoons. Leave Paro 215 Arrival at Pari-jong • 216 A churlish servant. Arrival of Chinese 217 Successful practice as a physician". Permission to proceed 218 b xviii CONTENTS. CHAPTER II. FROM PARI-JONG TO GIANSU. PAGE Leave Pari-jong with a Chinese General. Intense cold 219 A night scene. Bad horse-gear 220 A runaway horse 221 Shores of a lake 222 Smoky lodgings 223 A hot spring. Colossal image 224 Discomforts of travelling 225 CHAPTER III. RESIDENCE AT GIANSU. Approach to Giansu 226 Description of Giansu — its Chinese appearance 227 Clothing for cold weather 228 Prejudices respecting dress 229 Dinner with the Chinese General. Breakfast with the Sub-Mandarin . . 230 Visit to a Tibetan Mandarin 231 Practising medicine 232 Advice from the General 233 Hiring a servant 234 Handiness of Chinese soldiers. Dinner with a patient 235 The General gives a concert 236 Postal difficulties 237 Sulkiness of the Munshi 238 A Chinese suit of olothes 240 CHAPTER IV. JOURNEY FROM GIANSU TO LHASA PAGE Departure from Giansu. Jokes with Chinese soldiers 241 Postal service in Tibet . . ..' 242 Skirts of the Central Chain 243 The Palti lake 244 Travelling arrangements 246 Hospitable Tibetan family 247 Frolicsome ravens 248 The Munshi sulky 249 A cold night's rest 250 Valley of the Tsanpu. Crossing the river 251 Ride to Lhasa 252 View of the palace of Potala 255 Arrival at Lhasa ogg CONTENTS. xix • CHAPTER V. LHASA. PAGE Visit to the Mandarins 258 Lodgings at Lhasa 259 Difficulties in talking Chinese 260 Continued sulky conduct of the Munshi 260 Visits to the Thalung and to the Mandarins 261 CHAPTER VI. VISIT TO THE GRAND LAMA. Preparation of presents 263 Ride to Potala — reception 264 Audience of the Grand Lama 265 Practice as a physician 267 Visit to a crazy Mandarin 267 CHAPTER VH. STORY OF THE RIOT— EXECUTION OF A GOOD MANDARIN. Scuffle between a Tibetan and Chinaman 271 Conspii'acy against an upright magistrate. His execution 272 Lhasa looked on as banishment 273 Bad character of Mandarins sent to Lhasa 274 CHAPTER VIII. RESIDENCE AT LHASA. Spies. Anger of Mr. Manning 275 Interrogatories 276 Hopes of continuing the journey 277 Uneasiness of the Munshi 278 Unpleasant anticipations of being executed 279 Reception of patients 280 Altercation with a patient 281 New lodgings 282 Misconduct of the Munshi. Inattention of servants 284 Visit to a Thalung's mother 285 Visit to the physician of the Dalai Lama 286 Want of money 287 Second visit to the Dalai Lama 288 Visit to the temples 289 Toleration 291 b 2 xx CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. FRAGMENTARY NOTES— RETURN JOURNEY. rAGE Another visit to the Dalai Lama 292 Last days at Lhasa 293 Return to Bengal • ¦¦ 294 APPENDIX. I. — Account of travels of Johann Grueber, Jesuit 295 II. — A letter from Father Ippolito Desideri to Father Ildebrando Grassi . . 302 III. — Brief account of the Kingdom of Tibet, by Fra Francesco Orazio della Penna di Billi, 1730 309 IV. — Translation of two documents brought from Tibet by Mr. George Bogle 341 INDEX 349 LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS. Portrait of Warren Hastings Frontispiece The Teshu Lama's Necklace cxliv Fac-simile of a Letter of Warren Hastings to Mr. Bogle . . To face page cxlv Buxa-Diiar 16 The Bridge at Chuka The Palace at Tassisudon Religious Buildings in the Teshu Lumbo Monastery Residence of the Lama Giassa-tu, near Tassisudon The Tomb of the Teshu Lama Potala. The Palace of the Dalai Lama 2026 96 192 208256 MAPS. A fac-simile of the part containing Tibet of ' Carte gene'rale du Thibet ou Bout-tan et des pays de Kashgar et Hami. Dressee sur les cartes et me'moires des RR. PP. Jesuites de la Chine et accordee aveo la situation constante de quelques pays voisins.' Par Le S'- D'Anville, Geographe Ord"- du Roi. Avril, 1733 To face pane lxi Van de Putte's Sketch-map, from the MS. in the Museum at Middelburg The Himalaya and Tibet-A View of the" Mountain System bounded by the Plains of India, Gobi, China, and the Caspian „ cxxxiv The Routes of Bogle, Turner, and Manning between Bengal and Tibet „ 294 Intr.] POLICY OF WARREN HASTINGS. INTRODUCTION. The first Governor-General of India conceived the plan of opening friendly commercial intercourse between the people over whom he ruled and the natives of the lofty table-land behind the snowy peaks to the north. On this grand object Warren Hastings bestowed much thought, and he gradually developed a policy which was continuous while his influence lasted. He took a broad and enlightened view of the require ments of the case, and he appears to have seen from the first that the end could only be gained by persistent efforts extending over a long period. It is owing to the absence of a continuous policy that this and many other great measures which were once full of promise have produced no permanent results. Warren Hastings opened a correspondence with the rulers of Tibet and Bhutan ; he succeeded in establishing most friendly relations by the de spatch of an embassy ; his liberal encouragement of trade brought down crowds of mountaineers to his fair at Rangpiir ; he followed up his first mission by a second and third to Bhutan, with the object of cementing the recently formed friendship ; and finally, he sent a fourth embassy to Bhutan, which extended its operations into Tibet. Yet, when the master-mind was removed, the work so admirably commenced was abandoned. No English official has since held personal intercourse with the rulers of Tibet, and when, a quarter of a century after the retirement of Warren Hastings, a solitary Englishman did once force his way to Lhasa, no use was made xxii OBJECTS OF THE INTRODUCTION. [Intb. of his brave and successful enterprise, and he was left to perish or to return, as chance would have it. So completely was the policy of opening commercial inter course between India and the Trans-Himalayan region abandoned, that the very history of the Hastings negotiations was forgotten,1 and most of the valuable records of the Tibet and Bhutan missions were lost. Thus the knowledge that was then acquired with so much care, the lessons of experience that were taught, instead of being carefully stored up and made available as a point of departure for future efforts, have been totally dis regarded. It is by a series of mere accidents that copies of records long since lost or destroyed, owing to official neglect, have been preserved through the more patriotic and discrimi nating care of private families. The account of the important mission of George Bogle to Bhutan and Tibet has been gathered partly from journals, partly from official despatches, and partly from private corre spondence; and it is now presented for the first time in a connected form. That of Mr. Manning's extraordinary journey to Lhasa is from a fragmentary series of notes and jottings which alone remain to bear testimony to a feat which still remains unparalleled. As an introduction to the perusal of these narratives, I propose to give an account of the region to which they refer ; to furnish some information respecting what is known of the inhabitants, their history and religion ; and to pass in review the several steps by which our existing knowledge has been ac quired, and the events, so far as we can learn them, which have . formed the more recent history of Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan. To perform such a task with any approach to com pleteness would require a separate volume, and the possession of local knowledge. My aim in this introduction will therefore i See Hamilton's « East India Gazet- he did not know the difference between teer. This writer, with access to the Deb Rajah of Bhutan and the official records, was so ignorant, that Dalai Lama. Intk.] THE HIMALAYAN REGION. xxiii be confined to such a general glance at the subject as will suffice to pla"ce the narratives in their due relative positions, and to explain all circumstances relating to them directly or indirectly. Another object will be to furnish references, in their proper order, through which this important subject may be more thoroughly studied and understood ; and thus, in some measure, to assist in replacing and restoring those foundations of a great policy which the genius of Warren Hastings had laid, but which subsequent neglect has destroyed. The Himalayan system is composed of three great culmina ting chains, running more or less parallel to each other for their whole length, from the gorge- of the Indus to that of the Dihqng ; and the lofty region of Great Tibet lies mainly between the inner and outer range, with the Central Chain, whence most of the rivers of northern India take their rise, running through its length. It is with the portion of the Himalayan region which includes Great Tibet and the countries between it and the plains of India, that the narratives com posing this volume have to do ; and, therefore, the introductory remarks will be mainly confined to that portion. The inner and most northern of the three ranges is naturally divided into a western and an eastern section. The western is known as the Kaxakorum BaDge, separating the valley of. .the Indus from that _of_the_Yarkand-JEliver and other streams belonging to the inland system of Lob:nor. It has vast glaciers and lofty peaks, including that called K 2, which is 28,000 feet above the sea,1 while it is traversed by passes of great height, such as the Cha^g-^liejjmo^lgiOOO^eet,2 and the Karakorum, 18,000 feet above the sea. The sources of three great rivers are on the southern slopes of the northern range, and forcing their way through the central and southern chains, they_reach^ the plains of India : namely, the Indus, Sutlej, anABraJimaputrcu • K 2 stands between the parts of * There are two Chang - chenmo this range called Mustang and Kara- passes : that of Pangtung-la, 18,900,- korum, referring to the Mustang and and of Changlung-barma la, 19,280 Karakorum passes. feet above the sea. (Trotter's Map.) xxiv THE NORTHERN CHAIN. ^ [Intr. The eastern section of the Northern Eange forms the natural. northern boundary of Great Tibet; for although an extensive region farther north is included on the maps as part of Tibet, it is really inhabited by wandering, independent tribes, called Hor and Sok.1 Tibetan influence, so far as we yet know, is here confined to the route to Eudok and the Thok Jalung gold fields,2 and to a few monasteries in the mountains and on the bants of Lake Tengri-nor, although Tibetan sovereignty must be considered as extending to the Kuen-lun Mountains. This lofty region is almost entirely unknown to Europeans, except through the Lama surveys.3 It is drained by streams flowing into a system of inland lakes, and its elevation above the sea has only been ascertained at three points. Mr. Johnson, in his journey to Khotan, entered the region of inland drainage by the Chang-chenmo pass, and found the height of the Lingtsi plain to be 17,000 feet. The Pundit of 1867 found the gold mines of Thok Jalung, which are on this lofty plateau, to be 16,330 feet; and Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1872 reached the shores of Lake Tengri-nor, and ascertained its height to be 15,000 feet above the sea. The great Northern Chain of the Himalayan system, called the Karakorum Range in its western section, is '¦ here known as the Ninjinthangla or Nyenehhen-tang-la Moun tains, and separates the inland system of lakes from the basin of the Brahmaputra. To the westward it commences at the famous central peak or knot called Kailas i by the Hindus, and Gangri by the Tibetans, which is 22,000 feet above the sea. 1 Horsok is the name given by the the Sok are of Mongol race. Yeul Tibetanstothewholeregionbetweenthe means an encampment, so that Sok- Northern Himalayan Range (Nyench- yeul is the encampment of the Soks or hen-thangla) and the Kuen-lun. It Mongols. is inhabited by two distinct races, called 2 The northern slopes of the range Hor and Sok : Horpa is the western are reported to contain a whole string half of this region, and Sokpa the of gold fields, extending from the eastern half, as well as part of Sokyeul, meridian of Lhasa to that of Rudok. round the Kokonor Lake. They are 3 See p. Ixi for some account of this all styled Khachhe'n (Muhammadans) survey. by the Tibetans. Sokyeul is the same 4 On the map of D'Anville, in Du as Tnngut. The Hor are Turks, and Halde, it is called Kantaisse. Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxv The chain then continues in an easterly and north-easterly direction, forming the northern watershed of the Brahmaputra, throwing up . lofty peaks, one of which is reported by the explorer of 1872 to be at least 25,000 feet high; while the pass by which he crossed the range to the inland plateau was 17,200 feet above the sea. The name given to the eastern section of this most northern of the ranges by Mr. Brian Hodgson is NyencKhen-tang-la ;x and the same name is referred by the explorer of 1872 to one of the peaks. Mr. Trelawney Saunders has proposed as the name of this range, Gang-ri,2 the Tibetan for "snowy mountain," by which the Kailas Peak is known in Tibet. But perhaps the most convenient way of dis tinguishing this important but almost unknown mountain chain will be by referring to it as the inner or northern.- chain of the Himalayan system. Parallel to the Northern Range runs the Central Range of the Himalaya, which is also little known, and but very partially ex plored. The section of this range with which we have to deal commences at the Jfl^am-Iajsassj. near the Kailas or Gangri Peak. Here a comparatively low saddle connects the Northern and Central ranges, and separates the valley of the Sutlej fr.Qrn, that of the^Brahmaputra. To the eastward this Central Chain, on its northern side, forms the southern watershed of the Brah maputra, while on its southern slopes are the sources of many important rivers, which, forcing their way through the Southern Chain of the Himalaya, eventually join the Ganges or the Brah maputra. Such are the rivers Kali, Karnali, Narayani,JBuria Gandak, Tirsuli Gandak, Bhotia Kosi, and Arun, in Nepal ; pos sibly some of the feeders of the Monass, in Bhutan, and the Lopra-cachu, or Subanshiri, farther east. Only three English men have ever crossed the Central Chain to the eastward of the Mariam-la pass (all at the same point), namely, Bogle, Turner, 1 See ' Selections ' (Government of is snow, in Tibetan ; dis, colour, in San- Bengal), No. xxvii. p. 93 ; and scrit ; and Si, a mountain, in Tibetan. ' J. A. S. B.,' ii., of 1853. (' Magasin Asiatique,' p. 233. Paris, 2 Klaproth has Gang-dis-ri. Gang 1825.) xxvi TIBET AND ITS DIVISIONS. [Intb. and Manning ; and the narratives of two of these are printed for the first time in this volume. But a magnificent view of the Central Chain was obtained by Dr. Hooker from the Donkia pass, looking north, and it has been traversed, in four different places, by explorers employed by Colonel Montgomerie. It contains several snowy peaks and large glaciers, while trans verse saddles intersect the region between it and the Southern Range of the Himalaya. Tibet extends, as a rule, to the passes over the Southern Range. Tibet, the name now adopted by Europeans, came from the Turks and Persians, and is unknown in the country. Formerly the name used in the west was Tangut, the origin of which has been explained by Colonel Yule.1 But the true name is Bod and Bodyul, called Bhot and Bhotiya in India, literally " Bod Land." Tibet or Bodyul is divided into four great provinces, called Kam, U, Tsang, and Ari. Kam is the eastern province, bordering on Szechuen, in China ; and Ari is the mountainous region west of the Mariam-la pass, including Ladak.2 U and Tsang, or Utsan°-, form Central or Great Tibet, extending from the Mariam-la down the valley of the Brahmaputra, bounded on the north by the great Northern Himalayan Range, and on the south by the series of snowy peaks overhanging Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan. Great Tibet thus embraces the region between the Northern and 1 c 'Marco Polo, i. p. 209. The Klaproth. Mr. T. T. Cooper, in the Mongols called Tibet by the name of narrative of his adventurous journey to Baran-tola (S.W.), or the "right side," Bhatang, gives additional information while Mongolia was called Vzegun-tola, respecting the eastern province of Tibet or the left (N.E.) side ; hence, Dzun- (see ' Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce gana (!. p 216) in Pigtail and Petticoat , L(md A great part of An has been ex- 1871); and M. Des Godins furnishes plored and described by many European further details, especially as regards the travellers and surveyors during the geography of the great rivers supposed present century, whose works are enu- to be the upper courses of the Cambodia, mewled by me in the Memoir- on the Salwin, and Irrawaddy. (See ' La Mis- Kamtmf I P' ?* V"? ^f Si°n dU ™bet ' P« C ^ Des Godins, Hifc Id rlbPtT ZX UnkD0Wn- Vei'duD> 1872 : ™d the ' Bul1^ ^ la Hue and Gabet traversed it on their Society de Geographie' for Nov 1871 return from Lhasa to Szechuen. An p. 343, and Oct. 1875, p. 337) itinerary of the same route is given by >'.*»• *°i). Intb.] VALLEY OF THE UPPER BRAHMAPUTRA. xxvii Southern chains, but the towns and principal monasteries, where are trie centres of population, are chiefly in the valley of the Brahmaputra, and its tributaries from the north and south. Except as regards the region round Teshu Lumbo, and the route to Lhasa, which were visited by Bogle, Turner, and Man ning, our modern knowledge of the upper valley of the Brah maputra or Tsanpu is derived entirely from the accounts given by the Pundit despatched by Colonel Montgomerie in 1866, and the young Tibetan sent in 1872. ^_. The Tsanpu rises, in longitude(82° 28' E., at the Mariam-la pass,1 15,500 feet jJbgyejthe^ea,_and flows, in its upper course,2 over an elevated series of plains, where sheep, goats, and yaks abound, with many large glaciers belonging to the Central Chain of the Himalaya in sight to the south. It receives two large rivers on the left bank, flowing from the Northern Range, called Chachu Tsanpu, and Charta Tsanpu ;3 and at Janglache,4 a fort and large monastery, in longitude 87° 38' E., 13J}.SQ-ieetl above the sea, the river, here called_the- Narichu, becomes I navigable. I1^h^,,..dejcendjL2i^ 1 350 miles. A few miles below Janglach^, another river, called \ the Raha Tsanpu, after a parallel course on the northern side, empties itself into the main stream. From Janglache, people and goods are frequently transported down the river in boats to Shigatze,5 a distance of 85 miles. Shigatze, with its neigh bouring palace-monastery of Teshu Lumbo, the residence of the Teshu Lama, is the principal place in the Tsang province. It is in8]£.7' E. longitude, 29° 4' 2Q"J8L latitude, and lLSMfeet above the sea, 1 The Mariam-la pass is 60 miles 3 The Naouc Tsanpu and Sanki east of Lake Mansarowar, the source of Tsanpu of D'Anville. the Sutlej, the interval being partly 4 Tchanglase of D'Anville ; and occupied by another lake. Dzianglodze'-dzoung of Klaproth. The 2 The Pundit says that the river French Dz is equivalent to our J. here has three names, Tamgan Khamba, 5 The Jikse of D'Anville, and Jika- Maohang, and Narichu Sangpo. On dze (mountain pass) of Klaproth. D'Anville's map the upper course is called Yarou Tsaupou. xxviii THE PAINAM AND SHIANG-CHU RIVERS. [Istb. Teshu Lumbo was visited by Bogle and Turner, and is fully described by the former envoy, in the following pages. Between Janglache and Shigatze two rivers fall into the Tsanpu on the south bank, called the Shakiadong-chu and the Shiabgi-chu. At a distance of 30 miles up the valley of the former river, 13,860 feet above the sea, on one of the slopes of the Central Chain, is the great monastery of Sakiajong (Sankia of D'Anville), the head-quarters of the Red Cap sect of Buddhists. It is 30 miles from Janglache, and 48 from Shigatze. In the lower part of the Shakiadong-chu there are many villages, with cornfields, and a considerable town nestles at the foot of the " Red Cap " monastery. Near Shigatze two rivers, one from the north and the other from the south, enter the Brahmaputra. They have been traced from their sources, so that here we first get a knowledge of the whole width of the valley, from the Southern and Central to the Northern Chain of the Himalaya. The southern river is the Penanang-chu or Painam.1 It rises from two lakes, dis covered by Mr. Bogle, at the foot of the Chumalhari Peak, on the Southern Range, forces its way through a gorge in the Central Range,2 where there are hot springs,3 waters the fertile valleys of Giansu* (Giangze-jong) and Painam (Pena-jong), and falls into the Brahmaputra near Shigatze. This river was first followed by Bogle along its whole course in 1774, then by Captain Turner in 1782, and as far as Giansu by Manning in 1811. The river flowing from the north is the Shiang-chu. It rises near the Khalamba-la pass, over the Northern Range, which is 17,200 feet above the level of the sea, and after a. lateral course in the mountains of about 30 miles, it flows south- 1 Monctchou of D'Anville. hurried with violence over a rocky 2 In crossing the Central Range, bed. High rocks, perpendicular and Bogle describes the route as " passing bare, and vast impending crags " through valleys bounded by bleak and (p. 221). barren hills, through whose openings 3 See p. 182; and Turner, p. 220. we saw distant mountains covered with l Tchiantse of D'Anville;' and Gial- snow" (p. 74). Turner says: "The dze-dzoung of Klaproth. river has a considerable fall, and Intb.] VALLEY OF LHASA. xxix wards down a valley for 50 miles into the Brahmaputra. In this valley of the Shiang-chu is situated the town and monastery of Chamnamring * (Namling), 12,220 feet above the sea, the small palace of Desheripgay, and other religious establishments. The only Englishman who has ever visited this valley is Mr. Bogle. He was followed, at an interval of nearly a century, by Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1872. From the mouth of the Shiang-chu to the point where the road to Lhasa crosses the river, a distance of 85 miles, the course of the Brahmaputra is entirely unknown, except from the Lama Survey;2 but at that point it has been crossed by Mr. Manning, by the Pundit of 1866, and the explorer of 1872. The river of Lhasa, called the Ki-chu3 by the explorer of 1872, falls into the Brahmaputra, in longitude 90° 30' E., 2 miles to the eastward of Chusul-jong, where the river is 11,334 feet above the sea. The city of Lhasa, the capital of the U province, and the residence of the Dalai Lama and of the Chinese political agents, is in the valley of the Ki-chu, and about 25 miles from its junction with the Brahmaputra, in latitude 29° 39' 17" N., and_LL7DQ feet above the sea.. Lhasa stands in a level plain, surrounded by -mountains, and dotted over with populous monas teries. This upper valley of the Brahmaputra, though 11,000 to 15,000 feet above the sea, yields harvests -o£_ harley_and miUe^Jiaa_Abuiidant._partures, and there are clumps octrees, and^ven gardens, round the towns and monasteries. Beyond the point where the Lhasa route crosses the river, in longitude 90° 40' E., the course of the Brahmaputra within the mountains is entirely unknown (except from the Lama Survey)4 for a distance of about 400 miles, when, under the name of DihoagTthe mighty stream emerges into the valley of Assam 1 Chamnamrim of D'Anville. the Lhasa river. (' Magasin Asiatique,' 2 See p. lxi. "• P- 263. Paris, 1826.) 3 Kaltiou of D'Anville ; and Gald- 4 See p. lxi. The Lama Survey ap- jao-mouren (" la riviere furibonde ") of pears to extend only to the Central Klaproth, who gives a long account of Range, the latitudes being earned much too far south. xxx COURSE OF THE BRAHMAPUTRA. [IlwB and becomes the Brahmaputra of the plains. Yet there can be no reasonable doubt that the Tsanpu of Great Tibet and the Brahmaputra of the plains are one and the same river. The question has occupied the attention of geographers for upwards of a century. In his instructions, dated 1774, Warren Hastings specially enjoined Mr. Bogle to inform himself respecting the course of the Brahmaputra.1 D'Anville, and afterwards Klaproth, believed that the Tibet river was the upper course of the Irrawaddy. But there never appears to have been any doubt, among English geographers, that Rennell was correct in his identification of the Tsanpu with the Brahmaputra. In 1825 Captains Burlton and Wilcox were sent to explore its course. Burlton followed up the course of the Dihong, until he was stopped by wild tribes, while Wilcox crossed the water parting towards Burma, and reached the banks of the Irrawaddy.2 From the point reached by Burlton on the Dihong, to the place where Manning crossed the Tsanpu, there is an interval of about 400 miles, and a difference of level of 11,000 feet, which is entirely unknown. On the south the Great Tibetan valley of the Tsanpu. is bounded by the Central Range of the Himalaya, the culmi nating peaks of which are covered with eternal snow, while the sides bear the weight of enormous glaciers. But the snow line on the Central Chain is much higher than that on the Southern Himalaya. As the snow is deposited by southerly winds it falls mainly on the culminating ridge which faces the south, and screens the central ridge behind it. Thus the snow line is 5000 feet lower down on the Southern Himalaya than on the Central Chain. From this latter Range many lofty saddles branch in several directions, in some places forming inland lakes, in 1 See p. 9. never answered by Klaproth, who died 2 See 'Asiatio Researches,' xviii. in 1 835. Subsequently, both Pemberton p. 314, for the work of Wilcox and his and Hodgson received native informa- colleague. In this paper Wilcox re- tion identifying the Brahmaputra and plied to Klaproth, and maintained that Dihong with the Tsanpu. the Dihong was the Tsanpu. He was Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxxi others directing the course of rivers, either to the Tsanpu or through the gorges of the Southern Range. Most of the region between the Central and Southern Ranges is within the terri tory of Tibet. Much of our knowledge of this part of the country is still dependent on the map compiled by D'Anville in 1733, from the survey of the Lamas, and the rest is mainly derived from native explorers. To the eastward, in an entirely unknown country, the Central Range is drained by numerous tributaries of a great river, called the Lopra-cachu, which appear to break through the Southern Range and reach the plains of Assam, under the name of the Subanshiri, or Lohit. In this eastern part of the Central Range is also situated that remarkable lake of Palti, Peiti, or Yamdok-chu, which is delineated by D'Anville as sur rounding a large central island, like a moat encircling a castle. But the western shore alone has been described, and Mr. Man ning is the only Englishman who has ever seen it. Both he and the Pundit of 1866 describe it as being separated from the valley of the Tsanpu by a range of mountains, called the Khamba-la,1 a spur from the Central Range ; and the Pundit aTMs, that the lake has no outlet. Our information respecting Lake Palti will be found condensed in a note to Mr. Manning's narrative at page 244. To the westward of the Lopra-cachu basin there appears to be a high saddle, connecting the Central and Southern Ranges, for the river of Painam, already referred to, flows north from the Chumalhari Peak to the Tsanpu, forcing its way through the Central Range. Farther westward our principal informant respecting the Central Range, and the region between it and the Southern Himalayas, is Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1871, known as No. 9. West of the Painam basin various lofty spurs from the 1 The Chinese geographers, quoted by Klaproth, name the Khamba-la as on the boundary between the provinces of U and Tsang. xxxii THE CENTRAL CHAIN. PNTE- Central Chain lead the drainage, for a distance of 150. miles, into the Aran river, which breaks through the Southern Hima laya into Nepal. North of the Arun basin, and, like the Palti lake, encircled by spurs from the Central Range, is the Chomto- dong lake, about 20 miles in length and 16 broad, and without an outlet. It is not shown on the map of D'Anville,, and was, therefore, discovered by No. 9 in 1871. This lake is 14,700 feet above the sea. The main chain of the Central Range towers over the Chomto-dong lake on its northern side, and is crossed by the Lagulung-la pass 16,000 feet above the sea, where the glacier ice is seen close to the road taken by travellers. Ac cording to No. 9 this part of the region between the Central and Southern Ranges belongs to Sikkim, and the boundary between Sikkim and Tibet is on the Lagulung-la of the Central Range. The Central Range has also been crossed (by No. 9) by the Dango-la pass above the great Sakia monastery, and 28 miles east of the Lagalung-la. The western branch of the Arun flows from west to east through an extensive plain, be tween the Central and Southern Ranges, called the Dingri1 Maidan, 13,900 feet above the sea, where there is a town of two hundred and fifty houses. The Dingri river is believed to rise in a large lake, which is shown but not named on D'Anville's map, but which was heard of as the Dalgu-chu, 15,000 feet above the sea, by Colonel Montgomerie's explorers. It has never been visited. Still farther to the west the Central Chain is crossed by the Taku-la pass,2 which has never been explored ; the No-la pass, at a height 16,623 feet above the sea; and the Photu-la, at a height of 15,080 feet. The latter is just above the town of Loh-Mantang,s a place of very considerable trade, and thousands of wild ponies find pasture on the slopes along the pass. In Eastern Nepal, farther west, the only pass with which 1 Tinkia of D'Anville. 2 To the north of the Chinese post of Jonka-jong. 3 Mustang (?). Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxxiii we hase become acquainted is that of Taklakhar, in the gorge of the Karnali. But the range in Kumaon and Bussahir has been examined, and four passes have been explored.1 Thus the Central Range of the Himalaya has been crossed at six different points from east to west, within the region of which we are treating. First, at the gorge of the Painam river, by Bogle, Turner, and Manning ; next, at the Lagulung-la and Dong-la passes, by No. 9 ; next, at the No-la pass, by the Pundit of 1866 ; and lastly, at the Photu-la pass. Very magnificent views of its long line of glaciers and snowy peaks, forming a continuous chain, have been enjoyed by Dr. Hooker from the Donkia pass, by Bogle and Turner from the foot of Chumal- hari, by Manning looking back from the Khamba-la, and by Colonel Montgomerie' s explorers from many other points. From its northern face the ravines, opening into valleys, slope pretty regularly to the Tsanpu. But to the south, the region between the Central and Southern ranges is broken by long parallel spurs and saddles of great height, in two instances' completely encircling large lakes, in others leading the rivers for considerable distances in courses parallel to the axes of the chains, before they burst through one or other of them, and flow down the meridional slopes. Such is the topographical aspect of Great Tibet, or the provinces of U and Tsang, comprised in the valley of the Tsanpu, or upper Brahmaputra, and in the broken region parallel to it, and at a greater elevation, between the Central and Southern ranges. We next come to the consideration of the Southern Hima laya2 and its chain of stupendous peaks, of the hydrography of its southern slope, and of the routes leading from India over its dangerous and little-known passes. 1 Two from Milun to Gartuk ; one to where the Sutlej breaks out of Tibe- from Badrinath, on the Ganges, to Gar- tan territory at Shipki. tuk; and one from Nilung to Guge; 2 The Rimola Mountains of D'An- besides the Dalhousie route, which leads villo and the Chinese geographers. Perhaps a misprint for Himola. * 0 xxxiv THE SOUTHERN CHAIN. [In™. The portion of the Southern Himalaya between Great Tibet and India consists of a stupendous chain of snow-clad mountains, with a line of culminating peaks, and slopes deeply furrowed into alternate ravines and ridges, which gradually sink down into the valleys of the Ganges and Brahmaputra. The distance from the culminating ridge to the plain averages about ninety miles; a breadth which Mr. Brian Hodgson describes by dividing it into three equal longitudinal zones : the lower com prising the Dhiins, or Maris of Nepal, and the Diiars of Bhutan, as well as the bhabur or sal forest, and the terai ; * the middle, between the Dhuns and the snow line ; and the upper or alpine zone. The first ranges from the plains to 4000 feet ; the central, from 4000 feet to 10,000 feet; and the upper, from 10,000 feet to 29,000 feet above the sea level. The amount of heat and cold in these several zones depends almost entirely on the elevation, there being a diminution of temperature equal to 3° or 3^° Fahr. for every thousand feet of height. But, as regards moisture, every movement to the west or north-west brings the traveller into a drier climate, and takes him farther and farther from the line of the rainy monsoon. The ridges also, being in the direct line of the monsoon, check, its progress, and their height has an effect on the amount of moisture in adjacent valleys. Thus there are great differences of climate in places of equal elevation. The character of the Himalayan slope is a perpetual succession of vast ridges with narrow intervening glens ; and open valleys, such as that of Nepal, are very rare.2 In ascending the gorges from the terai to the alpine ridges, the traveller passes through three zones of vegetation. In the lower region he finds splendid timber trees, such as the sal and sissu, banyans and peepuls, bamboos and palms. The central slopes are clothed with oaks, chestnuts, magnolias, 1 Terai, or Tarai, lowlands or swampy ' Geography of the Himalaya,' p. 3, tracts at the base of the hills. See, for note. the derivation of the word, Hodgson's = See Mr. Brian Hodgson's ' Physical Geography of the Himalaya.' Intb.] RIVER SYSTEMS OF NEPAL. xxxv laurels, rhododendrons, cherry and pear trees, thorns, ashes, and elms ; and the upper region is that of junipers, larches, yews, poplars, dwarf rhododendrons, hollies, birches, and willows. The fauna is also divided into zones of altitude ; and Mr. Hodgson x has given us an interesting account of the zoological distribution. In the direction of its length the Indian slope of that part of the Himalaya of which we now have to treat is properly divided according to its river basins. Commencing from the east, Nepal embraces the Karnali (or Ghagra), Gandak, and Kosi river systems, all affluents of the Ganges. Sikkim has the Tista and Am-machu, or Tursa, rivers ; and Bhutan is traversed by the feeders of the Minagaon, Sankos, Monass, and Lopra-cachu, or Subanshiri.2 In the west of Nepal, the Karnali system consists of the rivers Kali (or Sarda), Sweti-ganga, Karnali, Behri, Sarju, and Rapti. Their sources lie between the Nanda-deri (25,693 feet) and the Dawala-giri Peak (27,693 feet) ; and in this part of the main ridge one pass is known, leading from Nepal to Tibet, along the gorge of the Karnali river, by Taklakhar, in the Tibetan province of Ari. Both the Kali and Karnali rise in the Central Himalaya, and force their way through the Southern Chain. The upper zone of the Karnali basin (Ghagra) is occupied by the district of Jumla or Yumilla. Lower down is the country of the former Baisi (or twenty-two) Rajahs, and the streams unite in the plain to form the Ghagra (Gogra). Central Nepal embraces the river system of the "Sapt Gandaki," or seven Gandak rivers, called the Narayani, Seti- Gandak, Marsyanghi, Buria Gandak, Tirsuli Gandak, and two others of less importance. Their sources lie between the peaks of Dawala-giri (27,600 feet) and Dayabung (23,762 feet), and they converge to one point near Lora Ghat, within the hills, and flow down to the Ganges as the Gandak river. Four of these rivers, namely, the Kali Gandak, Karnali Gandak, Buria 1 ' Geography of the Himalaya,' p. 16. s Or Lohit. * c 2 xxxvi RIVER SYSTEMS OF NEPAL. [Intb. Gandak, and Tirsuli Gandak, have their sources in the Central Range, while the others drain the slopes of the Southern Hima- . laya only. There are three passes over the Central Chain into Tibet by the gorges of the Gandak rivers, namely, the Muk- tinath pass, by the river Narayani to Mantang (Mustang ?) ; the No-la, by the Buria Gandak ; and the Taku-la pass, by the Tirsuli Gandak. The country of the Gandaks is that of the former Chaubisi (twenty-four) Rajahs. Eastern Nepal is drained by the Kosi river system, con sisting, like the Gandak, of seven main streams : the Milamchi, the Bhotia Kosi, the Tamba Kosi, the Likhu, the Dud Kosi, the Arun, and the Tambur or Tamor. Their sources are included between the Dayabung (23,762 feet) and the Kangchan (28,158 feet), while Mount Everest (29,002 feet) towers above the left bank of the Arun. The Kosi rivers, after draining the Kiranti country in Eastern Nepal, including the districts of Khatang and Chayanpur, unite within the hills into one stream, which flows through the Murung, or Terai region, and past Bijapur, places often mentioned in Bogle's narrative. The Bhotia Kosi and Arun rise in the Central Chain, and the Arun has a long Tibetan course before it bursts through the Southern Himalaya, and flows down to the Ganges. There are four passes from Nepal to Tibet by the Kosi rivers : one up the /Bhotia Kosi, and by the Nilam pass and Kuti, a place mentioned several times by Mr. Bogle ; a second up the Arun river and by the Hatia pass ; a third up the ravine of the Tambur river by Wallanchiin, and over the Tipta-la ; and a fourth leads up the gorge of the Yangma, an alpine tributary of the Tambur, over the Kanglachan pass. The three Nepal basins drain the Indian slopes of the Himalaya for a distance of 800 miles. But the rivers which unite to form the Gogra, Gaudak, and Kosi, must necessarily converge to three separate centres, leaving intervals on the lower slopes. In that between the Gandak and Kosi is the beautiful valley of Nepal, with the city of Kathmandn, watered Inte.] SIKKIM AND BHUTAN RIVERS. xxxvii by Jhe Bagmatti river. This famous valley, surrounded by mountains, is 16 miles long and broad, and from 4200 feet to 4700 feet above the sea. Sikkim, called Demo-jong in Mr. Bogle's narrative, is drained by the river Tista, and its affluents, the Lachen and Lachung, the Buri Rangit, the Moing, the Rangri, and Rangchu ; and the Am-machu rises near Pari-jong, at the foot'' of x the Chumalhari Peak (23,929_fe.et), and flows through" the- Chumbi valleyjjKhich_ separates Sikkim from Bhutan. It con tinues "ftlT~course through the plains of Julpigori as the Tursa. Two passes, the Kongra-lama and Donkia, besides others at the heads of the Lachen and Lachung tributaries of the Tista, lead from Sikkim to Tibet ; while Pari-jong, at the head of the Chumbi valley, is the pass used by Bogle, Turner, and Manning. The Chumbi valley belongs to Tibet, and not to Sikkim- though the Sikkim Rajah has a house at Chumbi, and residesX there during part of the year. The lofty spur dividing the/ Chumbi and Tista valleys, called the Chumbi Range, is traversedy by several passes, the Yak-la, Cho-la, and Jelep-la. From the! J eastern boundary of Chumbi, the states of Bhutan and Tawang extend nearly to the Lopra-cachu, a distance of about 200 miles, with an average width of 90 miles from the alpine passes of the Southern Himalaya to the plains of India. The duars of Bhutan — literally doors or approaches — em brace the strip of land extending along the foot of the Bhutan mountains in Bengal and Assam, like the terai or murung of Sikkim and Nepal. There are eighteen of these diiars or passes: eleven on the frontier of Bengal, and seven on that of Assam ; the breadth of this diiar tract being from ten to twenty miles, and the length 220 miles. The more southern frontiers are all partially under rice cultivation, but the inter vening space to the foot of the mountains is occupied by dense and lofty forest, and heavy grass jungle. Several streams and rivers flow over pebbly beds from the gorges of the different defiles to the Brahmaputra. The most northern portion of the xxxviii DUARS. RIVERS OF BHUTAN. [Iktb. duars presents a rugged, irregular surface, occasioned by the spurs which project into the plain, and it is very malarious. The eleven Bengal diiars are Dalim-kotta, Zamar-kotta, Cha- murchi, Lakhi, Buxa, Bhulka, Bara, Gumar, Ripu, Cherrung or -Sidli, and Bagh or Bijni. The names of the seven Assam diiars are Buri Gumah and Kalling, bordering on the Durrung dis trict; and Ghurkola, Baksha, Chapaguri, Chapaklamar, and Bijni, bordering on Kamrup. East of Durrung is the Kureah- parah Diiar held by the Tawang Rajah, a dependent of Tibet ; -.and still farther east are the wild tribe^qf^AborSjJDaflas, and :xjMishmis, extending to and beyond the Dihong, whose moun- , tains, generally inaccessible, have recently been entered by our ^ troops.1 ~~""~- ¦——___-• Above the diiars, up to the snowy ridge of the Southern Himalaya, all Bhutan is a succession of lofty and rugged mountains separated by gorges, and a few valleys somewhat wider than the generality of the ravines. The streams are numerous and rapid, in beds filled with huge boulders. There are three river systems in Bhutan besides that of the Am-machu or Chumbi, which flows through a portion of that State on its way to the Brahmaputra. The first, from the west, is the Pachu-Chinchu, which is formed by several rivers. The Pachu flows from a saddle near Pari-jong, waters the Paro valley, and joins the Chinchu. It was by the Pachu valley that Bogle, Turner, and Manning made their way into Tibet. The Chinchu, receiving the Wangchu, flows through the valley of Tassisudon, and joins the Pachu. The united streams, in flow ing down into Assam, are at first called the Pachu-Chinchu, and then the Raidak and Minagaon. The next river system of Bhutan is the Machu, which flows past the winter palace of Punakha, and enters the plain as the Sankos. Lastly, by far the largest river of Bhutan, and the one whose tributaries ./iI°,deiptileTmand0f:Bri8:adier Survey of India> wh° accompanied btattoid, UB. Sec a paper on the this expedition. ('J. A. S B ' xliv " Geology ol the Dafla Hills," by Major part ii.) ' '' Godwin Austen, of the Topographical Intk.] THE HIMALAYAN SYSTEM. xxxix drain the widest extent of country, is the Monass. Its basin occupies the eastern half of Bhutan. There are four principal Monass affluents: the Matichu, which flows past Tongsu; the Tongchu, Korichu, and Monass. Several passes into Tibet are said to lead up the gorges of these rivers into the basin of the Lopra-cachu. The region of the Monass is unexplored, except by Pemberton, and nothing is known beyond his route. Some J of the peaks of the Bhutan Himalaya, eastward of Chumalhari, / have, however, been measured from the Assam plain by Mr./ Lane. One at the head of the Matichu is 24,737 feet ; and two/ twin peaks, at the head of branches of the Monass, are re spectively 20,965 feet and 20,576 feet above the sea. The above topographical sketch is intended to embrace the regions with which the narratives in the present volume have to do ; and to describe cursorily the orography and hydrography of Great Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan. Travellers and systematic geographers have devoted a large share of attention to the structure of the great Himalayan mass, and, in my ' Memoir on the Indian Surveys,' * I have given some account of the views of the physical character of the Himalaya formed by Herbert, Henry Strachey, Forbes Royle, Cunningham, Thomson, Brian Hodgson, and Hooker. Mr. Hodgson has stated his view of the question with remarkable clearness, and his ex planation of the hydrography of Nepal is a masterpiece of lucid description. Mr. Trelawney Saunders has also treated of the whole subject in his 'Memoir of the Mountains and River Basins of India,' and has illustrated his view of Himalayan geography by means of a large diagram which has not been published. But the Himalayan portion of the beautiful and very clear maps of India which illustrate my 'Moral and Material Progress Reports for 1871-72 and 1872-73,' are based upon the large diagram, the first attempt, of which I am aware, to give clear expression to the whole Himalayan system by means of cartographic illustration. Mr. Saunders 1 Page 247. xl THE HIMALAYAN SYSTEM. [Lmtb. shows that the Himalaya culminates in two parallel ranges running through their entire length, which I have called the Southern and Central Himalayan Chains, separated by a series of valleys. This view is in opposition to those very ably stated by Mr. Brian Hodgson, Dr. Thomson, Dr. Hooker, and others, who consider that the Southern Himalaya, with its line of snowy peaks, is not a true chain or cordiUera, because it is broken by Jjhe defiles through which rivers force their way, whose sources re on what I have called the Central Chain. They consider ae Southern Himalaya to be not a chain, but a series of spurs from the Central Chain. It will at once be seen that this is not a question of fact, but of nomenclature, which would scarcely have arisen if the similar facts relating to other great mountain masses, such as the chains or Cordilleras of the Andes, had been considered. When this is done it will be seen that a great chain of mountains, with a continuous series of culminating ridges and a continuous slope, is a chain, whether rivers force their way through its gorges or not, and that these phenomena of the Himalaya occur also in the Andes, which are nevertheless properly called cordilleras.1 Warren Hastings was the first to notice the striking analogy between the Andes and the Himalaya,2 after perusing the work 1 Mr. Wilfred Heeley, in an other- southward. They are not a continuous wise admirable article on Tibet, in the snowy chain." ' Calcutta Review ' (July, 1874, p. 139), 2 All really efficient administrators carries this theory of the broken chain of the first order are geographers by to an extreme. He tells us that the instinct, and Warren Hastings was no Himalaya "is not one continuous sierra exception to the rule. Under his [probably meaning cordiUera'], but rather auspices surveying operations were care- a series of short parallel ranges running fully fostered and encouraged. Major south from the watershed [presumably Rennell, the father of Indian geo- meaning water parting], and each having graphers, made his famous survey of its highest peak near its southern ter- Bengal, and constructed his maps of mination. The ridges may be joined tho Ganges and Brahmaputra, in the by spurs, and the passes into Tibet days of the first Governor-General. Sir cross these, not the main mountain John Call, the Surveyor-General, com- crest." Again, he quotes Dr. Hooker, piled a general map of India. Colonel who says (' R. G. S. J.,' xx. p. 52), " In Pearse, the friend of Hastings, and his Sikkim the Himalayas consist of meri- second in the duel with Francis, and dional ridges separated by water flowing Colonel Colebrooke, took a series of Intb.] THE ANDES AND THE HIMALAYA. xli of M. de la Condamine.1 The analogy between the two great mountain masses of the old and new world is indeed most re markable. Both consist of three parallel chains. In both great rivers have their sources in the inner chain, and force their way through the other two. The cuesta of La Raya, separating the valley of the Vilcamayu from the basin of Titicaca, is the coun terpart of the Mariam-la saddle dividing the basin of the Sutlej from the valley of the Brahmaputra. In both systems numer ous rivers rise in the central cordiUera, and after lateral courses between the two, eventually force a way through the outer chain. The Southern Himalaya bears an exact analogy to the outer Andes which rise from the valley of the Amazon. Both have a low range at their feet, enclosing valleys or dhuns ; both have deep gorges, separated by lofty ridges, which are spurs from a main chain of culminating snowy peaks ; and in both several rivers rise in an inner central range, and force their way through profound ravines between the culminating summits. The rivers Mapiri and Chuqui-apu pierce the cor diUera, flowing through chasms in beds 18,000 feet below the snowy peak of Illimani which almost overhangs one of them. Yet no one maintains that the " Cordillera Real de los Andes " is not a chain of mountains ! The analogy between the land of the Yncas and the plateau of Tibet may be carried still farther. In both the staple produce is wool, yielded by llamas, alpacas, and vicunas in Peru, and by sheep and shawl goats in Tibet. In both the beasts of burden are llamas or sheep needing a wide area of pasturage, and consequently numerous passes on their journeys, in order that a profitable trade may be carried on with the low country. Both abound in the precious metals. In both the people cultivate hardy cereals, and species of chenopodium, called quinua in Peru, and battu in Tibet. The people, too, have many beliefs and customs in common, down to that of heaping astronomical observations, and mapped dart, and Blair were actively employed the country along the coast from Cal- in preparing charts. cutta to Madras. Nor were marine a See p. 12. surveys neglected ; and Ritchie, Hud- xlii THE INHABITANTS OF TIBET. Intb.] up huge piles of stones on the crests of mountain passes ; and the Tibetan is actuated by the same feeling when he mutters his Om mani padmi hwm,1 as the Peruvian when, on passing a heap of stones, he bows and reverentially exclaims, Apaehicta muehhani ! 2 The analogy pointed out by Warren Hastings, and which I have ventured to carry a little farther, strikingly suggests the importance of taking a comprehensive view of such questions as those of the physical structure of a great mountain range, or of the best means of establishing commercial intercourse between inhabitants of a lofty plateau difficult of access, and those of tropical valleys separated by snowy mountains. If the frightful gorges of the Andes did not prevent the Yncas from exchanging the products of the sierras for the coca of the montanas, there is nothing that a wise policy may not overcome to hinder the Lamas of Tibet and the Rulers of India from establishing a friendly interchange of commodities between the lofty plateaux of the one, and the fertile tropical valleys of the other. \ The inhabitants of Tibet belong to the great Mongolian family, and they are described by Hue3 as a people with small, contracted, black eyes, thin beard, high cheek bones, flat noses, wide mouths, and thin lips. The skins of the upper classes are as white as those of Europeans, but the ordinary complexion is tawny. They are of middle height, and combine agility and i suppleness with force and vigour. They are said to be generous and frank, brave in war, religious, and fond of display. They must be hardy mountaineers, and have developed most of the natural resources of their country. They have domesticated the yak, breed ponies in large numbers, sheep and goats, cultivate such cereals as will ripen in their climate, work the 1 " Oh! the jewel in the lotus. Amen!" who enables me to raise this burden, equivalent to our " Pater noster qui es in and who grants me strength to ascend cceh" such rugged heights as these." (See Quichua words, meaning literally, my translation of the ' Commentaries "I offer thanks that this has been carried; " Reales de los Yncas, por el Ynca Gar- or, as the Ynca explains it, "I give cilasso la Vega,' i. p. 117.) thanks and make an offering to Him 3 ii. p. 141. Istb.] THE PON RELIGION. BUDDHISM. xliii precious metals, and are skilful weavers and potters. Their language is said to be more nearly allied to that of Burma than to any other of the same group j1 but it has not yet been ex haustively studied.2 It js now confined to the valleys of the Tsanpu, Upper Indus, Sutlej, and -Chenab..- The early history of the Tibetans, before the introduction of Buddhism, is probably quite fabulous ; although there is some trace of the old religion of Tibet lingering in the eastern province of Kam. It is called the Bon or Pon religion, and appears to have been a worship of the powers of nature, with a creed identical with the Chinese doctrine of Taosse.3 The people still have deities of the hills, the trees, the dales, and lakes. It was centuries after the death of Sakya Muni in India, in 543 B.C., that the light of his doctrine spread over the Tibetan plateau. The disciples of Buddha long had to contend against opposition in their own country; their religion of peace and good will, not to man only, but to all the animated creation, was very gradually accepted, and it was more than three centuries before the famous King Priyadarsi, or Asoka, made Buddhism the re ligion of the State in India. Then a new era dawned upon the world. Former inscriptions of ancient kings that have been 1 The Jesuit and Capuchin fathers and small dictionary, lithographed in who were in Lhasa in the last century British Lahoul ; and he commenced studied the Tibetan language, and their the publication of a more complete records enabled Giorgi to publish his Tibetan lexicon in 1871. 'Alphabetum Thibetanum' at Rome, 2 General Cunningham says that it in 1759. In 1826, P. Schroter brought resembles English in the similarity in out a Tibetan - English dictionary, sound of many words, and in that words edited by John Marshman, which was are not spelt as they are pronounced. published at the Serampore Press, and In Tibetan, to bring is brang ; can is followed by the grammar and diction- hyan ; dull is dal ; thick is tuk ; wool is ary of J. J. Schmidt, in 1839. Mean- wal; lump is Ihumpo (lumbo) ; there is while, that learned and indefatigable der ; here is dir ; rogue is rog. (' Ladak,' scholar, Csoma de Koros, produced a p. 388.) grammar and dictionary of Tibetan, at 3 The question of the Pon religion of Calcutta, in 1834. There are also the Tibet is discussed by Colonel Yule in grammar of Ph. Ed. Foucaux, and the his edition of 'Marco Polo,' i. pp. 315- 'Tibetische Studien' of A. Schiefner. 319. (See also Cunningham's ' Ladak,' In 1866, the Moravian missionary, p. 358.) H. A. Jaschke, published his grammar *liv THE CHINESE PILGRIMS. [Intb. laboriously deciphered, record bloody victories and ruthless conquests. But the rock and pillar edicts of the Rajah Priya darsi l inculcate goodness, virtue, piety, and kindness to animals ; and they ordain the introduction of a general system of instruc tion in moral conduct, and the establishment of medical dispen saries throughout the empire. It was Asoka or Priyadarsi who first sent missionaries beyond his frontiers to spread the glad tidings of Dharma, or religion, among distant peoples. His son Makinda brought the sacred canon to Ceylon,2 together with the Pali language of Magadha, in which it was first taught ; and in that island Buddhism has been preserved in its purest and most primitive form.3 At about the same time the new religion was introduced into Ladak, Khotan, Afghanistan, and the countries of the Oxus valley ; arid it reached China at about the commencement of the Christian era. But it seems clear that Great Tibet remained in darkness for some centuries later, though almost surrounded by the peace-giving light of Dharma. The routes taken by the Chinese pilgrims to India show that Tibet was at that time still -in outside darkness. When in the beginning of the fifth century,4 Fa-Hian, the heroic Buddhist monk, and his four companions, set out from China to visit the sacred sites in India, and to obtain copies of the Scriptures, they took the circuitous road to the_ north of Tibet, and reached Khotan, then a stronghold of Buddhist culture. The farther route of Fa-Hian was over the Pamir and Hindu Kush, and across .thejwat. vaj ley— that region which has lately been found to be so rich in Buddhist sculptures— to the Punjab. Two centuries later, the route of the other pilgrim whose narrative has been preserved, Hiuen Thsang,also avoided Great Tibet6 by a still wider circuit. He travelled over Tsun- 1 See my ' Memoir on the Indian a b.o. 316 Surveys,' p. 177, for some account of . See the introduction to Mr Chil the labours of James Prmsep and his ders's Pali Dictionary fellow-workers, in deciphering the 4 a.d. 399-414 Priyadarsi edicts, and for references to * a.d. 629-645 more complete sources of information. Intb.] TIBETAN BUDDHISM. xlv garia to the valley of the Jaxartes, crossed the Oxus into Balkh, and*entered Kabul by the Bajnian pass, finding the religion of Buddha in a flourishing state along the whole of his route. It was, indeed, at about tlie period of Hiuen Thsang's journey that Buddhism first began to find its way into Tibet, both from tlie direction of China and that of India; but it came in a very different form from that in which it reached Ceylon several centuries earlier. Traditions, metaphysical specula tions, and new dogmas had overlaid the original Scriptures with an enormous collection of more recent revelation. Thus Tibet received a vast body of truth, and could only assimilate a portion for the establishment of a popular belief. Since the original Scriptures had been conveyed into Ceylon by the son of Asoka, it had been revealed to the devout Buddhists of India that their Lord had created the five Dhyani or celestial Buddhas, and that these had created five Buddhisatwas, or beings in the course of attaining Buddha-hood. The Tibetans took firm hold of this phase of the Buddhistic creed, and their distinctive belief is that the Buddhisatwas continue to remain in existence for the good of mankind by passing through a succession of human beings from the cradle to the grave. This characteristic of their faith was gradually developed, and it was lono- before it received its present form ; but the succession of incarnate Buddhisatwas was the idea towards which the Tibetan mind tended from the first. At the same time, as Max Miiller says : " The most important element of the Buddhist reform has always been its social and moral code, not its metaphysical theories. That moral code, taken by itself, is one of the most perfect which the world has ever known ;" and it was this bless ing that the introduction of Buddhism brought into Tibet. It is said that a native king established the seat of govern ment at Lhasa in 617 a.d. ; that he married a Chinese princess of the Buddhist persuasion, and that he sent his minister to India, who returned with the great body of truth contained in the Buddhist canonical Scriptures, framed the Tibetan alphabet xlvi THE REFORMER TSONG-KHAPA. [Intb/- from the Devanagari of India, and commenced the translation of the canon from Sanscrit into the language of the country.1 For a long time there was a struggle for supremacy between the old nobility and the new hierarchy, in which, after several vicissitudes, the Buddhist monks gained the ascendancy. It was during this early period of Buddhist rule in Tibet that the first European visited the country. We are indebted to Colonel Yule2 for a complete knowledge of the adventurous journey of Friar Odoric of Pordenone, between a.d. 1316 and 1330. It was on his return from Cathay that, after travelling many days through Kansan, the modern Shensi and Szechuen, he came to the chief and royal city of Tibet, obviously Lhasa, all built with walls black and white. He tells us that, in this city, no one dare to shed the blood of any, whether man or beast, and that there dwells the Abassi,3 which in their tongue is the Pope. More than three centuries elapsed before another European visited Lhasa, and momentous events took place in the interval. In the middle of the fourteenth century a great reforming Lama arose in Tibet, named Tsong-khapa, who proved to be an incarnation of one of the Dhyani Buddhas, named Amitabha. He was born near Lake Kokonor in 1358, and died in 1419. Tsong-khapa built and took up his abode in the Galdan monas tery, near Lhasa, of which he was the first khanpo or abbot, and where his body lies. He forbade clerical marriages, prohibited necromancy, and introduced the custom of frequent conferences among the Lamas. His reforms led to a schism in the Tibetan church. The old sect, which resisted all change, adhered to their dress, and are called Shammars, or Dukpas, and Red Caps. Their chief monastery is at Sakia-jong, and they retain supremacy in Nepal and Bhutan. The reformers adopted a 1 It had previously been translated the ponderous erudition of Giorgi from Pali, the old language of Maga- ('Alphabetum Tibetanum,' p. 688), dha, into Sanscrit. discusses the probable meaning and 2 ' Cathay, and the Road Thither,' derivation of this word Abassi, used by >• P- 146- Odoric (ubi sup. p. 149, note\ 3 Colonel Yule, after putting aside Intr.] THE DALAI AND TESHU LAMAS. xlvii yelfow dress, and are distinguished as the Yellow Cap, or Gelupka sect ; since the days of Tsong-khapa they have been in the ascendant in Tibet. Gedun-tubpa, another great reformer, is said to have re ceived the spirit of Tsong-khapa in 1419, and to have died in 1471. He built the monastery at Teshu Lumbo in 1445, and it was in the person of this perfect Lama, as he was called, that the system of perpetual incarnation commenced. He was him self the incarnation of the Buddhisatwa Padma Pani, and on his death he relinquished the attainment of Buddha-hood that he might be born again and again for the benefit of mankind. When he died, his successor was found as an infant, by the possession of certain divine marks. Thus arose the two powerful Abbots of Galdan and Teshu Lumbo, both of the Gelupka or Yellow sect ; but the former were soon eclipsed by the superior piety and learning of the in carnations of Teshu Lumbo ; and the sixth in succession of those incarnations made himself master of all Tibet, and founded the successions of the Dalai and Teshu Lamas as they now exist. This was Navang Lobsang. He rebuilt the palace or monastery of Potala, at Lhasa, in 1643, and in 1650 he visited the Emperor of China, and accepted tlie designation of Dalai (or ocean) Lama. After a long reign he went away to reappear as two infants, if not three ; for, although he was the fifth Teshu Lama, he was the first Dalai ; and since his time there have been two great incarnations of equal rank: the Dalai Lama at Potala, who is an incarnation of the Buddhisatwa Avalo- kiteswara (or Padma Pani) ; and the Teshu Lama at Teshu Lumbo, the incarnation of the Dhyani Buddha Amitabha, and also of Tsong-khapa, who was himself the incarnation of Ami tabha. The Dalai Lama also has the title of Gyalba Rimboehe, or " the Gem of Majesty ; " and the Teshu Lama that of Panchen Rimboehe, or "the Gem of Learning." When the Lamas assume political functions they are also Gyalpo or king ; but the regency at Lhasa is generally held by a vicegerent or xlviii THE TARANATH LAMA. [Tntb. temporal sovereign, called the Gesub Rimboehe, or Nomen- khan. The death of the first Dalai Lama was concealed at Lhasa for no less than sixteen years, by an ambitious Nomen- khan, and two false Lamas were set up afterwards. In 1717 an army of Dsungarians, or Eleuths, stormed Lhasa,1 and the Nomen-khan was murdered ; but at length, in 1720, Kang-hi, the Emperor of China, exerted his power to restore order, and the true Dalai Lama, named Lobsang Kalsang, was duly installed. Two Chinese Political Residents, or Ambas, with an adequate force, were, however, permanently established at Lhasa, at the same time. There is another incarnate Buddhisatwa, in the person of a Grand Lama, whose influence extends over Mongolia, but whose existence has generally been ignored in English histories of Tibetan Buddhism. This is the Taranath Lama,2 whose suc cession commenced in the middle of the sixteenth century, certainly, if not earlier; for a Taranath Lama, who was born in 1575, completed a work on Buddhism, in the Tibetan language, in 1608. The Taranath Lama was also known as the Je-tsun-tampa,3 or, according to the Abbe Hue, Guison-tamba.4 Hue tells us that the Guison-tamba formerly had his seat at a place called Koukou-Khotou, or "Blue Town," beyond the Great Wall of China, and near the northern bend of the Yellow River. When the Emperor Kang-hi (1662-1723) was engaged in his campaign against the Kalmuks, or Eleuths, he paid a visit to the Guison-tamba, and owing to some fancied want of respect on the part of the holy man, one of the Emperor's officers drew 1 An account of the extraordinary translation and notes by Professor Was- march of the Dsungarians is given by siljew, and also with a German trans- Father Palladius of the Russian Peking lation by Professor Schiefner — " Tara- Mission, in one of his articles on China nathje de Doct. Buddh. in India prepa id 1848. gatione narratio. Contextum Tibeticum 2 I am indebted for the research re- e codd. Petropol. Ed. Ant. Schiefner. specting tlie Taranath Lama to Mr. Petropoli, 1868." Trelawney Saunders. The text of s Schiefner's German translation of the work, referred to in the text, was Wassiljew's Russian translation of printed in Tibetan, from four manu- ' Taranath,' pp. 26-28. scripts, for the Imperial Academy of < Hue, i. pp. 83, 87, 113 ; ii. r>. 15. St. Petersburg, in 1868, with a Russian Intb.] ' THE TARANATH LAMA. xlix his sword and killed him. This violence caused a tumult, and sooifafterwards it was announced that the Guison-tamba had reappeared among the Khalkas,1 who threatened to avenge his former death. The Emperor engaged the diplomatic interpo sition of the Dalai Lama, who succeeded in pacifying the Khalkas. But it was arranged that the future births of the Guison-tamba should be found in Tibet, so that the Khalkas might not again have a sympathizing fellow-countryman as their high-priest. The present seat of the Taranath Lama, in the Khalka country, is an immense monastery, with more than ten thousand monks, at Urga Kuren, on the Tula river, a de scription of which is given by the Abbe Hue,2 who visited the place. There is now a Russian Consul permanently resident at Urga. Thus there are three great and influential incarnations of the Yellow sect: the Dalai Lama, the Teshu Lama, and the Taranath Lama. The latter is alluded to several times by Mr. Bogle,3 and also by Captain Turner.4 A fourth may pro bably be added in the person of the Changay Lama or High Priest of Peking, mentioned by Bogle.5 1 This name is derived from the river itinerary from Lhasa to Urga, giving Khalka. It came into use when the the route taken by the Urga Khutuktu, Mongol or Yuen dynasty of China was or Taranath Lama, collected by M. driven from the throne in 1368, and Shishmaroff, the Russian Consul at found a new home on the banks of the Urga. Again, in the ' Geographical Khalka (De Guigne's ' Hist, des Huns,' Magazine ' for March, 1875, an account iii. p. 234). These princes, descended is quoted from the ' Journal de St. from Jingis Khan, through Kublai Petersburg ' of the journey of another Khan, who founded the Yuen dynasty new birth of the Taranath Lama (or in 1279, are now represented by the Urga Khutuktu) from Lhasa to Urga. Khans of Tuchetu, Sannoin, Tsetsen, See, for the journey of the eighth and Sassak u, who rule over the four Guison-tamba from Lhasa to Urga, the Khalka Khanates in outer Mongolia, 'Peking Gazette' for 1874, pp. 68, 74, near the Russian frontier, under the and 124 (Shanghai, 1875). Emperor of China. 3 See pp. 98, 110, and 134. - The Abbe Hue met one of the new 4 See Turner, p. 273, where he men- births of the Guison-tamba (Taranath) tions the intercourse between the Tara- journeying from Urga to Lhasa, in nath and the Russian Government; 1811. In the ' Geographical Magazine ' and pp. 279 and 314. for April, 1874, there is a notice of an 5 See p. 130. d 1 MONKS AND MONASTERIES. [Intb. Under the incarnate Lamas there is an order of Buddhist ecclesiastics in Tibet, China, and Mongolia, called Khutuktus, who also have divine incarnation; and indeed Mr. Brian Hodgson considers that the term is a Tatar equivalent for the divine Lama of the Tibetan tongue.1 There also appears to be at least one female incarnation, in the person of the abbess of a convent on the island in Lake Palti, whose acquaintance was made by Mr. Bogle. The professed monks or clergy, subordinate to the holy and sacred lamas, are also called lamas, and are very numerous in Tibet. All who have taken vows of celibacy are called gedun. A professed monk is gylong; a neophyte, getshul ; a nun is anni. They are bareheaded, though those of high rank wear caps; their hair is cut short, and they are dressed in a yellow robe and high leathern boots, with the mendi cant's food bowl and the prayer wheel in their hands. They are collected in vast monasteries scattered over the country, the largest and most numerous being round the city of Lhasa. The Galdan 2 and Potala monasteries have already been mentioned, The valley of Lhasa also contains the Sara monastery, with 5500 lamas ; the Muru 3 and Ramoche monasteries, at the north end of Lhasa ; the Chumuling, at the north-west corner ; the Tankyaling, at the west end ; the Kontyaling monastery, about a mile to the west of the city ; the Chochuling, and the Debang monastery, which is the most important. These monasteries contain many thousands of lamas, and similar establishments are scattered not only in the inhabited valleys, but over the wildest parts of Great Tibet. The monasteries are called Gonjpas; the Lama's house, Labrang ; and the temple, consisting of a room full of images and pictures, Lha-Tchang. The Bung-ten is a relic repository (the Stwpa of India), and the votive piles of stones or dykes, from a few feet to half a mile in length, covered with slabs, and stuck over with banners inscribed with the Tibetan prayer, Om mani jpadmi hum, are called Mani. The images of Buddha are always 1 See p. 11, and compare Giorgi, ' Alpbabetuin Tibetmvum ' 2 Hue, ii. p. 219. 3 Ibkl Intb.] RELIGIOUS SERVICES. LITERATURE. li seated, with the right hand resting on the knee, the left on the lap and holding the alms dish, the body painted yellow, or gilt, and the hair short and curly, and painted blue. They are of all sizes, and there are other images of beings connected with Buddhistic ideas. The services consist of recitations and chanting of the Sutras or precepts, and rules of discipline, to the sound of musical instruments, trumpets, drums, cymbals, and ehanlc shells. The tunes are impressive and solemn, incense is burnt during the services, and there are offerings of fruits and grain to Buddha and to the Buddhisatwas, especially to Avalokiteswara, who is incarnate in the Dalai Lama. Mystical sentences and titles of Buddha are also recited. The bell is used during the per formance of service ; and the prayer wheels — metal cylinders, containing printed prayers in rolls with the axes prolonged to form handles — are in constant use, not only during the service, but on every occasion, being fixed in rows on the walls of temples, near villages, and in streams to be turned by water. The prayer wheels have been in use for more than a thousand years, for they are mentioned by the pilgrim Fa-Hian.1 The Tibetans possess a vast literature, including all the Buddhist canon of Scripture translated from the Sanscrit, the ' Tripitaka,' or three baskets of precepts, and other works, one list of which has been given by Csoma cle Koros. For many centuries they have known the art of printing, by means of engraved stereotyped wooden blocks, which last for a century. Thus not only prayers and invocations are printed on sheets of Tibetan paper made from the Daphne canndbina,2 and on ' A good deal that is curious re- course be consulted (Triibner, 1874), specting the religion of Tibet will be and Cunningham's ' Ladak,' p. 356. found in ' Tibetan Buddhism, illus- 2 Colonel Sykes exhibited some large trated by Literary Documents and Ob- sheets of Nepal paper at the Great jects of Religious Worship,' by Emil Exhibition of 1851, made from the Schlagintweit, LL.D. (Triibner, 1863). inner bark of the Daphne Bholua, or See also ' Die Religion des Buddha canndbina. Mr. Hodgson has given an und ihre Entstehung'; and 'Die account of the uses of this plant, which lamaische Hierarchic und Kirche,' C. is abundant in the Himalaya, in the F. Koppen (Berlin, 1857, 1859). Mr. ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Brian Hodgson's 'Essays' should of Bengal' for 1832 (i. p. 8). He also * cl 2 Iii TRIBES OF NEPAL AND SIKKIM. [Iktb. banners for display on the Manis, but voluminous works, so that each monastery possesses a library of Buddhistic lore. The lamas of Tibet also excel as workers in metal and modellers in clay, designing leaves and flowers of exquisitely delicate workmanship. While the Gelupka, or Yellow sect, is in the ascendant in Tibet, the adherents of the older, but now heretical Red sect, still have a large monastery at Sakia-jong,1 and have retained supremacy among the Buddhists in Nepal and Bhutan, on the slopes of the Southern Himalaya. In the well-wooded and moist gorges of the Cis-nivean Himalaya, the country was occupied, in very ancient times, by people of Tibetan descent, especially in the upper and middle zones ; while lower down, and bordering on the plains of India, the tribes are of more mixed race. Mr. Brian Hodgson, who is unrivalled in his knowledge of the Cis-nivean Himalayan races, divides the inhabitants of the region between the Kali and the Monass into ten tribes, the Cis- Himalayaai^Ehotias or Tibetans in the upper zoiie^he Signwar, Gurung, Magar, Murrni, Newar, Kirati, and Limbu, in Nepal ; the Lepcha m JSijtkjm, and Lhopa or Dukpa2 (Bhuianese) in Bhutan. The aborigines of Nepal survive in two wild forest tribes, called Chepang_and L Kusunda, dwelling in the dense jungle of the central region, of which Mr. Hodgson has given a very interesting account.3 But the people of Tibetan or Mongolian race made their way over the numerous passes, and established themselves in the deep gorges and forest-covered slopes of describes the method of making the ' The Abbot of the Red Cap mo- paper, which is remarkable for it3 nastery at Sakia, in Tibet, has the toughness as well as for its smoothness. title of Gongso Rimboehe'. (Turner Among Mr. Bogle's papers there are p. 315.) several long letters from the Teshu - Lho is the native name of Bhutan. Lama, written on this paper, in the Lhopa is therefore a territorial desig- eursive Tibetan character. Transla- nation, while Dukpa refers to their tions of two of these documents will belonging to the Red Cap sect. be found in the Appendix. (See also 3 "On the Chepang and Kusunda Boyle's ' Fibrous Plants of India,' Tribes of Nepal." (' J A S B ' 1857 ) p. 312.) Inte.] TRIBES OF NEPAL. liii Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan not later than in the fifth century, for the occupation certainly took place before the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet. The Magars people the lower part of the hills in Western Nepal, and are men of great bodily vigour and mental activity, but cruel and treacherous. The Gurungs are a pastoral people, addicted to arms, frequenting the alpine regions in summer. The Newars inhabit the valley of Nepal. They are peaceful agriculturists and traders, and are more advanced in the . arts than the other tribes : their chiefs, of a family called Mai, having been the rulers of the country before the Gorkha conquest. The Murmis are a low caste tribe in the mountainous parts of Nepal proper. The Kirats were a war like and enterprising people, but very rude, occupying Eastern Nepal ; and the Limbus form a tribe settled in the country of the Kirats. When the successive Muhammadan invasions spread terror over the plains of India, and caused the destruction of many native dynasties, numerous princes and their followers took refuge, with attendant Brahmans, in the Nepal hills, and re ceived the name of Parbatiya, or Mountain Hindus. The wild native tribes were gradually converted to Hinduism, and the chief warrior families were admitted as belonging to the Ksha- triya, or Rajput caste. From them, and from the offspring of Brahmans and native women, sprang the numerous and now predominant Khas tribe of Nepal, and in the course of centuries the Khas language became a corrupt form of Hindi. The Khas were spread over the Chaubisya region, and, with the Gurungs and Magars, form the military race of Nepal, now known, from the small State which led them to conquest, as Gorkhas.1 In Mr. Hodgson's opinion they are by far the best soldiers in Asia, possessing love of enterprise, and confirmed military habits, combined with susceptibility to discipline. The Newars were a more peaceful and civilized people, 1 The town of Gorkha is about 60 of the royal family, .Gorkhanath, who miles W.N.W. of Kathmandu. The also gave his name to our district of name is derived from that of the deity Gorakpiir. liv THE TRADE OF NEPAL. RALPH FITCH. [Inte. among whom Buddhism of the Red sect continued to prevail. They inhabit the valley of Nepal, which is about 16 miles long and broad, and 4200 to 4700 feet above the _sea. The Mai dynasty of Newar encouraged the arts, agriculture, and com merce, and in their time a flourishing trade was carried on between Tibet and the plains of India, through the passes of Nepal. The sixth king of the Mai dynasty, at his death, di vided his dominions into three principalities with capitals within the valley, Kathmandu, Lalita Patan, and Bhatgaon. In these towns there were mints for coining money, and they seem to have formed centres of trading enterprise in the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth century. The Kashmiri mer chants carried their goods by Ladak to Kuti, at the head of the pass, to procure wool ; and their manufactures went thence partly for use in Tibet, partly to China by Sining, and partly to Patna by the valley of Nepal. Tibet merchants brought woollen cloths, ponies, shawl goats, yaks, sheep, musk, salt, borax, gold, silver, and paper to Kathmandu, and the lamas sent much bullion to the Nepal mints. From India came cotton cloth, cutlery, glassware, coral, pearls, spices, camphor, betel, and hardware, which were passed on, from Nepal, over the passes to Tibet.1 As long ago as in 1583, Ralph Fitch, a traveller who visited India at that time, had evidently heard of the trade which then flourished between Tibet and Bengal.2 His quaint account of this trade leaves no doubt as to the region and the people he has in his mind. The trade in musk, cambals (evidently the blankets still imported), silk, and agates ; the use of the cow- tails; the names of Bootanter and Booteah; the mention of lofty mountains ; the merchants coming from China, Tatary, and Persia, all prove that Ralph Fitch had heard an account, and a correct account, of the intercourse which then prevailed between India and Tibet, through the passes of Bhutan and Nepal. 1 Buchanan Hamilton, p. 212. - 'Hakluyt's Voyages,' ii. p. 257. Intb,] SIKKIM AND BHUTAN TRIBES. lv The Lepchas of Sikkim are ruled by a chief of their own, have retained the Buddhist religion, and have generally been subject to Tibet. But the fiercer mountaineers of Bhutan have long maintained virtual independence. Savage and illiterate, they have preserved but vague traditions of their history, and the account given by Mr. Bogle is probably as historical as any other.1 Mr. Eden received a somewhat different account ; ac cording to which the present Bhutanese only overran the country about three centuries ago, when they found it occupied by a people from Kuch Bahar, whom they conquered. The invaders were Tibetan soldiers, over whom a lama of the Red sect, named Dupgain Sheptiin, acquired paramount influence, as Lama Rim boehe, or Dharma Rajah. On his death, the spirit of Sheptiin became incarnate in a little child at Lhasa, who was conveyed to Bhutan. When this child grew up, he confined himself to spiritual concerns, and appointed a regent, called the Deb Rajah, to perform all administrative functions. But the real power has long been in the hands of the military governors or Penlos of East and West Bhutan, whose capitals are respectively at Tongso and Paro. The Muhammadan conquests in Hindustan tended to check the formerly unfettered intercourse between Tibet and the valley of the Ganges, through the passes of the Southern Himalayas, as Mr. Bogle was told by the Teshu Lama ; but this obstacle was by no means permanent, and the commercial enterprise of the Newars and Kashmiris brought the land of the peace-loving Lamas into friendly intercourse with peoples whose countries extend from the frontiers of Siberia to the shores of the Bay of Bengal. Yet an interval of three centuries elapsed, from the time of Father Odoric of Pordenone, before another European set his foot on the soil of Great Tibet. The present Manchu dynasty (Ta-Tsing) of China, founded by Shun-che in 1651, has produced two emperors of great 1 Pages 33 and 191. lvi JESUITS IN TIBET. ANDRADA. [Intb. ability, who enjoyed unusually long lives. Kang-hi reigned from 1662 to 1723, and had the wisdom to admit Catholic priests into China, and to utilize their scientific knowledge. Kien-lung, who ruled over the Chinese empire from 1736 to 1796, was also a prince of great capacity ; and the ascendency of China over Tibet was fully established during these reigns. Yet it was from the side not of China, but of India that Europeans first penetrated into Tibet, in the guise of mission aries. The Jesuit, Antonio Andrada, in 1624, set out from Agra to scale the appalling mountains, the snowy pinnacles of which were visible from the plains of India. He climbed the terrific passes to the source of the Ganges, and eventually, after fearful sufferings, reached the shores of the sacred lake of Mansarowar, the source of the Sutlej. Thence the undaunted missionary found his way over the lofty passes to Rudok, and eventually, by way of Tangut, to China. He was the first European to enter Tibet after Friar Odoric of Pordenone, in 1325, just three centuries earlier.1 The next journey, that of Fathers Grueber and Dorville, was still more remarkable, for these enterprising missionaries suc ceeded in passing from China, through Lhasa, into India. John Grueber was born at Lintz, in Austria, in 1620, and becoming a Jesuit, was sent from Rome to Macao in 1657, proceeding thence to Peking. He was ordered to return to Europe, to receive instructions from the general of the order at Rome, but all the ports were closed by a Dutch fleet. He therefore resolved to attempt the journey by land. Setting out, with Father Dorville as a companion, in June, 1661, he travelled by way of Sining, crossed the Tangut desert, and reached Lhasa in six months from Peking. There he remained two months, and in his letters he describes the worship of the Dalai Lama, and 1 The Jesuit Antonio Andrada was appeared at Lisbon in 1626. It was born in 1580, and went to India as translated into French in 1628, and a a missionary. After his memoiable new edition appeared at Paris in 1796, journey to China he returned to Goa, in the ' Recueil de Voyages du Thibet ' and died there in 1634. His narrative MM. Pe'ron et Billecocq. Intb.] GRUEBER AND DORVILLE. Ivii the religious system of the Buddhists. Thence he made his way along a route, by tremendous precipices, into Nepal ; crossing the Kuti pass, which is several times mentioned by Mr. Bogle, the intrepid travellers reached Kathmandu, and eventually arrived at Agra, 214 days after they had left Peking. Dorville died, but Grueber continued his journey on foot through India and Persia, and embarked at Smyrna for Rome. Father Grueber died, in 1665, on his way ba?k to China; and the only record of his wonderful journey is contained in a few meagre letters which have been preserved in a small volume.1 An abstract of those addressed to Kircher 2 was originally published by him in the ' China Illustrata,' and all were reproduced in the collection of Thevenot.3 Indeed, it would appear that Grueber was not 1 ' Notizie varie dell' Imperio della China' (Florence, 1687), edited by Jacopo Carlieri, 12mo. This volume contains an account of China gathered from a discourse held with Father Grueber (80 pages), as well as letters in Latin, addressed by Grueber to various fathers, giving accounts of China and Tibet (42 pages). One of the letters is apparently a sort of ab stract or compilation, headed " ex Uteris Grueberi Kirchero inscripto," and is written in the third person. The other three are written in the first person, and seem not to have been altered from the manuscripts of Grueber. 2 Grueber's ' Iter e China in Mogor ' forms the second chapter of the second part of the 'China Illustrata' of P. Kircher. Athanasius Kircher was born at Geysen, » small town near Fulda, in Germany, in 1602. He was a Jesuit, and was one of the most laborious and learned men that the Company has pro duced. He studied all branches of learning with ardour, but his chief object was the acquisition of a com plete knowledge of the Oriental lan guages, of which he was professor at Wurtzburg. On the breaking out of the Thirty Years' war he retired to Avignon, and went thence to Rome, where he died in 1680. His erudition was something stupendous, but he was devoid of the critical faculty, and thus much of his indefatigable industry and marvellous power of acquiring know ledge were wasted. His work relating to Tibet is one out of about forty that he produced on various subjects. The title is ' China monumentis qua sacris, qua profanis, necnon variis natursB et artis spectaculis illustrata' (Amster dam, folio, 1667). It was translated into French by d'Alquie in 1670; and partly into English by John Ogilby in 1669, but merely as an appendix to a folio volume containing a translation of an account of a Dutch Embassy to China: The ' China Illustrata ' gives an account of the arrival of the mis sionaries in China : it is the first work in which the characters of the Devana gari alphabet were ever engraved, and it contains the account of Grueber's visit to 'Lhasa. 3 Melchisedek Thevenot, uncle of Jean Thevenot, the famous traveller, was born in 1620, and died in 1690. He published Grueber's letters in ' Re lations de divers Voyages curieux qui lviii , DESIDERI AND FREYRE. [In™- very communicative; had not the gift of narration; but the essential portion of what has been preserved of his account of the journey will be found in the Appendix at the end of this volume. The only genuine sketch of the palace of Potala is, I believe, that given in the ' China Illustrata ' of Kircher, from Father Grueber. Grueber was followed by two other Jesuits, named Desideri and Freyre. Hippolito Desideri was born at Pistoia in 1684, became a Jesuit, and was sent to Goa in 1712. In 1714 he went by way of Surat to Delhi, where he was joined by Father Manoel Freyre as a companion. Crossing the Pir Panjal Range the two Jesuits came to Kashmir on the 10th of May, and travelled thence by Leh and over the Mariam-la pass to Lhasa, the journey occupying them from August, 1715, to March, 1716. Desideri remained at Lhasa until 1729, when he was recalled by the Pope, and not allowed to return, owing to complaints against him from the Capuchin friars, who had found their way into Tibet. We have one letter of Desideri, which describes his journey through Ladak and as far as the Mariam- la pass, but there the narrative breaks off abruptly. A transla tion of this letter, from the ' Lettres Edifiantes,' x will be found n'ont point ete' publiees ' (Paris, 1663- dated March 22, 1692, Legobien pub- 72, 4 parties en 2 torn, folio). lished'Histoiredel'Editde l'Empereur A good abstract of Grueber's letters, de la Chine en Faveur de la Religion taken from Kircher and Thevenot, is Chretienne' (Paris, 1698). In 1702 given in 'Astley's Collection of Voyages he published, ' Lettres de quelques Mis- and Travels,' vol. iv. (London, 1745-47), sionaires de la Compagnie de Jesus which is copied into Pinkerton's ' Col- ecrites de la Chine et des Indes Ori- lection,' vol. vii. (London, 1808-14). A entales ' (1 vol. 12mo). The second briefer abstract is given in Hugh issue was called 'Lettres edifiantes et Murray's ' Historical Account of Travels curieuses,' and made two volumes, and in Asia,' i. p. 425 (London, 1820). Legobien brought out six more, making 1 The ' Lettres Edifiantes ' were nine in all. brought out by Legobien and Du Halde. Jean Baptiste Du Halde, also a Charles Legobien was a Jesuit, who Jesuit, was born at Paris in 1674, and was born at St. Malo in 1653, and died succeeded Legobien in the work of col- in 170S. He published ' Lettre sur leeting and arranging the letters written les Progres de la Religion a la Chine ' from various countries by the fathers of (Paris, 1697). After the Emperor the Company. His ' Lettres edifiantes Kang - hi ordered the persecution of et curieuses e'erites des Missions Etran- the Christians to cease, by an edict, geres' continue the Legobien series from Inte.] MANUSCRIPTS OF DESIDERI. lix in the Appendix to this volume. Another letter from Desideri is inserted in the 'Bibliotheca Pistoiensis'(p. 185), by Zaccaria. But there is much valuable material from the pen of Desideri still in manuscript which will soon be given to the world, and will be most useful to students of Tibetan history and geogra phy. The manuscript containing the narrative of his journey to and residence in Tibet has recently been examined by Signor Carlo Puini. That learned scholar found it in the library of a private gentleman at Pistoia. It consists of a large folio volume, dated 1727, of about 500 pages closely but very clearly and legibly written. It contains a great abundance of notices respecting the geography of Tibet, and the manners and customs, and religion of the Tibetans. There are two other documents of Desideri in the library of the Congregation of the Propaganda at Rome. The first is another narrative, dated February 17, 1717, soon after his arrival at Lhasa, and ad dressed to the Pope, and the second is a letter written in autograph by Desideri to the Pope.1 Father Desideri also translated the ' Kangiar ' of the great reforming Lama, Tsong-khapa, into Latin. The Capuchin friars had already found their way to Lhasa in the time of Desideri ; and we have several letters from their leader. This was Francisco Orazio della Penna, or Pinnabil- lensis. He was born at Macerata, in Italy, in 1680, became a Capuchin, and was sent to Tibet with twelve of his brethren as missionaries. They reached Lhasa by way of Nepal in 1719, and established a mission which flourished for nearly a quarter vol. ix. to vol. xxvi. The letter of of that body intend to have it trans- Desideri is in vol. xv. In 1781 a new lated and edited as a volume of their edition appeared in twenty-six volumes series. Colonel Yule, who is President (bound in twelve), and edited by M. de of the Hakluyt Society, made the neces- Querbceuf. Du Halde died in 1743. sary arrangements for the acquisition of Mention will be made of his great work this precious manuscript. Its publica- on China in another note, at p. lxii. tion will afford an opportunity of care- 1 Signor Carlo Puini examined the fully reviewing all the geographical manuscript at Pistoia on November 19, work done by the missionaries in Tibet 1875. It has since been purchased by during the eighteenth century. the Hakluyt Society ; and the Council lx HORACE DELLA PENNA. CIntb- of a century. Horace della Penna studied Tibetan at Lhasa for twenty-two years. During that time nine of the Capuchin friars died, and Horace returned to Rome in 1735, representing that the three survivors were worn out with age and hard work, and expressing a wish for reinforcements, and for the establish ment of annual communication between Rome and Lhasa. The Pope nominated nine more Capuchins, who set out from Rome, with Horace della Penna, in 1738, bearing letters from his Holiness to the Dalai Lama. In 1741 Horace wrote that the mission had arrived at Lhasa during the previous year. The affairs of the mission afterwards took him to Nepal, and he died at Patan, in the Nepal valley, on the 20th of July, 1747. A monument was erected over his grave, with an inscription, which is given by Giorgi. The letters of this enterprising missionary were carefully edited and published by Klaproth, in the ' Journal Asiatique,' x and a translation of them will be found in the Appendix to this volume. Much information collected by Delia Penna is embodied in the ponderous ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' of Giorgi.2 The way in which Horace della Penna passed to and fro between Tibet and India proves that the intercourse was free and unrestrained between the two countries, and that the traffic was protected by the enlightened policy of the Lamas of Tibet and the Newar Kings of Nepal. 1 ' Journal Asiatique,' second series, of Tibetan kings and lamas, itineraries, xiv. p. 177. and other information, which is over- 2 Antonio Augustin Giorgi was born laid by a confusing and superfluous mass at Santa Maura, near Rimini, in 1711. of erudition and puerile etymologies. He became an Augustin friar, and was Giorgi died on the 4th of May, 1797. a great linguist, and altogether a most For an account of the Capuchin Mis- erudite person. His work ' Alpha- sion to Lhasa, see also ' Alia sagra con- betum Tibetanum ' (Rome, 1762, 1 vol. gregazione de propaganda fide deputata 4to), was compiled from materials sent sopra la missione del Gran Thibet, from Tibet by the Capuchin friars, rappresentanza de Padri Cappuccini especially Horace della Penna (or Missionaj, dello stato presente della Pinnabillensis ?) and Cassien de Mace- medesima, o de' provvedimenti per rata. He obtained the Tibetan cha- manteneola ed acerescerla,' 1738, pp. racters from Della Penna, which were 55, in the India Office library bound engraved in 1738 by Anton Fontarita. up with other tracts. The huge work contains a chronology Intb.] THE LAMA SURVEY. lxi Just before the Capuchin missionaries reached Lhasa the famous native survey of Tibet had been completed, which still forms the basis of our geographical knowledge of that country. The Emperor Kang-hi, having been satisfied of the accuracy of the European method of surveying, from the examination of a map which the Jesuit missionaries had executed of the country round Peking, resolved to have a survey made of the whole empire on the same principles. This great work was commenced in July, 1708, and the completed maps were presented to the Emperor in 1718. The records preserved in each city were examined, topographical information was diligently collected, and the Jesuit Fathers checked their triangulation by meridian altitudes of the sun and pole star, and by a system of re- measurements. The result was a more accurate map of China than existed, at that time, of any country in Europe. As regards Tibet, an embassy had been sent to Lhasa by the lEmperor Kang-hi, to reconcile the Yellow and Red Cap factions, and 'during the stay of the envoys, of two years, a map of Tibet ,was prepared, and placed in the hands of Father Regis, one of the. leading surveyors of China, on their return.1 But it was found that their positions had not been fixed by astronomical observations, and that the distances had not been systema tically measured. Regis declined to use this map as material for a part of the general map of the empire. Kang-hi, there fore, resolved to have another map constructed, and accord- .ingly two lamas were carefully trained as surveyors by the Jesuit Fathers at Peking, and sent to Tibet with orders to in clude the country from Sining to Lhasa, and thence to the sources of the Ganges, in their survey. The result was a map of Tibet, which was submitted to the Fathers, in 1717, and though not without faults, it was found to be a great improvement on the former attempt. From it the Jesuits prepared the well- known maps which were forwarded to Du Halde, and from which D'Anville constructed his atlas. The Lama Survey of Tibet 1 The account of Tibet, by Regis, is given in Du Halde, ii. pp. 384-388. lxii SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. [Iktb. still continues 4o be the basis of our geographical knowledge of that country,1 although it is rapidly being superseded by the efforts of Colonel Montgomerie and his native explorers. During the reign of the Emperor Yung-ching, son and suc cessor of Kang-hi, who caused the surveys to be executed, or between 1723 and 1736, the most remarkable journeys ever made by a European in Tibet were achieved by a Dutchman, who went from India, by Lhasa, to Peking, and returned by the same route. This traveller was Samuel Van de Putte. His family is well known in Zeeland, and the illustrious statesman Dr. Fransen Van de Putte, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Holland, is descended from the traveller's father in direct line. Carel Van de Putte, the traveller's father, was Vice-Admiral of Zeeland, and, by his wife Johanna Constantia Biscop, he had a son Samuel, born at Flushing in 1690. The Admiral died in 1725, and Samuel studied jurisprudence at Leyden, taking his Doctor's degree in 1714. In 1715 he was chosen Alderman of Flushing. In 1718 he left the Netherlands, in company with another gen tleman of good family, named Egmond Van der Nyenburg, of Alkmaar. They started with the intention of being absent for about three years, but a thirst for knowledge and adventure led them to exceed this period by many years. Van de Putte travelled with a caravan from Aleppo to Isfahan, and went thence to India, arriving at the port of Cochin in August, 1724. After travelling for several years through the territories of the 1 The Lama Survey came to the lation was published in 1742 in London, knowledge of the Europeans through in 2 vols, folio ; and a German trans- the great work of Du Halde : ' Descrip- lation in 1747. But the English trans- tion ge'ographique, historique, chrono- lator has made several abridgments. logique, politique, et physique de Du Halde's work is based on informa- l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie tion contained in letters and other Chinoise ' (Paris, 1735, 4 vols, folio). communications from numerous Jesuit It was accompanied by an atlas of forty- missionaries in China. The maps, in- two maps by D'Anville. A second eluding that of Tibet, were constructed edition appeared at the Hague in the by D'Anville from materials supplied following year, in quarto, with im- by Regis and ihe other surveyors era- portent additions. An English trans- ployed by the Emperor of China. Intb.] SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. lxiii Great Moghul, in the dress of a native, he eventually made his way to Lhasa ; and Father Gaubil x assures us that he acquired the Tibetan language, and became intimate with some of the Lamas. After a long residence at Lhasa, he set out, in the dress of a Chinese mandarin, accompanying a deputation of Lamas to Peking. He went by the route afterwards traversed by Hue, and entered China by the Great Wall, Father Horace della Penna, in one of his letters,2 quotes a passage from the journal of Van de Putte, in which he describes the passage of the river Biciu (Bi-tsiou), the upper course of the Yang-tsze. The river was traversed in boats made of hides. Embarking in the morning, the travellers passed the night on a little island in the middle of the stream, and only reached the opposite shore at about noon on the following day. Van de Putte is the only European who has ever completed the journey from India, through Lhasa, to China. He returned to India, also passing through Lhasa, and was an eye-witness of the sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah in 1737. In 1743 he finally left India, sailing from Bengal to Batavia, and in September of the same year he was at Malacca, and made a trip to the famous Mount Ophir. He went back to Batavia, intending to return home, and took up his residence in the house of Mr. P. W. Lammens, where he died on the 27th of September, 1745, aged fifty-five. The premature death of this illustrious traveller is the more to be lamented because his vast knowledge died with him ; for he desired, in his will, that all his papers should be burnt, fearing that, owing to the imperfect state in which they were left, some fraudulent use might be made of them, and erro neous accounts be published under the sanction of his name. The dangers to which he had been exposed obliged him to write the greater part of the notes on small strips of paper, and 1 In a letter from Peking, dated 2 Published in the ' Journal Asia- August 13, 1752, published in the tique,' xiv. p. 191, and edited, with 1 Journal Abiatique,' x. p. 223. notes, by Klaproth. Ixiv SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. [In™. in a character which it was impossible for anyone but himself to decipher. Mr. Lammens, on his return to Holland, presented some of the collections made by Van de Putte to the Zeeland Society of Science at Middelburg, and they are still preserved in its museum, with a few specimens of his notes. There is also a map of part of Tibet by Van de Putte in the museum at Middelburg. On this map, which includes the region between the Ganges and the Tsanpu (Brahmaputra) in Tibet, Van de Putte uses the Italian language, but his Dutch occasionally comes out, as, for example, in spelling Purneah, he uses oe, the Dutch equivalent for the English oo and Italian u. It appears from the notes upon it that the map was drawn at Lhasa, after receiving topographical information from the son of the Khalon, or minister of the ruler of Bramascjon (Sikkim1), with the intention of asking him some further questions, but that the Khalon's son left Lhasa before Van de Putte found an opportunity of resuming his inquiries. On this map we have the Tibetan course of the Arun from Tinkri (Tingry) Maidan more correctly laid down than on any other, until the journey of Colonel Montgomerie's explorer No. 9 in 1871. The places between Pary (Pari-jong) and Shigatze (Gigatze) are also given, and Bhutan is called " Brouhpa" ("Dukpa," the Red Cap sect). Professor Veth, of Leyden, has also kindly examined the manu script notes of Van de Putte, which have been sent to him by the Secretary of the Zeeland Scientific Society. They are on little scraps of paper, and contain descriptions of mineral, vege table, and animal products of which the traveller had collected specimens, which are now in the museum at Middelburg. There are also a few geographical notes, with slight sketches of the form of several lakes. On the notes there are frequent references to the journal, which has most unfortunately been destroyed. The great Dutch traveller is said to have been considered almost as a saint by his acquaintances in Tibet and 1 Horace della Penna also uses this name for Sikkim. Bogle calls it Demo- j°ng- ^c C^oO offittfa »N DE PUTTE'S SKETCH MAP FROM THE M.S. IN THE MUSIJM AT MIDDE Intb.] REVOLUTION AT LHASA. lxv in the East generally, on account of the purity of his life ; and he* is praised for his great proficiency in several Oriental languages.1 The period of the residence of Capuchin friars in Lhasa, when the Lama Survey of Tibet was executed, and Van de Putte made his remarkable journey, was by no means one of internal tranquillity in the capital of the Dalai Lama. The sixth incar nate Buddhisatwa was Lobsang Kalsang, already mentioned, who reigned from 1706 to 1758, when he was succeeded by Lobsang Champal. In 1749, the Chinese Ambas, or political agents, put the Tibetan Gyalpo, or Regent, to death, and the people flew to arms. The tumult led to a massacre of the Chinese, and the leader of the expedition sent by the Emperor to restore order was prudently instructed to make concessions, so that the ascen dancy of China was maintained while the wrath of the Lamas and the people was appeased. The succeeding Gyalpos, or Gesub Rimboches, were completely under the influence of the Chinese, 1 I am indebted to the courtesy of Professor Veth, the learned President of the Dutch Geographical Society, for the above particulars of the life of Samuel Van de Putte, one of the most successful travellers who ever crossed the Himalaya mountains. The references to his remains at Middelburg are as follows : ' S. deWind, Mededeeling omtrent den landreizeger S. van de Putte in Archief. vroegere en latere mededeelingen uitgegeven door het Zeeuwsch Genootschap derWeten- schappen' (Middelburg, 1856-63), i. p. 21 ; ' Inventaris der Handschriften van het Zeeuwsch Genootschap,' bl. 36 ; ' De Navorscher,' ii. 58 ; v. 38 ; vi. 113, 175; vii. 141; viii. 328; ix. 40. In 1871 Mr. J. P. Bodel Nyen- huis read a paper on the travels of Van de Putte at Leyden, and exhibited his map of part of Tibet. (See ' Handel- ingen en mededeelingen van de Maat- schappy der Nederlandsche letterkunde te Leiden ' voor 1871, p. 51 ; also ' Vd. Aa. Biographisch Woordenboek,' art. Van de Putte ; and 'Reizen van Eg mond van der Nyenburg, en Johannes Heyman ' (Leyden, 1758), ii. p. 396. He is mentioned in two letters : one from Father Gaubil, the other from Horace della Penna, in the 'Journal Asiatique,' x. p. 323, and xiv. p. 191 ; and in a note to the latter, Klaproth, the editor, says, " He is the only Euro pean who has ever made the interesting journey from the capital of Tibet to that of China." Klaproth adds that the traveller's journal was lost. He erroneously calls him Van der Put. Colonel Yule was the first English geo grapher to notice the travels of Van de Putte, in his 'Cathay, and the Road Thither,' i. p. 49 (note). Mr. D'Israeli, in one of the editions of his 'Curi osities of Literature,' has an article on Van de Putte, entitled, " A Mandarine from Middelburgh." It calls him Sudde, and contains almost as many mistakes as lines. lxvi GORKHA CONQUEST OP NEPAL. O™. as is shown by their expulsion of the Catholic priests, and by their jealous conduct at the time of the missions of Bogle and Turner. The Capuchin missionaries were expelled from Lhasa in about 1760, and took refuge at Lalita Patan, in the valley of Nepal. Here they were witnesses of a revolution which has had a fatal influence on the commercial prosperity and progress of Tibet, by blocking up the passes into India through Nepal. This event was the destruction of the Newar dynasty by the military tribes led by the chief of the petty State of Gorkha. The Mai rulers of Nepal, who encouraged commerce and the arts of peace, con sisted of the three Kings of Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhatgaon, in the Nepal valley. Their own dissensions appear to have been the immediate cause of their fall. The King of Bhatgaon applied to the Chief of Gorkha, named Prithi Narayan, to help him against the other two kings ; but he soon saw the danger he had invited, and took measures of defence, making common cause with his brethren of Patan and Kathmandu. It was toe late. The Gorkhas, under Prithi Narayan, had occupied all the mountains that surround the valley of Nepal, which they blockaded. Their leader then broke into the valley, and after three sieges captured the town of Sirtipur, committing atrocious acts of cruelty on the inhabitants. The Newar Rajahs entreated aid from the English in India, in 1769, and a small force was sent under Captain Kinloch, whose approach created a diversion, but he eventually retreated, and Prithi Narayan captured the three Nepal capitals, one after the other, in 1769. The King of Bhatgaon was allowed to retire to Benai-es ; the King of Kath mandu fell in the field, and he of Patan died in chains. Thus, in four years, the Nepal valley was subdued, and Prithi Narayan, with his warlike tribes, founded the present Gorkha dynasty by much hard fighting, followed by the most hideous atrocities on the vanquished. The Fathers Giuseppe (who was Prefect of the Roman Mis sion) and Michael Angelo were eye-witnesses of this conquest Inte.] GORKHA CONQUEST OF NEPAL. lxvii and of the horrible cruelties which disgraced it.1 The mission aries afterwards obtained permission to retire with their flock into British territory, and they settled at Bettiah, near Patna. Prithi Narayan died in 1771, three years after the conquest of Nepal, leaving two sons named Sing Pertab and Bahadar Sah. The former succeeded, and died in 1775, leaving an infant son, and Bahadar Sah became regent. In the time of the re gency, the Gorkhas conquered the whole of Nepal, and so perse cuted the merchants by their enormous tolls and other exactions, that the once flourishing trade between Tibet and India, by the Nepal passes, was almost annihilated. The misconduct of the Gorkha Rajah was a constant subject of complaint in the con versations of the Teshu Lama with Mr. Bogle. While Prithi Narayan was conquering Nepal, an equally ambitious though less fortunate disturber of the peace arose in Bhutan in the person 'of Deb Judhur,2 who overran Sikkim and held possession of it for several years. He then invaded Kuch Bahar in 1772, an aggression which brought him into collision with the British, and led to his overthrow.3 The family of the Kuch Bahar Rajah solicited the aid of the Government of India, and Warren Hastings organized a small field force, under Captain John Jones, which speedily drove the Bhutanese back into their hills, seized some of their strongholds, and forced them to sue for peace. The Teshu Lama of Tibet also wrote a letter inter ceding for them, and sent it to Calcutta.* Deb Judhur strove to form a coalition against the English, and the Rajahs of Nepal, Assam, and Sylhet promised to join him, and would certainly have done so if any success had attended his arms. Warren Hastings had assumed the government of Bengal in April, 1772 ; and in the following cool season of 1772-73 the 1 See " An Account of the Kingdom 3 An account of the career of Deb of Nepal," by Father Giuseppe, Prefect Judhur will be found at p. 37 ; and he of the Roman Mission, in 'Asiatic is frequently mentioned throughout Researches,' ii. pp. 307-322. Mr. Bogle's narrative. 2 Called Deb Jeedah by Mr. Eden • See note at p. 1. (p. 111). e 2 lxviii BOGLE'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Intb. operations against the Bhutanese were undertaken.1 At their successful close he received the dignified letter of intercession from the Teshu Lama which is printed at page 1 ; and he then conceived and matured that enlightened policy which was con tinuous during his tenure of office, and which had for its object the reopening of commercial and friendly intercourse between the lofty plateau of Great Tibet and the plains of India. Much leniency and forbearance were shown in dealing with the de feated Bhutanese, both to conciliate the goodwill of the moun taineers themselves, and out of deference to the wishes of the Teshu Lama. Warren Hastings also resolved to send an embassy to the Deb Rajah of Bhutan, and to the Teshu Lama of Tibet. He took this step after very mature consideration, and his preliminary memorandum 2 shows that he had carefully studied all the works bearing on the subject to which he had access, including De Guignes, Du Halde, Bell, and Astley's voyages. He selected Mr. George Bogle, of the Bengal Civil Service, as envoy, whose instructions are dated on the 13th of May, 1774. The narrative of this mission is now published for the first time, and will, I believe, be read with much interest. Mr. Bogle is the only Englishman — except his companion Dr. Hamilton and Mr. Manning — who ever crossed the Tsanpu in its upper course, and the only European who ever had the ad vantage of close and friendly intercourse with one of the Grand Lamas of Tibetan Buddhism, and who left a record of his im pressions and conversations. Besides the valuable information he collected, Bogle's mission was very successful in other re spects. It laid the foundation of a policy which, had it been steadily and cautiously, but continuously, carried out, would long ere this have secured permanent results. Bogle formed a close friendship with the Teshu Lama and all his kindred. He 1 See Gleig's ' Memoirs of Warren Hastings,' vol. i. pp. 279 and 295. 2 See p. 9. Intb.] HAMILTON'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. lxix secured their hearty co-operation and support in the encourage ment of trade, and even succeeded after tedious negotiations in inducing the Bhutan Government to allow the passage of mer chants through their territory to and from Tibet and Bengal. These successes were confirmed by the great reduction of duties on the frontier,1 and the establishment of a fair at Rangpiir, under conditions which were extremely advantageous to the Bhutanese. Their expenses were paid by government, stables were erected for their horses, and houses for themselves.2 But Mr. Bogle found that the Gesub Rimboehe, or Regent, at Lhasa, under the influence of the Chinese agents, opposed the more liberal and enlightened views of the Teshu Lama, as re gards the admission of foreigners into Tibet, with fatal effect. It seemed clear that the only way to counteract this was to obtain, through the Teshu Lama, a hearing at Peking. Mr. Bogle returned from Tibet in June, 1775, and Warren Hastings determined to continue an intercourse which had been inau gurated with such excellent judgment and tact. In November, 1775, Dr. Hamilton, who accompanied Mr. Bogle to Tibet, was appointed to a second mission to Bhutan ; and in January, 1776, he reached the frontier, and received a friendly letter from the Deb Rajah inviting him to proceed to Punakha. He endeavoured to enter Bhutan by an easier and better route, leading by the Lakhi Diiar to Paro ; but obstacles appear to have been raised, and he eventually took the old and difficult route, by the Buxa-Diiar, which he had formerly traversed with Mr. Bogle. Dr. Hamilton reached Punakha on April 6, and was at Tassisudon in May, 1776. One of his duties was to examine into the claims of the Deb Rajah on 1 Followed by their total abolition. mical Commissioner of the Revenue at 2 This wise encouragement of Bhutan the time, it was ordered to be discon- trade, by a fair at Rangpiir, was con- tinued. The consequence was the tinued until 1831-32, at an annual cost falling off in the trade, and it has of about 201. But in 1832, at the re- dwindled ever since. (Pemberton, commendation of Mr. Nesbit, an econo- p. 175.) lxx DEATH OF MR. BOGLE AND THE TESHU LAMA. [Into. the districts of Ambari Fala-kottah and Jalpaish, and he came to the conclusion, after taking evidence, that equity demanded their restoration to Bhutan. He reported that if restitution was made, he would probably be able to induce the Deb Rajah to fulfil his agreement with Mr. Bogle, and only to levy moderate transit duties on merchandise. Dr. Hamilton returned, after insisting upon the agreement between the Deb Rajah and Mr. Bogle being faithfully observed. In July, 1777, Dr. Hamilton was sent on a third mission to Bhutan, to congratulate a new Deb Rajah on his accession, returning in September.1 Thus Warren Hastings prevented the opening made by Mr. Bogle from again being closed, by keeping up regular intercourse with the Bhutan rulers, by maintaining a correspondence with the Teshu Lama, and by means of the annual fair at Rangpiir. In April, 1779, Mr. Bogle was appointed as envoy to Tibet a second time, but the arrival of news that the Teshu Lama was about to undertake a journey to Peking caused the post ponement of the mission. What followed is detailed in chapter xix.2 The Teshu Lama, at one of his first interviews with the Emperor of China, took an opportunity of speaking in favour of Warren Hastings and the English in India. Mr. Bogle, it had been arranged, was to have met his friend the Lama at Peking, and would probably have returned with him to Tibet. But two great calamities frustrated these admirable plans. The Teshu Lama died of smallpox at Peking, on November 12, 1780, and Mr. Bogle died at Calcutta on the 3rd of April, 1781. Looking to the success which had attended Mr. Bogle's negotiations, and to his special aptitude for the work, the death of that distinguished public servant was a national calamity. But Warren Hastings was not to be turned aside from his wise and statesmanlike aim. He carefully watched the course of events for an opportunity to make another move. At length, 1 Dr. Hamilton died in 1780. 2 See p. 207. Into.] TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. lxxi on February 12, 1782, the news arrived at Calcutta that the Teshu Lama had reappeared in the person of an infant ; x and the Governor-General resolved to send a fourth mission to Bhutan, which was also to continue its functions as far as Tibet, with a view to congratulating the Regency on the renewed incarnation of the good Teshu Lama, and to continuing friendly relations with the Tibetan government. For this duty he selected Captain Samuel Turner,2 a young kinsman of his own, who was accompanied by Lieut. Samuel Davis,3 and Dr. Robert Saunders4 as medical officer to the mission. 1 The expectation of the event was communicated to the Governor-General by the Regent Chanzu Cusho, brother of the Teshu Lama, and by Sopon Chumbo, his cupbearer, in letters an nouncing the death of the Teshu Lama ; translations of which are given in Turner's ' Embassy,' pp. 449 and 454. 2 Samuel Turner was bom in Glou cestershire in 1749, and entered the army of the East India Company. He was a kinsman of Warren Hastings, who, having assured himself of the young officer's ability, appointed him to conduct the second embassy to Tibet, and he was absent from January, 1783, to March, 1784. In 1792 Turner dis tinguished himself at the siege of Seringapatam, and he afterwards, as envoy to Tipii Sultan, conducted some negotiations to the satisfaction of the Government. Having amassed a con siderable fortune, he returned to Eng land, and published his narrative of the Tibet Mission in 1800. He died suddenly, in London, on January 2, 1802. His work was translated into French by Castera. (Paris, 2 vols. 8vo.) 3 Lieut. Samuel Davis, of the Bengal , Engineer Corps, was born in 1760, his father having also been in the army, his military commission having been signed by George II. in the last year of his reign, and countersigned by Wil liam Pitt. Lieut. S. Davis was an ex cellent artist, and the Bhutan illustra tions in Turner's work are from his pencil. The original drawings are still preserved by his son. Sir John Davis, at Hollywood. But his scientific pro fession was regarded with so much jealousy, that the Tibetan Government (or more probably the Chinese Resi dents) insisted upon his remaining in Bhutan until the return of the embassy. Hence his drawings are confined to Bhutan, and do not extend to Tibet. Mr. Davis afterwards received the ap pointment of judge and magistrate at Benares. A very interesting narrative of the disturbance excited at Benares by the dethroned Vizier Ali Khan, of Oudh, in January, 1799, when Mr. Davis defended his family, single- handed, with a long spear, against a host of assailants, was printed in 1844 by his son, and there was a second edition in 1871 (' Vizier Ali Khan, or the Massacre of Benares : a Chapter of Indian History '). Mr. Davis was called from Benares to fill higher offices of trust at Calcutta. He re turned to England in 1806, and became a Director of the East India Company in 1809. At the time of the renewal of the Charter in 1814, the Committee of the House of Commons intrusted him with the task of drawing up, in their lxxii TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Into. Turner's mission proceeded to Tassisudon, by the Buxa- Diiar, exactly following Mr. Bogle's route, and reaching the summer palace of the Deb Rajah early in June, 1783. Captain Turner ceded, by order of his Government, the districts of Ambari Fala-kottah and Jalpaish to Bhutan, in accordance with the advice of Dr. Hamilton. They had previously been held by the Baikantpiir Zamindar.5 During Captain Turner's stay at Tassisudon a rebellion broke out against the ruler, who was the successor of the Deb with whom Mr. Bogle nego tiated, headed by the Zumpan or Governor of Wandipore,6 an important castle in the valley in which Punakha is situated, the winter palace of the Bhutan rulers, but some miles below that place, and 24 miles east of Tassisudon. After some desultory fighting, the Deb Rajah's troops blockaded and eventually captured Wandipore, and soon afterwards the members of the mission were permitted to visit both Wandipore and Punakha. On the 8th of September, after a stay of three months, Captain Turner and his companions left Tassisudon on their way to Tibet, attended by Purungir Gosain, who had also accompanied Mr. Bogle, and who wrote the interesting account of the Teshu Lama's journey to Peking, and death.7 They still travelled over exactly the same route as had been name, the memorable "Fifth Report 1843 to 1848 was Plenipotentiary in on the Revenues of Bengal," which China and Governor of Hong Kong. remains a monument of his intimate He is the author of numerous valuable acquaintance with the internal ad- works and essays on subjects relating ministration of India. He died pre- to China. maturely, at the age of fifty-nine, 4 Dr. Robert Saunders, some years in the year 1819. His son, Sir John after his return from Tibet, retired from Davis, Bart., K.C.B., was three years the service, and resided in London, old when bis life was saved through where he practised as a physician for his father's intrepidity and presence of many years. mind at Benares, having been born in e Mr. Eden cong^ed this ^g^ 1795. He was attached to Lord Am- to be unjust. herst's Embassy to Peking, in 1816; 6 The Angdaphorang of modern was joint Commissioner with Lord maps. Napier for arranging commercial mat- ' See note at p. 207 ters with China, in 1836; and from Intk.] TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. lxxiii taj^en by Mr. Bogle, and arrived at Teshu Lumbo on the 22nd of September. In passing through the valley of Painam, Captain Turner notices having seen, just visible, peeping through the midst of some tall trees, a large white house, memorable for the birth of the new Teshu Lama, whose father, an uncle of the Dalai Lama, and mother were residing with him there. The placa was called Kisu, or Kyli.1 At the time of Turner's visit the late Teshu Lama's brother, Chanzu Cusho, who is often mentioned by Mr. Bogle, was regent, and the Sopon Chumbo or cupbearer of the late Lama was his chief adviser. Soon after the arrival of the English mission the infant Lama was removed from the place of his birth, in great pomp, and attended by the Regent and a guard of Chinese soldiers, to a monastery prepared for his reception, called Terpaling, about two days' journey south of Teshu Lumbo. During his stay Captain Turner visited and described the country round Teshu Lumbo, the interior of the monastery, the devotional ceremonies, and the tomb dedicated to the memory of the late Teshu Lama. He also gives an interesting account of his conversations with the Chanzu Cusho and the Sopon Chumbo, and some valuable notes respecting the religion and government of Tibet. On the 2nd of December, 1783, the mission set out on its return to Bengal, but Captain Turner was allowed to make a slight detour from his previous route, in order to pay his respects to the infant Teshu Lama at the monastery of Terpaling. On the morning of the 4th of December the British envoy had his audience, and found the princely child, then aged eighteen months, seated on a throne, with his father and mother standing on the left hand. Having been informed that, although unable to speak, he could understand, Captain Turner said "that the Governor-General, on receiving news of his decease in China, was overwhelmed with grief and sorrow, and continued to 1 See Turner, pp. 230 and 249. lxxiv TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Into. lament his absence from the world until the cloud that had overcast the happiness of this nation was dispelled by his re appearance, and then, if possible, a greater degree of joy had taken place than he had experienced of grief on receiving the first mournful news. The Governor anxiously wished that he might long continue to illumine the world by his presence, and was hopeful that the friendship which had formerly subsisted between them would not be diminished, but rather that it might become still greater than before ; and that by his con tinuing to show kindness to my countrymen there might be an extensive communication between his votaries and the depen dents of the British nation." The infant looked stedfastly at the British envoy, with the appearance of much attention, and nodded with repeated but slow motions of the head, as though he understood every word. He was silent and sedate, his whole attention was directed to the envoy, and he conducted himself with astonishing dignity and decorum. He was one of the handsomest children Captain Turner had ever seen, and he grew up to be an able and devout ruler, delighting the Tibetans with his presence for many years, and dying at a good old age. Captain Turner took his leave, and after a short stay with the Deb Rajah at Punakha, he rejoined the Governor-General at Patna, in March, 1784.1 In the following year, 1785, India lost the services of her 1 See ' An Account of an Embassy to account of his intercourse with the the Court of the Teshu Lama, in Tibet ; officials in Bhutan and Tibet ; of the containing a Narrative of a Journey manners, customs, and religion of the through Bhutan and Part of Tibet, by people, and pleasantly describes the Captain Samuel Turner ; to which are scenery and incidents along his line of added views taken on the spot by march. This work has hitherto been Lieutenant Samuel Davis ; and observa- the only one on Great Tibet, written by tions botanical, mineralogical, and an Englishman who had himself visited medical, by Mr. Robert Saunders.' the country. (London, 1800, 4to, pp. xxviii and 473, In a letter to Lord Mansfield, Warren including appendices.) It is illustrated Hastings gives an account of Turner's by thirteen engravings, and a route mission, and speaks highly of his map engraved by John Walker. journal, to which great interest was Captain Turner gives an interesting attached. Into.] MISSION OF PURUNGIR GOSAIN TO TIBET. lxxv first English Governor-General, and with his retirement all direct diplomatic intercourse between Tibet and India ceased, and has never been renewed. Warren Hastings had a policy which was alike wise and consistent. Each separate step was not a long one, but each was a step in advance, and what was once gained was never lost. The knowledge once acquired was preserved, in order to furnish guidance for future action ; and a policy was established which was persistent and con tinuous, and at the same time cautious and conciliatory. With the retirement of the great statesman all this came to an end ; and even now it will be long before the Government of India regains the ground, as regards friendly intercourse with Tibet, that it had actually reached when its measures were guided by the genius of Warren Hastings. When Warren Hastings left India he actually had a diplo matic agent at the Tibetan Court. This was Purungir Gosain, the faithful companion of Bogle and Turner, and of the Teshu Lama in his journey to Peking. Purungir witnessed the removal of the infant Teshu Lama from the Terpaling monastery to Teshu Lumbo, amidst imposing pomp and general rejoicings ; and his solemn installation in presence of the Dalai Lama, the Chinese political agent or Amba, the Gesub Rimboehe, and the heads of all the monasteries in Tibet, in October, 1784. Purungir Gosain was dismissed by the Regent Chanzu Cusho with the most cordial assurances of his desire to continue the friendly relations established by Mr. Bogle, and to encourage trade with Bengal.1 This Mission to Tibet should be remembered, as it was the last. Matters were allowed, a few years afterwards, to drift until they reached a crisis, the result of which was permanently to seal up the passes into Tibet, and they continue closed to English officials to this day. The turbulent Gorkhas, under the 1 Captain Turner translated Purun- (pending the arrival of Lord Corn- gir Gosain's report, and presented it wallis), on February 6, 1786. (Turner, to Mr. Macpherson, who succeeded p. 423.) Warren Hastings as Governor-General lxxvi GORKHA INVASION OF TIBET. [Into. Regent Bahadar Sah, had conquered all Nepal, and during a course of years had committed lawless aggressions on the frontiers. In 1788 they invaded Sikkim, led by the Subah of Murung, and only retired after the Tibet Government had ceded a piece of territory at the head of the Kuti pass. At the same time the Regency appears to have been willing to enter into arrange ments with the Government of Lord Cornwallis to protect the trade of the two countries, and in 1792 a commercial treaty was negotiated with Nepal, by Mr. Jonathan Duncan, the Resident at Benares.1 But, in the same year, the Nepal Regency suddenly deter mined to invade Tibet, tempted by stories of the great riches in the Teshu Lama's palace, brought by a refugee Tibetan monk named Sumhur Lama. The pretext of war was that the Tibetans insisted upon circulating base coin, and refused either to withdraw it or to establish a fair rate of exchange.2 The distance of Kathmandu to Kuti is 141 miles, over one of the most difficult roads in the world, and thence to Teshu Lumbo 257 miles. The Gorkha army, 18,000 strong, marched over the whole distance of 398 miles with extreme rapidity, arrived before Teshu Lumbo, and took and plundered the palace without meeting with any resistance. The Tibetans were panic-stricken. The Regent fled across the Tsanpu with the infant Teshu Lama, and conveyed him to Lhasa, whence entreaties for help were despatched to Peking. The Chinese Government at once prepared an expeditionary force, and sent an envoy in advance to the Nepal army, demanding the restitution of all the plunder taken at Teshu Lumbo, and the surrender of Sumhur Lama. The reply was, an insolent defiance : on the receipt of which the army, under the command of a general named Sund F6, 1 By the Treaty of Commerce with the Nepal Durbar a few years after- Nepal, in 1792, it was agreed that 2J wards. per cent, shall reciprocally be taken as 2 ' Kirkpatricks Nepal,' Appendix duty on the imports from both countries. No. 1, p. 339 : " Memorial of the Court The treaty was signed on the 1st of of Kathmandu, relative to the origin of March, 1792, but was repudiated by the War with Tibet." Into.] CHINESE INVASION OF NEPAL. lxxvii commenced its march. His force consisted of 70,000 men with the necessary stores, which he divided into two columns, of 40,000 and 30,000. Meanwhile the Gorkhas had evacuated Teshu Lumbo, and retreated to the plain of Tengri Maidan, where they awaited the approach of the Chinese army. In the battle which followed the Gorkhas were entirely defeated, and Sund F6 overtook them, in their retreat, at the head of the pass into Nepal, and again routed them with great loss. He laid siege to Kuti, which post was evacuated, and then marched down into Nepal, by way of Kirong. He had a large army, far superior in numbers to that of the Nepalese, and was provided with very light artillery, the guns being made of leather, which served their purpose well for five or six rounds, and then burst. The loss of men in the Chinese army, while crossing the snowy passes, was immense; but still the numerical strength of the invaders was far beyond that of the Gorkhas. The latter made a final stand in a strong position, on the banks of the river Tadi, just above Nayakot, and only 20 miles from Kathmandu. At this point the two armies faced each other for some time, until the Chinese general, in a fury, turned his own guns on his own men from the rear, and drove them forward in a mass upon the Gorkhas, sweeping great numbers, and still more of the Gorkhas, into the roaring torrent. Thus a decisive victory was gained within one march of the enemy's capital, in Sep tember, 1792.1 The Nepal Regency then sued for peace, which was granted on very humiliating conditions. The Gorkhas agreed to restore all their plunder ; to pay an annual tribute to the Emperor of China ; and to send an embassy to Peking once in every five years. The Chinese army returned partly by the Kirong pass, and partly by that of the Arun river. The conduct of the British Government, under Lord Corn wallis, during the course of these events was unfortunate in its 1 Mr. Brian Hodgson's recollections of conversations with Bhim Sen Thappa, the sage old minister at Nepal, who was murdered in 1838. lxxviii KIRKPATRICK'S MISSION TO NEPAL. [Intb. results. It would seem that the wisest policy would have been to prevent or check the invasion of Tibet by the Gorkhas, even by using force, if necessary. Such a course would have ensured the gratitude of the Lamas, curbed the restless aggression and secured the respect of the Gorkha Regency, obviated the march of the Chinese army, and prevented the final sealing up of the passes. The actual policy adopted was one of waiting and drifting. In August, 1792, Lord Cornwallis received a letter from the Dalai Lama, informing him that the Chinese army had defeated the Gorkhas, and warning him not to interfere on their behalf- The Gorkha Regent had besought the military aid of the British, and Lord Cornwallis wrote to him, on the 15th of September, 1792, declining to give him assistance, and assign ing for a reason that the English Company carry on extensive commercial concerns with the Chinese, and have a factory at Canton, and that therefore it is necessary to preserve a good understanding with the Emperor. But he offered to depute a gentleman in his confidence to mediate between China and Nepal. Lord Cornwallis also replied to the Dalai Lama pro posing mediation after the rains, and saying that Colonel Kirkpatrick had been commissioned to proceed to Kathmandu with that object. But Colonel Kirkpatrick was too late, and long before he could arrive on the scene, the Chinese general had settled the question in his own way. The British envoy was accompanied by Lieutenant Scott, Lieutenant Knox, Lieutenant Gerard, and Dr. Freer, with an escort of sepoys. The mission was allowed to advance as far as the Court of Bahadar Sah, but it was then coolly bowed out of the country, and Colonel Kirk patrick returned to Patna, in March, 1793.1 In 1795 Run 1 See 'An Account of Nepal ; being lished without the concurrence of the the Substance of Observations made writer, who never corrected the proofs, during a Mission to that Country in the and it contains many misprints odd Year 1793 by Co onel Kirkpatrick.' other errors. The map is by Colonel (London, 1811.) This work was pub- Gerard. The book contains chapters Into.] THE CHINESE CLOSE THE PASSES. lxxix Bahadar, the son of Pertab Sing, murdered his uncle, the Regent Bahadar Sah, and entered upon a career of intolerable tyranny, until, in 1800, he was forced to abdicate in favour of his son, and he retired to Benares, where Captain Knox, who had accompanied Colonel Kirkpatrick's mission, was appointed to attend upon him. In October, 1802, a treaty was negotiated with Nepal, by Captain Knox, to renew the provisions of that of 1792, which had become a dead letter ; and in the same year that officer pro ceeded to Kathmandu as Resident. But he also was bowed out, and the only result of his mission was the valuable work of Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, the father of Indian statistics, who accompanied it.1 In March, 1803, Captain Knox withdrew from Nepal, and on the 24th of January, 1804, Lord Wellesley formally dissolved the alliance with the Durbar.2 The Chinese general who invaded Nepal gave a very un favourable report of the conduct of the English, and is even believed to have suspected that British troops were in the Gorkha army. We lost all the good results of the policy of Warren Hastings and the friendship of the Lamas, excited the jealous suspicion of the Chinese Government, and the scorn of the Nepal Durbar, and were despised by all. The immediate consequence was that the Chinese closed all the passes into Tibet to the natives of India. Pari-jong and the other frontier stations were occupied, and the Chinese also established a strong post at Jonka-jong,3 commanding the Kirong pass, the use of which has ever since been forbidden to any one but officials. on the routes, on the valley of Nepal, enumerates the different tribes of Nepal; the climate, population, arts, learning, describes the various zones of climate, trade, and history; with appendices including the valley of Nepal, with giving the text of Lord Comwallis's their productions ; gives an account of correspondence with the Dalai Lama the history of the country, its govern- and Gorkha Regent. ment, and trade. 1 See ' An Account of the Kingdom 2 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. p. 189. of Nepal,' by Francis Hamilton (for- 3 Probably the Ari-jong of D'An- merly Buchanan), M.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., ville's map. F.L.S. (Edin., 1819.) Dr. Hamilton Ixxx JOURNEY OF MANNING TO LHASA. [Intb. Yet, even subsequent to these stringent measures of exclu sion, a solitary English traveller succeeded in making his way from India to Lhasa, and is the only Englishman who ever entered the holy city. It is this that gives importance to Mr. Manning's brief journal, which is printed for the first time in this volume. Without any recognized position or official credentials, he entered Bhutan by the Lakhi Diiar in 1811, and reached Pari- jong, on the frontier of Tibet, in the guise of a medical prac titioner. There he found a Chinese general with troops, some of whom he cured, and the general permitted him to accom pany his escort back to Lhasa. He remained in the capital of Tibet for several months, but orders eventually came from Peking to send him back by the way he came, and he returned to Calcutta in May, 1812. His narrative is to a great extent filled with accounts of personal troubles and difficulties, but it is valuable by reason of the insight it gives into the social habits of the people, and the relative positions of the Chinese and Tibetans at that time. It also proves that, in spite of the exclusive system of the paramount power, the natives gladly welcome strangers, and that a persistent and energetic traveller, even when so quick-tempered and imprudent as Mr. Manning shows himself to have been, may still make his way to Lhasa, and, like Manning, enjoy the ineffable delight of gazing upon the divine features of the Dalai Lama. it But for officials the way to Tibet was permanently closed ; while the countries on the southern slopes of the Himalaya were alienated by the change of policy from that of Warren Hastings to that which has prevailed since. The former was a policy of constant and watchful vigilance ; of firmness combined with con ciliation ; and of persistent resolution to keep open friendly relations and to encourage trade. The latter is one of indiffer ence and neglect, varied by occasional small but disastrous wars, which are waged not for any broad imperial end, but on account of some petty squabbles about boundaries. The course taken at the time of the Chinese invasion resulted in the Nepal war. Intr.] WAR WITH NEPAL. Ixxxi In 1804, Run Bahadar returned to Nepal, and was murdered sooft afterwards. One of his followers, named Bhim Sen Thappa, then became regent, the Rajah, a grandson of Pertab Sing, being only two years old. He was regent until 1838, and represented a martial and turbulent policy. Under him the Gorkha Durbar commenced a system of encroachment and menace along the frontier ; and on the 1st of November, 1814, the Government of India, under Lord Hastings, declared war. General Ochterlony, with 6000 men, was to attack the west frontier ; General Gillespie, with 3500, was to occupy the Dehra Diin ; Generals Wood and Marley, with 4500 and 8000 men re spectively, were to advance from the plains on Palpa and Kathmandu; and Major Latter, with a local force, was to operate to the eastward of the Kosi, and in the direction of Sikkim. Gillespie's force occupied Dehra, but through gross mismanagement was repulsed at the siege of Kalunga with great slaughter, and the general was killed. Ochterlony's operations near the Sutlej were more successful. But Wood, in his advance towards Palpa, got disheartened, and fell back on Gorakpiir ; and Marley also retreated after advancing a short distance. Major Latter, however, occupied Murung, and formed an alliance with the Rajah of Sikkim. The general result was that the Gorkhas were driven beyond the Kali, and agreed to make peace, abandoning all territory west of the Kali, ceding all the Terai country and all terri tory taken from Sikkim, and allowing a British agent to reside at Kathmandu. But the Nepal Durbar refused to ratify the treaty, and in February, 1816, Sir David Ochterlony again took the field with 17,000 men, and steadily advanced from the plains towards the Nepal capital. The Nepalese then yielded, and the treaty was finally signed on March 3, 1816. The permanent results of the war were good. The Gorkhas were confined to the country east of the Kali on one side, and on the other their encroachments on the side of Sikkim were stopped, while that little State, under British protection, was / lxxxii TROUBLES WITH BHUTAN. [Into. interposed between the turbulent Gorkhas and Bhutanese. The Lepchas of Sikkim are ruled over by a dynasty of Rajahs originally from Lhasa, who have always been under the dominion of Tibet, and of the Buddhist religion and Dukpa (Red Cap) sect. The Tista valley thus formed a barrier to Gorkha encroachments on the east, and in Sikkim alone English travellers are able to advance as far as the passes over the Southern Himalaya leading into Tibet. The new policy led to the same results as regards Bhutan. Instead of friendly intercourse, the history of the relations between the British and the Bhutanese has been one of local disputes about frontiers, and raids. In 1815, Mr. David Scott, the Judge at Rangpiir, sent a native officer, named Kishen Kant Bose, to settle some frontier disputes with the Deb Rajah, and his report has been printed for official information.1 But it was owing to the annexation of Assam, and the consequent great extension of the frontier between Bhutan and British territory, that frontier disputes became more frequent, and assumed a more important aspect. The Government of India had to take up the relations which had previously existed between the sovereigns of Assam and the Deb Rajah. In former times, owing to the inability of the Assam rulers to expel the invaders, the Bhutanese aggressions in the frontier Diiars had been allowed by them. In 1828, the British occupied the Buri Gumah Diiar, because a raid had been made from it into Assam, and held it until 1834, when it was restored, owing to a letter from the Deb Rajah soliciting its restitution. Other raids into Assam took place in 1835 and 1836 ; and in 1837 it was resolved to despatch a mission into Bhutan, as it was suspected that letters to the Deb Rajah had frequently been withheld by the Subahs, or subordinate officers, in command of the Diiars. The Deb Rajah showed great reluctance to receive 1 ' Account of Bootan,' by Baboo containing *' Political Missions to Boo- Kishen Kant Bose, translated by D. tan." (Calcutta, 1865.) Also in the Scott, Esq., pp. 187-206 of the volume ' Asiatic Researches,' xv. p. 128. Into.] PEMBERTON'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. lxxxlii an envoy, but the Government of India adhered to its intention, arrfl Captain Pemberton was appointed, with a staff consisting of Dr. Griffith, Ensign Blake, and an escort of twenty-five Assam police. Captain Pemberton resolved to enter Bhutan by the Banska Diiar, to the east, so as to traverse the country diagonally, and see as much of it as possible, before reaching the capital. In 1838 the mission marched through Kamriip to Dewangiri, on the range of mountains overlooking the valley of Assam. Thence they proceeded to Punakha by a very circuitous route : first north, nearly to the confines of Tibet ; and then over many lofty spurs from east to west ; the journey occupying twenty-six travelling days from Dewangiri to Punakha, which place they reached on the 1st of April, 1838. Pemberton returned by Buxa-Diiar, the same route that was taken by Mr. Bogle, and the mission reached Goalpara in May, 1838. Pemberton received a very much less favourable impression of the rulers and people of Bhutan than Bogle or Turner. The country is in a state of continual anarchy. Nominally, while the Dharma Rajah, or Lama Rimboehe, is a perpetual incarnation of the Deity, and the Deb Rajah is elected by a council of six for three years, in reality there is an incessant struggle between the governors of East and West Bhutan, called the Paro Penlo and Tongso Penlo, and the Deb is a puppet of the one which happens to have the upper hand. The executive council, according to Pemberton, consists of the Lama Zimpe, who represents the interests of the Dharma Rajah; the Donnai Zimpe ; the Tipu Zimpe, who is governor of Tassisudon ; the Puna Zimpe, or governor of Punakha; the Deb Zimpe, who represents the Deb Rajah ; and the Railing Zimpe. Captain Pemberton's valuable report, besides the narrative of his journey, contains a resume of previous relations with Bhutan ; an account of the Diiars ; a general description of Bhutan ; its rivers, roads, geology, government, priesthood, revenue, military resources, agriculture, manufactures, trade, population, and civil /2 lxxxiv RESIDENTS IN NEPAL. [Intb. and social state. It is accompanied by the journal of Dr- Griffith, containing remarks on the nature of the country, especially its vegetation, boundaries, divisions, and population.1 Pemberton's mission was followed by no satisfactory results. The Bhutanese really do appear to be a barbarous and irre claimable race, without records or organization ; and, in 1838, all memory of the visits of Bogle and Turner was entirely obliterated. The raids into Assam continued from year to year, followed by fruitless remonstrances, and a barrier was perma nently formed in this direction between India and Tibet. In Nepal, on the other hand, although the passes were equally closed, and no European was or is allowed to travel in the country, yet the residence of an English officer at Kath mandu led to the acquisition of priceless treasures of in formation respecting the early history, ethnology, religion, and literature of Nepal and Tibet. The honoured name of Brian Hodgson is indissolubly connected with these discoveries. After the conclusion of peace with Nepal, the first Resident at Kathmandu was the Hon. Edward Gardner, who held the appointment from 1816 to 1829, Mr. Brian Hodgson being his secretary from 1820. From 1829 to 1830, for two years, Mr. Hodgson was in charge ; Sir Herbert Mad dock was Resident in 1830 ; and Mr. Brian Hodgson succeeded him, and was Resident at Kathmandu from 1831 to 1843. But he had been in Nepal since 1820, a continuous residence of twenty-three years. Yet 1 ' Report on Bootan,' by Captain in 1838. Dr. Griffith was equally dis- Boileau Pemberton, dated Calcutta, tinguished as a botanist. He accom- Nov. 30, 1838 ; and ' Journal of the panied Dr. Wallich to Assam, and Mission to Bootan in 1837-38,' by Captain Pemberton to Bhutan ; joined William Griffith, M.D. ; 186 pp. of the army of the Indus in 1839; and the volume on "Political Missions to made his way from Kabul to Khurasan. Bootan " (printed at Calcutta in 1865), He died in 1845. The great object of Captain Pemberton was a distin- his life was the preparation of a general guished geographer. Between 1825 scientific Flora of India. and 1830 he surveyed Munipur and Dr. Griffith's ' Bhutan Journal ' was portions of Cachar ; and his exceedingly published in 1847 (Calcutta). He made valuable large map, compiled from his extensive collections of plants in Bhu- own work, and that of Bedford and tan, which have been since arranged Wilcox, was lithographed at Calcutta by Mr. Oliver. Into.] SERVICES OF MR. BRIAN HODGSON IN NEPAL. lxxxv even a quarter of a century seems but a short time for the achievement of the immense results for which, independent of his great public services, his country is indebted to Mr. Hodgson. He devoted himself to the study of every branch of know ledge relating to Nepal and Tibet. In 1824, Mr. Hodgson announced the fact that the original documents of the Buddhist canon had been preserved in Sanscrit in the monasteries of Nepal. " Before that time our information on Buddhism had been derived at random from China and other countries far from India, and no hope was entertained that the originals of the various translations existing in those countries could ever be recovered." x He procured copies of these works, and sent complete collections to the Asiatic Society in London, and to the Societe Asiatique of Paris; while he himself threw a flood of light on the history of the Buddhist religion, in several essays written on the spot.2 The news of Mr. Hodgson's literary 1 Max Miiller's 'Chips from a Ger man Workshop,' i. p. 189. (See also Mrs. Speir's ' Life in Ancient India,' p. 251.) 2 " Notices on the Languages, Lite rature, and Religion of the Bauddhas of Nepaul and Bhot, by B. H. Hodgson" (' Asiatic Researches,' xvi. p. 409). " Sketch of Buddhism, derived from the Bauddha Scriptures of Nepal" ('J. A. S. B,,' ii. p. 222, and v. p. 28). These essays were reprinted in one volume, ' Illustrations of the Literature and Religion of the Buddhists' (Se- rampore, 1841). Eugene Burnouf studied the manu scripts sent by Mr. Hodgson to Paris, and, after seven years, he published, in 1844, 'Introduction a I'Histoire du Buddhisme :' "a work," says Max Miil- ler, "which laid the foundation for a systematic study of the religion of Buddha." Burnouf's death, in 1851, prevented the completion of his work. His last book, ' Le Lotus de la bonne Loi,' published in 1852, after his death, is dedicated to Mr. Hodgson. Mr. Hodgson also received a com plete copy of the Tibetan Cyclopaedia (Ghah-gyur and Stan-gyur), in 334 large volumes, as a present from the Dalai Lama, which he gave to the East India Company. In 1864 he presented a vast mass of valuable manuscripts to the India Office library, consisting of chronicles of the Newari and Gorkhali dynasties of Nepal, and numerous docu ments relating to Nepal administration. Mr. Triibner has done very good service by the publication, in a single volume, in 1874, of ' Essays on the Language, Literature, and Religion of Nepal and Tibet, with further Papers on the Geography, Ethnology, and Commerce of those Countries, by B_. H. Hodgson, Esq.' The book contains the article on the religion and literature of Nepal and Tibet, from vol. xvi. of the ' Asiatic Re searches ; ' the " Sketch of Buddhism," lxxxvi SERVICES OF MR. BRIAN HODGSON IN NEPAL. [Into. labours in Nepal eventually reached as far as Lhasa, and the Dalai Lama opened a friendly correspondence with him. As a proof of his appreciation of Mr. Hodgson's right feeling, his Holiness sent the English envoy the whole of the existing literary remains of the once flourishing Christian mission at Lhasa. These Mr. Hodgson presented to the Pope. Besides his marvellous literary industry, Mr. Hodgson, while at Kathmandu, drew up two memoirs on the military system of Nepal, recommending the expediency of procuring the services of a considerable body of Gorkha soldiers, whereby we should diminish the chances of collision with Nepal caused by the pressure on its Government of an excessive soldiery. The Gorkhas have neither arts, literature, nor commerce to draw off their attention from arms. They have that lusty hardihood of character, love of enterprise, and contempt of drudgery, which make war especially congenial. Mr. Hodgson next turned his attention to promoting the revival and extension of that commerce which flourished in Nepal before the Gorkha conquest, and submitted to his Govern ment lists of imports and exports, routes, and every kind of information calculated to incite natives of India and Nepal to take up the matter in a spirit suited to the times. Mr. Hodgson, himself, made a trip to the Kosi river and the Nayakot valley, and is the only Englishman, except Dr. Hooker, who has ever been allowed to travel in Nepal beyond a circuit of twenty miles round Kathmandu. His essay on the fitness of the Himalaya for the settlement of Europeans marked an epoch in the history of British India, for from its publication dates the movement for the establishment of hill stations, and the enterprises of tea and chinchona planters. from the 'Transactions of the Royal ment,' xxvii. (1857); on the "Ab- Asiatic Society,' vol. ii. ; papers from origines of the Himalaya " (' J. A. S. B.,' the 'J. A. S. B.,' vol. iv. p. 211 ; iii. xvi. and xvii.); on the " Military Tribes p. 215 ; vi. p. 682. The essays on the of Nepal ; " on the " Tribes of Northern " Physical Geography of the Himalaya," Tibet ; " on the " Commerce of Nepal," from the volume of ' Selections from &c. the Records of the Bengal Govern- Into.] POLITICAL SERVICES OF MR. HODGSON. lxxxvii The eminent political services of Mr. Hodgson are a matter of nistory ; how, by his tact and intimate knowledge of Nepalese politics, he succeeded in substituting a friendly for a hostile administration ; how he prevented a rupture with Nepal through out the trying period of the Afghan war ; and how his personal influence converted a concealed and dangerous enemy into a friend. Before his retirement, the Nepal Durbar placed the whole military force of the country at the disposal of the Governor-General. Since our first relations with Nepal, in 1792, the English have had to deal exclusively with military Maires du Palais. The ablest, and he who had the longest tenure of power, was Bhim Sen Thappa. But he at last was overthrown and forced to commit suicide, in July 1838, after having been at the head of affairs for thirty years. Kala Panday, the new minister, com menced a series of hostile intrigues with native states in India, until Mr. Hodgson obtained a formal promise that these in trigues should cease.1 A nephew of the old minister Bhim Sen Thappa, named Mataber Sing, became Prime Minister in 1843, when Sir Henry Lawrence succeeded Mr. Hodgson as Resident. The supersession of Mr. Hodgson, in 1843, was a great blunder. His long experience, and the respect and friendship that were felt for him by the governing class in Nepal, rendered his continued tenure of office most important ; while his abrupt and unwise recall put a stop to many valuable literary investi gations, and has abridged the knowledge we should otherwise have had with more completeness respecting Nepal and Tibet. The minister, Mataber Sing, was murdered in 1845, the same year in which Sir Henry was succeeded by Mr. J. R. Colvin. The latter was followed by Major Thorsby, in 1847, and Major Ramsay was Resident from 1849 to 1868.2 Guggun Sing became Minister in 1845, and his murder, together with the massacre of 1 See Aitchison's 'Treaties,' ii. pp. 2 When he was succeeded by Mr. 212 and 220. Girdlestone, the present Resident at Kathmandu. ixxxviii CSOMA DE KOROS. [Into. thirty-one of the most influential chiefs in Nepal, paved the way to the rise of Jang Bahadar, a nephew of Mataber Sing, to the office of Prime Minister in 1846, with Surundra Bikram Sah as Maharajah of Nepal. Except for a few months in 1856, Jang Bahadar has retained power ever since, and the bearing of the Nepal Durbar has been more friendly, to the British Government, especially since the visit of the powerful minister to Europe in 1850.1 But the passes remain closed, and Europeans are not allowed to visit any part of Nepal, except the valley round Kathmandu. Alexander Csoma de Kords, the eminent Tibetan scholar, worked in the same field of research as Mr. Hodgson, and at the same time. A Siculo-Hungarian of Transylvania, and without means, this devoted student made his way to India by land, with the object of investigating Eastern languages and literature, and of ascertaining their relation to his own Magyar tongue. It is much to the credit of the Government and officials of British India that Csoma de Koros should have been cordially welcomed and liberally assisted. He first went to Ladak and Zanskar, and studied the Tibetan language and literature in the Buddhist monastery of Pugdal, from 1827 to 1830 ; and he then proceeded to Calcutta, for the purpose of giving some of the results of his labours to the world, where he was very kindly received by Mr. Wilson and Mr. James Prinsep. Csoma de Koros ascertained that the literature of Tibet was entirely of Indian origin, the immense volumes being transla tions from Sanscrit. His teacher in the Tibetan language was a learned Lama of Zanskar, named Bande Sangs-rgyas Phun- tshogs ; and when his grammar and dictionary were completed, the Government of India very properly sanctioned its being brought out at the public expense. He also published several 1 See 'Narrative of a Five Years' Katmandu with the Camp of Jung Residence at Nepal, from 1841 to 1845,' Bahadoor' (Murray, 1852), by Mr. by T. Smith (1852). This book is very Laurence Oliphant, who accompanied untrustworthy, and is full of inaccurate the Nepalese Minister, on his return, statements. See also, ' A Journal to from Ceylon to the capital of Nepal. Into.] ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. lxxxix valuable papers in the 'Asiatic Researches,' and in the 'Journal of fie Asiatic Society of Bengal.' In 1842, M. Csoma de Koros set out on an adventurous journey in the footsteps of Mr. Manning, with the intention of making his way to Lhasa, in order to gain access to the stores of Tibetan literature which he believed, from his reading in Ladak, were still extant there. But this indefatigable scholar died, of fever, in 1842, in Dr. Campbell's house at Darjiling.1 Next to Mr. Hodgson and Csoma de Koros, the most distin guished contributor to our knowledge of the region lying between India and Tibet, during the present century, is un doubtedly Dr. Campbell. Archibald Campbell was born in 1805, and was appointed an assistant surgeon in the East India Company's service in 1828. He first came to Nepal in 1830, as surgeon to the residency at Kathmandu, and left in 1838, having been sent by Mr. Hodgson to settle a boundary dispute with Sikkim. This service was so well performed that it led to Dr. Campbell receiving charge of the hill station at Darjiling. While under Mr. Hodgson he wrote a narrative of our political relations with Nepal, and an excellent paper on the agriculture of the Nepal valley.2 The hill station of Darjiling, 370 miles to the north of Calcutta, is on a ridge of the Sikkim Himalaya, at a height varying from 6500 feet to 7500 feet above the sea. In 1828 1 See ' J. A. S. B.,' xi. p. 303 (1842). " Translation of a Tibetan Passport," The works of Csoma de Koros were : ii. p. 201 ; " Origin of the Shakya ' Essay towards a Dictionary, Tibe- Race," ii. p. 385 ; " Extracts from tan and English.' (Calcutta, 1834.) Tibetan Works," iii. p. 57; "Analysis ' A Grammar of the Tibetan Lan- of a Tibetan Medical Work," iv. p. 1 ; guage in English.' (Calcutta, 1834.) " Different Systems of Buddhism, from " Notices on the Life of Sakya," and Tibetan Authorities," vii. part'i. p. 142 ; of some Tibetan works, in the ' Asiatic " Enumeration of Tibetan Works," vii. Researches,' vol. xx. pp. 285, 393, and p. 147 ; also ix. part ii. p. 905 ; v. 553. pp. 264 and 384. In the ' Journal of the Asiatic Society a " Notes on the Agriculture and of Bengal' there are "Geographical Rural Economy of the Valley of Nepal," Notice of Tibet," i. p. 121 ; " Note on in vol. iv. of the ' Transactions of the the Origin of the Kala-Chakra and Agricultural and Horticultural Society the Adi-Buddha Systems," ii. p. 57 ; of India.' xc DARJILING. [Into. Mr. J. W. Grant and Major Herbert, the Surveyor-General of India, reported on the eligibility of Darjiling as a sanitarium, and the Sikkim Rajah was induced to sign a deed, in February, 1835, ceding the territory in exchange for a pension of 300Z. a year.1 Dr. Campbell was appointed superintendent of the new station in 1840, and was entrusted with the charge of political relations with Sikkim. Dr. Campbell described Sikkim — called Binjing by the inhabitants — as covering an area of about 1550 square miles, with a population of 7000, of whom 3000 are Lepchas, 2000 Bhutanese, and 2000 Limbus. There is no money revenue, and the contributions in kind from agricultural produce and transit duties would not exceed Rs. 7000 a year. The country is to a great extent covered with forest and thick underwood. The Rajah is tributary to China through Lhasa, and resides from November until May at Tumliing, and the rest of the year at Chumbi, within Tibetan territory. The Rajah of Sikkim had desired to secure an exchange of runaway slaves, which was refused, and in the preposterous hope of securing compliance, his officers suddenly seized and imprisoned Dr. Campbell and Dr. Hooker, while travelling, in 1849, and detained them for six weeks. As a punishment for this outrage the allowance was stopped, and a piece of territory, including the lower course of the Tista and the Sikkim Terai, was annexed. The settlement of Darjiling, meanwhile, advanced rapidly under Dr. Campbell's able management. In 1839 it did not contain more than 100 souls ; in 1849 there were 10,000, chiefly by immigration from Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, in all of which States slavery is prevalent. Allotments of land were bought by Europeans, barracks and houses were built, and Dr. Campbell established an annual fair at the foot of the hills, which was most successful. A considerable trade in musk, salt, gold dust, borax, ponies, and woollen cloths soon sprang up. Dr. Hooker thus wrote in 1854 : " He [Dr. Campbell] raised 1 Increased, in 1846, to 600J. a year. Into.] WAR WITH SIKKIM. xci British Sikkim from its pristine condition of an impenetrable jungle, tenanted by half savage and mutually hostile races, to that of a flourishing European hill station, and a rich agri cultural province." It has since become a centre of tea and chinchona cultivation. The misunderstandings with the Sikkim Rajah arose from his kidnapping propensities. Two specially gross cases, in 1860, caused an order that his territory north of the Rumam river and west of the Great Runjit, should be occupied until restitu tion was made. The occupying force was, however, attacked and driven back, and in February, 1861, a larger detachment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Gawler, with the Hon. Ashley Eden as envoy, crossed the Great Runjit into Sikkim, proceeded to Tumlung, and enforced the Rajah's agreement to another treaty, dated March 28, 1861. Nurugay Dewan, who had imprisoned Dr. Campbell, and had been incessantly hostile, was expelled from Sikkim for ever, and Chibu Lama, a friend to the English, was appointed Dewan in his place. The other articles secured free trade, and the right of travelling and making roads in Sikkim.1 Dr. Campbell presided over the destinies of the hill station of Darjiling for twenty-two years, from 1840 to February 1862, when he retired. He returned to England, but he continued to take an active part in furthering projects for the good of Darji ling, especially the cultivation of tea, the establishment of chinchona plantations, and the construction of the Darjiling railway. He was a very active member of the Society of Arts, and also of the Anthropological Institute. When Dr. Campbell died, on November 8, 1874, his great experience and wide knowledge of these subjects were missed, and his loss will long be felt by those who are interested in the progress of Indian 1 See ' Sikkim ; with Hints on Thibet, and Western China,' by Colonel Mountain and Jungle Warfare, exhibit- J. C. Gawler, F.R.G.S. (Stanford, 1873.) ing also the Facilities for Opening This little book gives an interesting Commercial Relations through the account of the military operations in State of Sikkim with Central Asia, Sikkim in 1861. xcii DR. J. D. HOOKER. [Into. trade, and in the opening of friendly intercourse along our Himalayan frontier.1 In November, 1847, Dr. Hooker left England on his memor able expedition to Sikkim, where he resided for two years, and his exploring journeys throw much new light on the geography of the Himalaya, and furnish the only information we have respecting some of the passes into Tibet. He, with Dr. Camp bell, was the first European to visit the passes at the head waters of the Tista, and he is still the only European who has explored those on the Tambur river, in Eastern Nepal. In November, 1848, Dr. Hooker entered the valley of the Tambur, a tributary of the Kosi, in Eastern Nepal, ascending it, and its affluent the Tangma, until he reached the passes of Wallanchun (10,385 feet), Tangmachen, and Kambachen or Nango, obtaining a view into Tibet. From some of the points on this adventurous journey the scenery was superb, and its grandeur is brought home to us by a master hand. From the Tonglo hill, above the Tambur valley, " Kanchan-junga was nearly due north — a dazzling mass of snowy peaks intersected by blue glaciers which gleamed in the slanting rays of the rising sun, like aquamarines set in frosted silver. To the east was a billowy mass of forest-clad mountains, on the north-east horizon rose Donkia and Chumalhari, to the west Mount Everest." Afterwards, in the autumn of 1849, accompanied by Dr. Campbell, he went up the valley of the Tista in Sikkim, and 1 Besides his ' Memoirs on the Poli- of the Royal Asiatio Society ' for Sep- tical Relations with Nepal,' and ' On tember, 1873 ; " On the Commerce of the Agriculture of the Nepal Valley,' India," in the ' Journal of the Society already referred to, Dr. Campbell was of Arts ' for 17th of March, 1871 ; and the author of many articles in the "On the Relations with Sikkim and 'Journal of the "Asiatio Society of Nepal," in the ' Oriental ' of January, Bengal,' and other periodicals. 1874. He also wrote a valuable paper, Among these were ethnological " On the Government, Literature, Offi- papers on the Lepchas, Limbus, Mur- cers, and Agriculture of Eastern Tibet," mis, and Lushais, which have also been in the ' Journal of the Asiatic Society printed in the ' Journal of the An- of Bengal ' for 1855, p. 219, reprinted thropological Institute ; ' a paper " On in the ' Phcenix,' pp. 83, 107 (edited the Valley of Chumbi," in the ' Journal by Rev. James Summers). Into.] HOOKER'S HIMALAYAN JOURNALS. xciii of its feeders the Lachen and Lachung, to the Kongra-lama (19?745 feet) and Donkia passes (18,466 feet), and even suc ceeded in going some distance into Tibet beyond the pass, as far as the small lake of Cholamii, the actual source of the Lachen, 17,000 feet above the sea. Here they obtained a magnificent view of the Central Range of the Himalaya, and ascertained that the nearest Tibetan village was Kamba-jong. Dr. Hooker also visited the Cho-la pass leading from Sikkim into the Chumbi valley, and explored all the valleys of Sikkim, making a very magnificent botanical collection, including the glorious Sikkim rhododendrons. Dr. Hooker returned to England in 1851. The 'Himalayan Journals' form a fascinating book of travels, in which the reader may obtain a vivid impression of the scenery, and the nature of the country from the terai fringing the plains, to the passes into Tibet and the snowy peaks ; and the work is quite indispensable to a student of Himalayan geography.1 Dr. Hooker also made a topographical survey of Independent Sikkim, resulting in what is still the only map of that country. This is the most valuable contribution that any private traveller ever made to the geography of the Himalayan region. Dr. Hooker was the first European"who reached the passes leading into Great Tibet since the return of Mr. Manning in 1812. But, in the interval, students of Chinese literature had collected much accurate information respecting that interesting country. Heinrich Julius Klaproth is the most eminent of these scholars. Born in 1783, the son of a professor of chemistry at Berlin, he early devoted himself to the study of Oriental languages, and in 1805 he accompanied a Russian Ambassador to Peking. He afterwards visited the Caucasus, and on his return he settled at Paris, where he organized the Asiatic 1 ' Himalayan Journals ; or, Notes of Dalton Hooker, M.D., R.N., F.R.S. a Naturalist in Bengal, the Sikkim (2 vols. Murray, 1854.) and Nepal Mountains, &c.,' by Joseph xoiv KLAPROTH, GUTZLAFF, HUC. [Into. Society, and edited the ' Journal Asiatique,' and where he died in 1835. His most valuable service to those who are interested in Tibet consists in the translation of a detailed description of that country from the great geographical dictionary of China, published at Peking in 1775. It contains a short history and descriptive lists of the towns, rivers, lakes, mountains, and passes in the four provinces of D, Tsang, Kam, and Ari.1 Another scholar who has thrown some light on Tibetan history and geography from Chinese sources is Dr. Gutzlaff, a native of Stettin, born in 1803, who went to China as a missionary in 1830, and was afterwards appointed Secretary to Government at Hong Kong, where he died in 1851. In chapter ix. of his valuable work, ' China Opened,' he gives some account of the geography and history of Tibet, and he has col lected more information on the same subject in his ' History of China,' and other writings.2 The only Europeans who have visited Lhasa since the time of Mr. Manning are MM. Hue and Gabet, the adventurous French missionaries who, in 1844, when residing near the Great Wall, were appointed by their ecclesiastical superiors to make their way to the city of the Dalai Lama. After eighteen months of long marches and terrible hardships, the missionaries arrived at Lhasa, weary and exhausted. They were only allowed to reside about a month in the capital of Tibet; but, besides giving much very interesting information respecting the Buddhist hierarchy and the people, they happened to arrive at the time of a crisis in Tibetan history. 1 See ' Magasin Asiatique ; ou, Re- pp. 161, 185. Klaproth edited the vue, geographique et historique, de la letters of Orazio della Penna, and Asie centrale et septentrionale,' publico other missionaries, in the ' Journal par M. J. Klaproth (i. and ii., 1825 Asiatique.' and 1826, Paris) ; ' Description du Si 2 ' China Opened,' by the Rev. C. Dzang ou Tibet ' (pp. 209-307) ; and Gutzlaff (2 vols., 1838) ; ' History of ' Route de Tckhing-tou-fou en Chine China ; ' " Remarks on the Present a travers le Tubeto riental, jusqu'a State of Buddhism in China " ('Journal H'lassa ou Lassa.' (Pekin, 1792, of the Royal Asiatic Society,' xvi. pp. 97-132.) See also ' Nouv. Journal p. 73) ; " Tibet and Sefan " ('R. G. S. J.,' Asiatique,' iv. p. 81; vi. p. 161; vii. xx. p. 191). Into.] TIBETAN POLITICS. xcv The Chinese military supremacy had recently been prac tically tested by a repetition of such an expedition to repel invasion as was undertaken against Nepal in 1792. Gulab Sing, of Jammu, afterwards Maharajah of Kashmir, had, in 1834, sent an army of Dogras, commanded by his General Zorawar Sing, to invade Ladak, which mountainous region was overrun and conquered. In May, 1841, this chief, with 5000 men, advanced up the valley of the Indus, and occupied Guge and the country round the sacred Mansarowar lake. The news of this invasion reached Lhasa in November, and a Chinese army advanced over the Mariam-la pass, near which the hostile forces met on the 12th of December, 1841. The battle-field was 15,000 feet above the sea. There was a desultory fight for two days, when Zorawar Sing was killed, the Dogras entirely defeated, and only one-sixth escaped from the field.1 Some fled by the Nepalese pass of Taklakhar to the British province of Kumaon, others laid down their arms. The Chinese troops advanced as far as Leh, but eventually peace was made in 1842, and the old boundary was re-established. This campaign was followed by important events at Lhasa. Lobsang Champal, the seventh Dalai Lama, died in 1805, and since then a Gesub Rimboehe, or Nomen-khan, named Si-Fan, a native of Kansu, had been regent for many years, while no less than three Dalai Lamas had died suddenly and under suspicious circumstances. Gradually dark rumours of assassination began to circulate. The four ministers, called Kahlons, entertained no doubt of the Regent's guilt, but the Gesub had a large and powerful party in some of the monasteries. They therefore sought aid from the Teshu Lama, the same sacred personage who, in his infancy, had honoured Captain Turner with an inter view fifty-seven years before. His Holiness, as soon as the new Dalai Lama was discovered and enthroned, appealed to the Emperor of China to save him from the fate of his predecessors. 1 In the same month of the same year the British army was destroyed at Kabul. (Cunningham's ' Ladak,' p. 353.) xcvi TIBETAN POLITICS. [Into. Compliance with the request of the Teshu Lama was at once resolved upon, and a statesman named Keshen (Ki-chan), who had been disgraced for making peace with the English at Canton, was sent as special envoy to Lhasa, in 1844, to settle the matter respecting the Nomen-khan. In concert with the Teshu Lama, the Chinese envoy arrested the suspected assassin, obtained confessions by the use of torture on his followers, and the Nomen-khan confessed his crimes to escape a similar ordeal. He was condemned to perpetual banishment, and an insurrec tion of 15,000 lamas of his faction, from the monastery of Sera, was suppressed owing to the pusillanimity of their patron, " who had the cowardly energy of an assassin, but not the audacity of a revolutionist."1 A young lama of the Bripung or Debang monastery (named Rating Lama2) was chosen as Nomen-khan by the Chinese, and as both he and the Dalai Lama were minors, the senior Kahlon, named Pe-chi,3 became regent. The Pundit of 1866 relates that formerly the regent was chosen from the monasteries of Kontyaling, Tankyaling, Chumuling, and Chochuling ; but that when the assassinating Regent was removed, the Chinese were aided by the 7700 monks of the Debang monastery, and that consequently it will supply the regents in future. The new Regent was extremely kind to Hue and Gabet. The former describes him as a man of fifty, whose large features, mild and remarkably pallid, breathed a truly royal majesty, while his dark eyes, shaded by long lashes, were intelligent and gentle. M. Hue gives a very interesting account of his inter views with this great man. It is clear that the Tibetan authorities were willing to receive the strangers cordially ; that they were true to the enlightened and tolerant spirit of their religion, and that Mr. Bogle's impression of the friendly feeling in his time held good in the succeeding generation. But 1 Hue, ii. p. 165. s The 8hete shaffee of Edgar ; and 2 Gyalbo Riting of the Pundit, Sata Safade of the Pundit. p. xxiv. Intr.] TIBETAN POLITICS. xcvii Chinese jealousy and exclusiveness intervened, and it was Kes+ten who expelled Hue and Gabet from Lhasa, and sent them back by way of Szechuen.1 When Rating Lama attainel his majority there was a struggle for power between him and Pe-chi, the Regent who won the hearts of Hue and Gabet. At first Pe-chi was banished ; but the great body of the lamas was in his favour, and eventually Rating Lama retired to Peking, where he dierl, and Pe-chi was installed as Gesub Rimboehe. He led a national party, and was strongly opposed to Chinese interference. During the regency of Pe-chi the influence of the Chinese was at a very low ebb, and if the policy of Warren Hastings had been understood at Calcutta, a great step might then have been taken towards retrieving lost ground. In 1854 hostilities broke out with Nepal, and it is said that the Tibetan troops repulsed the Gorkhas, taking several gims. The Gorkhas advanced as far as Sakar-jong, a fort on the Sakar-chu, between the Central and Southern Himalayan Chains, a tributary of the Arun.2 But in March, 1856, a treaty, disadvantageous to Tibet, was concluded between the Tibetan and Nepal Governments, in which both acknowledged the suzerainty of China. The Tibetan Government agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs. 10,000 to the Gorkhas ; another article stipulated for an exchange of arms and prisoners; and the Gorkha Government was to be allowed to establish an agent and a trading factory at Lhasa.3 The Regent Pe-chi died before 1869, and was succeeded by the aged Abbot of Galdan, who held office until the Dalai Lama 1 ' Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la ' Edinburgh Review,' reprinted in his Tartarie, le Tibet et la Chine, pendant ' Chinese Miscellanies ' (Murray, 1865). les Anne'es 1844, 1845, 1846 ' (2 vols., Colonel Yule is the author of the 1853), Hue et Gabet. article on Hue's work in ' Blackwood's ' Le Christianisme en Chine, en Tar- Magazine ' for March, 1852. tarie et en Thibet ' (4 vols.). Mr. H. T. Prinsep reviewed the work My quotations are from the English of M. Hue in his ' Tibet, Tartary, and translation (2 vols., 3rd edition). Mongolia' (2nd ed., Allen, 1852). Sir John Davis wrote the article on 2 G. T. S. Report for 1871-2. the travels of Hue and Gabet, in the 3 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. p. 193,' note. 9 THE DALAI LAMA. [Into. came of age. The old Abbot died quite recently. The Dalai Lama then became gyalpo or king, as well as pontiff. The explorer No. 9 heard, when at Shigatze in September, 1872, that there had been a serious rebellion at Lhasa in April, 1871, during which hundreds of people were killed.1 The Teshu Lama, the next in succession to the friend of Mr. Bogle, and the one who, as an infant, graciously received Captain Turner, became as good and holy a pontiff as he was in his former transmigration. Hue describes him 2 as of a fine majestic frame, and astonishing vigour for his advanced age, which was then sixty. His influence was very great, not only in Tibet, but throughout Mongolia, and crowds came to worship him from far and near. Hue also relates some curious prophecies of the Teshu Lama. The venerable saint died in 1854, for when Colonel Montgomerie's Pundit was at Teshu Lumbo, in 1865, another incarnation was eleven years of age. At present the new Teshu Lama must be of age. His colleague the Dalai Lama died in 1876, and the successor, a baby, has recently been discovered and enthroned.3 It seems to be clearly for the good both of Tibet and India that the holy Buddhisatwas should grow up and personally rule, making the tolerant precepts of their creed and their goodwill for all man kind prevail over the narrow exclusiveness of the Chinese political agents. It appears that there are now about 4000 Chinese troops in Tibet, under Tonglings, or colonels, and that the Ambas at Lhasa still arrogate to themselves the control of traffic over the frontiers. 1 G. T. S. Report for 1871-2. 2 Hue, ii. p. 157. 3 The succession of the Dalai Lamas, according to various authorities, is as follows : Desgodins. 1391. Gue-duu-tchsan. Klaproth. 1. Ghendonn-djoub-ba (nephew of Tson khapa). 2. Ghendouii-ghian-dzo. 3. Sotnam-gbian-dzo. 4. Yondam-ghtan-dzo (a Mongol). 6. Ngawang Lobdzung-ghian-dzo. 6. Lobdzang Galdzong-ghian-dzo (?) 7. Lobdzang - dambati -wangt - slouk- azimbal-ghian-dzo. 1475. Bue-dun-guia-tso. 1543. Sou-nara-guia-lso. 1588. Yeun-ti'n-guia-tso. 1617. Ga-onang-lo-zong-guia- tso. 1682. Tsong-zong-guia-tso (?) 1708. Le-teong-kel-zong - guia - tso. 1758. Guiam-pel-guia-tso. 1805. Long-tsoiig-guia-tso. 1815. Tseal-tchian-gnia-tso. 1837. Kar-djou-guia-tso. 1856. (A'ame not known.) Schlagintioeit. 1388-1473. GedunGrab. Ngagvang Lobzang Gy- amtso. Lobsang Kalsang. LobEang Champal. Into.] PRESENT STATE OP NEPAL. xcix This concludes our meagre knowledge of the recent history of Great Tibet ; and it only remains to refer briefly to recent events in the hill countries leading from India to Tibet, and to pass in review the journeys of recent explorers employed under the superintendence of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. In Nepal there has been no change since the accession to power of Jang Bahadar, as regards the opening of commercial intercourse between India and Tibet. The passes are still closed to Europeans, who are also excluded from all parts of Nepal except the valley in which Kathmandu is situated. The restoration of the flourishing trade which existed in the days of the Newar dynasty seems as far off as ever. In February, 1855, a treaty was signed for the surrender of heinous offenders, and the assistance afforded during the mutinies by Jang Bahadar was rewarded by the cession of the Oudh Terai, in a treaty dated November 1, I860.1 Jang Bahadar, who died in 1876, was created a G.C.B. and G.C.S.I. ; but ruinous export and import duties are levied on the Nepal frontiers ; a lai'ge army is kept up for which there is no use whatever in the administra tion of the country; and a policy of worse than Chinese ex- clusiveness and obstruction is maintained. The trade between Tibet and India which passes through Nepal is at present in a very depressed state. It is conducted by the so-called Bhotia tribes of the Upper Himalayas, who, during the hot months, make two or three journeys to Tibet. The Tibetan imports into the North-West Provinces consist of horses and cattle, borax, salt, wool, and gold. The exports to Tibet are woollen and cotton piece goods, grain, spices, sugar, and miscellaneous manufactures. The borax trade has suffered a severe blow from the discovery of borax in other countries. The whole value of the trade in 1877, exclusive of treasure, between Tibet and the North-West Provinces, was Rs. 2,86,533 for imports into India, and Rs. 95,982 for exports. Food grains represent nearly half the total value of the exports. 1 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. pp. 220 and 223. 9 2 9. EDEN'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. [Intb, The history of our intercourse with Bhutan since Pem- berton's mission has been one of complaints against petty raids and aggressions, and controversies about boundaries, ending in a small war. "The whole history of our connection with Bhutan," says Dr. Campbell,1 "is a continuous record of in juries to our subjects all along the frontier of 250 miles, of denials of justice, and of acts of insult to our Government." In 1839, the Bhutanese carried off twelve British subjects, which showed that Pemberton's mission had had no effect upon them. In 1841 they seized five British villages, when Colonel Jenkins, the Commissioner in Assam, proposed the despatch of a mission, but this measure was not approved. The Assam diiars were then occupied.2 In 1842, outrages were commenced on the side of the Bengal diiars, and continued at intervals until 1856. Sir Frederick Halliday, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, then proposed that the districts of Ambari Fala-kottah and Jalpaish, which had been given to Bhutan in 1784 and 1787, but which had formerly belouged to the province of Julpigori, should be occupied; but the measure was prevented by the mutinies. Further outrages followed ; and in 1863, the Honour able Ashley Eden was appointed envoy to Bhutan, to obtain a treaty. He was accompanied by Major Godwin Austen, of the Topographical Survey Department, Captain Lance, and Dr. Simpson. The time selected for this mission was unfortunate. Bhutan was in a state of anarchy owing to a rebellion. The Jungpen of Punakha had closed its gates against the Deb Rajah. The Paro Penlo, or Governor of Western Bhutan, had taken part with the Deb ; while the Tongso Penlo took the other side, and besieged the Deb in Tassisudon, who surrendered and was sent into retirement at Shiptoka. At the same time, the Paro Penlo and his subordinate, the Jungpen of Dalim-kotta, were carrying on a private war on their own account. Mr. Eden's mission left Darjiling in 1864, crossed the Tista, 1 'Oriental,' Jan. 1874, p. 25. Durrung district; and Shurkolla, 2 Seven in number, namely, Buri Banska, Chapaguri, Chapkakama, and Gumah and Kalling, bordering ou tlie Bijni, bordering on Kamrup. Intb.] THE BHUTAN WAR. ci and proceeded to Dalim-kotta. From this place the route was ov6r quite new ground, by the Tulalah pass, 10,000 feet above the sea, where the snow was deep, and then across the Am- machu, the river which rises near Pari-jong, and flows through the valley of Chumbi. Thence the mission proceeded, by way of Paro, to Punakha, which place was reached on the 18th of March. The Bhutan Durbar treated Mr. Eden with audacious in solence, asked for the restitution of the Assam diiars, and enforced their demands by stopping supplies of provisions, and even by personal outrages. Mr. Eden complied with the demands under protest, and escaped by forced marches by way of Paro. In his report, dated July 20, 1864, Mr. Eden reviewed the whole of our political relations with Bhutan from first to last, described his route, and gave an account of the Government and people, of whom he naturally formed a very unfavourable opinion, strikingly in contrast with those ex pressed by Mr. Bogle and Captain Turner in the last century.1 It became necessary to punish the outrage on Mr. Eden's mission, and this led to a war with Bhutan during the year 1865. Hostilities were confined to the Diiars. There was a reverse at Dewangiri, where the Tongso Penlo captured two guns, but afterwards severe loss was inflicted on the enemy at Dewangiri and Bala" on one side; while Dalim-kotta, Chamurchi, and Buxa were seized and occupied on the other.2 In January, 1866, the Bhutan Government agreed to a treaty surrendering the document to which Mr. Eden's signature was placed under protest, apologizing for the insults, agreeing to give up two British guns which the Tongso Penlo had succeeded in cap- 1 Mr. Eden's report is printed first 2 See ' A Military Report on the in the volume of ' Political Missions to Country of Bhutan ; containing all the Bootan ' (Calcutta, 1865), pp. 1 to 137 ; Information of Military Importance with an Appendix containing the routes which has been collected up to July 1 2, known in Bhutan. An excellent precis 1866,' by Lieut. C. M. MacGregor. of Mr. Eden's report is given by Dr. (Calcutta, 1873.) Rennie, ' Bootan, or the Story of the Dooar War,' chapters iv., v., and vi. cii TAWANG. [Intr. turing at Dewangiri, and ceding the whole of the eleven Bengal diiars,1 as well as the tract between the rivers Tista and Jhaldakha. This brings British territory into direct contact with that of Tibet in the Chumbi valley. The English Govern ment agreed to pay the Deb Rajah a yearly sum of Rs. 50,000, provided that his conduct continued to be satisfactory. These arrangements were negotiated by Colonel Bruce. The Bhutanese are, however, in all probability incorrigible, and, in the opinion of Dr. Campbell, it will in the end be necessary to annex their territory, in order to secure the con tinuance of peace and the free passage of merchandise.2 On the eastern frontier of Bhutan there is a small State occupied by a tribe called the Tawang Bhuteas, which is inde pendent of Bhutan, but tributary to Tibet. The Tawang Rajah has always been peaceable and friendly ; and in 1844 he re linquished all claim on the Diiar leading from his territory into the Assam plain, in exchange for a payment of 500Z. a year. The Tawang frontier lies between the rivers Deosham and Rowta. A very considerable trade is carried on between Tibet and Assam through Tawang, and this may hereafter become a route of great importance. British Sikkim, at first under a Superintendent, and since 1866 under a Deputy Commissioner, was, until 1874, included in the 1 Namely, Dalim-kotta, Mynaguri Bhutan, the nature of the country, or Zamir-kotta, Chamurchi, Lakhi, and the government and religion, as Buxa (Passaka), Bhulka, Bara, Gumar, well as its military resources. Dr. Ren- Ripu, Chirrung, and Bagh or Chota nie then reviews the history of British Bijni. intercourse with Bhutan ; and in the 2 See ' Bhutan, and the Story of the last chapters he gives an account of the Dooar War,' by Surgeon Rennie, M.D. war in the Diiars, in 1865, of which he (Murray, 1866). Also ' Papers relating was an eye-witness. The experience of to Bootan;' and 'Further Papers re- the war showed that the Central Govern- lating to Bootan,' presented to Parlia- ment, consisting of Deb and Dharma ment Feb. 15, 1865, No. 47 ; and Rajahs, was a mere fiction, as far as all Feb. 8, 1865, No. 13. real power is concerned; and that in Dr. Rennie's book is carefully future it will be futile to negotiate written after much research, and is with any officials in Bhutan, except comprehensive. It describes the geo- the Paro and Tongso Penlos, the actual graphical position and extent of governors of West and East Bhutan. Intb.] RECENT EXPLORATION IN SIKKIM. ciii Commissionership of Kuch Bahar, which had existed since 1788. Anttmg the Commissioners, Mr. Richard Ahmuty, from 1797 to 1802, was a man of great ability, and administered the State during the minority of the Rajah. Mr. David Scott was Com missioner from 1816 to 1831, and also joint-magistrate of Rangpiir, and afterwards Governor-General's agent in Assam and on the north-east frontier, retaining charge of Kuch Bahar, which, until January, 1864, continued under political charge of the Commissioners of Assam. It was Mr. Scott who sent the mission to Bhutan under Kishen Kant Bose. In 1866 Kuch Bahar was made the nucleus of a new commissionership, and Colonel Haughton, C.S.I. , was Commissioner of the Kuch Bahar division from December, 1866, to February, 1873. This officer has taken great interest in the questions relating to Sikkim and Bhutan, and to the establishment of friendly intercourse with Tibet ; and has collected much valuable information on the subject. Dr. Campbell was succeeded at Darjiling, in 1862, by Mr. Wake, V.C. ; and in 1866, Major B. W. D. Morton, who had long served in Assam, and had distinguished himself in sup pressing the rebellion in Jaintea, was appointed Deputy Com missioner of British Sikkim, under the Commissioner of Kuch Bahar. When he went on leave, Mr. J. Ware Edgar, C.S.I., who had written a valuable report on the cultivation of tea in India, was appointed to officiate during his absence. Since the signature of the treaty of 1861, the relations with Sikkim have been satisfactory ; and some exploring work has been done in the direction of the Tibet passes. During the autumn of 1871, Mr. W. T. Blanford, of the Geological Survey of India, accompanied by Captain Elwes, explored the upper valley of the Tista, in Dr. Hooker's footsteps, their main object being to collect birds and study the zoology of the upper branches of the Tista valley. They reached the Donkia pass ; ascertained the position of another pass, never before laid down on any map ; met with three unmapped lakes, and made a civ RELATIONS WITH SIKKIM. [Intb good collection of birds. Mr. Blanford also explored the passes leading into the Chumbi valley. Since Dr. Campbell and Dr. Hooker explored this region, in 1849, only one European had penetrated to the Donkia pass previous to Mr. Blanford's visit.1 In June, 1873, the Rajah of Sikkim, accompanied by his brother and minister, Changzed Rabu, a man of great natural powers and predominating influence over his countrymen, entered British territory for the first time, and paid a visit to Sir George Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, at Darjiling. Sieingputti, the Rajah's sister, who was free from affectation and any ideas of seclusion, and was delighted with every novelty ; and -a younger brother, called the Chota Rajah, were also of the party. Changzed Rabu is now the leading man in Sikkim, and is favourable to freedom of trade, and to the spread of British influence. He assured Sir George Campbell that the prohibi tion of trade with Tibet was solely due to orders from Peking, and that the Tibetans would gladly facilitate direct trade. Even now there is considerable local traffic carried on across the passes. In 1873, Mr. Edgar, C.S.I., proceeded to return the Sikkim Rajah's visit, and was received in a most friendly manner. He also visited the passes, already explored by Mr. Blanford, which lead from Sikkim into Chumbi. The most southerly of these passes is that of Jelep-la, about 50 miles from Tumhing, the capital of Sikkim, and 13,000 feet above the sea. The two next, to the north, are those of Guatiula and Yak-la, the latter 14,000 feet high. These are rarely interrupted by snow fdr many days, and form the easiest way into the Chumbi valley. Next, to the north, is the Cho-la pass, 15,000 feet high, which is the direct route from Tumlung to Chumbi. Then comes the 1 This was Captain Chamer, who ' J. A. S. B.,' vol. x. part ii., p. 367. made a rapid journey in search of sport See also papers by Major J. L. and in the spring of 1870. For an account Captain W. S. Sherwill, ' J. A. S. B.,' of Mr. Blanford's expedition, see xxii. pp, 540, 611 ; and xxxi. p. 457. Intb.] MR. EDGAR'S REPORT. cv Tankra-la, 16,083^ feet high, the most snowy pass in Sikkim, difficult of access, and unsuited for traffic. Mr. Edgar left Darjiling on the 23rd of October, 1873, and encamped at the foot of the Jelep-la pass on the 30th, where he was met by the Dewan Changzed, the ex-Dewan Nurugay,1 who had imprisoned Dr. Campbell, and was expelled by the treaty of 1861, and the Tibetan Governor or Jongpen of Pari- jong. Mr. Edgar consented to receive the ex-Dewan unofficially, and he supplied him with much valuable information. He has great influence both at Sikkim and Lhasa, but has no recog nized official position; and Mr. Edgar thinks that much use might be made of him in our dealings with Tibet. The Jongpen of Pari-jong was a young man, tall and stout, with a courteous and dignified manner, and a pleasant voice. He is said to be the son of a highly-placed Tibetan official. Mr. Edgar proposed that he should be invited to proceed to Chumbi, in order that the Rajah might be saved the trouble of meeting him on the pass. The Jongpen said that no European had ever visited Tibet, to which Mr. Edgar replied by relating to him the missions of Mr. Bogle and Captain Turner. The Jongpen answered that the present arrangement had been made by the Chinese envoy, Keshen, about thirty years ago. This official, the same who expelled Hue and Gabet from Lhasa, arranged with the Tibetan authorities that direct management of frontier affairs should be committed to the Ambas, or Chinese political agents, and that there should be no intercourse between Tibet and British India. The Jongpen explained this arrangement, and said that all he could do was to obey orders, whether he approved of them or not ; but he offered to report the matter to his immediate superior, the Chechap Depen of Giansu.2 Both the Dewan Changzed and the ex-Dewan strongly urged upon Mr. Edgar the advisability of getting a declaration from the Government of Peking that the obstacles now put in the way of free intercourse are unauthorized, which would strengthen 1 Namguay (?) * Edgar has Giantzi, cvi MR. EDGAR'S REPORT. [Intb. the hands of the Tibetans. Mr. Edgar also gathered that much uneasiness was felt in Tibet at the threatening attitude of the Nepalese, which obliged the Dalai Lama and his advisers to make up their disputes with the Ambas, in order to be secure of help from China. Mr. Edgar took the opportunity of fully explaining to the Tibetan officials the policy and wishes of the British Govern ment, and that their object was the encouragement of trade, and the maintenance of strong, friendly States along our frontier. He also appears to have excited their fears by saying that he could not see how his Government could interfere between a friendly State and one that refuses to have any relations with us, his object being to impress upon them the advisability of seeking the alliance of the British Government. The ex-Dewan was very anxious to obtain forgiveness for his misconduct towards Dr. Campbell and Dr. Hooker, and promised to repeat to the Tibetan officials, and to the Dalai Lama himself, the argu ments which Mr. Edgar had used against the policy of isolation. In the morning of the 4th of November, 1873, the Rajah himself arrived, in deep distress, owing to the hopeless state of his sister. Mr. Edgar informed him that the Government had increased his pension to 1200Z. a year. Mr. Edgar was much touched by his intense sorrow, and urged him to return at once to his poor sister at Chumbi, accompanying him to the head of the Jelep-la. The Jelep-la and the Chumbi valley are localities of very great importance, because it is probable that the first great commercial road from India to Tibet will take this direc tion. The conference between the English official and the Tibetan Governor of Pari-jong, on the Jelep pass, is therefore a very significant event ; and the important and interesting report of Mr. Edgar,1 in which he records the information 1 ' Report on a Visit to Sikkim and (Calcutta, 1874.) With photographs, the Thibetan Frontier, in October, pp. 103. November, and December, 1873,' G. In the ' Calcutta Review,' of July, J. Ware Edgar, O.S.I., Officiating 1874 (No. 117), there is a very able Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling. article on Tibet, by Mr. Wilfred L. Intb.] MORAVIAN MISSION IN LAHAUL. cvii he collected respecting recent political events in Tibet, and destjribes the pass and the nature of the country leading to it, deserves very careful attention. From Western Tibet it is also probable that much will be done to restore the old friendly intercourse between India and the central region. Something indeed has already been effected, on the one hand, by the Moravian missionaries in Lahaul, headed by Mr. Jaschke and Mr. Heyde, who have learned the Tibetan language, and will be able to convey intelligence of the policy of the British Government, through the heads of Budd hist monasteries in Ladak ; on the other hand, by the explorers, who are instructed and sent forth on long journeys of discovery from the head-quarters of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. For upwards of a century the attention of the Moravian mis sionaries has been turned towards the Kalmuk and Mongol tribes, and in 1765 a Moravian settlement was formed near Czarizin on the Volga, affording opportunities of communi cating with the nomad tribes of the steppes. In the begin ning of the present century some slight progress was made among the Kirghis tribes, but the mission terminated in 1821, owing to the interference of the Russian Government. Having been refused permission to pass through Russian territory, two Moravian missionaries set out, in 1853, with the intention of penetrating into Mongolia, by way of India. They were stopped on the borders by the Chinese officials, and then received orders from Herrnhuth to settle down where they best could among the Tibetans. A place called Kaelang, in British Lahaul, was selected, and a few years afterwards the mission was placed on Heeley, of the Bengal Civil Service. Tibet and India. Besides Mr. Edgar's It was originally intended to be a Report, Mr. Heeley heads his article review of Mr. Edgar's Report, but Mr. with the ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' of Heeley was led away by the interest of Giorgi, and the works of Turner, Hue, his subject, and it is actually an ad- Koppen, Schlagintweit, Cooper, and mirable essay on the religion and his- Desgodins. tory of Tibet, and on the trade between cviii MORAVIAN MISSION IN LAHAUL. [Intb. a more regular footing, under Brothers Jaschke, Rechler, and Heyde. In 1873, the staff consisted of Brothers Heyde and Redslob, with their wives and twenty converts. The mission house is 10,000 feet above the sea, and has fields and carefully tended gardens and orchards attached to it.1 Brother H. A. Jaschke, after eleven years' residence in Lahaul, returned to Germany in the end of 1868. He is the highest authority in Europe on the modern Tibetan language and its dialects, and is the author of more than one valuable work on the subject.2 The Moravian Brethren will continue to occupy their present important station in North- Western India, as a basis of operations, until they are permitted to cross the Chinese frontier into Tibet. Their knowledge of the Tibetan language, and their intercourse with the Lamas, will be one influential means of preparing the way for future unrestricted intercourse between India and Tibet. Meanwhile the efforts of our surveying officers in promoting the exploration of Tibet is another powerful means of gaining the same object. It is now fourteen years since Colonel Mont gomerie inaugurated the system, under Colonel Walker, of com pleting our geographical information respecting the unknown parts of Asia by means of native explorers. These explorers are very carefully selected, instructed in the use of the compass, sextant, and boiling-point thermometer, and in the method of working out a route by traverse or dead reckoning, and then despatched in various directions. By means of this agency 1 See ' The Abode of Snow,' by ary (Kyelang, 1866) ; and a Tibetan Andrew Wilson, chapter xxx. (Black- and German Dictionary, just completed. wood, 1875.) Dr. Cleghorn also visited These works are all auto-lithographed. the Lahaul mission. See his ' Report In 1866, he submitted to the Berlin upon the Forests of the Punjaub and Academy a. treatise on the phonetio the Western Himalayas' (Roorkee, laws of the Tibetan language. Since 1864), p. 150. 1873 he has been engaged, for the 2 Mr. Jaschke has written ' A Short India Office, on a comprehensive Practical Grammar of the Tibetan Lan- modern Tibetan and English Dic- guage, with Reference to the Spoken tionary, which is now nearly ready for Dialects' (Kyelang, 1865); a Ro- the press. manized Tibetan and English Diction- Intb.] JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. cix very important additions have quite recently been made to our knrTwledge of Nepal and of Great Tibet. Colonel Walker engaged two Pundits (A 1 and B), who were British subjects, from one of the upper valleys of the Himalaya, and, under Colonel Montgomerie, they were trained to the use of the sextant and compass. They were then directed to make a route survey from Lake Mansarowar to Lhasa, a distance of about 800 miles. They made a first attempt to advance direct from Kumaon, but did not find this route practicable. They, however, met some Bisahiris, British subjects, who had been robbed whilst trading in Chinese territory, near Gartokh, and who asked the Pundits to be their vakils, in order to obtain redress from the Lhasa Government. This furnished a plausible reason for the journey, and it was then decided that the best chance of reaching Lhasa would be through Nepal. They accordingly set out,2 and reached Kathmandu on the 7th of March, 1865. The Pundits heard that the route by the Kirong pass was clear of snow earlier than that by Kuti (Nilarn), and they, therefore, selected that route, leaving Kathmandu on the 20th of March ; but the Chinese Governor of Kirong refused to allow them to pass, and they returned to Kathmandu on the 10th of April. One of the Pundits, B, then gave up the attempt, and con tented himself with making a long journey in the upper parts of Western Nepal, including an examination of the Muktinath pass.3 The other, A, set out, disguised as a native of Ladak, as a companion of a Tibetan merchant, named Dawa Nangul, on the 20th of June, and made his way to Kirong. The post of Kirong is very important in connection with tlie question of intercourse between India and Tibet. It com- 1 Pundit A is now known by his real point thermometers, and a common name of Nain Sing. watch. 2 They had a large sextant, two box 3 No account has ever been pub- sextants, prismatic and pocket com- lished of the journey of this Pundit in passes, pocket chronometer, boiling- Western Nepal, and of his visit to the Muktinath pass. ex JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. [Intb. mands what is probably the best of the Nepalese passes. The Pundit describes it as a place with a fort, a good-sized temple, about twenty shops, and a population of 3000 to 4000. Wheat and barley are raised round the town, and there is a trade in salt from Tibet and in rice from Nepal. The road through Kirong leads past the important Chinese post of Jonka-jong, on the Central Chain, which is probably the Ari-jong of D'Anville's map. But the Pundit was again refused leave to proceed, and with very great difficulty he eventually got permission to take another route, to the westward, over the No-la pass of the Central Chain, 16,600 feet above the sea. His route was through forest on the outer slopes of the Southern Chain as far as a village called Lue, where the mountain sides become bare and rocky, and then across the Southern Chain by the Ga-la pass, which is the boundary between Tibet and Nepal, and 16,700 feet high. The No-la pass was crossed next day, so that here the two chains approach very closely, the intermediate plain sinking to 14,000 feet. On the 2nd of September the Pundit reached the banks of the Tsanpu, and crossed to the Tadum monastery, on the north shore, 14,200 feet above the sea. Here he learnt that once in two years the Maharajah of Kashmir sent a merchant to Lhasa with a great quantity of goods, who is called " Lopchak ; " and that once a year the Government of Lhasa sent a merchant, called "Jang Chongpon," to Ladak. The Pundit joined the Kashmiri merchant's head man, named Chiring Nurpal, who passed through Tadum with seventy laden yaks, and they set out together for Lhasa on the 3rd of October. The party travelled along the northern side of the Tsanpu, crossing a large tributary called the' Charta-Tsanpu, flowing from the Northern Chain ; and then passing over a range into the valley of the Raka-Tsanpu, a river which has a long course parallel to the Tsanpu, into which it falls below Janglache. From Tadum to a place called Ralung there were no signs of cultivation, and the population was very scanty; but from Ralung Intb.] JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. cxi onwards there were clumps of willow trees and cultivated patches. Raffing is just below the Ka-la pass, over a spur from the range between the rivers Raka-Tsanpu and Tsanpu, which separates the Tsang province from those of Western or Little Tibet. On the 22nd of October the party crossed the Tsanpu by a ferry, 190 miles below Tadum, and arrived at the town of Jang lache, where there is a strongly-built fort on the top of a hill, a fine monastery, and a number of shops kept by Nepalese. From Janglache to the town of Shigatze goods and men are transported on the river, which is wide and navigable, in boats covered with hides. Here they were joined by the second part of the Kashmiri merchant's caravan, consisting of 105 laden yaks; and on the 29th they reached Shigatze,1 11,800 feet above the sea. At a place calle 1 Phuncholing, between Janglache and Shigatze, the river is spanned by an iron chain bridge. On the 1st of November, 1865, the Pundit went from Shi gatze to Teshu Lumbo, to do homage to the Teshu Lama or Panchen Rimboehe,2 a boy eleven years old, who was seated on a high throne covered with rich silk. The Pundit reports that there are 3300 monks in the monastery of Teshu Lumbo, and that the town of Shigatze has a population of 9000, exclusive of the monks, but including a garrison of 100 Chinese soldiers and 400 Tibetan militia. A market is daily held on the space between Shigatze and Teshu Lumbo, and good crops are raised in the neighbourhood. At Shigatze the caravan was joined by the Kashmiri mer- ' chant himself; and setting out again on the 22nd of December, they passed through Painam,3 and reached Giansu4 on the 25th, a distance of 46 miles.5 Giansu was visited by Bogle and Turner, and Mr. Manning resided there for some time. The Pundit describes it as a city 1 The Pundit calls it Digarcha. * Penajong. Here he took a number of observations 4 Gyangze. for latitude. 5 According to the Pundit ; 39 ac- 2 He calls him the " Panjan Ringbo cording to Turner. Che." cxii JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. [Intb. about the size of Shigatz i, with a fort on a low hill in the centre of the town, and a large gilded temple. It is ruled by a Depen,1 assisted by two Jongpens, and has a garrison of fifty Chinese soldiers and 200 Tibetan militia. The surrounding plain pro duces wheat, barley, radishes, peas, and ghee, while rice is imported from Bhutan. Woollen cloths are manufactured in the town, and also small bells with which horses are adorned in Tibet. From Giansu the Pundit followed the route taken by Mr. Manning to the Palti or Tamdok-cho lake, crossing a spur of the Central Chain by the pass of Khoro-la, 17,000 feet above the sea. He describes the lake as 45 miles in circumference, 2 to 3 miles broad, with a hilly island in the centre, the water very deep and good to drink, though the lake has no outlet.2 He found the lake to be 13,700 feet above the sea. On the 4th of January, 1866, the Pundit left the shores of this famous ring-shaped lake, crossed the Khamba-la Mountain separating the provinces of U and Tsang, and reached the left bank of the Tsanpu, at the village of Khamba-barchi, where it is 11,400 feet above the sea level. Here the party took a boat, and rowed down the stream to Chusul-jong. Crossing the river at Chusul, they followed Mr. Manning's route up the valley of the Ki-chu, and arrived at Lhasa on the 10th. The Pundit describes the Lhasa valley as full of large and populous monasteries. He visited that of Sara (Sera of Hue), ' three miles from the city, where there are 5500 monks, and the famous monastery of Galdan, founded by Tsong-khapa, which is three-quarters of a mile in circumference, and peopled by 3300 monks. The city of Lhasa has a circumference of 2£ miles, and in the centre stands a large temple containing images richly inlaid with gold and precious stones, and surrounded by bazaars with shops kept by Tibetan, Kashmiri, Ladaki, and Ne palese merchants, many of whom are Muhammadans. Chinese tradesmen are also numerous. The plain of Lhasa is about 12 1 The Chechep Depen of Edgar. 2 See note at p. 244. Intr.] THE PUNDIT'S ACCOUNT OF LHASA. cxiii miles long by 7 broad, and is surrounded by mountains. Around the town are the monasteries of Muru, Ramoche, Chumuling, Tankyaling, Kontyaling, and the palace-monastery of Potala, the residence of the Dalai Lama, or Goor (Gewan) Rimboehe, called also the Lama Guru. It is a mile and a half in circumference, and stands on an eminence 300 feet above the plain. Four miles west of it is the Debang monastery, with 7700 monks ; and to the south, on the other side of the Ki-chu, is the Chochuling monastery.1 The Pundit went with the Kashmiri merchant (Lopchak), to pay his respects to the Dalai Lama, who was a fair and hand some boy about thirteen years old, seated on a throne six feet high, with the Gesub Rimboehe,2 or Regent Minister, on his right hand. The Pundit relates the popular belief to be that the Dalai Lama will transmigrate thirteen times, and that he is now in his thirteenth transmigration. But he is only in the twelfth according to the list of Desgodins. Below the Regent there are four ministers, called Khalons,3 who conduct all public business ; and the Amba, or Chinese political agent, has special, but apparently undefined powers. As a rule, he does not in terfere in the internal affairs of Tibet. The Pundit also heard that 36 miles east of Lhasa, on the north shore of the Tsanpu, there is a town called Sawe, where the Tibetan treasury is kept ; that 40 miles farther east there is a town, on the south bank, called Shotang, as large as Shigatze ; that the river flows thence eastward for 120 miles, and then turns due south. The hills round Lhasa are barren, except for one thorny 1 According to another authority, the principal Gonpas or monasteries round Lhasa, with the numbers of monks in each, are as follows : Kontyaling Monastery . . 200 Tankyaling „ . .. 200 Chochuling „ ... 30" Chumuling „ .. .. 1,000 Gandan Monastery . . .. 3,500 Lia „ .. 5,500 Depong „ .. 7,500 Gentu „ 500 Grume ., 500 Chenamge „ .. 1,000 Chemchung „ 200 2,0,400 2 Nomen-khan of Hue, ii. p. 156. The Pundit calls him Gyalpo-Khuro-Gyago. 3 Kaskaks, of the Pundit. h cxiv VISIT TO THOK-JALUNG GOLD MINES. [Intb. bush called sia, but there are trees of two kinds in the gardens, though not indigenous, called changma and jawar. The crops of the Lhasa plains consist of barley, wheat, peas, mustard, radishes, carrots, onions, potatoes,1 beans, and other garden produce. There are cows, sheep, goats, yaks, ponies, asses, and pigs ; and fowls, pigeons, and ducks are plentiful. The manu factures at Lhasa are chiefly woollen cloths and felt. The population of Lhasa, according to a census taken in 1854, was 15,000, and owing to the number of celibates there is a large preponderance of women : 9000 women to 6000 men. The garrison consists of 500 Chinese soldiers, and 1000 Tibetans, armed with flint guns, and seven small pieces of ordnance. The Pundit left Lhasa on the 21st of April, 1866, and, returning by the same route, reached Tadum on the 1st of June. Journeying up the Tsanpu valley, he crossed the Mariam-la pass, and returned to India, reporting himself to Colonel Mont gomerie at the head-quarters of the Great Trigonometrical Survey.2 In May, 1867, the same Pundit who was at Lhasa, A, with a third man who had been trained in the interval, C, as B had proved to be somewhat wanting in nerve, set out to explore the gold mines of Thok- Jalung, on the lofty plateau in rear of the great Northern Range. After a most trying journey, these hardy and persevering explorers crossed the Chomorang-la pass, 18,760 feet above the sea, and after a long march through snow, reached the chief gold-field,3 on a large desolate plain, 16,330 feet above the sea, where the camp of the Tibetan gold diggers was pitched. The master of the gold diggings was a native of Lhasa, a shrewd and well-informed man. The Pundit describes the method of working the gold, and the habits of the 1 Probably due to the benevolent tions of the Great Trigonometrical forethought of Warren Hastings, and Survey of India durm°- 1866-7 ' by introduced through Bhutan. (See Colonel J. T. Walker, R.E. F.R.S. p. 19, and note.) ix. pp. i to xxix. 2 See ' General Report on the Opera- 3 In 32° 24' 26" N. • 81° 37' 38" E. Intb.] EXPLORATION OF NO. 9. cxv diggers. The explorers left Thok-Jalung in August, and returned tb head-quarters in November, 1867.1 Some very important journeys were made by an explorer whom Colonel Montgomerie calls No. 9, and whose results he reported upon in 1872. No. 9 went up the valley of the Tambur, in Eastern Nepal, in the footsteps of Dr. Hooker, as far as the Wallanchun pass, which No. 9 calls Tipta-la ; and then succeeded in gaining permission to enter Tibet by his successful medical treatment of the wife of a chief official, at Tashirak, a large standing camp on a feeder of the Arun, 15,000 feet above the sea. He then crossed a mountain spur by the Ni-la pass, and entered the district of Tinki-jong. Advancing southward, he first came to patches of cultivation at a place called Lamadong, on the banks of the Khantongiri, another tributary of the Arun. Crossing over another spur, by the pass of Tinki-la, he reached the banks of the Chomto-dong lake, 20 miles long by 16 miles wide, and 14,700 feet above the sea. He then crossed the Central Range by the Lagulung-la pass, 16,200 feet above the sea, with glacier ice close down to it, which forms the boundary between Sikkim and Tibet. The explorer journeyed, thence to Shigatze, and duly paid his respects to the Teshu Lama.] No. 9 returned by the Sakia monastery of the Red Cap sect, crossed the Central Chain by the Dong-la pass, on the 3rd of October, 1871, and proceeded, by Sakar-jong, Tingri, and Nilam, to the gorge of the Bhotia Kosi into Nepal. Nilam, or Kuti, is the last Tibetan town in this direction, and the pass thence into Nepal, according to the account given by No. 9, is one of the most dangerous in the whole Himalayan range.2 In 1871, Colonel Montgomerie organized a party to explore some portion of the unknown region north of the Tibetan water shed of the Upper Brahmaputra, or Tsanpu, led by a young 1 ' General Report on the Operations 2 See note at p. 155. ' General Re- of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of port on the Operations of the Great India, 1867-8,' by Lieut.-Colonel J. T. Trigonometrical Survey of India during Walker R.E.. F.R.S., xi. pp. i to x. 1871-2,' by Major T. G. Montgomerie, R.E., F.R.S. * h 2 cxvi EXPLORATION OF LAKE TENGRI-NOR. [Intb. semi-Tibetan, who is neither distinguished by name nor number, so we will call him D. He had with him four assistants from the border districts. Crossing the Mariam-la, they arrived at Shigatze on the 24th of November, where D prepared for a journey across the great Northern Chain to the unvisited lake of Tengri-nor, which was only known from the Lama's survey of 1716. Sheep were the only animals that could stand the journey, as the road was too stony for yaks and the climate too cold for donkeys. D therefore purchased fifty sheep to carry the baggage, and, setting out on the 6th of December, the party crossed the Tsanpu, and travelled up the valley of the Shiang-chu, in the footsteps of Mr. Bogle.1 The villages the explorers passed through were Peting, on the Tsanpu ; Chua Dongdot-la, and Chom ; and on the 14th they reached Namling, the Chamnamring of Mr. Bogle,2 where there are a monastery with five hundred monks, a fort, and about two hundred houses surrounded by gardens, with an iron bridge over the river. This route is frequented by traders in salt and borax. Following up the valley they next came to Kholam, and then to Gonkiang, where there is a monastery. On the 20th they halted at another monastery, called Rabdan Chuling Gonpa, the residence of a high Lama, called the Shaptung Rimboehe, who was said to be about a hundred years old, and who had built the monastery eighty years before. Beyond this point the cold became very intense ; and at the village of Gunje the explorers were told that white bears, called tik-dumba, abound, which commit great havoc amongst the cattle. They next came to some very remarkable hot springs and geysers in the mountains ; 3 and on the 8th of January, 1872, they crossed the Khalamba-la pass over the great Northern Range, in a heavy snowstorm, which is 17,200 feet above the sea. On the other side they came to an encampment of Dokpa shepherds, and a little farther on the first view was obtained of the great Tengri-nor lake, called on the spot Jang-Namcho 4 Chidmo, 1 See p. 80. ' See p. 80. ' See note at p. 182. 4 Nam, sky ; and cho lake. Intr.] THE TENGRI-NOR LAKE. cxvii and they crossed the large river Ghaika-chu, flowing into it from the west. They reached the monastery, on the banks of the lake, called Dorkia-lugu-dong,1 whence there is a magnificent view of the wide expanse of water. D resolved to execute a complete survey of the lake, making this monastery his head quarters; but there were constant heavy falls of snow, which impeded his work. The principal peak in this part of the Northern Range is called Ninjinthangla, 25,000 feet high, and the lamas say it is a god surrounded by three hundred and sixty smaller snowy peaks as its servants. The range was traced for 150 miles, running in a north-easterly direction. The lake is quite frozen over in November, though the water is too salt to be used for drinking. The level is 15,200 feet above the sea. It is 60 miles long by from 16 to 25 miles broad, and has some large islands. To the north there is another smaller lake, called Bul-cho, about 6 miles long by 5 miles wide, whence a kind of borax is obtained. On their return, D and his companions were attacked by robbers, and stripped of nearly all they possessed, with difficulty making their way round the east side of the lake, and across the Central Chain, by the Damniargan-la pass, to Lhasa. On the 2nd of March the weary travellers arrived at the Jang- talung monastery, where there are a thousand monks ; and on the 9th they reached Lhasa ; whence, after a long and difficult return journey, they made their way to the head-quarters of the Great Trigonometrical Purvey in safety.2 A second explorer, whose journey is described in the same report, made his way through the upper part of Western Nepal from Kumaon, across the Kali and Karnali, to Muktinath, and then, by Mantang, over the Photu-la pass of the Central Chain, 15,080 feet above the sea, to Tadum, in Tibet. But the journey performed between July, 1874, and March, 1 Dor, a rock ; lugu, a, sheep ; and of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of dong, face. India during 1873-4,' by Colonel J. T. 2 'General Report on the Operations Walker, R.E., F.R.S., pp. i to x. cxviii JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. [Intb. 1875, by the Pundit Nain Sing, of the Great Trigonometrical Survey Department, is the most important, as regards geo graphical discovery, that has been made by any native explorer. For the first time the vast lacustrine plateau of Tibet has been traversed by an educated traveller, who was able to take obser vations and describe what he saw ; and thus a great increase has been made to our scanty knowledge of Tibet. In 1873 the Pundit Nain Sing accompanied the mission of Sir Douglas Forsyth to Yarkand, and in July, 1874, under in structions from Captain Trotter, he set out from Leh on his final and most important journey, to cross the vast lacustrine plateau of Tibet to Lhasa, and thence to make his way down into Assam. Nain Sing reached Tankse, near the frontier, on the 21st of July, and entered Tibet, at Chagra, as a Lama professing to be going on a pilgrimage to a temple near Rudok. At first he followed the Chang-chenmo road to Tarkand, crossing the Marsemik-la at a height of 18,420 feet above the sea, and then turned to the east by a route over the Kin-la, which is still higher than the Marsemik, reaching Noh, a small village of the Rudok district. The progress was slow, as all baggage is carried by sheep, 20 to 25 lb. each, which are never fed, and live on the pasturage by the roadside. Yet, out of the twenty-six which originally started from Tankse, four arrived at Lhasa, having carried their loads over a distance of a thousand miles. The region travelled over from Tankse to Noh is the northern portion of Nari, or Western Tibet. At this western corner of the plateau the road to Khotan rises to 15,500 feet in 40 miles, and then descends rather abruptly to the plains of Eastern Turkistan. Seven miles east of Noh is the eastern termination of the Pangong series of lakes, which is a hundred miles long. The Pundit determined this eastern limit for the first time ; and it is remarkable that the Pangong consists of sweet drinkable water at the east extremity, while the west Intb.] JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. cxix end is very brackish. The Pangong is the most westerly of the sysfem of inland lakes to which the drainage of the vast river plateau of Tibet converges for a distance of 800 miles. From Noh the road eastward over the plateau passes along a wide grassy valley, with occasional shepherds' huts, and large herds of wild asses, antelopes, and gigantic sheep (Ovis ammon). Large sheets of water were frequently met with, generally salt, but occasionally fed by fresh-water streams. The plateau is at an elevation of from 13,700 to 15,000 feet above the sea. This western portion is inhabited by Kampas, the tribe which emi grated from Eastern Tibet about a quarter of a century ago. The Pundit describes them as fine broad-shouldered men, well armed, and dressed in sheep-skin coats, felt hats, and leather boots with curved pointed toes. They are great sportsmen, and both men and women are constantly in the saddle. Their black tents are made of yaks' hair ; they manufacture a very coarse kind of woollen cloth, and live on meat, butter, cheese, milk, and a little flour to thicken their soup. On the 17th of September, the Pundit reached the gold- fields of Thok-Daurakpa, which are not so important as those of Thok-Jalung, which he visited in 1867. There are also two smaller diggings, called Tang-jong, and Sarka-Shyar, farther east, the whole under the superintendence of an officer from Lhasa, with the title of Sarpon. The whole yield of gold, about 8000Z. a year, is sent to Gartokh, whence it finds its way to the sea. Continuing his journey over the plateau, the Pundit tra versed elevated plains for many marches, covered with velvet turf, and frequented by countless herds of antelopes. To the south were the snowy peaks of the Northern Himalayan range (Gangdis-ri), which the Pundit traced for a distance of 180 miles. The highest, called Targot-yap, is 25,000 feet above the sea. Our traveller was informed that to the south of the Range there was a river called Hota-Sangpo, which ultimately turned north into the Kyaring lake. At the foot of the northern cxx JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. [Intb. slope of Targot-yap there is a lake called Dangra-yum, and on its banks is the district of Nakchang Ombo, surrounded by snowy mountains. Here there are several villages of stone houses, and barley is extensively cultivated. It is remarkable that, although this district of Ombo is at nearly as great an elevation as the rest of the plateau, it is the only place where there is any cultivation from Chabuk Zinga, at a distance of 35 marches on one side, to Lhasa, a distance of 39 marches on the other. The elevation of Ombo is 15,240 feet. The in habitants have a tradition that many centuries ago a great and powerful Gyalpo or king lived at Ombo and reigned over the whole of the Hor country. He was overcome by the Gyalpo of Lhasa. Thence to the great lake of Tengri-nor or Namchu the country is 15,000 to 16,000 feet above the sea; the drainage being from the mountains sepa-rating the plateau from the valley of the Brahmaputra to the north, into a vast system of inland lakes discovered by the Pundit. All these lakes are new to geographers, with the exception of Tengri-nor. The largest is the Dangra-yum-cho, which is 45 miles long by 25 broad, and the Kyaring-cho is 40 miles by 8 to 12. These lakes are well stocked with fish, and frequented by myriads of wild fowl. The Pundit passed along the northern shore of Tengri-nor, and thence followed the track of the former Pundit of 1872 to Lhasa, which city he reached on the 18th of November.1 Nain Sing, owing to well-grounded fear of detection, only remained two days at Lhasa on this occasion, and went thence to the ancient monastery of Sama-ye-gonpa, where the images of the temple are of pure gold, and which contains a large Buddhistic library. This is probably the Sawe mentioned in his former account. He continued his journey for two days down the course of the Brahmaputra, and crossed it at the lowest known 1 His latitude of Lhasa was 29° 39' 23" N. In 1866 he made it 29° 39' 17" N . the mean of the two observations being 29° 39' 20" N., longitude 91° 5' 30" E. Intb.] JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. cxxi point on its upper course, where it is 500 yards wide and 20 feet deep, with a very sluggish current. He arrived at a large town called Chetang on the right bank, where there are two monas teries and 700 lamas, and here he made out that the Brahma putra continued its eastward course for 30 miles, and then turned south-east. At Chetang the route ascended the valley of the Yelung, a tributary of the Brahmaputra, on its right bank, which flows through a rich and fertile valley, where there are fruit trees and large patches of wheat and barley. After 36 miles the Dala- tang plain is reached, a grassy expanse stretching for 15 miles to the Karkang-la, a pass over the Central Chain of the Hima laya, 16,210 feet above the sea. Seventy miles to the south, over a lofty region, brought the traveller to the Kya-kya pass, leading down into the Tawang valley, on the southern slopes of the Southern Chain. Here, at Chona-jong, in the Chukhang valley, there is a great exchange mart, where the Tibetan merchants meet those from Assam. The market, at its height, contains several hundred shops. The Pundit was detained in Tawang for some months, and eventually reached Udalgiri in Assam on the 1st, and Calcutta on the 11th of March, 1875. This really magnificent exploring achievement has yielded rich and valuable geographical results. The distance from the Pangong lake, by Lhasa, to Udalgiri, is 1319 miles of previously unknown country, except for a very short distance traversed by the Pundit of 1872 ; 1200 miles were entirely unknown ; and the whole extent was traversed with bearings and Pacings, 276 astronomical observations were taken for latitude, and 497 for elevation above the sea. The eastern extremity of the Pangong lake was settled, a system of nume rous lakes and rivers was discovered, the existence of the vast snowy range of the Northern Himalaya (Gangdis-ri) was clearly demonstrated, several peaks were fixed, 30 miles of the Brah maputra was discovered, and the Tawang route from Tibet to India was surveyed. cxxii TRADE OF TIBET. [Intb. On his return the Pundit Nain Sing retired from the public service on a well-earned pension. He has displayed qualities which place him high in the rank of geographical explorers, combining extraordinary hardihood, endurance, and perse verance, with prudence and skilful diplomacy ; while his obser vations are remarkable for accuracy and precision. It is not often that such splendid services have been performed for geography by the efforts of one man ; and the greatest scientific traveller that India has produced was not to be allowed to retire from the service without some special recognition by geographers of the value of his achievements. He received from the Government of India the grant of a village in addition to his pension, and in 1877 he was awarded one of the royal gold medals by the Council of the Geographical Society, for his distinguished services as an explorer and a surveyor. The training and despatch of these native explorers have added very materially to our knowledge, not only of the geography, but also of the condition of the people, and the state of trade in Nepal and Tibet. Colonel Walker and Colonel Montgomerie have rendered most important service in having conceived and ably carried out so useful a project ; and the Pundits themselves deserve the highest praise for their painstaking accuracy, perseverance, and gallant adventurous spirit. Nain Sing has given us an excellent sketch of the commerce of Tibet, which, combined with the valuable chapter x on trade in the work of the Abbe Desgodins, enables us to acquire a clear idea of its character, and of the extent of the mercantile operations that have Lhasa and Shigatze as their centres. The Pundit says that traders bring their merchandise to Lhasa in December from far and near : from China and Mon golia, Kam and Szechuen, up the passes from Bhutan and 1 Chap. vii. p. 278. Intb.] TRADE OF TIBET. cxxiii Sikkim and Nepal, and from Kashmir and Ladak.1 From China come silks of all varieties, carpets, and hardware ; from Mongolia come leather, saddlery, sheep, and horses ; from Kam comes much perfume ; from Szechuen, tea ; from Tawang, Bhutan, and Sikkim, rice and tobacco ; from Nepal, broadcloth, silk, indigo, coral, pearls, sugar, spices, and Indian manufactures; from Ladak and Kashmir, saffron and Indian commodities. English woollen cloths are much prized ; and the Abbe Des- godins saw a vast number of bales of cloth, marked " Halifax," on their way to Pa-mou-tang,2 a place S.W. of Bhatang. The Tibetans are used to the sizes of English cloth, the price being 20 to 40 francs a square piece of the whole breadth. Scarlet is the favourite colour, and a good yellow would fetch a high price. Flowered calicoes are also much used for lining walls. Brick tea, for Tibet, is made mostly in Szechuen from a hedgerow tree, 15 feet high, with large coarse leaves. The packet of four bricks of 5 French lb. each (25 centimetres long) is bought for 8 francs where it is grown, and sells at Lhasa at from 30 to 35 francs. The annual supply for Tibet is 6,000,000 French lb., worth about 2,400,000 francs.3 The merchants who come in December, leave in March, before the rivers become flooded. Silver and gold are the most important articles of export ; then follow salt, wool, woollen manufactures, furs, drugs, and musk. The people in the direction of Szechuen are clothed in Tibetan blankets, which are also much worn in Sikkim and Nepal. There is a great demand for musk in China ; and Szechuen, Yunnan, all the wild tribes north of Burma, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan are supplied with salt from 1 The current coin is a silver piece Emperor of China, worth 333 Nahtangs, called Naktang, 1\ being equal to a called Dojah or Kuras. Desgodins says rupee. The silver pieces are cut into that there are many Indian rupees in halves, called Chikyahs ; or thirds, Ka- the country. (See also p. 129 and note.) rima. Two-thirds of a NaUang is called 2 Desgodins, p. 308. Shokang or Miscal. There is also a large 3 Desgodins, p. 299. lump of silver bearing the seal of the cxxiv TRADE OF TIBET. [Intb. Tibet. By the Nepal and Ladak routes, Tibet exports large quantities of yaks' tails, borax, gold, silver, and ponies. In Assam, the centres of Tibetan trade are at Dewangiri, and at Udalgiri, where there is a great fair twice a year in con nection with the Tawang route. Darjiling is the central mart for the Chumbi valley trade ; Patna, for that passing through Nepal; and Kashmir, for the long route by the Mariam-la The great and inexhaustible staple of Tibet is its wool, which can be produced on its vast plains and mountain slopes in any quantity and of the finest quality. Mr. Edgar believes that if a good frontier road were opened through Sikkim, from the Jelep-la pass into Chumbi to Darjiling, large quantities of cows and sheep, ghi, and wool, the real wealth of Tibet, would find their way into India. But this would only be a small beginning. For the real development of its vast resources, Tibet must have the same advantages as are enjoyed by the sierra of Peru, a country which it resembles in so many respects.1 It is essential for her growth in prosperity that all the passes into India should be freely opened to her commerce. This is a necessity when the staple of a mountain plateau is live stock. In Peru, the droves of llamas are brought down with produce for the markets by numerous passes, because there must be a vast area of pasturage by the way. There is the same need for Tibet. The great future measure which may hereafter reward the adoption of a broadly conceived and continuous policy will be the establishment of unfettered intercourse through all the Himalayan passes from the Kali to the Dihong. And the first essential for the initiation of such a policy is a comprehension of the physical and political geography of the region, and a thorough knowledge of its history. If this is conceded, it will 1 Both are lofty table-lands, from are religious, peaceful, and industrious ; 9000 to 12,000 feet above the sea, and the Buddhistic Lamas, in their intersected by mountain ranges. The moral code and system of government, wealth of both consists in wool and the have much in common with the Yncas, precious metals ; in both the people the priest-kings of Peru. Intb.] POLICY OF WARREN HASTINGS. rxxv follow that the publication, for the first time, of a full account of Mf . Bogle's mission to the Teshu Lama, and of Mr. Manning's journey to Lhasa, will usefully fill up two gaps in a history which would otherwise be incomplete. Moreover, the study of Bogle's negotiation with the Lama is specially important. For the great statesman who despatched the mission reached a point in his policy, as regards the main tenance of friendly intercourse with Tibet, which was afterwards lost and has never been regained. It will be useful to examine the curiously close points of resemblance, as regards Tibet, between the period when Warren Hastings was at the helm and the present time. Then, as now, the Tibetans were most friendly and cordial, from the sacred Lama of Teshu Lumbo downwards. Then, as now, all obstruction came from the Chinese agents. Then, as now, the chief dread of the Tibetans was the aggressive policy of the warlike Gorkha Rajahs. The Lama made constant complaints of Nepalese misconduct to Mr. Bogle. A century afterwards, when Mr. Edgar met a Tibetan official on the Jelep-la, the conversation about the Gorkha bugbear may be said to have been renewed in 1873 just where it was broken off in 1775. Warren Hastings applied himself to the adoption of the wisest measures for solving these questions. As regards the first, he maintained continuous interchanges of good offices by correspondence, and by despatching missions under Bogle, Hamilton, Turner, and Purungir Gosain. As regards the second, Mr. Bogle early saw that it would be necessary to bring influ ence to bear directly on the Government at Peking. He succeeded in inducing the Teshu Lama to exert such influ ence with the Emperor ; while Mr. Bogle himself intended, with the sanction of the Governor-General, to have proceeded to Peking. It may be gathered from a perusal of Mr. Edgar's report that his instructions, when employed to meet the Sikkim Rajah and Tibetan officials, were conceived in the spirit of that cxxvi SPECULATIONS AS TO THE FUTURE. [Intb. enlightened policy which was adopted with such success by Warren Hastings. There can be no doubt that a conciliatory but firm and persistent series of representations at Peking would lead to the removal of Chinese obstructions, and to the reception of English envoys, as in times past, by the sacred Lamas. The latter point may be insisted upon, because it has already been conceded to Russia. For some time there has been a resident Russian Consul at Urga, near the Court of the Taranath Lama.1 England has a right to the same privilege, as regards the Teshu or Dalai Lamas. But so much is not needed at present; though a smaller concession, namely, the occasional reception of a friendly mission at Lhasa and Shigatze may be demanded as a right.2 The danger from Gorkhali aggression is more serious and more difficult to deal with. This danger has been a cause of alarm to the peaceful Tibetans ever since the deplorable over throw of the Newar dynasty of Nepal, more than a century ago. The warlike state founded by Prithi Narayan is still a source of alarm. Jang Bahadar was long minister, and kept the peace with England, but not with Tibet. He was not, however, so long in power as was his relation, old Bhim Sen Thappa, whose fall was sudden and violent. He was equally obstructive, equally an enemy to free trade and civilizing progress. If the Tibetan Government could be made to understand that, in exchange for active co-operation in the removal of Chinese obstruction, the whole influence and power of the Government of India would be exerted to check aggressive designs on the part of the dreaded Gorkhas, there is every 1 See page xlix. escort. M. Shishmaroff was the first 2 The first resident Russian Consul Consul at Urga, and in 1868 he made at Urga was appointed under the pro- a rapid journey of thirteen days from visions of a Supplementary Treaty ne- Urga to Uliasutai, to conclude a trade gotiated at Peking by Ignatief on convention with the Chinese Amba. £ November, 1860, and ratified at See> for the Provisions of the Treaty of 1861, ' The Russians on the Amur, St. Petersburg in January, 1861. The by E G, Ravensteln (Triibner, 1861). Consul is entitled also to a Russian p jg2 Intb.] CONCLUSION. cxxvii reason to believe that such co-operation would be heartily givefi. The first step towards the achievement of objects so fraught with goorl, both for Tibet and India, will doubtless be in the direction of the Chumbi valley, a step for which Sir George Campbell and Mr. Edgar have diligently prepared. We may hope that before long a good road will be made from the central mart at Darjiling to the Jelep-la pass, which will be contemporaneous with an exploration of the Chumbi valley, and with a visit of English officers to Pari-jong. The second step will be a mission to Lhasa and Shigatze, to renew friendly intercourse with the Lamas, and place the arrangements with regard to trade on a satisfactory footing. But no progress can be made until negotiations have been completed at Peking, to secure for the English Government the same privilege, as regards the Teshu Lama (in accordance with the "most friendly nation " clause), as Russia has acquired at Urga, as regards the Taranath Lama. It is believed that the present volume, by filling up two wide gaps in the history of intercourse between India and Tibet, will be useful to those who are officially entrusted with the conduct of these grave and important measures. It is also hoped that it may help to enable a large circle of readers, who are interested in the welfare and progress of India, to form a sound judgment on momentous questions which may not im probably be under discussion in the near future. EARLY MAPS, INCLUDING TIBET. [ I nth. NOTE MAPS Of TIBET, NEPAL, SIKKIM, AND BHUTAN. I propose in this note to give an account of the principal maps that exist of the above countries, and to enumerate all that are in the collection of the Geographical Department of the India Office. The early Dutch compilers of maps, Ortelius, Mercator, Hondius, and Plancius had no information to enable them to insert any details of interest relating to Tibet. But with the rise of the French geographers, began the arrival of the news from the Jesuit missionaries. Nicolas Sanson, the pioneer of geography in France, was born at Abbeville in 1600, and died in 1667; his son Guillaume survived until 1733, and Adrian died in 1718. The Sansons represent the transition from the crude ideas of the middle ages to the more precise notions represented by Delisle and D'Anville. They published atlases, which were reproduced at Amsterdam from 1690 to 1696, and several contained details respecting Central Asia. But Guillaume Delisle, the principal creator of the modern system of geography, was the first to publish a map of Tibet. He was born at Paris in 1675, and in 1700 he produced his map of the continents of the old world, continuing to bring out maps of various countries up to the time of his deatli in 1726. His map of Central Asia of 1706 x contains many details, pub- 1 ' Carte des Inde et de la Chine, dressee sur plusicurs relations particulieres rectifiees par quelques observationes,' par Guillaume De L'Isle. Intr.] DELISLE AND D'ANVILLE. cxxix lished for the first time, which must have been obtained from the ^Tesuit missionaries. Here appears " Le Royaume de Utsang," "Lassa ou Baratola," "Zekatche," "Tassoo Loomboo," " Couti " (Kuti) ; and the Himalaya mountains are called " M. de Purbet ou de Naugracut." x " Tassoo Loomboo " is omitted in the edition of 1720. Delisle obtained much information, but he had no precise knowledge respecting relative positions, so that his map is very confused. For instance, Tibet and Utsang are inserted at a distance from each other, as if they were different places. This blunder has been repeated on very recent maps in Germany ; and there is evidence of confused ideas in Spruner's Historical Atlas. Several English map makers used the materials of Delisle, two of which are referred to at p. cxlv. It was Jean Baptiste Bourguignon D'Anville, however, who produced the first map of Tibet with any pretension to accu racy. D'Anville was born at Paris in 1697, and died in 1782. His maps of China, including Tibet, based on the surveys of the Jesuits and the Lamas,2 were published in the work of Du Halde,3 and at the Hague in 1737. 4 A part of his general map of Tibet is reproduced in the present volume in fac simile. It is still the basis of our knowledge of Tibet, and has been but slightly altered or modified up to the present time. The maps of Tibet by D'Anville are specially interesting, because a set of them, which has been preserved, were the companions of Mr. Bogle during his mission to the Teshu Lama. After the death of D'Anville, Englishmen began to take the lead as geographers and map makers. Major Rennell, the father of Indian geography, returned to England in the year that D'Anville died, and published his atlas of Bengal. In his 1 Mr. Bogle uses the same word. M. D'Anville, Geographie Ordinaire (See p. 15.) de sa Majesty Chretienne (La Haye, 2 See Introduction, p. lxi. 1737) ; No. 32, ' Carte Ge'nerale du 3 See p. lxii, note. Thibet et 9 feuilles partioulieres du 4 'Nouvelle Atlas de la Chine, de Thibet.' la Tartarie Chinoise, et du Thibet,' par cxxx CRAWFORD. AARON ARROWSMITH. [Intb memoir he discussed the question of the course of the Brahma putra, and the positions of Tassisudon and Lhasa, but he was unable to add much to the map of D'Anville as regards Tibet. After Rennell's time there succeeded a period when ex plorers were at work in the field collecting materials for the map makers. Turner prepared a map of his route through Bhutan into Tibet, which was published in 1800 in his book, and a great deal of information, was collected in Nepal. In the Geographical Department of the India Office there is a manuscript map of part of Nepal drawn in 1793, and showing Colonel Kirkpatrick's routes (4' to an inch) ; and a manuscript "Memoir for Illustrating a Geographical Sketch of Nepal and the adjacent Countries," by Captain William Kirkpatrick (400 pages foolscap). On these materials the map in Kirkpatrick's work on Nepal is based. Major Crawford also contributed much geographical infor mation at the same time. We have from him an elaborate manuscript map of the valley of Nepal (f ' to an inch) ; a manu script map of the route to Nepal, including the valley ; a map of the Nepal territories, and other portions of the Himalaya mountains, in manuscript, with the sources of the Ganges de lineated from the reports of pilgrims; and a manuscript map of the Nepal territories, on a scale of 7^ miles to an inch, dated 1811, with many snowy peaks laid down. It was from these materials that Aaron Arrowsmith com piled this portion of his " Map of India from all the latest and most authentic materials, 1816." He copies Tibet from D'Anville, adding Turner's route, while his Nepal is derived from Major Crawford's observations and compilations. The Nepal war of 1816 led to the production of additional materials. We have a manuscript map, by Lieut. G. Lindesay, of the routes by which Sir David Ochterlony 's army advanced in three divisions towards Mukwanpiir in February, 1816, and a sketch of the stockades covering the pass on the route to Mukwanpiir. There is also a series of boundary maps between Intb.] LATER MAPS OF NEPAL. cxxxi Nepal and British territory, by Lieuts. Garden, Boileau, J. A. Hodgson, and Pickersgill ; and a more recent one, dated 1861, by Lieut. F. C. Anderson. Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, during his residence at Kathmandu, obtained five native maps of parts of Nepal and Sikkim, which he deposited in the library of the East India Company. They have since unfortunately been lost, previous to the organization of the Geographical Department of the India Office. Dr. Hamilton's work on Nepal is illustrated by a " Map of the Dominions of the House of Gorkha," constructed by himself from all existing materials, in 1819, on a scale of 35 miles to an inch. Mr. Brian Hodgson's physical map of Nepal, showing the river systems, appeared in the ' Selections from the Records of the Government of Bengal,' No. 27 (1857); together with routes obtained by Mr. Hodgson from Kathmandu to Peking, from Kathmandu to Dai-jiling, and a measurement of the great mili tary road through Nepal, from Kumaon to Sikkim. In the Geographical Department of the India Office there is a manuscript sketch map of the frontier districts of Nepal be tween the rivers Gandak and Kosi, dated 1840, compiled from official records (scale 4' to 1 inch). The latest map of Nepal is a "Preliminary Sketch of Nepal and the Countries adjoining to the South, West, and East, October, 1855 ; compiled in the Office of the Surveyor-General of India from actual Surveys, other available Materials, Itine raries of Travellers, and from Information " (1856, 16 miles to an inch). Nepal is, however, included in the trans-frontier maps of the Great Trigonometrical Survey (Sheet 9). In this map the hills are not delineated, and it is confined to the results of observations made by actual exploration. Consequently it shows the various gaps which are still unmapped, and practi cally unknown. This sheet has the advantage of including the Tibetan territory up to the Tsanpu, so far as it has beeu cxxxii MAPS OF SIKKIM. [Intb. explored by Colonel Montgomerie's assistants. The map is dated at Dehra Dun, in 1873. The only map of the native state of Sikkim is that by Dr. Hooker. The original manuscript is in the Geographical Department of the India Office : " Map of Sikkim and Eastern Nepal, by J. D. Hooker, Esq., M.D., R.N., F.R.S., exhibiting the Routes of that Traveller, 1850 " (4 miles to an inch). This map is a very able piece of work, and is certainly the most striking contribution to the geography of the Himalaya that has ever been made by a private traveller. It is also lithographed with this title : "Independent Sikkim, from a Sketch by J. D. Hooker, Esq., M.D., R.N., F.R.S., based on the Operations of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, 1850" (same scale as the MS.). • There are several maps of British Sikkim. The first is a manuscript map comprising the Darjiling hill territory and two Murung Parganas, from surveys by Captain W. S. Sherwill, in 1852, and reduced in 1853 to a scale of 4 miles to an inch. It includes a list of the principal tribes, and of trees and plants, with approximate elevations at which they grow. Captain Sherwill's map was published in 1852, at Calcutta. Next fol lowed a map of the hill territory of British Sikkim and the Darjiling district, by E. T. S. Johnson, Assistant Revenue Surveyor, in 1861 to 1867, one on a scale of 2 inches to 1 mile, on five sheets ; published also on a scale of 1 mile to 1 inch. Another map of the Darjiling district was brought out by the Surveyor-General in 1874, on a scale 4 miles to an inch, show ing also the route to Tumlong. There are also maps of the sub divisions of the Darjiling district, published on a large scale. The first general map of Bhutan was drawn by Captain Pemberton. It is included in two sheets of his large map of the Eastern Frontier of British India, in twelve sheets (Calcutta, 1838). The next was compiled in the office of the Surveyor- General, on a scale of 8 miles to the inch, including the Bengal diiars, to illustrate the route of the Mission of 1864. It illus trates the volume published at Calcutta in 1864, containing Intb.] RECENT MAPS OF BHUTAN AND TIBET. cxxxiii " Reports of Missions to Bhutan." The first edition of this map was published in October, 1864, and the second in July, 1865. " A Sketch Map of Bhutan and of the Dooars " was inserted in the Bhutan ' Blue Book,' presented to Parliament in 1865, and is also used to illustrate Dr. Rennie's work on Bhutan. The chief object of this sketch was to define the extent of the Duar districts. In 1874, a new preliminary map of Bhutan was published by the Surveyor-General, on a scale of 8 miles to the inch ; it in cludes, with previous work, the topographical surveys executed by Captain Godwin Austen, R.E., and Lieuts. Strahan, R.E., and Holdich, R.E., in 1864-65, 1865-66 ; and information col lected by Colonel MacGregor. This map illustrates Colonel MacGregor's Military Report on the country of Bhutan. In the collection of the Geographical Department of the India Office there is an original plane table-sketch of Western Bhutan, on a larger scale, surveyed by Captain Godwin Austen in 1864, which illustrates the route of Mr. Eden's mission. The most important general maps including Tibet have been those of Klaproth1 and Berghaus; followed by the maps of Kiepert and others, to illustrate Ritter's ' Erdkunde.' But no real additions were made to our knowledge of Great Tibet, supplied by M. D'Anville's maps, until Colonel Montgomerie's explorers penetrated into that country, and brought back valuable geographical results. The map of the Pundit of 1865, including the upper part of the valley of the Brahmaputra, the city of Lhasa, and the route from Kathmandu into Tibet by the No-la, is in the report of the operations of the Great Trigo nometrical Survey for 1866-67. The report for 1871-72 contains another important map, compiled by Colonel Montgomerie from a route survey made by an Asiatic explorer (No. 9) of the Dingri Maidan, the upper Arun river, and part of Great Tibet (16 1 'Carte de l'Asie Centrale dresse'e grand nombre de notions extraites et d'apres les cartes levees par ordre de traduites de livres Chinoises,' par M. J. l'Empereur Khian Loung, par les mis- Klaproth. (Paris. 4 sheets.) sionnaires de Peking, et d'apres un cxxxiv MAPS OF COLONEL MONTGOMERIE'S EXPLORERS. [Intb. miles to an inch). It supplies important rectifications of the last general map of Nepal, published in 1855, and embraces all Eastern Nepal from Kathmandu to the Sikkim . frontier. The report for 1872-73 has a map from the route survey of an explorer who reached Shigatze, and went thence across the northern range, round the great lake Tengri-nor, to Lhasa. It also contains a map from a route survey of another explorer who traversed Western Nepal. These four maps, obtained from the work of native explorers who have entered Great Tibet within the last ten years, represent the first accurate geographical information, with the exception of Turner's route, that has been obtained respecting the terri tories of the Dalai and Teshu Lamas since the publication of D' Anvil le's map, more than a hundred years ago. The routes of these explorers, as well as of Captain Turner, Dr. Hooker, and the missions of Pemberton and Eden in Bhutan, are shown on the general map prepared for my " Report on the Moral and Material Progress of India for 1872-73," by Mr. Trelawney Saunders, entitled, " A Map of Trade Routes to Tibet M-om the Lower Provinces of Bengal and Assam " (scale 30 miles to an inch). Intb.] DISCIPLES OF THE SCHOOL OF HASTINGS. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH GEORGE BOGLE, BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. The genius of Warren Hastings is shown in nothing more than in his rare insight in the selection of subordinates. He sur rounded himself with young men of great ability, and talent for administration, who worked for him with a zeal which was stimulated by warm personal attachment. Among those who were trained by and won distinction under the eye of the first and greatest of the Governors-General of India may be men tioned young Alexander Elliot,1 who was cut off in his prime ; William Markham,2 the Resident of Benares, who assisted his revered chief during the trial ; Jonathan Duncan,3 the Governor of Bombay ; Claud Alexander, of Ballochmyle ; David Anderson • Augustus Clevland,4 the civilizer of the Santhal tribes; and 1 Brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first Earl of Minto, of whom more hereafter. 2 Son of Dr. Markham, Archbishop of York ; brother of Colonel David Markham, who led the forlorn hope at the siege of Bangalore; uncle of General Frederick Markham, who com manded a brigade at the siege of Moultan ; and grandfather of the pre sent editor. Of him also more pre sently. 3 Jonathan Duncan entered the East India Company's service in 1772. He was the friend of George Bogle, and his value was cordially appreciated by Warren Hastings. He was Resident i if Benares from 1787 to 1795, where lie introduced the permanent settle ment, and negotiated an important commercial treaty with Nepal in 1792. He became Governor of Bombay in 1795, and continued to administer the affairs of that important Presidency until his death on August 11, 1811. Two volumes of ' Selections from the Duncan Records' were published at Benares, by authority, in 1873. 4 Sir Cecil Beadon tells me that the name of Augustus Clevland is still re membered and revered in Bengal. He was a younger son of John Clevland, Esq., of Tapely Hall, near Bideford, by Sarah, daughter of Charles Shuck- burgh, Esq., of Longborow, in Glouces tershire, and was born in 1751. Warren Hastings thus describes the nature of FAMILY OF GEORGE BOGLE. [Intb. George Bogle, the subject of the present short memoir, whom Warren Hastings selected as his envoy to Tibet. George Bogle was the son of George Bogle of Daldowie, a beautiful place near Bothwell, on the right bank of the Clyde.1 George, the elder, was born in 1700, was educated at Leyden, and became a merchant in Glasgow, where he was six times elected Lord Rector of the University between the years 1737 and 1748. He married Anne, daughter of Sir John Sin clair of Stevenson, by Martha Lockhart,2 heiress of Sir John Lockhart of Castlehill, in Lanarkshire, brother of Sir William Lockhart of Lee. Sir John "was a man of great parts and knowledge of our laws, and was appointed by Charles II. one of the Senators of the College of Justice, and a Lord of Justiciary, as Lord Castlehill."3 Mr. and Mrs. Bogle, of Daldowie, had nine children, of whom two died in infancy. Mr. Clevland's services, in the luminous memorandum on his administration of India, which he wrote during his voyage home in 1785 (page 131) : "I have often with pleasure ex patiated on the peculiar talents of the late Mr. Clevland, in civilizing the in habitants of the mountainous districts of Rajmehal, by a system of concilia tion which will long endear his memory to those who have felt the benefits of it ; and I cannot deny myself the grati fication arising from the reflection that the exertion of those talents was in a great measure owing to the public sup port and private encouragement which he received from me. In the honours bestowed upon his memory, the Board has consulted the interests of the Com pany, by holding forth for imitation a character so worthy of it. The im mediate advantages of his labours are seen in the security which the inhabi tants of the adjacent lands possess; no longer apprehensive of being plundered of the produce of their labour by a lawless banditti, they have extended their cultivation over large tracts of land till lately impassable ; and the country at the bottom of the Rajmehal Hills, which I myself have seen in a state of nature, has assumed an appear ance of universal fertility. The remote advantages will be more considerable should the continuance of the same plan of civilization increase the intercourse which has so lately been established between the inhabitants of the hills and those of the lowlands. At all events, the Company has acquired » large accession of new subjects, who are not only peaceable in themselves, but have been successfully employed in maiutaining the peace of the country, and who, being warmly attached to us by the superior benefits they have re ceived from their civilization, may, in case of public exigency, be usefully employed in the defence of our terri tories against foreign invasion." 1 Now the property of Mr. M'Call. 2 This lady was the widow of Crom well Lockhart of Lee, eldest son of the great ambassador Sir William Lockhart, who married Robina, daughter of John Sewster, Esq., by Anna, sister of Oliver Cromwell, the Lord Protector. 3 Baronage of Scotland. Intb.] BOGLE'S EARLY YEARS. cxxxvii The rest were Martha, Robert, Mary, Elizabeth, John, Anne, and Ge6*Fge the youngest, who was born on the 26th of November, 1746. They were brought up together at Daldowie, and in one of his early letters from Calcutta to his sister Anne, whose pet name was Cbuffies, George Bogle recalls the happy days of their childhood. " Throwing myself back in my great chair, I am transported to the nursery at Daldowie. The picture of Julius Csesar recalls to my mind the shows which you remember we used to make. You two stools, how often have I ate bread and milk upon you, or played at catch honours or comet! Need I ask you if you remember "one night that the beds were to be filled with fresh chaff and afterwards lay upon the floor, what diversion we had in tumbling one another from the top of the drawers ? Do you remember how we broke open the window, at the bottom of one of the beds, to get at some shells? Never shall I wish for anything so much as I did to get at those shells, which we could always see and never get at. All was one continued scene of health and pleasure. This gave way to the life of a schoolboy, and away I was hurried to Haddington, where I passed happy years ; but my pleasures, although very great, were different from those in the nursery. The last were perhaps the most unmixed of the two, but a boy learns to despise them and affects more manly diversions. During this Latin and Greek period, I from time to time paid annual visits to the nursery, and was generally there when it was adorned with the brown maiden and her scarlet girdle. After this I lived in Glasgow, and generally passed the Saturday nights in the nursery. Away I was whirled up to London. What expectation and curiosity ! It was so great that I hardly felt grief at parting with my friends. And I quitted the nursery for many years, and I had just time to hurry down to Scotland to take farewell. I was only there three weeks, but let me not pass them over like the other weeks of my existence. Every hour of them was marked with joy at meeting with so many cxxxviii BOGLE ENTERS THE COMPANY'S SERVICE. [Intk. friends whom I so tenderly loved, and who returned my fond ness, and they ended with heartfelt regret at parting with such friends, with so distant a prospect of meeting them again." He was never to see them again. He decided upon adopt ing the career of a merchant, and it was settled that he should, after completing his education, either go into his brother Robert's counting-house, in London, or to his brother John, who was established as a merchant at Falmouth, on the Rappa hannock river, in Virginia. After leaving Glasgow, he attended Edinburgh University, studying logic and other branches of education, from November, 1760, to April, 1761. He was then sent to Mr. Kinross's school, at Enfield, and in December, 1764, he accompanied a sick friend to the south of France, who died at Toulouse, in January, 1765. Young Bogle travelled in France until the following June, when he was summoned to London by his eldest brother Robert, of the firm of Bogle and Scott, whose counting-house he entered as a clerk. Here he remained for the next four years, acquiring much experience in business, and in 1769 his friends obtained for him an appoint ment in the service of the East India Company. George Bogle at the age of twenty- three found himself on board the ' Yansittart,' Indiaman, commanded by Captain Lewin, with letters of credit to a considerable amount, and introductions to the principal people in Bengal. He embarked on the 25th of January, 1770, but did not get clear of the Channel until the 24th of February. After touching at the Cape, at Johanna, one of the Comoro Islands, and at Madras, the 'Vansittart' arrived in the Hugli, and on the 19th of August George Bogle landed at Calcutta. The young civilian arrived in Bengal at the time of the great famine of 1770, and the misery he witnessed left a deep impression on his mind. Writing to his father, in September, he says : " Last year the crops failed to an extent never known before in the memory of man, which has reduced the inhabitants to the utmost distress. This town was better provided than Intb.] THE FAMINE OF 1770. cxxxix most others, and yet it has suffered amazingly. The Governor L and Council had a magazine of grain with which they fed fifteen thousand every day for some months, and yet this could not prevent many thousands from dying of want, and the streets from being crowded with the most miserable objects. There were sometimes 150 dead bodies picked up in a day, and thrown into the river. In the country the distress was greater, as it was farther removed from the sea and not so easily supplied from distant countries. Whole families perished of hunger, or fed upon leaves of trees, or, contrary to their religion, ate animal food ; some even subsisted on the dead carcasses. Their distress is unparalleled, and it shocks one to think of it. A million and a half of people are said to have famished in the provinces that belong to the English. There is one thing that must amaze everyone that has been used Jo a free country. There is an indolence and indifference about them that is astonishing, and despair rather increases it. They have died without a single effort to obtain grain either by force or even by toil and labour. What mobs and commotions there would be with us were grain to increase to three times its price ! and in many places it was a hundred times what it usually is." In a subsequent letter, written on October 24, 1770, he reverts to the subject of the famine again : " The distress has put a stop in some manner to trade, for grain was one of the best articles to export from this country, and was the means of bringing money in return ; and the death and ruin of such a number of inhabitants must necessarily hurt the manufactures of cotton, which Bengal is famous for all over the world. I hope, however, that things will soon begin to revive, and that the inhabitants, as soon as they are relieved from their distress, will return with spirit to their industry and manufactures." In December he wrote that " the price of grain is very much fallen, and the people are again living in plenty, and contented." Writers, on their arrival at Calcutta, were appointed as 1 Mr. Cartier. cxl BOGLE IN THE REVENUE DEPARTMENT. [Intb. assistants in the different offices, and Bogle was placed in that of the Select Committee which transacted all political business, so that he early got an insight into the situation of the Com pany's possessions, and into its foreign relations. Meanwhile he diligently studied Persian, and within the first year he was able to read and converse in that language. In February, 1772, when young Bogle had been eighteen months in Calcutta, Warren Hastings arrived from Madras to succeed Mr. Cartier as Governor of Bengal; but he did not take his seat as President of the Council until the following April, having carefully investigated the state of affairs in the interval, and found all the departments in a deplorable state of confusion. The new Governor at once began to inaugurate a more efficient system of administration. Among other appointments, Mr. George Bogle received the post of Assistant-Secretary to the Board of Revenue, under Mr. Higginson, on the 10th of October, 1772 ; and in the same month he accompanied the Governor and some of the Members of Council on a tour of inspection to Cossimbazar, with a view to making a settlement of the land on leases of five years. They went first to Kishan- garh, where they remained about a month, and thence to Cossimbazar, where the revenue business detained them for nearly three months. This employment was very advantageous to young Bogle, as it furnished an opportunity for him to become better known to Warren Hastings, and at the same time gave him a practical insight into revenue business. He described his appointment as "attended with much trouble and small advantages, but it is highly agreeable to me from placing me immediately under the eye of the Governor and Council." His letters at this time to his father and sisters are full of the warmest expressions of affection, and betoken a strong home feeling, which, however, in no way lessened his official zeal and efficiency. This is especially shown in the letters to his favourite sister Anne, whom he calls by the old pet name : " Your letters, my clear Chuffles, are the very nutmeg of delight, so long, so Intb.] BOGLE'S CHARACTER OF WARREN HASTINGS. cxli particular about everything my friends are doing. I have read thdrh over again and again, and find new beauties in them every day. They are just as if you were chattering, with this advantage, that they cannot give me a headache and I can stop them if I chose, which, you know, is not always an easy matter with your ladyship. They want, however, the snap of the fingers and the hearty laugh. The good news of all my friends gives me the most sincere delight. God grant I may long continue to receive such comfortable news ! My heart overflows with gratitude to Heaven, but it is not unmixed with regret." He then writes of the projected improvements at Daldowie, dwelling fondly on all the details and on all the well-remem bered places round his home on the Clyde. In 1773, his brother Robert suffered great commercial losses, his father's estate became encumbered, and George Bogle generously resolved to save money, year by year, so as to aid in freeing his relations from their embarrassments, and in paying off the debt on his beloved home at Daldowie. On the 9th of March, 1773, he was appointed to the office of Registrar to the Sadr Diwani Adalat, the Court of Appeals for the natives; and soon afterwards Secretary to the Select Committee. At this time he thus writes of the Governor : "Mr. Hastings is a man who is every way fitted for the station which he holds. He possesses a steadiness, and at the same time a moderation of character; he is quick and assiduous in business, and has a fine style of language, a know ledge of the customs and dispositions of the natives, whose tongue he understands, and, although not affable, yet of the most ready access to all the world. During his administration many abuses have been reformed, and many useful regulations have been established in every department of government. The natives are possessed of a code of laws far more ancient than Justinian, which have been handed down through a succession of ages, are interwoven with the system of their religion, and are framed to suit the manners of the people for cxlii FRIENDSHIP FOR ALEXANDER ELLIOT. [Intb. whom they are intended. To revive these laws is at present a principal object with Mr. Hastings, and some progress has been made in translating them into English. This work, when finished, will do great credit to Mr. Hastings, and will furnish an excellent guide to the decisions of the Courts, while it pleases the people, who are attached to their own laws and usages." George Bogle was now very high in the favour of Warren Hastings, who had not only a good opinion of his abilities and official aptitude, but a warm personal friendship for himself. The latter feeling was fully reciprocated by the young Scot, as it was by most of the youthful administrators who were honoured by the confidence and friendship of the Governor. Among them all, however, none were more devotedly loyal to their chief than George Bogle and his bosom friend Alexander Elliot, the younger brother of Sir Gilbert.1 When George Bogle was appointed as Envoy to the Lama of Tibet, on the 13th of May, 1774, Alexander Elliot officiated for him as Secretary to the Select Committee, and Registrar to the Sadr Diwani Adalat ; and the most affectionate letters passed between them during this separation. The Envoy also wrote home constantly in the course of his journey to the unknown table-land, and his warm heart was full of recollec tions of his distant home. Writing from Tassisudon, the capital of Bhutan, in August, 1774, to his sister Elizabeth, he says : " It is true, Bess, what you say ; the country people who live among their friends and relations are strangers to the 1 Alexander Kynynmond Elliot was 1795, created Baron Minto in 1797, the third son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bart., President of the Board of Control in by Agnes Murray Kynynmond, heiress 1806, and Governor-General from 1807 of Melgund and Kynynmond. His to 1812. In 1813 he was created Earl eldest brother, Gilbert, became first of Minto and Viscount Melgund, and Earl of Minto, and was Governor- he died in 1814. Alexander^ the 'third General of India. The second brother, son, entered the East India Company, Hugh, was Governor of Madras. Sir and became a clear friend of George Gilbert Elliot, the eldest, was born in Bogle, and a favourite of Warren 1751. He was Viceroy of Corsica in Hastings. Intb.] LETTERS FROM TIBET. cxliii pangs of parting, and to the solicitude of absence. But they nev%r feel the joy which your letters give me, and the tear which now starts from my eye is worth an age of their vegetable affection. Yet I would have wished to have passed the two months with Robin at Daldowie. If the three little weeks I spent there1 gave me so much pleasure, what must I have enjoyed with the addition of his company ! But, alas ! our destinies have wove for us a different web. We are scattered over the face of the earth, and are united only by hope and a tender remembrance. While you are passing your cheerful evenings with friends and relations at Daldowie ; while Robin, with his negroes (and happy are they that are under him), is planting the sugar cane ; 2 while I am climbing these rugged mountains, there is a secret virtue, like the magnet, which attracts us together, and cheers and solaces us. Beyond this hangs a cloud which we cannot penetrate." His letters from Tibet are also full of amusing stories, and they repeat the contents of his journal in a somewhat different style for each of his sisters. When Bogle left Tibet, and the moment of separation came, the Teshu Lama took from his own neck three charmed strings of beads forming one necklace, and presented them to his friend, telling him that the ladies upon whom he bestowed them would be protected from all evil. Bogle gave the lower string, with the pendant ornaments, to his sister, Mrs. Brown, and it is now in the possession of her granddaughter, Miss Brown of Lanfine. The upper string he gave to his cousin, Mrs. Morehead, who bequeathed it to the eldest daughter of her son Robert, now Lady Lowther.3 1 Before starting for India. George Bogle, being a daughter of John 5 Robert Bogle had settled in the Sinclair Lockhart, of Castlehill, whose island of Grenada as a sugar planter. sister Ann was George Bogle's mother. 3 See 'Memorials of the Life and At p. 392 of the 'Memorials,' quoted Writings of the Rev. Robert Morehead,' above, there is a notice of George edited by his son, Charles Morehead, Bogle, followed by several letters to M.D. (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 43, note. him from Mrs. Morehead. Her son, Mrs. Morehead was a first cousin of the Rev. Robert Morehead, was born in cxliv THE LAMA'S NECKLACE. [Intb. A wood engraving of the Teshu Lama's charmed necklace is here presented. The centre string was of bright blue and green glass beads, and it is now lost. The upper and lower strings are formed of highly-polished beads of Tibetan carnelian, red, with an orange tint, and nearly opaque. To the lower one a variety of ornaments are attached. One of these consists of three beads strung together, the colour and size of green peas, terminating with a carnelian drop set in gold. Two strings are of dull pink glass beads. At one end, suspended by flat silk braid, are two ornaments of transparent blue glass; one flat 1777, and died in 1842. He married a Sir Charles Lowther, Bart., of Swil- Bister-in-law of Lord Jeffrey, and had, lington, near Leeds. It is to her that with other children (one of whom was the upper string of beads of the neck- twice Acting Governor of Madras), a lace of the Teshu Lama was bequeathed daughter Isabella, married, in 1834, to by her grandmother. •» -\»«- , , J^-. fa^r tyjtfj^ &JSu~r-s K*l*L4_J- &&-*i^jl__!> S*-^L ¦ M *\ , O^ Au~t^~L- U} ast*. srj£t *f /1\*>-J *,.* /7*rtl7 frLC '*'-£*+ P0C feluuo trC^ou^. /£& ,£,£ J$) Sikkim. Ch. XV] CHINESE INFLUENCE. 151 and that of Bengal. He seemed to be much pleased with what I had said, and asked me if he might write this to Gesub. I told him he might, and that I had no doubt that the Governor would be ready to employ his mediation to make the Gorkha Bajah desist from his attempts on the territories subject to Lhasa, and that I had reason to think, from the Gorkha Bajah's dread of the English, that it would be effectual ; but I added that if Gesub, contrary to reason, and what he had seen of the fidelity and moderation of the English, continued to entertain suspicions of them, I was helpless, and my constituents were helpless. He said that Gesub's apprehensions of the English arose not only from himself, but also from his dread of giving offence to the Chinese, to whose empire this country was subject, and that he wished to receive an answer from the court at Peking. I repHed that whenever he mentioned the name of the Emperor of China I was struck dumb ; that from his letter to the Governor, as well as from every account, my constituents considered him (the Lama) as the chief of the country during the Dalai Lama's minority, and that although the Emperor was paramount sovereign, every thing was left to his management ; that Gesub owed his promotion to him, and followed his advice ; that the Governor, in his proposals about trade, was promoting the advantage of Tibet, as well as of Bengal ; that in former times merchants used to come freely into this country, that the Gorkha Bajah's wars and oppressions had prevented them for some years past, and only prayed him to remove the obstacles which these had occasioned. He replied that he had no doubt of carrying the point I wished, but that it might require a year or two to do it effectually; that besides the obstruction to trade which the Gorkha Bajah's conduct in Nepal had occasioned, his present war with Demo Jong1 prevented the importation of sugar, spices, tobacco, &c, and that the people of this country com plained loudly of it. After thanking him for his intentions of opening trade in the course of two years, I told him that, being sent by the Governor upon this business, I could not help being zealous for its success ; that it depended on him whether I should return to Bengal happy and crowned with reputation, or covered with shame, which would certainly be my portion if I faUed in the point which, by the Governor's orders, I had represented to him. 1 Sikkim. 152 THE LHASA DEPUTIES. [Ch. XV. On the 30th of December, Gesub Bimboche's people came to take leave of me. I mentioned to them that I wished to have waited upon them ; but they had declined my visit ; that, however, I proposed to write to Gesub Bimboche by them, and begged they would be so good as to take care of my letter. They, said if I mentioned simply in my letter the receipt of the Chinese brandy, &c, they would carry it, but that if I said anything of business, or anything about the Kalmuks that might bring troubles on the country or on Gesub, they would not carry it. I confess I was much struck with this answer. I repHed that being sent to Teshu Lama and living under his roof, I had asked his opinion about writing to Gesub, that he had advised me to it (through the Gosain), and that I should write nothing without showing it to him and receiving his approbation ; that I was concerned at their expressing an apprehension of my writing anything that could embroil Gesub; that I was come into the country with a pure heart and wished its happiness and Gesub Bimboche happiness. They desired I would give them a copy of the letter I intended to write to Gesub. I replied that I would give the letter and copy to the Teshu Lama, and if he thought proper he would show it to them. I added that I wished to know the ground of Gesub's suspicions, and as I knew the uprightness of my constituents' intentions as well as my own, I was ready to give him every satis faction. Their answer was that they were come to take leave of me, that much conversation was not the custom of this country, and so wished me a good journey to Bengal. I endeavoured to get them to listen to me. I wished to introduce the subject of trade, but it was to no purpose ; so we parted. This conversation gave me more concern than any I had in Tibet. I immediately applied for an audience of the Lama, and was admitted. I repeated to him what had passed. He said the people from Lhasa were little men and knew no better. I replied that had I thought their conversation proceeded only from them selves I would feel little uneasiness at it; but I had reason to consider their sentiments as those of Gesub's, and could not help being concerned that he should suspect me of coming into this country to raise disturbances; that God was my witness that I wished him well, that I wished the Lama well and the country well, Ch. XV.] LETTER TO GESUB RIMBOCHK. 153 amlthat a suspicion of treachery and falsehood was what I could not bear. I was a good deal affected, and said this with some warmth. The Lama endeavoured to remove my concern. He said that Gesub was unacquainted with the character of the English ; " but," said he, " at any rate the Dalai Lama will be of age in a year or two, and then Gesub's management wUl be at an end." I told him that I had before sent to ask his opinion as to the propriety of my writing to Gesub, and having now represented to him what had passed between me and Gesub's vakils, I was come to ask his advice and opinion. Upon this I took out the draft of a letter I intended to have sent to Gesub, and read it to him. " Every country," quoth the Lama, " has its particular manner of writing. If you please I will write a letter for you." I accepted his offer. He immediately called in one of his people, and making him sit down, dictated a letter in the Tibet language in my name to Gesub Bim boche, explaining it to me at the same time in the Hindustani lan guage. To the best of my remembrance it was to the following purpose : To Gesub Bimboche. [After some compliments.] " I have received the Chinese wine, fish, mushrooms, biscuit, &c, that you were so good as to send me in great abundance, and all very good of their kinds. May your country enjoy tranquillity and yourself happiness. I request, in the name of the Governor my master, that you will aHow merchants to trade between this country and Bengal. I have sent you a gun, a piece of broad cloth, and a handkerchief, which you wul please accept of." After the letter was written I took leave of the Lama. Next day I sent the letter with the broadcloth, &c, to Gesub's servants by one of Teshu Lama's people, and begged him to tell them how concerned I was for what had passed ; that if Gesub in spite of everything would entertain suspicions of me, and if they would not listen to what I had to say in order to remove them, I was helpless ; that 1 had sent a letter, &c, for Gesub, which I requested them to deHver to him, and in case they wished to know the contents, they would apply to the Lama, who had seen and approved of it. They returned me an answer that they were sorry 154 REASON FOR NOT GOING TO LHASA. [Ch. XV. and ashamed at what passed at our last meeting ; that they would deliver the letter to Gesub, and would faithfully mention to him what I had said. From this I found that the Lama had spoken to them. It may appear extraordinary that, though I was exposed to so many inconveniences from the seat of government being at Lhasa, I should never have proposed my going thither to the Lama, and it is necessary that I should give my reasons for it. I had every cause to think, from Gesub Bimboche's letter to the Lama, from the Lama's conversation, and from other accounts which I had received, that Gesub Bimboche was extremely jealous of me ; that he considered me as come to spy " the nakedness of the land," and that the English had designs upon this country. I was suspicious there fore that he would refuse my visit whUe he continued in this way of thinking, and I entertained some hopes that the Lama's letters and the representations of the Chauduri 1 (a man whose connection with me I shall afterwards mention) would bring him to entertain a more favourable idea of me and of my business. Another thing, I could not (in the character I bore as being sent on the part of the Company) go to Lhasa without suitable presents to Gesub, to the Dalai Lama, and, perhaps, to the Chinese officers, and these presents I had it not in my power to make. I visited the Lama on the 13th January, and he introduced this subject himself. He said that as I had come so far he would be very glad that I should see Lhasa also ; that Gesub, however, was averse from it, and had written to him to keep me with him, and that I should not go to Lhasa; that he was afraid of my seeing the city; that, however, if I chose to send any of my servants to Lhasa he would give them passports, and they could afterwards give me an account of it and of anything I wished to know. It became now necessary that I should give an answer either one way or the other. I replied that I was exceedingly concerned to find that Gesub stiU continued to entertain such suspicions of me, and to imagine that I was come with a design of making an unfriendly account of this kingdom ; that I knew nothing about surveying or war ; that Mr. Hamilton, who was with me, knew as little ; that as to the country of Tibet, the Gosain, who 1 See p. 172. Ch. XV.] THE GESUB RIMBOCHE. 155 had been down in Calcutta, could teU him that the Governor had plans of it, and knew the names and situations of the prin cipal places, Lhasa, Chamnamring, Shigatze, Janglache, Giansu, Painam, &c. ; that although I would own to him that after coming so far, and being within a few days' journey of Lhasa, I would be glad to go to that city, yet it was on a very different account from what Gesub supposed; that my having been at Lhasa would, among my countrymen, tend to my credit and reputation, and I conceived also some hopes that Gesub Bimboche, after seeing and conversing with me, would alter his opinion, and that his jealousy would be removed. He said it was very true, but Gesub's heart was small and suspicious ; and, to tell the truth, he could not pro mise that he would be able to procure his consent, but I might send one of my people. " I will give you an instance," said he, " of the narrowness of Gesub's mind. The Gorkha Bajah has sent some vakfls with letters to me and to himself ; they are now at Kuti,1 the frontier town of Nepal : and Gesub, among other reasons, objects to their coming into Tibet lest they should learn the manner of the Kalmuks fighting on horseback, which is practised in this country (describing it at the same time by motions), and should teach it to the Gorkha Bajah's people." I replied that as to my servants going to Lhasa, it would be to their credit, not to mine ; and as to giving me an account of the city, it was what I did not wish to know, and that he might himself judge of my indifference on this subject, from my having been so long at Teshu Lumbo, and having never once visited Shigatze, a town in its neighbourhood. To teU the truth, I had restrained my curiosity merely in order to counteract the idea of my having come to examine and pry into the country ; for Shigatze is commanded by officers subject to Lhasa. The Lama upon this 1 This place is at the head of the by iron suspension bridges, and eleven Ni-lam Pass, forming one of the trade by wooden bridges 24 to 60 paces long. routes from Tibet to Nepal, down the At one place the sides of the gigantic valley of the Butia Kosi. It was chasm were so close that a bridge of visited by the native explorer who was 24 paces would span it. Along the sent by Colonel Montgomerie in 1871. perpendicular wall of rock a path is He returned from Tibet by this route, supported on iron pegs let into the which took him to Kathmandu. He face of the rock. The path is of stone describes it as passing through a fear- slabs coveredwith earth, only 18 inches ful gorge, where the road crosses the wide, a third of a mile long, and 1500 river no less than fifteen times ; three feet above the roaring torrent. 156 MR. BOGLE DECLINES TO RECEIVE A MAP. [Ch. XV. offered to give me a map of Tibet from Ladak to the frontier of China, with the names of places and their distances. This was a splendid object, and to obtain it, I was sensible would reflect much lustre on my commission. But I considered the Company could have no interest in this country but that of commerce, and that to know a number of outlandish names or to correct the geography of Tibet, although a matter of great curiosity and extremely interesting to geographers and mapsellers, was of no use to my constituents, or indeed to mankind in general ; and that to this I might be sacri ficing objects of far greater importance, and exciting that jealousy which had hitherto so cruelly thwarted me in all my negotiations. I repHed therefore, in the same style of indifference, after thanking the Lama for his kind offer, that the situation of the country,- its strength, forces, &c, were of no concern to my constituents ; that the Company considered Tibet as at such a distance from Bengal, and separated by such mountains, the difficulty of which I had but too weU experienced, that they never dreamt of any danger to Bengal from that quarter, and the same causes, supposing the Com pany even had intentions of extending their territories, which their conduct showed they had not, served equally to ensure Tibet from any danger from Bengal ; and that in taking a map of this country I would only afford ground for Gesub's suspicions. He repHed that Gesub would know nothing of it. I told him that I could not answer for that, and at any rate it was not an object with my con stituents ; that I would be glad indeed to know the laws and customs of Tibet, because, as every country excelled others in some of these particulars, it was the business of a traveller to inform himself of those, and to adopt such as were good ; and I would own to him that the Governor had desired me to inquire about their manners, but at the same time to concern myself in no way about the strength or forces of Tibet. He seemed to be well satisfied with what I said, and told me that he would order his people to write down every particular regarding the laws and customs of the country that I wished to know. The 19th of January was the first of the holidays at the change of the year. I went to see the ceremonies at church. Before they began the Lama called me into a closet, and told me that the Gorkha Bajah's vakils, who had been so long stopped on Ch. XV.] THE GORKHA RAJAH. 157 tli£ borders of the country, were arrived ; that the principal one was a Gosain, who had formerly resided long in this country ; that he had brought a letter from the Gorkha Bajah, in which he said everything was written, but it was in Nagari, and he had given it to be translated, and would afterwards inform me of its contents ; that the Gorkha Bajah therein styled himself the King of the Mountains (Parbat-kai- Padshah) ; that formerly he used to send presents of fruit only, but upon this occasion had sent more valuable ones. He said he understood that the Kerant 1 Bajah, upon his country being seized by the Gorkhas, had taken refuge with Demo Jong ; but having since, upon the Gorkha Bajah's hostilities with that chief, discovered the insecurity of his situation, had fled towards Purneah. The Lama then asked my opinion of the Gorkha Bajah, and whether he had ever attacked the EngHsh or invaded Bengal. I confessed that I knew very little of him tiU I came into his presence ; that from what he had been pleased to tell me, and from what I understood of the number of troops he kept in pay, of his every year entering into some new war and making new conquests, and his late invasion of Demo Jong's terri tories, I was of opinion that he aimed at making himself master of all the hilly country; that as I was ignorant of his purpose in sending vakils, I could say nothing particular about it ; that if at the same time he had withdrawn his forces from Demo Jong's dominions, I should think him in earnest in his professions of friendship and moderation ; but I confessed I did not understand a man who made proffers and assurances of friendship with one hand and a sword in the other. " We will see," said the Lama. " In the meantime Gesub Bimboche has sent 18,000 men, under the command of Deb Patza,2 together with a priest or inferior lama, in order to be prepared either for war or peace." He also told me that the Gorkha Bajah was covered over with blotches and sores, and his health very bad. The service began, and the Lama went to church. On the 19th I had another audience of the Lama at church, and between the services. He told me that Gorkha had written 1 Kirats or Kirantis, a tribe of Eastern Nepal, next to the Lepchas, from whom they are divided by the River Arun. 2 See p. 101. 158 LETTER FROM THE GORKHA RAJAH. [Ch. XV. not only to him, but also to the Dalai Lama, to Gesub Bimboche, and to Gubshay Pundita, who is one of the ministers at Lhasa ; that he mentioned in his letters having subdued Kerant, Murung, &c. ; that he also wrote that he did not wish to quarrel with this state, but if they had a mind for war, he let them know he was well prepared, and desired them to remember that he was a Bajput ; that he wanted to estabHsh factories at Kuti,1 Kerant, and another place, upon the borders of Tibet and Nepal, where the merchants of Tibet might purchase the commodities of his country and those of Bengal, and desired their concurrence ; that he would aUow the common articles of commerce to be transported through his king dom, but no glasses or other curiosities, and desired them to prohibit the importation of them also ; that he desired them further to have no connection with Fringies or Moghuls, and not to admit them into the country, but to follow the ancient custom, which he was resolved likewise to do ; that a Fringy had come to him upon some business, and was now in his country, but he intended to send him back as soon as possible, and desired them to do the same with us ; that he had written also about circulating his coin, and had sent 2000 rupees for that purpose. The Lama then asked me about this Fringy who was with the Gorkha Bajah ; but being quite in the dark I could give him no manner of information. The Lama did not at this time desire my opinion upon the Gorkha Bajah's letter, and I made no remarks upon the subject. On the 26th of January I visited the Lama. It was the first day of the Tibet year. Nothing of business passed. On the 24th of February I waited upon the Lama to take leave of him for a few days, which I proposed to pass with his nephews at their estate at Binjaitzay, which is about two days' journey from Teshu Lumbo. I returned on the 2nd of March, and had an audience of the Lama on the 3rd. After congratulations on my return, and questions about the entertainment his nephews had given me at Binjaitzay, he told me the messenger he had sent to Lhasa was returned, and had brought him accounts of Gesub being now out of danger ; that upon his illness the Chinese officers had consulted 1 At the head of the Ni-lam Pass from Kathmandu to Shigatze', following the course of the Butia Kosi. (See note at p. 155.) Ch. XV.] DEATH OF THE GORKHA RAJAH. 159 some conjurors concerning his fate, who had given an oracular answer ; that they had despatched messengers to Peking with the accounts of his being dangerously ill; that extreme unction was performed on him, and he remained several days with his eyes fixed on the ground, and in a manner insensible, but the violence of his disease having abated he was able to walk about the room, though not to apply to business. The Lama further told me that the report of Gorkha Bajah's death was confirmed, and that he had received letters from Lhasa giving an account of it, which was corroborated by the advices of Gosains and Kashmiris; that three wives and six concubines had burnt themselves at his funeral, and that Sing Pertab,1 his son, had succeeded him in the government. The Lama further informed me that news was received at Lhasa of the Chinese having at length by means of an immense army subdued Bibdyen Gyripo (the rebellious chief who, with a few thousand brave adherents, had defended himself and his hUl-bound country against the united power of the Chinese empire) ; that they had approached almost to the capital of his province, by roads which they made through the mountains with immense labour, when the Kampa chief in despair threw himself from the walls.2 He told me also that the Dalai Lama was next year to proceed to Peking to wait upon the Emperor. My part of the conversation need not be put down. On the 18th of March I had a visit from the Nepal vakfl. I told him that I heard from everybody of Gorkha's death, and inquired if he had received any accounts of it. He said he had none, and that he had therefore not ordered the Newars (natives of Nepal) to shave their beards and eyebrows. He spoke of it, how ever, as a thing there was no doubt of. He said some of the Gorkha Bajah's Sepoys had come to Kuti,3 and that Gesub Bimboche was offended at it, and had written to the Lama, who had spoken of it to him ; that he had told the Lama that it was to teach the Bhutanese troops their exercise; but the Lama replied they wanted to learn no new rules. 1 The Rajah Pertab Sing Sah deva chuen province, who, though few in died in 1775. His son, who reigned number, defended themselves to the from 1775 to 1816, was Girwan Yudh last. The revenge the Emperor took Vikrama Sah deva. upon the leader was dreadful. (Gutz- 2 This was a rebellion of some larf, 'China Opened,' i. p. 361.) Turpan or Tibetan tribes in the Sze- 3 See note at p. 155. 160 THE RUSSIANS. [Ch. XV. I had no opportunity of waiting upon the Lama till the 15th of March. He told me that he had been so much engaged with some Kalmuks, and had so much to write on their account, that he had not been able to see me sooner ; that several years ago a tribe of Tatars, who were subject to Bussia, had gone over to the Chinese, and that the Emperor of China had formerly written to him of this, fehcitating himself on his good fortune in it; that the Bussians had since sent four ambassadors to China to demand their vassals, whom the Emperor had imprisoned ; and, as I understood him, had also confined some other Bussian subjects who were after wards sent upon the same errand, and to request the release of their countrymen. The Bussians had not yet begun hostilities, but he imagined they would soon go to war about it. I told him that as the Bussians were engaged in a very heavy war with the Turks, which I was uncertain whether they had yet finished, I supposed they would hardly think of entering into another with the Chinese, and encountering two such powerful neighbours at the same time ; but as soon as they had made peace with the Sultan of Bum I made no doubt of their resenting the conduct of the Chinese in a very high strain ; that the present sovereign of Bussia, although a woman, was extremely able and active, going in person to review her forces, receiving all ambassadors, and inspecting every depart ment of government herself; that the Bussians were also a very hardy and warlike people, and capable of great efforts, and I doubted whether the Chinese would be able to cope with their troops, who had been so long accustomed to actual and very severe service. He repHed that it was very true ; that former emperors would have weighed these circumstances, but the present one was too violent and too fond of war to listen to advice, and was besides offended at the Bussians for the refuge they had accorded to the Tsungars, a tribe of Tatars whom he had subdued ; that things must now take their course, and he was afraid that no representa tions of his or of his friend, the Lama of Peking, could prevent a war. On the 27th of March some Kashmiri merchants came to me, and after presenting silk handkerchiefs, according to the custom of the country, informed me that they waited upon me in consequence of the Lama's orders ; that he had written to their constituents at Ch. XV.] INTERVIEW WITH KASHMIRI MERCHANTS. 161 Lhgsa (for these at Shigatze are only agents), acquainting them that the Governor had written to him, and Tihat I had represented to him the Governor's desire of opening the commerce between Tibet and Bengal, so that merchants might freely trade between the one kingdom and the other ; that the trade which was formerly carried on through Nepal by the many Kashmiri houses settled there had been greatly obstructed by the oppression of the Gorkha Bajah, and that he, therefore, advised them to send their gumashtas into Bengal, through the Deb Bajah's country ; that the Governor had engaged to give them every assistance and protection, and that he, on his part, was always ready to encourage merchants and trade. Whether aU this was in his letter, or spoken by the Lama himself, I cannot say, for they told me further that they had waited upon the Lama, and he had desired them to come to me. I told them that the Governor had indeed desired me to represent to the Lama how much the trade with Bengal had declined of late years, owing to causes with which they were well acquainted, and to request his assistance in restoring it ; and that the Lama had been good enough to promise his best endeavours for that purpose. I then explained to them the steps which had been taken in Bengal for the ease of merchants by abohshing the ancient chokies and exactions upon trade ; by fixing the duties at only two rupees in the hundred, and by granting every protection and encouragement to the merchants ; that if they choose to send gumashtas into Bengal I could venture to assure them of the Governor's readiness to grant them every security and assistance; that the only difficulty was the road by which they were to get to Bengal ; that I understood they were all afraid of trusting themselves in Nepal, to which Murung1 and Bijapiir2 were now subject; that the Deb Bajah's country only remained, who had granted permission of transporting goods through his territories only to one or two merchants ; that I had mentioned the subject to him but very slightly, reserving it tUl after I had waited upon and received the order of the Lama, to whom I was sent ; that, for my part, I should use every argument and every means with the Deb Bajah in order to obtain his con sent ; that I trusted to the Lama's seconding my applications, and was in hopes they might be crowned with success ; but could not 1 See note at p. 65. 2 See note at p. 150. M 162 THE KASHMIRI MERCHANTS. ' [Ch. XV. promise with certainty as to the determination of people with whom I was but little acquainted. They replied, that from the Lama's conversation and assurances they had little doubt of obtaining the Deb Bajah's permission to pass through his kingdom; and that after the unsuccessful war which the Bhutanese had carried on, and having their country restored to them, they imagined the Deb Bajah would be very ready to comply with any demand on the part of the Company, as he would be afraid, in case of refusal, that the English would again invade his territory, and concluded with saying that I might threaten him upon this score. I told them I had no power to use such language to him, and that whatever I did with the Deb Bajah must be by peaceable and friendly means ; that the Company, in consequence of the Lama's letter to the Governor, had restored the Deb Bajah's country, and entered into a treaty of peace with him, which, according to the maxims of the English Government, would, on the part of my constituents, remain for ever inviolate. They observed that the Gorkha Bajah was now dead ; 1 that they hoped his son would be more favourable to merchants ; and in case of the Deb Bajah's refusal, that the Governor's application to the new Bajah of Nepal, Sing Pertab,2 would certainly procure them a free passage. I said as I was unacquainted with Sing Pertab's character or the measures he intended to pursue, I could say nothing upon this sub ject ; that if he followed the footsteps of his father, made promises and oaths only to break them, and engaged in perpetual wars, it was difficult for my constituents to enter into friendship or negotiations with him ; that if he contented himseK with the peaceful possession of his own dominions the Governor could then send a vakil and solicit his protection and encouragement to merchants ; but that in this, as well as everything which regarded the hills which separate Bengal from Tibet, I imagined he would be greatly influenced by the opinion of the Lama, whose character and abUities enable him so weU to judge of the measures to be pursued with the chiefs to whom they are subject. I then asked them when they proposed to 1 This was Pertab Sing Sah deva, was deposed by the nobles in 1800 who died in 1775. Then followed Girwan Yudh Vikrama 2 The deceased Rajah was succeeded Sah deva, who reigned until 1816 by a Regent named Bahadur Sah, who Ch. XV.] INTERVIEW WITH THE TIBETAN MERCHANTS. 163 seftd their gumashtas to Bengal. They told me after the rains, and applied to me for letters to the people on the borders of Bengal, as they were entirely strangers there. I promised them letters to some of my acquaintances, and that if they chose it I would request the Governor to write to the Killadars on the frontier provinces to afford them every necessary assistance ; but that in Bengal merchants were always weU received, and had nothing to fear. They seemed to wish however for passports. I recollect nothing further of con sequence that passed. Before they went away they desired that I would inform the Lama of their having visited me in obedience to his orders. On the 29th of March about a dozen of the principal Tibetan merchants paid me a visit. They deal principally in tea, some of them to the extent of two or three lakhs a year, though one would not suspect it from their raiment. They also told me they came to me in consequence of the Lama's orders ; they mentioned having received a letter from him while at Desheripgay, advising them to send gumashtas to Bengal, and that he had likewise spoken to them to the same purpose since his arrival at Teshu Lumbo. They said that being born in a cold country they were afraid of going into a hot one ; that their people would die in Bengal ; that they had it from tradition that about eight hundred years ago the people of this country used to travel into Bengal, but that eight out of ten died before their return ; that the Kashmiris and Gosains travelled into different countries, but that they could not. I replied, that I could only promise them the protection and assistance of the Government of Bengal ; that the climate was in the hand of God ; and after giving them an account of the climate of Bengal during the cold weather, I told them that if they were afraid of sending their servants thither, the Kashmiris and Gosains would supply them with what they wanted, and it was the same thing to Bengal and to the inhabitants of Tibet. I enlarged on the Lama's desire of preserving peace in the world, and of promoting the trade of merchants and the happiness of mankind, and they in their turn praised the free and equitable government of the English, which they said the Lama had informed them of. As some of them were very old men, I asked them what proportion they supposed the commodities now imported from m 2 164 RETREAT OF TIBETAN TROOPS FROM SIKKIM. [Ch. XV. Bengal bore to that of former times. They would not mention any fixed proportion, but said that formerly great quantities of coral, broadcloth, &c, used to come through Nepal, but now what was brought was principally by the fakirs, who smuggled it into the country. They added that as to this country, people imagined from gold being produced in it that it was extremely rich, but this was not the case, and that if extraordinary quantities of gold were sent to Bengal the Emperor of China, who was sovereign of the country, would be displeased at it. I replied that the trade between Tibet and Bengal was no new thing, and had been carried on for many hundred years ; that the conquest of Nepal by the Gorkha Bajah had put a stop to it ; and that the Governor only wished to see it restored to the same state as formerly. They seemed highly pleased with this, and, after desiring me to report their visit to the Lama, took their leave. I paid a short visit to the Lama on the 1st of April. He said that Gesub Bimboche's administration was near an end, and that he wished, when the Dalai Lama came of age, that the Governor would send an embassy to him. He said he proposed, if a place on the banks of the Ganges was granted him, to place the Gosain, who was down in Calcutta, there ; " and," says he, " if he should stand in need of any small matter, I trust you will supply him." I asked him about what part of the country he wished it to be. He said that he would like it to be near Calcutta, that the people he sent down might have an opportunity of waiting on the Governor, but he would leave it to the Governor and the pundits, only to be near the Ganges. He told me that the troops under the command of Deb Patza had returned, as they were unable to proceed on account of the great quantities of snow, which rendered the road impassable ; that Gesub Bimboche was very angry with the commander and had ordered him to return. He said that he had also received a letter from the commander of the Gorkha troops, mentioning that he intended to desist from war on account of his master's death, and proposing a truce for three years. The Lama then gave me a Persian paper containing some memoranda, which he said he wished me to keep in mind. He also gave me some garden seeds and a view of Teshu Lumbo. These last gave rise to a conversation which lasted till the end of my visit. Ch. XV.] GORKHA AGGRESSIONS. 165 On the 3rd of April I waited on the Lama to take my public leave of him. He sent first to speak to me in private. I told him I had read the Persian paper he had been pleased to give me. He recapitulated the points which it contained ; he mentioned what he had formerly said about the Lama at Peking ; that he hoped the Emperor would put the government of the country in the same manner as formerly in the hands of the Dalai Lama, " and then," says he, " I shall have no difficulty in carrying any point that the Governor pleases, and hope to settle it so with the Emperor that the Governor may send his people to Peking, and, if he pleases, establish English factories; but at present, whUe the administration is in Gesub's hands, he and the Ambas x are excessively jealous of foreigners coming into the country, so much so that he stopped the admission of a valdl from the King of Assam, and you know the difficulty I had about your coming. In regard to the house which I wish to have on the banks of the Ganges," continued the Lama, " I propose that Purungir, who was down in Calcutta, should settle it. I do not wish it to be a large house, and let it be built in the fashion of Bengal." I begged him to give Purungir instructions about it, which he said he would do. " Purungir," says he, " has served me very well, and I have not found him guilty of so many lies as most other fakirs, and I hope the Governor wfll show him favour. The old Gosain, Suk-Debu, has also asked me leave to go down to Calcutta ; he will accompany you ; and I have also written to the Governor about him, and I hope he will favour him." I then asked him about Bijapiir, which I had men tioned at a former meeting, and begged to know his opinion as to the answer I should give the Deb Bajah in case he spoke to me on that subject, and also that I might represent it to the Governor. " I have already," says he, " written to Sing Pertab, telling him that his father treacherously and unjustly made himself master of Bijapiir, and as I have heard a favourable character of him, I hope he wiU restore it to the Deb Bajah, its rightful possessor. I have also advised him to send a vakfl to Calcutta ; as yet I am ignorant what answer he will return ; but if the Deb applies to you about Bijapiir, I think you should tell him that you understand from me that I had written on the subject, and in case I receive no 1 Chinese resident officials. 166 TIBETAN CHRONOLOGY. RUSSIA. [Ch. XV. unfavourable answer, then the Governor may, if he pleases, write to Sing Pertab about it." I repeated his words, to be sure that I understood them right. He then asked me if I had any request to make to him. I said I had before mentioned to him how fond the Governor was of strange animals, and he had been so good as to send some ; but there were two wild ones in this country which could not be sent unless they were reared and tamed when young, the one was the musk goat, the other the tiis, and I knew how much he would obhge the Governor by giving orders for this purpose, and sending them down to Bengal in the cold weather. Says he, " I wUl order the musk goats to be caught and given to you on the road." I thanked him, but said it was impossible to keep them aHve unless previously tamed. " Well," says he, " I will give orders about the animals, and send some of them down by my people after the rains ; and if there are any others or anything in this country which the Governor wishes to have, write to me about it." My next request was to procure a list of all the comets, with the dates of their appearances, from the earliest period of the Chinese history ; which, after some inquiries about comets, and telhng me that they expected one in six years, he promised to do, and to write to the great Lama of Peking about it. He told me also that, from the first of the Chinese kings till Hrondzain Cambo,1 who reigned in Tibet about eight hundred years ago, they reckoned 20,000 years. After this he asked about Bussia, and if the King of England had much to say with the Empress. I told him he had more influence at the Court of Bussia than any other prince in Europe, although their kingdoms were separated at a great distance from one another. Says he, " I am glad of it, for in the event of a war between Bussia and China, I may perhaps be able, through means of the Company, to do something towards bringing about a 1 This would be Srong-tsan-gambo of earlier, in about 60 a.d. He removed the list given in the Tibetan grammar the seat of govemment to the part of of Csoma de Koros, from a work written Tibet where Lhasa was afterwards at Lhasa in 1686 (p. 181); who is said to founded. He built a palace on the have been born in 627 a.d. Georgi's hill where the monastery of Potala list, in the ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' now stands, and died after a reign of (p. 297), contains a similar name, ninety years. He is the twenty-fourth Tzhong-tzheng-Chambo, as of a king who king of Tibet of Georgi's list is, however, said to have lived much Ch. XV.] MISSIONARIES. ENGLISH AT CANTON. 167 peace, and that is the business of us Lamas." He then laid before me lis presents to the Governor, and showed me his letter before he sealed it. After this he gave them to me in charge. I asked if he did not intend to entrust them to the Gosain ; but he desired me to take them, and I accordingly accepted them. "They are very trifling," says he, " but what can I send from this country ? " After giving me presents of some silks, purses of gold dust, sUver talents, &c, and clothing me in a fine khilat, he took a bit of red silk, and tying a knot upon it himself, he threw it about my neck with his own hands. I then had my public leave, but was to wait upon him again in private. On the 4th of April I again waited upon the Lama. His room was hung round with festoons of painted paper intermixed with the figures of his deities. It was on account of some religious holiday. He asked me a great deal about our religion. As I am not sent to convert unbelieving nations it is a subject I seldom enter upon, and I gave such answers as turned the conversation. He asked me also particularly about the missionary Padres, who had been in this country, and when expelled had settled in Nepal.1 I repeated to him what I had formerly mentioned, that I imagined they came from Italy, as there were some of that nation now at Patna ; that their reHgion differed from ours, and in nothing more than in their intolerant spirit and desire of bringing aU the world to their own opinions, whereas every religion was allowed in England, and good men of every faith respected. He told me that the missionaries were expelled Tibet about forty years ago, on account of some disputes with the fakirs. After this he asked me about the English settlement at Canton, and whether any Englishmen had ever gone to Peking. In answer I gave him an account of the trade between England and China. I told him that I believed that no Englishman had ever gone to Peking. " Not one ? " says he. I replied that many years since an English physician2 had gone when very young into the service of Bussia, and accompanied an ambassador who was sent about 1 Whence they were expelled by the burg, in Russia, to various parts of Asia, Gorkha Rajah. They went from Kath- By John Bell, of Antermony,' i. p. 157. mandu to Betiah, in Cliamparan, where This work was published at Glasgow in they now are settled with their flock. 1763, and was, no doubt, well known to 2 Bell. See 'Travels from St. Peters- Mr. Bogle. 168 GENERAL CONVERSATION WITH THE LAMA. [Ch. XV. fifty years ago to the Emperor, but I never heard of any other. " I will endeavour," says he, " through the means of the Lama at Peking, to get permission, for the English to go to the Emperor ; whether I shall be able to carry this point or not I cannot say, but I will afterwards write to the Governor how I have succeeded." I expressed my acknowledgments how much it would tend to the Company's satisfaction, and how happy I was convinced it would make the Governor. " The Bussians and Chinese, rf says he, " are at present on bad terms. If any of the former go to Peking, I am told they are not admitted into the Emperor's presence without being searched, on account of a Chinese man having been some time ago killed by a Bussian who concealed a pistol within his sleeve." After this I reported to him a conversation that had passed between me and Chauduri, on which he made no observations, except that the Hindus were fond of appearing of consequence, and scrupled not to tell falsehoods. He then showed me the images and the dress which he intended to send down to Bengal by the Gosain, in order to be put up in the temple which he proposes to build on the banks of the Ganges. He desired me to inquire particularly about the situation of a town called Shambul, about which he said the pundits of Bengal would be able to inform me. I recollect nothing further. Next day I waited upon the Lama, Dr. Hamilton was with me, and he inquired a great deal about the method of treating the smallpox in England, and described the fatal effects of the disease in Tibet. It is unnecessary to insert what passed on this subject. He showed me about five or six watches which had come overland to him. They had chiefly German or Dutch names upon them, and were all except one out of order. This gave rise to a con versation on watches, which it is also needless to put down. He desired me to speak English, and I repeated some verses of Gray's " Elegy in a Country Churchyard." I mention these things only because they serve to mark his character. On the 6th of April I again waited upon the Lama. Soon after my entrance his servants who were to accompany me came in to take their leave, and had their heads touched according to the custom of the country and their respective ranks. " These Ch. XV.] JEALOUSY OF GESUB RIMBOCHE. 169 people," said he, " are to accompany you as far as Buxa-Diiar, but the weather is now becoming so hot that everyone is afraid to go to Bengal. As soon as the rains are over, I wiU send down some gylongs 1 to Calcutta to wait upon the Governor, and to visit the religious places in Bengal, and will write to the Governor by them. I have spoken to you about getting me two lions' skins, a crocodile, and some other things ; pray how do you propose to send them?" I said, I thought of transmitting them to the Buxa Subah, who would forward them to him. " The Deb Bajah's people," says he, " will make mistakes, and you had better give them to my people on their return to Bengal." He then asked me how I imagined the Governor intended to send his despatches to him. I said that as to any orders he (the Lama) had given me, or any letters he might have to forward to him, that I would foUow his directions as to the manner of transmitting them ; but I con ceived the Governor could not entrust his letters or presents but to his own servants, who would bring them into his own presence. Says he, " I will be plain with you. I wish the Governor would not at present send an Englishman. You know what difficulties I had about your coming into the country, and how I had to struggle with the jealousy of Gesub Bimboche and the people 2 at Lhasa. Even now they are uneasy at my having kept you with me so long. I could wish, therefore, that the Governor would rather send a Hindu. I am in hopes my letter to the Lama will have a good effect in removing this jealousy, and I expect in a year or two that the Government of this country will be in Dalai Lama's hands, when I wiU inform the Governor, and he may then send an EngHshman to me and to the Dalai Lama. But Gesub is so very suspicious, and looks upon you so much as come to spy the country, that I shall have great difficulty about another Englishman coming." I promised to represent all this to the Governor, for I was sensible of the truth of what he said ; but I at the same time used some arguments in order to show how ill-grounded this jealousy was ; though I must confess, while I used them, I did it 1 Gt/long or gelung is equivalent to a shallow of reason for supposing that the Hindustani bhikshu, a mendicant; popular jealousy had or has anything bhihh, alms. to do with the matter. 2 That is, the officials. There is not 170 WAR IN YUNNAN. [Ch. XV. more to enable him to avaU himself of them with others than from any idea that he harboured these unjust suspicions himself. I concluded by telling him that if the Governor had entertained any intentions that were unfriendly, he never would have sent me into this country, and that whatever faults the English might have, all the world knew that treachery was not among them. I promised, however, to represent to the Governor what he had desired me. Upon this he asked me if I had had any further conversation with the Chauduri. I replied not ; that I had told the Chauduri in all matters to apply to the Lama, who was best acquainted with the affairs of Bengal and the state of Hindustan. He seemed pleased with this. " Gesub," says he, " now governs the country, but his administration is, I imagine, near an end. The Governor is a great man, and the Company now are sovereigns of Hindustan. I should like to open a connection between them and the Emperor of China ; but Gesub was formerly and wUl now be again a little man : it would serve no purpose to do it with him." These sentiments are different from what the Lama expressed in a previous conversa tion ; but I imagine the reports of Gesub's endeavours to continue the government in the hands of his own family ; his intention, which I am informed of, to put Deb Judhur to death before the Lama should know of it, and perhaps other circumstances of which I am ignorant, had served to render him very cool with regard to Gesub. The Lama then changed the subject. " I formerly told you," says he, " how the Chinese were engaged in a war in the neigh bourhood of Yunnan with a Bajah to the southward of it. The Emperor wrote to me to endeavour to procure intelligence about him, but none of our people are allowed to go into those countries, and I was unable to give him any information. When you return to Bengal I wish you would inquire about this Bajah and write to me." I replied that if it was the King of Pegu I did not despair of procuring him some intelligence, but if it was any of the in terior Bajahs who was at war with the Emperor it might not be in my power, but he might depend on my inquiries." Says he, "I wonder you never heard of this war in Bengal." I represented the situation of Pegu with respect to Bengal, and how little interest Ch. XV.] FAREWELL TO THE LAMA. 171 we had in anything that was passing in that country. He asked me if the Governor had any connection with the King of Pegu. I said that many years ago the King of Pegu had written to the Governor, but I did not know of any correspondence since. Says he, " It is my business to endeavour to settle quarrels and to make peace, and I wish the Governor could put me on a way of doing it in the war I have mentioned. It is not so violent now as it was, but they are still on bad terms." He asked me how many years the Governor would remain in Bengal. It was a question I could not well answer. I saw the Sopon Chumbo next morning as I went to the Lama's apartment. He told me he had represented what I had said, and the Lama would immediately give orders about the musk goats and tiis. Teshu Lama repeated his concern at my departure ; the satis faction he had received in being informed of the customs of Europe, and concluded with many wishes for my prosperity, and that he would not fail to pray to Heaven in my behalf. He spoke all this in a manner and with a look very different from the studied and formal compliments of Hindustan. I never could reconcile myself to taking a last leave of anybody; and what from the Lama's pleasant and amiable character, what from the many favours and civilities he had shown me, I could not help being particularly affected. He observed it, and in order to cheer me mentioned his hopes of seeing me again. He threw a handkerchief about my neck, put his hand upon my head, and I retired. After a short visit to Chanzo Cusho I mounted my horse, and bade farewell to Teshu Lumbo. 172 VISIT FROM THE CHAUDURI. [Ch. XVI. CHAPTEB XVI. THE EPISODE WITH THE CHAUDURI. My connection with the Chauduri forms an episode to the rest of my negotiations at Teshu Lumbo, and I have reserved it for this place. It is needless to enter into long details about an affair that ended in nothing, and I will therefore relate what passed as briefly as possible. Soon after the Lama's return to his capital a man named the Chauduri J came to see me. He was a native of Palpa,2 or some other of the hiUy countries subject to the twenty-four Bajahs. His first visit was merely of ceremony ; a few days afterwards he came alone. He told me that he had lately been at Lhasa, and enlarged much on the confidence and favour which Gesub Bimboche had shown him. He said he had been sent by Gesub to wait upon the Lama and to visit me ; that Gesub was much pleased with the Company having concluded peace with the Bhutanese, and was desirous of cultivating the Governor's friendship ; that he proposed, therefore, to send him (Chauduri) as his vakU to Calcutta, with a letter and presents, and that he was to accompany me on my return. As the Lama had never mentioned this man's name to me, and as Gesub's servants, who had visited me the preceding day, had desired me not to attend to what the fakir said, without giving me 1 A Chauduri, or Desali, in Nepal, is a Gorkha regime Chautariya is the title subordinate revenue officer under the of collaterals of the royal family, who Fouzdar. Next in rank to the Rajah are frequently but not necessarily mem- among the Kirantis in Nepal, was an offi- bers of the ministry. cial named tlie Chautariya (minister), 2 Palpa is a district in Nepal, west whose title and office were hereditary. of Kathmandu, formerly under a Rajah This seems to be the same word as Chau- who formed one of the Chaubisi, or duri. (See Hamilton's ' Nepal.') In twenty-four Rajahs. The district 'has another place, Hamilton has Chauduri long since been subdued by the as a zemindar, acting as minister to Gorkhas. a chief among the Kirantis. In the Ch. XVI.] OVERTURES FROM GESUB RIMBOCHfi. 173 any explanation of this caution, I confess I was suspicious of his exceeding the extent of his commission, but had no doubt of his having some commission. I repeated to him, however, a great many things I had said to the Lama about the Company's friendly intentions towards Tibet, and that if Gesub chose to send a vakil to Calcutta I was convinced the Governor would show him all respect and attention ; that as to myself I would be very glad of his company on the road, but that as I was sent to Teshu Lama, and living under his roof, and as there was no difference between Gesub and the Lama, it was necessary to mention this to the latter. I asked him at the same time whether he had spoken to Teshu Lama about it. He replied that he had had no opportunity, on account of the Lama being so much engaged on his return, and seemed not to like my speaking to him about it, saying it was needless. I told him, however, that it was the custom of the English to deal plainly and openly, and that I could do nothing without mentioning it to the Lama. I was perhaps wrong in this; and a man more artful than myself, knowing, too, the little cordiality that there was between Gesub and the Lama, might perhaps have carried on his negotia tions with the Chauduri without communicating them to the Lama. But I must own, in my small experience through life, I have always found candour and plain dealing to be the best poHcy, and 1 had no notion of running the risk of forfeiting the confidence of one who, I had every reason to think, was well disposed towards me and my constituents, in order to take the chance of opening, through an uncertain channel, a connection with a man who I believed entertained no very favourable sentiments of me or my masters. The Chauduri at length consented to my speaking to the Lama about it, which I did, as mentioned in my conversation of the 4th of April.1 After this I had another visit from the Chauduri, who had also spoken to the Lama, on the subject. He repeated the Lama's answers in the style of Hindustan, not of Tibet. He said also that Gesub wished much to gratify the Governor in everything ; that if he wanted to establish factories at Lhasa, Gesub was very ready to grant him permission ; that Gesub had thought of introducing the 1 See p. 168. 174 THE CHAUDURI DISCLAIMED [Ch. XVI. rupees of Bengal into this country, and hoped the Governor would consent to it. When I compared in my mind all this account of Gesub's vast benevolence, with his objections to my coming into the country, and recollected what had passed between his servants and me, my suspicions of the Chauduri's veracity increased. After telling him, therefore, how happy I was to hear of Gesub's good dispositions, which I was convinced would be reciprocal on the part of the Governor, I said that I had no order from my constituents for applying about factories; that the Governor had indeed observed with concern the obstacles which the merchants who traded between this country and Bengal were of late years ex posed to; and that I had by his order represented them to the Lama, who, I believed, had communicated them to Gesub ; and that as the removing of them would be of advantage to this country as well as to Bengal, I had no doubt of his concurrence in so good a work ; that, as to the rupees, the Company hindered no person from carrying them out of the country ; and if the merchants found their advantage in it they would no doubt bring them into Tibet ; but unless the value of a sicca rupee was greatly increased beyond its present price of two mahendra-mallis,1 I did not see how the merchants could find their advantage in it. The Chauduri said he proposed in about ten or twelve days to go to Lhasa ; that he would represent to Gesub what I said about the freedom of trade, and that he would engage, in four days after his arrival, to procure me a favourable answer from him, and would also write to me himself; that after staying some time with Gesub, and receiving his letter and presents for the Governor, he would return to Teshu Lumbo, and accompany me to Calcutta. I recol lect nothing further material that passed, either at this or two other conversations, for I was cautious in what I said myself, and an Hindu can say a great deal without saying anything, only that I made him some personal promises in case Gesub should send him as his vakil to Calcutta, and, indeed, at one time I had thoughts of making him some presents. Meanwhile the Lama had written about the Chauduri to Gesub 1 See note at p. 129. The mahendra-mallis are now commonly called mohars two of which make a mohary rupee, equal to 13J sicca annas. Ch. XVI.] BY THE GESUB RIMBOCHE. 175 and received an answer, which he sent to me. In this letter Gesub disclaimed having given the Chauduri — who, he said, had gone to Teshu Lumbo on his own business — any commission to me ; that he had never spoken about sending him to Calcutta ; that he had no connection with him, and only knew his face by having seen him once, at his country seat ; and desired the Lama imme diately to send him to Lhasa. I confess I was equally at a loss to reconcile this letter with the intelligence I had received; for although I gave little credit to the Chauduri's vaunting discourses, I had been informed by all the world that Gesub had made him a present of between four and five thousand rupees, and could hardly think he would be so generous to a man he had only seen once, merely for his beaux yeux. The Chauduri was carried away to Lhasa. I did not see him before his departure, but assured him, through one of his people, of my friendly dispositions to him, and of my services, in case he per formed what he had promised. I heard nothing further of the Chauduri till about a week before my departure for Bengal, when he arrived at Teshu Lumbo. For several days he did not come to see me, and I let him know, through a third hand, that I was surprised at it. After this he visited me, when his conversation was to let himself down softly, and to do away with everything he had before said. That Gesub, although weU disposed to the Governor, was afraid of giving umbrage to the Chinese, and therefore ordered him, the Chauduri, in case he went to the Ambas, and they should ask about me, to give them an evasive answer, and not to let them know that I was a Fringy ; that the Ambas, however, did not ask him ; that Gesub had stiH thoughts of sending him, the Chauduri, to Calcutta after the rain. I said that I had written to Gesub, but he had not thought proper to favour me with an answer; that I could therefore form no judgment of his sentiments or intentions; but if he proposed to send anybody to Calcutta I supposed he would mention it to the Lama ; that, as to the Chinese, I thought Gesub's precautions unnecessary ; that I was not come into Tibet as a spy, but to wait upon the Lama ; that the English were strangers to duplicity and treachery, and I could not help being surprised that 176 END OF THE CHAUDURI INTRIGUE. [Ch. XVI. he should be so afraid of offending the Chinese by admitting a vakfl from the English, who never had or could have any quarrel with Tibet, while he permitted to go to Lhasa the vakfl of a man who was actually at war with his vassal, and whose ambition and treachery he had so often experienced. He said it was very true, but everybody was afraid of the Fringies. I knew this but too well. Little else passed. I was reserved, and so was he. I had full opportunity to have reproached him for his fruitless promises about procuring me an answer from Gesub ; for his confident assurances of being sent with me to Calcutta; and so I might have taken some revenge upon him for deceiving me. But it would have served no good purpose; and as I had not and did not intend to give him anything, what right had I to upbraid him? I therefore took leave of him with fair, but guarded, words. In endeavouring to account for this strange intrigue, I can only form two hypotheses : either that the Chauduri, according to Gesub's account of the matter, acted entirely from himself, and hoped, upon the strength of his pretended commission, to ingratiate himself with me, to draw from me some presents, and then, by means of this, to ingratiate himself with Gesub; or, which I think the more probable of the two (for I am clear as to Gesub having made him a considerable present), that Gesub, jealous of my visit to the Lama, and desirous to know my errand, had employed the Chauduri to sound me ; at the same time, as he could not avow this, that he disclaimed any connection with him, and summoned him to Lhasa on pretence of punishing him ; but, in fact, to know what had passed between him and me. Be it as it may, the whole matter ended in smoke. Ch. XVII.] FAREWELL TO THE LAMA. 177 CHAPTEE XVII. RETURN FROM TIBET TO BENGAL — NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. As the time of my departure drew near, I found that I should not be able to bid adieu to the Lama without a heavy heart. The kind and hospitable reception he had given me, and the amiable disposi tions which he possesses, I must confess had attached me to him, and I shaU feel a hearty regret at parting. In spite of all my journeyings and wanderings over the face of the earth, I have not yet learnt to take leave, and I cannot reconcile myself to the thoughts of a last farewell. When I look on the time I have spent among these hills it appears like a fairy dream. The novelty of the scenes, and the people I have met with, and the novelty of the life I have led, seem a perfect Ulusion. Although my days have been spent without business or amusement, they have passed on without care or uneasiness, and I may set this down as the most peaceful period of my life. It is now almost over, and I am about to return to the hurry and bustle of Calcutta. FareweU, ye honest and simple people ! May ye long enjoy that happiness which is denied to more pohshed nations ; and whfle they are engaged in the endless pursuits of avarice and ambition, defended by your barren mountains, may ye continue to live in peace and contentment, and know no wants but those of nature.1 ****** On the 7th of April, 1775, as soon as I had taken leave of my friends at Teshu Lumbo, I hurried down the hiU, got on horseback, and began my journey towards Bengal. There was a large caval cade of us. For, besides Mr. Hamilton, myself, Mirza Settar, and our Bengal servants, and Purungir, the young Gosain who had 1 Extract from a letter from Mr. Bogle to his sister, dated March 10, 1775. N 178 INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD. [Ch. XVII. formerly been sent to Calcutta by the Lama, and an old Gosain, who, afraid that in passing through Nepal he might be stripped of all the wealth he had been gathering during forty years' trading pilgrimages from the banks of the Indus to the plains of Siberia, had obtained leave to pass in my company through the Bhutan mountains, and Deb Gylong, a priest of the Lama's household, with Paima, and about ten Bhutanese servants, who were to escort me to the frontier of Bengal, there were aU the Kashmiri merchants of Shigatze, who insisted on paying me the compliment of seeing me fairly on my journey. After accommodating matters with a large party of clamorous beggars, we rode slowly over the plain which stretches southwards from the palace, and arrived at a large tent, where tea was provided. Having drank two or three dishes, I took leave of my Kashmiri friends, by interchanging handkerchiefs, compliments, and good wishes. The palace and town, the monastery of Teshu Lumbo with its copper-gUt roofs ; the castle of Shigatze, with the town below it, and the high surrounding hills, formed a fine prospect at this distance. But the bleakness and barrenness of the country were a great drawback ; for not a single blade of grass had yet sprung, nor a tree budded. We reached the end of our stage in the afternoon. It is a large village. Our landlord was a priest, and our room set off with an image of a former Lama, as large as life, and smaU images with lamps burning before them. All our Tibet attendants, Deb Gylong excepted, had weU refreshed themselves at parting with their friends at Teshu Lumbo, and I persuaded some of them to deprecate the wrath of the Lama's image by lighting pyes (perfumed torches) before it. However, drunkenness is either not a sin among the laity of Tibet, or, as happens in all cold countries, by being often committed is made Hght of. On the road to Painam we met Deb Patza, who was on his way to pay a visit to Teshu Lama, before he went to join his troops. He was preceded by his wife and her female attendants, mounted astride on horseback. She had her face half covered, like the Armenian women. But I was so taken up in getting a handkerchief ready for the General, that I did not observe his lady tfll she was almost past. We ahghted on both sides. The General Ch. XVII.] INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD. 179 courteously declined to receive my handkerchief tiU he had given me nis. After some mutual inquiries, he said he had a house in the neighbourhood, where he would have been happy to have received me, and to have played another game at chess ; 1 but expecting soon to be again sent towards Nepal, and being obliged to wait on the Teshu Lama before his departure, it was not in his power. This was pohte. The rest of the conversation turned upon his late expedition into Demo Jong's country.2 Soon after parting from him we came in sight of his house. It stands in the plain to the north of Painam, surrounded by willow and other trees. There is a long bridge at Painam, which we passed, and arrived at the house where we had formerly been accommodated. Our journey from Painam to Bengal was prosecuted nearly by the same road which we had before travelled. Did I intend by these memoranda to enumerate only the names of vUlages, or the bearings and distances of the several stages, I should have but to put down a Hst, which might be added to the book of * Posts of Asia;' for the face of the country had suffered no change by a revolution of six months, and, although the sun was now within twenty degrees of us, continued to exhibit the same inhospitable appearance as in the dead of winter. But I have often thought that trifling incidents, artlessly told, serve to mark the genius and to convey an idea of the manners of a people, better than abstract characters or studied descriptions. The last I wUl not attempt. If the first is sufficient, I may be able to give them. A blind man, with a young wife, came into the court and serenaded us. He played on the fiddle underhandwise ; she sang ; and both, assisted by a young boy, beat time, hoppingly, with their feet. The object of this compliment, I fancy, it is needless to explain. Our musicians gave way to a parcel of mendicant priests.3 It may be necessary to state that there are two sets of clergy in Tibet, distinguished by, and classed under the names of, YeUow Caps and Bed Caps.* The Dalai and Teshu Lamas are at the head of the i gee p. 101. 1355 a.d., near Lake Kokonor. His 2 Sikkim. Properly Deun-jong. scholars adopted the yellow head-dress 3 Gylongs ; or Bhikshu, in Sanscrit. to distinguish them from the prevailing 4 The great Tibetan reformer, Tsong- red. Tsongkapa died in 1419, and was kapa, the founder of the Yellow Caps, buried in the great Galdan Monastery, or Gelukpa sect, was born in about near Lhasa. He abolished the marriage N 2 180 SECTS OF THE YELLOW AND RED CAPS. [Ch. XVII. Yellow Caps; the Bed Caps have their own Lamas and monasteries. In times of old there were violent disputes between them, in which the Yellow Caps got the victory, as well by the assistance of the Tatars as by their superior sanctity. But as I adhere to the tenets of this sect, and have acquired my knowledge of religion from its votaries, I wUl not here say much upon the subject, lest it should be thought spiteful. I may be allowed, however, just to mention two things, which must convince every unprejudiced person of the wicked lives and false doctrines of the Bed Caps. In the first place, many of the clergy marry ; and in the next, they persist, in opposi tion to religion and common sense, in wearing Bed Caps. The priests who now visited us were of this last sect. There might be about eight of them. Each held a staff in one hand and a rosary in the other. They formed into a circle, and began to chant their prayers, which, as I understood they were put up for my welfare, I was in no haste to interrupt. At length, to show them that, however hostile to their principles, I bore them no personal grudge, I dismissed them with a few small pieces of silver. In the night a heavy shower of snow came on, and I was glad to get up to save my dogs from it. I had to pass through the room where all the Lama's servants slept, and I may as weU tell how they were lying. Each man was stretched upon one blanket or two, I cannot positively affirm which. He had thrown off all his clothes, and then covered himself with his woollen tunics, of which everyone in the winter time wears at least three. His boots, doublet, belt, and pouch, with the things that were in it, huddled all together, formed a piUow to his chin, for they were all lying on their faces, with their heads over the top of the bed, and in this posture were smoking tobacco and chatting together. The snow lay upon the road about six fingers deep, and aU the hUls were whitened with it. It was a good time for beggars to ask charity, and there is no want of them at Painam, no more than of priests, forbade magic, and intro- The Dalai is an incarnation of Ava- duced the practice of frequent confer- lokitesvara, a form of Buddha, and the ences among the Lamas. His sect soon Teshu of Tsongkapa himself. The Red obtained a numerical superiority over Caps are now in a minority in Tibet the older Red Caps in Tibet. The but they retained ascendancy in Bhu- most important of his reforms was the tan, Nepal, and Sikkim. (See Heeley's foundation of the two spiritual succes- article on Tibet, in the ' Calcutta Re- sions of the. Dalai and Teshu Lamas. view,' No. cxvii. pp. 161 16?) Ch. XVII.] OLD FRIENDS. A HOT SPRING. 181 in jU the towns and large villages in Tibet. They are very impor tunate, and make their petitions in a shrill, plaintive note, following you a great way on the road. A traveller that wishes not to appear uncharitable, and at the same time does not choose to bestow too much money among them, had best make a good many beggars assemble together, and giving a few pieces of smaU coin, leave it to them to divide the alms. The Tibet folks sometimes give them little bits of handkerchiefs, which is giving nothing; and a mahendra-malli1 rupee, which is worth about a shiUing, is the lowest coin in the country. Next day we arrived at the house of our former hospitable Giansu landlord, Debo Tangu, who received us with much kindness, and insisted upon our passing the following day with him. Mr. Hamilton's medicines had much relieved him from his complaints, and he was in fine spirits ; and as we had seen him often at Teshu Lumbo, we were now very intimate. He and I had many long chats together, which we moistened from time to time with tea, and at night we used to get cheery wood fires and sit round them. A Kashmiri, afflicted with sore eyes, came all the way from Lhasa to Giansu, to apply to Mr. Hamilton. The same good humour which we had formerly met with pre vailed at Dadukpai. The wife, her two husbands, the brother, who is a priest, and aU the children came in after supper, and two hours passed in listening to the songs of the men, and in seeing the chUdren dance. A maid-servant of the house also joined in the songs ; but it was a difficult thing to get the wife to sing, which often happens with handsome women. As I could now make it out without an interpreter, I had much more satisfaction in these parties, and when one is travelling there is nothing like making amusement out of everything. A few miles before you arrive at the next stage, there is a hot spring on the top of a pebbly mount. I did not observe it before. It issues out of a piece of rock, which is cut into a small basin to receive it. The water is more than blood heat, and brings up a great deal of air with it. It does not rise equaUy, but every half minute bursts up in large bubbles, and with a good deal of noise. 1 See note at p. 129. The coin and weight are so called from the Newar dynasty of the Malls in Nepal. 182 RETURN TO TASSISUDON. [Ch. XVII. There are many of these hot springs in Tibet, particularly in the province of Chamnamring,1 called Chang.2 I am told coal is some times found in the neighbourhood of them, but in no great quan tity. Some of these waters are so hot as to boil an egg, or to serve to dress victuals. They are much frequented by sick people, and are considered as a cure for almost every disease. The Lama also and the great people sometimes visit them, though in perfect health. I have brought away a bottle of the water, which anyone that can may analyze. V 7t W $£ V I arrived at Paro (Binjipu) in April, and on the 8th of May, 1775, reached Tassisudon. Besides the Gosain whom the Lama formerly sent to Calcutta, I am accompanied by another, a merchant, who for many years traded between Bengal and Tibet. The danger of returning through Nepal or Bijapiir, where his wealth would be exposed to the Gorkha Bajah's rapacious fingers, has for some time past detained him at Teshu Lumbo ; and having procured from the Lama a recommendation to the Deb Bajah, he is glad to embrace the opportunity of proceeding with me to Bengal. Upon our arrival at Tassisudon we found the Deb Bajah and Lama Bimboche absent at their palace of Punakha. They arrived on the 16th, and next day I paid the Deb Bajah a visit of ceremony. ***** Tassisudon, May 25, 1775. I have always considered it as the great object of my mission to remove the obstacles which merchants are at present exposed to 1 These hot springs are described 50 feet, producing so much steam that by Colonel Montgomerie's Tibetan ex- the sky is darkened by it, and the noise plorer, who set out from Namling was so great that the travellers could (Chamnamring), to travel northwards, not hear one another speaking. The on December 26, 1871. On the 28th water of these jets was 176° Fahr. he reached Chutang Chaka, where there Similar jets were noticed issuing from are some fifteen hot springs, whose water the middle of the adjacent river Lakii was found' to be at a temperature of Chu, to a height of 50 feet. 166° Fahr., boiling water at the same 2 This should be Tsang, or Dzang, place only rising to 186°. The water according to Klaproth (Tzhang of has a smell of sulphur. On the 30th Georgi). The provinces of U and they came to Peting Chuja, near which Tsang form Tibet proper, Teshu Lumbo place there is a large stony area from being the capital of the former, and which a dozen columns of hot water Lhasa of the latter. issue, and rise to a height of 40 or Ch. XVII.] PARO AS A CENTRAL MART. 183 in traveUing between Bengal and Tibet, and by that means revive and increase the commerce between these two countries. If the Deb Bajah aUowed freedom of trade through his dominions, and permitted the merchants of Tibet to come and purchase goods in his country, I should have had occasion only to apply for the Deb Bajah's permission for merchants to bring the commodities of Bengal to Binjipu (Paro), which, being the capital of this country, being situate on the road from Pari-jong, and having a communica tion with Bengal by Lukhi-Diiar, Dalim-kotta, and Buxa-Diiar, is weU adapted to be a central market for the merchandise of Bengal and Tibet. But the whole trade in the more valuable sort of goods is engrossed by the Deb Bajah and his officers, who are, in fact, the merchants of Bhutan.1 The few Tibetans who come to Binjipu (Paro) are allowed only to exchange the salt and wool of their country for the rice of Bhutan. Were I, therefore, to apply for per mission for merchants to bring their goods only to Binjipu (Paro), without obtaining leave for those of Tibet to come and trade to that place, the Deb Bajah and his officers, men not wealthy, and who, being engaged in the affairs of government, carry on their commercial concerns but to a small extent, and without that enter prising spirit which merchants possess, would in fact be the only purchasers, and the trade would remain on much the same footing as formerly, only that Binjipu (Paro), instead of Bangpur, would become the market for the commodities of Bengal. The consump tion of Bengal goods, except tobacco, betel nut, and other bulky articles, is very small in the Deb Bajah's country ; and while the. people remain poor, and preserve their present simple manners, wiU probably continue so. It is no object in Bengal ; and their only commodities for exportation are musk, horses, munjit,2 blankets, and some thin twUled cloths. The first three have always been monopoHzed by the rulers of Bhutan, and they would reluctantly part with them. The importation of the last ought rather to be discouraged, as it interferes with the sale of serge and of coarse broadcloths. In the dread which the administration at Tassisudon 1 Mr. Brian Hodgson remarks, on under the allegations of jealousy of the this passage, that the engrossing of people, or of the Lamas, or of the trade by the officials is probably the Chinese. real cause of those obstructions to inter- 2 See note at p. 6. course which are everywhere covered 184 PROPOSALS FOR FACILITATING TRADE. [Ch. XVII. is at present in of another insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur, supported by the government at Lhasa, it is impossible to apply for the Deb Bajah's consent to aUow Tibetans a freedom of trade to Binjipu (Paro) without awakening their suspicions of treachery. I determined therefore to refer everything in regard to native Tibetan merchants entirely to Teshu Lama, and endeavour to pro cure leave for Hindus and Mussulmans to go and come through the Deb Bajah's dominions between Bengal and Tibet, leaving it to them either to dispose of their goods at Binjipu (Paro) or carry them into Tibet. Having resolved all these things in my mind, and knowing the impracticabihty of obtaining permission for Europeans to trade into the Deb Bajah's country, I drew up the foUowing paper : " Whereas the trade between Bengal and Tibet was formerly very considerable, and all Hindu and Mussulman merchants were aUowed to trade into Nepal, which was the centre of communica tion between the two countries ; x and whereas, from the wars and oppressions in Nepal, the merchants have of late years been unable to travel into that country, the Governor as well as the Deb Bajah, united in friendship, being desirous of removing these obstacles, so that merchants may carry on their trade free and secure as for merly, have agreed upon the following articles : " That the Bhutanese shaU enjoy the privflege of trading to Bangpur as formerly, and shaU also be aUowed to proceed, either themselves or by their gumashtas2 to all places in Bengal, for the purpose of trading and seUing their horses, free from duty or hindrance. " That the duty hitherto exacted at Eangpiir from the Bhutan caravan be from henceforward abolished. " That the Deb Bajah shaU aUow aU Hindu and Mussulman merchants freely to pass and repass through his country between Bengal and Tibet. 1 The records of the old Patna com- regions ; but he also lays stress on the mercial agency, and of its subordinate advantages of the Sikkim Bhutan office at Betia, throw light upon this. and Assam lines, and the growth of the Mr. Brian Hodgson, in his report, main- tea trade has rendered these lines more tains that Nepal is really the proper and more important. centre of commercial intercourse be- 2 Agents. tween the Ois and Trans-Himalayan Ch. XVII.] PROPOSALS FOR FACILITATING TRADE. 185 " That no EngHsh or European merchants shall enter the Deb Bajah's dominions. " That the exclusive trade in sandal, indigo, red skins, tobacco, betel nut, and pan, shall remain with the Bhutanese, and that the merchants be prohibited from importing the same into the Deb Bajah's dominions ; and that the Governor shall confirm this in regard to indigo by an order to Eangpiir." The preamble is intended more for the Tibetans than for the Deb Bajah, and I drew it up in this manner with the view of trans mitting it to the Lama. The relinquishing the duty upon horses, which I am told is six annas in the rupee, was an offer I had before made, and reckoning it at a much larger sum than I find it yields to government, had laid great stress upon it. The permission for the Bhutanese merchants to trade throughout Bengal is mentioned in a letter to the Deb Bajah from the Governor, of 9th January. I had also proposed it in the course of my conversations at Tassisu don ; and the duty upon a trade so beneficial to Bengal may well be given up. I must trust, therefore, to the Governor granting dustuks 1 to any gumashta whom the Bhutanese may send beyond Bangpur. At present they seem to have little thoughts of it ; but I am con vinced that after their people arrive at Calcutta, discover numbers of curiosities which they never saw before, and find the price of broadcloth, coral, spices„&c, much lower than at Eangpiir, they will fall into the practice of purchasing their goods at Calcutta ; which wiU probably have the good consequence of increasing the sale of English broadcloth, and of lessening that of France, of which last great quantities are now purchased by the Bhutanese for the Tibet markets. The nil, or indigo, is produced, I beHeve, only in Bangpur, and has always been engrossed by the Bhutanese, so that the exclusive right of trading in this article is no more than they have always enjoyed. The other articles of sandal wood, red skins, &c, are too bulky for foreign merchants to trade in them, and I confess I was ready to give them up, in order to secure broad cloth, which I consider as the most important commodity in the trade of Tibet. I have more than once mentioned the impossibiHty of procuring leave for Europeans to trade into Bhutan, and without quieting their apprehensions on this head, I saw that I should 1 A passport or permit. 186 OFFER TO BHUTAN OF FREE TRADE. [Ch. XVII. neither carry any point in regard to trade with this government, nor hope to obtain the sanction and concurrence of the adminis tration at Lhasa. Fbom Waeben Hastings to Me. Bogle, at Tassisudon. May 9, 1775. I am happy to learn that your visit has proved so acceptable to the Lama, and flatter myself it wUl be productive of the good con sequences proposed from your journey to him. I have given the necessary orders to the Custom masters at Hugh and Murshi- dabad for passing at those places the boats which you or the Gosain who is accompanying you from the Lama may bring with you. I recommend it to you to use your utmost endeavours during your stay at Tassisudon to settle conditions with the Bajah for the establishment of an entire freedom of trade between his country and Bengal. The annual caravan may continue its trade to Bangpur on the customary terms. To effect this purpose you may even consent to relinquish the tribute or duty which is exacted from the Bhutan caravan which comes annually to Bangpur. To that place all their goods for trade, of whatever kind, may come at aU times, free from any duty or impost whatever, and exempt from stoppage ; and in like manner all goods shaU pass from Bengal into Bhutan free from duty and molestation. The caravan pays to Government about 2000 rupees, but it is probable that the right of levying it may serve as a cover to much greater exactions, and that the surrender of this privilege may therefore be considered by the Bajah as considerable. This is to be the groundwork of your negotiations. You wiU build such improvements on it as your own judgment and occasion may dictate.1 You wUl probably, in the course of your conversations with the Bajah on this subject, be able to discover how his personal interests may be affected by the proposed scheme ; a proper attention to which, and an encouragement of any hopes of advantages he may 1 By the only commercial treaty with to be 6 to 8 per cent, in 1831, and it Nepal (March 1, 1792), now obsolete, has lately been stated at 17 to 20 per the duty on imports from both countries cent.; while the British Government was fixed at 2| per cent. The Nepal levies no duty on goods imported from duty was reported by Mr. Hodgson the Himalayan frontier countries. Ch. XVII.] OPENING OF TRADE WITH BHUTAN. 187 entgrtain (provided his particular profits to be derived from it wiU not mterfere with or obstruct the general plan), may greatly facUitate your negotiations ; and for this purpose you wiU be equally soHcitous to remove his objections, and calm his apprehensions of detriment to his interests or danger to his country, should any such arise in his mind. The great object of your mission is, as I have explained it in my letter to the Deb Bajah, to open a communication of trade with Tassisudon, and through that place to Lhasa and the most distant parts of Tibet. The advantages of such a plan to the Deb Bajah himself cannot escape him. His capital will become the centre of a commerce the most extensive and the most lucrative, if properly improved, of any inland trade perhaps in the world, and wiU derive the greatest benefits from it, by being the medium of communication between the countries of Tibet and Bengal. This country is too poor to be an object of conquest, and the expense and difficulty of maintaining the possession of it, if it were subdued, would be an insuperable objection to the attempt. To these you wUl add such other arguments as your own experience and recollec tion may suggest to you to engage the Bajah's acquiescence in your plan, and his steady support of it hereafter. The only obstacle that can oppose your success is the jealousy of this Government. This you will find no difficulty in removing, and in convincing him that it is repugnant to every interest of the Company to look to any other connection with his country, than that of making it a mart or channel for a fair and honourable commerce, which will conduce as much to his interest as ours. Enclosed I send you copies of two letters which I have written to the Bajah since you left him, which you may make use of as arguments of the sincerity and earnestness of my professions.1 From Mr. Bogle to Warren Hastings. Kuch Bahae, June 9, 1775. I was made very happy by the letter you honoured me with of the 9th ultimo, and would have certainly continued some time longer with the Deb Bajah, who pressed me to it, but the Lama's 1 See pp. 53 and 54. 188 EXCLUSION OF EUROPEANS. [Ch. XVII. Gosain being anxious to get down to Calcutta, and myself out of order, with the rains ready to set in, when I would have found it almost impossible to travel, prevented me, and wiU, I hope, plead my excuse.I have settled matters with the Bajah in the best manner I could, though, I am afraid, not according to your wishes. There was, I beg leave to assure you, no possibility of obtaining his consent to aUow Engfishmen to travel into his country. The account I have given, in a separate address, of his own jealousy, and of his situation with respect to China, will serve to show this, and I know it to be aU well founded. The Tassisudon people,1 who are all very cautious and reserved, among the objections they at first started to my proposals never once mentioned the name of Europeans, but used their apprehensions of its breeding disturbances and misunder standings ; that it had never been the custom ; and that it might give offence to the Emperor of China, and such Hke pretexts, to oppose my arguments and applications about trade. Nay, when I first offered to satisfy them about Europeans, which I knew to be the great bar, they pretended, insincerely, that they had no objections particularly to the English trading into their country ; that they would even be glad of it, and accompanied aU this with so many professions, that I at first thought I had given up this point without gaining any advantage. My subse quent conferences, however, soon undeceived me. In short, I am convinced, if I had gone strongly upon the article of Europeans, either in Tibet or at Tassisudon, that I should have increased then* jealousy, and have been obliged to return without doing anything. I am afraid, as I have not been able to carry this point, that my commission wiU gain me but little credit with the world ; yet I cannot help flattering myself that it wiU be attended with not inconsiderable advantages to Bengal. If the Company think that commerce cannot be pushed with spirit, or carried to any extent, with out the establishment of factories and the employment of English agents, they have only to consider what the trade of Bengal was before Europeans had anything to do with it ; or, which is more to the purpose, to reflect what the trade between Bengal and Tibet 1 That is, the officials. Ch. XVII.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE DEB RAJAH. 189 was whUe Nepal1 continued free and independent. I am sure if yorrr connection with Teshu Lama and the Deb Bajah serves to bring it back to that point, the benefit to Bengal will be very great. But I ask pardon for presuming to trouble you with my ideas on a subject you are so fuHy master of. As to myself, after having so long had the honour and satisfaction of serving you, I am only anxious that I may not, on this occasion, suffer in your good opinion. I hope you will be pleased to approve of my reasons for not adhering strictly to the letter of your instructions. I am convinced things will soon come into the channel you seem to wish, and that the merchants, deterred by the length of the journey, and the opposition of chmate between Lhasa and Calcutta, will fall into the way of selling and exchanging their commodities either at Binjipu2 or at Pari-jong, the frontier town of Tibet. But, without securing to them a freedom of going and coming from Bengal to Tibet, I was afraid that the Bhutanese, having everything in their hands, would be able to fix the prices of goods, and the trade would become trifling and languishing. When the Deb Bajah's fears of another insurrection blow over, I should think permission for the native Tibetan merchants to come to Binjipu may be easUy obtained ; but this must be done through the Lama. I could think of no way so effectual to engage the Bajah's steady support and protection of traders as imposing a small duty upon their goods. I threw out this in my conversations before the receipt of your commands ; but it was not taken up, and so I dropped it. A few days before I left Tassisudon, the Deb Bajah pressed me very much about some indulgence he wants to solicit for the Bajah of Bahar ; but as I understood nothing of the matter, and he did not seem to understand it weU himself, I would make him no promises, but advised him to represent it to you by his vakil. He then asked me to represent it also, which I promised to do, 1 By Nepal, in this work, Nepal all the numerous little states between proper is always to be understood, or the Mechi and Sutlej, including the the great valley which was conquered Kiranti country, elsewhere adverted to from the peaceful commercial Newars by Bogle. by the martial Gorkhas, who, before 2 Paro. the end of the last century, had reduced 19Q RETURN TO BENGAL. [Ch. XVII. after I shall know what it is ; and ventured to assure him of your listening to any reasonable application from him ; but farther than this I would not do or say. The Deb Bajah's vakfl accompanied me from Tassisudon ^to Buxa-Diiar. I have pushed on to Bahar, in order to prepare things for the reception of him and the Lama's Gosains, and I expect their arrival here to-morrow or next day. I never received the letter you were so good as to write me by the way of Nepal. I saw a vakfl of Gorkha Bajah two or three times at Teshu Lumbo, but he said nothing about it. I was supphed with what money I wanted by the old Gosain who now accompanies me, of which I wUl afterwards lay the accounts before you. I gave the Deb Bajah a strong character of the Arab horses, and he is much pleased with your present, which, however, is not yet arrived here. He seems abundantly desirous of cultivating your friendship, but in such a way as may not give umbrage to Lhasa. I am sorry for the mortality among the cattle, because it occasions the delay of a season. I have given Paima a particular memorandum to get some more goats and cows sent down after the rains ; also to put the Lama's people in mind of the tiis, which he promised to procure for you ; though, being a wild animal, I am afraid it wUl hardly live. We caught many musk goats, but they aU died in a few days. I am copying out the memoranda about my journey, which I shall have the honour to send you from Sahib Ganj or Dinajpur; the other papers I beg leave to defer laying before you till my arrival in Calcutta, when I hope to have the pleasure of explaining them to you in person. Ch. XVIII.] DESCRIPTION OF BHUTAN. 191 CHAPTEE XVIII. GENERAL REPORT BY MR. BOGLE ON HIS RETURN FROM TIBET. To the Hon. Warren Hastings, Governor-General, &c. Hon. Sir, — The commission for opening a free intercourse between the inhabitants of Bengal and Tibet with which you were pleased to entrust me being now finished, I beg leave to lay before you an account of the course and issue of my negotiations. But as the state of the countries which I lately visited is little known, it may not be improper to premise some circumstances regarding their situation and government. In doing this, however, I shaU endeavour to avoid entering into those minute details which might sweU this address to an improper length. The range of mountains which stretches from the Murung country to the banks of the Brahmaputra and the north-east frontier of Bengal is inhabited by a people known in Bengal by the name of Bhutanese.1 These mountains are divided by glens or deep valleys, with rapid rivers running through them. They are covered with the loftiest trees, and the snow lies upon the tops of some of them aU the year round. The valleys and least steep parts of the mountains are cultivated, producing wheat, barley, and rice, suffi cient not only for the support of the people, but even to form a considerable article in their commerce with their northern neigh bours. About two hundred and sixty years ago, this country, which I shall distinguish by the name of Bhutan, is said to have been united under one government by Noanumgay, a disciple of the Lamas of 1 The Trans-nivean people, whom we They are very numerous both in the call Tibetan and Bhotias, are well mountains and in the terai. (See known by the latter name in the plains Hodgson's ' Languages and Religion of of India. But the Cis-nivean people, or Nepal and Tibet,' pp. 13-15, 29-44, Himalayan tribes, are never so called. and 45-65.) , 192 GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIII. Tibet. Before that time it was parcelled out among a number of petty and independent chieftains, who were engaged in perpetual wars and commanded fierce and barbarous vassals. Noanumgay, by forming laws and introducing religion, in concurrence with other causes, rendered the people obedient to a strict and regular administration. He was reverenced by his subjects during his Hfetime as a great Lama, and is still worshipped by his descendants. His fame, how ever, is confined to Bhutan, and his spirit is considered only as an emanation from the pontiffs of Tibet. Upon his death his soul was supposed to be divided into equal portions, and to animate three different children, who were regarded as Lamas, and the supreme power was jointly vested in them, assisted by the clergy, to whom they owed their elevation. The same ingenious device furnished them with successors, and this form of government stUl continues. One of these Lamas, named Lama Giassa-tu, died about twelve years ago, and the person into whom his soul passed is not yet discovered ; another, Lama Shabdong, is a boy seven years of age,1 so that the whole authority of this priestly government at present resides in Lama Bimboche.2 The executive administration is entrusted to an elective officer, styled Cusho Debo, who is known in Bengal by the name of the Deb Bajah. The abilities of Deb Judhur, the last person who held this office, enabled him to render himself independent of the Lamas and the clergy, and he ruled Bhutan during five years with an absolute sway ; but the oppression of his government, his violent measures in regard to Bahar, and the unfortunate war with the English in which this engaged him, afforded the clergy an opportunity of deposing him, of driving him into exile, and of electing a new chief in his stead. Upon this revolution Lama Bimboche came to be considered as supreme, and regained that authority in the government to which by the ancient constitution he thinks himself entitled. The kingdom of Bhutan is far from being populous. The natives in the interior part of the country are generally above the middle size, of a robust and muscular make, and of a light copper 1 See p. 39. Geysey, and Lam-Rimbochy. (See 2 Known in Bengal as the Dharma " Remarks on the Religious Institutions Rajah. The three Lamas of Bhutan of the Inhabitants of Bhutan " ' Trans- are called by Mr. Davis, the companion actions of R, A. S.,' vol. ii. 4to.) of Captain Turner, Lam-Sebdo, Lam- - ':-_ TlBIr lyl IB SUP RESIDENCE OF THE LAMA GIASSA-TU, NEAR TASSISUDON. (FROM A SKETCH BY LIEUT DAVIS IN TURNER'S EMBASSY TO TIBET.) «3P Ck. XVIII.] BHUTAN AND TIBET. 193 complexion. They are of a hasty and quarrelsome temper, and addicted to the use of spirituous liquors. Theft and robbery, except in time of public disturbances, are little known. The higher class of people are formal and ceremonious in their manners, fond of long speeches, and although often acute and judicious in the affairs of their own state, yet having almost no intercourse with strangers, are reserved and difficult in business. The country is defended by the inhabitants, who are all trained to the use of the bow or of the matchlock, and its steep mountains and arduous roads, leading over precipices and covered with thickets, form a barrier which an enemy might find it difficult to surmount. The revenue of Bhutan is paid chiefly in rice, butter, and other articles, which are consumed by the priests and servants of govern ment, or hoarded up in storehouses. The low countries which they possess on the borders of Bengal yield some money, and the custom by which upon the death of a public officer his estate escheats to the government, opens another source of revenue. But the people, although enjoying all the necessaries of Hfe, are possessed of little wealth, and, indeed, have little occasion for it. The taxes upon the inhabitants are Hght; their possessions are hereditary ; they hold their lands upon mUitary tenures, being bound to fight, to carry burdens, and to perform other services for the government. The kingdom of Tibet lies to the northward of Bhutan. The frontier town is Pari-jong. Tibet is called by the natives Pu — pro nounced as in French. Tibet is full of mountains, inferior in height to those in the Deb Bajah's country, though they take their rise from a more elevated plain, which are intermixed with more extensive valleys. As Bhutan is the most woody country I ever saw, Tibet is the most bare and unsheltered; except in the neighbourhood of villages, a tree is seldom to be seen. The hills are covered with sand, stones, and gravel. The soil of the villages, though poor, is rather better, and produces, with good management, wheat, barley, and some peas, but no rice. The climate is extremely cold ; the lakes and rivers are covered with ice. The thermometer, in the month of December, at Cham namring, which is in latitude 31° 39', and about half a degree to the o 194 POLITICAL EVENTS. AT LHASA. [Ch. XVIII. northward of Lhasa, used sometimes to be within 3° of the bottom of the scale, or 29° under freezing point ; and even in the middle of April, and in a more southern situation, heavy showers of snow fell, and standing water froze. The great elevation of the country above the sea, and the northerly winds which blow over Tatary, probably occasion this severity in the climate. The Tibetans are of a smaUer size and of a make much less robust than their southern neighbours. Their complexion is naturally as fair as the people in the south of Europe, and many of them have colour, some are quite ruddy: they are of a mUd and cheerful temper. The higher rank of people at the Lama's court are polite, and entertaining in conversation, with which they never mix any compliments or flattery. Tibet was formerly independent, being governed by a succession of hereditary kings. About sixty years ago the ministers, con spiring together, put their king to death, and assumed the adminis tration into their own hands.1 Mewan Cusho, his cupbearer, escaped towards Ladak, and having spent some years in engaging the interest of the neighbouring chiefs, returned with a powerful army, defeated the ministers, and engaged, in consideration of protection, to hold his crown under the Emperor of China. After a wise and prosperous reign of thirty years he was succeeded by his son Wang Cusho. The Lamas had long before this established themselves and their religion in Tibet. By the liberality or superstition of its kings, or by their influence with the Tatars, who often invaded the country, they procured grants of lands and vfllages, where they founded temples and monasteries. They were considered as sovereign pontiffs, and adored as God's vicegerents. Pilgrimages were made to them from different parts of Tatary, offerings of con siderable value were presented to them, but they enjoyed not that degree of temporal power which the imprudence of Wang Cusho enabled them to obtain. The tyranny and oppression of his administration, the murder of his brother, and, above all, his intention of becoming independent of China, were represented by the Dalai Lama in the strongest 1 This was when an army of Dsungarians invaded Lhasa in 1717, and killed the Gesub Rimboehe', or Regent (Nomen-khan), named Latsan. Ch. XVIII.] CHINESE SUPREMACY AT LHASA. 195 colours to the Court of Peking, which accordingly issued orders to its officers at Lhasa, and Wang Cusho, betrayed by false promises, suffered death while he expected to be honoured with marks of the Emperor's favour.1 The tumult raised by his dependents, in which a great number of the Chinese were slain, was soon quelled. Their attempt to place his son in the government was defeated by the timidity and flight of the mother, and, according to the severe policy of the Chinese, every branch of the family was extirpated. In consequence of this resolution the Lamas acquired fresh power and rose to political consequence. The Emperor, either in consideration of the Dalai Lama's pacific character, or as a reward of his fidelity, committed the administration into his hands, and his mild and popular government continued to the end of his life. Upon this event, which happened about eighteen years ago,2 Teshu Lama, the next in dignity, came to be considered as the chief man in the country. His character and abilities had secured him the favour of the Emperor, and his representations had great weight at the Court of Peking. About two years after the Dalai Lama's death he discovered the child into whose body, according to their belief, the soul of the departed Lama had passed, and placed him in the chair of Potala, and his influence with the Emperor procured for Gresub Bimboche, the cupbearer of the former Lama, the executive administration during his minority. Two Chinese viceroys, with a guard of a thousand soldiers, are stationed at Lhasa, and are changed every three years. The Emperor of China is acknowledged as the sovereign of the country ; the appointment to the first offices in the state is made by his order, and, in all measures of consequence, reference is first had to the Court of Peking ; but the internal government of the country is committed entirely to natives ; the Chinese in general are con- • fined to the capital, no tribute is exacted, and the people of Tibet, except at Lhasa, hardly feel the weight of a foreign yoke. The executive administration is in the hands of Gesub Bim boche and four other ministers, styled Kahlons. The governors of forts and provinces are appointed by them, and the revenue is collected by persons sent annually from Lhasa. But as the Dalai 1 This was in 1749. 2 This Dalai Lama's name was Lobsang Kalsang. He died in 1758. O 2 196 PARALLEL BETWEEN THE LAMAS AND POPES. [Ch. XVlIT. Lama is now nearly of age,1 it is expected that the Emperor of China wiU invest him with the supreme authority which his pre decessor enjoyed. The influence of Teshu Lama in the government proceeds chiefly from the veneration that is paid to his character and the weight of his abilities. The Emperors of China being of Tatar extraction, profess the reHgion of the Lamas, and reverence them as the head of their faith ; and the present monarch undertakes no expedition without consulting Teshu Lama, and sending him offerings to engage his prayers for its success. The influence which an able pontiff may derive from this is obvious, and although Gesub Bimboche is jealous of it, yet he is obHged to pay attention to the advice of Teshu Lama. Any one that would give himself the trouble, might draw a striking parallel between the Lamas and the ancient Boman Pon tiffs. The situation of the former, with respect to the monarchs of China, might weU be compared to the protection and authority, which the successors of St. Peter derived from the German emperors. Their pretensions to infalHbility, the veneration in which they are held by the people, the wide extent of their spiritual dominion, reaching over all Tatary and a great part of China, are perfectly similar. But this influence over the minds of the people, possessed by both, has been exercised by the Lamas, perhaps, in a manner more conducive to the happiness of mankind. The oblations of their followers are voluntary ; their government'is mUd and equit able; they enter into no wars, but, on the contrary, often exert their authority in settling the quarrels among contending states. In their private character they are decent and exemplary, and, if I may judge of others by one under whose roof I Hved, they are humane, charitable, and intelligent. The religion of the Lamas is either derived from that of the Hindus, or improved by it. They retain, therefore, the greatest veneration for the Ganges and the places held holy in Hindustan. Before that country was invaded by the Mussulmans, the Lamas had monasteries and other religious foundations in Bengal, to which the Tibetan clergy used to resort in order to study the doctrines and learning of the Brahmans. But the conquest of the Moghul put an 1 This was Lobsang Champal, who died in 1805. Ch. XVHI.] TRADE THROUGH NEPAL. 197 end to the intercourse. The Lamas' temples were plundered and destroyed, and their people driven out of the country ; since which there has been little connection between the inhabitants of Tibet and Bengal. The trade, however, which used to be carried oh between the two countries was formerly very extensive, and the returns being made in gold dust, musk, cowtails, and other valuable articles, it was highly beneficial to Bengal. I formerly took the liberty to represent to you the causes which of late years have occasioned the decline of the trade, and I now beg leave to lay before you an account of the steps that I took to remove them. Although Teshu Lama is not entrusted with the actual govern ment of the country, yet his authority and influence appear fully equal to accomplish the views which you entertain in regard to the encouragement of trade. His passports to merchants and travellers are obeyed universally throughout Tibet. He is reverenced by his own people, he is respected by his neighbours, and his mild and pacific character seems peculiarly suited to promote commerce. I found in the Lama, therefore, the readiest disposition to co-operate with you in removing the obstacles to a free trade, and in adopting such measures as might increase the intercourse between the country and Tibet. The tyrannical and faithless character of the Gorkha Bajah,1 and his invasion of the territories of Demo Jong,2 a Bajah subject to Lhasa, left, however, no room for any negotiations with him towards reviving the trade through Nepal. But immediately upon the news of his death, which arrived while I was at Teshu Lumbo, the Lama wrote to his successor, Sing Pertab, advising him, in the strongest manner, to allow merchants to trade through his country. His letter on this occasion was short, and I may be excused perhaps in inserting a translation of it : "To Sing Pertab, — " [After a number of titles] I have heard of the death of your father, Prithi Narayan. As this is the will of God you will not let your heart be cast down. You have now succeeded to the throne, and it is proper that you attend to the happiness of your 1 Prithi Narayan. 2 Sikkim, or Deun-jong. 198 NEGOTIATIONS FOR OPENING TRADE. [Ch. XVIIL people, and allow all merchants, as Hindus, Mussulmans, and the four castes, to go and come, and carry on their trade freely, which will tend to your advantage and to your good name. At present they are afraid of you, and no one will enter your country. What ever has been the ancient custom let it be observed between you and me. It is improper that there should be more on your part, and it is improper that there should be more on mine." The Lama wrote also to the merchants at Lhasa and Teshu Lumbo, the two principal towns in Tibet. He informed them of the security and protection which merchants enjoy at Bengal, and advised them to send gumashtas1 thither. The Kashmiri and Gosain merchants afterwards assured me, that in consequence of the encouragement and assistance which the Lama had offered them, and the promises which I gave them of freedom and security in Bengal, they proposed, in case they could obtain leave from the Deb Bajah, to pass through his country, to send gumashtas to Calcutta to purchase goods, as soon as the rains were over ; and a wealthy Gosain merchant, afraid to travel through Nepal, actuaUy embraced the opportunity of accompanying me to Calcutta. The Tibet merchants also came to visit me. But at the same time that they expressed their desire of complying with the Lama's com mands, they enlarged upon the heat and unhealthiness of Bengal, and declared their apprehensions of travelling into, what they con sidered, a distant and unknown country. Prejudices of this kind are to be cured only by habit, and your compliance with the Teshu Lama's desire of founding a monastery and temple on the banks of the Ganges will probably tend to remove these strong prepossessions against the climate of Bengal, and to produce an intercourse with the northern nations. The safe return of the people whom the Lama proposes to send next winter to visit the holy places in Bengal will serve to inspire their country men with confidence ; the fondness of the Tibetans for everything strange or curious, strengthened by religion, wiU probably lead many others to undertake so meritorious a journey; and these pilgrimages, like the Hajj at Mekkah, may in time open a consider able mart for the commodities of Bengal. Nor is the benefit which Bengal may derive from the resort of 1 Agents. Ch. XVHI.] CHARACTER OF THE TESHU LAMA. 199 Tibetans the only advantage which the Company may obtain by their* connection with Teshu Lama. He has written to the Changay Lama, who is the high-priest at the Court of Peking, and in great favour with the Emperor, advising him to send his people to visit the temples in Hindustan. He has also promised to use his best offices with the Emperor of China to procure leave for the Company to send a deputation to Peking. The first, I am con vinced, will take place ; and although, from the cautious and jealous policy of the Chinese, I am not too sanguine as to the last, yet the advantage of opening even an indirect communication with the Court of Peking is, I humbly apprehend, an object of some impor tance to the Company. I could have wished, while I was in Tibet, and within a few days' journey of Lhasa, to have proceeded to that city, in order to have formed a connection with Gesub Bimboche, and the rest of the administration there. But their jealousy rendered them averse from it. I could not have seen them, considering the public character I bore, without a considerable expense for presents ; and while the Company's views in a communication with Tibet are only to an extension of commerce, I am inclined to think that Teshu Lama's influence is fully sufficient to accomplish them. After passing five months in Teshu Lama's palace I returned to Bhutan. The Lama at the same time wrote to the Deb Bajah on the subject of merchants, and sent one of his people to assist me in my negotiations at Tassisudon. But I had now to prosecute my commission under circumstances very different from what I had experienced in Tibet. Teshu Lama, accustomed to an intercourse with strangers, fond of negotiation, and attentive to everything that can raise his character, entered warmly into views which coincided with his own. He had long wished for an opportunity of forming a connection with some of the powers in Hindustan. The authority of the Company was well known to him, and he had akeady got great reputation by the peace which his mediation had procured for the Bhutanese. His desire, therefore, of cultivating a friendship which tended to increase his influence, led him zealously to second your application, while his endeavours for the ease and convenience of merchants served to extend his fame. As he speaks the Hindustan language, 200 NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIIL and possesses a great degree of candour and affabUity,1 he conversed with me freely on every subject, and desired me to make my appli cation immediately to him. He communicated to me the opposition which the government at Lhasa had made to my journey ; he gave me their correspondence to read ; he explained to me the letters which he wrote to them about trade, and told me plainly what could be accomplished and what could not. The Deb Bajah, on the contrary, secluded from any connection with foreigners,2 is difficult of access, stiff and ceremonious in his manners, and indecisive in business. He is guided entirely by his officers, who are reserved, suspicious, and evasive ; and in every matter of consequence the humour of several hundred priests is to be consulted, and the opinion of Lama Bimboche, who, without experience or abilities, considers himself as supreme in the govern ment, is to be received. The administration at Tassisudon accordingly made many objections to allowing merchants to pass through Bhutan, insisting that it had never been the custom for strangers to come into their kingdom ; that the inhabitants were of a hot and violent temper, and the country woody .and mountainous, and, in case of a mer chant being robbed, it might occasion disputes and misunder standings between them and the Company's government. I wUl not here take up your time with a repetition of the arguments I employed in combating their objections, and in endeavouring to convince them of the benefit which their country would derive from the resort of merchants ; for I was sensible, while I used them, that the opposition of the Bhutanese 3 to my proposals proceeded from motives which they industriously concealed. They were apprehensive that the admission of foreign merchants into their 1 In a similar light the Dalai Lama 2 Yet the Deb was the secular chief. showed himself to Mr. Hodgson when Mr. Hodgson makes the following re- Resident in Nepal ; and Mr. Hodgson mark on this : " The Dharma (Lama remarks that such dispositions might Rimboehe'), or spiritual chief, should be be utilized now that time has demon- the secluded one, not the Deb Rajah. strated that we have no purpose to Again, the Teshu Lama, though he is serve, save such an extension of cohit also the spiritual chief, is represented merce as must benefit the Himalaya by Mr.' Bogle as the active and intel- and Tibet far more than ourselves,' and ligent administrator in regard to iuter- moreover render the continuance of national relations. This shows that peace between as more secure, through talent and energy will assert themselves the inevitable effects of mutually bene- despite theoretical bars." iicial and kindly personal intercourse. > The officials, not the people. Ch. XVIIL] NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. 201 country would lessen the profits which they at present derive from their trade with Tibet,1 and they were still more afraid that by allowing strangers to come into Bhutan they would open a door to the introduction of Europeans. Neither of these reasons, however, were ever avowed, or even mentioned by the Bhutanese, but they were on this account more difficult to overcome. Without quieting their scruples about Europeans, I foresaw that it was impossible to obtain a com munication with Tibet through their country, or to procure the aid and concurrence of the ministry at Lhasa in encouraging and extending the trade with Bengal. I therefore gave up a point which it was impossible to carry, and gave them assurances that no European merchants should enter Bhutan. Some time after my arrival at Tassisudon I received your com mands of the 9th of May, in which you direct me to endeavour to render the Deb Bajah's capital the centre of communication be tween Bengal and Tibet. As I found it necessary to deviate in some measure from the letter of these orders, I hope you wUl believe that it proceeded only from my desire to accomplish more effectually the purpose of my commission, and that the following reasons wiU serve to justify my conduct. If the Deb Bajah allowed freedom of trade through his domi nions, and permitted the merchants at Tibet to come and purchase goods in his country, I should only have had occasion to have appHed for permission for merchants to bring the commodities of Bengal to Binjipu,2 which, being the capital of Bhutan, being situated on the road from Pari-jong, and having a communication with Bengal by Lukhi-Diiar, Dalim-kotta, and Buxa-Diiar, is well adapted for a central market for the merchandise of Bengal and Tibet. But the whole trade in the more valuable sorts of goods is engrossed by the Deb Bajah and his officers, who are in fact the merchants of Bhutan.3 The few Tibetans who come to Binjipu (Paro) 1 This is the real source of the diffi- there is no popular jealousy either in culty still, as ever, experienced by us, Nepal, Tibet, or Bhutan ; and the while" trying to open and liberate the Dalai and Teshu Lamas, could they be Himalayan and trans-Himalayan trade. got at, may well be supposed not to share 2 pal0, the unfriendly sentiments attributed to " Mi-. Hodgson observes that this is them, but rather to be ready to promote generally the case, and holds true to what is evidently calculated to benefit the present day. But he says that the people. 202 NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIIL are aUowed only to exchange the salt and wool of their country for the rice of Bhutan. Had I, therefore, procured permission for mer chants to bring their goods only to Binjipu (Paro) without obtaining leave for those of Tibet to come and trade to that place, the Deb Bajah and his officers — men not wealthy, and who being engaged in the affairs of government carry on their commercial concerns but to a small extent, and without that enterprising spirit which mer chants possess— would in fact have been the only purchasers, and the trade would have remained on much the same footing as for merly, only that Binjipu (Paro) instead of Bangpur would have become the market for the commodities of Bengal. The consumption of Bengal goods, except tobacco, betel nut, and other bulky articles, is very small in the Deb Bajah's dominions, and while the people remain poor, and preserve their present simple manners, wiU pro bably continue so. It is no object to Bengal, and their only com modities for exportation are musk, horses, munjit,1 blankets, and some thin twilled cloths. The first three have always been monopo lized by the rulers of Bhutan, and they would reluctantly part with them ; the importation of the last ought rather to be discouraged. In the dread which the administration at Tassisudon was then in of an insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur, supported by the administration at Lhasa, I could not have applied for permission for Tibetans to trade freely to Binjipu (Paro) without awakening sus picions of treachery, and I therefore judged it best to refer every thing in regard to the merchants of Tibet entirely to Teshu Lama. After many tiresome conferences and fruitless negotiations, in which I was assisted by Teshu Lama's people, I at length obtained the Deb Bajah's consent to allow Hindu and Mussulman merchants to pass through Bhutan under some restrictions and concessions, which I have now the honour to submit to you, together with the reasons upon which they are grounded. I transmitted a copy of those articles to the Lama from Tassisudon, requesting him at the same time to give them all advantages with the government at Lhasa, and to write to the Deb Bajah on the subject. I have since received a letter from him written in answer to the accounts which his people sent him of the difficulties that the Deb Bajah started to my proposals, of which I 1 Madder. Ch. XVIIL] TRADE BETWEEN BENGAL AND TIBET. 203 beg leave to lay before you a translation, as it strongly marks the earnestness and zeal with which the Lama interests himself in the success of the different objects of my commission. In regard to procuring permission for Europeans to trade into Tibet, it was a point which I have already mentioned impossible of obtaining. In former times, when Europeans were settled in Hin dustan merely as merchants, there would have been no difficulty in establishing factories and freedom of trade ; but the power and elevation to which the English have now risen render them the objects of jealousy to all their neighbours. The opposition which was made to my proceeding into Tibet, as well as the many diffi culties I had to encounter in the execution of my commission, arose from this source. The government at Lhasa considered me as sent to explore their country, which the ambition of the Enghsh might afterwards prompt them to invade, and their superiority in arms render their attempt successful.1 I was at much pains during my stay among the inhabitants of Bhutan and Tibet to remove their prejudices ; but I am convinced they can be effectually conquered only by the opportunities which a greater intercourse and more intimate acquaintance with the English may afford them of observing their fidelity to engage ments, and the moderation of their views, and by an interchange of those good offices which serve to beget confidence between nations as weU as between individuals.2 The increase of influence which Teshu Lama will derive from the government of Tibet being committed to the Dalai Lama, and other circumstances which your connection with him may enable you to improve, wiU perhaps open the way to a privUege which at present I could not obtain. I wiU now beg leave to submit to you my ideas on the nature of the trade between Bengal and Tibet, and on the measures which appear most Hkely to revive and extend it. The most important commodity in this traffic is broadcloth; 1 Mr. Hodgson remarks on this para- 2 On this Mr. Hodgson observes : graph : " Might not the experience of " The worst of it is that under the pre- the long period that has since elapsed sent system no room is afforded for be now effectually urged the other way, the operation of any such interchange, at Kathmandu, Lhasa, Teshu Lumbo, and sooner or later stolid indifference and Tassisudon ? One and all owe begets spasmodic violence and war." much to our good faith and peaceful policy." 204 ENCOURAGEMENT OF TRADE. [Ch. XVHI. all the Tibetans of a station elevated above the populace are fond of wearing gowns of it, and it forms also an article of their com merce with the neighbouring tribes of Tatars. The sale of broadcloth, however, from the causes which I have already men tioned, has greatly decreased of late years, and even of what is now consumed a large portion is of French manufacture. I had occa sion to buy several pieces in Tibet to give away in presents, and, except once, I never could meet with any English cloth. The article of next importance is coral beads ; great quantities of these are used in Tibet, and from thence also sent into Tatary. The want of supplies, and the consequent enhancement of the price, have affected this commodity in the same manner as the former. I wUl not here particularize the different kinds of merchandise which have hitherto been exported from this country to Tibet, but beg leave to refer you to the accompanying list, in which I have put down the prices of the principal articles, together with the expense of transporting them.1 I must observe, however, that most of them were not to be had. The Bhutan caravan, on its return from Bangpur, would no doubt carry a supply of goods from Bengal, but in no degree equal to what the consumption of the country used formerly to take off. But besides the articles hitherto employed in the trade with Tibet, there appears room to introduce or extend the sale of many new ones. The inhabitants are fond of everything that comes from a strange country, and even the lowest class of people possess a curiosity seldom to be met with. This promises a good opening for the sale of cutlery, glassware, and many other European manufactures. The most eligible and effectual way in my opinion of extending the sale of British broadcloth in opposition to that of France, of increasing the sale of those goods which have usuaUy been ex ported to Tibet, and of opening a mart for new articles of com merce, ft to encourage the resort "of Kashmiris, Gosains, Bhutanese, and Tibetans to Calcutta during the winter time ; 2 by making a sale 1 See and compare the lists and re- " Even so. Let the trade be in the ac- marks in Mr. Hodgson's Report of customed hands, and those hands be 1831 ; and ' Languages, &c, of Nepal rendered more effectually operative by and Tibet,' pp. 91-121. the co-operation at Calcutta of English 2 Mr. Hodgson remarks upon this : merchants." Ch. XVIIL] SUGGESTED NEGOTIATIONS IN NEPAL. 205 of English broadcloth at that season they will be enabled to procure it at the lowest rate ; and by granting them passports and escorts to the northern frontier of Bengal, they will be engaged to purchase the Company's cloth in preference to any other ; while the variety of unknown merchandise which they wUl here find will naturally create a desire of carrying them with them on their return to their own country. To remove the dread which the natives of Bhutan and Tibet entertain of this climate may, no doubt, require time and use. But when curiosity, religion, and interest conspire to prompt them to visit Bengal, nothing further appears necessary but the encourage ment and protection of government. The Kashmiri and Gosain merchants who propose to come to Calcutta during the next winter will, when furnished with Teshu Lama's passports, find no difficulty in traveUing through Tibet; and the Deb Bajah, from the assurances he has given me, will, I am persuaded, readily grant them a passage through his kingdom from Pari-jong to the frontier of Bengal. But as the road has never yet been frequented by merchants, it may be necessary, on their arrival on the borders of Bahar, that they should receive countenance and assistance, and that orders for that purpose should ' be issued. The opening of the road through Nepal, and obtaining the abolition of the duties and exactions which have lately been imposed on trade in that country, appears an object of great impor tance towards establishing a free communication between Bengal and Tibet. The death of Prithi Narayan, the late Bajah of Nepal, seems to afford a favourable opportunity of effecting this point. Teshu Lama is ready to second your endeavours for that purpose ; and a proper management of the different interests which prevafl among the chiefs a on the borders of Nepal will, I am convinced, easily accompHsh it. The steps which it may be proper to pursue it becometh not me to point out. But I may be excused, perhaps, in suggesting the advantage which you may derive, in all your negotiations with the people who possess the mountains to the northward of Bengal, by taking your measures jointly with Teshu 1 All the states between Sikkim and Kumaon have long been merged in the Gorkha kingdom of Nepal. 206 CONCLUSION. [Ch. XVIIL Lama. His acquaintance with the state of those countries renders his opinion of much weight, and the influence which his holy character gives him among the different ' chiefs, being employed only to settle disputes and promote harmony, may enable you to accomplish by negotiation and peaceful means what that jealousy of the people and the strength of their situation might otherwise render it difficult to obtain. When a road is opened through Nepal as well as Bhutan nothing further appears to me necessary towards accomplishing the business upon which I have lately been employed. In matters of commerce I humbly apprehend that freedom and security is all that is required. Merchants, left to themselves, naturally discover the most proper manner of conducting their trade, and, prompted by self-interest, carry it on to the greatest extent. The disadvantages to which the novelty of my journey and the jealousy of the natives 1 subjected me may, perhaps, entitle me to indulgence. I have executed my commission to the best of my abUities, and I now wait in solicitude for the judgment which may be passed upon my conduct. 1 Mr. Bogle, here and elsewhere, in speaking of the jealousy of the natives, evidently means the native officials only. Ch. XIX.] JOURNEY OF THE LAMA TO PEKING. 207 CHAPTEE XIX. JOURNEY OF THE TESHU LAMA TO PEKING, AND HIS DEATH. PROJECT OF MR. BOGLE FOR MEETING THE LAMA AT PEKING. (Memorandum, written in July, 1778.) The amount of the debts of the Chinese merchants to English individuals is from a million and a half to two millions sterling. Among the creditors are Mr. Bouchier, Sir Bobert Harland, Sir John Lindsay, and most of the gentlemen who have gone from Madras, as well as Mr. Boddam and others at Bombay. They can get no redress : have no channel of applying for it. They have sent a Mr. Gordon to England with a representation to endeavour to interest the Government, and perhaps through them the Court of Bussia ; but have Httle prospect of success, or at best distant. Besides this, the Company's business is often harassed and op pressed, and its conductors are entirely without any channel of communication or representation to the Court of Peking. The Emperor of China is now seventy years of age.1 He is of the Tatar religion, of which the Lamas are the head. The Changay Lama, who is older than him, and resides at Peking, is said to have much influence over him. He has expressed a great desire to see Teshu Lama before his death, and has at length, after repeated applications, prevailed on him to go and meet him. The Emperor has fixed on a place about a month's journey on this side of Peking, and Teshu Lama sets out about two months hence to travel through Tatary. The journey wiU take up about eight months, so that he may arrive with the Emperor about May next. He wiU stay at least three or four months ; that is to August.2 1 This was the famous Emperor Gosain, accompanied the Teshu Lama Kien-lung who succeeded in 1736, and on his visit to China, and wrote reigned until 1796. (See note at p. 134.) an account of it, a translation of 2 Mr. Bogle's old friend, Purungir which was published by Mr. A. Dal- 208 DEATH OF THE TESHU LAMA. [Ch. XIX. When I was in Tibet, the Lama promised to endeavour to pro cure for me passports to go to Peking. He has not yet succeeded, but has sent a man to assure me that he will exert himself to procure me at least a passport by the way of Canton. I propose to write him that I shall prepare myself either to go by land over rymple, in the 'Oriental Repertory' (ii. p. 145). After several most press ing invitations from the old Em peror, the Lama at length resolved to undertake the journey, but not with out sad forebodings. He set out from Teshu Lumbo on the 15th of July, 1779, attended by 1500 troops and followers. After forty-six days he reached Duchu, on the banks of a river of the same name. After twenty days more he came to Thuk'thaung, and nineteen days more brought him to Kumbu Giemban, a large city, where he remained four months, owing to the snow. He then set out again, and, after fifteen days, came to the city of Tumdautabe, where he was met by Chi-wang, a son-in-law of the Emperor. Nine days more were occupied in the journey to Nissaur, and two days more brought him to Taubun- kaikan, and sixteen days more to Chau- raunsuburgan, where he halted two days. Another twelve days were con sumed in reaching Khaurambu, and six more brought the Lama to Taigau- gumban, where he was met by the Em peror's first son. In thirty-four days more they arrived at Sining, where the Lama was met by another son of the Emperor, who informed him that the Emperor himself had advanced to a country seat called Jiawosekho, about twenty-four miles from Sining. (See and compare the stage route of tlie Nepalese Embassy to Peking, in No. 27, of the ' Selections from the Records of the Government of India,' p. 83. Siling, or Sining, is the capital of Tangut, or Sokyeul, and is the converging point of all the trade routes.) During the whole of this long jour ney sumptuous provision was made for the Lama's comfort, and crowds of de votees thronged to receive his blessing. At the first interview the Emperor met the Teshu Lama at a distance of at least forty paces from his throne, and seated him on the uppermost cushion with himself, and at the right hand. When the Lama withdrew, he was con ducted to a magnificent palace, about a mile from that of the Emperor, which had been specially erected for his abode. In a subsequent interview the Lama mentioned to the Emperor that there was a great ruler in Hindustan, on the borders of his country, for whom he had the greatest friendship ; and that he wished the Emperor to know and regard him also. Purungir Gosain was then called in and interrogated. He said that the ruler's name was Hastings, and described the riches and military resources of India. After some time the Emperor and Teshu Lama set out for Peking, and the Lama was lodged in a very magni ficent house outside the walls of the city, and for several months there were constant interchanges of visits between the Emperor and the Lama. To the inexpressible grief of the Emperor and the whole people of China, the Lama was seized with smallpox, and expired on the evening of November 12, 1780, as he sat at prayer between two large pillows, resting his back against the wall. His death was remarkably tran quil. The body was placed in a coffin of pure gold, in the form of a temple fixed on poles, and the Emperor ordered it to be conveyed to Tibet in charge of the Lama's brother. The gold temple was placed within a copper temple. The return journey occupied seven months and eight days from Peking to the mausoleum at Teshu Lumbo. There is an extract from another mmmrm 411111 ¦¦<^^ ;-PPfc; .""-« S&S8 '• 'iip ¦ ' ' i HI'' 11 ill IT I " 1 1 §§£S@ THE TOMB OF THE TESHU LAMA. - -;V TO TIBET.) Ch. XIX.] MR. BOGLE'S PROPOSED VISIT TO PEKING. 209 Tatary, if he thinks it possible to procure me passports, otherwise to go by sea to Canton in the fuU confidence of his sending me some person from himself to Canton with passports, so that I might get to Peking while the Lama is with the Emperor. I pro pose also to send back a Gosain who is in great favour with the Lama, and whom he has sent down to Calcutta so as to be with him before he sets out from Tibet; and that this man who is much attached to me, together with one of my servants, should accompany the Lama to China, and come and meet me at Canton. The Changay Lama, who is at Peking, is a native of Tibet, and understands that language, of which I have some knowledge, so as not to be at the mercy of interpreters. If I succeed in procuring passports, I shall then be in a situa tion to urge any points at the Court of Peking with the greatest advantage. But even if I should be disappointed, I do not think it is possible for me to fail in procuring a channel of communication with the Court of Peking,1 and in finding some person stationed at Canton through whom representations can be made. In order to pave the way, it is necessary that some presents should be got ready that may be acceptable at Peking. Large pearls, large coral, some best birds' nests, some Arabian horses, and some muslins, should be prepared. Most of these articles are the same as make the best remittances to China, so that in case of the negotiation failing they could be sold there without any loss. But letter, written from Peking by a mis- painful journey for the sole purpose of sionary named Amiot, and dated Au- doing honour to me, and that after gust 17, 1781. He says that the Pan- having fulfilled that object it was not tchan Lama, as he calls the Teshu his fate to return in tranquillity, as I Lama, or Panchen Rimboehe', reached had hoped, to the place of his usual China in very good health, after a abode, this reflection is distressing to journey of extraordinary length ; but me beyond all expression." (' Oriental that on arriving at Peking he was Repertory,' ii. p. 273.) seized with the smallpox and died. > Mr. Hodgson remarks upon this : M. Amiot gives a translation of the " What has since been done there as remarkable letter written by the Em- regards the seaboard trade, seems to peror Kien Lung, then in his seventieth prove that quiet persistent explanation year, to the Dalai, announcing the death might succeed in removing the existing of the Teshu Lama. " Although I am obstacles to free social and commercial well aware," writes the Emperor, ''that intercourse between the Cis and Trans to come and to go are but as the same Himalayans, by natives and such of thing to the Pan-tchan Lama, yet when them as have an immemorial prescrip- I reflect that he made a most long and tive right to such free intercourse.'' P 210 MR. BOGLE'S PROPOSED VISIT TO PEKING. [Ch. XIX- the persons interested in the recovery of these debts are so numerous and unconnected that it is difficult to get them to contribute towards this, and stUl more so to do it with such secrecy as to prevent the scheme from being known, which would put the people at Canton on their mettle to counteract it. JOUKNEY OF MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA (1811-12). p 2 JOUENEY OF MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA (1811-12). [The foot-notes with the initials T. M. are by Mr. Manning : the others are editorial.] CHAPTEE I. JOURNEY FROM CANTALBARY TO PARI-JONG. I aebived at Cantalbary1 on Friday, the 7th of September, 1811, and at Tazigong on Tuesday foUowing; and left Tazigong on Friday morning, on what I caU the 14th.2 Mr. Eoy left me halfway to Cantalbary : Balangham soon after. The magistrate sent out horses and music, and I had a strange entry into Cantalbary, where I spent a good deal of money. AU left me but one Chaprasi. Eight miles next day. The Bhutanese lord it over their Hindu subjects ; and even my slave was imperious, but it might be because I traveUed by authority. One of my Bhutan friends, according to promise, came and met me, not on the frontier, but at Bhitu Bari,3 on the 10th, and took me with him to a vUlage on a hill about six miles from the mountains, pleasantly situated among orange and lime trees. Thence, next day, I rode to a torrent. The horses, they said, were not to go any farther ; an unexpected trouble. The Soubah of the vUlage came to meet me, and salam me on the other side. I walked with him through water and over cruel stones above a mile, which brought me to a wretched 1 Or Kathal-bari, a town formerly on 1811, were on a Saturday, not a Friday. the frontier of Bhutan, 63 miles north He must, therefore, have reached Tazi- of Rangpur. gong on the 13th. 2 The 7th and 14th of September, in 3 ¦ I cannot find this place on any map. 214 ON THE ROAD TO PARO. [Ch. I. pigsty of a place, and they said I was to stay there that night. It was still morning, or about noon. I declared I would not, but would go on to Tazigong. I got porters for my things, and set off, I and my Chinaman1 and my guide, on foot. The road passed over the bed of a torrent with cruel stones, and I was sometimes up to my middle in water. At last it turned out by acknowledgment to be eight good miles; seven on the plain, and one up the hiU. I was tired when I arrived at the foot of the hill, and it was steep and stony, and my feet were sore ; but we could not stop more than half an hour. I toiled up slowly, and with considerable difficulty, When I got to the top, my servant had palpitation, sweated pro fusely, eruption broke out, and next day he said his skin peeled away. I told him it would do him good, and prevent fever. Next day I bargained for people to carry us in our chairs. 10th Sept., we reached Tazigong.2 I saw but one house : stayed two days. Here the Chaprasi left me. On the 15th I reached Dune,3 and was lodged at the upper end of a large long room. On the 16th, after passing over a swinging bridge, I came to Enji, and was lodged in a large three-storied house. On the 17th and 18th I was at Dumgong,4 in a very large solid buUt house, which seemed to be a sort of receptacle for merchandise and traveUers. There was a chapel in it, with images. On the 1 9th I reached Matakah. I came in thoroughly wet, and dried my clothes on my body. Afterwards, upon walking across the room, I was seized with a violent palpitation. The insects disturbed me all night. I saw a lad gnawing a turnip, and caUed to him immediately, and, showing it to my conductor, asked the name, and told him to give me plenty of it. I thus got an exceUently well-dressed stew with turnips. Leaving Matakah on the 20th, we walked up a mountain, and 1 A Chinese servant whom Mr. Man- ward of that travelled over by Bogle and ning brought from Canton. After- Turner. It follows the courses of the wards he usually calls the Chinaman rivers Tursa and Dun-chu, and then " Munslii." He was detained at Lhasa crosses a ridge to Paro. For details of when Mr. Manning was sent back. this route see ' MacGregor,' p. 19. 2 Mr. Manning appears to have en- 3 Duna or Duna-jongt in the valley of tered Bhutan by the Laid Duar or Tazi- the Dun-chu. gong, and to have gone direct to Paro. 4 Dumgong and Enji are not on the This is a route never taken by any Eu- maps. ropean before or since, being to the west- Ch. I.] PARO. 215 slept upon it, there being no village or house. Wet, wet ; always rairff On the 21st, we ascended stiU higher ; and after a fearfully long walk up the steep, descended down to Wharai — a toUsome day's work. I find going up hUl does not agree with me, perhaps because naturally I am going down hiU. Wet above, wet below; hard stones all the way. At Paro-jong I was lodged in a guardhouse, with no window, and much smoke. I was not permitted to go out, nor to visit the bazaar close by. In riding over the lofty bridge into Paro,1 if the horse curvets, it must go slap down thirty feet into the rocky, stony stream ; but that danger is imaginary. I could not persuade them to give me any fish. On the evening of October 16 1 left Paro, having been hurried to write six letters in six minutes, though the servants afterwards were not ready for three hours. At night I found that my Chinese servant had changed our sUver spoons into pewter. I told him I would not go on tiU I got my spoons. Now the Chaprasi I am in charge of is a partner in iniquity. He could procure the spoons in an instant, for we had only gone four mUes. But no, he thought to persuade me to go on, and said the spoons would come after. I was obstinate. On the 17th, ten o'clock, twelve o'clock, and nobody went back to Paro. At last my slave went, and returned with one silver and one pewter again. I swore I would have the other, or go back myself and speak to the magistrate. This frightened my rascal : he sent the slave again, and he brought back the other. It was not the value, but the example. I am in bad, bad hands. The Dewan kindly sent yesterday the Chinaman and a lama (who came a child from China by chance of war, and had almost forgotten his tongue) to 1 The bridge at Paro is a handsome stone tower, in which a guard remains structure, made of large pine beams at night, uuder the warder of the bridge. built into either bank, and projected The bridge is very neatly boarded with one over the other till a sufficiently deal planks. The gates are lined with narrow space is obtained to admit of a iron plates and studded with nails. The platform. The entrances to the bridge road from the bridge to the fort is are paved with large slabs of stone, and paved throughout. (: Eden,' p. 89.) at each end is a large, strongly-built 216 AT PARI-JONG. [Ch. I. see how we were, and whether everything was right. This was a great reHef to us, and I sent a civil message back. 18th. This morning I went to salam the petty magistrate of the place, and gave him a rupee and a looking-glass. He was vastly civil. We are now come on about six miles. The Chinaman is as cross as the devil, and will not speak. We are lodged in a loft, open shed like, but a snuggish place to sleep in. Snow-fall in sight. Charming weather. Strange sensation coming along: warm and comfortable. Horse walking in a lane between two stone walls. The snow ! Where am I ? How can I be come here ? Not a soul to speak to. I wept almost through excess of sensation, not from grief. A spaniel would be better company than my Chinese servant. Plenty of priests and monks like those in Europe. 19th. I found out at night why my servant was cross. He fell off his horse, and thought I took no notice of it. I did not see it. I visited a priest, and he is to pray for my welfare, going and coming. I cannot persuade them to let me taste the fish, though I offer money. 20fch. Uphill. In a deserted house at night : could not sleep for the insects and rats. Good-for-nothing horse. 21st. We arrived at Pari-jong. Frost. Frost also two days before. I was lodged in a strange place, but so are the natives. 23rd. I went to visit the religious resident at Pari-jong. I sold cloth, but they cannot reckon. They cheated me of two paranies, even if at their own prices. All cheats. A woman spoke Chinese, and interpreted for us. On 21st, the two magistrates came to look at us, and ask questions. I took them for idle fellows (by mistake), and paid no respect to them. 24th. I visited the magistrate, and took his pipe-boy for a girl. He asked a good many questions, and was very civil. He gave me a sheep and rice, and he invited us to come again after three or four days, and stay longer. 27th. We were obliged to quit our room to make way for Chinese soldiers who are expected. The new room had dirty floors, and was rather cold. We cook for ourselves. Dirt, dirt, grease, smoke. Misery, but good mutton. The Chinaman was cross again. Note. Says I, " Was that a bird at the magistrate's that flapped so loud ?" — Ans. " What signifies whether it was a bird or not ?" Where he Ch. I.] ARRIVAL OF A CHINESE MANDARIN. 217 sat, I thought he might see ; and I was curious to know if such large*birds frequented the buUding.1 These are the answers I get. He is always discontented and grumbling, and takes no trouble off my hands. Being younger and, like all Asiatics, able to stoop and crouch without pain or difficulty, he might assist me in many things without trouble to himself. A younger brother, or any English young gentleman, would in his place of course lay the cloth, and do other little services when I am tired ; but he does not seem to have much of the generous about him, nor does he in any way serve me, or behave to me with any show of affection or goodwill : consequently I grow no more attached: to him than the first day I saw him. I could not have thought it possible for me to have lived so long with anyone without either disliking him, or caring sixpence for him. He has good qualities, too. The strangeness of his situation may partly excuse him. (I am more attached to my guide, with all his faults, who has been with me but a few days.) My guide has behaved so damnably ill since I wrote that, that I wish it had not come into my mind. 29th. The Chinaman shaved with a razor shaped like a sickle, the edge being where a sickle's back is. 30th. The Chinese mandarin's interpreter arrived. 31st. The mandarin arrived. One of his soldiers, who is also his cook, visited us. He asked me if I was a Mussulman. I answer, " No, I eat pork," which I believe was not interpreted to him. Chinese politeness, even in the common soldiers, forms a great contrast with the barbarians of this place. Nov. 1st. My Chinese servant visited the mandarin ; and after wards I paid him a visit. Some of his people said I could not sit down before him. In that case I should not have gone. He was very civU, and promised to write immediately to the Lhasa mandarin for permission for me to proceed. I gave him two bottles of cherry brandy, and a wine-glass. He asked me to dinner with my China man, who excused me. The Chinese lord it here like the English in India. The Tibetans stand before them. I was applied to as a physician, to cure soldiers. 1 The building is immensely large, Pari-jong ; indeed, most of it consists of six or more stories high ; a sort of for- miserable galleries and holes.— T. M. tress. At a distance it appears to be all 218 ALLOWED TO PROCEED TO LHASA. [Ch. I. 2nd. The soldiers described their complaints, but concealed their origin, supposing, perhaps, that I, as a physician, can find that out. True, by dint of questions.1 3rd. Things are much pleasanter now the Chinese are here. The magistrate hints at overtures respecting opening a commercial intercourse between the Chinese and English through Bhutan. I cannot help exclaiming, in my mind (as I often do), what fools the Company are to give me no commission, no authority, no instructions. What use are their embassies when their ambas sador cannot speak to a soul, and can only make ordinary phrases pass through a stupid interpreter ? No finesse, no tournure, no compliments. Fools, fools, fools, to neglect an opportunity they may never have again ! 2 4th. My medicines do wonderfully well, and the patients are very grateful. They have petitioned for me to go with "the man darin to-morrow towards Giansu, and not to have the misery of staying here for an answer from Lhasa. The secretary and others have also asked for us, and the mandarin has consented. Some of our things are gone to-day. We go to-morrow. This is very plea sant. I hear of several patients in Giansu already. Tout mieux, though it is a great trouble. The magistrate of the place has neglected lately to supply us with provisions, but the Chinese send us plenty of exceUent vegetables. 1 Mr. Manning then details his treat- port by the Government of India, re- ment for each patient. commending him to the good offices of 2 One would gather from this that the authorities, without other official Mr. Manning was given a simple pass- recognition. Ch. II.] LEAVE PARI-JONG. INTENSE COLD. 219 CHAPTEE II. FROM PARI-JONG TO GIANSU. We left Pari-jong early in the morning of the 5th of November. I expected to have set out after breakfast ; but we were caUed up before four in the morning, as they wanted our things and our beds. Bitter frost. The wine, or rather beer, I had ordered over night arrived just as we were setting off. There was no wine to drink, as it must be heated first. Before dayfight I heard the gun go off: the signal that the General had left the place. I went down to the street, and found the head Tibetan interpreter and his second waiting for us. We mounted at dawn of day, and scampered over the plain. Snow all round on the mountains — a strange sight. Sharp frost. About three miles off we passed the mandarin's flag. He had stopped there to settle some cause and take refreshment. Soon after he overtook us. I salamed him as he passed, and we went on in company. We came to a tomb of stones with stakes at top, adorned with hundreds of bits of cloth. A raven sat crouching on the top of one of the stakes. The mandarin ahghted and prostrated himself to the ground, as did some of the soldiers, others not — we not. It is the tomb of a holy man. They caU it Pusa. I was surprised to find the ice so strong. The sides of running brooks would bear our horses well ; but this was only the first or second day; afterwards, the land lying lower, the frost was much less severe. After riding about 25 miles we found two tents pitched; one for the General and one for me. Here we had boiled mutton. I went up to the General, and thanked him for his kindness in permitting me to go on with him, and stayed about twenty minutes; then on again. Soon afterwards the sun became obscured, and a terrible cut ting wind blew upon us. I was not sufficiently clothed against this. I had a thick heavy cloak on, which one of the soldiers had lent me. The aide-de-camp had also lent me a sheepskin 220 A NIGHT SCENE. BAD HORSE-GEAR. [Ch. II. under-cloak, which I thought too much, and had packed up with my things. I was so bruised and bit and cut by this wind, that when we came to our resting place I was in a sHght fever. I Med on the cushions before a good fire, but could not recover thoroughly till next day. At night, ten or fifteen of the in habitants of the vUlage settled themselves in the dirt around our fire, and the scholar of the place made out their shares of expense for provisions for the General and his party, including us. It was a curious scene. A shoe-shaped pan, with a bit of cotton lighted in the bottom, and two or three lumps of tallow laid over, was the lamp. -The clerk held the paper in one hand and the pen in the other. One man flared the light as close to him as he could, sloping it, and shoving in the taUow with his finger as the light grew dim. Another put the inkstand in his way when he looked about for a dip. They were eager and noisy. Afterwards they introduced the dice, using their hands for a box, and gambled for their shares and perhaps for money. Afterwards they con tinued gambling tiU late in the evening. I saw the hayta (weety peety), a strange appearance in the air, strongly resembhng the flight of innumerable birds. It is the conflict between the extreme cold and burning heat of the sun. It deceived me at first, and my servant afterwards. I frequently saw the same appearance afterwards, but never so strong. There are very few birds in Tibet. I heard now and then the weety-peety cry of a few smaU birds among the stones and rocks, and on the waters were flocks of wild ducks (very tame) and other wild fowl, but not more than may be seen on all lakes, meres, and broads.1 The next day I was stiU a little unwell, and they told us that the cold and wind would stUl be severe ; which proved untrue, as it was pleasant the whole day, except when the passage between the mountains became narrow, and then it was uncomfortably hot. They gave me a vicious horse. While lengthening the stirrup he kicked, and bit at me. Now I must observe, once for all, that the common horse furniture in these regions is detestable. Shrivelled bits of leather, full of knots, for the stirrup leather ; it is almost impossible to untie them, and when done will not take a new bend. Again, if one can be altered, it is a great chance if the other side 1 A Norfolk word, showing where Mr. Manning hailed from. Ch. II.] A RUNAWAY HORSE. 221 admits of it ; and as for making the two sides equal lengths, it is a great chance if after haK an hour it can be effected. Consequently, setting off at daylight in a hurry, among Tibetan servants, whose language I did not understand, and in the bitter cold, I generally went with one leg long and one short. The bridle was often so short that I could barely reach it ; and I managed to hold by the leading rein, which always accompanies the bridle in these parts. Often the bridle broke in the middle of the road ; sometimes the stirrup leather ; sometimes the saddle, high behind and before, was so short that I sat in pain, unless I twisted myself unequally. After walking the horse ten miles — our pace was generally a walk, and upon the average we did not go three miles an hour, conse quently, although our journeys were 12, 14, 20, and, at the most, 30 miles per day, we were from many dawns till evenings' close on our horses — my knees ached so much in consequence of the short stirrups, that I was forced to ride side-saddle fashion. These and other petty inconveniences I shall in future pass over ; they would be as little entertaining to the reader as they were to me. But to return to my vicious horse. He happened to have remark ably bad furniture. In lengthening the stirrups they made them so long that I could scarcely reach them with my toes. I mounted him without his playing any tricks, and thought myself secure ; but whether it was the unusual length of legs he felt at his belly, and the unusual mode of riding that made him impatient, or whether it was his natural temper alone, I do not know : he grew headstrong, and would not keep his place, but pressed forward. He fatigued me very much. A soldier offered to change with me, but I thought he would be a good goer after he had had a little run. I put him ahead, and gave him two or three notices with my heels that he might go his own pace. He changed his form instantly ; set his head and ears, and at once sprang forward in a full runaway gaUop, with the most furious and awkward motion I ever ex perienced. I could not have imagined he had ever been so fleet. The bridle was of little use. I puUed and sawed at it as hard as I dared ; I could easily have broken it. I expected every minute my stirrup leather would break, though I pressed as lightly as I could; but what was worse, the road, which at first was tolerable, grew worse and worse, and I saw we were coming to the fearful bog we 222 THE CALOCHU LAKE. [Ch. II. had passed the day before, which was full of concealed holes, frozen knobs of earth, flakes of ice, and had proved troublesome to walk our horses over. I reckoned upon a serious fall, but I believe he had had enough. A man driving cattle stood still, in his way, upon my clamorously invoking his assistance, and my horse made that a pretence for falling into a trot. I turned his head towards my companions, who were now nearly a mile off. When they came up they insisted on my changing, which I refused, until I saw they were a Httle angry, upon which I dismounted and exchanged for a quiet creature, who was as wilHng to keep behind as the other was to run ahead. What with the violence of the exercise, the weight of my clothes, and the remains of my fever, I felt myself a good deal agitated ; by degrees I recovered, and felt no ill consequences after it. This day we approached the edge of a lake or sea, and here a cushion was spread for the General, and another for me, and tea was served. I had eaten but little, and had preserved some bits of cold meat in my wooden cup, which I drew out of my bosom and ate, and it now proved very acceptable to my stomach. The lake x was frozen ; at least that part we were next, and would certainly have borne me. My skates were not many mUes off, but I was not well enough to regret the losing this oppor tunity of showing my skill. We stopped but a few minutes and proceeded on to where the lake becomes a river, in a narrow pass between the brown, dry mountains ; here it was open in the middle, and running briskly. There were many fine, fat wild ducks on it, which were very tame, and let us come close to them. The people of Tibet never disturb them : they eat no birds; but, on the contrary, let the birds eat them. The sun here was burning hot. There were a few miserable-looking houses scattered about, looking like ruins of villages, as the Tibet houses often do, and a few patches of arable land. We passed on through the defile to a large village, where we two were shown into a strange cavern of a house, and told it was our lodging. It was low, long, dark, narrow, black, windowless, and full of smoke. I sat sometime on the wall beside the house, breathing the pure air and enjoying the sunshine, before I ventured to explore it. At 1 This is the Calocbu of Mr. Bogle. (See p. 73.) Ch. II.] A SMOKY LODGING. 223 last I crept in, and when I arrived at the farther end found cushions and a good fire, and the good woman of the house pre paring the pot. Though it seemed at first so narrow, it was in fact a wide, large room, supported by pillars, leaving an alley in the middle, and against the pillars were a great many packages, which concealed the sides, and left nothing visible but the aUey, which I took at first for the whole room. There seemed to be several families belonging to it, and at night several women and girls came in, who undressed themselves in the sides, and spread their beds, long after I was laid down and quiet. I now and then took an impertinent peep, but the smoke was so thick and the light so bad, that I could discern nothing. Every time they opened the door there came a stream of cold air upon me, which prevented my sleeping, and they were not all retired till very late. Getting up and going to the door I found two guards lying before it, in the open air, seemingly very comfortable and composed. I have often seen this since, and learned that it is by no means a miserable situation. A European is not at first aware of the thickness of their clothing and covering. He figures to himself a miserable man in the streets or fields in England, on a bitter, sharp frosty night in January, and shudders. This night, as well as many others, I slept in my clothes. It was a great trouble to me to undo my bedding, which was but Ul contrived ; and to get up in the morning before dayHght, and arrange it again, and cord it, in a place where I had scarcely room to stir, and where the smoke was so thick that the slightest exertion made me breathe quick and almost suffocated me, and where all was dirt and dust, was painful even to think of, so I often lay in my clothes, as I had done many, many nights at Pari-jong. The next day the valley opened a little. A stream flowed in the middle. There were stumps of herbs and brown grass, but stUl not a single tree or shrub to be seen. I saw deer feeding at a distance. We made a very short stage, and put up at a sort of caravanserai which seemed to be destined to receive the mandarins and other public officers. Our room was a little sort of balcony open in the side towards the south. A cloth was stretched against the open side, which moderated the cold in the night. Here a sheep was kdled, to be carried along for next day's provisions, as the place we 224 HOT SPRINGS. [Ch. II. were to lodge at was miserably poor; and Sid in the morning brought me a cup of stewed lights, in order to ingratiate himself, for he wanted to become our servant, and to go with us to Lhasa, which he afterwards did. We continued along the barren valley, seeing no diversity, but the ever-varying shapes of the still more barren mountains, whose colour, where it was not actually sand, slate, or granite, was a melan choly pale mouldy green, produced no doubt by the scaly covering of dried stems and withered herbage, until we came to two or three houses, one of which was an edifice raised from the ground, and the others were sunk into the ground, having their roofs level with the top of the slight eminence in which they were sunk. The mandarin lodged in the house; we, in one of these cellars, which I found snug and warm enough. A pot of young growing onions at one corner of the room was the greenest thing I had seen for a long time. We had the room to ourselves. The corporal came to see us, as he always did, and asked us if we wanted anything, and sat and chatted for a few minutes. The next morning the General did not rise so early as usual. The sun was up and lively before we mounted our horses. Lounging about, waiting for the General, I was very near walking against a great dog that lay curled up, and which I took for a sack, until somebody called to me and bid me beware. My horse was so weak, so tottering, and so stumbling, and trembled so whenever he set his foot on a stone, which was about every other step, that I could hardly keep up with the company. With great care I got him on gently three or four miles ; after which both he and the road improved. We passed some hot springs ; 1 one of which the soldiers called me to look at. I saw the steaming water, but had no time to examine it. I asked whether it was medicinal. They said it was famous. We then passed a strange strait between the mountains, where the water seemed to flow uphill. We went upon masses of stones for a long way ; afterwards the road opened into a little area, filled with religious piles of white stones, and with a sort of open temple in it, where was carved a strange gigantic figure.2 From this we descended down to the river, which was now considerable, and my eyes were refreshed with the sight of a few trees, and some 1 See p. 181 ; and Turner, p. 220. " Sec Turner, p. 222. Ch. II.] DISCOMFORTS OF TRAVELLING. 225 shght appearance of cultivation. We forded the river, and trotted up to a pleasant sunshiny village, where the people were bustling about, and where we were to lodge. The Munshi and I were shown into a little apartment on the first floor, which opened upon a spa cious flat roof or terrace, defended by a parapet wall. I was now so eaten up by Httle insects, which I shall not name, that I was compelled to set aside shame, and sitting down on a terrace but tress in the sunshine, dismiss as many of my retinue as I could get sight of. Shame prevented me at Pari-jong from performing the operation otherwise than partially and by stealth, for there I was scarcely ever alone for a single minute ; and shame still more strongly prevented me, on the road, in the houses where we lodged, before curious strangers, men, women, and chUdren around me. I suffered a good deal from these little insects, whose society I was not used to. I shall say no more of them than that I did not get thoroughly rid of them until some time after my arrival at Lhasa. 226 ARRIVAL AT GIANSU. [Ch. Ill- CHAPTEE III. RESIDENCE AT GIANSU. The next morning we were off early, though we had but a short stage to Giansu. I had a very pleasant-going horse with a hand some countenance. I was tempted to buy him, but was checked by the prudent consideration that he might encumber me at Lhasa, and too much disencumber my lean purse. Half-way towards Giansu we were met by the sub-mandarin and the Tibetan man darin, with their retinues, come out to meet and honour the General and give him a meat breakfast. From his table the soldiers brought us two or three very palatable viands, which we did justice to. Our room was one extremity of a stable, parted off for us by a cloth, in the Asiatic manner. The word stable might suggest for a moment the idea that we were treated with indignity, but not so. The house was filled with official people; we being but an appendix to the General, could not dine with them. Not to separate me from the rest, consisting of servants and soldiers, would really have been treating me with indignity ; besides, our luggage required a separate room ; but to settle the matter at once, there reaUy was not any room in the house better than this same corner of a stable. It was the freest from dirt and the smoothest paved I had seen for some time. There were good cushions with the little table before them to hold pans of parched flour ; and though we heard the horses kick at the other end, we did not see them, except when curious impertinents lifted up the cloth. After dinner we all rode gallantly forth towards Giansu, where we soon arrived. Upon approaching the town we met several China men, and my companions underwent the troublesome ceremony of dismounting and exchanging salutations with them. My Munshi admitted that this Chinese custom was one that might be advan tageously dispensed with. Giansu is a large town, half situated on a hill and half at the Ch. III.] CHINESE APPEARANCE OF GIANSU. 227 foot. It makes a good appearance until you are close upon it, when the handsome white stone houses are converted into dirty white walls, and the windows into belfry holes. There is an abundance of water flowing about it, which they do not seem to know how to keep off the road. There is not a blade of anything green to be seen ; but there are cornfields around and a few trees, and in summer time I should judge it to have a gay appearance. Like every place I have seen in Tibet, it appears a little area surrounded by mountains without any visible outlet. These mountains, both at Giansu and other places, are many of them absolutely barren from foot to summit, as is the greater part of the valley between them. At the time I saw them they had so entirely lost their green livery as to present the same dismal prospect as their neighbours. We went to the area before the mandarin's house and tribunal, to inquire where we were to lodge. Here I was struck with the appear ance of everything being perfectly Chinese. The same neatness, the same folding doors and paved yard, the same figures of mandarins in ancient dresses smugly painted on the folding doors, the same Chinese characters pasted up, the same style of building, and, in short, an exact conformity to the Chinese models. While standing here there came up a man in a turban, who addressed me in Hindustani. I thought it better to seem to know almost nothing of that language. Indeed, I had not occasion to feign much, for though I know its construction, and can hammer out a few phrases in it, and when speaking with a native of Hin dustan above the common class, and who is perfect master of it, can manage to hold a little conversation ; yet I do not pretend to know the language, and when asked if I can speak it, I always answer, No. From those who spoke to him in broken Tibetan, and ex plained to us in Chinese, I learned that he was from Kashmir, which I also heard him say in Hindustani. The General appointed us a little lodge in the courtyard of the principal house. Here again I seemed to be in China. We took possession of our apartment, which was clean and papered, with a papered window, and door opening to the south. Whatever we required was soon supplied us* by the Chinese soldiers who had been under my Munshi, and by others who meant to apply to me. One brought rice, one brought meat, another brought us a table, another Q 2 228 CLOTHING FOR COLD WEATHER. [Ch. III. brought a little paste and paper and mended a hole in the window, another brought us a present of a pen and candles. There were many inquiries. Every Chinaman in the town came to see us and salute us. Two tomb-like brickwork structures against the wall, with good thick cushions on them, were the places to lay our beds on, and here I slept much more comfortably than I had done for a long time ; while the cold was much less. The level of Giansu is much lower than that of Pari-jong, and lower than that of any place between. The rivulet flows the whole way towards Giansu with considerable rapidity. I had suffered so much from smoke, my breath was so affected by it, and my hands and face were so stained by it, that I determined to live without a fire. We scarcely believe in England that it is possible to be comfortable in sharp frosty weather without a fire, but it is very possible and very practicable : there only needs good warm clothing from head to foot ; for how is it that we are comfort able in bed in cold weather? A Chinaman's or Tibetan's cold- weather clothing may be considered as a moving bed ; but what makes it more easy in Tibet than it would be in England is the extreme dryness of the air, and the fervent sunshine, which streams forth all day from a cloudless sky. This mode of clothing and being without a fire is inconvenient in some respects.1 If the hands be employed in writing or otherwise, they become pinched with cold ; everything they touch feels like ice. In taking exercise the body becomes too hot, and particularly the feet; many, I believe, on this account use too scanty clothing for their feet. These partial heats and colds occasion frequent rheumatic fevers. Again, the Chinaman, with his smug shaved head, has his ears and part of his head entirely -exposed, for of course he wears the same shaped cap here as in China ; he can no more change his clothing to adapt himself to Tibet than an Englishman can to adapt himself to India.2 1 The rich have occasionally a large the absurdity of the English dress, by pan of charcoal set in the room. There gravely observing how lucky it was is no wood in the country, consequently the Russians had no settlement there, the charcoal, which is brought from a for their fur dresses would be an iu- distance, is very dear. — T. M. tolerable nuisance to them. The per- 2 Generally speaking, a Chinaman's sons to whom I addressed it could not dress is much better adapted to variety say, " Oh, they would leave them off" of climate than a European's. When because they would be aware that I in India I used frequently to rally should say, "No more than you your Ch. III.] PREJUDICES RESPECTING DRESS. 229 This exposure of the ears and head to the cold wind is also, I beHeve, the cause of rheumatic pains and toothache. We went out to present ourselves to the General, who was vastly civil and polite. He invited us to dinner for the next day, neckcloth." The warmth and thick ness of a European's cloth coat is not so great an evil, though evil enough in a hot climate, as the tightness of his clothing, which occasions throbbing, and a stifling sensation of heat and sweat, and probably may be very in jurious to the health. He will deny, I know by experience, that his clothes are inconvenient, but his natural efforts to relieve himself betray the contrary. When he comes home in the evening, though he be not going to bed for an hour or two, does not he take off his neckcloth and unbutton his breeches' knees, with a pleasing, inarticulate expression, denoting that he is some what relieved — that his blood has room to circulate. As I myself have used both kinds of clothing, the European and the Chinese, in hot climates, I can with confidence assert that the dif ference in comfort, particularly while sitting still, is very great indeed, and in favour of the Chinese dress. And the same is true in very cold weather ; but in taking exercise in moderate weather or in cold weather there is an advantage on the side of the European dress. Women in Europe, if there be a bush or branch in the way, or other mere nothing of an impediment, or if anyone stamps on their robe, or only the foot of a chair, betray a slight uneasiness, and often give vent to some expression of discontent. I have often, when dressed in long slight robes, caught myself in a similar state of mind, and using similar actions and expression, and have observed to my companions that now I understood thoroughly what the evil was that women often seem to make so much of and men make so slight of. This is one of the inconveniences of loose robes that descend to the feet. It seems to me not refining too far to say that this habitual fear of entangle ment, and the facility with which the dress can be laid hold of, tend to take off from a man's boldness. To invent a new dress is a matter of great difficulty : to alter a national dress is perhaps a still greater dif ficulty. The inconvenience which a European suffers from his dress in India he attributes to the climate; or if he does allow that a cloth coat is hot, yet he says, " for gentlemen to meet in society without cloth coats would be highly improper ; that custom cannot be changed." He adds, " The natives would not respect us in any other dress ;" as if it was the cut of a European's coat that held the natives in subjection, and not the Europeans. The natives respect the Europeans, in spite of their dress, for their vigour of body and mind. I am persuaded they would honour them more if their dress was less monstrous ; as it is, no doubt respect and fear are associated with that dress ; they would soon be associ ated with any other the Europeans chose to adopt. The military gentle men I have conversed with in India seem still more certain of the abso lute necessity of wearing tight cloth uniforms. They reject with scorn and contempt the idea of making any change, and consider the men that pro pose a change as very ignorant of the duties of a soldier. The slender-limbed sepoy cannot sit down without un buttoning his pantaloons. If he wants to pick up anything off the ground he is obliged to convey it to his hand with his foot ; he cannot stoop for it as the other natives do ; yet he, too, is proud of his dress, and would not willingly change it I suppose. — T. M. 230 CIVILITIES FROM THE MANDARIN. [Ch. III. and recommended me what clothes to purchase. He advised me to adopt the Chinese dress completely. Nothing indeed was wanting now but to put on my Chinese boots which I brought from Canton, and purchase a Chinese hat. Next day, according to appointment, we dined with the General. The sub-mandarin was invited to meet us. I soon found out that the General was no better than an old woman ; and it was not long before my Munshi adopted the same opinion. I called him Sai-po-ti, a title which my Munshi afterwards always used when speaking of him ; but he was very much of a gentle man, and very civil and polite to me. He was of a good Szechuen family, and by the mother's side a Tatar. The sub- mandarin I perceived to be rather vulgar and awkward, but he seemed a well-disposed man, and I thought him sensible. I after wards learnt that he had risen from the ranks entirely by his merit. The General gave us a tolerably good dinner, but his cookery was but indifferent. I thought his wine excellent. He was greatly taken with my beard, and seemed as if he never could sufficiently admire it. He adverted to it both then and after wards on other occasions. He named such and such a mandarin, such a one he thought had better moustaches ; in fact, I had kept mine cut short in India, for convenience of eating soup and drink, and they were not yet full grown. Afterwards, when I had combed my beard and adjusted it properly, and he saw its tapering shape descending in one undivided lock, he again expressed his admiration, and declared he never had seen one nearly so handsome. The General likewise approved of my countenance and manner; he pretended to skill in physiognomy and fortune-telling. He foretold very great things of me. He also foretold good things of my Munshi, but said he was rather hard and unaccommodating. Whether he saw it in his face or in his actions, or knew it by what was told of him by the soldiers, I cannot tell ; he certainly hit the mark. The sub-mandarin, learning I was fond of flour victuals, for I had eaten so little of that food since I left Eangpiir that I had quite a craving for it, politely invited me to a pastry breakfast. He called it a slight pastry breakfast ; but besides flour-made viands in meat gravy, there were excellent little sausage dumplings, and Ch. III.] VISIT TO A TIBETAN MANDARIN. 231 other preparations of meat, and good wine. The cooking was better than at the General's ; in short, I thought this breakfast very much to the purpose. I made him a present of a little cherry brandy, and he afterwards made me a present of a few candles. I went to pay my respects to the Tibet mandarin, who lived in a sort of castle on the top of a hill. The Munshi 1 would not go with me ; the reason he gave was because there were no horses sent for us. The distance was about a mUe ! I believe it was that, as a Chinese, he began now to think himself a man of consequence ; in fact, he began to display his pride and act with a haughty demeanour towards the Tibet people, which afterwards became doubly conspicuous, and obliged me to counterbalance it by being over civil. The mandarin was evidently puzzled how to return my visit, as he could not visit me without visiting the Munshi. It was ill behaviour in the Munshi not to go with me, as he was professedly my interpreter ; but I liked much better to go without him, as I could speak more freely ; for if he was present, every question I put or observation I made must pass through him, and if his sublime crossness did not approve the question or obser vation, it was with some peevish word or gesticulation either refused to be passed or else garbled into another thing. I had a Chinaman with me who spoke Tibetan. He was one of my patients and a good- natured fellow. I was ushered into a very large lofty room, with an immense window to the south, full of papers and records, and scribes. The mandarin after a few minutes came in, and tea was brought. We sat together on cushions, and discussed Calcutta and Tibet, for about half an hour, when I took my leave. He inti mated that he would call on me the next day, and would send me some eatables. I had made him a trifling present. He sent some rice and a useful piece of cloth, but did not come himself. Another mandarin came in his stead (inferior, I believe), and made some apology ; I forget what. I had great success with my medicines. I had so many patients now, both indoors and outdoors, that my time was fully occupied. My outdoor patients gave me the advantage of having 1 This is the Chinaman who came with Mr. Manning from Canton ; elsewhere called his Chinese servant. 232 MR. MANNING AS A PHYSICIAN. [Ch. III. to take dafiy exercise (either the patient or one of his friends always sent me a horse and guide), and of seeing the internal economy of their houses. I attended one Chinaman who was very ill of a continued fever he had had for several days. I gave him antimony. Whether it was the antimony or whether it was 'that his fever was come to a crisis I know not ; but after two days his head was clear, his fever gone, and he was so persuaded it was the effect of my medicines, that when I saw him again he went down on his knees to me and bowed his head to the ground, in thankful ness. Another Chinaman, very poor and living in a miserable . manner, had an intermittent fever, as had also his wife. I cured both of them clearly and satisfactorUy. I gave them opium, Fowler's solution of arsenic, and afterwards left them a few papers of bark. The mother-in-law also, who had the complaint of old age, I cheered up with a little comforting physic; and she considered herself under great obligations to me. With various other patients I had more or less success. There were some of the old rheumatic com plaints that baffled my skiU, and would not yield to the physician of a few days. The water at Giansu is extremely bad, except what is fetched from a considerable distance. I advised aU my patients, as well as others, not to spare a few pence or shillings, but always to send for the good water. I was persuaded that the ordi nary water drank day after day gave them pains and sweUings. They were of the same opinion too ; it was the general belief of the place ; but the facility with which the water was come at, and the apparent innocence of a cup of tea made with it, beguiled them ; and I am afraid my admonition has had but Httle effect. I several times meditated putting on my skates, but the want of a large sheet of ice, the trouble of going out to seek a place that would at all suit my purpose, and my incessant occupation in seeing patients and making up pUls, prevented me from carrying my wishes into effect. I now made a present of a smaU rouleau of silver to the secre tary, and another to the sergeant or aide-de-camp. They accepted here what they refused at Pari-jong, but I beHeve would not have been discontented if I had given them nothing. Upon examining my luggage, which had stood unmolested two or three days, I had the misery to find all my clothes and parcels converted into solid Ch. III.] THE GENERAL'S ADVICE. 233 lumps of ice. This was owing to the carelessness of the box drivers, who, in passing the river, had neglected to heave up the baskets, and had suffered their bottoms to trail in the water. Nothing had escaped except my Munshi's box. I had in Bhutan given away some of my boxes as they became empty, and had exchanged all the rest for light wicker baskets, which are more convenient for the porters. I had not reserved one box for myself, but had aUowed my Munshi to retain his, which was an excellent large Calcutta trunk, Hght and water-tight, and contained aU his things.1 I had great trouble in thawing and drying my things ; many things were injured and some spoiled. The General often came to see me ; for like many other generals he had nothing to do, and was glad of a morning lounge. I used to receive him in my sunshiny courtyard, rather than in my room, which was somewhat littered. There he sat with me and smoked a pipe or two, and chatted. We sat in my two chairs, and the rest (the soldier and attendants) stood the while. Upon seeing my linen hung out drying, he mightily wondered why I had brought so much light clothing. He called it much, though in fact it was very Httle ; six or eight grass-cloth gowns and two gauze gowns, and a few light drawers, were all that could be deemed useless in Tibet at that season ; for shirts I stiU wore, though perhaps he was not aware of that, and took my eight or ten Madras longcloth shirts, which were flapping on the lines, for so many light summer jackets. He advised me by all means to leave these things at Giansu, and not encumber myself with them to Lhasa. But this was idle advice, even if I had meditated going no farther than to Lhasa and speedily returning again ; for though they seemed to occupy much space when spread out drying, when folded up they really made altogether but a very small parcel, and added nothing to the apparent quantity of my luggage. He repeated this advice on other days, but I seemed not much to hear what he said, and turned it off as well as I could ; and lucky it was that I did, as afterwards, at Lhasa, when no money came to me from Eangpiir, it was by the 1 It was also very convenient (with never offered it to me for that purpose. the help of a chair, &c.) for him to — T. M. spread his bed upon, and sleep on. He 234 A NEW SERVANT. [Ch. III. sale of these and other things that I managed to keep my pot boUing. I had now another Chinese servant. I had asked the General at Pari-jong to allow me to have one, and I beHeve he immediately made up his mind what man to allot me, though he pretended he would consider and look out. He could not keep the secret, so close but that I had many intimations what his intentions were. There was a fellow with him in the capacity of cook or cook's helper, who had fixed himself, I know not how, upon the General at Lhasa, and foUowed him to Giansu. He gave the man no wages, I understood, but suffered him to live with him, and now he was very glad to get rid of him, and pay him out of my pocket. The feUow was a noto rious scamp, and two dollars per month would have been very hand some wages for me to give ; for as to the pretence that he was an excellent cook, it was nothing to the purpose, as, in the first place, I did not want a servant in such an exalted capacity ; and in the second place, the fellow in fact knew nothing at aU about cooking. It was intimated to me one morning, that the General had fixed on a servant for me, and if I would step over to his house he would send for the man, that I might see if he suited me. So I found I was to go through the farce of pretending not to know who it was ; of saying, " Oh, that is the man, is it, General ? And what does he ask for wages ? " There certainly was some obhgation the General was under to this fellow which induced him to ask me six doUars per month for him. I hesitated, and expressed my surprise at the man's asking so much, saying that it was more than my slender means could afford (the General knew that I was very bare of money at present, and that I hoped for a remittance from Eangpiir). I offered two doUars. The General said that was too little. We spht the difference, and settled it at four dollars. I acquiesced with good humour, as I saw the General had made up his mind and had his reasons. I told my Munshi that it was a great deal too much ; but whatever the General had determined I should have given without discomposure. The General further stipulated that he should have two months' pay in advance ; to which I also agreed with alacrity. My Munshi would not allow that it was high wages for the man, though high for our pockets. He thought him an excellent cook, and was not undeceived for a long time. There was a good body Ch. III.] DINNER WITH A PATIENT. 235 of a Tibetan woman in our kitchen at Giansu, who was accustomed to Chinese cookery, and she and he together certainly made very palatable dishes ; but as soon as we left Giansu, I found out that our famous cook did not understand even the elements of his profession. I communicated my discovery to Munshi, but finding he took it crossly, and was inclined to quarrel about it, I dropped the subject and never said another word about it until we parted with the fellow ; even when my Munshi had found it out for himself, which seemed to be soon after we arrived at Lhasa, and was partly occasioned, I believe, by excellent dishes we ate at a mias, where comedies were acting, and none of which our great cook could imitate. Even then, when Munshi strongly expressed his dissatisfaction with him, I made no observation, except simply and coolly agreeing, with a yawn, that he knew nothing about cookery. I had nothing new to say upon the subject. This fellow, good for nothing as he was, made himself useful. He had a fuU share of impudence, and claimed things, too, on the road which a more modest man would have let go by. In drying and folding up my linen he saved me infinite trouble. The Chinese are aU expert at little domestic offices : folding up clothes, pasting up a hole in the paper, making up parcels, driving a nail where it is wanted, tacking and stitching. They certainly are taught these things in their infancy. For my part, I never could to this day fold up a shirt or other vestment. A handkerchief or sheet I can manage, but nothing further ; everything else I roll up, so that if I had to put together my Chinese dresses after I had dried them, I should have made a very clumsy parcel. One of the soldiers who had been my patient both at Pari-jong and here at Giansu, for pains aU over his body, the remains of a former ill-cured complaint, and who now was much relieved, begged hard that I and my Munshi would dine with him. He had a pleasant apart ment, and gave us a comfortable dinner, not sparing his wine, and knowing that I was fond of wheat flour had plenty of farinaceous food served up. We were waited upon by his wife — a good- dispositioned tidy body, who was also my patient for a trifling complaint, and to whom the soldier seemed much attached. A Chinaman would think it ill manners, indeed, to permit his wife to sit down with his guests. Nor should a young wife, in strict pro priety, appear at all among the guests ; but among the lower orders, 236 A CHINESE GENERAL'S CONCERT. [Ch. III. and particularly here in Tibet, where the women have greater free dom allowed them, and where the Chinamen's wives are in fact but concubines,1 who, except perhaps in a few rare instances, are left be hind when the husband returns to China, they are not so scrupulous. I had made the young dame a present of a looking-glass and other trifling articles upon entering the house, and had given a piece of money to their little boy, by which I had much gratified both them and the husband. A strange rustic, from the province of Szechuen, lodged for a day or two in the apartment on the opposite side of our court yard. He was on his way to Hontsong,2 to see his father, who was a high mandarin there. He was a gross, clumsy, ruddy-faced young man, about twenty, and I should have taken him for some farmer's son. He was silent and seemed uneasy, perhaps from family dis tresses ; and all the observation he communicated to us respecting his travels was, that the country he passed through was detest able. He came over several times, and sat a little while with us, but scarcely spoke. He gave me some very good macaroni, and I upon that made him a little present. Through his stupidity I thought I saw tokens of a good disposition in him, and perhaps he was far from being stupid by nature. I had heard that the General was fond of music, and no bad performer. I took an opportunity one day, while he was smoking his pipe in my courtyard, of introducing the subject, and paying my court to him by requesting the favour of hearing his music. This brought me an invitation to take an evening repast and wine with him, which was just what I liked. He gave us a very pretty con cert ; several of his soldiers were performers, and after the concert we all supped sociably together. He himself performed alternately 1 Although the damsels of Tibet are interim keep house by themselves, or said to be in general more free of their with their mother or nearest relations. favours than is consistent with the To judge by their countenance and rules of strict chastity, yet these con- demeanour, I certainly give full credit cubines are universally allowed to be to the praises I have heard bestowed faithful and well behaved. I have on them. — T. M. heard many of them praised by their 2 Some place to the westward of Chinese husbands for their good con- Giansu occupied by Chinese troops. duct. When then- husbands return to Probably Jonka-jong, the important China, they look out for an opportunity position commanding the Kirong Pass of making a similar engagement with into Nepal. See farther on. some other Chinaman, and in the Ch. III.] POSTAL DIFFICULTIES. 237 on several instruments, and with considerable taste. Two of the soldiers acted a musical scene from a drama, while he accompanied them on the Chinese guitar. The whole was done in a very good style. The Chinese music, though rather meagre to a European, has its beauties, and has, like most other national music, its peculiar expression, of which our musical notation, which we vainly imagine so perfect, conveys no idea whatever. The General insisted on my giving him a specimen of European (or Calcutta) music on the Chinese flute. I was not acquainted with the fingering of that instrument, but I managed to produce something which he politely praised. He made me play several times, always making poHte remarks. I constantly hesitated, assuring him the flute with him was in better hands ; which was true, and which gave him pleasure to hear. I tried a few country dances, but perceived that that quick kind of music was not very gratifying to their ears. I spent a pleasant evening, and stayed untU past my usual bedtime. The Governor's polite and kind behaviour, and particularly his permitting me to come on with him to Giansu, instead of miserably waiting at Pari-jong, had opened my heart, and I was determined to show my gratitude by making him a handsome present. I had nothing with me that would suit that purpose ; therefore, through my Munshi, I ascertained what he would like to have from Cal cutta, and determined to write for it. The same opportunity would serve for giving my friends an account of where I was, and request ing a reinforcement of money, and of some trifling articles. I wished much to send a special messenger, and assured the General there was no other way so certain ; but he thought it sufficient to forward my letter by way of a despatch to Pari-jong, with special orders to the magistrates to have it expedited through Bhutan. I had great difficulty in persuading the interpreter to give me the General's address in Tibetan language. He could not understand where the difficulty was of addressing a letter from Eangpiir to Giansu; not aware that the word Giansu is utterly unknown in Bengal, as is the Tibet appellation for Chinaman (Gummu). He and his scribe boggled at it above an hour, pro ducing various scraps of paper, some nothing to the purpose, some containing a long story and definition, as it were, of Giansu ; and my Munshi began to be cross, and would not famiharly illustrate the 238 ILL HUMOUR OF THE MUNSHI. [Ch. III. matter to them nor wiUingly suffer me to do so. At length, after various attempts, the eyes of their understandings opened to what I wanted, and they produced a proper address, which I enclosed in my letter. The General's wish was to have fine broadcloth, of a particular (violet) colour, sufficient for the very ample robes for a high mandarin : he meant, he said, to make a present to certain great officers in Szechuen ; he also wished for a pound or two of opium. I had learnt now, to my great sorrow and discomfort, that the chief mandarin at Lhasa was the identical Tatar chieftain who had been disgraced at Canton for his management during the Bengal J expedition to Macao. That he was a man of a particular sus picious temper, detested at Lhasa, and that he certainly would give us aU the trouble in his power. I slightly alluded to this in a letter to England, but putting a good face upon the matter ; for though I was annoyed I was not cast down. The answer from the Lhasa magistrate to my request to be permitted to proceed to Lhasa arrived a few days after we had been at Giansu. It was very favourable, and handsomely worded, ordering me to be pro vided with everything necessary, and to come on without delay. The evening of the day the answer arrived, the secretary paid us a visit. He attributed the favourable issue greatly to the excellent words he had inserted in the petition. Being pot- valiant, he let his tongue run on too freely, and boasted of his services rather more than he would have done if he had been sober. My Munshi, instead of laughing it off, began to be spleened, and could hardly keep his temper. He could not bear anyone should repeat the same thing twice, or dwell upon frivolous circumstances. With my patients, for example, he was perpetually in Ul humour and crossly checking. I told him it was natural for sick people to indulge in descanting upon their complaints, and to attach im- 1 If I was to qualify that senseless force was sent from Bengal, by Lord expedition with the epithets I think it Minto, to garrison Macao. The Por- deserves, I might seem harsh.— T. M. tuguese did not oppose, but the Chinese When the projects of Napoleon as- made objections, and the dispute went sumed threatening proportions, the on until an expedition was fitted out English Government resolved to take to attack Canton, which was abandoned under its protection the colonies of its just at the very moment it ought not. ally Portugal. Madeira and Goa were (See Sir John Davis's ' China,' ii. garrisoned by British troops, and a Chap, in.) Oh. III.] ILL HUMOUR OF THE MUNSHI. 239 portance to trifles very tedious to listen to; that there was no occasion to be very attentive to their repetitions and idle details ; but that I as their physician, and he as my interpreter, ought to be attentive, kind, and complacent. Munshi said it was not his nature ; he could not bear to hear people talk in that manner. He had been very angry with me once at Pari-jong, upon my saying that Puti, the woman who interpreted for us, and sold us wine, was a great fool. I could not at the time imagine in what I had offended him. I could not suppose he was in love with the lady ; for, though she was not old, she was wrinkled, and foolish and dirty. He now informed me that what annoyed him on that occasion was, recollecting that not an hour before I had made the same observation. The General talked sometimes of his military exploits and toils, and assured my Munshi how much more hardy and active and en during the soldiers were in his young time than now. I suppose the General told him some anecdotes over twice, or oftener, for I observed towards the end of our stay at Giansu, and afterwards, he spoke more harshly and crossly of the General than I thought there was any occasion for. He was angry with me but once during our stay at Giansu, when upon some trifling occasion he broke out with such bitterness and fury as was scarcely endurable. I begged of him not to eat me up, as I wished to proceed farther on my journey ; and then for the first time opened my mind to him on the unfortunate state of his temper, and lamented my Ul luck in having a person with me to whom I was so afraid of putting a question, that I was perpetually deterred; it being necessary for me first to go round about, and with civil speech and preface bring him into the humour to listen to it and answer it. That this necessity was a grievous burden to me; that I never used the same precautions with any English gentleman, what ever was his rank. He answered these remarks without much asperity; only observing that he wondered why I brought him with me from Eangpiir ; that I should have done better for myself to have left him behind. When these fits were over his behaviour returned to its usual cross level, and I to my usual serenity ; never on any occasion taunting him with what had passed, or making any allusion to it whatever. 240 CHINESE WARM CLOTHING. [Ch. III. The General now determined a day for us to depart from Giansu, and mentioned in his despatches to Lhasa what day we might be expected there. It was not to be divulged or known at Lhasa that we had come on with him, but it was to be supposed that we had waited at Pari-jong for the answer from Lhasa ; so that the question for the General's sagacity to solve was what day we ought to leave Giansu, so that our arrival at Lhasa, and supposed departure from Pari-jong, might quadrate with the usual equation on these roads between time and space ; and I doubt but his solution was perfectly correct, as I never heard of any objection being started as to our arrival at Lhasa being too soon or too late. The tailor soldiers now brought home our clothes. My robe was prodigiously heavy. It was an ample coarsish red woollen- cloth robe with fur cuffs; it was lined with cotton cloth, and upon the cotton cloth was stitched a dressed sheepskin with all the wool on. I had also bought stockings of the same kind of sheepskin, under which, if I pleased, I could put one or two pairs of common worsted or cotton stockings, and over all draw my Chinese boots, so that I was able to keep my feet cosey whatever weather might ensue. I had a sort of fur tippet, and a quUted cap to defend my face and ears, and which I found very useful at Lhasa, always wearing it in the streets during the very cold weather when I went out to visit the Grand Lama or mandarins early of mornings ; although by so doing I perhaps provoked the laughter of the Chinese, among whom it is very unfashionable to wear anything over their ears, except on journeys, that I dare say they would rather have their ears drop off in the streets with cold than cover them. Even the little plush beaver hats they wear in the house, which the common people wear also abroad, are so turned up as to cover only the tops of their heads. I bought one at Lhasa for the house, and wore it turned down comfortably, spite of the remon strances and smiles of my Munshi and servant, who assured me it was not worn so. I told them my ears were of more consequence to me than the fashion. Cn. IV.] JOKES WITH THE CHINESE SOLDIERS. 241 CHAPTEE IV. JOURNEY FROM GIANSU TO LHASA. On the morning of our departure our friends came about us to assist us and see that all was right and tight. We called on the General, who afterwards had the politeness to come down to our lodging to see that we wanted for nothing, and to give such orders as he thought might be useful to us. After that we chatted half an hour with the soldiers.1 I made a few jokes to make them laugh. To the soldier I had dined with I gave in charge my large fine Hght bamboo Cochin China umbrella hat. For the joke's sake he put it on. It was impossible for him, as a Chinaman, to wear such a thing ; and I, to increase the hilarity, putting on a serious face, begged of him to take care of it for me, and not wear it out. This joke was so good that, with slight variations, it bore repeating three or four times. At last we took leave, mounted our nags, and trotted off. Our horses were stout and good, and I expected to have had them for aU day. The General had promised that he would take care that the magistrate should give us a passport of the best sort, and such as would make the village we lodged at provide us horses for the day. I have no doubt he intended it to be so, and gave such orders, but he did not look close enough to it. The magistrate merely continued us on the same passport we came with from 1 The word soldiers may suggest the was, yet had all of them the civil idea that we were among rough and manners and gentleness and unmilitary fierce companions at Giansu, but not carriage of body of so many tradesmen, so ; though their title was military, or tradesmen's clerks. Yet these men their appearance, demeanour, and ought to be among the best of the manners were perfectly civil. The Chinese soldiers. They guard the soldier tailor had the delicate skin, frontiers ; they have occasional skir- the indoor gestures and actions, mishes with the Nepalese and Bhu- the gentle voice, unwarlike mien of tanese. The enemies they have to a real tailor ; and the rest, if their contend with are still inferior, I believe, appearance was not quite so much and have less military art among a contrast to their profession as his them.— T. M. E 242 MILITARY POSTMEN. [Ch. VI. Pari-jong. Whether it was that this arrangement was reaUy much more convenient to him, or that he was offended at my Munshi's want of respect, and determined to treat us slightingly, I cannot say. We had not gone three miles out of the town before our sturdy horses and bluff cattle were exchanged for sorry jades, lean kine, and ^half-starved, tottering asses, scarcely able to bear the burdens imposed on them. One of the horses was without a bridle — this, they said, was of no consequence, he was very gentle ; the saddle of the other was so small and narrow from head to stern, besides being imperfect and having a great brass bump in the middle, as to cramp me and render my ride uncomfortable. We got on very slowly ; the sun was scorching hot, and from the nature of the soil reflected strongly against our faces. One side of mine was completely blistered ; and though the stage was short, when we arrived at our resting' place I was really indisposed, from fatigue of uneasy posture, heat, and vexation. Our lodging was at the postmaster's. At every stage, from Szechuen through Lhasa and Shigatze to Hontsong x and the borders of Nepal, is stationed at least one Chinese soldier, to forward the despatches. These post-houses, though from the barrenness of the country they are miserably furnished, yet compared with the ordinary Tibet men's houses, they are elegant and comfortable. The Chinese are really civUized, and do not live Hke cattle ; and it is a comfort, after having lodged in smoke and dirt with the native animals of Tibet, to take shelter in a Chinaman's house, where you are sure of urbanity and cleanliness at least. Our host was a great coxcomb. He was young and rather handsome in his person (and had a handsome Tibet wife), and affected great elegance in his manners and diction. This character amused me ; I had never seen it before among the Chinese, though upon inquiring of my Munshi he said it was not uncommon in China.2 1 Clearly Jonka-jong, the important For the moat part they are totally igno- Chinese post, at the head of the Kirong rant of the doctrines of their religion, Pass, leading to Nepal. and only acquainted with some of its 2 Almost all the Chinese in Tibet are external rites!. Our servant knew from the province of Szechuen, and a nothing further of it, I believe, than great many of them are Muhammadans. that Muhammadans circumcise, and* Our fool of a servant was a Muhamma- abstain, or rather ought to abstain^ dan. This coxcomb was a Muhanimadan. from pork and wine. T. M Ch. IV.] MOUNTAINS OF THE CENTRAL CHAIN. 243 The next day our ride was more pleasant and not so hot. Our road seldom lay far from the river, which flowed through the valley towards Giansu, for both this day and the preceding, and part of the next, we gradually ascended to a higher level. We again lodged at the post-house, which was large and, comparatively speaking, magnificent. Our host was quite a different character from the last, being the reverse of a coxcomb, careless in his speech, and not talkative. By something particular in his civility I knew that he wanted my medical assistance : it was for his child, who had an ulcer in an awkward place behind. I left them lotions, and directions. They were very thankful, and his wife or yateu catened 1 me. We were off very early the next morning, after having taken by candle-Hght a good meat repast which our host gave us, and which our cook had been busy in helping to prepare for hours before day light. It was a bitter cold morning. We had now drawn near a set of snowy mountains. One of these mountains we partly wound round. On coming to the side where the streams descend from it, our way lay over masses of ice, which our horses scrambled over with some difficulty. In general, the Tibet horses are very sure footed upon the ice, making but few slides. We afterwards passed at an inconsiderable distance from a small glacier,2 which descended down to the level of the road we were on. Munshi and our servant now pushed forward, whUe I continued to jog on with the conductor, who did not seem inclined to leave the cattle drivers. Upon coming to a vUlage where there was a considerable ascent and descent, I found my Munshi waiting for me. He had let the fooHsh servant trot on by himself. He had done prudently, as it was at this village we were to stop and refresh. Here I found that 1 Caten means bow down the head central Himalayas, from which several to the ground ; it is the name for the of the main tributaries of the Ganges Chinese prostration before high man- and Brahmaputra, and one branch of darins. In saluting the Grand Lama the Ganges itself, take their rise. The I always gave him three catens. The Indus, Sutlej, and Brahmaputra break Chinamen in general, I believe, give through it from north to south ; and him only one.— T. M. tue Painam, or Penanang, along the 2 The Pundit of 1866 also noticed a valley of which Bogle, Turner, and glacier between Giansu and the Yam- Manning travelled, from south to dok-chu Lake. He calls it a very large north, flowing to the Brahmaputra. one. This is the great range of the B 2 244 THE PALTI LAKE. [Ch. IV. the fame of my medical skill was not promulgated on the road by my servant, but had preceded me, and been conveyed from station to station by couriers or other travellers from Giansu. Almost as soon as I entered the postmaster's house I predicted to my Munshi that he would apply to me as physician. It was for himself and for his pretty wife. I felt both their pulses with due gravity, inspected their eyes and countenances, inquired into particulars, and gave them pills, and directions. Our servant, after proceeding some way alone, found out his error, returned and mounted the hill again, time enough to help in preparing our repast. Pursuing our course, and gradually descending, the valley at length opened into a large stony plain, at the end of which stood a considerable town1 on the margin of an extensive lake,2 or Httle sea, as it is 1 Probably Piahte-jong of the Pundit of 1866. 1 The Chinese name for these pieces of water is slaitz. Slai signifies sea, and tz (son) is in this case a sort of diminutive. If the word sealet was current in our language, it would serve to translate slaitz. — T. M. This was the famous ring-like lake of Palti, which has appeared on all maps since the days of D'Anville. The peculiar lake of Pulti, Piate, or Yam- dok-chu, with its great central island, like a large ring, first appeared on the map prepared by D'Anville, from the survey of the lamas, under Jesuit in struction, which was published by Du Halde in 1735. It has been repeated on all subsequent general maps. Giorgi, in his ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' (1762) says, that " Palte Lake, otherwise called Jangso or Yamdso, according to native report is of very great size, so that a man could not journey round it under eighteen days. It is three days' journey from Lhasa. From the middle of the lake rises a continuous chain of hills and islands. On the southern side is a monastery, the abode of a great queen, who is born a second time, called Tor- eepano. She is honoured as a real goddess by the Indians and Nepalese, who worship her under the name of Bovani. The Tibetans believe a cer tain holy spirit is re-born in its divine essence in this hideous female, just as in the Grand Lama. Whenever she issues from her house, or from the island, or journeys into the city of Lhasa, a procession precedes her," &c., &c. Mr. Bogle, it will be remembered, made the acquaintance of this female divinity ; and Dr. Hamilton cured her of an illness, and visited her constantly. (See pp. 105, 108, and 109.) Mr. Manning is the only English man who ever saw Lake Palti, and it appears from the text that he was not aware that the hills on the opposite shore formed an island. On the 1st of January, 1866, the Pun dit, trained and sent on his travels by Colonel Montgomerie, arrived at the banks of the Palti, or Yamdok-chu Lake, at a small post called Piahte-jong. He describes the breadth of the lake as varying from two to three miles, and says that it is reported to be very deep. In the centre of the lake there is a hill, at the foot of which are situated a number of villages. The circumference of the lake is about 45 miles ; it is crossed in wicker boats covered with leather. The Pundit rode along the banks from Piahte-jong to the village of Demalung, from which point the lake stretches to the south-east about 20 miles, and then turns west. This is the Puudit's account of the lake, extracted from his diary. He Ch. IV.] MUNSHI'S WANT OF APPRECIATION OF SCENERY. 245 called^ From the opposite or farther margin of the lake rose diminutive mountains in a continued chain, which bounded the whole prospect in front.1 It was near close of day when we reached this town. We had difficulties in procuring a lodging. Our guide had left us to go to the magistrates. Our servant had formerly had some quarrel with or had offended the Chinaman stationed here, and did not choose to apply to him. We rode up one way, and down another, and loitered about, until at last we were shown into a wretched place, where the apartment had walls only on three sides, the fourth being open like a coachhouse, without doors. Moreover, we were told they could give us nothing to eat or drink. As we had money in our pockets, there was no danger of starving in a large town, not to mention that we had provisions in our waUet — mutton and butter, besides a piece of excellent pickled pork that the General had, among other things, given us for prog on the road. So I left them to settle the dispute as they liked, and sat down on the roof of the house to enjoy the view of the lake at sunset. My Munshi did not seem to have much relish for prospects ; he never made a single observation on any one (or indeed, scarcely on any other subject) during our whole journey. I once brought him to acknowledge, coldly acknowledge, the beauty of one. It was the opening to our view of the vaUey of Paro. The living crystal stream purely flowing and sparkling through the valley as far as the eye could reach ; the cornfields and pasturages ; the sunbeams checked by the branches of trees ; the houses, here collected into villages, there scattered into single farms ; the wooded hills, with cattle grazing on their brows ; the bold spires and cliffs ; blue tops of distant mountains — I made him confess that this was a charming sight after the dreary forests and mountains we had passed enveloped in mist and rain. further reported to Colonel Montgo- lake had no outlet, but, he says, its merie, that he was informed that the waters were perfectly fresh. Mr. Man- lake encircled a large island, which ning, on the contrary, says, in the text, rises into low, rounded hills, 2000 or that the water of the lake is very bad. 3000 feet high, and covered with grass The Pundit's observations make the to the top. Between the hills and the lake 13,500 feet above the sea ; and the margin of the lake several villages and island rises to 16,000 feet above the sea. a white monastery were visible on the ' These are the hills of the large island. The Pundit was told that the island in the centre of the lake. 246 TRAVELLING ARRANGEMENTS. ("Ch. IV. Our conductor afterwards made his appearance, and told us his mission was at an end ; he was now to return to Giansu. This surprised us ; we expected he was to go with us to Lhasa. I gave him a small gratuity, for which he was very thankful, and went away. But now I found I had been too hasty in my donation ; yet it was with the concurrence of my prudent Munshi. I should have deferred it untU he had delivered us and our luggage into the hands of some other conductor ; for we soon found that we were left destitute ; nobody to provide us horses and cattle. My Munshi and I consulted together, and agreed that it was best for him to go to the Chinaman's house, show him our pass, explain our case, and ask his assistance. Upon going into the street, Munshi found our old conductor surrounded by the townspeople, who clamorously pressed upon him, and seemed almost to be coming to blows with him. He was representing our case and trying to serve us ; but these townspeople, it seems, had no inclination to forward us on to Lhasa. Whether it was that they thought their cattle better employed for other purposes, or that they wished us to honour their town with our residence, I cannot say. I suspect the former. However, Munshi went to the Chinaman, who came and presently settled the matter for us. He sat down in one of our chairs, and affecting all the decisive gravity and authority of a magistrate, determined what horses we wanted, and provided us a con ductor, to whose care we entrusted all our goods and chattels. I had no suitable present at hand to give the Chinaman for his good services, and money might have offended his worship ; so we wrapped up two or three pieces of sUver in paper, and Munshi went again to his house and presented it to his wife. This was gratefully received as'a full recompense for his trouble, and ensured his future services, in case anything further should happen to annoy us. We ate our suppers, hung up an old cloth over part of the room to keep out a little of the wind during the night, spread our beds, and went to sleep. Our people came very late the next morning, and were a long while in getting our things off; and we had not gone six nriles along the lake before we changed horses. We stopped at a respectable farmhouse, where the family had, I thought, very pleasant faces, and great kindness of manner. They were the Ch. IV.] TRAVELLING ALONG THE SHORES OF LAKE PALTI. 247 first Tibet people I had seen that I at all wished to be ac quainted with. As the weather was rather cold, the old man of the house ordered a pan of coals into our room, for us to warm our fingers and noses. I was sorry I could not talk with him. As for using the medium of my servant, who spoke bad Tibetan fluently enough, it would have been to no purpose. His impertinent, insolent manner did not at aU harmonize with ours. I was vexed and pained to see him encroach upon their kindness, and imperiously demand their services, as it were, keeping the attendants waiting with the broth-pot, after he had enjoyed a plentiful repast, and had as much remaining in his cup as he meant to eat ; when with a single word he might have let them go and finish the pot by them selves, whUe it was warm and good. Though I could not speak, I tried to express by my manners and countenance that then: kindness was not thrown away upon me ; and as in these cases there is un doubtedly a great sympathy, I trust they partly understood my sentiments. We now wound round the lake to a village on the other side, where we changed again. Here the people were miserably poor. The scholar of the viUage read our pass, and found that they were bound to provide us meat; but they pleaded their poverty, and begged us to be contented with che-broth and parched flour. Their plea was not in vain. I knew it to be no fiction ; the whole country had been afflicted with bad crops for successive years, and this year a cruel, lolling, latter frost, with hail, desolated their fields, and blighted a great portion of their corn. We travelled on, still winding round the lake, in a narrow, stony path between that and the mountains, and in the afternoon I found we were exactly opposite to the town we had set off from in the morning, at no great distance, separated from us only by the width of the lake. I could not help thinking that a ferry-boat might very advantageously be added to this town's appurtenances. But it seems no boats whatever are used on this lake ; and though it is stored with fish, which are a great relief to the poor in the summer time, when they come into the shallows and towards the shore, and suffer themselves to be caught, yet they have no nets, I was told, or method of taking them out of the deeps ; so that it is only during a few months of the year that they avail themselves of 248 PLAYFUL RAVENS. [Ch. IV. the ample provision Nature had laid before them. The water of this lake is said to be very unwholesome ; it is not drank by the inhabitants of the surrounding villages,1 though I found they per mitted their cattle to water at it. I was told they have a custom of throwing their dead into it, which I have no reason to disbelieve. The number of wild fowl in the lake is very inconsiderable. From what I saw and heard of Tibet, from its barrenness, and from the nature of the soil, if soU it may be called, I should judge that it cannot possibly support large flocks of birds. I do not know from what data or what observations Mr. Turner drew a contrary con clusion. Turning my head back towards the west, I had a noble view of a set of snowy mountains collected into a focus, as it were ; their summits empurpled with the evening sun, and their majestic, graceful forms ever varying as I advanced 'into new positions. Though I kept a long, long lingering eye upon them, yet I heartily wished that I might never see them again, My lips almost spon taneously pronounced this wish repeatedly, as I apostrophized them in my mind. Fruitless wish ! Our resting place was a smaU town2 on the borders of the lake, embellished and rendered conspicuous by a lofty, massive castle, the residence of the magistrate, who, they said, was a woman, and of whom they complained as capricious and tyran nical.3 I was amazed for a long time with observing the numerous ravens that were playing about the castle and floating over the lake. I did not know that they were so social, so frolic some, and so joyous. They wantoned about in a thousand different manners and postures, sometimes pursuing each other, and making a mock fight ; sometimes separately ; sometimes rising ; sometimes falling with closed wings ; sometimes floating awhile in the air on their backs ; sometimes lying edgewise ; sometimes whirling round the building with vast rapidity; and aU with an eagerness and joyousness of motions and cries and screams that showed the over flowings of happy sensations too plainly to be mistaken. Many of 1 If the water is so brackish there is 3 This, doubtless, is the female in- no reason for doubting the report of carnation of Giorgi, whose acquaint- the Pundit of 18G6, that the lake has ance Mr. Bogle and Dr. Hamilton no outlet. made. (See -pp. 108, 109, and the 2 Probably the Demalung of the foregoing note on the Palti Lake.) Pundit of 1866, Ch. IV.] THE MUNSHI GRUMBLING. 249 the ravens about this lake, and many in Lhasa, emit a peculiar and extraordinary sound, which I call metallic.1 It is as if their throat was a metal tube, with a stiff metal elastic musical spring fixed in it, which, pulled aside and let go, should give a vibrating note, sounding like the pronunciation of the word poing, or scroong, with the lips protruded, and with a certain musical accent. The other is similar to that of the ravens in Europe, yet still has something of the metaUic sound in it. Whether there be two species of ravens here, or whether it be that the male and female of the same species have each their peculiar note, I cannot say. Munshi, who had been to the postmaster's to consult and talk with him, came in and informed me that there was no meat to be had in this place ; that we must make shift with what we had with us. This gave me no concern ; it scarcely made any impression on me ; but somehow at supper he fancied I was discontented, and opened with cross speeches, saying we were not great mandarins, he could not command things. I laughed, and assured him (which was really true) that I did not perceive any deficiency in our supper. It was as good as usual, was it not ? What had we at other times superior to it ? Thus, as I was provoked to it, obliquely hinting my contempt for our servant's cookery. In fact, we this night had some of the General's excellent bacon simply fried ; we had eggs, we had flour food, butter, and, if I recollect right, there was a little bit of mutton. A very little satisfies me. I am not at all anxious about my meals, but my palate is very discriminating with respect to the qualities of things, whether wheat, or rice, or meat, and also with respect to the cookery ; and I prefer a boiled egg and salt to an Ul-dressed ragout. We had still six or eight miles more along the margin of the lake, after which we were to leave it to the right, and cross over a mountain. We sauntered along to the village at the foot of this moun tain. Our servant came slowly after us : he was miserably mounted, and always impatient and brutal with his horse. He had thrown him down and broken our China cups. We found no horses ready for us at the village ; they were to seek and fetch up from a considerable distance. The consequence was we were obliged to wait a long time, and set forward a full hour later than we ought. The height 1 The raven of the Arctic regions (Corvus corax) also gives out a bell-like croak, 250 ON THE BANKS OF THE TSANPU. [Ch, IV. of the mountain was trifling. After a mile and a half or two mUes easy ascent we were at the top ; but the level of the vaUey on the other side was considerably lower than the one we departed from. The descent was long, tedious, and in many places trouble some.1 It was dark and sUent night before we reached the village we were to lodge at.2 Our conductor was far, far behind, with the baggage. Our servant rode about from house to house vainly endeavouring to find a place for us. After about half an hour the Chinese postmaster came out and escorted us to our desti nation. Whether it was that my Munshi, tired of the servant's folly, had applied to him, or whether it was that he heard us tramping and talking in the streets, I did not inquire. Being warmly clothed I had a perfect nonchalance on these occasions, and if we had stayed two hours in the street I should not have been impatient or discomposed. We were ushered into a sort of open gallery. The night was fine and calm, though frosty ; the house was full of smoke, and I was glad we were not invited into it. The master of the house took our passport in hand, which consisted of about ten lines. Our servant held one of our candles to it. With an audible voice the good man hammered through it again and again, and in the course of about half an hour he seemed to have spelt out and acquired some notion of its general purpose, and gave it back into our hands. At one end of the gaUery I found a lofty-walled, square chamber, open at top, in which was pUed plenty of clean straw. I made myself a nest and lay down and took a nap whUe supper was preparing. I intended passing the night there, but after lying about an hour, I found a certain damp and chilliness descending from the sky above, which, together with the remonstrances of my servant, who was more used to the climate than I, dissuaded me from it. We chose a spot under cover, where there was a wall behind, and on one side, and the house in front, which, though not absolutely contiguous, formed a sort of third wall. The fourth side was partly sheltered by beams and rails. I ordered plenty of straw to be brought, pulled my red woollen nightcap over my ears, lay down in my clothes, and slept as usual. Though I felt no immediate ill consequences 1 The Pundit of 1866 calls this the Khamba-la Mountain, and says it is the boundary between the provinces of U and Tsang. 2 Probably the Khamba Barchi of the Pundit of 1806. Oh. IV.] CROSSING THE TSANPU. 251 from thus sleeping exposed to the frosty night air, I believe it to be injurious to a European, who cannot endure to entirely cover up his face and head. I afterwards, at Lhasa, had a pretty severe attack of the acute rheumatism, which— though it might partly be occasioned by frequent alternations from heat to cold, from broiling sunshine to frosty shade, and by the exposure to early morning cold, to which I was subjected during the first part of my residence at Lhasa — I cannot but partly attribute to these partial and im perfect night shelters. We were now in the valley in which the town of Lhasa stands, distant from it about fifty or sixty miles.1 No part of Tibet that I have seen is so pleasant as the part we passed through in our next morning's ride. The valley was wide, a lively stream flowed through it, houses and villages were scattered about, and under the shelter of mountains, on the iarther side, was a large white town, pleasantly situated, and affording an agreeable prospect. The place was not destitute of trees nor of arable land, and an air of gaiety was spread over the whole, and, I thought, on the faces of the people. We stopped while horses were preparing under a shed in a large, clean, pleasant paved yard, like an inn yard in England. We had good cushions set out for us, and were served with suchi, with a cheerfulness and alacrity I had not before witnessed. They also brought us a joint of good mutton to put in our wallet. We trotted on until we came to a town standing on the bank of the river.2 From this town we descended down to the sandy shore, and found a large and good ferry-boat ready to waft us over the stream,3 whose width here was considerable. We all went over together, men, cattle, and baggage. The reminis cences occasioned by the motion of the boat brought on a fit of European activity. I could not sit still, but must climb about, seat myself in various postures on the parapet, and lean over. The master of the boat was alarmed, and sent a steady man to hold me tight. I pointed to the ornamented prow of the boat, and assured them that I could sit there with perfect safety, and to prove to them how commodiously I was seated, bent my head and body down the outside of the boat to the water's edge ; but finding, by 1 The valley of the Tsanp'i, or Brahmaputra. " Probably Chaksam Chori of the Pundit of 1866. 3 The great river Tsanpu, or Brahmaputra. 252 A DAWDLING COOK. [Ch. IV. their renewed instances for me to desist, that I made them uneasy, I went back to my place and seated myself quietly. As the boat drew near shore I meditated jumping out, but was puUed back by the immense weight of my clothes and clumsiness of my boots. I was afraid of jumping short and having the laugh against me. Our conductor trotted forward to a village standing at some distance from the road, and ordered out fresh cattle for us. We changed expeditiously ; after which I cantered away with the con ductor, who did not pull up till we arrived at the end of our day's journey.1 The house was occupied by Tibet military going to Lhasa, to be examined for promotion, but there was a vacant upper room for us, from the terrace of which I inspected what was going forward in the yard. I saw the soldiers, their bows and their clumsy muskets. The principal officer had a strong horse, sumptuously furnished, which soon after our arrival was led out for him ; and he and his escort set forward. Upon this we went down to a lower room, more convenient, and near the cooking place. The postmaster of this village or town came to visit us, and proved to be of the same province as my Munshi, who, upon that score, invited him to dine with us. He was a grave, well-behaved man, but his company was not very entertaining. At night, after I was in bed, I heard our servant chopping away and preparing things for our next morning's breakfast until a very late hour. To answer the preparations he made he ought to have served us up a sumptuous repast. I could not help laughing, upon seeing provided next morning nothing but one dish of minced meat and some wheat- flour biscuits. He was extraordinarily slow in his operations. I have afterwards, at Lhasa, seen him the whole day in preparing two common dishes for the evening; and when we hired another servant, who was to go on errands and go out with us, and give the cook time to get through his vast operations, he absorbed him, too, into the kitchen, and the day was not long enough for both working conjointly. I am persuaded if we had hired four servants he would have employed them all from morning till night in the kitchen, preparing his two or three nothings. The following day's journey was rather long. It was divided 1 Probably Chabonang village of the Pundit of 1866. Ch. IV.] THE RIDE TO LHASA. 253 into four stages. At the end of the first stage, I was struck with the sight of a child lying neglected and apparently in convulsions. Going up to it, I found that the sunbeams had now entered the shed where it lay, and were shining fiercely upon its face and eyes. I brought my cushion, and placed myself so as to intercept the rays, when the convulsive motion ceased, and the little face assumed a serene smile. At the end of the next stage I do not recollect that anything remarkable occurred. I saw a fat country fellow standing before a magistrate telling his story, or making some complaint: he held his hat in his hand, and was scratch ing his head as naturally as countrymen do in like situations in England. The third stage was short. My Munshi begged of the conductor to let him proceed on to Litong, the close of a day's journey, without changing his horse. To this the conductor assented ; upon which he and the servant trotted off. He was desirous to get in, in time to see after horses for our early departure next morning, as he was particularly anxious to be in Lhasa the next day before noon. Indeed, he seemed to consider that absolutely necessary, and that if we did not appear before the great mandarins before noon, we should be guUty of a fault which they would hardly forgive. I rallied the notion in various ways, but in vain. The Chinese, certainly, have a pernicious dread of their mandarins : it occasionally upsets their senses. As I was in no hurry, I determined to wait for the conductor, with which he seemed pleased. After Munshi was off, I went into the house, and was served with some excellent suchi and parched flour. This seemed to be a sort of religious house. I saw no family, but a great masculine woman made her appearance now and then before the door, whom I took to be a nun. She might be the lady abbess for aught I know. There were whirligigs set up in the house,1 which the conductor piously twirled as he passed 1 These whirligigs are cylinders turn- about with them, and are almost con ing freely on an axis, within-side are stantly turning ; the other a fixed sentences and prayers. Turning the whirligig, moving on a vertical axis. whirligig is equivalent to reciting the These are of various sizes, some as big sentence, and is a substitute for it, for as a clock-case, some about the size of the use of those who are so ignorant as a quarter peck. In the avenues of the not to be able to recite. They are of temples there are hundreds of them in two kinds : one a hand whirligig, which a row, which good souls twirl one after the pious vulgar perpetually carry the other as they pass along. Those 2-54 THE RIDE TO LHASA. [Ch. IV. them. I do not know whether it was expected of me to twirl these machines. I certainly never did all the time I was in Tibet ; for though I am a great conformist in certain ways, take me in another line and I am a most obstinate non-conformist, and would sooner die than swerve a tittle. As soon as our horses were ready, and the baggage was adjusted to the cattle, my guide and I set forward briskly. We tinkled 1 over the stony plain, and through the broad and shallow streams of water, untU we came to a sort of rocky hill, which we must ascend and descend. Here the guide dismounted, and seemed to expect that I should do the same ; but my boots had hurt my heels, and I was determined, if possible, to ride over this hill. Upon coming to bad places, he two or three times looked back, and intimated to me that I had better lead my horse. I sfciU persisted, but at last, in the descending part, we came to an absolute staircase. The guide looked at me, and smiled. I smiled and shook my head, con fessed myself foiled, and dismounted. When we had gained the level plain, we again pushed on; but the sun was set, and the shades of night coming on before we could reach Litong. Here 1 found Munshi in dole and wrath. He had sent out the servant, as soon as they arrived, to seek for the man whose business it was to provide and take care of us. He had been out above an hour, and he was not yet returned. I had none but the old receipt for him — patience. He came back shortly after, and informed us that the said man happened at this time to be so drunk that he could neither stand nor go. This was a great mortification to my Munshi. He feared we should be off late the next morning, and, in truth, the sun was up long before we set off. We had not gone many miles before we were met by a respectable person on horseback, who dismounted and saluted me ; then, mount ing again, rode on with our guide. Upon inquiry, I found this was a person sent out by the Grand Lama or his people, or by the Tibet who use the band whirligigs acquire the adopt the rosary, as it would be a habit of twirling them meohanically. means of procuring me respect and It is the same with the chaplets of beads. good treatment in Bhutan and Tibet. I have seen a man with his hands be- But this was one of the points in which hind him regularly shoving on his beads I could not conform. — T. M. with his thumb, and all the while talk- > The guide's horse has a bell at his ing about other matters, or even dis- neck, which when he moves keeps up puting. I was advised in Bengal to a perpetual tinkling.— T. M. Ch. IV] THE PALACE OF POTALA. 255 magistrate of Lhasa, to welcome and honour me, and conduct me to the metropolis. We hurried into the town where we were to change horses, but our haste was fruitless. There we were obliged to wait until our baggage came up long, long after us, and until it was adjusted upon fresh cattle. If we now had galloped all the way to Lhasa the sun would have been in the south before we could have been in the august presence of the Tagin.1 This was exceeding discomfort to my Munshi, but great comfort to me. I much dis liked the idea of hurrying to Lhasa, and without any kind of refreshment going before the mandarins, sweltering and heated, my boots hurting me every step I set; and I could not comprehend what crime it was for travellers like us who could not command prompt attendance, arriving an hour sooner or an hour later. As there was no use in hurrying now, we proceeded calmly on. As soon as we were clear of the town, the palace of the Grand Lama presented itself to our view. It seemed close at hand, but taking an eye observation upon the change of certain angles as I advanced eighty or one hundred paces, I sagaciously informed my Munshi that it was still four or five miles off. As we approached, I perceived that under the palace on one side lay a considerable extent of marshy land. This brought to my mind the Pope, Eome, and what I had read of the Pontine Marshes. We passed under a large gateway whose gilded ornaments at top were so Ul fixed that some leaned one way and some another, and reduced the whole to the rock appearance of castles and turrets in pastry work.2 The road here, as it winds past the palace, is royally broad; it is level and free from stones, and combined with the 1 Tagin means great man. It is an When the mass is very great and appellation given to high mandarins compact, whatever defects there may of a certain rank in China. At Lhasa be in the detail, the effect of the whole there were at this time actually in office is always, I believe, grand and imposing. only two Tagins. — T. M. This is the case with the palace of the 2 The least deviation from symmetry Grand Lama, which has no beauties or and correctness in certain parts of archi- symmetry in detail, but as a whole has tecture, and where the mass of building a striking and grand effect. Even the is not enormous, soon destroys the effect Tuilleries, than which when examined of the most magnificent plans, and re- part by part nothing can be more ugly duces them to mere gingerbread build- or misshapen, yet viewed as a whole ings. That severe and correct accuracy strikes the eye as a majestic mass. — which we Europeans inherit from the T. M. Greeks is unknown, I believe, in Asia. 25G ARRIVAL AT LHASA. [Ch. IV. view of the lofty towering palace, which forms a majestic mountain of building, has a magnificent effect. The road about the palace swarmed with monks ; its nooks and angles with beggars lounging and basking in the sun. This again reminded me of what I have heard of Eome. My eye was almost perpetuaUy fixed on the palace, and roving over its parts, the disposition of which being irregular, eluded my attempts at analysis. As a whole, it seemed Potala. The Palace of the Dalai Lama. (From Kircher 's ' China Illustrata/) perfect enough ; but I could not comprehend its plan in detail. Fifteen or twenty minutes now brought us to the entrance of the town of Lhasa. If the palace had exceeded my expectations, the town as far fell short of them. There is nothing striking, nothing pleasing in its appearance. The habitations are begrimed with smut and dirt. The avenues are full of dogs, some growling and gnawing bits of hide which lie about in profusion, and emit a charnel-house smell; others limping and looking livid; others ulcerated ; others starved and dying, and pecked at by the ravens ; some dead and preyed upon. In short, everything seems mean and gloomy, and excites the idea of something unreal. Even the mirth and laughter of the inhabitants I thought dreamy and ghostly. The dreaminess no doubt was in my mind, but I never could get Ch. IV.] ARRIVAL AT LHASA. 257 rid of the idea ; it strengthened upon me afterwards. A few turns through the town brought us into a narrow by-lane, and to the gate of a courtyard, where we dismounted, and, passing through that yard, entered another smaller one surrounded by apartments. We mounted a ladder, and were shown into the room provided for us. 258 VISIT TO THE MANDARINS. [Ch. V. CHAPTEE V. LHASA.1 Our first care was to provide ourselves with proper hats. The General, indeed, had given us a handsome light one, but his was a small Ciceronian head (in shape, I mean), and neither I nor my Munshi could get his hat on, and the Munshi informed me that if it was enlarged the marks of alteration would render it unfit to wear. I, indeed, as a foreigner might wear it so, but he as a Chinaman among his countrymen would not, except in the house. Notwithstanding this, he afterwards had it altered into an exceUent hat for himself, and wore it perpetuaUy. The hatter took our measures and lent us two hats for the interim. We learnt that this was the time of reviewing the Chinese troops. There was a small encampment by the side of the town, where the mandarins daUy inspected the exercises. The great men were stiU in their tents and would not return to their tribunals and be at leisure to see us before the evening. Thus the load of "guilt which pressed so heavy on my Munshi's conscience was washed away with a single word. I was sorely afraid lest the Tatar mandarin should recoUect having seen my face at Canton, or should recollect my name, or remember having heard of an Englishman of my description, strangely residing at Canton, and suspected of wanting to get into the country. Besides, he had Canton servants with him, who were stiU more likely to have seen and heard of me. I put on my China spectacles to disguise my eyes as much as I could, and away we went to the tribunals. It was a long way to walk with a sore heel. I was very much heated. I inwardly grumbled. Coming into their presence I, for the first time in my life, performed the ceremony of ketese. My Munshi was afraid I should dislike the 1 The Pundit of 1866 reached Lhasa surrounded by mountains. It is in on January 12, and remained until 29° 39' 17" N., and 11,700 feet above April 21. He says that city is two and the sea, according to the Pundit. a half miles in oircumference, in a plain, Ch. V.] UNCOMFORTABLE LODGINGS. 259 ceremony ; he knew how averse the Europeans are to bending, but I had no objection whatever, insomuch that, on the contrary, I was always asking when I could ketese or kneel ; and if there was an option between one ketese and three, I generally chose to give three. To the Tibet mandarins I sometimes knelt down, or made as if I knelt, though this was displeasing to my Munshi. He wished this mark of respect to be paid only to Chinamen. In fact, the com mon Chinese use no ceremony with the Tibet mandarins. They are not to pay them the due reverence, and to offer them an inferior kind would be a sort of insult. I being indifferent towards either side was desirous of treating both as equally as possible. There was no danger of the Tatar mandarin recognizing my person. The old dog was purblind, and could not see many inches beyond his nose. They asked a few questions, made polite inquiries after my health, and accommodations on the road, and intimated it was they who had provided my lodgings. I wish they had omitted this intimation : it meant nothing, being mere empty words, as they had no concern whatever with my lodging nor with the meat and rice which were offered me upon my arrival. All these things were provided by the people under the Grand Lama or by the Tibet mandarins. But afterwards, when I found our room exces sively cold and inconvenient, and was unwell, and wished to change and have some other room, which could have been done without any difficulty, my Munshi thwarted me and absolutely refused. The great mandarins had given us this ; to change would offend them ; whereas they did not care one farthing where I lodged, provided I paid for what I hired ; but such is the superstitious dread the Chinese have of their mandarins. Our room was large ; had two smaU unpapered windows to the north and west; no sunshine entered at them : in the middle of the roof was a very large aperture (four feet square or more) through which the freezing wind came eddying day and night. I was obliged to spread my thin bedding on a rough, stony, uneven floor — ground, for I cannot call it a floor. There were, indeed, two stout cushions given us, but they were of unequal thickness. I did not know how to adjust them. My Munshi, who was expert at these little operations, had not the complaisance to teach me or assist me, but took them on my first rejection for his own bed, though his bedding was much s 2 260 DIFFICULTIES IN TALKING CHINESE. [Ch. V. thicker than mine; and besides that, he spread it on his large smooth box, helped out and lengthened with a chair or other con trivance. Neither did he quickly comply with my request of having proper cushions made for me, but suffered me to lie in this uneasy manner many, many nights. Every order, every transaction necessarily passed through him. He begged me not to speak much Chinese, or to seem to know the characters ; it might bring him into great trouble. I thought this reasonable, and agreed to it. Consequently from the first everybody addressed themselves to me through him ; and if at any time I did try to act indepen dently I was referred to my Munshi, and begged to explain to him. I certainly spoke Chinese very imperfectly, nor was it hkely I should improve if nobody would converse with me. I was accustomed only to the Peking pronunciation. I very well under stood what the mandarins said, but the common vulgar Chinese at Lhasa, speaking the Szechuen dialect, using frequent cant phrases, provincialisms, and idiomatic expressions, pronouncing rapidly and slovenly, how could I possibly understand them readily ? A French man or other European wUl accommodate himself to a foreigner ; wUl repeat a phrase, give an equivalent, or, according to his abilities, explain a word. Not so a Chinaman ; if you misunder stand a single word the sentence is lost : he wUl neither alter it nor explain it. It is not for want of urbanity : he has not that custom : he immediately concludes that there is an invincible bar to your conversing with him. To this unaccommodating way was joined the unfounded prepossession that I was almost entirely ignorant of the Chinese language, so that with respect to speaking Chinese I laboured under great disadvantages at Lhasa. My Munshi had at first, in a peevish manner, declared that he could not, and would not continue to teach me at Lhasa : he was afraid. I took him at his word, and though afterwards we had good and perfectly safe opportunities, and I believe that he was desirous of using them in order to improve himself in English ; yet, as he made no overtures, I made none, and during the whole time we were at Lhasa we scarcely exchanged a single word in Chinese, or conversed on the subject of that language. He was so cross and unaccommo dating and ill behaved, that I avoided all conversation with him as much as possible, in order that no quarrel might ensue. When we Ch. V.] VISIT TO THE TIBETAN MINISTERS. 261 changed our lodging, and I had a room to myself, as I was at first Ul of a rheumatic fever, and ate nothing scarcely, we were separate the whole day, and I afterwards continued the custom of taking our meals separately. We lived on good terms. He used every evening after my supper to come into my room and sit awhile with me, and ask me to explain a few English phrases to him, which I always did with the greatest readiness. I read Chinese by myself. He saw me sometimes turning over one of their inconvenient dictionaries, and labouring hard for what he could have furnished me with in an instant. I could see that he thoroughly understood our relative situation, my reserve and alienation ; but how could I subject myself to the humihation of a refusal or improper answer to a request that I had moraUy a right to put to him authoritatively ? He should have asked me whether I wished to continue my studies with him. The smallest concession on his part would have brought me to amicable terms. I had lent a little Chinese novel to a China man at Giansu, who took care to forget to return it ; and though my Munshi wrote to him, and we knew that the letters reached him, he had the incivility to keep it, and not answer the letters. This was a great vexation to me, as it was a book which had been recommended to me. I brought it with me on purpose to read it at Lhasa. It would have amused me, and improved me in the Chinese idiom. I had no other famihar work with me but what I had read over and over again. We went the following morning to pay our respects to the two head Thalungs x in their tents. We sat down on cushions and drank suchi. They asked me whether our lodging was convenient. This was a good opportunity of intimating that it was rather cold, and that I wished to hire another. They made some civil answer in words, of course, which neither bound them nor me to anything, saying I had better rest a little whUe ; that they would provide me another, and pay for it. I wished to be explicit on that point, and to let them know that I intended to pay for whatever I had ; but somehow my Chinaman was backward in explaining my wishes, and now seemed to be famished with a new dread of changing without consulting the mandarins and magistrates, though I am 1 The four principal Tibet magistrates at Lhasa have the title of Thalung. This word is used both by the natives and by the Chinese.— T. M. 262 THE MILITARY MANDARINS. [Ch. V. sure, from the Thalung's manner, that he would have had no objec tion to my hiring a lodging ; only thought himself bound to make a faint offer of publicly providing everything for me I wanted. I inquired of the Thalung when it would be proper for me to salute the Grand Lama. He said I had better first rest and refresh myself a few days. This was very agreeable to me. I was muddled and dirty. My face and forehead, having been exposed to the scorch ing sun during our eight days' journey from Giansu, were fiery red, particularly on the right side, so as greatly to disfigure me. Besides, I wanted a little time to prepare and brush up my presents. We employed part of the interim in presenting ourselves before various mandarins and magistrates. At two or three miles' distance from the town were stationed soldiers and three military mandarins. The highest of them asked the question whether I had ever been at Canton. I said to my Munshi, "What shaU I say?" He answered for me, No ; I had never been there. I was inclined to speak the whole truth from the first, and declare myself an Englishman, for I had been guilty of no offence; but Munshi earnestly dissuaded me from it. Perhaps he was right. The second of these said mili tary mandarins was of the same rank as the general at Giansu, and was a relation of his. He was very civil and polite : he invited me to sit down, and ordered tea to be brought me. My Munshi seemed mad as the devil that I should be invited to sit down and he not. The mandarin was inclined to converse and ask ques tions. Munshi gave such snappish monosyllabic answers as reaUy alarmed me. I could not have thought that his ill temper could so entirely get the better of him. If he had gone there alone he would not have sat down. I was a foreigner, appeared as a respect able character ; was his superior in age ; was entitled 4o respect from my beard. I cannot see that he had any plausible grounds of offence and discontent. I only presume that his sudden fit of rusti- ness and ill humour was occasioned by the circumstance I mention, as it came on the moment I was seated. I took no notice of it to him then nor afterwards, nor he to me. He recovered by degrees while riding home. Ch. VI.] PRESENTS FOR THE DALAI LAMA. 263 CHAPTEE VI. VISIT TO THE GRAND LAMA. On the 17th of December, 1811, in the morning, I ascended the mountain, as they phrase it, to salute the Grand Lama and make my offering. I had but a trifle to present him with, not much more than a third part of the fine broadcloth I had destined for him, and that portion I had with the utmost difficulty, and by conveying it secretly into my Munshi's box, saved from the rapaciousness of the Bhutanese. Two pair of china ewers that I meant to decorate with (artificial) flowers, and present him, were unfortimately left behind at Giansu. I had a pair of good brass candlesticks which I had cleaned and furbished up, and into them I put two wax candles to make a show. To speak the truth, these candlesticks belonged to the East India Com pany. They were what were lent me for my use at Canton, and upon leaving that place I had honestly left them to be returned to the stores. But afterwards my faithful old China servant, taking the opportunity of a parcel that was sent me from Canton to Cal cutta, stowed them into the box with other things that he thought might be useful to me, and I, finding they were thus forced upon me, carried them off with me to Lhasa without scruple, and I am persuaded that after this my acknowledgment, the Honourable Company will not only acquit me of fraudulent practices, but will be very weU pleased with what has befallen their candlesticks, and with the high and honourable use I made of them. I had intended to offer the Grand Lama a sum of silver in the coin of Tibet, but was told that the smaU sum I could offer him, unless it was in foreign coin, would not make a handsome appearance. Luckily, I had with me thirty new bright doUars which, with as many pieces of zinc, I carried about with me for the purpose .of showing galvanic experiments. Upon showing these at Giansu the Chinamen were eager to buy them as belt ornaments, and I found that a few of 264 THE PALACE OF POTALA. [Ch. VI. them would be considered as a handsome offering to the Grand Lama. Accordingly I allotted twenty for that purpose, and six for the Ti-mu-fu, or Hu-lu-tu, which are names given to the head magis trate, or king, as he is sometimes called, of Tibet.1 This Ti-mu-fu is a Lama: he ranks above the Tajin or head Chinese manda rins, though they take every opportunity of encroaching upon his dignity, and in fact treat him as an equal. Besides these, I had some genuine Smith's lavender water, with which I filled two large handsome phials for the Grand Lama and one for the Ti-mu-fu. I had also a good store of Nankin tea, which is a rarity and a delicacy at Lhasa, and not to be bought there. We rode to the foot of the mountain on which the palace2 is buUt, or out of which, rather, it seems to grow ; but having ascended a few paces to a platform, were obliged to dismount. From here to the hall where the Grand Lama receives is a long and tedious ascent. It consists of about four hundred steps, partly stone steps in the rocky mountain, and the rest ladder steps from story to story in the palace. Besides this, from interval to interval along the mountain, wherever the ascent is easy, there are stretches interspersed, where the path continues for several paces together without steps. At length we arrived at the large platform roof, off which is built the house, or haU of reception. There we rested awhile, arranged the presents, and conferred with the Lama's Chinese interpreter. This inter preter was not an absolute stranger to us ; he had been to visit us at our lodging. He was a Chinaman by the father's side and a Tibe tan by the mother's. He had resided many years at Peking and in Chinese Tatary. He spoke many languages, but having never learned to read or write in any one, was utterly unlearned. He was a strange, melancholy man, severe in his manner, and extraor dinarily sparing in his words, except when he made a narration or continued speech, and then he was equally profuse. Whether it was avarice or poverty I do not know, but notwithstanding he had a 1 This is the Gesub Rimboehe' of Tankyaling, Chumuling, and Chuchu- Bogle and Turner, and the Nomen- ling ; but that now he is chosen from khan of Hue. The Pundit of 1866 says the Dibong monastery only. (See note that this dignitary was formerly chosen at p. 130.) from among the Lamas of four monas- 2 Potala. teries round Lhasa, called Kontyaling, Ch. VI.] AUDIENCE OF THE DALAI LAMA. 265 good^place, he seemed straitened in his circumstances. They say he lavished his money on women; for though he had the title of Lama and wore the lama dress, he was not bound to celibacy. He had a wife and son. The Ti-mu-fu was in the haU with the Grand Lama. I was not informed of this untU I entered, which occasioned me some confusion. I did not know how much ceremony to go through with one before I began with the other. I made the due obeisance, touching the ground three times with my head to the Grand Lama, and once to the Ti-mu-fu. I presented my gifts, delivering the coin with a handsome silk scarf with my own hands into the hands of the Grand Lama and the Ti-mu-fu. WhUe I was ketesing, the awkward servants contrived to let fall and break the bottle of lavender water intended for the Tl-mu-fu. Of course, I seemed not to observe it, though the odoriferous stream flowed close to me, and I could not help seeing it with the corner of my eye as I bowed down my head. Having delivered the scarf to the Grand Lama, I took off my hat, and humbly gave him my clean- shaved head to lay his hands upon. The ceremony of presentation being over, Munshi and I sat down on two cushions not far from the Lama's throne, and had suchi brought us. It was most excellent, and I meant to have mended my draught and emptied the cup, but it was whipped away suddenly, before I was aware of it. The Lama's beautiful and interesting face and manner engrossed almost aU my attention. He was at that time about seven years old : had the simple and unaffected manners of a well-educated princely child. His face was, I thought, poetically and affectingly beautiful. He was of a gay and cheerful disposition ; his beautiful mouth perpetu ally unbending into a graceful smile, which illuminated his whole countenance. Sometimes, particularly when he had looked at me, his smUe almost approached to a gentle laugh. No doubt my grim beard and spectacles somewhat excited his risibUity, though I have afterwards, at the New Year's festival, seen him smUe and unbend freely, while sitting myself unobserved in a corner, and watching his reception of various persons, and the notice he took of the strange variety of surrounding objects. We had not been seated long before he put questions to us which we rose to receive and answer. He 266 AUDIENCE OF THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. VI. addressed himself in the Tibet tongue to the Chinese interpreter ; the Chinese interpreter to my Munshi ; my Munshi to me in Latin. I gave answer in Latin, which was converted and conveyed back in the same manner. I had been long accustomed to speak Latin with my Munshi. There was no sentiment or shade of sentiment we could not exchange. Thus, though the route was circuitous, the communi cation was quick, and the questions and answers delivered with an accuracy which I have reason to believe seldom happens in Asia when interpreters are employed. The Lama put the usual questions of urbanity. He inquired whether I had not met with molesta tions and difficulties on the road ; to which I promptly returned the proper answer. I said I had had troubles, but now that I had the happiness of being in his presence, they were amply compensated. I thought of them no more. I could see that this answer pleased both the Lama and his household people. They thus found that I was not a mere rustic, but had some tincture of civiHty in me. A small present of dried fruits was brought and set before me. They motioned to my servant to take it off, and we withdrew. For withdrawing it is not the custom to use any ceremony, other than not turning the back upon the prince untU after two or three steps, and even this is not essential, I believe. Upon going out of the hall into the area the interpreter bid us sit down a moment under the gallery while he went back to speak to the Grand Lama. He returned, and asked me if I had anything particular to say to the Lama. I answered, I had a request to make. I begged of the Grand Lama to give me books respecting his religion and ancient his tory, and lo allow one of his learned lamas who understood Chinese to assist and instruct me. Whether my Munshi was not earnest enough, or whether it was the fault of the interpreter, or whether it was that the Lama or his people did not like to comply with this request, I know not ; but the Lama afterwards presented me with what he told me was the most essential part of their prayers and meditations. I could get no other books, nor anyone to explain to me and instruct me. The answer the Lama sent me was rather indefinite. At present he had no proper copy of what books he wished to give me. He would have one prepared and delivered to me afterwards. I was extremely affected by this interview with the Lama. I could have wept through strangeness of sensation. I was Ch. VI.] VISIT TO A MAD MANDARIN. 267 absqjbed in reflections when I got home. I wrote this memoran dum (see great book).1 I strove to draw the Lama ; and though very inexpert with the pencil, I produced a beautiful face, but it did not satisfy me. I drew another which I could not make handsome, yet there was in some respects a likeness in it which the other wanted. From the two together, and instructions from me, a skilful painter might make a good picture of him. I had now a great many applications made to me as a phy sician. As I took no fee, people came with the most trifling com plaints, and some invented a complaint, perhaps merely to have a lounge and see me. It was great trouble. I was obliged to give every one something, and the making up of so much physic was a heavy burden upon me. There was a great mandarin who had been* long unwell, and unable to discharge the duties of his office. He was a little insane, his servants said. They wished me to see him. I found him not a little insane, but good humoured. He was un combed, unwashed, besHmed with his own spittle and dirt, storming and scolding, and almost intractable. I was very ready to attend him as physician. If I could make a cure of him, my Munshi said, it would be nothing to ask him to get me admitted to Peking : he was of a great and rich family. His servants also said, if I could cure him I might have whatever I asked for, and a grand Chinese title bestowed upon me; but first it was necessary to ask the Tatar mandarin whether he approved of my being called in. Now, the Tatar dog and the crackbrained mandarin were bitter enemies. The Tatar wished for nothing better than the death of the other. He was applied to. He said, as I did not profess myself certain of curing him, it was better not to make the attempt. He neither gave his consent nor refused it, I believe; so the mandarin's servants begged of me to visit their master by night. They would send me a horse and guide. The mad mandarin seemed rather to take a liking to me ; he had me sit down, ordered tea for me, told me long unintelligible stories, and when I offered to go was uneasy, 1 From great book: 1st Dec, 17th Very happy to have seen him and his of tenth Moon. This day I saluted the blessed smile. Hope often to see him Grand Lama ! Beautiful youth. Face again.— T. M. poetically affecting; could have wept. 268 ATTENDANCE ON A MAD MANDARIN. [Ch. VI. and bid me sit awhile. Sometimes he broke out into exclamations against his servants, and ordered them out of the room. They treated him very ill, I thought ; they laughed at him in his hear ing, and made various irritating speeches to him for the pleasure, it seemed, of hearing him storm. Sometimes he broke out into invectives and abuse against the Tatar, and ordered his imaginary attendants to take him and kiU him. I found he had not a single trusty servant or attendant about him. His nearest friends were foolish young serving men. It was difficult to give him physic ; and the ignorance and stupidity of these men made it the more so. If he had had an old woman about him I could have managed better. After I had attended him two or three times, his people thought him better. I thought so too : he was more composed, and his eyes were less wild. I gave him then a few grains of calomel, but I could not make out from his stupid people whether he had taken it or not. They said he had, but as no effect ensued, I did not believe them. I gave him another small dose, and upon that his mouth was affected. To see what might be the cause, I made them give him physic in my presence, and found that they suffered him to retain a part in his mouth and leave the rest at the bottom of the cup. A few grains of calomel rubbed against the palate with the tongue will quickly excite soreness of the gums. His gums swelled and bled a little, and he had a shght salivation. He was cast down, and much quieter than before. His servants were now afraid of giving him more physic. I did not press it. I stiU continued to visit him — by stealth, if in the daytime — stepping into another near house first, and sending to inquire if any of the Tatar's spies were about the premises, waiting till they were gone, when an accident put an end to my attendance. A Chinaman under confirmed dropsy had applied to me. I administered calomel, and two or three small doses of digitalis. The swelling somewhat subsided; his health and spirits were better. One morning his boy came to our lodging, just as we were going out, and said something to our servant, who did not explain it to me. I thought he came to inquire whether there was any physic for his master, as he was an idle lad, frequently moving backwards and forwards between my lodging and his master's. I was that Ch. VI. J DEATH OF A PATIENT. 269 day^going out to the mUitary show I have before mentioned, to see plays acted. There was a large temple at the station, dedicated to the God of War ; and after the Chinese exercises were over, it was customary to make certain thank-offerings in this temple, and act plays before it. It was also considered as a sort of farewell to that portion of Chinese soldiers whose time of foreign service was expired, and who were in a few days to leave Lhasa in order to return to their native country. Here I stayed all day, some of the minor mandarins inviting me and my Munshi to partake of their dinner, which was excellent. When I came home in the evening I was taken unwell. I was feverish, and had pain in my limbs. I had been too much exposed to the cold, and had sat with my ears uncovered the whole day. I was obliged to go to bed. Presently after comes the sick man's boy again, begging me to go to his master. Now I heard what I ought to have been told in the morning. The sick man had that morning found himself much better, and had indulged himself in eating an enormous quantity of beef. This beef disagreed with him, and he was in great pain and uneasiness. This was the story of the morning. If the case had been stated to me I should have gone to him immediately. Now I was in bed, Ul. It was night and cold. The very action of rising and dressing myself in my cold exposed room would be hazardous for me. What to do I did not know. To go to him was impossible ; to give him anything strong without first seeing him I dared not. I considered that above twelve hours had elapsed since he had eaten this beef. I thought a moderate dose of calomel was the best thing I could send him. I had no rhubarb by me. The next mornmg, as the barber was shaving my Munshi, I being stiU in bed, he informed us the man was dead. I was very much vexed, though I had nothing on my conscience. I did not inquire into particulars. I believe he had risen in the night and the exertion was too great for his strength. When I got up I went, by appointment, to visit the .crazy mandarin, calling first at the house of rendezvous. The master of it, who was one of my patients, said nothing about his com plaints. I understood him at once. He did not wish to have any more of my physic. This was very weU. He was above sixty, paralytic, growing blind, and, in short, having all the infirmities 270 CONFESSIONS OF THE MAD MANDARIN. [Ch. VI. of age coming on. Such a patient could do me no credit, nor could I do him much service. This man had a beard of about an inch and a half long, consisting of about twenty or thirty hairs. He was never a minute without feeling and adjusting this trifling appendage to his chin. He had a comb perpetuaUy suspended at his breast, which every now and then he appHed and drew through the spare hairs without any resistance. These short hairs would no more entangle than the five fingers of his hand ; but this was his constant occupation. He must have thought me very neglectful of my long tangling beard. He never saw me touch it, except by accident ; and as for comb, I did not carry one about me. After I had sat here a little while, one of the crazy mandarin's servants came, and said I could not see his master that morning ; the head servant was out, and the others dared not act without his being present. This again I understood, and was glad to find an opportunity of discontinuing my visits. Though 1 was afterwards sent for when the effects of the calomel in his mouth were over, and they found he was not hurt, yet I never would go again. He needed physic; but he had no friend, no good attendant. They neither knew what to give him to eat nor drink, nor how to administer the most trifling medicine. About a month after I heard he gradually grew worse and worse, came to the last stage of derangement, and not long after died. His guilty conscience accused him during his illness. In his mad fits he confessed the bribes he had taken, mentioned the sum, and offered to restore it. As the story of these bribes is rather curious, and the events connected with them had considerable influence at Lhasa, I shall relate the whole according to the best information I could obtain. Ch, VII.] AN UPRIGHT MAGISTRATE. 271 CHAPTEE VII. STORY OF THE RIOT — EXECUTION OF A GOOD MANDARIN. The year before I visited Lhasa, a Chinese soldier had a dispute with a lama about the right to pass the bridge without paying toll. The lama was the bridge-keeper, and refused to let him pass — pushed him back, perhaps. A scuffle ensued. The Chinaman drew his sword and stabbed the lama, so that he died of his wounds. Now, to kill a lama is heinous in Tibet. Murmurs and dis content arose ; and one evening a very large body of lamas (who were joined by others) proceeded to a street where lived a number of Chinese shopkeepers, broke down and dismantled about forty shops, and laying hold of one unfortunate Chinaman, who for some cause or another had neglected to get out of the way, stoned him to death. The matter was now serious indeed. The murder of a Chinaman by a Tibetan might call down heavy vengeance from the Chinese government. The Tibet mandarins dreaded having the affair represented to the Emperor. They exerted themselves to bribe the great mandarins to hush it up. They succeeded with the three principal ones — with the Tatar, with the afterwards crazy mandarin, and with another since deposed and degraded — but faded with the fourth. This fourth, according to the Chinamen, had an excellent character ; was the only upright man darin in Lhasa. He was, they say, a really learned man, and was raised to his rank solely by his merit. This mandarin declared that a riot of this nature could not be passed over unrepresented to the Emperor in other than its true colours. The Tibet magistrates had hired or trepanned a poor fellow to have his head shaved and assume the dress of a lama, and to be given up as the culprit who had occasioned the death of the Chinaman. When this supposi tious culprit was brought before the upright mandarin, he declared it was a mockery, and refused to go through the business. He would not sign his name to the papers that the other three sent to 272 A JUDICIAL MURDER. [Ch. VII Peking, but declared that he would stand alone and himself represent the matter faithfully to the Emperor. What was to be done ? This was dangerous to the others. Would they come over to the side of truth ? No ; the bribes prevaUed, and they conspired against the life of this upright magistrate. They suborned some wretched Chinaman to depose that he lent out the public money at interest. He was treasurer. They accused him to the Emperor in the most aggravating manner, as if he was the occasion of discontents at Lhasa, and they stopped and suppressed the letters he sent to Peking. It is said the Tatar was the chief instigator, and per suaded the other two to lend their names. The Emperor in wrath sent an order for his immediate execution. The soldiery and the Chinamen were in consternation. He was beloved, they say, and universaUy esteemed. They petitioned for him in a body, but in vain : he fell a sacrifice by the hands of the executioner to intrigue and revenge. At Lhasa these scandalous proceedings of the man darins greatly alienated the reverence of the Tibet people for the Chinese and Chinese government. It is said they were much more humble in presence of the Chinese a year or two ago than now. This humility and reverence may be brought back again, I suppose ; no doubt it fluctuates, and depends on the character of the resident mandarin. The Emperor was soon informed of his error. The Szechuen Tsinto delivered in memorials on the subject. The Lhasa mandarins were accused. One was soon deposed and ordered to Peking, where he was utterly disgraced and stripped of his honours and titles, and reduced to the level of a common China man. The Tatar was under continual apprehensions of being served the same. He had other charges against him besides this of disguising the riot and falsifying the character of the beheaded mandarin. He often bewailed his fate, and his apprehensions were not groundless ; for the second or third month of my residence at Lhasa came the decree ordering him to give up his seals of office as soon as the mandarin should arrive who was to supersede him, and then to go immediately to Peking. The Chinese did not conceal their satisfaction at this decree ; they hope and expect he will be disgraced and degraded as soon as he appears before the Emperor. The above is the account given by the Chinese and collected by my Munshi. The story was related to me somewhat differently Ch. VIL] BAD CHARACTER OF CHINESE AT LHASA. 273 by Tibetans, of whom I afterwards made inquiries. They stated the dispute not to be about a bridge, but about something else that the Chinese soldier demanded, and for which he could show no licence. They said that it was notoriously true that the executed mandarin lent out the pubHc money, and they believed that the after depo sition of the second mandarin was not occasioned by the steps they had taken to get him condemned. Both these accounts may be true in the essentials. The executed mandarin very likely lent out the public money at interest, and yet his fault was aggravated to the Emperor, because he would not sign his name to their fictitious account of the riot. The Tibetans speak less unfavourably of the Tatar than the Chinese do. He is impartial, they say, in Httle causes and disputes between a Chinaman and a Tibetan. This conduct would naturally gain him the iU-will of the Chinese — who, being the master nation, no doubt wish to be on the right side in all appeals — and the good-will of the Tibetans. The Chinese say, he is severe and harsh with them, and favours the Tibetans, and there are stories that justify this accusation of excessive severity, whether Chinese or Tibetan. I never heard anyone speak posi tively weU of him, or deny that he was a bad man. From every thing I heard I could safely draw this conclusion : that the great mandarins at Lhasa were generally rogues and scoundrels. Some say it was these transactions that first unsettled the senses of the mandarin, who afterwards grew crazy. He alluded to them in his illness, and was at bitter enmity with the Tatar. He abused him to his face when officially visited by him, and behind his back also. I have myself heard him more than once. I have mentioned before that he stated the sum he had received in silver : " I had but 300 taels ; here, take them back," he frequently exclaimed. His share of the hush money, they say, was 300 taels, and three valuable cap-button jewels. Lhasa being a miserable place to live in, for a great mandarin to be sent there is considered a sort of banishment, and there seldom come any except culprits. The Tatar was a culprit at Canton. His successor, I hear, is likewise from Canton, and has there been guilty of some fault, though the Chinese give him a good general character. The crazy mandarin was a culprit. After he became insane, and grew worse and worse, the others advised the Emperor of it, and asked leave for him to go 274 CHINESE OFFICIALS AT LHASA. [Ch. VII. home. The Emperor answered, it was sham madness: he only was uneasy at being separated so long from his famUy, and anxious to get home ; that he had not yet expiated his offence, and should stay three years longer. The answer arrived a few days after the poor man was dead. It is very bad policy thus perpetually to send men of bad character to govern Tibet. It no doubt displeases the Grand Lama and Tibetans in general, and tends to prevent their affections from setthng in favour of the Chinese government. I cannot help thinking, from what I have seen and heard, that they would view the Chinese influence in Tibet overthrown without many emotions of regret ; especially if the rulers under the new influence were to treat the Grand Lama with respect, for this is a point in which these haughty mandarins are somewhat deficient, to the no smaU dissatisfaction of the good people of Lhasa. I myself have heard Lhasa men inveigh against them for their disrespectful deportment before him. The Tatar mandarin, hearing that a great many Chinamen came to me for medical advice, signified his displeasure to his people; and though he did not forbid anyone to come, many were thus deterred, to my great relief; for now only such came as had any real complaint sufficient to justify them. My Tibet patients increased, and I was very successful, particularly in coughs, indigestion, and slight disorders of the eyes. Numbers of the monks are afflicted with indigestion and disorders of the alimentary canal, occasioned, as they themselves know, by feeding principally on parched barley flour. This parched barley flour they moisten in their cups with suchi, make up into a dough cake, and thus eat it in its crude state. A large quantity of it, I know by experience, is difficult to digest ; besides, what the poor people get is often made of bad and blighted barley, and is doubly injurious. Disorders in the eyes are very frequent in Lhasa. Some attribute them to the cold winds, and to remaining too long in the temples. I think there is some other cause : something in the water or in the salt they use. Ch. VIII.] VISITED BY SPIES. 275 CHAPTEE VIII. RESIDENCE AT LHASA. We were not many days in Lhasa before I found we had spies about us. One day came several Chinamen from the tribunals, and among them a Httle mandarin. He was vastly civil, vastly inquisitive. One begged me to write a sentence for him in my character, which I willingly did. They made Munshi go over the whole story ; where he came from, and what places he had passed through. As soon as they were gone I said they were spies ; and the next day the little mandarin came again, and put more questions to Munshi, and confessed he was sent by the Tatar. Afterwards there used to come people, one man at a time, of evenings. Munshi received them in his room, while I sat quiet in mine. They would stay a most unreasonable time, and at coming and going, as if by mistake, open my door, and take a survey, to see if I conspired with anyone of nights. They never found anyone in my room ; my patients I always bid come by day, and nobody else at that time visited me. I always knew by the opening of my door what sort of man Munshi had with him. Certainly my bile used to rise when the hounds looked into my room. Sarcastic speeches in English and Latin came to my tongue's end, but I was not sufficiently master of Chinese to turn them, without being gross. It was better for me, perhaps, to say nothing. When I observed to my Munshi, " You have had a spy with you this evening," he generally aUowed it was true ; but some of them, he said, came with friendly intentions, or simply to chat. I begged of him to beware of aU night friends that stayed an unreasonable time. I believe he was very cautious. The Tatar mandarin detested the Europeans. They were the cause, he said, of all his misfortunes. He frequently betrayed his apprehensions of me. Sometimes he said I was a missionary, and at other times a spy. " These Europeans are very formidable ; now t 2 276 SUBJECTED TO INTERROGATORIES. [Ch. VIII. one man has come to spy the country he wiU inform others. Numbers will come, and at last they wiU be for taking the country from us." Though I passed for a Calcutta man, we could not conceal that Calcutta (in Bengal) was under the English. Inge- likus (English kingdom) was a detestable sound in his ears. The bright comet which had appeared for so many months was con nected with my coming, and foreboded something bad, he thought. He inquired of the Lhasa astronomers whether it was visible in my country ; they, either from ignorance or designedly, answered it was not. This information, I suppose, took a little weight off his mind. A story got about, and came to our ears more than once, that we were both of us to be examined by torture. Though I never for a moment apprehended being put to the question, yet the word was unpleasant, and it proved with what ill-wiU and jealousy we were viewed by one, at least, of the great mandarins. The other Tajin, we were told, sometimes joined with the Tatar in his invectives against the Europeans, and his suspicions of us, and sometimes softened his observations. The Tatar would have seen me executed with the greatest pleasure, I be ieve; and the other would have looked on without objection or remorse. The third mandarin (a great rogue) declared his opinion, sometimes, that we were not weU treated to be thus examined and cross-examined ; for my Munshi had been several times before the Tajin to be interro gated, though always with the appearance of civihty; and after some days a paper was brought and shown him for his approval, containing the substance of his answers, his declaration of who he was, and where he had been. This was to be sent to the Emperor. I being a foreigner the interrogations did not come directly to me, but my name and declaration of myself were included in them. Thus we were announced to the Emperor. Various were the reports as to the wording of this communication ; some said it was a simple statement ; others without aggravation ; others said that Munshi was denounced as having left his country and fled to foreigners, and conspired with them. The fault they could lay hold of was his having left Canton, and gone to a foreign kingdom without leave. This in strictness is an offence, but the magnitude of it depends upon the good or ill-wiU of the mandarins who take cognizance of it. It is committed by thousands yearly, and the Ch. VIIL] HOPES OF CONTINUING THE JOURNEY. 277 mandarins wink at it ; but they have a rod in their hands, which they can use if they think fit. The mandarin at Giansu spoke of this emigration as a thing of course, and that could not be avoided. China was overstocked with men; employment full, and people would go where they could get a livelihood. If the mandarins at Lhasa had been good-natured, this flying the kingdom would not have been brought into question. Munshi might have been suffered to go back with me, with orders to return to Canton, or we might both have had our routes assigned, through Szechuen to Canton, for me to proceed from Canton to Calcutta. The second Tajin mentioned this sometimes in his conversations with Munshi. He said, "You had better not go back by Calcutta, and over the sea." Munshi confessed he had great horror of the sea, and should prefer going immediately to his own country through Tibet ; but he had promised the Lama (meaning me) to come and return with him. These were the conditions : how could he leave the Lama to go back alone ? The mandarin said, the Lama might go by Canton likewise. " But," says Munshi, " he is a foreigner ; I thought it was contrary to by x (custom) for a foreigner to enter China." "Oh," says the mandarin, "that is nothing; that can easily be got over." 2 Thus I had hopes of being invited (or ordered) to return by China ; their jealousy, I hoped, might lead them to wish me not again to visit the passes of Bhutan, nor return by Nepal. I was asked sometimes by Chinamen whether I should return by Szechuen, and my Munshi had that question often put to him. Some thought I should return that way; others the way I came. I always answered cautiously : " Szechuen ! oh, that is a long way about, and I am a foreigner ! " For we could not always tell who were spies and who not; nor was it easy to penetrate into what the mandarins' real intentions and wishes were. They might have information from Canton, from the missionaries or others, that I had been there, for the purpose of entering China; and their civU speeches might be a snare laid for me. And here I must observe how unfortunately things turned out for me. To proceed 1 By, approved usage, rites, &c. — enough. It is only the Europeans that T. M. are strictly barred out. — T. M. 2 The Asiatics enter China easily 278 APPREHENSIONS OF DANGER. [Ch. VIII. to Lhasa with design of getting into China was not altogether a hopeless errand. If there were many chances against me, there were some for me. Good-natured mandarins ; success in administering medicine to some great personage ; the introduction of the vaccine ; favour with the Grand Lama; a douceur to some merchant or petty officer, and permission to travel with the Tibet merchants to SeHng x — manoeuvres, may be imagined, which would have favoured my design, and which, though not very probable, were possible. I was never confident of success. I had sufficient hopes to make the journey seem not unreasonable, and I ventured the trial. The reports of the manner in which he was mentioned to the Emperor, though uncertain, made my Munshi very uneasy. He tried to get a sight of the recorded copy of the letter, but was unable. If he really was represented as a runaway, associating himself with foreigners, a decree might come ordering, or, at least, authorizing, his execution. Nor did he think it at aU impossible that I might have the same fate. It would be strange for a foreigner to come to a place by permission, and afterwards, without having committed any offence, to be punished in that manner. But the Tatar was a strange man ; had already at Lhasa done strange things ; not only the persecution and execution of the upright mandarin, but many other unreasonable actions. He hated the English and all that were in any way connected with them. If he had the power put into his hands, who could say that he would not use it ; and what resource could I have? All this was very true, and very un pleasant. I never could, even in idea, make up my mind to submit to an execution with firmness and manliness. The sight of the despotic pomp of mandarins at Canton, where I was perfectly secure, has almost turned me sick. What I read of their absolute power, not only in China, but in various Asiatic countries, has always appalled me. I put myself in imagination into the situation of the prisoner accused ; I suppose myself innocent ; I look round ; I have no resource, no refuge ; instruments of torture, instruments of execution are brought by florid, high-cheeked, busy, grinning, dull-hearted men ; no plea avails ; no kind judge to take my part, as in England, but, on the contrary, because I am accused (and ' Sining. Ch. VIII.] APPREHENSIONS OF DANGER. 279 perhaps by my judge) I am presumed guilty. They harshly and inevitably examine, not to discover whether I be guilty or not, but in order to force out the conclusion that I am guilty. I am before evU-minded men, void of conscience, who proceed according to the forms, and violate the spirit of justice — no honest jury, who wiU incline to mercy when the man's character is good, and when the imputed crime is not heinous in its own nature, but only by the accidental regulations of society. If one is before a generous- minded man, who is wantonly exercising his power, one may appeal to what is noble in his nature, and excite a flame that will dissipate his malice and dark suspicions ; but these evil-minded men, who outwardly are perfect politeness, and inwardly are perfect selfishness, have no touchwood in their heart ; nothing for the spark to catch hold of; one may as well strike fire against the barren sand as appeal to their hearts. This friendlessness, this nothingness of the prisoner is what sickens me to think of.1 I had rather be eaten up by a tiger than fall into such a situation and be con demned. I own I push this dread too far. Death is death ; the form ought not to make so great an impression; but this super stition, to which, perhaps, my mind is by its natural texture prone, has grown upon me by reading and meditation. I have often striven to rectify my sensations, often, often, at Lhasa ; but the associations are too strong to be thoroughly disengaged, though I hope and believe I can so far master them as to be able to submit to any fate without acting like a coward. I mention my weakness in order to point out that the occurrences at Lhasa, those which I have already 1 There are two other ideas which his hand against the child's breast. At aggravate tlie uneasiness. First, the another time he is absolutely on the idea of possible loopholes to escape at, threshold, almost free— he is pulled which, when tried, all fail, and yet can- back by the coats. As often as he not be given up, but still present them- tries to escape, so often are his hopes selves to the mind as possible ; as when dashed, and still the fictitious security a child is detained by an ill-natured, and carelessness of the other delude grown-up person in order to be terrified, him. Secondly, the idea of the apparent in a place with many outlets ; he sees folly of losing his life in this manner the way to escape and cannot give up may have been no folly. Balancing the idea He creeps to a door ; the the object against the probable danger, other is looking out of a window, or it may have been a fair venture ; but pretending not to think of the child; those who regret his loss will never but in a moment with his long legs think so. This he knows, and the idea stalks up to him, and bars his exit with is very pamful.-T. M. 280 ALTERCATION WITH "A PATIENT. [Ch. VIII. mentioned, and others which will hereafter appear in this narrative, were sufficient causes of uneasiness to me. I did not enter upon my journey without some apprehensions of danger. Bhutan was dangerous. Those who ought to know declared they would not, upon any account, trust themselves into the hands of the Bhutanese in the manner I was going to trust myself. These declarations made an impression on me. I balanced, I examined in my mind over and over again what the danger was. I concluded there was some, but not sufficient to justify me in abandoning my object, which was a moral view of China ; its manners ; the actual degree of happiness the people enjoy ; their sentiments and opinions, so far as they influence life ; their literature ; their history ; the causes of their stabUity and vast population ; their minor arts and con trivances ; what there might be in China worthy to serve as a model for imitation, and what to serve as a beacon to avoid. The unpleasant reports and consequent uneasiness I have been describing belong to aU that period of our residence at Lhasa, from a few days after our arrival, to the receipt of the Emperor's answer to the mandarins' report of us. I shaU now go back and narrate in order such other events as occurred worthy of notice. I had at my first coming signified that I gave my advice and medicines gratis in aU cases except for certain specified diseases ; for these I would be paid twenty coins. This I let them suppose was on account of the dearness of the medicines to be used in these cases. I had but my sitting, sleeping, and eating room to receive my patients in, and they came at all times in the morning. Some applied with whom I began a course. They did not pay me the first day. I supposed they had not the money ready in their pockets. But after two or three days, finding nothing forthcoming, upon my explicitly declaring that I had not changed my plan, they dropped off. One man, after three or four days, brought me three coins wrapped up in a piece of paper. This I refused, tellmg him he knew it was not accordmg to my conditions. He remonstrated, saying he would pay me as his case proceeded ; that it was very hard to pay before-hand. I said I did not take money for the cure. I would have twenty coins first ; cured or not cured, it was the same. He asked me if I was certain I could cure him. I said I was not. Then he continued Ch. VIIL] ALTERCATION WITH A PATIENT. 281 his remonstrance in a tone of murmur and dissatisfaction which began to be very disagreeable. I told him I had no ways injured him ; if he thought fit to be off he was welcome to the physic he had taken. I should not receive anything for it. I did not at all wish for patients of that sort. He might go to some other physician, and act as if I was not at Lhasa. No : he wished to go on with my medicines ; but I was very hard. The more gentle and forbearing I was, the more impertinent he grew. He began to thump the table and push the money towards me, appealing to other Chinamen who were now come in, and who were listening to the dialogue. My Munshi was growing angry. So was I. At last he struck or pushed the table with a violence that endangered the oversetting a box containing phials of medicine, and various pUls. I could bear it no longer. I snatched up his dirty paper of money, flung it out of the door, and bid him go after it. He turned pale with anger; he advanced towards me in a menacing manner. I was on my legs in a moment and fronted him firmly. I told him if he came near me with his insolence, by heaven ! I would knock him down. I believe I spoke English or Latin in my anger; but he pretty well understood me ; he faltered, and was glad, I beheve, to have the other Chinamen interfere. One laid hold of him, another fetched him the money. The most respectable among them came to me, begged me to be pacified and to sit down, which I did. The man poured out a torrent of abuse against me and my Munshi, very little of which I understood. They soon had him out of the room. As he passed my window he renewed his abuse, and dropped a word or two about going to the mandarin. But in this my Munshi, who was now completely angry, meant to be beforehand with him. I afterwards found that my conduct was considered as very bold ; to fling a Chinaman's money out of the door : I not being a Chinaman. My Munshi did not blame me : he said it was going too far. I said I had borne him with the greatest patience and good humour, but the more I forbore the more insolen the grew. It was not in a European's nature to forbear further than I did. I do not think that my boldness (if boldness it was, for. really I saw none in it) did me any harm. The story was soon known to all the Chinamen in Lhasa, I suppose ; and I 282 NEW LODGINGS. [Ch. VIII. have heard one teU it to another adverting to me with marks of respect. Those who were eye-witnesses clearly saw that I was not afraid of the man, but should give him as good as he brought, if he had the insolence to touch me ; and they certainly did not think the less handsomely of me for that. I never afterwards had any fracas at Lhasa with any man, Chinese or not. The next morning my Munshi went to complain of him at the tribunal. The sub-mandarin said it was too small an offence to be punished; that he would admonish the man privately, and order him to come and ask our pardons. Whether ordered or not the man never came, nor was I at all desirous that he should. I saw no more of him. A soldier and his wife occupied two rooms contiguous to ours ; his time was expired, and he was one of the party about to return to China. We agreed to take these two rooms as soon as he went, and after some altercation with the woman of the house (who was a cross-patch), and a reference to the Thalung, we hired them at the same easy rent as the soldier lived under, viz. four coins (2s. 8d.) per month. The whole building, in fact, belonged to the magistrates, only the woman who had the care and management of it had the privilege of taking a smaU rent. We continued on our great room as hitherto, and which we afterwards exchanged for a smaller one, close to the two others, to the mutual accommodation of the woman of the house and ourselves. My Munshi and I had now each of us a room to ourselves, but I was obHged for a long time still to lie on the hobbly floor, as my bedstead, though boarded in the middle, was now built up with mud, which dried very slowly, and I was afraid to He in it while any dampness remained. I opened a window to the south, which my predecessor, from some superstitious motive, had blocked up. The sun now for a month or two shone in upon me good part of the day ; but afterwards, as the spring advanced, coming into the south higher and higher, his rays fell shorter and shorter on my floor ; and before April arrived, as the waU was thick and the window had a small penthouse over it, he entirely ceased to appear for a single moment in my room. I was unwell during the time our new rooms were getting ready. Munshi and the servant were very busy for two or three days, plaster ing and papering up the rents and bad places. As they prepared the room for me so I took it, never afterwards making any altera- Ch. VIII.] UNABLE TO TAKE OBSERVATIONS. 283 tions or adorning it, though it was still in a miserable, tattered con dition. Not so my Munshi : he embellished his in various ways, until it reminded me of a Httle milliner's back parlour. A glass here, something suspended by a ribbon there ; over all a watch, seal, and ribbon hung gracefully on a little peg. The Chinese are very fond of little decorations, and very dexterous in disposing them nattily. I had a smaU sextant with me, and an excellent timepiece watch, and I much wished, now the sky remained clear and cloudless, to take a few observations ; but the aperture of my window was too smaU, and I was too subject to interruption. Our lodging had indeed a commodious flat roof, where I could have taken them easily enough; but it would have been madness in me to suffer anyone to see me looking at the heavens through an astro nomical instrument. I might perhaps in the night time have observed some of the stars without being observed myself, but it was hazardous, besides I was now very ill with the acute rheu matism, fits of which came on every evening, and lasted until towards morning. There was nothing I could do for geography that would compensate the risk I must run. It was not for the sake of finding the latitude and longitude of Lhasa that I wished to take observa tions, for they are pretty well ascertained ; but for the sake of regu lating my watch, and having a point to set off from, in case I should go towards Szechuen, whereby I might determine nearly the situation of some of the principal towns on the road. In the daytime, when these rheumatic fits had subsided, my general health seemed pretty good, and I trusted for many, many days that my constitution would of itself shake off the complaint ; but I was forced at last to have recourse to medicine. Camphor and opium pills seemed greatly to relieve me. Antimony I thought serviceable. I took a dose of Dover's powders, after which I was much better; yet, I. do not know whether to attribute my amend ment to the medicine, as it operated under circumstances peculiarly unfavourable. It is highly proper after taking Dover's powders to drink plentifuUy of diluting liquor. I took my dose before the fit came on, and after a short time went to bed. I ordered my half- caste Tibet lad to bring me rice gruel. He brought me two or three small basins full ; after which he absolutely and obstinately refused to obey my caUs. I repeated these calls twenty or thirty times, raising my voice until I could be heard over all the neigh- 284 TROUBLES WITH SERVANTS. [Ch. VIII. bourhood. I began now to be in a perspiration; partly from anger I believe, and partly from the medicine. My Munshi thrusts his head in at my door with a cross and discontented countenance, and teUs me, with a peevish accent, that the servant said I had had enough ! I told him I had taken medicine, and judged I had. not drank enough ; that I was in a perspiration, and loath to get up ; but, if I was forced to it, I would give the feUow a good beating. " You can't strike anyone here in Lhasa." " Can't ? Oh, we wiU see." — " You can't," with angry accent. " But I will beat him." — " You can't." x These words we bandied about for a minute or two. I sometimes singing or chanting my responses, and he mocking me as closely as his choking anger would permit him. What a kind friend I had in my illness ! After he was gone, I continued for some time to caU the servant ; but finding it in vain, I slipped on my robe, and walked out into the kitchen. There were both the servants cowering over a pan of embers : not gone to bed. I stepped up to the Tibet lad who ought to have answered my call, and fetched him a box on the ear that roused him presently. He started up and ran away. It was too cold, and I too unweU to run after him. I addressed myself to the Chinese, and sharply remonstrated with him for his brutality. I told him if he did not immediately make me something warm I would turn him away the next morning ; that I knew what I was saying, and he might depend upon it I would be as good as my word. Then I went back to bed. I heard them afterwards unbar the gate, and go out, so I suppose they were short of water. They soon brought me tea in plenty. I took no notice to Munshi of his beastly, muhsh behaviour. Long, long after I had occasion to say something in praise of the Tibet fellow. I observed that he was not sulky ; that after receiving a scolding he was more attentive and well behaved. After I gave him that box on the ear, he was remarkably sub missive next day, and ready to serve me. "When did you ever strike him ! " exclaimed my Munshi, in great surprise. " Why," said I (affecting great coolness, and speaking in a tone as if I was telling him a story he was unacquainted with), "one night I had 1 In Latin, he used the words " non potes." He ought to have said, " non licet." My response was, " at verberabo." — T. M. Ch. VIII.] A LADY PATIENT. 285 taken physic, and wanted something to drink. I caUed him over and over again. He would not come near me. I got up, went to the kitchen, and fetched him a swinging box on the ear." Munshi did not answer a word. The servants, I suppose, had never men tioned the blow to him, and he had thought I had not dared to put in execution the threat I had repeated so often and so positively. Now at once he saw the whole in its true Hght ; his own miserable peevishness no doubt came to his mind — for he was aware his temper was none of the sweetest — and he was .ashamed. I turned the discourse to something else. The season was now come when the Grand Lama annually retires from the world for a month or more, and devotes himself to religious exercises. The interpreter gave me notice, in order that I might see him before he withdrew from the public; but upon my telling him I should stay at Lhasa until the cold weather was over, he said I had better defer it until the Lama came out again. In the meantime I recover my health perfectly, and became rather happy, strong, and weU. One of the Thalungs about this time wished me to see his mother, who had an ailment in her eyes. I went with my Munshi. We were received into a handsome room, where I sat vis-a-vis with the dame for half an hour. She was still young, plump, and rather handsome, and her face was washed clean. She had a profusion of pearls on her head. Munshi said they were real pearls. I thought from their multitude they must some of them be artificial. Her female attendant stood titter ing and giggling about, turning away the pretty faces when I looked at them with a smUe, and again looking on giggling when I closely inspected the dame's eyes. She had a slight speck gathering in one of them, and the other was a little clouded. She attributed it to staying too long at her devotions in the temple with the cold wind blowing about her ; for she was very devout, and was about to withdraw the very nex-t day, and retire to her chamber for a month's praying, recitation, and mortification. I told her I would send her a piU to take that evening, preparatory to a lotion for the eyes, which she might use during her retire ment. She seemed to think it would be a breach of the rules of mortification to use medicine during that time. I tried to per suade her to the contrary. After I had drank my suchi, as she 286 A VISIT FROM PRETTY GIRLS. [Ch. VIII. had presented me with two or three little baskets of dried fruits, I took my leave. I sent her the pill and the lotion, but I found afterwards that she never took them. I had not promised that I would cure her, and many of Lhasa, both Chinese and Tibetans, are unwilling to take medicine unless they are assured of receiving benefit from it. She satisfied her curiosity, if that was partly her motive for sending for me, and I was very well pleased with my visit. Just before this, I had two handsome, weU-dressed, clean-washed lasses come to my lodging with their mother to consult me. I could not find out that there was anything the matter with them, except superabundance of health and spirits. It was so long since I had seen female charms of this order that feeling their pulses rather disordered my own. I asked them many questions — not troublesome ones. They laughed and giggled. What they answered I do not know. My Chinese servant was interpreter, and though he spoke fluently, and never hesitated at explaining anything that was put to him, he in fact understood very little of the Tibet language. I gave them all something very innocent, and after a few days they came again, and brought me a present of some excellent mutton. They were welcome to come as often as they Hked, without bringing mutton or anything but their own pretty faces. I understood they were the family of a rich Tibet merchant. One of the Dalai Lama's physicians requested me to see to him. He had an apartment in the palace. He sent a horse for me and an other for my Munshi. We were conducted up the back of the moun tain by a road, defended by a parapet waU, which winds up to the palace, and thus were saved the fatigue of ascending the mountain on foot. I found the physician in bed, supported by pillows. He had a stiff neck and back, which he could not straighten, a swelling in his knee, and general debUity of body and mind. I found he had used fire for his neck. I gave him a Spanish-fly blister, which he praised, and said was of benefit. I gave him an oily mixture for an inward complaint, which speedily relieved him. But I found afterwards that he had taken only half of it, and that other medi cines I sent him he absolutely refused to take, in spite of the remonstrances of his servants. He was childish, they said ; he did not like the taste or the smell. I had used mint water : he did not Hke Ch. VIIL] THE LAMA'S PHYSICIAN. 287 that. I advised him to drink a small quantity of wine every day. That advice he consented to comply with. I visited him three or four times. I had hopes of relieving him, and afterwards strengthen ing 'him with bark, of which I had a good store by me ; but it was impossible in his case to make him up medicines that had no taste. I was compeUed to leave him to himself. He said, he would try what prayers and recitations of the Lama would do for him, and afterwards send for me again. I saw no more of him. I sometimes inquired how he did, and was told he continued in the same weak, lingering way. Long afterwards, upon seeing one of his acquaint ances, he occurred to my mind. " How is that physician ? " He held out four fingers, and signified that he had been dead so many days. As it was perfectly well known that he did not take any of my medicines after the first dose, which was of real service to him, not the slightest blame was attached to me : it was lamented that he had been so chUdish as to see me and not trust himself to my care. I found that my patients often took the liberty of swerving from my directions. If there were two pills, they would take one perhaps, though they were utterly ignorant whether it was a strong or a weak dose. As for a course of alteratives, I scarcely ever could get any one to continue it above two or three days. Cases of complaints came before me, some of which would no doubt have yielded to vitriolic acid or to mercury, but I could not cure them with a single pill. A few who had the sense to submit themselves entirely to my directions were completely cured, and acknowledged it with gratitude and thanks. My money now was getting very low. I had written to Eang piir for a supply, but so long a time had elapsed without an answer that I gave up all hopes from that quarter. I found it necessary to seU such articles of apparel and other things as I could spare. I sold some silk and crape I had brought with me, and which had escaped the hands of the Bhutanese. I sold some sheets, a piece of cotton cloth, gauze gowns, a belt with stone clasp, a large tea box, hand kerchiefs, which I at first meant to have kept ; a few empty bottles ; two or three bottles of cherry brandy, which I had offered to the mandarins on my arrival and again on their birthdays, but which had not been accepted ; a handsome opera -glass; a fan ; in short, every thing I could muster up, except the clothes I should probably want 288 SECOND VISIT TO THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. VIII to use, and a few keepsake trinkets1 that I was unwilling to part with. Thus I raised a reasonable supply of money, and reduced my baggage into a very smaU compass. I had informed the mandarins and others that I expected money from Calcutta. As it did not come, they knew I was rather straitened in my circumstances, and if at last I should be forced to borrow it would not seem strange. I managed so as to keep up a certain respectability ; and though I was not invited anywhere to dinner (I do not know that it is the custom in Lhasa, besides I was considered as a Lama), wherever I went I was treated as a gentleman. I was glad to part with my foolish dawdle of a Chinese servant, who ate up four taels of sUver for me per month besides his food, and this without being of any use. As he saw me selling off my things, and knew that my finances were low, he could not be dissatisfied or think that I treated the General's recommendation shghtingly. I lent him a smaU sum of money, and he set up as a butcher, but he had neither sense nor diligence enough to thrive in any line. He spent the money idly and loosely, and soon gave up his new profession. Then he sold cakes and sweetmeats; but that did not answer. When all his money was gone, and his clothes becoming ragged, he took some opportunity of returning to his dear Szechuen, which he extolled as a paradise. As soon as the Grand Lama came out from his retirement, I went again to salute him. He was pale and worse in health, I thought, for his seclusion. Nothing particular passed at this interview. I took care this time to drink of his exceUent suchi as nearly to the bottom of the cup as propriety would allow. He made me a little present of rice and dried fruits. From his palace I proceeded to that of the Ti-mu-fu. The Ti-mu-fu received me very kindly, asked me many questions, and bid me come often. He has nothing of the prince in his manner, being I think rather vulgar, and laughing too often and too familiarly. He bears a good character, and I should judge him to be a very good-natured kind- hearted man. He gave me a bag of rice, and excused himself for having nothing better to offer me. 1 1 afterwards gave them to the Grand loath to go empty handed, and was Lama and Ti-mu-fu as a New Year's forced to sacrifice them. — T. M. offering. I had nothing else. I was Ch' VIII.] VISIT TO THE TEMPLES. 289 Iliave not yet visited the temples. I was very desirous of doing it, but could find no person to go with me who could properly explain things. My Munshi, too, was desirous that I should go, and obliquely asked me several times whether I intended it. I could not at first understand what his motive was ; but upon my declaring my positive intention of going, he told me that the mandarins and one of the Thalungs and their understrappers had several times inquired of him whether I had yet paid my respects to -1 The mandarins, he said, were aware that the Catholics refused to pay these respects ; consequently, if I went it would wipe off their suspicions of my being a missionary. He could not go with me ; he would not pay reverence to their saints if they were to kill him for refusing. This speech had quite a contrary effect on me to what he intended. I told him I did not know whether I should or should not ; if it was expected of me, and if there were ceremonies to go through with the image, I certainly should not go, unless I found that they were considered as matters of course, and practised by the mandarins and others who professedly were non-believers in the religion of Tibet ; that the respect I had always professed for their reHgion was sincere ; that I had never by any word or action pledged myself to anything further, neither would I. I was very glad, after inquiring, to find that this reverence to the image was practised by the mandarins as a matter of course and pledged them to nothing. Accordingly, one day I declared my intention of going next morning, and that I would take my Tibetan servant with me, having nobody better to attend me. No sooner was I ready and had stepped out of my room, but out popped my Munshi from his with a bunch of incense, which he whipped into the servant's hand. I had half a mind to go back, but conquered my disgust, and seemed not to see it. Then he asks me, " Have you got a scarf with you ? "— " For what ? " " To offer to the saint."—" Pooh ! " says I ; "I shaU give no scarf nor anything else. I know nothing about it. I am a foreigner, and curious to see and learn everything. 1 This is the name of their great manuscript. The great religious law- saint, or religious lawgiver. I never giver of the Yellow Cap sect, to which could rightly make out his story .— T.M. the Dalai Lama belongs, was Tson- The word is not clearly legible in the khapa. U 290 VISIT TO THE TEMPLES. [Ch. VIII. Any form and ceremony that is required I shall go through, and nothing further." I went to the temple; but it little answered either my purpose or my Munshi's. My servant, who from his childhood had been a neglected orphan, was ignorant as a beast. He was nominally a Muhamrnadan, but utterly ignorant even of his own religion. He so spleened me with his brutish ignorance and hoggish answers, that I could not help speaking crossly, and this before the images of the saints. There were hundreds of people in the temple ; some gathered about me and seemed astounded at my irreverent manner. There were two large figures of women before the principal image. After I had made my salute to him, which consisted of one ketese, I asked about these figures. He returned the same general answer as for all the rest : he said they were saint images. I again exclaimed against his ignorance in a manner that did not befit the place. Some idle people laughed, and others stared. I was really angry and vexed to think how fruitless was all the trouble I took, and how impossible it was to get anything explained. I took no notice of the incense ; my servant stuck it where he liked. I meant to have told my Munshi that the saint thanked him for his offering and hoped soon to see him in person, as he was better pleased with his attentions than with mine ; but Munshi on my return never asked me a single question nor opened his lips on the subject. I heard him question ing the servant. I dare say he was not at all pleased with the account he heard. In my way home I called in at a little Chinese temple, and also made the shrine a Chinese salute, for I was determined to show myself impartial to the saints. My servant seemed surprised. I asked a few questions of the Chinese sexton, but learned nothing curious. He offered to open other doors and show me aU that was to be seen. I said I had no offering with me at present, and that I would defer it till another opportunity. The next day I visited another large temple, but made no salutes or reverences. This was reported to Munshi by some Chinamen. They said what a strange thing it was that the Lama (meaning me) went to the temple without an offering, and without performing ceremony. No doubt my Munshi made out the best account he could for me to the Mandarin's people, and told them I had wor- Ch. VIIL] TOLERATION. 291 shipped the saint in proper form. How delicate his conscience was ! So anxious to damn my soul in order to shelter his own carcass ! I had no more objection to bowing to the image than he had to a paper, a roll, or other missive coming from the Emperor. When I entered the temples in Bengal, if there were natives about, I always made a salam. All religions as they are established have a mixture in them of good and evil, and upon the whole they all perhaps tend to civihze and ameliorate mankind : as such I respect them. As for the common idea that the founders of all religions except our own were impostors, I consider it as a vulgar error. I have expressed this opinion long long before I had any thoughts of visiting Lhasa. But my Munshi, being a Eoman Catholic, of course was utterly intolerant to aU saints not in his own calendar. We are apt to think the Muhamrnadan reHgion eminently intolerant ; but if it be fairly examined it will be found much less so than the Eoman Catholic, both in practice and in principle. The new year approached: the season of congratulations, pomps, and shows. If there was any Httle present I could make to the Grand Lama and the Ti-mu-fu on New Year's day I was told it would be acceptable. Thus far written at Lhasa. The remainder from short notes taken at Lhasa and from memory. 292 ANOTHER VISIT TO THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. IX. CHAPTEE IX. FRAGMENTARY NOTES — RETURN JOURNEY. The Tibetans do not use the Chinese kalends : they, have astronomers and a calendar of their own. Their year commences at the same time as the Chinese year, viz. the February new moon. Their astronomical tables and precepts come from Chaking, they say. If this be true, they are very old.1 Jan. 8 = 16th of twelfth moon. I visited the Lama and after wards the Ti-mu-fu. He promised me books. 10th = 29th of twelfth moon. I visited the Lama unex pectedly, and he gave me sacred leaves wrapped up in yeUow silk. Feb. 12 = Chiz. New year. As I wrote at the time, I have made observations which are in correct, having been deceived. Example : I say, my servant took an opportunity of returning to Szechuen. He told me he was going, and mentioned some particulars. I afterwards found he had deceived me, and stiU loitered in Lhasa. Perhaps his coming to take leave of me was for the sake of a farewell present. New year. I visited the Grand Lama on the last day of the year and on New Year's day, and gave him a telescope. I determined to ask leave to go back with Munshi and to change our route, hoping to be asked to go by Canton. 1 The Tibetans have derived their as tronomical knowledge both from Indian and Chinese sources. The system formed on the Indian principle is called Karsis, T , , ,, , and the mode of reckoning years in the In books they ™ke "^e of a cycle of Chinese manner is called Naksis. The *?* 1™™ i **£. M & 1UnM ^ common mode of reckoning time among TlU\ mtercalary montlls for P««^ °f the people is by the cycle of twelve mlffn years' onf month beinS in" years, in which each year is denominated ferted eTeLy *** ^ The year from an animal, in the following order : begmS '"Jf1™*7 Wlth the appeal" ance of the full moon. The months 7. Horse year. 10. Bird year. 8. Sheep „ 11. Dog „ 9. Ape „ 32. Hog „ 1. Mouse year. 2. Ox 3. Tiger „ 4. Hare year. are called the first, second, third, &c, 5. Dragon „ months ; each of thirty days. — ' Csoma 6. Serpent „ de Koros.' Oh. IX.] LAST DAYS AT LHASA. 293 But there are reasons why I must not expect to be asked that. I went to ask leave. Decree arrived. Munshi goes again to see whether anything can be done to day. Comes back in chains. I anxious.1 Grand Lama's kindness. Glad when Munshi goes. Why ? Because he writes to me. He comes again to see me. I give him note upon Elphinstone. Mandarins send for me, and give me letters opened. "Are these yours ? " Civil. Promise good news. Advised me to stay awhile. Dread another decree ! Dread missionaries at Peking. Dread something coming to light : that I have been at Canton. I am told the Thalungs say I am to go in a few days. Visit a magistrate. He thinks I do his eyes good. Apply again on the 19th. Strangely put off. SeU my empty bottles. Get my things in order, to be ready to set off. Great cold again. Strange fever and cough : think I am poisoned. Visited by an Armenian, who wants to go with me. How can I ? 12th, or 25th of second month. Ching Ti-mu-fu bids me stay until new Mandarin comes. Why ? Uneasy. 2nd of third month. Very cold. Frost. Clear sky. 3rd. Visit the Lama. Ask to go. Go to Ti-mu-fu. Told I shall have good news in a few days. Snow. 4th. Snow remaining in the morning. Fine day. 5th. Go to temple. See three Thalungs, who give me silk and tea. Munshi bribes the treasurer. Called upon by Chinamen after Munshi is gone. Bhutan men would have the Pari-jong magistrate brought to Lhasa. Bhutanese at Lhasa show violence. Surrounded by soldiers. Obliged to lay down their knives. 1 The Munshi was detained as a Moorcroft having been at Lhasa (p. 202) Chinese subject, while Mr. Manning can scarcely refer to Manning's visit. was dismissed by the route he came. It is, I suspect, a pure invention, The story of the Abbe' Hue about 294 RETURN TO BENGAL. [Ch. IX. April 6. I took leave of the Grand Lama with a sorrowful heart. I said I would tell my king (Governor of Bengal) that I was well treated. His heart rejoices. I thank the Grand Lama, and promise that if afterwards a Lhasa man comes to Bengal it shall not be forgotten. I take leave of Ti-mu-fu. Sorrowful. Eeceive presents. Go to Tajin and Tay-Ye, but do not see them. Second Tajin gives me a scarf and a piece of stuff for a saddle carpet. Make up things. Eather sorrowful. 7th. Put off by the mandarins until after to-morrow. . Left Lhasa on the 9th of third moon (19th of April). Arrived at Pari-jong the 1st of May. May 3. Attendants from Pari-jong left me. I then visited the magistrates. May 22. Conference. Do they think I am a tradesman? How should I know the prices of things at Calcutta, or whether this cloth be prime or second ? 23rd. My coUar to be slipped to-morrow. 24th = fourth moon, Off about sunset, after another foolish conference. Four miles. 25th. Eapasay. 26th. Bida-Balk. 27th. Chazi (two kos). 28th. To Matakah. 29th. Dumgong. 31st. Tazigong. June 1. Village. Palm trees. 2nd. Open viUage. 3rd. Kantalbari. 5th. Linger on. I declare I wUl positively go to-morrow, even if on foot. 6th. I threatened to walk, and took up my bundle. They gave me a horse. June 10, 1812. Beached Euch Bahar.1 ' He seems to have returned by the same way that he came— that of the Lakhi Diiar. Fold out " ( 295 ) APPENDIX. i. Account of Tbavels or Johann Gruebeb, Jesuit.1 The Missioner set out for China, as we conjecture, in the year 1656. According to the first letter, he went from Venice to Smyrna by sea ; from thence to Ormuz by land in five months ; from Ormnz by sea in seven months to Makau.2 There landing, he passed through China partly by water, partly by land, to Peking in three months. He stayed in China three years : in one of which, viz. 1660, he says the fifty-six Jesuits who were then in that empire baptized more than fifty thousand men. In his return he took a road never perhaps attempted by any European before. Grueber left Peking in the month of June, 1661, . in company with Albert Dorville, of the same society. In thirty days he came to Singan-fu,3 and in thirty more to' Sining-fu, cross ing the Hoang-ho, or Yellow Eiver, twice in the way. Sining 4 is a great and populous city, built at the vast Wall of China, through the gate of which the merchants from India enter Katay or China. Here they stay till they have licence from the Emperor to proceed forward. The Wall at this place is so broad that six horsemen may run abreast on it without embarrassing each other. Here the citizens of Sining take the air (which is very healthful, coming from the desert), and recreate themselves with the prospect as well as other diversions. There are stairs to go a-top of the Wall, and many travel on it from the gate at Sining to the next at Sochew, which is eighteen days' journey. This they do by the Governor's licence, out of curiosity, having a delightful prospect all the way from the Wall, as from a high tower, of the innumerable habi- 1 From Astley's ' Collection of Voy- maps also place the Great Wall at a ages ' vol. iv. distance of 15 geographical miles from 2 Macao. Sining, and its continuation to Suchau a The capital of Shensi, once capital in Kansuh appears to be broken by of China. palisades. Besides, there is no evidence 4 On the western frontier of Kansuh, on the maps that the Wall runs south- towards Kokonor. It is difficult to ac- wards from Sining to Quangsi, Yunnan, count for the crossing of the Hoang-ho and Tibet. twice, between Singan and Sining. The 296 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [Apt. tations on one side, and the various kinds of wild beasts which range the desert on the other side. Besides wild bulls, here are tigers, lions, elephants, rhinoceroses, and monoceroses, which are a kind of horned asses. Thus the merchants view the beasts free from danger, especially from that part of the Wall which, running southward, approaches the more inhabited provinces of Quang-si, Yunnan, and Tibet, for at certain times of the year they betake themselves to the Yellow River and parts near the Wall, which abound with thickets, in order to get pasture and seek their prey. This desert is partly mountainous and partly level, all over sandy and barren, excepting that in some places you meet with little rivulets whose banks yield good pasture. It begins in the middle part of India, and extends from south to north, but nobody ever yet hath dis covered its bounds, which may stretch to the Frozen Ocean. Marco Polo calls this desert Lop, and speaks of its being haunted with spirits. But Grueber says nothing of them. The Tatars formerly called it Beljan, now Samo ; the Chinese Kalmuk, others Kara- kathay. The Tatars, accustomed to deserts, dwell here in tents, removing with their cattle wherever they can find a river or place fit for pasture.1 The road from Sining as far as Lhasa is somewhat differently described in different letters. In the first we are told that Grueber, passing out of China, entered the sands of desert Tatary, which he crossed in three days. Afterwards he came to the banks of the Koko- nor, which signifies the Great Sea,2 being a great lake or sea like the Caspian, where the Yellow River has its source. Leaving this sea behind him, he entered into the country of Tok- tokay,3 which is almost desert and so barren that it need fear no in vasion. One meets with nothing but some tents of Tatars. It is watered by the Toktokay, a very fine river, whence it takes the name. It is as large as the Danube, but so shallow that it may be forded everywhere. Thence, having crossed the country of Tangut,4 he came to 1 The beginning of the Desert of 2 Kokonor does not signify Great Sea, Lop, Gobi, or Shnmo, in the middle but Blue Sea, and it is not the source part of India, is also unintelligible. of, nor connected with, the Yellow The Chinese call this Desert Ko-pih, River, which rises in a distinct system or Ta Ko-pih; also Sha-moh, and of lakes. Han-bai, or Sea of Sand. Beljan > The Toktonai oulan mouren is one (so called by Hayton the Armenian, of the superior affluents or sources of see Yule's ' Cathay,' cxcvi.) may be a the Yang tse kiang, or Mouroui oussou lurkmameforit. Kalmuk is derived (' Mag. Asiatique,' ii. 246 282) from the Mongol tribe of that name. < Tangut is here applied to the high Kara Kathay is Blaek Kathay, the old plateau of Tibet, north of Lhasa. (See name for Mongolia. Yule's ' Marco Polo, i. pp. 184, 1S6 ) App.J TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 297 Retink,1 a very populous province belonging to the kingdom of Baran- tolaj2 whose capital is Lhasa, where at length he arrived. According to the fifth letter, or Kircher's abstract, we are told that presently, after they had passed the Great Wall, they found a river stored with fish, on which they supped in an open tent. Then, crossing the Yellow River, they immediately entered that vast and barren desert of Kalmuk, inhabited by the Kalmuk Tatars (the Eluths or Tatars of Koko-nor), who rove up and down it to rob the caravans, and at certain seasons settle with their portable cities on the banks of the rivers. The Jesuits often met with their habitations in the road, and drew their figures, viz. a Kalmuk man, clothed with a leathern garment and yellow cap ; a Kalmuk woman in a habit made of a certain skin of a green or red colour, each with a charm about their necks to preserve them from dangers ; a Lama, that is one of their Tatar priests or bishops. They wear a white coat or cloak cast backwards, with a red girdle, and a yellow coat, from the girdle of which hangeth down a purse ; their cap or hat is painted red. Their habitations are tents made with small sticks twisted or plaited together, and covered with a coarse woollen stuff bound together with cords. From Sining they, in three months, entered the kingdom of Lhasa, which the Tatars call Barantola. The King is styled Deva,3 or Teva, descended from an ancient race of the Tangut Tatars, resides at Butala, a castle built on a high mountain, after the European fashion, where he has a numerous court. The great priest of this country is called Lama Konju, and adored as a god. He resides at Barantola, and is the Pope of the Chinese and Tatars, called by them God the Father, whose religion in all essential points tallies with the Romish, although, says the author, no Christian ever was in the country before. Here they stayed a month, and might have converted many of the natives, but for that devilish God the Father (as the author calls him), who puts to death such as refuse to adore him. However, they 1 Retink ; perhaps the district of the is in accord with the Mongolian Dic- Jang Raiting Monastery, about 45 miles tionary of Kovalensky. north of Lhasa. (See map of route to 3 See Klaproth, " Description du Si Tengri Nor.) Dzang ou Tubet," ' Mag. Asiatique,' 2 Barantola. Bourhan is a synonym ii. 212 : " On nomme a present le pays of Buddba, according to Hue, ii. 115. du Dalai lama, indistinctement Tubet Hence perhaps the name may mean ou Tangut ; . . . le roy du pays est " country of Buddha." Klaproth, in his nomme' Diba " The Tepa Lama, notes to ' Della Penna,' asserts that who conducts the civil affairs for the Barontala in Mongolian means the Dalai Lama, appears to be the same as right side, referring to Tibet. (See the Deva or Diba. .Yule's ' Marco Polo,' i. 193.) This also 298 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [App. were kindly treated by the people and King, who was the brother of that God the Father. In the Court of Deva, King of Tangut, they saw a woman, born in Hami,1 in Northern Tatary, dressed in an unusual habit. She wore hair like knotted cords, her head and girdle adorned with cockle shells. They saw likewise some women no less strangely dressed, who came from the neighbouring kingdom of Koin.2 The ladies braid or curl their hair in the manner of hair laces or small bands, and twist it behind them. On their foreheads they wear a red fillet beset with pearls, and on the top of their heads a silver crown, bedecked with turquoises and pearls. Grueber drew the pictures of the Grand Lama 3 (taken from one hung at the palace gate) and of Han, late King of Tangut. This last, who had fourteen sons, was, for his goodness and justice, reverenced as a god. He was of a dark complexion, his beard of a chestnut colour mixed with grey, and his eyes protuberant. From Lhasa, or Barantola, they came in four days to the foot of the mountain Langur,4 which being exceedingly high, travellers can hardly breathe at top, the air is so very thin ; neither is it to be crossed in summer without great danger from the exhalations of certain poisonous herbs. Besides, as no waggons or beasts can pass it for the rocks and precipices, they must proceed on foot almost a month till they come to Kuthi,5 one of the two chief cities of the kingdom of Nekbal.6 This mountainous tract is plentifully furnished with springs both hot and cold, which issue from all parts of the mountain, affording store of 1 Hami is one of the Muhamrnadan general name for a mountain pass, cities of Kansuh, beyond the Great equivalent to La in Tibetan, and Shan Wall, at the eastern end of the Tian in Chinese; Tagh in Turki, and Via in Shan mountains. The roads along Mongolian. both sides of the range meet at this b This place was visited by No. 9, point. whose route seems to have been iden- 2 This may be Kam, the eastern tical with the missionary's. It is also division of Tibet. called Nilam. 3 The Dalai Lama in Grueber's time 6 This form of Nepal is unaccount- was the fifth since the establishment of able. Perhaps it is a misprint for the Yellow sect by Tsong-khapa, and Nehpal. The Chinese name is Palpou bore the name of Ngawang lobdzang (see D'Anville's maps). According to ghinmdzo. (See 'Mug. Asiatique,' ii. Brian Hodgson, the name is derived 2l*-) from Ne, the sender to Paradise, who 4 This is the range crossed by the is Swayambhu Adi-Buddha ; and pala, Laghulung-la (pass) and the Dango- cherished. It is Naipala in Sanscrit. la. (See the map of the routes in The Brahmans assert that Ne' is the Eastern Nepal, by explorer No. 9 proper name of the Saint or Muni who under Colonel Montgomerie.) Accord- first settled the country. ing to Brian Hodgson, Langur is a App.] TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 299 fish and pasture. From Kuthi, in five days, they came to the city NesfT,1 still in Nekbal, where provisions are so plentiful that thirty or forty hens are sold for one crown. From Nesti they came, in five days' journey, to Kadmendu,2 the metropolis of Nekbal, where reigns a potent king. From Kadmendu, in half a day's time, they came to the city Nekbal,3 called also Baddan by the natives, the regal city of the whole kingdom. The first letter relates that Nekbal is a month's journey in extent, and has two capital cities, Katmandir and Patan, separated only by a river. The King, called Partasmal,4 resides in the first, and his brother, Nevasmal (a young handsome prince), in the latter. He had the command of all the troops in the country, and while Grueber was there had a great army in the field to oppose a petty king, named Varkam, who made frequent incursions into his dominions. The Jesuit presented this prince with a telescope, wherewith having discovered a place where Varkam had fortified himself, he desired the prince to look that way, which he did, and seeing the enemy so near, cried, " Let us march against them ! " not considering that the seeming approach was the effect of the glass. It is not easy to express how pleased he was with this present. He likewise gave the King other curious mathematical instruments, with which he was so taken that he determined not to let them go, but that they promised him faithfully to return. In that case, he promised both to erect a house for their use, endowed with ample revenues, and grant them full power to introduce the Christian law into his kingdom. In this country, when a man drinks to a woman, the company pour in the liquor cha or the wine three times for the parties, and while they are drinking affix three pieces of butter to the brim of the cup, which those who pledge them take off and stick on their fore heads. They have a most cruel custom in these kingdoms ; for when they judge their sick people to be past hopes of recovery, they carry them 1 This is the Listi of No. 9, at the the favourite residence of the Brahman southern entrance of the remarkable priesthood, still the Baddan of the mis- gorge by which the summit of the sionary is Lalita Patan, another con- Southem Himalaya is crossed in com- siderable city in the same valley as ing from Kuti. Kathmandu. 2 Kathmandu. 4 Pratap malla, king of Kathmandu, 3 Nekbal city, or Baddan, "the regal and Yoga Narendra malla, king of city of the whole kingdom." Although Patan, 1689. (See Prinsep's Tables of Kathmandu has become the residence the Rajas of Nepal, p. 116.) There is of the Gorkha conquerors of Nepal, and no account of the petty king Varkam, Bhatgaon is described by Kirkpatrick probably Vikrama. as a superior place, the old capital, and 300 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [Apr. into the fields, and casting them into deep ditches full of dead corpses, there leave them to perish, and their bodies, when dead, to be devoured by birds and beasts of prey, esteeming it an honour to have living creatures for their tombs. The women, out of a religious whim, never wash, but daub them selves with a nasty kind of oil, which not only causes them to stink intolerably, but renders them extremely ugly and deformed. From Nekbal in a journey of five days you meet with the city Hedonda,1 a colony of the kingdom of Moranga,2 inclosed in Tibet. From the names of Dominic, Francis, and Antony, still in use with the natives, it appeared that Christianity had been planted there in times past. In the first letter we are told that in Moranga he saw no towns, but only houses, or rather huts, made of straw, and among them a custom-house. The King pays yearly to the Great Moghul a tribute of 250,000 rix dollars and seven elephants. From Hedonda (crossing the kingdom of Maranga), in eight days they came to Mutgari,3 the first city of the Moghul's empire. From Mutgari is a journey of ten days to Batana,4 or Patan, which is a city of Bengal, on the Ganges. From Batana, in eight days they came to Benares, a populous city on the Ganges, famous for an academy of the Brahmans, where persons are instructed in their religion and sciences. From Benares, in eleven days they came to Katampur,5 and from thence in seven more to Agra. So that from Peking thither was a journey of 214 days, but reckoning the time which the caravans rest, it will come to about fourteen months. Here Dorville, the companion of Grueber in his travels, died. The author's travels from Moranga are related, with some variation, in the first letter. It is there said that from thence he entered India and came to Minapor,6 the metropolis of the country, where he crossed the Ganges, twice as broad as the Danube. Thence 1 Hitounda of Brian Hodgson, a Moranga, the reference may be to town at the foot of the mountains, Rohtut, a district of the Nepalese 44 kos from Kesriah, a port on the government of the Terai, the principal Gandak, and 19J kos from Kathmandu. place of which now appears to be Kut- Merchandise is conveyed by bullocks tioul. (See ' Kirkpatrick's Nepal,' 40, from the river to Hitounda, whence it 41, and the map of Nepaul, 1855.) is carried over the mountains by ath- 3 Mutgari, "the first 'city of the letic porters (' Bengal Selections,' No. Moghul's empire " (reached by the xxvii. p. 22. 1857). missionaries). This is Motihari, in the 2 Probably the Murung or Terai, the district of Sarun. swampy region between the mountains * The city of Patna, on the Ganges. and the plains. If there is no dis- s ^0 p]ace more iike]y t],an Cawn. crepancy in connection with Radok, pore. which is said to be the capital of « Dinapiir. Apt.] TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 301 he travelled to the city Patna, and from Patna in twenty-five days to Agra, the chief royal seat of the Moghul's empire, eleven months after he had left China. This first letter furnishes us also with an account of his travels from Agra to Europe, and several other particulars not to be met with in Kircher's Memoirs. From Agra he got in six days to Delhi, and from Delhi in fourteen to Lahore, on the Ravi, which is as broad as the Danube, and falls into the Indus, near Multan. At this last place he embarked on the Indus, and in forty days journeyed down to Tata, the last city of Hindustan, and residence of a Viceroy called Laskarkan. Here he found many English and Dutch merchants. From thence, sailing to Ormuz, he landed, and passing through Persia, Armenia, and Asia Minor, came to Smyrna, where, putting again to sea, he arrived first at Messina, and then at Rome, fourteen months after he had left Agra. He had not been long at Rome before he received orders to return to China. Accordingly he went into Germany, and from thence to Poland, with a design to cut out another new road through Russia, having, by the Emperor's means, obtained passports from the Dukes of Curland and Muscovy. But when he arrived on the borders of Russia, news came that the King of Poland, in conjunction with the Tatars, had invaded the Grand Duke's dominions. Fearing, therefore, that it would be difficult to get to Moscow, called by the Tatars Stoliza, he thought it best to return to Venice, which he did just at the time the Emperor was sending Count Lesly on an embassy to the Porte. In the train of this lord he travelled to Constantinople, designing to take his way through Natolia, Persia, and the Indies ; but on his arrival he was seized with a violent flux and pains in the stomach, so that, being unable to proceed, he returned by sea to Leghorn, and thence to Florence. Here his disorder abating, he repaired to Venice, in order to pass through Frhili to Vienna, and so to Constantinople, once more to attempt getting to China by that road. But how he succeeded we do not find. The author, in 1665, when he set out on his return to China, was about forty-five years of age, of an affable temper and extremely civil, joining to other good qualities the German sincerity, which rendered his conversation perfectly agreeable. The variations found in the letters seem to be owing to the defects of the author's memory, and mistakes of those who took the relation from his mouth. With regard to the Chinese and Tatars, he has explained some things more fully than other authors have done, as well as related others in a different manner. 302 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App. Table op Latitudes observed on the Joubney.' Sining 36 Lhasa, or Barantola 29 Khatmandu 27 Hedonda 26 Batana, on Ganges 24 Benares, on Ganges 24 10 0 6 0 5 0 36 0 44 0 50 0 II. A Letter from Fatlter Ippolito Desideri, Missionary of the Society of Jesus, to Father Ildebrando Grassi, a Missionary of the same Society, in the Kingdom of Mysore. (Translated from a French translation by Du Halde in the ' Lettres Edifiantes,' vol. xv. p. 184.) Lhasa, April 10, 1716: Reveeend Fathee, — The peace of our Lord be with you. Having been appointed to the Tibetan mission, I left Goa on the 20th of November, 1713, and arrived at Surat on the 4th of January, 1714. Being compelled to sojourn here awhile, I took advantage of my leisure to learn Persian. On the 26th of March I set out for Delhi, whither I arrived on the 11th of May, and where I joined company with Father Manuel Freyre, who had been appointed to the same mission as myself. On the 23rd of September we together began our journey towards Tibet. We went by way of Lahore, which we reached on the 10th of October, and where we had the pious satisfac tion of administering the sacraments of repentance and the Eucharist to some Christians, who were bereft of any spiritual pastor. We left Lahore on the 19th of October, and in the course of a few days reached the foot of the Caucasus. The Caucasus is a long range, consisting of remarkably steep and lofty mountains. After crossing one mountain you encounter a second still higher ; this is in turn succeeded by a third, higher than either of the two former ones ; and the farther you go the higher you climb, till you reach the highest of all, named Per-Pangial.2 1 These latitudes, according to the latest authorities, should be as follows :— 36 39 20 Jesuit surveys. 27 26 0 Pundit. 29 39 17 Pundit. 25 35 0 Indian survey. 27 41 '28 i, 25 17 0 2 Pir Punjal, a pass on the first range of the Himalaya, which is crossed in going to Kashmir. App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 303 The Gentiles hold this mountain in great awe ; they bring offerings to it, and in their superstition worship a venerable old man, whom they believe to be guardian of the region. Herein is doubtless contained a reminiscence of the fable of Prometheus, who, according to the poets, was bound in chains to the Caucasus. The summits of the highest mountains are always covered with snow and ice. We took twelve days to traverse these mountains on foot, crossing at times, with incredible difficulty, impetuous torrents, which, formed by the melting of the snow, dash down with extreme violence amid rocks and boulders. The torrents which we had ever and anon to stem, and the rocks, made it an extremely difficult business to get across, and often was I compelled to hang on by the tail of a bullock to avoid being carried away by the force of the stream. I do not speak of the extreme cold I had to suffer, through not having taken the precaution to obtain clothing suitable for so rude a climate. This country of mountains, though in other respects so inhos pitable, is pleasing through the number and variety of its trees, the fertility of the soil, and the different races which inhabit it. Some petty States here are dependent on the Moghul. The roads are nowhere impracticable for a horseman or for a jampan, a sort of palanquin. On the 10th of March l we arrived at Kashmir. The enormous quantity of snow which falls during winter, and which absolutely closes up the passes, obliged us to remain there for six months. An illness, apparently caused by the first hardships I had undergone, reduced me to the last extremity. I did not fail in continuing my study of Persian, and in making inquiries respecting Tibet ; but though I took every pains, I could only learn about two Tibets. One extends from the north to the west, and is called Little Tibet, or Baltistan. It is a few days' journey from Kashmir, and its inhabi tants and its princes are Muhammadans and tributaries of the Moghul. However fertile this country may be in other respects, it is sure to be barren as far as preachers of the Gospel are concerned ; for a long experience has taught us only too surely to expect but little fruit in countries where rules the impious Muhamrnadan race. The other Tibet, which is called Great Tibet, or Bhutan, extends from the north to the east, and is rather more distant from Kashmir. The route thither is pretty well frequented by caravans, which go every year in quest of wool, and as a rule runs through defiles. The first six or seven days' journey are not very trying ; but as one goes on travelling becomes very difficult, through the wind, the snow, and the excessive rigour of the biting frosts, to which must be added 1 March appears to be written in mistake for November. 304 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App. having to rest at night on the bare ground, and at times on snow and ice. Great Tibet begins at the summit of an enormous snow-clad mountain, called Kantel.1 One side of the mountain belongs to Kashmir, and the other to Tibet. We had left Kashmir on the 17th of May, 1715, and on the 30th, the festival of our Lord's Ascension, we crossed the mountain and entered Tibet. Much snow had fallen on the path, which winds between mountains as far as Leh, or Ladak, the fortress where the King resides, which are the very picture of desola tion, horror, and death itself. They are piled one atop of another, and so close as scarcely to leave room for the torrents which course impetuously from their heights, and dash with such deafening noise against the rocks as to appal the stoutest traveller. Above and at their foot the mountains are equally impassable ; you are there fore forced to make your way about half way down the slope, and the path, as a rule, is so narrow as barely to leave room for you to set down your feet ; this obliges yon to pick your way with extreme care. A false step, and you are precipitated down the abyss with the loss of your life, or at the least with broken limbs, as befel some of our fellow-travellers. Were there bushes you might cling by them, but these mountains are so barren that neither plants nor even a blade of grass grows thereon. Would you wish to cross from one mountain to another, you must pass over the foaming torrents between, and there is no bridge, save some narrow, unsteady planks, or some ropes stretched across and interwoven with green branches. Often you are obliged to take off your shoes in order to get a better foot hold. I assure you that I shudder now at the bare remembrance of these dreadful episodes in our journey. Trying as the climate is, there is no food save the flour made from battu2 which is a kind of barley. The people of the country eat it unprepared ; but we generally made a broth of it, and it was no small thing for us to get enough wood to cook it. One's eyes are terribly tired with the reflection of the sun's rays from the snow, which dazzles and nearly blinds them. I was obliged to bandage mine, and admit only just enough light to see my way. Then, every other day or so, we encountered customs officers, who, 1 According to Vigne, the summit of quinua of Peru. It is cultivated at Bultul (Zoji la pass) is the Mount heights of more than 5000 feet, chiefly Kantul of the old maps. It is north- for its grain, but the leaves are also east of Srinagar (Kashmir), on the road used as a pot-herb. (See ' Punjab to Baltistan (Little Tibet). Plants,' by J. L. Stewart, M.D., Lahore, 2 A chenopndium, something like the 1869, p. 179.) App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 305 not content with demanding the usual dues, exacted all they pleased by aay right they fancied. In these mountainous regions there are no large towns. There is no particular coinage, that of the Moghul being chiefly used ; each piece of money is worth five Roman Giuglii. Trading is usually carried on by exchange of goods. The journey from Kashmir to Ladak we made on foot, and it lasted forty days, so that we reached the last-named place on the 25th of June. The kingdom of the second Tibet begins, as I have already remarked, at Mount Kantel,1 and extends north-eastwards. There is only one Gyampo, or sove reign ruler ; the present one is called Nima Nangial, and he has a tributary king below him. The first races one meets are Muham madans ; afterwards they are Gentiles, but less superstitious than idolatrous nations usually are. Here is what I learnt of the Tibetan religion. They call God Konciok ; and they appear to have some notion of the Holy Trinity, for at times they call him Konchok-chik (one God), and at other times Konchok-sum (three Gods). They use a kind of chaplet, over which they repeat these words : Om, ha, hum. This they explain by saying that Om signifies knowledge or an arm, that is, power ; ha is the word, and hum is the heart or love, and that these* three words mean God.2 They also worship a being called Urghien, who, so they say, was born seven hundred years ago. When asked if he be God or man, some reply that he is both God and man, that he has neither father nor mother, but that he was born of a flower. Nevertheless they have statues representing a woman with a flower in her hand, and her they call the mother of Urghien. Many other personages do they worship and treat as saints. In their churches you may see an altar covered with a cloth and ornaments ; in the middle of the altar is a kind of tabernacle, wherein, as they say, Urghien dwells, though there are some who assert he is in heaven. The Tibetans have priests, called lamas. They are clad in a uniform different from laymen; they neither plait their hair nor carry earrings, as other men, but wear a tonsure like our eccle siastics, and have to observe perpetual celibacy. Their occupation is to study the books of the law, which are written in a tongue and in characters differing from those ordinarily in use. They recite certain prayers in chorus; and theirs it is to celebrate rites, to present offerings in the temple, and to light the sacred lamps there. They offer up wheat, barley, paste and water, in little vessels of scrupulous cleanliness. Where an offering has been made, the remainder of the 1 See ante, p. 304. 2 Om mani padmi bum. (See pp. 1, 29, 32, 337.) X 306 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App. food is eaten as if it were consecrated. The lamas are greatly respected ; as a rule, they live together, shut out from all profane intercourse ; they have local superiors, and also a general superior, whom the King himself treats with great veneration. The King and many of his court look upon us as lamas of the faith of Jesus Christ, who have come from Europe. When he saw us reciting our prayers, he was curious to see what books we were reading, and he eagerly inquired the meaning of the various figures therein depicted. After having carefully examined them, some of them said among themselves, " Nuru," that is, very good. They remarked two things : firstly, that their book was very like ours. This simi larity I failed to perceive ; but one thing I am certain of is, that though many may know how to read their mysterious books, not one can explain them. The second observation they made was : " Oh ! if you knew our language, or if we understood yours, what pleasure it would give us to hear you expound your religion." This proves that this people is well disposed to taste of Christian truths. The Tibetans are naturally gentle, but uncultivated and coarse. There are neither arts nor sciences among them, though they are not wanting in intelligence. They have no communications with other nations ; no sort of meat is forbidden to them ; they do not hold the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and do not practise polygamy ; three points in which they differ widely from the idolatrous natives of India. As you may have learnt from what I have said, the climate is very severe, and winter prevails nearly all the year round. The mountain tops are always covered with snow ; the soil yields only wheat and barley; trees, fruits, and vegetables being rarely seen. The houses are small, narrow, and built of stones piled in rude fashion one above the other. They use nothing but woollen stuffs for their clothes. While we were at Ladak we had no other lodging but the hut of a poor Kashmirian who lived on charity. Two days after our arrival we went to call on the Lompo, who is next in rank to the King, and commonly called his right arm. On the 2nd of July we had our first audience of the King himself, who received us seated on his throne. On the 4th and 8th we were again summoned to his presence, and he then treated us more familiarly. On the 6th we paid our respects to the Grand Lama. He was accom panied by several other Lamas, one of whom was a son of Lompo, and another a near relative of the King. They received us most honour ably, and presented us with some refreshments, as is the custom of the country. App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 307 These honours and tokens of friendship did not, however, drive all anxiety from us. The wool trade serves to draw many Muhammadans from Kashmir to Ladak. Some of these, prompted either by jealousy or hatred of the very name of Christians, told the King and his ministers that we were in reality rich merchants, with pearls, diamonds, rubies, jewels of various sorts, and other valuable com modities in our possession. An officer of the court came to our lodgings ; everything was opened before him, and the report he made thereon excited the King's curiosity. His Majesty ordered to be brought unto him a basket and a leather bag, in which we carried our smaller effects, such as linen, books, writings, some instruments for self-mortification, chaplets, and medals. The King examined every thing, and then openly declared that it gave him greater pleasure to inspect goods of this sort than to see pearls and rubies. Affairs were in this state, and I was thinking of tarrying in a country where I had resolved to suffer whatever it might please Providence to inflict upon me; I was in the highest degree over joyed at having found a settled State, where I could labour towards the salvation of men's souls ; I was already beginning to learn the language, with the hope of seeing some of my teaching bring forth, even among these barren rocks, fruit acceptable in the sight of Him, when we learnt that there was a third Tibet. After several consulta tions, it was decided, against my wish, that we should go thither and discover it. The journey takes usually from about six to seven months, and the route lies through countries of deserted aspect, and scantily peopled. This third Tibet is more exposed to the incursions of the border Tatars than the other two Tibets. We left Ladak on the 17th of August, 1715, and we arrived at Lhasa, whence I have the honour to address you, on the 18th of March, 1716. I leave you to imagine what I had to suffer during this journey, what with snow, ice, and the excessive cold of these mountains. Shortly after our arrival, certain tribunals of the country occasioned us a good deal of annoyance. Thanks to God, this storm was appeased in the following manner. I was passing by the palace to attend one of the tribunals, when the King, who was seated in a balcony with one of his ministers, happened to be informed who I was. Our case had been made known to this minister, who is a thoroughly just and equitable man, and he took occasion to represent to the prince the wrong that was being done to us. The King immediately summoned me to his presence, and gave orders that we should be no more troubled. A few days after I called upon the minister referred to, and he x 2 308 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App. good-naturedly rebuked me for not having yet presented myself to the King. I excused myself on the ground that the custom of the country did not allow people to approach those in authority without making them some present, and that I had nothing worthy of so great a monarch's acceptance. My excuse, though genuine, was riot listened to. I was obliged to obey, and repaired to the palace. More than a hundred people of consequence were awaiting audience in the hall. Two officers took down their names, according to custom, and carried the paper in to the King, who immediately gave orders for my admittance together with a Grand Lama. The Lama's present was a handsome one, while mine was quite insignificant ; but nevertheless that of the Lama was deposited at the entrance, according to custom, while the King ordered mine to be brought to him, and to show how pleased he was with it, kept it by him. This in the court is con sidered an exceptional mark of favour. He made me sit down opposite to him and quite close, and for the space of two hours plied me with innumerable questions, without speaking a word to the others present. At last, having made my final compliments, he bade me good-bye. On several occasions after my first visit I strove to take advantage of the King's kindly disposition and to discourse of our holy religion, and of the mission I wished to undertake in his kingdom, but un fortunately I had no opportunity of doing this. This monarch is of Tatar race, and some years ago he conquered this country, which is ¦ not very far from China, for it takes only four months to travel hence to Peking. Not long since an envoy came thence, and he has since returned to Peking. Having given you, Reverend Father, this brief account of my travels, and of what has happened since my arrival in the capital of the third (province of) Tibet, it only remains for me to entreat the aid of your prayers. After undergoing so much suffering, I need them sorely to sustain me in the labours of the ministration to which by Divine favour I have been called, all unworthy though I be. In the hope of sharing the blessings of your holy offices, I subscribe myself, &c, Ippolito Desideei. App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 309 III. BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE KINGDOM OF TIBET, BY Fea Fbancesoo Oeazio della Penna di Billi,1 1730.2 The word Tibet is a Tatar corruption, the proper term being Thobot, or Tangut katzar. Tangut means dwellers in houses, and katzar country or kingdom ; so the whole expression signifies " the kingdom of dwellers in houses," the Tatars dwelling in tents of felt, or of a coarse material woven from the hair of the yak or hairy ox, and the Tibetans in houses. Tibet, in the language of the country, is called Poot, and the inhabitants Poot ba, while in the language of Nekpal it is called Seen, and a Tibetan, Seena. In Hindustani, Tibet is called Butant, and a Tibetan Butia. The capital of Tibet is called Baron- thala in the Tatar tongue. Baron signifies right, iha towards, and la south ; so the whole means, on the right hand, southward. In the Tibetan tongue it is called Lha-sa, which means Land of God. According to the royal ministers, who are expressly charged with the duty of keeping count of the numbers of the population of the whole kingdom, the total amounts to thirty-three millions,3 of whom 690,000 are soldiers. The families of those provinces which have to furnish youths to be monks are exempt from supplying soldiers. The provinces of U and Tzang together contribute 130,000 soldiers, at the rate of one for every three families. The state of Kham contributes 360,000 soldiers at the same rate, while those of Ngari and Chang maintain 100,000 each, at the rate of one for each family. From the states of Hor and Amdoa no soldiers are taken, from motives of mistrust, as the first are adherents of the Tatar rather than the Tibetan cause, and usually speak the Tatar language, while the second dwell on the confines of China beyond the Great Wall, and speak more Tibetan than Tatar and Chinese. The provinces of 7 Francis Horace were the author's in a different position, twenty miles baptismal names. Penna di Billi is W.N.W. of Urbino. the name of the district where he was 2 Published by Klaproth, from the born. It is situated in the march of An- autograph manuscript of the author. cona, about twenty miles from Macerata. 3 Klaproth thinks this an exaggera- Keith Johnston's 'Gazetteer' places it tion, and wouldfixitatfivemillionsonly. 310 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. Kombo and Takpo furnish soldiers in the same way as the other states. The figures I have omitted to notice, and must give them conjec- turally. I think that together they may supply 140,000 soldiers, one from every three families. The kingdoms of Brukpa1 (in Hin dustani, Laltopivala), Lata or Ladak, and Nekpal are now subject to and have voluntarily made themselves tributary to Tibet, after the Emperor of China had made himself master of it. The following are the kingdoms and provinces of Tibet : the kingdom of Lata or Ladak, which to the west abuts on Kashmir, to the south the Mogol, to the east Ngari, and to the north Tatary and (I believe) the Usbek Tartars. Ngari is divided into three provinces, Ngari Sankar, Ngari Purang, and Ngari Tamo. Ngari Sankar is bounded on the west by Lata, on the north by Tatary, and (I believe) by Gaskar or Kaskar, on the east by Ngari Purang, and on the south by the Mogol. Ngari Purang is bounded by Ngari Sankar on the north, and for two points on the west, on the north by Tatary, on the east by Ngari Tamo, and on the south by the Mogol. Ngari Tamo is bounded on the west by Ngari Purang, on the north by Tatary, on the east by the province of Tzang, and on the south by the Mogol. The province of Tzang is bounded by Nekpal on the west, on the north by Ngari Tamo, on the south by Lho ten ke and Bregion,2 and on the east by the province of U. Towards the west the furthermost town of Tzang is called in Hindustani Kuti or bitch, and in Tibetan Gnialam and Tzongtu, which means the place whither the merchants resort to bargain with one another. The easternmost place is called Kambala, which is the name of a great mountain, on the slopes of which are many (inhabited) places, and in the plain at the foot to the south is a great lake called Iandro,3.which is eighteen days' journey round, according to those who have made the circuit, but within are some hilly islands. The same lake has no outlet that I know of, and during a day and half's march round it, I can vouch that I saw none ; w hile. as regards the remaining portion I have the authority of those who have made its circuit. To pass 1 Bhutan. (C. R. M.) inhabited by some men who pasture 2 Sikkim. (Klaproth.) herds of yaks. Many fishermen also 3 Probably the correct spelling is live there : their boats are of leather. Yang dhro, warm and extensive. The The lake is very full of fish, but its Tibet name is Phal dhi yu mthso, or waters are salt and bitter. See the the lake of the turquoises of Phal-dhi, " Description of Tibet," in the second a town or village to the north of the vol. of my ' Magasin Asiatique ' (Paris, lake. In the middle of the lake are 1826, 8vo.), p. 285, and ' Nouveaii Jour- three mountainous islands, named Mi- nal Asiatique,' vol. iv. p. 295. (Kl.) naba, Sangri, aud Yabotu, which arc App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 311 Mount Kambala one has to ascend certainly for half a mile, and then to descend for five good miles, after which one comes upon a very large river called Chasum, Tzampo, or Tzangchu,1 which rises in Ngari. It passes three days' journey distant from Lhasa, and con tinues its course under the fortress of Sgikakungar,2 and before arriving at Takpo Cini it loses itself, during a whole day's journey, in Lhoga ; 3 they say also that it flows under a mountain, because after passing this mountain one comes upon the river again ; from Takpo it passes by Kombo, and they say that it joins the Ganges towards Ragmati or Shategang. The capital of this province (Tzang) is called Sgigatze.4 The kingdom of Bregion, or Bramashon,5 is bounded on the north by the province of Tzang, to the south by Mon Altibari and Brukpa, or Laltopivala, to the east and south by Lhoba, to the east by Kako and Kombo, and to the west by Maronga and Nekpal. The province of U is bounded on the west by Tzang, on the east by Sharbigonti, on the south by Ialha and Takpo, on the north by Chang, while its extreme points are Kambala, Sharbigonti, Talung, and Ratren, in the west, east, and north respectively. The capital of U is Lhasa, and near this city flows the river Tsangchu, which rises in Sharbigonti, and joins the river Chasum, near Chuchur, three days' journey from Lhasa. U signifies " middle," as this province is in the middle of Tibet ; and Lhasa, which is situated in the middle of the province, is called the navel of the wealthy kingdom of Tibet. The province of Chang is bounded on the west by Ngari, on the north by Kokonor, on the east by Kham, on the south by U. In the province of Chang is situated the duchy of Dam, which is eight days distant from Lhasa, and in Dam there is nothing else but the palace belonging to the King and his court, the remainder of the inhabitants (which are mostly Tatars and the other Tibetans) dwelling in tents of felt and of cloth woven out of hair. Two days distant from Dam is Nak chu ka, where is the last fortress of Tibet, but no other dwellings except tents, as before mentioned. In this place there flows a large 1 This river is generally called Tsang name of some cannibal mountain tribes po tsin, or the pure water. (Kl.) north and north-east of Assam. (Kl.) 2 A fortress on the right of the 4 One of the largest towns of Tibet, Tsangchu and to the north-east of situated about one kos north-east of Lake Yang mtso. Robbers are gene- Tashi- lumbo. The river Churerku, rally drowned in the river, but some- which is very deep and about three times as an act of favour they are sent hundred paces wide, flows two or three to Sgikakungar, or Ji-ka-ghong-kar, hundred yards distant. It is crossed where the unhealthiness of the spot by an iron bridge on eight arches, called usually kills them within a year. (Kl.) Sambachur, or the eastern bridge. (Kl.) 3 L'ho ka, or L'ho k'ha pha, is the 5 Sikkim. (C. R. M.) 312 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. river called Nak chu,1 which means black water, and has given the name to the place. For about forty days' journey there are no more houses to be seen, but only tents and numerous herds of yaks or hairy oxen, flocks, and horses ; travellers can buy nothing to eat but meat and butter, and are obliged to carry everything else with them. After traversing this country one reaches a very large river called Bichu,2 which, as Signor Samuel Van der,3 a native of Fleshingh, in the province of Zeland, in Holland, has written of it, is so large, that to cross it in boats of skins he embarked in the morning, and landed on an island in the evening, and could not complete the passage across till the middle of the following day. In the vicinity of the river there is a large population, which live in tents. At the distance of about a month's journey hence one comes to Zoloma,4 the people of which also live in tents, and after five days' journey more one reaches Kokonor, which is the northernmost limit of Tibet in this direction. The province of Takpo is pretty extensive, and is divided into seven districts, among which are Takpo Chini, where the Capuchin missionaries have a hospice, and Takpo Chara, which is bounded on the north by U, on the south by Kombo, on the east by Kham, and on the west by Tzang. The province of Kombo is bounded on the north by Takpo, on the east by Kham, on the west by Bregion and Lhobei, and on the south by Lho k'haptra, Lho meaning south, k'ha mouth, and ptrd cut, because in infancy the lips of the children are cut and coloured red, yellow, blue, and otherwise in the incisions. Kham is bounded on the west by Bikum, Takpo, and Kombo, on the north by Kokonor and Chang, on the east by Tarchenton, China, and Amdoa, and towards the south by Bengal, Siam, or Pegu and Tonquin. The state of Kham is divided into the following twelve provinces: (1) Tzava Kham, which is bounded on the west by Bikum and Takpo, on the east by Pombor Kham, and on the south by Lho k'haptra. (2) Pombor Kham, which is bounded on the west by Tzava Kham, on the east by Mingara Kham, on the south by Bengal, and on the north by Bichu. (3) Mingara Kham, which is bounded on the west by Pombor Kham, on the east by China, and, it is believed, by the province of Chentofu and Amdoa, on the south, as far as it is believed, by Pegu, and on the north by Kokonor. (4) Ketong Kham, which is bounded on the west by Kombo, on the east by Tzava Kham, to the south, as far as is known, by Pegu or 1 The upper Lu-kiang. (Kl.) * "The junction of three rivers," 2 The Murui-ussu, or Upper Yang- where the road from Sining to Lhasa tbe-kumg (Kl.) crosses the upper Hoaitg-ho. (Kl.) 3 Van de Putte. Sec p. lxii of In- ' reduction. App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 313 Siam, and on the north by Kokonor. (5) Chungbu Kham, which on the ^est is bounded by Talung, on the east by Chamto, on the south by Shopado, and on the north by Chang. (6) Konchuduru Kham which on the east is bounded by Kemorang, on the west by Chang, in the direction of Dam, on the north by Kokonor, on the south by Bha,1 which, whether it belong to Pegu or Tonquin, is unknown. (7) Chamto Kham, (8) Kemorong Kham are provinces, of which not only the boundaries, as in the case of the other four provinces, but even the names of places are uncertain, as information could not be procured from those who knew, and, through the jealousy of the Tibetans, it has been found impossible to copy a map in the palace of Varanga (?) or Lhaprang. The King of Tibet is also ruler over the state of Amdoa, men tioned above, which is bounded on the east by China, on the north by Kokonor and Chang, on the west by Kham, and on the south by Tonquin, Pegu, or Siam, as far as is known ; but this is not known for certain, as the Tibetans have very little knowledge of those countries and the states neighbouring them. Amdoa is divided into the follow ing provinces, Chenisgungba, Iarba, Ara, Margniu, Tzator, Tariong, Tebo, Ngaba, Sunggiu, Korlung, Chusang, Samblo, Tongor, Kung- bung, and they say that there are others, but there was no opportunity afforded us of ascertaining these matters, owing to the necessity for not awakening suspicions. In all these provinces there are cities, estates, castles built of stone and other durable materials. The native tongue is Tibetan, but they speak also Tatar and Chinese, and possess a high class of intellect. In my time nearly all the lecturers and lamas of the university, masters of the Supreme Lama, and the Grand Lamas who have been born again, came from Amdoa, a province from which they do not draft soldiers, as mentioned above. Between Tatary and the provinces of Chang and Ngari are the people of Hor,2 who are of mean intellect, wear their hair in tresses and dress in the Tatar fashion ; they live in tents, and speak both Tatar and Tibetan, but the former with greater facility. In the pro vince of Tzang there are two large and several small rivers. One rises in the Langur mountain and flows as far as Sekia, and then turning south traverses the state of Bregion or Bramashon, and Bengal, where it joins the Ganges under the name of Ponchu.3 The other river, called Sanchu, comes from the north, it is believed from 1 Bha is the country of Bha, or Bha- Tibetans to the people of the Turk tang (plain of cows). (Kl.) race in Central Asia. (Kl.) 2 Hor, according to M. Csoma de 3 The Tista, which however does not Koros, is the name applied by the rise in Mount Langur, but in some mountains to the north. (Kl.) 314 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. Chang larzi, flows to the south of Sgigatze, passes Giantze and Pari, leaving Bregion on the west, and joins the Ganges in Bengal.1 The boundaries of Tibet on the east meet those of China and Tarchenton.2 This state or province, I believe, joins China beyond the Great Wall. In ancient times, when the Grand Lama was both the spiritual and temporal ruler in Tibet, the Emperor of China always gave him supreme authority over it, but when the Emperor gained possession of Tibet, in 1720, he reserved the chief power for himself. This country produces abundantly several species of tea, with which it supplies the whole of Tibet, which on the south is bounded by Bengal, Lho ten ke, Altibari, Mon, Brukpa, Lhoba, Lh6 k'haptra, Shapado, Bha (to whom this belongs is not known), and, as far as can be told, with Pegu, Siam, and Tonquin ; on the west by Kashmir, a part of the Mogol, Nekpal, and Moronga ; on the north by Usbek, Gaskar,3 and Giongar4 Tatary, and it is believed by Varkand and Kokonor. Giongar is derived from Qion, left, and kar, hand ; and Kokonor from Koleo, blue, and nor, lake ; these being Tatar words. In the Tibetan tongue Kokonor is called Tzoka, which is derived from Tzo, lake, and lea, dwellers. Kokonor is also called Tzo ngonbo, which means blue lake, the water being blue. The Tibetans pretend that this lake belongs to them, and that the limits of Tibet adjoin those of the town of Shilin or Shilingh. From this lake there issues no river. The five rivers which the old maps show as issuing from a lake, whether it be the above-named Iandro or Iantzo, which is three days' journey west of Lhasa, or Kokonor lake, which is about one day's journey from Shilin, on the confines of Tibet, these being the only two lakes in that country, are absolutely imaginary, as no river at all issues from those lakes ; but there are other large rivers, as mentioned above, viz. Tzangchu, in the province of Tzang, and Nakchu and Bichu, in the state of Chang, as well as two others which I have forgotten. These facts are derived from well-informed persons, who also state that the Ganges rises in Ngari towards Tatary. It appears fitting here to record what has been told to me by those who have travelled through and beyond Tibet. The river Erchis divides Muscovy from the whole of Tatary. Towards the confines of the latter, between the west and south, dwell the Turkut 5 Tatars, who voluntarily became subjects of Mus- 1 Klaproth says there is some con- 4 Dzungar. (Kl.) fusion here. ° These are the Torgod Kalmaks 2 A large fortified town not in the who left Russian territory to place maPs- themselves in subjection to China. 3 Kiiskar or Kashgar. (Kl.) (Kl.) App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 315 covy, on condition of being provided with the means of sustenance, th^rr own country being barren. They profess the same religion as the Tibetans, a fact which I know from this, that in 1730 their king died, and his queen and son sent some nobles with an escort of 300 men and plenty of money and other gifts to Lhasa, to make prayers and offerings to the Grand Lamas and convents for the benefit of the late king's soul. They went by sea, landed in China,1 and from thence journeyed to Lhasa, which they reached in October, 1731, and where I had several conversations with their chiefs, car ried on by means of Tibetan interpreters, their own language being Tatar and a little Muscovite, while they are not entirely ignorant of Christianity. In the map Kabul is inserted, but the name is called Kamul. About a month's journey from it is Turfan. Kaskar is a kingdom, the capital of which is called Kaskar, and is distant three days' journey on horseback south from Yarkand. Andigen is a city and kingdom, distant from Kaskar a month's journey southward. Yarkand is the name of the kingdom, and the capital is called Yark and. The people of Yarkand, Kaskar, and Usbek are for the most part of the Muhamrnadan religion, and speak Turki. Samarkand, Bokara, and Balak are nearly wholly Muhamrnadan, and speak Per sian, while the people of Turfan, between Yarkand and Kamul, are mostly Muhammadans, and speak Turki. Turfan belongs to Giongari, and Kamul to China. The people of Andigen, Turfan, and Kamul profess Muhammadanism, but those of Andigen speak Tatar, and the other two, Turfan and Kamul, Turki and Tatar. From Shilin or Shilingh to Kamul, the merchants with their caravans take forty days on the road, and twelve from Kamul to Turfan, whence their route runs in a north-west direction. Tarsy, a district of Amdoa, is a good day's journey from Shilin. Regarding the situation of onr five religious houses, I may mention that the first is at Chandernagor, in Bengal, in latitude 22° 20' north, where the sun is in the zenith on the 3rd June and 9th July. The second is that of Patna, in the kingdom of Behar, twenty days distant from Chandernagor, and in latitude 26° 30' north. The third is in Nekpal, at Kadmandu or Batgao, in latitude 27° 30'. The fourth in the capital of Tibet, in Lhasa, in latitude 30° 20'. The fifth at Trongnge, in Takpo, about 30° north latitude. 1 Evidently an error. The Embassy traversed Mongolia. The Kalmak king, who was called Ayuka Khan, died in 1731. (Kl.) 316 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. A Short Account of the Great Kingdom of Tibet, as far as regards the Position of the Country and its Products ; the Food and Drink of its People; its Commerce; the Manners, Politics, and Temporal Rule of the People ; the Administration of Justice ; and a Succinct Abstract of the Great Chaos of Tibetan Laws. The Kingdom of Tibet and its Products. — The kingdom of Tibet is mountainous throughout, and between the mountains there are plains, where are built cities and castles in the southern parts, and groves of willows and stunted trees have been planted, the mountains being destitute of everything except shrubs. Towards the south, in the provinces of Takpo, Kombo, and Kham, there are forests, but in all the mountains in the provinces of Ngari, Tzang, U, and Chang, there are no shrubs, but only a few trees, too few indeed to supply beams for building houses, so that they only take the branches of the trees for fuel, and sell them at an extremely high price, as their usual practice is to burn the dung of horses, oxen, and other animals. The climate is extremely cold, and the summits of the mountains are covered with snow all through the year. Owing to the great altitude and the rudeness of the bleak winds which there prevail, the ground for six months is hard as rock, and the climate and soil being alike inhospitable, no poisonous animal is to be found. Sowing takes place in the beginning of May; they gather little wheat, little being sown, much barley, and some peas which they bruise (as they do not cook them), and give to horses and cattle, the latter crop being gathered in September. These harvests, as well as that of rape (from the seeds of which oil is made), yield sixty- fold, and in good seasons eightyfold. The people sow nothing else, except some small red turnips, radishes, garlic in large quantity, and a few very small onions. In the southern parts nothing else is found, with the exception of a few nuts, some small peaches, and wild apples (in Trongnge there are some wild vines which yield a few grapes), and a few different sorts of flowers, make up the total of the fruits of the earth. For clothing purposes they have only cloth of wool, serge, or yarn, blankets, which are at the most a palm and a half wide, and skins with the hair on. There are many gold mines in the provinces of U, Tzang, Chang, Takpo, Kombo, and Kham, and silver (as far as is known) in the province of Kham. There are also mines of iron App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 817 copper, and another mineral, of a white colour, like tin, which is calldfl tikza, and is worked into a sort of brass by being mixed with copper ; of sulphur, vitriol, cinnabar, cobalt, turquoise stones, a yellow substance called paula, borax, rock-salt, a white mineral earth, used in the houses instead of lime ; another species of earth, bright and corrosive, used instead of soap, to eradicate stains and cook food quickly ; square stones of three kinds, the colour of iron ; of silver and of gold ; mountain crystals, which are used for flints, and alabaster ; rhubarb and other medicines are to be found. There are numerous mineral springs, and medicinal springs, both hot and cold, which, however, are not good for drinking purposes, owing to their being mixed with the aforesaid minerals. There are horses, a few oxen like ours, but extremely small, oxen peculiar to the country with long hair, which are used as beasts of labour, mules, sheep in abundance, goats, cows, which yield plenty of milk, from which butter is obtained in large quantities, but not cheese, which they know not how to make, small pigs, whose flesh is not nnlike the other flesh they eat, a great number of very large dogs, and a few fowls. As regards wild animals, there are a few hares, a large quantity of musk rats, marmots, a few stags and goats, and hairy oxen. The birds comprise sparrows, a few larks, ravens, falcons, eagles and other birds of prey, wild ducks and geese in abundance. There is also plenty of fish, but from the first day of the year to the end of the seventh month all fishing is prohibited, while the killing of birds is always prohibited. Food. — The Tibetans drink a quantity of tea, made with milk, butter, and salt, and leave a little tea in the cup, in which they make a paste with barley meal, and afterwards eat it. For dinner and supper they make the barley-meal paste with tea or water, and eat it with meat or fish, which they eat raw, or with dried meat without salt. Well-to-do people, however, live rather better. Commerce. — The above-mentioned minerals, woollen cloth, yarn, woollen blankets, musk, and the foregoing animals, paper made in Takpo and Pari, in the south of the province of Tzang, are all, as far as Tibet is concerned. From other kingdoms, as well as from China, come porcelain, glass in small quantities, fabrics of raw and prepared silk, brocades, white and coloured cotton fabrics, sewing silk and thread, tea in small quantities (the greater part coming from the state of Tarchenton), and other things. From Nekpal come cotton cloths, wrought brass, and copper. From Mogol come white and figured cloths, silk, and embroidered stuffs, brocades, scarlet, corals and amber (these last three articles from Europe), small diamonds, and 318 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. other things. From other kingdoms come other goods ; and I believe that the merchants must make great gains, as they will borrow money at interest from 120 to 140 per cent., and give a pledge in addition, in order to secure their loan. Morality. — The Tibetans, speaking as a rule, are inclined to vindictiveness ; but they know well how to dissemble, and when opportunity offers, will not fail to revenge themselves. They are timid, and greatly fear justice ; so that when they commit some crime, through timidity and dread of justice they know neither how to apply a remedy nor to take to flight, and if taken before a judge, at the first or second examination they confess ; and if they do not make open confession, they nevertheless betray their guilt by the confusion in which they involve themselves. If, however, they are protected by some great lord, they lay aside all fear, and become arrogant and proud. They are greedy of money ; and yet they show admiration for those who are independent thereof and disinterested. They are also somewhat given to lust ; but this is more owing to their atrocious laws than to any real inclination thereto. They are addicted to habits of intoxication and to drinking barley beer, and a kind of brandy (mixed with the beer referred to), which does not differ greatly from the beer which the Tatars make from the milk of mares, and which is like water in appearance and taste, but is of considerable strength. They are but slightly loyal to their chiefs, and are fond of new forms of government and revolutions, as it would appear from the Tibetan histories ; but the causes of the most recent disturbances were the monks. They are also dirty and nasty, and without refine ment ; but from their intercourse with the Chinese in 1720 they have begun to be a little more cleanly and civilized. Notwithstanding the above-mentioned objectionable qualities and blameable habits of the Tibetans, they have some good points, among which, being generally intelligent (although not equal to the people of the state of Amdoa, who are extremely quick), they are gentle and humane and amenable to reason, the laymen submitting to the precepts of the land more readily than the monks, who are most obstinate in defence of their sect, but who, when convinced, abandon their opposi tion and even their former tenets ; as, when convinced by the argu ments brought by the Capuchin missionaries against magic, they ceased to practise it any further. They (more especially the laymen) are much given to piety and devotion and to almsgiving, and in these pious works they take no count of money or riches, more especially when they wish to pray for the souls of the dead ; while in almsgiving they are not less generous, but even institute solemn prayers and many App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 319 sacrifices, calling together many monks for those spiritual duties, and^they consider it a great crime to keep back the smallest coin be longing to the deceased. The monks also do not fail to give alms and do other works of charity to the deceased. As far as I have seen and heard, and judging from my knowledge of the country, there is great modesty observed in the dress and behaviour of women, in their appearance in public, and in their own houses in private throughout the kingdom, Lhasa and some other com mercial towns being excepted, as the variety of the nations which there meet has brought about rather more liberty. At dances women dance with women, and men with men, and it would be considered a great scandal were a man and a woman to dance together. The Political and Temporal Government. — Before 1706 the Grand and Supreme Lama1 was master of all Tibet, but in order that he might be able better to attend to the spiritual rule, he kept as protector of the kingdom a Tatar, of the family of the chief of the thirty-two petty rulers of Kokonor, Talakuchy,2 to whom he gave the name of King, a dignity which descended from father to son, while in 1 Lama means that there is no one higher, and it is applied to the superior of a convent. These lamas are of various kinds. Some are called lamas born anew, and these are supposed at death to pass from one body into another. The Grand Lamas belong to this category, and are many in number, each of them having several monas teries under him, the superiors of which are elected by the Grand Lama, either for their virtues or as a mark of favour; and from this post they are not removed during lifetime, except for very grave offences, albeit sometimes they are transferred from an inferior convent to a higher one, from which cause they are called elected lamas, and not lamas born anew. The Supreme Grand Lama cannot exercise authority over the monks of the convents, who depend on the other Grand Lamas to create them lamas of the university. The Grand Lamas, however, are not subject to the supreme one, although he and (at the present time) his de puty take precedence of them, and in differences between them the Supreme Lama or his deputy is he who decides. These people hold and believe that the bodies of these lamas are in structed by the soul of one of the Chanchub, which are numerous, as mentioned above. (Della Penna.) Lama, or bLama as it is written in Tibetan, signifies priest or superior priest. In the term Talai lama, talai is a Mongol word meaning sea or ocean, and is a translation of the Tibetan rGhia mtso of the same meaning, a title which has long been adopted by the upper members of the Buddhist hierarchy. (Kl.) 2 The celebrated Guchi Khan turu baikhu. He was the first of all the Dzungarian chiefs who received a title at the hands of the Manchu dynasty of China. Under the Dalai Lama of the fifth generation, great troubles arose in Tibet. Tsang-pa Khan, chief of the nomad tribes in the country, endea voured to do away with Buddhism. The diba or viceroy of the kingdom invoked the aid of Guchi Khan, who came, and having beaten Tsang-pa Khan, placed his own son Dayan Khan on the throne of Tibet. (Kl.) 320 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. default of male issue, the Supreme Grand Lama elected some other member of the same family, giving him as appanage the whole of the province of Chang both for revenue and rule. This king resided during the summer at Dam, and the winter at Lhasa, in the palace of Kaden khang sar, and it was his duty to defend the kingdom, with his own Tatar and the Tibetan soldiery of the kingdom, from the invasion of foes, extending his political rule only over the above-named Tatars, but for military purposes and in times of war over the Tibetan soldiers as well. The Supreme Grand Lama had also another Tibetan of great rank, chosen for his ability, nobility, intelligence, and wisdom, to whom he gave the name of Tisri ; and the authority conferred on him by the same Supreme Grand Lama in the political rule of the whole kingdom was so great, that the same Tatar king had to give way and place in public meetings to the Tisri, without, however, being subject to him. This Tisri, in public meetings and on the occasion of visits from the Supreme Grand Lama, had to dress in the garb of a monk. The Tisri alone had the right of electing the four Khalongs, or ministers of state, on whom he conferred the power of electing the governors subordinate to the governors-general of provinces, and of chief towns throughout the kingdom, these being elected by the Tisri alone, similarly with all the other principal ministers and upper officers of the whole kingdom, while he reserved to himself the power of life and death, and other matters of great import, which he could not entrust to the authority of the ministers of state or governors-general, or other chief officers. By this organization of the ministry and temporal offices, the Supreme Grand Lama managed to avoid being burthened with any political matters, except appeals to him against the decision of the Tisri, and to devote increased attention to spiritual matters and laws. The last Supreme Grand Lama, absolute ruler of Tibet, by name, Loszang-rincen-tzang-yang-gMamtzho, which means " great and best heart and sea of the musical or concerted song of Tzang" (which is a place of the Lha1 or gods), although he was possessed of great and conspicuous abilities, was liberal almost to prodigality, and a lover of 1 Lha, gods, those who receive the perform meritorious actions, and in pro- reward of their good deeds by trans- portion to their sins, past or present, migration into other bodies in places they then transmigrate into beasts, or of delight, which number in all thirty- into Tantali, or into hell ; and if they two, and to one of which (according to have no sin they become men again. the amount of their good deeds) the The Lha in places of delight, are in- passage is effected. The books of their voked and revered. (Delia Penna.) laws say that they can sin, but not App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 321 magnificence, nevertheless lived in very dissolute fashion, and neither the 3!isri, whose name was Sangkie Ghiamtzho, nor the Tatar king, Ginkir Khan, nor the Emperor of China, nor the King of Gionkar, nor the Chiefs of Kokonor, through their ambassadors, could prevail on him to abandon his wicked ways. In this year 1706 there were great dissensions between the king, Ginkir Khan, and the Tisri Sangkie Ghiamtzho, which finally resulted in the king, Ginkir Khan, causing the Tisri to be assassinated. After the event the above-named Su preme Grand Lama still continued his dissolute life, and the king, Ginkir Khan, being unable to endure it any longer, determined, with the consent of the Emperor of China, to depose him. Wherefore,' pretending that the Emperor of China had summoned him to his pre sence, for the sake of honouring him, from the convent of Brepung or Brebon, whither the monks, being all armed and numbering above 60,000, had forcibly conducted him for safety, the valour of the King's arms tore him from the hands of the priests and led him to Dam, where (as is commonly reported) the King caused him to be decapitated. But the historical work, called Naue c'iu len i k'hyk' hun lea sgiuso, in referring to it says that in order to attend very carefully and hear with joyful heart the registration of events (that is in this book), he was sent to China, and on the road died of dropsy, and this happened towards the end of the year 1707, in which year, on the 12th June, our first Capuchin missionaries from the march of Ancona, forming the Tibetan mission, arrived. After these events the king, Ginkir Khan, made as Supreme Grand Lama the lama of the monastery of Chapohri,1 named Ngawang yi shie ghiamtzo, into whom, as the Chokhiongs pretended, not the soul but the breath of the former one had passed. In the year 1709 there arrived five ambassadors from the Emperor of China, who bore his commands to all the Tibetans to recognize the above-named lama as the true Supreme Lama, and the King Ginkir Khan as the true and lawful King of Tibet, which was done by all. It must be mentioned that the soul of the deceased Supreme Lama, according to the foolish notion of the Tibetans, had passed into the body of a child, son of a Tibetan monk who had been driven out of the monastery of Brepung or Brebon, in the city of Lithang, province of Kham, and who, they say, was thus born again. He was born in 1706, and the report then spread that the Grand Lama was born again, so that a great number of monks and scholars came to recognize him ; but as the Emperor of China wished the one nomi- 1 Id est, " iron mountain." (Kl.) 322 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. nated by the Tatar king, and whose appointment had been confirmed by him, to hold the spiritual power, he caused the child and all his family te be taken and guarded, and this was done with the aid of 5000 soldiers. He was placed in the fortress of Shilin or Shilingh, and kept there till 1720, in which year the Chinese army, com posed of 107,000 Chinese soldiers and 30,000 Tatars, retook the metropolis of Lhasa, and made themselves masters of the whole of the kingdom of Tibet, on the 20th September, and overthrew com pletely the Gionkar Tatars, who had treacherously invaded Tibet, and with the connivance of a great part of its people, had plundered the country, and taken Lhasa, in November and December, 1717. The Chinese having thus retaken Tibet and Lhasa from the Gionkar Tatars, replaced in possession on the 6th of October, 1720, the said newly-born Lama, in whom alone the Emperor of China vested the spiritual rule, and appointed to the temporal and political rule, as subordinate to the Grand Lama, the king, Telchin bathur, in place of Ginkir Khan, who had been slain in the defeat of all the family of Gionkars. In 1727, by order of the Grand Lama, of his father, of the three ministers of state, and of many nobles of the kingdom, the king, Tel chin bathur, was assassinated in the royal hall on the 5th of August. In 1728 the Emperor of China sent another army of over 40,000 soldiers, ordered all those implicated in the crime to be arrested, and on the 1st of November caused seventeen of the ringleaders to be executed most cruelly, and many others who could not fly, and were concerned in the murder, were sent into China. On the 23rd of December in the same year, 1728, the Grand Lama and his father were led away, with their respective retinues, and placed in a fortress near Chen-to-fu ; and the same Emperor selected as spiritual ruler instead the much-respected and powerful Lama of the monastery of Chotin, in the same province of U, four days' journey from Lhasa. His name was Kiesri-riboche, and he resided in the palace of Putala,1 or at Brepung, as all the other Grand Lamas used to do. In 1729 the Emperor of China appointed as king of the said Tibet, and 1 Putala is the name of the palatial to his feet and touches heads when the residence of the Grand Lama, an ex- King] Grand Lamas who have been tremely high edifice. Putala is built born again, ambassadors from other on a little hill, on the slopes of, and kings, and similar personages visit him. around which, there are monasteries. The late Grand Lama had 400 monks, The Grand Lama never sits on the elected by himself; this one has 200, altar, but close to it, whether in church but they are monks, not lamas, and or in the palace, where there is a chapel from these are chosen the lamas of with an altar. The Grand Lama rises monasteries. (Delia P.) App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 323 tributary to him, the present ruler Mi-vang, whom God prosper and rentier happy, so that he may embrace the holy Catholic faith, to which he, as well as all his family and subjects, are well disposed. The same Emperor of China, in appointing king the above-men tioned Mi-vang, entrusted to him also the temporal, judicial, and political authority, as he had done with his predecessor Telchin bathur, thus depriving the Grand Lama entirely of all the temporal sway, so that at the present time the king auctoritate propria elects the four Khalongs, or ministers of state, the Tela, or Deba chinbo, which is the title given to the governors-general of the provinces and chief towns, as well as all the other ministers and upper officers and chiefs, giving them all authority in political and criminal matters, and in all military causes which are neither capital nor grave. In the selection of these governors-general, ministers, and upper officials, he consults the said four ministers of state, with whom and the other ministers the king holds counsel three times a week. In the absence of the king the first minister of state presides, but he takes no action on the deliberations without the approval of the king. The latter does not decide any case of importance or in volving life and death without taking the advice and counsel of these ministers of state, the nobles of his court, and a secret council. The ministers, too, with the other councillors meet together every other day to discuss other causes of an ordinary character. It devolves on the ministers of state to choose the other governors, ministers, and subordinate officers, the subalterns and dependents of the governors of provinces, and of the chief ministers and officers, so that at the present day the Supreme Grand Lama has nothing left to him but the spiritual rule. As regards the monks, if they are professed monks, and for grave offences are expelled their monasteries, they are punished by the same tribunal which punishes those who are not professed ; if however they are not guilty of a grave offence, the priests are punished by the chief lama of the monastery, or the Deputy Supreme Grand Lama, who at the present day rules instead of the Supreme Grand Lama, who is confined in the fortress near Chen-fu, as mentioned elsewhere. Administration of justice.— The Tibetan judges, who are three, award the punishments prescribed in their books, which may be called law books, and which assign penalties for misdemeanors in criminal matters as well as in civil disputes. There are besides other books which treat of similar matters, in the shape of glosses upon them, but the commentators have taken no heed of others which treat of religion. J 2 324 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. There is a right of appeal from the chiefs,1 who are ordinary judges, to other officials who review causes, from the reviewers of causes to the ministers of state, and from these (at the present day) to the king ; and when the Supreme Lama was absolute in tem poral matters, and appointed the Tisri to discharge these duties, they had recourse to him, and then in case of need to the Grand Lama him self; but with this caution from the ministers or chamberlains, not to refer the criminal cases of those condemned to bodily punishment, whether by flogging, cutting off the hand, or death, unless they wished the culprits to be pardoned, as they were sure of receiving pardon. They accordingly brought them before him only when they wished to pardon them, the Grand Lama being the fountain of mercy. The above-named three judges meet together in their courts at fixed hours, both in the morning and evening. In the morning neither merchant nor tradesman can sell anything until the said judges open the greater bar of their palace, which remains open by the market-place ; towards midday they shut it up, and all shopmen must shut up their goods and return after dinner, in the same manner as in the morning, provided only that there is at least one judge in the palace. I have not read many books of justice, and will only mention what little I have read and seen practised. In civil causes it is necessary to produce writings, proofs, or testi monies, and according to these sentence is given ; thus, if they deposit their writings, proofs, and testimonies to-day (unless the writings be long and require much deliberation) to-morrow they give judgment, and they first decide the case which is first brought before them, there being no need of feeing the judges or other officials, as they are all salaried by the royal chamber ; and if a pecuniary fine be adjudged, they set it apart to be handed over to the ministers of state at the end of the year, as shall be told hereafter ; if, however, there be neither writings nor proofs nor testimonies, in small cases, such as, for instance, in the case of a disputed loan, the judges cause dice to be produced in their presence, and he who scores highest is considered to have the right on his side. In matters of importance they give judg ment in two ways : one is by placing two stones, one white and the other black, in a vessel of boiling oil, and, without seeing, by causing one of the stones to be taken out by the hand. If the stone be white and the hand uninjured, that man is in the right, without the other party having to dip his hand ; if on the other hand he first encounters 1 Chiefs, who are the judges of the their own residence, as mentioned in common men, and who dispense justice the other paper on the administration in cases that come before them. In of justice. (Della P.) Lhasa there are three, who meet in App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 325 the black stone, even if he does not injure his hand (for this ordeal they make use of a certain secret or magical art), he is adjudged liar, and the other must insert his hand likewise. The other method of giving judgment is to heat a long round bar of iron, and when red hot to cause the hand to be drawn along the whole of the bar, and if the hand be not injured the right is on his side. In criminal cases of a different character, abuse, blows, and the like, a fine and a beating are inflicted ; and if the Culprits have no money, they double the number of blows, the same practice being observed in the case of the women. The practice in flogging the men and women is to place them on their faces on the ground, and to inflict the requisite number of blows with long sticks on the bare buttocks. But if the accused was drunk at the time, there is no penalty. If he has struck a blow and the blow be not fatal, impri sonment and a certain number of blows are adjudged, the penalty being lessened if the accused was intoxicated ; if the blow proves mortal and the injured party dies after a certain number of days, the accused is shot to death with arrows, or thrown into the river with a great stone round his neck. If the death is immediate on the quarrel, they pre serve the corpse and take and bind the murderer to it, and after twenty- four hours bury both the dead and the living together. In quarrels where spectators see weapons of offence drawn, they are bound to interfere, and should they fail in doing so, they are liable to fine as well as those who take part in the same. If masters, either in their senses or when intoxicated, strike their subordinates or servants, even if they should kill them, there is no penalty attached thereto ; they are merely held in bad repute and lose their good name, so that they cannot be promoted to any dignities. At the end of the year the three judges of Lhasa present the account and proceeds of all fines, and by order of the king those for civil cases are placed in the royal chamber, and those derived from criminal cases are set apart as presents to the monks for the sacri fices and prayers offered up by them. The judges under the governors- general observe the same practice, and submit their account to the king direct. In cases of rape, if one be a monk and the other a nun employed outside of a convent as servant to those within and to beg alms for them, or if it be a nun of a convent which has not a clausura, such nun is expelled the service of the convent and sent home, which is reckoned a great dishonour. If she be a professed nun, the dishonour is very great, and she cannot marry even though she might find a suitable match. If the monk has taken the vows, he is 326 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. expelled his cloth, and for some years he is sent into the mountains among wild animals ; if neither he nor the nun be professed, and if they are willing to marry, there is no penalty ; but if they do not marry, the monk is expelled, and bastinadoed in public, and banished from that part ; and if the ravisher of a nun be a layman, he is branded on the forehead and banished from the kingdom. Regarding adultery, the same penalty is awarded to the adulterer that the husband exacts from the adnltress ; and if he should refuse to take her back she returns to her home dishonoured, but if he consents, she returns to live with him. And concerning divorce, if they go before the judge, the judge examines both sides, and if the woman be in the right, the husband is bound to restore to her all her dowry, and to give her besides four analy of barley (every analy weighs about two Roman pounds, 24 ounces French weight) for- every day of their married life up to the date of divorce ; if the man be in the right, the woman forfeits all her dowry and returns to her former home. As regards other offences against the Sixth Commandment, there are penalties attached to them, but I have neither read nor have I been informed concerning them. With regard to theft, when the thief is caught he is cast into prison, and when he has confessed his crime, if the property be recovered it is handed over to the owner; if the goods have been sold, the receiver thereof forfeits both the goods and the money, the property being handed over to the rightful owner ; if the money be recovered from the thief, the judge claims it for the royal chamber ; if he has spent it, he who has received it is bound to restore it and hand it back in the same way for the royal chamber ; if the thief has stolen money in coin, it is restored to its owner, and the judge inflicts a fine on the thief for the chamber, and if he be poor the corporal punishment is doubled. If the thief has stolen but little, and it is his first offence, they imprison him and give him a flogging ; if he has stolen much, and from private individuals, the flogging and imprison ment are doubled. If on the occasion of his first offence he has stolen much or little from the royal chamber, or in the royal palace, or in the monasteries or temples, he is thrown into the river, but often as an act of mercy they cut off both his hands ; if he has stolen for the second time they cut off his left hand, if for the third time both the hands, and then cast him into the river ; and if they do not cast him into the river, as an act of mercy they send him alive to the fortress of Sgikakungar, four days south of Lhasa, where, through bad treatment and fatigue, they do not often live beyond a year at the most, while there are few that even reach the place. App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 327 If the thief be a monk and the theft be committed in his own monastery, for small thefts the superior of the monastery inflicts punishment, and for great thefts, the Supreme Grand Lama, or in his absence the Deputy ; but at the present time for a theft of conse quence, or for other crimes committed by monks, the king tries the cause. If a monk steals from laymen, from temples, or from other people of consequence, and to a considerable amount, he is first expelled the monastery, and then the judges cast him into prison, and when the property is recovered they send him to tend wild cattle on the mountains, either for life or for a period, or else he is flogged and sent into banishment. It is, however, wrong that the buyer of the stolen property, although he may not know that it is stolen, and may have paid a proper price for it according as the thief may ask, from whom it is impossible to ascertain whether it be stolen or not, should lose all the money he has paid ; and still worse that they should believe the thief, who may say that he has sold the property to such an one, although it may be untrue, and ("as has happened several times to my knowledge) an innocent man is compelled to give np the property or its money's worth. There are many other penalties for divers other crimes, but I do not recollect them, and I have not brought with me the book which treats of the administration of justice and the penalties awarded to criminals. In the case of strangers they considerably diminish the penalties. The tortures they inflict as a mark of disgrace or other wise are flogging, dipping them naked up to the head in cold water, and then drawing them out and beating them with thongs of leather, and then plunging them in again and repeating the process several times ; wounding them slightly with knives, and smearing the wounds with salt ; binding them naked to a post in the public square, and leaving them there all day; or else fixing them naked in a frame or gibbet of wood. They also inflict other tortures which I do not remember, until they extort a confession of their crimes from the criminals. It is also the custom, if as a special favour the corporal punish ment is commuted into a fine, and the culprit through his poverty be unable to discharge it, for five or six principal folk who are charged with the duty of begging alms, to collect all sorts of goods, till the desired amount is reached, and the judges take the same goods until they are sufficient to satisfy them completely, and set free the culprit. Another custom is for twelve other people of consequence, who are appointed for the purpose, and charged with the duty, to go to the 328 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. king, and beg off as a favour some criminal condemned to die or to suffer some severe bodily punishment, and if the king he disposed to show mercy he grants an audience to these gentlemen, and when he is unwilling to show mercy, he refuses them audience, on some pretext or other. The above-named gentlemen of rank, when anyone is con demned to death, go with many persons of consequence and many people to make the circuit of the temple many times, and also when the condemned man is led to suffer punishment, the ministers of justice, together with the culprit, make the circuit of the temple, followed by many people. Tibetan Laws. — The books of Tibetan laws, which they' look upon as gospel, consist of eight hundred large volumes, called K'hagiur, which means translated precepts, that is, precepts translated from the Hindustani into the Tibetan tongue. This K'hagiur has its commentaries, which consist of more than four hundred books, and they have many other books of history and philosophy, in which are many things which the teachers of religion and the people hold as articles of faith. In this very voluminous law of the K'hagiur they are told that there are eight millions of worlds actually existing besides our own visible and palpable one. This last and another world only owe their creation to the agency of the inhabitants of the other invisible worlds ; but the manner in which these two worlds were created being a lengthy matter, and it being desirable to follow the same brevity as previously observed, I omit recording it. All the other worlds are ab mterno a parte ante, and one a parte post, as shall be mentioned. The souls of all living beings are eternal a parte ante et a parte post, the law is ab ceterno and a parte ante, but not a parte post, because when all transmigra tions are at an end, and the living conveyed into paradise, as shall be told presently, all law is at an end. This law teaches that in some of the fabled worlds there is no law, and in all the other worlds, where there is law there is also paradise, which they believe to be etiam a parte ante, et a parte post, as they believe all the souls of the living beings to be, excepting, how ever, this visible world of ours, where they do not admit of a para dise, but instead, thirty-two places of bliss, to some of which are conveyed those who have attained the position of saints in this world, where there are Lha, who are like gods. They imagine these places to be in the air above that great mountain about 160,000 leagues high (the Tibetan league consists of five miles), and 32,000 leagues in circuit, which is made up of four parts, being of crystal to the east, of the red precious stone called peimaraca 1 (which I believe is ruby) 1 Sanscrit, padmardga, ruby. (Kl.) App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 329 to the west, of gold to the north, and of the green precious stone called bendruie ' to the south. In these abodes of bliss they remain as long as they please, and then pass to the paradise of other worlds. According to their law, in the west of this world there is an eternal world, a parte ante and a parte post, where there is a paradise, and in it a saint called Ho pahme, which means saint of splen dour and infinite light. This saint has many disciples, who are all Chang chub.2 These Chang chub have not yet become saints, but they possess in the highest degree five virtues, called Chinba, Tzultrim, Szopa, Tzontru, and Samden, which mean great charity, both temporal and spiritual, perfect observance of laws, great patience in whatever event may occur, great diligence in working to perfection, and the most sublime contemplation. These Chang chub have finished their course, and are exempt from further transmigrations, passing only from the body of one Lama to that of another ; but the Lama is always endowed with the soul of the same Chang chub, although he may be in other bodies for the benefit of the living to teach them the law, which is the object of their not wishing to become saints, because then they would not be able to instruct them. Being moved by compassion and pity they wish to remain Chang chub to instruct the living in the law, so as to make them finish quickly the laborious course of their transmigrations. Moreover, if these Chang chub wish, they are at liberty to transmigrate into this or other worlds, and at the same time they transmigrate into other places with the same object. The transmigration of the soul of any living being from one body to another, as remarked already, is a point of primary importance in the Tibetan laws, and for these transmigrations there are six places assigned. Firstly, those of the Lha or of gods. These places are almost in numerable, although they only assign them here thirty-two ; just as they forget the shape of the Tibetan world in the description of the great mountain in the middle of the said world. Besides these places, the same law says that there are places of transmigration for the Lha in 1 Sanscrit, vaiduryya, or lapis lazuli. and put an end to their numerous trans- (KL) migrations, as can better be seen in 2 Chang chub means the spirit of the other written abstract of their law. those who, on account of their perfec- (Della P.) tion, do not care to become saints, and The word is written, in Tibetan, train and instruct the bodies of the re- Byang tsiub, and means " accomplished." born lamas, as for instance, the Chen- It is the name given to those beings retzi, Sembachenbo, Isetrung rimboehe, who have attained the highest degree &c, so that they may help the living, of perfection next to Buddha. (Kl.) 330 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. the seven planets, and in all the stars, where the souls transmigrated into the Lha will receive the reward of their good works for a fixed time, in proportion to their good deeds ; after which happy existence the Lha go to receive the punishment due to them for their sins, committed either before passing into the places of the Lha or during their sojourn in those places, for they admit the possibility of sinning in the place of bliss of the Lha, just as these same Lha can sin and not do meritorious actions. To receive their punishment they pass in the shape of other bodies into places of punishment, as shall be told anon; but if they have not sinned since enjoying their reward, they transmigrate into bodies of men. The second place is that of the Lha ma in, or of demigods, and it is the only one where the souls pass with other bodies to receive the reward of their good works. They do not, however, have here as many pleasures as in the other places of the Lha, which have been described, but much fewer. The third place is Tudro, which is the place of all sorts of animals and beasts, where souls are transmigrated for venial sins and mortal offences. The fourth place is that of the Ita or Tantalus, whither they migrate with other bodies to receive the punishment of sins of a less venial character, and of graver mortal offences. The fifth place is that of Gnielva, or hell, whither the souls with other bodies go to receive the punishment for mortal sins which have not been expiated by pain. There, in proportion to the greatness of the men, they receive torments ; in process of time, which is of ex ceeding length, though not infinite, on completing their punishment, they transmigrate, if they have committed no crime, into men, and if they have committed fresh sins, they either increase their punishment in hell or pass into beasts and Tantali. In all the above-mentioned places every soul must take a fresh body, because, as they say, the soul separated from the body can receive neither reward nor punishment. The sixth place, Gikthen, is this world, or rather mankind in it, and this is the best transmigration of all, since here they can do good and work deserving actions, and cancel sins by pain and resolu tions ; while in the other places they cannot do this. The blind, deaf, lame, and crippled, are thus afflicted on account of some small mortal sin of other transmigrations unexpiated by pain, while the poor, menials, labourers, peasants, and others who are occupied in manual labour, servants, and slaves, are thus transmigrated for the same reason. Property, riches, nobility, the authority of great people, App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 331 of princes, of the king, as taught in their law, is due to the good works done in other transmigrations for the good of others. They wish to be saints, as said above, and even the Chang chub, according to their legends, change many times into kings. It is an article of their faith that anyone observing all laws during the period of five hundred transmigrations, without commit ting any sin, becomes a saint ; but if he commits sins they increase proportionately the transmigrations until, by good works, they become saints. But before becoming a saint, a man must become Chang chub, and in order to become Chang chub it is necessary that in the last transmigration he at least be a monk, because scholars of whatever condition, rank, and eminence, although they may live correctly, cannot become Chang chub without first becoming monks in their last transmigration, as mentioned above. In order that the Chang chub may become saint, it is necessary that first he should have been a monk either in this world or in some other world, where law exists ; and to know those who have become saints since the restoration of law, it is not necessary that it should be declared by some action, but he is recognized as such, when, in the last transmigration he has thirty-two signs in his own body and eighty qualities, and by these he is recognized as saint and adored. The signs are as follows : The mark of a wheel in the palms of the hands and feet, a soft skin of gold colour, a small twisted mark like a ring in the forehead, the fingers and toes webbed as in ducks, &C.1 The qualities comprise walking like an elephant, flying like a bird, walking as upright as a pole, and walking always with the right foot first. From all these saints united there proceeds one being, and this is the god which the Tibetans worship ; by increasing the saints the being becomes greater, and when all mankind have become saints, the being will not be able to grow any greater. Its name is Sankia K'honchoa,2 which signifies " the best of all," or, " god proceeding from saints," and it comes to be considered as the first person by them, distinguish ing as they do the people who are really distinct one from the other, and all three constitute one being, or best and perfect substance. The second person they call Cho K'honchoa,3 God of Law, because these saints had restored the law to its pristine state ; and as they had given the law, and it came from god, it has thus become god. The third person is called Kedun-K'honchoa,4 which signifies the 1 In the Mongol history of Sanang 2 " The very precious Buddha." (Kl.) setsen the same thing is said of the 3 " The very precious law." (Kl.) hands and feet of the first king of Tibet, 4 " The very precious assemblage of who came from Hindustan. (Kl.) the virtuous," i. e. the clergy. (Kl.) 332 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. assemblage of all the monks, which is god, because the saints, having restored the law, have consequently restored the laws and rules of the monks, and as all these saints were monks, and have as it were the very essence of the same monks, they call it Kedun-K'honchoa. The law teaches that all these three persons are really distinct, but that the essence is one. The essence of this, their god, is united to a body, and this body is made of a precious stone like crystal or diamond, and they add this body because, as said above, the mind alone can neither enjoy nor suffer. To this god of theirs alone they attribute pity, sympathy, and all other perfections joined to the highest degree of piety, but not justice or punishment, because they consider those to be opposed to pity. These acts of compassion on the part of their god do not operate extra se upon human beings, but only within him, because, al though they do not believe him to be a punisher of evil, they do not look upon him as a rewarder of good, holding as they do that good and evil proceed from the good and bad actions of human beings, and in consequence that this power is the cause of all actions which really proceed from men's hearts, and not from god, who has within himself compassion only for the troublous and lengthy course of the trans migrations referred to. The Tibetan law admits the presence of god, but through multi- plicationem corporum et animarum, so that when one invokes him, or prays to him, or offers sacrifices, he is immediately present, though invisible, and seen only of those who have become Chang chub, and if he reveals himself to anyone else, it is because of the goodness of that man's heart, being, as he is, omniscient and knowing the hearts of all. All the good which this god can do is to impart good inspi rations to the heart, through which men can do good if they will, unless they be hindered by the force of evil done in other trans migrations. This law teaches that the essential part of the beatitude of para dise (and paradise they call Teva chenbo,1 or, Teva tzeme, which would mean, place of greatest or immeasurable peace) consists in being free from the slightest trouble, and in having all imaginable joys, and in being ever in amplexibus et illecebris absque consumatione. To the place of purgatory (to call it by our own term), the law consigns those animals and Tantali into which men have been trans formed, and who are suffering punishment, by which, so they say, they purge their venial sins and mortal offences, believing, however, that during that period they can sin, but do no good. If they do not 1 " The highest beatitude." (Kl.) App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 333 commit fresh sins in this purgatory the punishment is at an end, and the^eturn again into men. They believe also in a hell, reserved for mortal sins, for the expia tion of which they assign eight places of torment by fire, and eight other places of cold and other torments. The judge of hell is a Chang chub, called Chenrezi, but as judge of hell he is called Shinche chio kiel, which means most upright and just king of law. This judge of their hell holds in his hands a very smooth mirror, in which he sees all the works and sins, according to which he judges. Each man has a Lha as guardian and as his advocate to repre sent to the judge the good actions of the culprit. The Lha at such times places in the balance the white balls, while on the other side there is a Dre (which is a sort of demon), who shows the wicked actions, and according to the number of the mortal sins he places in the other scale of the balance black balls ; and according as the sins or the good works prevail he is judged. Of these kinds of demons there are two sorts. The first are called Dre, who are no other than men and women, who from too great love of this world, or of riches, or corruptible beauty, or the like, do not on death experience any transmigration, but remain in Parto, which is the separation of the soul from the body for seven days, this being also an article of their faith ; as, according to their law, when men and women die, the soul remains separated from the body for seven days before transmigration, and on the conclusion of those seven days the soul transmigrates according to its good or bad actions. The above-named souls of the men and women remain in Parto, or are separated from the body, on account of the worldly lusts re ferred to above, not for seven days, but for a long series of years, wandering through the air enraged and disconsolate, and happy only when they can injure men, after which their satisfaction is turned into madness at not having inflicted greater injury, and on all mankind. When their term is expired they migrate to the hell called Narme,1 and become a sort of demon called Dre, as has been said, being appointed ministers of justice in hell, and as they torment the condemned souls, so the more are they tormented by the others. The other sort of demon is called Tu, which are also men and women who migrate to the place of the Lha, called Dokham or Dope kham, and who have no other object than perpetually to injure others. When these return to transmigrate into men they become very wicked, and always work mischief to others. The chief of this place, Dok- 1 " The fire of suffering." (Kl.) 334 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. ham, is called Karob vang chu, and every day he shoots five arrows throughout the world, which are Ngarkiel, pride; Dochia, luxury; Shetang, wrath ; Pratoa, envy ; and Thimu, sloth ; and those who are struck by these weapons are enrolled under his rule, and become wicked men. If this chief should transmigrate into the world or into others in the person of some king, in that time the kingdom will always be troubled, whether by war, or famine, or pestilence, and such a king will always oppress greatly his subjects. This kind of demon called Tu, as well as its children, is a tempting demon, and tempts men in the world to sin. The last saint that restored the Tibetan law is called Shakia Thupba, which means the powerful one of the Shakias, which is the name of his family. In Hindustani he is called Shakia Muni, son of King Sezang Shakia, of the, city of Serkiasgy, in the kingdom of Bengal, born through an enormous aperture in the right side of his mother Lha mo tzu prul,1 a prodigious goddess, and brought up by a Lha called Kiachin.2 He was washed in tepid water from heaven, and soon became a gold colour ; and according to a story told to me in 1730, he first came into the world 959 years before Christ, or 2696 years ago. This Shakia Thupba restored the laws, which they say had then decayed, and which consist now, as said elsewhere, of 106 volumes, in which volumes the disciples of Shakia Thupba wrote all the contents of these books after the death of their master, just as they had heard it from his mouth. They say that there were first 300 volumes, but that the heretics (who were the Bracmans and their followers, of whom they say they converted many to their laws) burned 192. In this kingdom of Bengal and its confines, and some other places, Shakia Thupba propagated his law. These volumes divide them selves into two kinds of laws, one of which comprises 60 books, which are called laws of Dote, and the other, which consists of 38 volumes, are called Khiute. In the first 60 volumes, called Dote, the life of Shakia Thupba is recorded, with all his titles, and the deeds and miracles done through out his life, which lasted 161 years, how his death occurred, and all that is here briefly referred to is told, as well as what the rule of the monk is, together with the different grades of dignity, the offices and functions of the monk. For novices, a stage which is of some years' duration, there are five commandments ; and for those who have finished their novitiate, and up to the time of their profession, which every monk is at liberty to take or not, there are ten commandments ; and 1 The goddess of illusion. (Kl.) » The Indra of the Hindus. (Kl.) App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 335 for those who have made their profession there are 254 command ment* beside three vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty ; but poverty as among the monks, whose possessions, if any, go to the monas tery on their death. The rule is the same for the nuns ; and it is recorded in the said books that Shakia Thupba did not wish to lay them down, as he said that these nuns had prejudiced greatly the pure rites of the monks, as afterwards happened, as their writers say, which they extol as .a truthful prophecy of this saint of theirs, who, however, to please his disciples, who were importuned by the women, instituted the rule as mentioned. Of the monks there are some who have no clau- sura, and can go out, but into whose monasteries no woman may enter. These monks have also monasteries with a clausura, so that women cannot enter without the licence of the superiors ; and the monasteries of the nuns have also a clausura, so that neither scholars nor monks may enter, excepting he who has the special care of the monastery by order of the superior to whom the care of it properly belongs. There are also the three ways of perfection of the beginners, the proficients, and the perfected, which comprise as it were methods of purging oneself, repentance for sins, because they recognize contrition and a resolve to correct one's ways, and a kind of confession almost like that of St. Augustine. All the monks, and nearly all the scholars, choose for themselves a lama or monk for spiritual father, and the penitent acknowledges having sinned before his spiritual father, and his spiritual father offers up a prayer for the remission of the sin which he has confessed. The spiritual father is called Shialcpabo at that time, which means one who pardons ; he who confesses is called Shiakiul, which means penitent ; and the act is caUed Tholshia, or con fession. The second grade after this is to attend to the acquisition of the moral virtues ; and third, to take part in the contemplation of the delights of a future life, free from all the affairs of this present life, pitying the innumerable miseries of men, and being subject to a laborious course of transmigrations. There are also common commandments for all monks as well as scholars, but for a monk to transgress them is a much more serious affair than for a scholar. They are, firstly, not to kill (that is, either man or any sort of animal) ; secondly, not to commit fornica tion ; thirdly, not to steal ; fourthly, not to complain ; fifthly, not to lie ; sixthly, to love one's father and mother ; and besides these six precepts, one is enjoined to watch the three doors, of the heart, the tongue, and the body, which would mean thoughts, words, and works. To husbands there is enjoined another obligatory precept, which is, that they shall not approach their wives in the daytime, but only at 336 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. night, and only as often as the law allows, and not more. Having fixed the duties of married folk, it is fit to explain the rest. The law of the Dote ordains that those about to marry shall not take blood relations or connections unless the seventh degree be passed, and yet it is true that these great lords and nobles do not observe this ; and in the mar riage tie among people of no great means there is a very bad abuse not ordained by the law, but introduced by the abuse of it, that as many brothers as live in one house take one wife for all, and 'attribute the offspring to him by whom the woman says she was with child ; but this seldom occurs with noble folk or those in easy circumstances, who take one wife alone, and sometimes, but rarely, more. The nuptials are cele brated thus : after having made the matrimonial contract, and arranged a day for the wedding, the bridegroom goes with his own relations to the house of the bride, where he will find the relations of the bride, and the father or the nearest relation of the bridegroom asks her whether she will take his son or relation for husband, and if she says yes, he places a piece of butter on the head of the bride ; the father or nearest relation of the bride asks the same question of the bridegroom, and having both their consents he places a piece of butter on his forehead, as in the case of the bride. These rites having been performed the marriage is completed, after which they all go to visit the temple and go round it, and return to the bride's house, where, for fifteen days, they remain feasting, go about the city in company with the rela tions and friends, engage in conversation, and congratulate each other. At the end of the fifteen days the bridegroom conducts the bride to his home. In this law of Dote there are prayers and methods of praying which the monks use, and modes of sacrificing, which consist in making pyramids of barley paste and rosettes of butter, white, yellow, red, blue, green, or other colours, and fastening them to that part of the pyramid which is seen. They then place them on the altars, if held in the temple, or on the little altars, which, as well as chapels, all the scholars and monks have in their own houses and rooms with their idols. These sacrifices are offered up every day with some prayers, both in the temples and houses, but only by monks appointed to the office of sacrificial duties. On other solemn occasions they sacrifice with songs and music, and the instruments are of several kinds. Some are like a sort of large flute, others like trumpets, being twisted and excessively long. There are also great conch shells, rattles, drums, tambourines, &c. The songs are figured and with notes, and the above-named instruments harmonise with them. There is also the sacrifice done by fire, and many things are thrown into it. App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 337 This is a long rite, and it is celebrated with songs and music and mucji solemnity, but not often. They also make many other offerings every day, both in the temples and houses of monks and laymen, such as plain water and water coloured with flowers, beer, and other things (beer they always place on the heads of men), all the first fruits, and, before meals, a little of what is served up. The pyramids, when offered up, are given to the poor, the beer to the monks and scholars, and the water, flowers, &c, are throwri away on the following day, and renewed if it is desired. There are many prayers, but the commonest among monks and scholars is this: Horn mani peh me hum1 which is a summary of magic prayer, having a great meaning attached to each letter. The meaning would take too long to explain, and is therefore omitted. The monks and laymen have, if they please, two sorts of fasts, called Niunne and Nienne, meaning a rigorous and a plain fast respectively. The first they observe rigorously for four-and-twenty hours, neither allowing themselves to spit nor to smoke ; and if any one wishes to observe it for three days consecutively (as many do), they take every four-and-twenty hours, in the morning, only three cups of plain tea, in the Tibetan fashion. The other sort of fast, Nienne, is not so strict, as in the evening, if they do not eat, they may drink. But these fasts are held more for the scholars than the monks. The professed monks are enjoined during their lives to eat nothing after dinner, though they may drink, beer alone being excepted, and even this is forbidden to all monks to drink unless it be offered up or sacri ficed. They are advised by their law, the monks more especially, to ob serve every year a period of spiritual seclusion, for ten or fifteen days, one month, or more, according to their wish. The well-to-do scholars and the great lords keep it in the monks' monasteries, and the King sometimes in the monasteries and sometimes in the principal palace ; and at the time of seclusion no one does business with them, except when absolutely necessary. Another monk has the duty of supplying the wants of those in seclusion, without, however, speaking to them, except by signs ; and if they are in their rooms, except for such brief time as they confer, they attend to the reading of their books, to prayers, and meditations on the miseries of human existence; and whoever wishes to confer with them must first obtain permission. In the processions which they make during the year the priests carry a sort of surplice, little differing from ours, and the Supreme Lama, as well as all the Grand Lamas and re-born Lamas, and all the superior Lamas of the monasteries, carry priests' capes, just like ours, i " Om mani padmi hum." (See pp. 1, 29, 32, 305.) * Z 338 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. worn simply over the religious dress. They have a sort of cross which they hold in veneration. This is a very brief account of the law called Dote, by observing which they think they proceed more surely, though more slowly, on account of the number of transmigrations which they have to expe rience before becoming saint. The other part of the thirty-six volumes of the law Khiute gives precepts for practising magic, and other foul matters of luxury and lust ; and the monks and followers of this Khiute have monasteries and a temple, and rooms for the Lama or superior of the convent, but the monks eat and drink in common in the said temple. I have not read this infamous and filthy law of Khiute, so as not to stain my mind, and because it is unnecessary. For to confute it one must know in the abstract of what it treats, and there is little good or indifferent that is not mixed up with much more witchcraft, magic incantations, and obscenity. For the monks of this unworthy law it is enough that they learn by heart twenty-five papers to attain the doctor's degree : but for the other monks of the Dote to become doctors they must study philosophy for twelve years, and for six months in every year they have daily discussions. After the twelve years have passed they are examined and attain their doctor ship. This law of Khiute is the shortest road to holiness, but it is uncertain and rough, because those who observe well the precepts of this law, and practise that which it teaches, can become saint in one life with out any other transmigrations, but if they do not observe them well they increase their transmigrations, and very often go to the hell Narme, where they must remain longer than all the others, or are tormented more than all the others. There is also in Tibet another law, called Urkien, which is worse than wicked, and consists entirely of magic and obscenities. Its lawgiver has also instituted monks and nuns, but different from those of Shakia Thupba, as the nuns of this Urkien are the wives of the monks, who have more than one. In this law of Urkien, as well as in the other two of Shakia Thupba, they teach you to make crowns of human bones, to use human skulls for magic goblets, as also out of the shin and arm bones to make pipes, or trifles with which to carry on incantations, sorceries, and every sort of magic. If the monks are asked they visit the sick, being treated and fed with great liberality by the laymen. If the sick man is expiring or has breathed his last, one of the monks appointed to the task is called to extract the soul from the body by the top, by removing some hairs from the summit of the head, as it is an article of their faith that the App-] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 339 soul does not issue from the top of the head for a good transmigration unless it be extracted by one of the appointed monks, in the manner described, because if it were not extracted so it would issue from the lower part of the body, and would take an evil transmigration. This rite being performed, and divers prayers having been re cited by the said monk, with the assistance of the friends and relations of the deceased, they consult the Chokhiong1 as to what hour the dead man must be carried to one of the places set apart for the remaining rites, and take him thither with the above-men tioned people accompanying, and many others reciting divers things ; and when they have arrived they celebrate other rites, placing the naked corpse on a great stone. Then a professed scholar, taking for himself all the clothes, breaks the corpse to pieces with a great bar of iron, and distributes it among the dogs in presence of all the company. After the mastiffs are satisfied, the relations of the deceased gather up the most clean-picked and the largest bones, and make a bundle of them, throwing all that is left by the dogs into the neighbouring river, near which are the places set apart for this inhuman rite. The men during the time of mourning never dress in silk, but only in wool ; and the women take from their hats, and from every other part of their dress, the pearls and other precious ornaments, which according to the fashion of the country they are accustomed to carry at other times. They let down their hair and bind it upon their hats for six months, and for another six months they wear it dishevelled below the hat. If the deceased is of the first degree, for a year, and if of an inferior rank, for less. The relations carry the above-mentioned bundles of bones home. They 1 i. e. defender of the law. This costume peculiar to himself, with a ofHcial is elected by the people by order retinue of servants, who carry stand- of the Supreme Grand Lama, whom he ards, knives, and arrows ; and walking assists, with the concurrence of the proudly, poising himself on the tips of King, ministers of state, great lords, his toes, while from time to time he and many people, in the temple, on the hurls knives and arrows, according as occasion of a festival. He is chosen he is more or less possessed, and he for his great experience in art magic. who is struck goes and throws himself After being elected by the above-men- at his feet and places them on his own tioned personages, and acknowledged head. The said Kora having been by the people, he is consulted by the made, he returns to his house and puts people in all private matters, and for on the dress of a monk, if he be a his oracular replies in questions re- churchman, and that of a layman if be lating to the future. At the four be such. They elect many of these seasons of the moon he goes out in Chang chub in other cities and inha- public to make the Kora, or circuit of bited places. (Della P.) the great temple, being dressed in a * z 2 340 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App. hang them up in the room where the deceased was, and there for many days they employ monks to pray and sacrifice for the departed, that he may not suffer in his transmigration, distributing largely according to their means to the monks and the poor such goods and money as the deceased possessed. On the anniversary of the death, the relations and friends, with the monks who were invited, grind to powder the above-mentioned bones, and carry them to the river, and for some days afterwards the monks offer up prayers and sacrifices as before, in the house of the deceased. The corpses of some nobles, with the permission of the Supreme, or Vice-Grand Lama, are burned. Those of the Kings, the Supreme or Vice-Grand Lamas, are burned with sandal wood, as well as the other Grand Lamas. Those of the monks and nuns are carried to the mountain tops as food for the birds of prey. The giving of the corpses to the dogs is done as an act of charity, so that after death they may be useful to the living. Those of the monks are given to birds, because they believe that the monks transmigrate into birds and other flying creatures, on whom they confer acts of charity by giving them the flesh of their own bodies. And this is all that can be told briefly respecting so prolix and intricate a subject as that contained in the confused chaos of Tibetan law. Fba Feanoesoo Orazio Della Penna di Billi, Capuchin Missionary of the March of Ancona, now Prefect of the Mission of Tibet. App.] TRANSLATION OE TWO DOCUMENTS. 341 TKANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. GEORGE BOGLE.1 i. Revebenoe to Lama ! Reverence to God ! Reverence to Sastra ! (scripture). Reverence to ascetics ! The people of Bhot (Tibet) by the exercise of faith and devoted worship have acquired felicity and happiness. This scripture containing the faith and worship has been taught by Pundits from Kasi (Benares). When the divine Sake Sinha went to Kasi this country of Bhot was an expanse of water. About one hundred years after this divine personage left his kingdom, the water ran out through Bengal and the land was left dry. After this a monkey and a Rakshasi (a female fiend) met and their issue con sisted of six children, male and female. These multiplied into the people of Bhot. The plains were cultivated in fields and grain seeds sown in them. Then came a Raja of Bhot, by name Nyatichen-bo. He built houses and established villages, peopled the country, and built forts. His son was Muthichen-bo. Whose son was Tithichen-bo. „ „ Sothiohen-bo. Whose son was Methichen-bo. „ „ Dhakhatichen-bo. „ „ Siptichen-bo. These seven Rajas are called the seven " gaddis" (cushions or thrones). The son of the last of the seven Rajas was Tithumachen-bo, and his son was Kunghyal Pute Raja, whose Mantri (Minister) was Eurake. In the time of this Raja and his Minister, iron, copper, and silver ores were found, and gold, silver, and iron were discovered. Whose son was Srenolpodhe'. His son was Esyolhek. Whose son was Jesyoklhe. „ Thisyolhek, Gurulhek. Doorgsyorlhe'k. Syarlbek. Sanamasindhe.Dhethulnamherucheh. Srenolnamheruchen. Dhenolnam. Dhenolpo. Dheghyalpo. Dhetinchen. Terelongche'n. Thitenram. Thita, lichen. Thithok jhethokchen. • These translations were made at intendence of the British Resident. Kathmandu in Nepal, under the super- See note in the Introduction at p. In. 342 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App. In the time of these Rajas there was no Sastra (or scripture) in Bhot. When once upon a time the Raja, son of Thithok jhethokehen, was sitting in his " Nenchen " palace of Yonglhakang, which was built on the top of a high mountain named Ra ale, the time arrived when Bhot was to be supplied with scripture, there were rained from the sky like hail on the top of the palace, and with an illumination like that of the sun, a crystal chaitya or Banddha mound one cubit in length, enclosed in a pan-shaped (Karahi) charm-case set with jewels ; Bhot letters written with jewel water on gold leaves or plates, through the auspices of the ten creeds or commandments, and em bellished with the twelve qualities or attributes, and all the Sastras. A loud voice at the same time came from the sky saying — "Let every one know that all the scriptures or Sastras have been imparted through the sound of the 'Ugya' (a musical instrument), which is in the Raja's room of worship." The Raja looked towards the sky. There were no letters in Bhot at that time, and the people of Bhot, although not knowing that they were Sastras, with great faith and devotion named them " Tenbosangwa,'' and placing them on a throne set with rubies and other jewels, the Raja, Minister, Officers of the State, and the people at large prostrated themselves before them. They offered light at night, and during the day worshipped them to the best of their ability. The Raja was old and infirm, but in consequence of his devotion and worship, and his faith in the Sastras he became young and strong, and his age was extended to one hundred and twenty years, and the people of Bhot, as the consequence of their offerings of light and their devo tions and prostrations, became happy. The Raja ordered that whether productive of happiness or distress the people of the whole country in the Himalayas should offer their daily or periodical " pujas " and prayers to the Sastras, and the Raja had fixed in his mind and said that by this means the people would obtain the desires of their hearts. In this Raja's time everyone was content with the " Dharma Sastra " or holy scripture. This Raja, " FaMkuntusangwa " by name, was an incarnation. His son was Thinen-sunna-chen, the son of the latter Dongnadherii, and his son was called Takari-ngen-jhik. He was so called from his being blind, but by his worship, devotion, and offerings of light to the scripture and prostrating himself before it he regained his eyesight. Then from his having been able to see the beasts and birds in the forest of Kisyotak he became known by the name Tarinenjhi. His son was Namri-song-chen. Two thousand years after the divine Sake Sinha had left Kasi came the Raja Negati-chen. After him during five hundred years twenty-seven Rajas reigned. After Raja Namri-song-chen had reigned one hundred and one years, App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 343 Sastra worshipped and prayed, and thus the Raja and the people of ^5hot acquired fortune and glory. Everyone's attention was en grossed by the Sastra. At this time the god Iswara Chyang-chhu-sempa-phapa-Chyangresi- wangchhii sought the asylum of the parent of all beings, the divine Nawa-thaya, and promised that he would promote the welfare of the people in this world as well as in the next, and prayed that they might have happiness in every birth. The god knowing that the proper time had come for the Sastra to be known, said that from the womb of the Rani of the Newar Raja of Nipal (Dewalhaha-Maho- ye-ser) would be born a princess Palmosathi-chun, who would be a glorious incarnation, and who would be full of brilliancy and good qualities. That another brilliant princess full of excellent qualities would be born from the womb of the Queen of Raja Ghyalethaijhung of China, and would be called Ghyamosa-kong-chyo, and that the divine Iswara Phapa-Chyahgresi would be incarnated from the womb of the Rani Durisatho-yekar of Raja Namri-song-chen of Bhot. For this reason every part of Bhot being marked with good qualities was happy. And in the Bhot Samvat or the year Melhyolang a prince full of auspicious marks and splendour was born to Raja Namri-song-chen by his Rani Durisatho - yekar in his palace of Chyangbami-ghyuling. The face of this prince, who was the deity in human shape, was like that of Iswara Nawathaya. On his hands and the soles of his feet were the marks of Sri-baksha ; the colour of his hair was that of indigo. Everything in the newly-born prince was singular and beautiful. At the time of the birth the Iswaras or gods consulted together and made rejoicings. The gods showered flowers from the sky. On looking at the sky it appeared marvellous and wonderful. The Raja in consideration of the promise of the divine Chyang-chhu-sempa-phapa-Chyangresi to the Iswaras, or gods of the ten quarters, to the effect that Sastra would be perfected in Bhot-Himalaya, and that the people of the country would obtain welfare and happiness both in this world and the next, named the Prince Sung-Cheng. As the prince had the knowledge of all the Sastras, sciences, and mantras or prayers from his childhood, the mantris or adepts in mantras named him Song-chen-ghampo. The prince when thirteen years of age, in regard to his promise to Bhagwan Nawathaya that he would perfect the Sastras and sciences in Bhot-Himalaya, asked his parents to have Rajyabhishesh or the ceremony of installing him as Raja performed. His parents were much pleased at this proposal, and with the consent of the people put the people of Bhot-Himalaya having associated themselves with the 344 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App. the prince on the gaddi (throne) and had the abhishesh ceremony performed. This Raja ruled over Bhot and the whole of the Hima- ayas. Thereupon Bhagwan Chyang-chhu-sempa appeared in the sky above the Raja, and gave him instructions in sight of all the people. Whereupon it flashed through the mind of this learned-in-the-Sastra, Raja Song-chen-ghamp6, that as his father and grandfather, the in carnations of Iswara Nen-chen-phapa-Kunatu-song-bo, had, during their reigns, lived on the top of the high Lai Mountain at Lhasa, it was also necessary that he should, for the welfare of the people, live on the same ground which had acquired auspicious marks from having been trodden by the feet of his ancestors. Having thus determined he built a palace on the top of the Lai Mountain and lived there. Thereupon the Raja feeling the want of letters for propagating the ten creeds in the administration of justice according to kingly polity, after judging a case in five lights, " panch khat," sent his intelligent and all-travelled minister, Sambola, attended by sixteen servants, to Kasi or Benares to learn letters. The Minister went to Kasi and learned the letters and Sastras and many sciences, and having altered the letters to suit the Bhotea (Tibetan) pronunciation, he formed the Bhotea characters. The Minister taught the people the letters and rendered many Sanskrit Sastras into the Bhotea language. Raja Song-chen-ghamp6, in order to enforce the Sastras in Bhot, administered justice in obedience to the ten creeds (das dharma). In former times in the reigns of the twelve kings no justice used to be meted out, and there was no happiness in Bhot. Raja Song-chen- ghampd gave forth that he himself would abide by the Dharma Sastra or holy scripture ; that he would make the whole country conform to the dharma or faith ; that unless justice were administered in con formity with the Dharma Sastra there would be sin, and the people would fall into the channel of distress, and would be born into eighty- four hells, and that the people under his rule must avoid infringing the ten creeds, that is to say, they were not to commit murder, not to take what had not been given to them, not to think of doing evil, not to tell lies, not to cheat, not to make use of angry or abusive language, not to conduct themselves with arrogance, not to entertain sinful thoughts, not to think of doing evil to others, and not to be guilty of ingratitude or faithlessness. He made the four following laws: a murderer should be made to pay one thousand (word missing); a thief nine times the value of the stolen property ; an ungrateful man or a traitor should be made to suffer imprisonment and torture for life ; and a liar subjected to swear or take oath (whenever he had to App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 345 make any statement). He further ordered that those under his rule sbfluld attentively pay devotion and worship God and meditate ; that they should pray and observe austerities after searching into the holy scripture ; that they should repay to their parents the good they have done to them ; that they should respect the intelligent and the skilful ; that they should respect high-caste and old age ; that they should respect their relatives and friends ; that they should do good to their neighbours ; that they should obey orders with submission ; that they should respect the great and their posterity ; that they should be content with what they possess in the shape of wealth and riches ; that they should never displease (the Raja) their saviour ; that they should pay off their debts faithfully ; that they should not use short weights and measures ; that they should not quarrel but live in peace ; that they should not misbehave in their friend's house ; that they should regard others as themselves ; that their speech should be sweet and lowly ; that their minds should be as spacious and com prehensive as the great earth. Thus the sixteen Sastras and the four laws form the whole juris prudence of Bhot which the Raja enforced. In case of murder, the relatives of the murdered party, high and low, should be assembled, and the statements of both sides should be well weighed as to their truth or otherwise, and after taking into consideration the serious ness or otherwise of the circumstances, either a heavy or a light punishment should be awarded. If compensation is to be paid, the murderer's relation should be made to pay money to the family of the deceased. This compensation money is called " Ros." The judge of both the small and great causes should truly try the case and award capital punishment, or the payment of compensation in accordance with the decision he should come to, after considering the truth or otherwise of the statements on both sides, and the rank of the parties concerned. In case of theft, the thief should be identified and proved to be such, and if he confessed his guilt, the place of the theft and the rank of the party whose property had been stolen should be considered. It should also be taken into consideration whether the thief belonged to some place close by or at a distance, and whether he were in want of food. Taking these circumstances into consideration a heavy or light punishment should be awarded. The thief should be made to pay back the value, or more or less than the value of the property stolen to its owner. If the property has been stolen from one low in rank, the crime is petty, but if from one high in rank, the crime is grave. If the thief is of a place in the neighbourhood, the crime is greater than if he belonged to some 146 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App. place far away, for in the latter case it might be attributed to ignorance, and the crime should he considered a petty one. The robbery of dacoits is a greater crime than simple theft without violence. In case of adultery, the seducer should pay to the injured husband the value of " Tongjyu," or the expenses of marriage. But the punishment should be awarded after considering whether the woman had on any former occasion committed the same crime ; and the rank of the previous and present seducers should also be taken into consideration. In case of lying and cheating the culprit should be made to make his statement on oath, putting his hand on the feet of the omniscient deity. The following persons should be tried and punished : one who speaks such words as others do not believe and insists on their correctness ; one who uses disagreeable and indecent language ; he who maliciously rejoices in the possession of anything which is want ing to his neighbours ; he who acts in any way contrary to public custom and the Sastras ; he who affirms things impossible to be possible, and things possible to be impossible ; he who affirms as non existent things that are existing, and as existent those that are non existent. To him who is not in the Bauddh (Buddhist) religion and who holds untrue matters that are true, punishment must be great. Those who disobey the ten creeds or commandments and the six teen pure Dharma Sastras which have been made for the people should be regarded as doing harm to the creatures of God while the holy Raja Song-chen-ghampo is living, and therefore wicked and recusant according to the laws of Bhot (Tibet), and they should be punished. Those who possessed the essence of incarnation received punishment from on high. By this means the people of Bhot being afraid of consequences could not disobey the laws of Bhot. II. To the ocean of intelligence, wisdom, and wealth and incarnation of God, Mr. Bogo (Bogle), this letter. When you returned in all happiness from your visit to the Kyap- gon-pen-ring-porchhe Lama, you told me to write in a letter every thing that happened. When you were here you had forwarded a letter of mine together with one from yourself to the Great Saheb of Calcutta, who has now favoured me with an answer bearing his seal. With it is a letter for you which I have returned. The contents of my letter may be the same as yours, you will be able to know. Last year on account of the misunderstanding and quarrel App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 347 a large payment of mohurs was to be made to Palong (? Peling — Englishman), the officer of your troops. We managed to collect a sum here and there and paid him. As for the small balance still due, we have collected from our subjects one-half of it in kind and money, and paid it. Whether the remaining half be remitted or not I shall be equally satisfied. Last rainy season when you were at Kisichhoy- jhoong, you expressed your assent to the remission of the debt, and said that you had submitted your letter to the Great Saheb of Calcutta, and that you had a hope of a part of the money still due being remitted. But the Palong has sent his man named Lala to Paksyang-ghyatong to demand this sum. If according to what took place between us this sum can be remitted, it will be a kindness on your part. If it be not remitted, I will certainly pay you on your return ; until you return it will be better if you will send me by post a Persian letter with your seal to the address of the Palong Relali, or of any other person with directions not to be importunate, but to let the money lie over. Be like the ocean of admonition and knowledge, and be now even worthy of yourself like the Ganges. The mark of the letter Ragi Khatta,1 dated the 6 th Magh-Sudi from the Durbar " Punsandhe-chhen " of Dewa Dharma. 1 This is a piece of satin in which the letter is wrapped. [Index. ( 349 ) INDEX. Agriculture in Bhutan, 64; in Tibet, 74, 316 ; machine for cutting straw, 77. Alexander, Claud, of Ballochmyle, cxxxv ; executor of A. Elliot, cl (n) ; and of G. Bogle, clvii. Amba, Chinese residents, at Lhasa, xlviii, 165, 175, 195 (see Keshen). Ambari Fala-kottah, lxx, Ixxii, c. Amdoa, State of, 309, 313, 318. Amiat, Father, his account of the death of the Teshu Lama, 209 (n). Amitabha, a Dhyani Buddha, incarnate in Tsong-khapa, xlvi. Am-machu river, in the Chumbi valley, xxxv, xxxvii (see Chumbi). Anderson, David, friend of Warren Hastings and G. Bogle, cxxxv, cliii, clvii. Andes, comparison with the Himalaya, xli, 12. Andrada, Antonio, a Jesuit, his journey from India to China, lvi. Annf, a Buddhist nun, 1, 121 (see Nun). Antelope, 72. Ari.Western Tibet, xxvi (n), 309 (seeNari). Ari-jong, ex. Arrowsmith, Aaron, his map of Tibet, exxvi. Arun river, xxv, xxxii, xxxvi, lxxvii, cxv. Asoka, Buddhist king, xliii. Ass, wild, 72. Assam, annexation of, lead to increased connection with Bhutan, lxxxi, c ; trade with Tibet, exxiii, 58, 59 ; description, routes, 59 ; suggested expedition to, 68 ; a vakfl from, refused admission at Lhasa, 165. Austen, Major Godwin, accompanied Mr. Edea's mission, c ; his survey and map of Bhutan, exxxiii. Avalokiteswara, a Buddhisatwa, incarnate in the Dalai Lama, xlvii. Bagmatti river, xxxvii. Bahadar Sah, Regent of Nepal, lxxvi, lxxviii. Bahar (see Kuch Bahar). Baidak river, 55. Baisi rajahs in Nepal, xxxv. Banks, Sir Joseph, K.B., introduces Mr. Manning to the Chairman E. I. C, clx. Banners of Buddhists, 20, 70. Barantola, 297 (n), 297, 309. Barwell, Mr., his loyal support of Warren Hastings, cxlvii ; leaves India, cliii. Battu, xli, 304. Bees in Bhutan, 66. Beggars, 87. Behri river, xxxv. Bell, Dr., the first Englishman at Peking, 167 (n). Benares, lxxviii ; Mr. Markham, resident at, cxxxv (n) ; Jonathan Duncan, resi dent, cxxxv (n) ; trade route from, 128, 142 (see Cheyt Sing). Bengalis, comparison with Bhutanese, 18 ; astonishment at sight of snow, 64 (see Servants). Berghaus' map of Central Asia, exxix. Bhatgaon, liv, 126, 299 (»). Bhim Sen Thappa, minister in Nepal, lxxx, Ixxxvii. Bhotia Kosi, xxv, xxxvi. Bhutan, correspondence opened with rulers of, xxi ; rivers of, xxxv, xxxviii ; extent of, xxxvii ; tribes of, Hi ; tradi tions as to origin, lv ; missions sent by Warren Hastings to, lxviii, lxx, lxxii ; frontier disturbances, lxxxi ; mission of Kishen Kant Bose to, lxxxii ; Pem- berton's mission, lxxxiii ; history of our connection with, xcix ; Eden's mission, c; war with, ci ; treaty, ci, 4 (n) ; maps of, exxxii ; confusion in the name, 6 (n) ; history of, 33, 192 ; provincial governors, 36 ; taxes, 36 ; change of government, 39 ; titles of councillors, 43 («) ; advantages to, of opening com munications, 50 ; Diiars naturally sub ject to, 55 ; recommendations in event of war with, 56, 57; trade with Assam, 58 ; soldiers of, 62 ; their arms, 63 ; boundary of, and Tibet, 67; Teshu Lama on, 135. Books on, see Turner, Pemberton, Eden, Rennie, MacGregor (see Brukpa). 350 INDEX. Bhutanese, war in Kuch Babar, 1 (n), comparison with Bengalis, 18, 25 ; ac count of, 34, 192 ; position of women, 30, 64, 65 ; classes of, 35 ; character, 37, 193 ; favourable account of, 51 ; in creased desire to trade, 52 ; permit to trade at Rangpiir, 53; trade with people of Diiars, 55; will adhere to the treaty, 58 ; their singing, 63 ; robust and well- built, 75 ; monopoly of trade by offi cials, 183 ; negotiations with, 184-186 ; position of their country, 193. Bichu river, 312. Bijapiir, xxxvi ; seized by the Gorkha Rajah, 141, 149, 161, 165, 183. Black, Charles E. D., Esq., acknowledg ment of assistance from, viii. Blake, Ensign, accompanied Captain Pem berton to Bhutan, lxxxiii. Blanford, W. T., Esq., exploration of Sifc- kim, ciii. Bod, native name of Tibet, xxvi, 6, 10, 15 (n) (or Bhot). Boddam, Mr., a creditor of China, 207. Bod-la, pass into Tibet, 15. Bogle, Anne, sister of George Bogle, cxxxvii, cxl ; death of, civ (n). , Elizabeth, cxlii. , John, brother of, cxxxvii ; a mer chant in Virginia, cxxxviii. , George (elder) of Daldowie, cxxxvi ; grateful letter to his son, cliii. , George, mission to Tibet, iii, v, lxvii, cxxiv ; materials for a narrative of his mission, v, xxii ; birth and parentage, cxxxiv ; early recollections, cxxxvii ; education, cxxxviii ; goes to India, account of the Bengal famine, cxxxix ; in the Revenue Board, cxl ; his cha racter of Warren Hastings, cxli; letters from Tibet, cxliii ; necklace presented to, by the Teshu Lama, cxliii ; full approval of his proceedings, cxlv ; de prived of his appointments by the Francis clique, cxlvii ; loyalty to War ren Hastings, cxlvii, cxlviii ; appointed on a Revenue Settlement Commission, cxlix ; his grief at the death of A. Elliot, cl ; collector at Rangpur, cli ; venera tion for Warren Hastings, cli ; gene rosity, clii ; death and character, cliv ; intentions to publish his papers, clvii ; selected as Envoy to Tibet, 4, 5 ; in structions to, 6 ; sets out from Calcutta, 14 ; journey to Tassisudon, 14-22 ; plants potatoes at each station in Bhutan, 19 ; arrives at Tassisudon, 23 ; interviews with the Deb Rajah, 2-1, 42 ; difficulties ms to his proceeding to Tibet, 48, 49 ; advice in the event of another Bhutan war, oQ : leaves Tassisudon, 61 ; reaches Paro, 63 ; arrival at Pari-jong, 67 ; journey through Tibet, 70-77 ; crosses the Tsanpu, 79 ; rides a race with Purungir, 79 ; arrival at Desherip gay, 81 ; first audience of the Teshu Lama, 83 ; adopts a Tibetan dress, 88 ; departure from Desheripgay, 90 ; badly lodged, 92 ; acquaintance with the Pyn Cushos, 92 ; his tent, 94 ; arrival at Teshu Lumbo, 95 ; his rooms, 96 ; visited by gylongs, 98 ; plays at chess with a general, 101 ; his monastic life at Teshu Lumbo, 103 ; amusements and employment, 104 ; his constant church- going, 105; his pleasant intercourse with the Pyn Cushos,106; visits and is blessed by an abbess, 109 ; writes an account of Europe for the Lama, 110 ; visited by nuns, 111 ; his visit to the country seat of the Pyn Cushos, 112-118 ; takes leave of the Lama and his relations, 118; Gesub Rimboehe raised obstacles to his joui'ney, 131 ; reason for not going to Lhasa, 132-154; conversations with the Lama, 135-160; interview with the Lhasa Deputies, 147 ; letter to Gesub Rimboehe, 153 ; restrains curiosity to prevent suspicion, 155, 156 ; interview with merchants, 161-163 ; receives a paper of memoranda from the Lama, 164; takes leave of the Lama, 165, 173, 177; recites English poetry for the Lama, 168 ; leaves Teshu Lumbo, 177 ; nego tiations in Bhutan, 184, 190, 200, 202 ; project of going to Peking, 208, 209. Bogle, Martha (Mrs. Brown), cxxxvii, civ ; death of, civ (n). , Mary, cxxxvii. , Robert, of Daldowie, cxxxvii ; of the firm of Bogle and Scott, cxxxviii ; commercial loss sustained by, cxli; at Daldowie, cxliii ; a sugar planter in Grenada, cxliii (?i) ; letter to, cxlvii ; succeeds his father at Daldowie, cl ; in tention of publishing his brother's papers, clvii. Borax trade, cxvi, cxvii, cxxiv. Bouchier, Mr., a creditor of China, 207. Bowani Ganj fort, 15. Brahmaputra river, xxiii : tributaries, xxvii ; upper valley of, xxix ; identity with the Tsanpu of Tibet, xxx ; ques tion of the course of, 9, 191 ; affluents of, 55 ; mart for Assam trade on the, 58 ; route to Assam by, 59 (see Tsanpu). Bramashon, a name of Sikkim, lxiv, 311, 313. Bridge at Chuka, 20 ; description, 21 ; at Phuncholing, over the Tsanpu, cxi. Brown, Mrs. (see Bogle, Martha). , Thomas, Esq., of Laufine, civ. INDEX. 351 Brown, Miss, of Lanfine, kindness in pre senting the Bogle MSS., v, clviii ; pifesessor of part of the Teshu Lama's necklace, cxliii. Bruce, Colonel, negotiator of peace with Bhutan, cii. Brukpa, a name for Bhutan, lxiv, 311. Buddha (Dhyani), xlvi, 11 (see Sakya). Buddhism in India, xliii, 72, 143 ; pilgrims from China, xliv ; Tibetan form of, xlv, 328; sects, xlvii, 24 (n), 179 ; sacerdotal orders, 1 ; monasteries, 1 ; services, li ; literature, li ; services in Bhutan, 27 ; invocation of " Om mani padmi hum," 29, 32 ; erection of a temple in India, 138, 164, 165, 168. Buddhisatwas, xlv, xlvii, xlviii, xcix. Bul-cho lake, cxvii. Bulrampur, 56. Burial (see Interment). Buria-Gandak river, xxv, xxxv. Buri-Rangit river, xxxvii. Buri Gumah Duar, occupation by English, lxxxii. Burlton,Captain, explores the Dihong, xxx. Buxa-Diiar, lxix, lxxii, lxxxiii ; seized and occupied, ci ; Bhutanese driven up to, 1 («), 2 (n) ; Mr. Bogle arrives at, 16, 17 ; Deb Judhur's flight from, 38 ; sug gestion as to occupation of, 56 ; route from, 62 ; under government of Paro Penlo, 65, 66 ; trade, 183, 201 ; return to, 190. Caloashuk village, 73. Calo-chu lake, 73, 222. Campbell, Dr. Archibald, notice of, lxxxix ; his residence at Darjiling, xc ; his writ ings, xcii (h); his opinion respecting Bhutan, c. Campbell, Sir George, interview with the Sikkim Rajah, civ, cxxvii. Cantalbary, 213, 294 (see Kantalbari). Canton, 167. Capuchins in Tibet, lix, lxv, 315, 321. Celibacy in Bhutan, 37. Central Chain of the Himalaya, xxxi, 243 (n) ; crossed by Bogle, 74 ; crossed by Manning, 224. Chaitya, 27 (n), 32 (n). Chamnamring, xxix, 78, 80, 82, 91, 155, 182 ; cold at, 193 (see Namling). Chamurchi Duar, annexed, c ; pass of, 56, 65. Chang, a fermented liquor, 106, 108. , province of, 182 (see Tsang). Changay Lama, xlix, 130, 146, 199, 207. Changchenmo pass, xxiii. Changzed Rabu, Dewan of Sikkim, civ. Chanon, 66. Chanzo Cusho, brother of the Teshu Lama, lxxiii, 91 (»), 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 103, 104, 106, 139 (n), 171. Charta Tsanpu river, ex. Chaubisi Rajah, country in Nepal, xxxvi. Chauduri visits Mr. Bogle, 102, 168, 170, 172 ; intrigues of, 172-176. Chayanpur, xxxvi. Chepang tribe, in Nepal, Iii. Chess, 92, 101, 104. Cheyt Sing's vakil, 91, 102 ; conduct of, 139. Chichakotta, night attack of Bhutanese on, 1 (n), 2 (n) ; Mr. Bogle arrives at, 15 ; suggested occupation of, 56. Chidzun Tamba, 134. China, Manchu dynasty of, lv ; survey of, by the Jesuits, lxi ; trade with Tibet, exxii, 125 ; necessity for negotiation with, to remove obstructions to enter ing Tibet, cv, cxxiv, 208, 209 ; seal of the Emperor circulated in Bhutan, 38 ; policy of keeping out Europeans, lxxxiii, xcvii, ev, 45, 46, 48, 148, 151, 164; sovereignty over Tibet, xlviii, 130, 322 ; wars of the Emperor Kien-lung, 134 (»), 135, 207 ; rebellions against, 159 ; threatened war with Russia, 160, 166; fear of, in Bhutan, 188; influence of Teshu Lama with Emperor of, 196 ; creditors of, 207. Chinese, Buddhist pilgrims, xliv; invasion of Nepal by, lxxvi, lxxvii ; defeat of invaders from Ladak by, xcv ; troops in Tibet, xcix ; merchants at Teshu Lumbo, 117; at Lhasa, 195; general at Pari-jong, 217, 230 ; advice of, 223 ; concert given by, 237 ; soldiers cured by Mr. Manning, 218 ; obliging conduct of, 227 ; jokes with, 241 ; character of, 241 (n). Chinchu river, xxxviii, 24 ; ceremony of bathing in, 28 ; route along course of, 62 ; junction with the Pachu, 63. Cochuling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi, cxiii. Cho-la pass, xxxvii, xciii, civ. Cholamii lake, xciii. Chom, cxvi, 77. Chomorang-la pass, cxiv. Chomtodong lake, xxxii, cxv. Chronology, Chinese, 166. Chua, cxvi. Chiika, suspension bridge at, 20. Chum Cusho, the Teshu Lama's sister, 105; cured by Dr. Hamilton, 106 ; account of, 108 ; takes leave of Mr. Bogle, 118. Chumalhari peak, xxviii, xxxi, xxxvii, xcii, 70, 72. Chumbi valley, xxxvii, ci, civ, cxxvii. Chumuling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi, cxiii. 352 INDEX. Chupka (see Kepta). Churchill, the poet, 71 (and n), 95 (n). Chusul-jong, cxii. Clevland, Augustus, civilizer of the Santhals, notice of, cxxxv (n). Clothing (see Dress). Coinage (see Currency). Comets, application to the Lama, for a list of, 166. Condamine, M. de la, xli, 12. Cornwallis, Lord, Government of, policy as to Nepal and Tibet, lxxvi. Crawford, Major, his geographical work in Nepal, cxxx. Cumming, Colonel, 13. Currency, cxxiii (re), 128, 129. Cusho Debo, 192 (see Deb Rajah). Pat, at Lama, succession founded, xlvii ; an incarnate Buddhisatwa, xlvii ; Lob sang Kalsang installed, xlviii ; his death, xcv ; Dalai Lama pacifies the Khalkas, xlix ; letter to Lord Corn wallis, lxxviii ; to Mr. Hodgson, lxxxvi ; sudden deaths of, xcv ; lists of, xcviii (n) ; rumoured death of, xcviii ; visit of the Pundit to, cxiii, 49 ; illumi nations on birthday of, 87 ; vakils from, 94, 102, 103, 105; notes on, 130, 131 ; suggested embassy to, 159, 164, 165, 169 ; at the head of the Yel low sect, 179 ; invite intervention of China, 194, 195 ; interview of Mr. Manning with, 265, 288, 292 ; Horace della Penna's account of, 320. Daldowie, cxxxvi ; early days of G. Bogle at, cxxxvii ; projects for improvements at, cxli ; G. Bogle pays off debt on, cxli, clii, cliii. Dalgu-cho lake, xxxii. Dalim-kotta, occupied by the English, ci, 1 (n), 2 (re) ; under the Paro Penlo, 65 ; trade by, 183, 201. Dalrymple, Alexander, proposal to edit Bogle's MSS., clvii ; notice of, clvii (n). Damniargan-la pass, cxvii. Dancing in Tibet, 92. Dango-la pass, xxxii. D'Anville, opinion as to course of Brah maputra, xxx ; maps^of, xxxi, lxi, cxxviii. Darjiling, formation of hill station at, lxxxix; Dr. Campbell at, xc ; Dr .[Hooker on, xc ; deputy commissioners of, cii ; a centre of trade, cxxiv. Davis, Sir John, acknowledgment of as sistance from, vii ; reminiscences of Mr. Manning, clix. Davis, Captain Samuel, with Turner's mission ; his sketches, lxxi ; notice of, lxxi (n). Dawala-giri peak, xxxv. Dayabung peak, xxxv.. Deb Rajah of Bhutan, Iv, Ixxxii, lxxxiii ; missions to, Ixviii, lxxii ; treaty with, cii, cii (re) ; passport from, 17 ; return of, to Tassisudon, 24 ; interview with Mr. Bogle, 24, 42; election of, 35, 192 ; opposes intrigues of Deb Judhur, 40 ; suspicions of, 47 ; obstructive conduct of, 49, 50, 200; trading of, 51, 133, 161, 198, 201 ; letters to, 53 ; tribute paid to, by the Paro Penlo, 65, 69. Deb Gylong returns with Mr. Bogle, 178. Deb Judhur, of Bhutan, invasion of Kuch Bahar, 1 (re) ; his career, 37, 192 ; de position, 38 ; intrigues, 40, 50, 61, 62, 69 ; confined at Giansu, 78, 131, 135, 141, 144; dread of, in Bhutan, 184, 202. Deb Seklu, reign of, 24, 61. Debo Tangu, Mr. Bogle's host at Giansu, 181. Debang monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi. Debo Dinji Sampu, 101 ; attends on Mr. Bogle, 111 ; made Governor of Jong- lache, 117. Debo Patza, a Tibetan general, plays at chess with Mr. Bogle, 101 ; his retreat from Sikkim, 164; meets Mr. Bogle on the road, 178. Demalung, a village on the Palti lake, 244 (re), 248 (re). Demo Jong (or Sikkim), 71, 101, 128, 149, 151, 157, 179, 197; invaded by the Gorkhas, 144. Desgodins, Abbe, account of Tibetan trade, exxii. Desheripgay, palace of the Teshu Lama, 81, 82 ; departure of Mr. Bogle from, 90, 96, 145 ; interviews with the Lama at, 135, 163. Desideri, Hippolito, Jesuit, journey to Lhasa, vii ; notice of, lviii ; discovery of manuscript journals of, lix ; travels of, 302-308. Dewangiri, lxxxiii ; guns captured at, ci ; centre of trade, cxix. Dharma Rajah (see Lama Rimboehe'). Dhiins, xxxiv. Dhyani Buddhas, xlv, xlvi. Dihong river, xxix ; explored by Captain Burlton, xxx. Dickinson, Lieut., attacked at Chichakotta, 1 (»), 2 (re). Dinajpur, Mr. Bogle passes through, 14, 48 ; Paro Penlo desires to send a trad ing agent to, 52 ; peak seen from, 71, 301 (n). Dingri Maidan, xxxii, Ixxvii, cxv (see Tengri Maidan). Dogs of Tibet, 68, 114, 116, 224, 339. Dogras, invasion of Tibet, by an army of, INDEX. 353 Dokpas, cxvi. Dongdot-la pass, cxvi. Doneia pass, xxvi, xxxvii, cii. Donnai, title of head Dewan in Bhutan, 62, 66. Dorville, Father, companion of Grueber, lvi, 295 ; death of, 300. Dospa country, 78. Dress, Tibetan, 88,120,228,316; prejudices respecting, 229 (re); warm clothing, 240. Dsungarians, army of, invades Tibet, xlviii, 319 (re). Diiars, xxxiv ; description of, xxxvii, 55 ; names of the, xxxviii, cii (n) ; occupa tion of, Ixxxii, c, cii ; cession of, cii ; maps of, cxxxiii, 16 (re); trade with Bhutan, 55 ; suggestion respecting, 56 ; chief source of revenue to the Paro Penlo, 66 (see Buxa, Repu, Chamurchi, Lakhi). Ducks, cxiii, 72, 121, 222, 317. Dud Kosi river, xxxvi. Dudukpai in Tibet, a happy family at, 74, 121. Du Halde, editor of the ' Lettres Edifi antes,' lviii (n), lxii (n) ; maps, cxxv. Duko-jong, 6Q. Dukpa, Red Cap sect in Tibet (which see). Dumgong, 214, 294. Dune, orDuna-jong, 214. Duncan, Jonathan, treaty with Nepal, lxxvi ; notice of, cxxxv (n). Dupgain Sheptiin, first Lama Rimboehe of Bhutan, lv. Durjay, Paumo, Abbess of a convent near the Palti lake, 105, 106 ; visit of Mr. Bogle to, 108, 109; frequent visits of Dr. Hamilton to, 109. Duties on merchandise passing through Nepal, lxxvi (n), xcix, 126, 127 ; none levied in Tibet, 124 ; abolished at pur fair, 184. Eden, Honourable Ashley, in Sikkim, xci ; his mission to Bhutan, c ; inso lence of Bhutan Durbar to, ci ; report, ci (re). Edgar, J. Ware, Esq., C.S.I., Deputy- Commissioner at, Darjiling, ciii ; visit to the Rajah of Sikkim, civ ; conversa tion with Tibetan officials, cv, cvi, cxxv ; views on Tibetan trade, cxxiv. Eleuths (see Dsungarians). Elliot, Alexander, friend of Warren Hast ings, cxxxv, cxiii ; visit to England, cxiii ; return to India, cxlv ; death, lines by Warren Hastings on, cl. Elwes, Captain, exploration of Sikkim by, ciii. Essana, a Bhutan village, harvest at, 64. Everest, Mount, xxxvi. Fa-Hian, xliv. Fitch, Ralph, his notice of trade between India and Tibet, liv. Flags (see Banners). Francis, Philip, factious conduct of, cxlvi, cxlvii ; his character, cxlix ; duel of, with the Governor-General, cliii (re). Freyre, Manoel, companion of Desideri, lviii. Fuel, stored, in Tibet, 71, 316. Funeral rites at Tassisudon, 29; in Tibet, 122, 339. Gairdner, Mr., of Kilmarnock, arranged the Bogle manuscripts, vii, clviii. Gaissar, 67 ; Gaissar Lama in Bhutan, 192. Ga-la pass, ex. Galdan monastery, near Lhasa, founded, xlvi, xlvii, 1 ; abbot of, xcviii ; visited by the Pundit, cxii. Gandak river, xxxv; Saft Gandaki, xxxv. Gangri mountain (or Kailas), xxv. Gardner, Honourable E., resident at Kath mandu, lxxxiv. Gassa-tu (see Gaissar). Gawler, Colonel, operations in Sikkim, xci. Gaya, 45, 134, 142. Gedun monks, 1. Tubpa, Tibetan reformer, founder of Teshu Lumbo, xlvii ; incarnate Budd hisatwa, xlvii. Geese, 72, 121, 317. Gelupka sect, 24 (re), 179 (see Yellow Caps). Gesub Rimboehe, Regent at Lhasa, xlviii, Ixv, cxiii, 102, 195 ; his opposition to English missions, lxix, 131 ; Si-fan's long tenure and deposition, xcv, xevi ; rise to power, 130, 131 ; written to by the Teshu Lama, as to trade with Bengal, 133, 148, 152 ; letter to, from Mr. Bogle, 153 ; offended at aggres sions of Gorkhas, 159 ; jealousy of foreigners, 131, 165, 169 ; intrigue with the Chauduri, 172-176 (see Nomen-Khan). Getshul, a Buddhist neophyte, 1. Ghagra river, xxxv. Ghattong, 78. Ghoraghat, 54. Giansu (Giangze), xxviii, cxi, 74, 76, 155, 181 ; castle of, 76-78 ; Deb Judhur confined at, 78 ; landlord at, 181 ; Mr. Manning's residence at, 226-242 ; de scription of, 227, 314. Gillespie, General, killed in Nepal war, lxxxi. Ginseng, 8. Giorgi, author of ' Alphabetum Tibet- 2 A 354 INDEX. anum,' xliii (n) ; notice of, lx (re) ; his account of Lake Palti, 244 (re). Gogra river (see Ghagra). Gold, remarks of Tibetan merchants on trade in, 164. mines, 316 (see Thok-Jalung). Gonpas, Tibetan monasteries, 1 (see Monas teries). Gordon, Mr., agent of the creditors of China, 207. Gorkhas, liii (re); conquest of Nepal, lxvi; invade Tibet, lxxvi, xcvii ; defeated by Chinese, Ixxvii ; as soldiers, lxxxvi ; ¦ Gorkha Rajah, 58 ; invasion of Sikkim, 101; subdued Nepal, 126; duties levied by, 127; coinage, 129; Teshu Lama writes to, for encouragement of trade, 133, 197; seizes Bijapiir, 141; aggres sions of, 144, 149, 157 ; letter to the Teshu Lama, 158; death of, 159; ob structs trade, 161 ; contemplated pro posals to, for encouraging trade, 162 ; called upon by the Teshu Lama to re store Bijapiir to Bhutan, 165; vakil of, 107, 190 (see Nepal, Prithi Narayan, Ran Bahadar, Bahadar Sah). Gosain's trading pilgrims of India, 124, 125, 204; driven out of Nepal, 127, 163 (see Purungir Gosain). Griffith, Dr., accompanies Pemberton on his mission to Bhutan, lxxxiii. Grueber, Father, visits Lhasa, his narra tive, vii, 295-302 ; account of, lvi. Guatiula pass, civ. Guge, occupied by Zorawar Sing, xcv. Guggun Sing, Minister in Nepal, lxxxvii. Guiseppe, Father, narrative of the Gorkha conquest, lxvi. Guison Tamba, Hue's name for the Tara nath Lama (whom see). Gulab Sing, conquest of Ladak, xcv. Gurung tribe, hi. Gutzlaff, Dr., notice of, xciv. Gyalba Rimboehe, a title of the Dalai Lama, xlvii. Gyalpo, title of kings of Tibet (see Gesub Rimboehe). Gylongs, or monks, 1 ; in Bhutan, 27 ; Mr. Bogle's conversation with a, in Tibet, 80, 85; crowds of, visit Mr. Bogle, 98 ; crowds in church, 103 ; masquerading at the new year, 106 ; chastisement of a young gylong, 110; position and numbers, 121 ; to go to Calcutta and visit religious place, 169. Halliday, Sir Frederick, proposal re specting Bhutan aggressions, c. Hamilton, Dr. Alexander, correspondence with Mr. Bogle, v; mission to Bhutan, lxix ; to accompany Mr. Bogle's mission, 6, 7, 14; alarm of Buddhists at his offer to kill a fly, 26 ; applied to for medicine, 74, 76 ; gives snuff to a gylong, 80 ; interview with the Lama, 83 ; cures a Kashmiri, 87 ; lodging at Teshu Lumbo, 96, 97 ; rooms visited by the Teshu Lama, 101 ; cures the Lama's relatives, 106, 244 (re) ; asked by Kalmuks to tell their fortunes, 107 ; last visit, to the Lama, 168 ; leaves Teshu Lumbo, 177. Hamilton, Dr. Buchanan, his work on Nepal, lxxix (re); map of Nepal by, exxxi. Hares, 72,73, 121. Harland, Sir Robert, a creditor of China, 207. Harvests in Bhutan, 64 (see Agriculture). Hastings, Marquis, declares war upon Nepal, lxxxi. Hastings, Warren, iii ; his missions to Tibet, v ; his policy with regard to Tibet, xxi, lxviii, lxxv, cxxv ; corre spondence with Bogle, v, ciii ; in quiries of, respecting the source of the Tsanpu, xxx, 9 ; his encouragement of surveys, xl (n) ; school of adminis trators created by, cxxxv; Bogle's character of, cxli ; full approval of Bogle's proceedings in Tibet, cxlv ; his position during the supremacy of the Francis clique, cxlvii ; magnanimity of, cxlviii ; duel with Francis, cliii (n) ; letter to Dr. Johnson on Bogle's journal, civ; letter of the Teshu Lama to, 1 ; resolves to drive back the Bhu tanese 1 (re) ; his minute proposing an embassy to Tibet, 3 ; his appointment of Mr. Bogle, 6 ; commissions to Mr. Bogle, 8 ; his memorandum on Tibet, 9 ; instructions to Mr. Bogle to plant potatoes in Bhutan, 19 (re) ; letter to the Deb Rajah for the encouragement of trade, 53 ; complies with the Lama's request for a temple near Calcutta, 146 (re) ; desire to procure strange animals, 166; instructions to Mr. Bogle to negotiate for free trade in Bhutan, 186. Hatia pass, xxxvi. Haughton, Colonel, acknowledgment of assistance from, vii ; Commissioner of Kuch Bahar, ciii. Heeley, Mr. Wilfred, his article on Tibet, xl (re), cvii (re). Himalayan region, general description, xxiii, xxxix ; Northern Chain, xxiv ; Central Chain, xxv, xxxi ; Southern Chain, xxxiv ; comparison with the Andes, xli ; zones of elevation, xxxiv. Hitounda, 300 (n). INDEX. 355 Hiuen Thsang, xliv. Hodjjpon, Mr. Brian, acknowledgment of assistance from, vii ; his description of the Himalaya, xxxiv ; on the hydro graphy of Nepal, xxxix ; on the cis- nivean Himalayan races, Hi ; his opinion of Gorkha soldiers, liii ; services to Buddhistic literature, lxxxv ; marvel lous industry, lxxxvi ; political ser vices, lxxxvii ; his physical map of Nepal, cxxxi. Holdich, Captain, R.E., surveys of part of the Bhutan frontier, cxxix. Hooker, Dr. J. D., acknowledgment of assistance from, vii ; his view from the Donkia pass, xxxiii ; his travels in Nepal and Sikkim, lxxxvi, xcii ; his journals, xciii ; his map of Sikkim, cxxxi. Hor tribes in the north of Tibet, xxiv, 309, 313. Horses in Tibet, 121 ; trade in, 183 (see Tanguns). Horsok, xxiv. Hot springs, cxvi, 181, 182, 224. Hrondzain Cambo, king of Tibet, 166. Hue, Abbe, his description of Tibetans, xlii ; account of the Guison Tamba, xlviii ; his account of Urga, xlix ; visit to Lhasa, xciv, xevi ; expelled from Lhasa, xcvii ; his works, xcvii (re). Iandro lake, 310 (re) (see Palti). Impey, Sir Elijah, correspondence with G. Bogle, v, cxlviii. Incarnations (see Buddhisatwas, Lamas, Tsong - khapa, Padma Pani, Gedun Tubpa, Amitabha, Avalokiteswara) ; female incarnation, 1. Interment, custom in Tibet, 67, 122, 339, 340. Jaigugu, 19. Jalpaish, lxxii, c. Jang Bahadar, of Nepal, lxxxviii, xcix, exxvi. Janglache, xxvii, cxi, 117, 155. Jammu, Gulab Sing of, conquest of Ladak, xcv. Jansen, Commodore, of the Hague, ac knowledgment of assistance from, vii. Jaschke, Mr., Moravian missionary, cvii ; his works on the Tibetan language, cviii (re). Jeffrey, Lord, sister married to Dr. Brown of Lanfine, cli. Jelep-la pass, iv, xxxvii ; visit of Mr. Edgar to, civ, cvi, cxxv. Jesuits' travels in Tibet, lvi, lvii, lviii, 295-308 ; their survey of China, lxi. Jetsum tampa (see Guison-tamba). Johnson, Dr. Samuel, letter to, from Warren Hastings, on Bogle's journal, cli. , Mr. E. J. S., survey of Sikkim, exxviii. Jones, Captain John, in command in the Bhutan war, 1 (re), 31. Jonka-jong, important Chinese post, lxxix, ex, Jumla, xxxv. Kahlons, ministers at Lhasa, xcv, 320, 323. Kailas peak, xxiv. Ka-la pass, cxi. Kala Panday, minister in Nepal, lxxxvii. Kali river, xxv, xxxv, Iii, lxxxi. Kalling, secretary to the Deb Rajah, 62. Kalmuks, their offerings to the Teshu Lama, 97, 137 ; play at chess with Mr. Bogle, 104 ; visit Dr. Hamilton, 107 ; trade carried on by, 125; veneration for the Teshu Lama, 132 ; conquered by the Chinese, 138 ; manner of fight ing on horseback, 155; business with the Teshu Lama, 160, 314 (re). Kam, or Eastern Tibet, xxvi (re), 309, 312. Kambachen pass. xcii. Kamba-jong, xciii. Kambala mountain, 310 (see Khamba-la). Kambu, 135. Kampas arrive at Desheripgay, 83 ; chief's suicide, 159. Kangchan peak, xxxvi. Kanglachan pass, xxxvi. Kanmur in Tibet, 74. Kantel peak, 304. Kantalbari, 213, 294. Karakorum Range, xxiii. Karnali river, xxv, xxxv. Kashmir, visited by Desideri, 303. Kashmiri merchants, liv, lv, ex, 8, 48, 61, 86, 94, 117, 119, 204; establish- mentTin Tibet, 124; carry on trade be tween Tibet and China, 125, 126 ; settled at Lhasa, 127 ; their praise of the Teshu Lama, 132 ; willing to trade with Bengal, 133 ; visit to Mr. Bogle, 160 ; their trade obstructed by tlie Gorkha Rajah, 161 ; take leave of Mr. Bogle, 178, 181. Kathmandu, xxxvi, liv; reached by Grueber, lvii ; approach of Chinese army to, Ixxvii ; British residents at, Ixxxiv (see Nepal), 126, 129 (n), 299. Kien Lung, Emperor of China, long reign, lvi, 134, 207 (re), 209 (re). Kepta, 20, 64. Kerantis (see Kirantis). Keshen, Chinese resident at Lhasa, xevi, cv. Khalka Lama (see Taranath). 356 INDEX. Khalkas, xlix. Khalamba-la pass, xxviii, cxvi. Khalongs (see Kahlons). Kham (see Kam). Khamba-la mountain, cxii, 250 (re), 310. barchi, cxii. Khas tribe of Nepal, liii. Khatong district, xxxvi. Khoro-la pass, cxii. Khotan, journey of Mr. Johnson to, xxiv, xliv. Ki-chan (see Keshen). Ki-chu river, xxix, cxii. Kiepert, maps of Central Asia, cxxix. Killadars of Teshu-tzay, 92; of Shigatze, 94, 98 ; on the Bengal frontier to assist merchants, 163. Kinloch, Captain, march towards Nepal, lxvi. Kirati, country in East Nepal, xxxvi, Iii, 157, 158. Kircher, author of 'China Illustrata,' notice of, lvii. Kirong, Ixxvii ; pass, cix. Kishen Kant Bose, mission to Bhutan, lxxxii, ciii. Kisu, birth-place of Teshu Lama, Ixxiii. Klaproth, M., opinion as to the course of the Brahmaputra, xxx ; on Van de Putte, lxiii (n) ; notice of, xciii ; map of Central Asia, cxxxiii. Knox, Colonel, mission to Nepal, lxxviii. Kokonor lake, xlvi, 296 (re), 311 ; mean ing of the word, 314. Kongra-lama pass, xxxvii. Kontyaling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi, cxiii. Koros, Csoma de, on Tibetan literature, li; account of, lxxxviii; works, lxxxix (n). Kosi river, xxxv, xxxvi, lxxxi, xcii. Kuch Bahar, lv ; commissioners, ciii ; in vasion of, by Bhutanese, 1 (re), 31, 38, 192; treaty for the affairs of, 4 (n); the arrival of Mr. Bogle at, 14, 45, 56, 58. Kuen-lun mountains, xxiv. Kumaon, xcv. Kushu, Debu, 33 (see Deb Rajah). Kusunda, tribe of Nepal, Hi. Kuti pass, xxxvi, liv, lvii, lxxvi, cix, cxv, 155 (re), 158, 159, 298, 310. Kutuktus, 1, 11. Kyang, a wild ass, 72. Kyli (see Kisu). Lachen river, xxxvii, xciii. Lachung river, xxxvii, xciii. Ladak, conquest by Gulab Sing, liv, xcv ; rajahs of, related to the Teshu Lama, 84, 110, 119 ; flight of Tibetan nobles to, 194 ; subject to Tibet, 310. Laguluug-la pass, xxxii, cxv. Lahaul, Moravian mission in, cvii. Lakes (see Chomtodong, Bulcho, Dalgu- chu, Calo-chu, Shamtso Felling, Ten- grinor, Kokonor, Mansarowar, Palti). Lakhi Duar, lxxx, 65, 66, 183, 201. Lalita Patan (see Patan). Lamadong, cxv. Lama, survey of Tibet, xxiv. Lamas, 1 ; arts of, Iii ; in Tibet, 11, 194, 196, 305 ; in Bhutan, 33, 192 ; mean ing of the word, 319. Lama Rimboehe, or Dharma Rajah, in Bhutan, lv, lxxxiii ; his reception of Mr. Bogle, 26, 27 ; regains his influence, 38, 41, 192. Lama Shabdong in Bhutan, 39, 192 (see Dalai, Teshu, Taranath, Changay). Lambert, Mr., at Dinajpur, 48. Lance, Captain, accompanies Eden's mission to Bhutan, c. Latter, Major, in the Nepal war, his treaty with Sikkim, lxxxi. Lha, Tibetan gods, 320 (re), 329, 330. Lhasa, v, vi, xxii, xxvii, lxxx, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 49, 58, 74, 83, 97, 102, 124, 155, 169, 173, 176, 181, 200; situa tion, xxix ; foundation of, xlv ; monas teries in the neighbourhood, 1, cxiii ; visit of Friar Odoric to, xlvi ; visit of Grueber, lvi ; of Desideri, lviii ; of the Capuchins, lix ; of Van de Putte, lxii; of Hue and Gabet, xciv ; of Mr. Man ning, lxxx, 255 ; the Pundit's account of, cxii, cxvii; merchants at, cxii; popula tion, cxiv; trade, 48, 127, 143; de puties from, having an interview with Mr. Bogle, 147, 152 ; tumult at, 195 ; Chinese at, 195 ; Mr. Manning's re sidence at, 258-293; Grueber at, 298; Desideri at, 307 ; meaning of the word, 309, 311. Lhopa, natives of Bhutan, Hi. Likhu river, xxxvi. Limbu tribe, Hi. Lindsay, Sir John, a creditor of China, 207. Lingtsi plain, xxiv. Literature, Tibetan, li, 328. Litong, near Lhasa, 253. Lob-nor, inland system of, xxiii. Lobsang Champal, Dalai Lama, xcv; death of, xcv, xcviii (re), 130 (n). Lobsang Kalsang, Dalai Lama, xlviii, xcviii (re), 130 (re). Lohit river (see Subanshiri). Lopra-cachu river, xxv, xxxv, xxxvii. Lova Ghat, where the Gandah river system converges, xxxv. Lowther, Lady, possessor of part of the Teshu Lama's necklace, cxliii. Lukhi Diiar (see Lakhi), 65, 66, 183, 201. Lumbolong, 22, 63. INDEX. 357 Macao, Bengal expedition to, 238. MacGregor, Colonel, Military Report on Bhutan, ci (re). Machu river, xxxviii. Maddock, Sir H., Resident of Kathmandu, lxxxiv. Magar tribe, Hi. Mahendra-malli, money in Tibet and Nepal, 129, 174, 181. Major, R. H., Esq., acknowledgment of assistance from, vii. Mai dynasty of Nepal, liii. Manehu dynasty in China, lv. Manning, Rev. C. R., Rector of Diss, his kindness in lending his uncle's journal, vi, clxi. Manning, Thomas, journey to Lhasa, v, lxxx, clxii ; his journal, vi, xxii ; birth and education, clix : letters to, from Charles Lamb, cix, clxiii ; goes to China, clxi ; joins Lord Amherst's mission, clxiii; eccentric life and death, clxv ; set out on his journey to Tibet, 213; practising as a doctor at Pari- jong, 218 ; allowed to travel with the Chinese General, 219 ; describes a night scene in a Tibetan post-house, 220 ; ran away with, 221 ; dines with the Chinese General, his beard, 200 ; success as a doctor, 231 ; remarks on dress, 229 (re), 233, 240 ; engages a new servant, 234; dines with a patient, 235 ; jokes with Chinese soldiers, 241 ; leaves Giansu, 242; crosses the Tsanpu, 251 ; describes Potala, 255 ; reaches Lhasa, 256 ; his uncomfortable lodgings, 259 ; difficulties in talking Chinese, 260 ; audiences of the Dalai Lama, 265, 288 ; visits to patients, 267, 268, 285, 287; visited by spies, 275; fear of death, 278; altercation with a patient, 280; unable to take observations, 283 ; troubles with his servant, 214, 215, 238, 239, 248, 249, 284; visited by pretty girls, 286 ; visits the temples, 289 ; leaves Lhasa, 294. Mansarowar lake, lvi, cix. Manshi river, 55. Mantang, xxxvi, cxvii. Maps of D'Anville, lxi, cxxix ; of Samuel Van de Putte, lxiv ; Dr. Hooker's, of Sikkim, xciii, cxxxii ; early maps of Tibet, cxxviii ; of Nepal, cxxx ; of Sikkim, cxxxii ; of Bhutan, cxxxii. Mariam-la, xxv, xxvii, xcv, cxiv. Markham, William, of Becca Hall, Re sident of Benares, cxxxv ; secretary to Warren Hastings, clvi; copy of part of Bogle's Journal in his library, clvii ; notice of, clvii (re). Markham, General Frederick, C.B., cxxxv (re) ; his description of the musk deer, 115 (re). Marley, General, in the Nepal war, lxxxi. Marsyanghi river, xxxv. Mastiff of Tibet, 68 (re). Mataber Sing, of Nepal, lxxxvii. Matkah, 214. Matichu river, xxxix. Mendicants in Tibet, 87, 88. Mei'chants(seeTrade,Kashmiris,Tibetans). Mewan Cusho, 194. Milamchi river, xxxvi. Mills in Tibet, 73. Minagaon river, xxxv, xxxviii. Minerals in Tibet, 317. Minto, Lord, clxi (see Elliot, Sir G.). Mirza, Settar, a native of Kashmir, ac companies Mr. Bogle, his extraordinary conduct, 86 ; returns with Mr. Bogle, 177. Mirzapiir, trade route from, 128. Missionaries, Jesuit, lvi ; Capuchin, lix, 315 ; Moravians, cvii. Moing river, xxxvii. Monass river, xxv, xxxv, xxxix, Hi. Monasteries round Lhasa, 1, cxiii (re), (see Teshu Lumbo, Potala, Sakya-jong). Monastic order, consecration of children to, 85, 335. Monk, 1 (see Gylong). Montgomerie, Lieut.-Colonel, F.R.S., vii ; explorers employed by, xxiv, xxxi, lxii, xevi, cvii, cxiv, cxvii, cxxxii. Moravian mission in Lahaul, cvii. Morehead, Mr., correspondence with G. Bogle, vii. Morton, Major, Deputy Commissioner in British Sikkim, ciii. Muhammad Taki, 48. Muktinath pass, xxxvi, cix, cxvii, 128 (re). Mukwanpiir, map of Sir D. Ochterlony's advance towards, cxxx. Munga silk, 55, 126. Munjit (madder), 6, 126, 183. Munshi, Mr. Manning's Chinese servant, his illness, 214 ; dishonesty, 215 ; Chinese General's opinion of, 230; ill humour, 238, 239 ; want of apprecia tion of scenery, 245 ; grumbling, 249, 284 ; put in irons at Lhasa, 293. Murijong, 19. Murmi tribe, Hi. Murshidabad, 14. Murung, xxxvi, lxxvi, 65, 65 (re) ; trade route through, 128 ; conquered by Gorkhas, 149, 158, 161, 191. Muru monastery, near Lhasa, 1, cxiii. Musk, trade in, cxix, 6, 115 (re), 183. Musk deer, 52, 73, 114, 115 (re), 119, 166. Mustang country, 128. Mutton, 86, 104, 112. 358 INDEX. Nagracut, note on, 15 (re). Nain Sing (see Pundits). Nakchu river, 312. Namling, cxvi, 80 (re) (see Chamnamring). Nanda-deri peak, xxxv. Nari, province of Tibet, 309, 310 (see Ari). Naricha river, xxvii (re). Nayakot, xxv, xxxv, lxxxvi. Narayani river, xxv, xxxv. Navang Lobsang, first Dalai Lama, xlvii. Necklace of the Teshu Lama, presented to Mr. Bogle, cxliii. Nepal, rivers, xxxv ; valley of, xxxvi ; trade under the Newars, liv ; war with Tibet, xcvii; hydrography, xxxix ; tribes of, Hi; British residents in, lxxxiv; in vasion of, lxxvi, Ixxvii ; treaties, lxxviii, lxxix ; war with, lxxxi ; peace with China, Ixxvii, lxxxi ; present state, xcix, cxxv ; explored by Pundits, cix, cxv, cxvii ; maps of, cxxx, cxxxi ; subject to Tibet, 310 (see Gorkha). Newar tribe of Nepal, Hi, lv, 159. Nilam pass, xxxvi, cxv (see Kuti). Ninjinthangla peak, cxvii (seeNyenchhen- tang-la). Noanumgay, first Lama in Bhutan, 191. No-la pass, xxxii, xxxvi, ex. Nomen Khan, title of Regent of Tibet, xlviii (see Gesub Rimboehe). Northern Chain of the Himalaya, xxiv. Nuns (anni), 1, 85, 91, 98, 105, 111, 118. Nurugay, Dewan of Sikkim, expelled, xci, cv. Nyanginapa, sect (Red Caps), 24, 32 (n). Nyenchhen-tang-la mountains, xxiv, xxv, cxvii. Ochterlony, Sir David, campaign against Nepal, lxxxi ; map of his routes, cxxx. Odoric, friar of Pordenone, the first European to visit Lhasa, xlvi, lv. Pachu river, junction with the Chinchu, 63 ; course, 65, 66, 67. Pachu-Chinchu river, xxxviii, 19, 20. Padma Pani, a Buddhisatwa incarnate in Gedun-tubpa, xlvii. Paima, a Tibetan, sent to Calcutta by the Teshu Lama, 1 (n), 51 ; accompanies Mr. Bogle to Tibet, 62 ; holds levees at Pari-jong, 69 ; conducts a service in honour of the Chumalhari peak, 70 ; objecting to shooting, 72 ; dress, 120 ; returns with Mr. Bogle, 178. Painam (Pena-jong), xxviii, lxxiii, cxi, 78, 155, 178, 180. Paku, 63. Palpa in Nepal, lxxxi, 102, 108, 172. Palti lake, xxxi, 1, cxii, 106 (re), 244 (re), 247 (see Iandro). Panchen Rimboehe, title of the Teshu Lama, xlvii, cxi. Paper, Tibetan, li (re). Parbatiyas of Nepal, liii. Pari-jong, xxxvii, lxxix ; conversation of Mr. Edgar with Governors of, cv, 67, 68, 69, 141, 201 ; threatened by Gorkhas, 149 ; trade of, 183, 189; Mr. Manning at, 216, 314. Paro, Mr. Eden at, ci ; route to, 62 ; Mr. Bogle at, 65, 182 ; trade route by, 201 ; Mr. Manning at, lxxx, 215. Paro-gaund (see Paro). Paro Penlo, lv, lxxxiii, c, cii (re), 52 ; jurisdiction, 65. Partridges, 72, 114, 116, 121. Patan, in the Nepal valley, liv ; death of Horace della Penna at, Ix ; conquest by Gorkhas, lxvi, 126 ; currency of, 129 ; Italians at, 167, 299 (re). Patna, liv, 45, 59. Passes (see Changchenmo, Chomorang- la, Cho-la, Damniargan-la, Dango-la, Donkia, Ga-la, Guatin-la, Hatia, Jelep- la, Ka-la, Kambachen, Kanglachen, Kirong, Kongra-lama, Khalamba-la, Kuti, Lagulung-la, Mariam-la, Mukti nath, Nilam, No-la, Photu-la, Taku-la, Tinki-la, Tipta-la, Taklakhar, Tankra- la, Walangcbun, Yak-la, Yangmachen), in Bhutan, xxxix. Peaks, K 2, xxiii (re) (see Chumalhari, Dawalagiri, Nanda - deri, Dayabung, Mount Everest, Kangchan, Ninjin thangla). Pechi, Regent of Tibet, xevi ; death of, xcvii. Pegu, 135 ; King of, 170, 171. Peking, 125, 159, 165, 168; great Lama of, 165, 166, 167, 194, 207; Lama promises to ask leave for English to go to, 168, 198 ; proposed visit of Mr. Bogle to, 209. Pelong handkerchiefs, 16 (re), 51, 83, 85. Pemberton, Captain, xxxix ; mission to Bhutan, lxxxiii ; his map of Bhutan, exxviii. Penna, Horace della, vii ; notice of, lix ; death of, lx ; narrative by, 309 et seq. Peting, cxvi. Pertab Sing of Nepal, 159, 162, 165. Phillimore, Charles B., Esq., acknow ledgment of assistance from, vii. Photu-la pass, xxxii. Phuncholing, bridge over the Tsanpu at, cxi. Pichakonum mountain, 17. Polyandry, 4 (re), 17, 32 ; in Tibet, 79, 336. Pon religion, xliii. Ponies, 4 (re), 17, 32 ; in Tibet, 79. INDEX. 359 Postmen in Tibet, 242. Potala palace, near Lhasa, xlviii, 1, cxiii ; slretch of, lvii, 82, 255, 256 ; visit of Mr. Manning to, 264, 322 (re). Potatoes at Lhasa, cxiv (re) ; planted bv Mr. Bogle, 19 (re). Prayer wheels, li, 32 (re), 253 (re), 297. Prithi Narayan, Gorkha conqueror of Nepal, his vakils, 107, 190 ; conquests, 126, 141 ; death, 197, 205 (see Gorkha, Nepal). Priyadarsi inscriptions, xliii. Puini, Carlo, discovery of Desideri manu scripts by, lix. Punakha, winter capital of Bhutan, xxxviii, lxxii, lxxxiii, c, 51, 182. Pundits, explorer of 1866, xevi, cviii ; his account of Lhasa, cxii ; visit to gold mines, cxiv ; journey through Tibet in 1874-75, cxviii; exploration of No. 9, cxv ; of Pundit D round Tengri- nor, cxvi ; in Nepal, cxvii ; through Tawang, exxiii ; their maps, exxxiv. Purling, Mr., 1 (re), 2 (re). Purungir, Gosain, embassy to Tibet, lxxii, lxxv, 1 (re) ; race with Mr. Bogle, 79, 90, 165 ; with Captain Turner, lxxii. Putala (see Potala). Pyn Cushos, nephews of the Teshu Lama, visit Mr. Bogle, 92; take leave, 94; arrive at Teshu Lumbo, 105, 106 ; their entertainment at Mr. Bogle's, 106, 108, 110, 113-118; friendship be tween Mr. Bogle and, 118; news of their death, 116 (re). Quito, analogy of Tibet to province of, 12. Quoits, game of, in Bhutan, 28. Raka-tsanpu, cx, cxi. Ralung, cx. Ramoche' monastery, near Lhasa, 1, cxiii. Rangchu river, xxxvii. Rangit river (see Buri Rangit). Rangpiir, fair at, xxi, lxix, lxx, cxlix, 50, 51, 53, 141, 184, 202 ; Mr. Bogle at, cxlvii, 14, 48, 56, 61. Rapti river, xxxv. Rating Lama, xevi ; retires to Peking, xcvii. Ravens, gambols of, 248, 317. Red Cap sect (Dukpa or Shammar), monastery of, xxviii, xlvi; in Nepal and Bhutan, Hi, lxi ; Sikkim, lxxxn, 24, 179. Regis, Father, surveyor in China, lxi. Rennell, Major, opinion as to the course of the Brahmaputra, xxx, xl (re) ; his atlas of Bengal, exxix. Rennie, Dr., book on Bhutan, cii (re), exxix. Repu Dual", 56. Ribdyen Gyripo, a rebel against China, 159. Rimboehe (see Lama, Panchen, Gesub). Rinjaitzay, country seat of the Pyn Cushos, 113; night alarm at, 116, 158. Rinjipu (see Paro), 65, 182, 183, 201. Rivers, see Am-machu.Arun. Bagmatti.Baidak.Bhei. Bhotia Kosi. Bichu.Brahmaputra.Buria Gandak. Buri Ranjit. Charta-tsanpu.Chinchu. Dihong.Dud Kosi. Ghagra. Kali.Karnali.Kichu, Kosi. Lachen. Lachung. Likhu.Lohit, Lopra-cachu.Machu. Manshi. Marsyanghi. Matichu. Milanchi.Minagoan. Moing.Monass. Nakchu. Narichu. Narayani.Pachu. Pachu-chinchu. Rangit.Rapti.Sankos.Sarda. Sarju.Seti Gandak. Shiang-chu.Subanshiri.Tambur.TirsuH Gandak. Tista.Tongchu. Tsanpu.Tursa. Wang-chu. Ronson, Mr. W., acknowledgment of as sistance from, viii. Rudock, xxiv. Run Bahadar of Nepal, lxxviii ; murdered, lxxxi. Russians, Consul at Urga, xlix (re), exxvi (re) ; threatened war with China, 160, 166, 168 ; embassy to Peking, 167. Sadak dance, 99 (n). Sakya, xliii ; name of Buddha, 25; image of, 100 ; birth of, 334. Sakia-jong, xxviii, xlvi, Hi, cxv. Salt trade, cxvi, exxiii, 78. Sankos river, xxxv. Sanson, Nicolas, maps of, cxxx. Sara, monastery near Lhasa, 1, cxii. Sarda river (see Kali). Sarju river, xxxv. Saunders, Mr. Trelawney, acknowledg ment of assistance from, vii; on Hima layan nomenclature, xxv; maps, xxxix, exxxiv. Saunders, Dr., in Turner's mission to Tibet, notice of, lxxi. Sawe' on the Tsanpu, cxiii. 360 INDEX. Schlagintweit, Emil, on Tibetan Budd hism, li (re). Scott, Mr. David, judge at Rangpur ; sends Kishen Kant Bose on a mission to Bhutan, lxxxii, ciii. Sects (see Red and Yellow Caps). Seling (see Sining). Sera (see Sara). Servants, troubles with, 31, 71 (see Mun shi). Seti-Gandak river, xxxv. Shabdong Lama in Tibet, 192. Shambul, 168. Shammar, Red Cap sect (which see). Sham-chu Pelling lake, 71, 73. Sheep, as beasts of burden, cxvi, 66, 78 ; dried carcasses of, 86; wool of, 121 (re). Shervvill, Captain, surveys in Sikkim, cxxxii. Shiang-chu river, xxviii, cxvi, 80. Shigatze, xxviii, cxi, cxv, cxvi, 67, 73, 78 ; killadars of, 94, 98 ; castle, 95 ; posi tion, 96 (re), 155, 178, 311. Shiptoka (see Simptoka). Shishmaroff, M., Russian Consul at Urga, xlix, cxxvi. Shotang, cxiii. Shun-che, founder of Manchu dynasty, lv. Siberia, 8, 104 ; trade, 105. Sienwar tribe, Iii. Si-fan (see Gesub Rimboehe). Sikkim, xxxv, xxxvii, lxxvi, lxxxi ; Ra jah's residence at Chumbi, xxxvii ; lepchas of, lv, lxxxii ; Rajahs, lxxxii ; Dr. Campbell on, xc, civ, cvi ; war in, xci ; exploration, ciii ; maps, exxviii, 71 (re), 101 (see Demo-jong and Bra- mashon). Simpson, Dr., accompanies Mr. Eden's mission to Bhutan, c. Simptoka, c ; occupied by adherents of Deb Judhur, 40, 61, 62 (or Shiptoka). Sining, liv, lvi, lxi, 124, 125. Sing Pertab of Nepal, 159, 162, 165, 197 (see Gorkha Rajah). Sirtipiir, siege of, by the Gorkhas, lxvi. Smallpox, 78, 89. Sok tribe in North Tibet, xxiv. Sokpo, 110 (re). Soldiers of Bhutan, 62 ; their arms, 63 (see Gorkhas) ; at Shigatze^ cxi ; at Giansu, cxii ; at Lhasa, cxiv ; Chinese, in Tibet, xcix, 241 (n). Sopon Chumbo, Teshu Lama's cupbearer, lxxiii, 83, 84, 90, 98, 117, 137, 140 (re), 172. Southern Chain of the Himalaya, xxxiv. Stewart, John, Esq., F R.S., paper by, on Mr. Bogle's mission, clvi. Strahan, Lieut , survey of Bhutan, exxxiii. Streams, mineral, 72 (see Hot). Subanshiri river, xxv, xxxv. Suk-Debu, 165. Sumhur Lama, a Tibetan traitor in Nepal, lxxvi. Sund F6, Chinese General who invaded Nepal, lxxvi. Surveys of Tibet by lamas, xxiv, xxix, xxxi ; account of, lxi. Sweti-ganga river, xxxv. Szechuen trade with Tibet, exxii. Tadum monastery, cx. Taklakhar pass, xxxiii, xcv. Takpo province, 312. Taku-la pass, xxxii, xxxvi. Tamba-Kosi river, xxxvi. Tambur river, xxxvi, xcii. Tankra-la pass, cv. Tangun ponies, tribute of, 4 (re) ; expe rience of, 17, 32, 79. Tangut, a name of Tibet, xxvi, 296, 309. Tankyaling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi, cxiii. Taranath Lama, history of, xlviii, xlix, exx, 98 (re), 110 (re). Tashirak, cxv. Tassisudon, xxxviii, lxix, lxxii, c, 14 (re), 19 ; stages to, 22 ; arrival of Mr. Bogle at, 23 ; palace, 26, 28 ; palace burnt and rebuilt, 38 ; attempt on by Deb Judhm-'s party, 61 ; Mr. Bogle leaves, 61 ; mode of harvesting near, 64 ; return of Mr. Bogle, negotiations at, 200, 201. Tawang State, xxxvii ; friendly relations with,eii; journey of a Pundit through, exxiii ; trade, cxxiv. Tazigong, 213. Tchanglase (see Janglache). Tea, trade in, cxix ; plantations, lxxxvi, xci ; Mr. Edgar's report on, ciii ; uni versally drunk in Tibet, 119, 317. Temples in Tibet, 1 ; at Lhasa, cxii, 289 ; in Bhutan, 32 ; on the Ganges (see Buddhism). Teugri Maidan, defeat of Nepalese at, Ixxvii (see Dingri). Tengri-nor lake, xxiv, cxvi, cxvii. Tents of the Lama, 91, 93 ; of Mr. Bogle, 94. Terai, xxxiv (re) (see Murung). Terpaling monastery, lxxiii. Teshu Lama, succession of, founded, xlvii ; Turner's interview with, lxxiii ; aid of, in deposing a usurper at Lhasa, xevi ; installation, lxxv ; flight of, lxxvi ; Hue's account of, xevi ; visits of the Pundits to, cxi, cxv ; presents a neck lace to Mr. Bogle, cxliii ; letter to Warren Hastings interceding for Bhu- INDEX. 361 tan, 1, 41 ; embassy to, 6 ; letter from, to stop Mr. Bogle, 45, 48 ; disposed to enT!ourage trade, 50, 51, 54; absent from his capital, owing to smallpox, 78 ; reception of Mr. Bogle at De sheripgay, 135; description of, 132; character, 84, 182 ; his parentage, 84 ; reception of the people, 85, 93 ; his charity, 87 ; leaves Desheripgay, 90 ; crosses the Tsanpu, 94 ; arrival at Teshu Lumbo, 95 ; his reception, 95, 97 ; ceremony of blessing the people, 98 ; visits Mr. Bogle's room, 100 ; re ception of the Dalai Lama's vakil, 103 ; his religious services, 105, 106 ; arrival of his relations, 106 ; political influence, 130 ; friendliness, 132, 1 99 ; his exertions to open trade between Tibet and Bengal, 133, 134, 198 ; his desire to erect a Buddhist temple in India, 138, 146, 164, 165, 168, 169; farewell to Mr. Bogle, 118, 165, 171, 177; cordiality, 140; discussions with, relating to trade, 142 ; conversations on religion, 143, 167 ; desire to medi ate between China and Russia, 166 ; his promise to ask for permission for English to go to Peking, 168, 198, 208; visits Emperor of China, 207; death, 208 (re) ; letter to the Gorkha Rajah, 197 ; head of the Yellow Cap sect, 179. Teshu Lumbo, xxvii ; founded, xlvii ; de scribed by Turner, lxxiii ; sacked by the Gorkhas, lxxvi; Pundit at, cxi, 82; arrival of Mr. Bogle at, 95 ; descrip tion of, 96 ; position, 96 (re) ; Mr. Bogle's rooms in the palace, 97 ; de scription of gallery in the palace, 100, 164; view of, 178. Tzay, birth-place of the Teshu Lama, 80; arrival at, 91, 92; Killadar, or Debo of, 92, 106, 107, 118. Thevenot, Mel chisedek, notice of, lvii (re). Thok-Jalung gold mine, xxiv, cxiv. Tibet, policy of opening communications with, xxi; northern boundary of, xxiv; survey of, by the Lamas, xxiv, lxi ; name, xxvi, 6 (re), 309 ; divisions, xxvi, 309-313 ; the physical aspect, xxvii, 316 ; comparison with Peru, xli ; inha bitants, xlii ; ancient religion, xliii ; language, xliii ; Buddhism in, xlv ; Chinese supremacy established, xlviii, lvi ; government, 319 ; literature, li ; passes to, closed by the Chinese, lxxix ; invasion of, by Dogras, xcv ; embassies to lxviii, lxix, lxxii ; former trade with India and Nepal, liv, lx ; war with Nepal, xcvii ; recent history of, xcvii, 194- Mr. Edgar's report, cv; works on the language of, cvii (re) ; trade with Kashmir, cx ; trade, cxxii, 50, 51, 124-129, 184, 317; a memorandum on, by Warren Hastings, 9 ; face of the country, 119; productions, 119; Mr. Bogle's farewell to, 117; climate, 193; agriculture, 316; minerals, 317 ; mo rality, 318; administration of justice, 323 ; laws of, 328 ; funeral rites, 339 ; two documents brought from, bv Borie 341. » J 6 . Tibetans, dress, 88, 120; compared with Bhutanese, 75 ; position of women, 75, 319 ; curiosity, 77, 85 ; dancing, 92 ; ceremonies, 106 ; veneration for the Teshu Lama, 132 ; merchants, 163 ; sects, 179 ; character, 318. Tinki-la pass, cxv. Tinki-jong, cxv. Tipta-la pass, xxxvi, cxv. Tirsuli-Gandak river, xxv, xxxv. Tisri, Minister in Tibet, 320. Tista river, xxxv, xxxvii, 55, 313 (re). Tonchu river, xxxix. Tongso, xxxix. Pinlo, capture of guns by, c. Torcepano, goddess of the Palti lake, 244 (re). Trade of Tibet, cxxii, 50, 124, 125, 127, 128, 133, 141, 161-163, 197, 203, 317 between Nepal and Tibet, under thi Newars, liv ; with Bhutan, lxix ; be tween Rangpur and Bhutan, 51, 52, 55. 58 ; use of sheep, 66, 78 ; salt trade] cxvi, cxix, 78 ; injured by the Gorkha Rajah, 127, 161, 162; routes for, 128; causes of decline, between Bengal and Tibet, 141 ; discussions with the Teshu Lama as to, 142 ; discussions of Mr. Bogle with Kashmiri and Tibetan mer chants, 161, 163 ; Chinese jealousy of, 164 ; Mr. Bogle's suggestions to secure freedom of transit through Bhutan, 184-190. Treaties with Nepal, of 1792, lxxvi ; of 1802, lxxix ; of 1816, after the war, lxxxi ; of 1855, xcix ; of 1860, xcix ; terms of treaty between Nepal and China, Ixxvii ; between Nepal and Tibet, xcvii ; with Bhutan in 1774, 4 (re) ; treaty of 1866 with Bhutan, ci ; cession of Darjiling by Sikkim, xc ; treaty with Sikkim of 1861, xci ; treaty of 1860 between Russia and China, cxxii (»)• Tsang, province of, xxvi, xxxiii, 309. Tsanpu river, valley of, xxvii ; Pundit's journey down valley of, cix, cx, cxii, 73 ; first view of, by Mr. Bogle, 78 ; ferry, 79 ; crossed by the Teshu Lama, 94; by Mr. Bogle, 79, 94, 113 ; crossed 2 B 302 INDEX. by Mr. Manning, 251 ; by Della Penna, 311 (see Brahmaputra). Tsong-khapa, the great Tibetan reformer, xlvi, lix, cxii. Tumlung, capital of Sikkim, civ. Turner, Captain Samuel, mission to Tibet, lxxi ; account of, lxxi (re) ; his work, lxxiv ; his remark on the Teshu Lama's letter, 1 (re) ; his account of Buxa- Diiar, 15 in) ; his report on the abun dance of birds in Tibet, 248. Tursa river, xxxv, 55. Tiis, 8. Tushkhind, 78. Typa Lama, 10. U, province of, in Tibet, xxvi, xxxiii, 309, 311. Uchong, a Bhutanese, his gratitude, 31. Udalgiri, Assam, trade mart, cxxiv. Urga Kuren, residence of the Taranath Lama, xlix ; Russian Consul at, cxxvi. Vakils (see Cheyt Sing, Dalai Lama, &c). Van de Putte, Samuel, Dutch traveller in Tibet, account of, Ixii ; his premature death, lxiii ; his map, lxiv ; authorities for the account of, lxv, 312 (re). Veth, Professor, of Leyden, acknowledg ment of assistance from, vii. Wake, Mr. V. C, Deputy-Commissioner of British Sikkim, ciii. Waldegrave, Lady, portrait of, at Tas sisudon, 26, 43. Walker, Colonel, superintendent of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, system of exploring, cviii, cxxii. Wallanchiin pass, xxxvi, xcii, cxv. Wandipore, lxxii. Wang Cusho, Tibetan king, murdered by Chinese, 102, 194. Wangchu river, xxxviii. Wharai, 215. Whitehead, poet laureate, 95. Wilcox, Captain, his opinion as to the course of the Brahmaputra, xxx. Wolf, night alarm caused by, 116. Women, their position in Bhutan, 30, 64, 65; in Tibet, 11, 75; polyandry, 12, 122, 123. Wood, General, in Nepal war, lxxxi. Wool, staple of Tibet, cxxiv. Yak-la pass, xxxvii, civ. Yaks, laden, cx, cxi, 8, 32, 67 (re). Yamdok-chu lake (see Palti). Yangma valley, xxxvi, xcii. Yangmachen pass, xcii. Yarkand river, xxiii. , occupied by Chinese, 135. Yellow Cap sect (Gelupka), xlvii, xlix, Hi, lxi, 24 (re), 179. Yule, Colonel, C.B., acknowledgment of assistance from, vii ; explanation of the name Tangut, xxvi ; on the Pon re ligion, xliii (n) ; on Odoric of Porde none, xlvi. Yumilla, xxxv. Yunan, 135, 170. Yung-ching, Emperor of China, Ixii. Zanskar, Csoma de Koros in, lxxxviii. 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