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NARRATIVES
MISSION OF GEOKGE BOGLE
TO
TIBET,
AND OF THE
JOUKNEY OF THOMAS MANNING
TO
LHASA.
EDITED, WITH NOTES, AN INTRODUCTION, AND LIVES OF
MR. BOGLE AND MR. MANNING.
BY
CLEMENTS E. MAEKHAM, C.B., F.E.S.
FKINTED EY ORDER OP HEK MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA IK COIJKC1L.
SECOND EDITION.
LONDON:
TRUBNBR AND CO., LUDGATE HILL.
18 79.
All Eights reserved.
DEDICATION
OF THE
FIEST EDITION.
To the Eight Hos. the Lord Northbrook, G.M.S.I., Viceroy
and Governor-General of India.
My deae Lord Northbrook,
I am glad to be allowed to inscribe to you, from whom,
when I was your Private Secretary, in times past, I received so
much kindness, my editorial labours in connection with a book
which cannot, I venture to think, fail to have interest for the
Viceroy of India.
The most important portion of the volume would, without
doubt, have been dedicated to Warren Hastings, the first
Governor-General, by- his envoy Mr. George Bogle, if untoward
circumstances had not intervened to prevent its publication.
A century has since elapsed, and now that the intention of
Warren Hastings that it should be given to the world is
fulfilled, it is appropriate that the book should be dedicated to
his successor, the present Viceroy and Governor-General of
India. In the long period that has intervened, since the first
Governor-General retired, no greater advances have been made
towards the establishment of friendly commercial intercourse
a 2
iv DEDICATION.
between India and the countries on the northern side of the
Himalaya than in the time of your Lordship's administration.
A mission has visited Kashgar, the Pamir table-land has been
explored, and Mr. Edgar has held friendly converse on the
Jelep-la with the Tibetan officials of Pari-jong, the prelude of
further steps towards acquiring the goodwill of the Lhasa
Government. The contents of the present volume will, I trust, prove to be
useful contributions towards that knowledge which will be the
means of some day re-establishing friendly intercourse between
India and Tibet ; and in the hope that my efforts towards that
end will receive your approval,
I remain, Dear Lord Northbrook,
Yours with much regard and respect,
CLEMENTS E. MAEKHAM.
Geographical Department, India Office,
December, 1875.
PREFACE.
It has long been known that the first British mission to Tibet
was sent by Warren Hastings in 1774 under Mr. George Bogle,
B.O.S., that a great friendship was formed between Mr. Bogle
and the Teshu Lama, and that intercourse was then established
between the Governments of British India and Tibet. But up
to the present time no full account of this important mission
has been given to the world. All attempts to find adequate
materials among the records at Calcutta, or at the India Office,
have failed.
It is less generally known that the only Englishman who
ever visited Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, and saw the Dalai
Lama, was Mr. Thomas Manning, an adventurous traveller who
performed that extraordinary feat in 1811. No account has
hitherto been published of Mr. Manning's remarkable journey.
These two gaps in the history of intercourse between India
and Tibet have now been filled up.
The whole of Mr. Bogle's journals, memoranda, official and
private correspondence, have been carefully preserved by his
family in Scotland. Through the kindness and public spirit of
Miss Brown of Lanfine, in Ayrshire, the representative of the
Bogle family, these valuable manuscripts, after having been
judiciously arranged by Mr. Gairdner of Kilmarnock, were
placed in the hands of the present editor. They were con
tained in a large box, and consisted of journals, memoranda of
various kinds, and on many subjects ; numerous bundles of
private letters, including correspondence with Warren Hastings,
Sir Elijah Impey, Sir Gilbert Elliot, Mrs. Morehead, Dr.
Hamilton, and the members of Mr. Bogle's family; appoint-
vi PREFACE.
ments, minutes of conversations, and official despatches. No
commencement had been made of a work intended for publica
tion. The whole of this voluminous mass of papers had to be
carefully read through and annotated before any attempt could
be made to arrange a consecutive narrative of the mission. My
object has been to keep the author constantly in the foreground,
and to avoid any sign of editorial intrusiveness, and, as the
journal was fragmentary, and it was necessary to supplement it
occasionally with extracts from letters and other materials, there
were some difficulties in adhering to this plan. They have,
however, been overcome, and a connected history of the Mission
to Tibet is now presented to the world. It must, however, be
remembered that Mr. Bogle had not prepared any of his
materials for the press, that they are submitted in a more or
less crude form a century after they were written, and that,
therefore, it would be unfair to judge of them as of a work
completed and revised by its author.
Mr. Manning appears to have hastily jotted down his first
impressions, day by day, in a rough note-book, which was
copied out fair by his sister, and has since remained in manu
script. He was a man of learning and great ability, and was
well able to have written a good account of his remarkable
journey. He never did so. But, through the kindness of his
nephew, the Eev. C. E. Manning, Eector of Diss, in Norfolk, I
have had the rough journal placed in my hands. Thus an
account of the visit to Lhasa of the only Englishman who ever
entered that famous city, is presented to the world. It must be
remembered that Manning's narrative is from the hasty and
desultory jottings of a note-book. We are fortunate to have
obtained this relic, and must make the most of it. Good or
bad, it stands alone. No other countryman of ours has ever
followed in Manning's footsteps. And, for those who know how
to find it, there is much wheat to be gathered from amongst
Mr. Manning's chaff.
In my introduction, I have attempted, in a narrative form
PEEPACE. vii
with foot-note references, to enumerate all the sources of in
formation respecting Great Tibet, and the region between it
and British India ; and especially to furnish particulars as to
the visits of Europeans to those countries. My first object is
thus to show the exact positions, in history, which are occupied
by the mission sent by Warren Hastings and conducted by Mr.
Bogle, and by the journey of Mr. Manning to Lhasa. My
second object is to supply facilities for the exhaustive study of
an important subject, and one which ought to be thoroughly
understood by all public men connected with British India, and
by all who interest themselves in the progress and welfare of
our Eastern Empire.
The introduction is followed by two biographical sketches,
one of Mr. George Bogle, B.C.S., and the other of Mr. Thomas
Manning. The narratives of Grueber, Desideri, and Horace della Penna,
Catholic priests who visited Lhasa in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, are given in an Appendix.
I should not have been able to complete my task if I had not
received much kind assistance from many quarters. In the first
place, the proof sheets of Bogle's narrative have had the in
estimable advantage of revision from Mr. Brian Hodgson, who,
in addition, has supplied me with many hints from his vast
storehouse of information. I have also to thank Sir John Davis,
Colonel Yule, Colonel Haughton, Dr. Hooker, Commodore
Jansen of the Hague, Professor Veth of Leyden, the learned
President of the Dutch Geographical Society, Mr. Major of
the British Museum, Mr. Charles B. Phillimore, and Colonel
Montgomerie, for valuable assistance.
The staff of the Geographical Department of the India Office
have zealously made the aid they have given in the produc
tion of this volume a part of their extra work. Mr. Trelawney
Saunders, besides preparing the maps, has been indefatigable
in identifying names of places, and in conducting difficult bits
of research. It must be remembered that a single identification,
viii PREFACE.
represented perhaps by a sentence or a word, may have occupied
many hours and even days of weary searching and close study.
Mr. Charles E. D. Black, whose aptitude for orderly and lucid
exposition, and whose accomplishments as a linguist render his
co-operation most acceptable, has given a helping hand, which
is only very partially represented by the translations in the
Appendix. Last, but not least, Mr. W. Eonson has been a most
valuable assistant in the labour of passing the sheets through
the press, and in attending to their methodical arrangement.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Dedication
Preface ..
TAGE iii
INTRODUCTION.
Policy of Warren Hastings xxi
Abandonment of former policy. Loss of records xxii
Narratives of Bogle and Manning . xxii
Objects of the Introduction xxii
Geographical Sketch : the Himalayan system xxiii
The Northern Range, or Nyenchhen-tang-la xxiv
The Central Range . . xxv
Tibet— the name — provinces .. xxvi
The valley of the Tsanpu or Brahmaputra xxvii
Identity of the Tsanpu and Brahmaputra xxx
Region between the Central and Southern Himalaya xxxi
Passes over the Central Chain xxxii
The Central Chain . . . .' xxxiii
The Southern Chain . . , . xxxiv
River systems of Nepal xxxv
Sikkim and Bhutan rivers xxxvii
Duars xxxvii
Rivers of Bhutan xxxviii
The Himalayan system xxxix
The Andes and the Himalaya xl
Historical Sketch. — Tibet. The inhabitants xlii
The Pon religion xliii
Buddhism xliii
The Chinese pilgrims xliv
Tibetan Buddhism xlv
Odoric of Pordenone xlvi
The reformer Tsong-khapa xlvi
The Dalai and Teshu Lamas xlvii
The Taranath Lama xlviii
Monks and monasteries 1
Religious services. Literature li
Tribes of Nepal i .. .. Iii
Trade of Nepal liv
Sikkim and Bhutan 1 v
x CONTENTS. PAGE
Romish Priests in Tibet. — Andrada lvi
Grueber and Dorville ^T11
Desideri and Freyre Ivui
Manuscripts of Desideri "x
Horace della Penna > 1*
The Lama Survey lxi
Samuel Van de Putte kui
Revolution at Lhasa Ixv
Gorkha conquest of Nepal lxvi
Bogle's mission to Tibet lxviii
Hamilton's mission to Bhutan lxix
Death of Mr. Bogle and the Teshu Lama lxx
Turner's mission to Tibet lxxi
Mission of Purungir Gosain to Tibet lxxv
Gorkha invasion of Tibet lxxvi
Chinese invasion of Nepal lxxvii
Kirkpatrick's mission to Nepal lxxviii
The Chinese close the passes lxxix
Journey of Manning to Lhasa Ixxx
War with Nepal lxxxi
Troubles with Bhutan lxxxii
Pemberton's mission to Bhutan lxxxiii
Residents in Nepal. — The Hon. Edward Gardner, Mr. Brian Hodgson,
Sir Herbert Maddock lxxxiv
Services of Mr. Brian Hodgson in Nepal lxxxv
Political services of Mr. Hodgson lxxxvii
Csoma de Koros lxxxviii
Archibald Campbell lxxxix
Daijfling xc
War with Sikkim xci
Dr. J. D. Hooker xcii
Hooker's ' Himalayan Journals ' xciii
Klaproth, Gutzlaff, Hue xciv
Tibetan politics xcv
ThefDalai Lamas xcviii
Present state of Nepal xcix
Trade between Tibet and India, through Nepal xcix
Eden's mission to Bhutan c
The Bhutan war ci
Tawang cii
Recent exploration in Sikkim ciii
Relations with Sikkim civ
Mr. Edgar's Report cv
Moravian mission in Lahaul cvii
Pundit Nain Sing's journey to Lhasa cix
The Pundit's account of Lhasa cxiii
Exploration of No. 9 cxv
Exploration of Lake Tengri-nor cxvi
Pundit Nain Sing's second joui'ney to Lhasa cxviii
Trade of Tibet exxiii
Policy of Warrou Hastings exxv
CONTENTS. xi
PAGE
Speculations as to the future cxxvi
OoncltlBion cxxvii
NOTE ON THE MAPS OF TIBET, NEPAL, SIKKIM, AND BHUTAN.
Early maps, including Tibet cxxviii
Delisle and D'Auville cxxix
Crawford. Aaron Arrowsmith .. cxxx
Later maps of Nepal cxxxi
Maps of Sikkim cxxxii
Recent maps of Bhutan and Tibet cxxxiii
Maps of Colonel Montgomerie's explorers cxxxiv
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GEORGE BOGLE.
Disciples of the school of Hastings cxxxv
Family of George Bogle cxxxvi
Bogle's early years cxxxvii
Bogle enters the Company's service cxxxviii
The famine of 1770 cxxxix
Bogle in the Revenue Department , . . . . cxl
Bogle's character of Warren Hastings cxli
Friendship for Alexander Elliot cxlii
Letters from Tibet cxliii
The Lama's necklace . . . . cxliv
Approval of Bogle's proceedings cxlv
The Francis faction cxlvi
Dignified conduct of Warren Hastings cxlviii
Characters of Hastings and Francis cxlix
Death of Alexander Elliot cl
Bogle's appointment to Rangpiir cli
Correspondence while at Rangpiir clii
Death and character of Mr. Bogle cliv
Letter of Hastings to Dr. Johnson civ
Preservation of the Bogle manuscripts clviii
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THOMAS MANNING.
Birth and education of Mr. Manning clix
Manning goes to China clx
Manning goes to Calcutta clxi
The journey to Lhasa . . . . clxii
Joins Lord Amherst's Embassy clxiii
Eccentric life clxiv
Death of Mr. Manning clxv
NAEEATIVE
OF THE
MISSION OF MR. GEORGE BOGLE TO TIBET
(1774).
CHAPTER I.
MISSION TO TIBET.
LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA — MISSION TO TIBET — APPOINTMENT OF
MR. BOGLE — HIS INSTRUCTIONS. PAGE
1. Letter from the Teshu Lama to Warren Hastings 1
2. Minute by Warren Hastings 3
3. Letter from Warren Hastings to the Court of Directors 5
i. Appointment of Mr. Bogle 6
5. Private commissions to Mr. Bogle 8
6. Memorandum on Tibet, by Warren Hastings 9
CHAPTER II.
FROM KTJCH BAHAR TO TASSISUDON.
The mission departs from Calcutta 14
Enters Bhutan 15
Buxa-Diiar 16
Ascent of the mountains 17
Bhutanese and Bengalis 18
Rivers and cascades 19
Vegetation of Bhutan 20
Briages 21
List of stages 22
CHAPTER III.
TASSISUDON, THE CAPITAL OF BHUTAN.
Scenery round Tassisudon 23
Arrival of the Deb Rajah 24
Interview with the Deb Rajah 25
The Lama-Rimboche' 26
Services and dances of the priests 27
Manners and customs 28
A funeral pile 29
Position of women 30
Trouble with servants gj
Temples and praying wheels .... .. .... .. 32
CONTENTS. xiii
CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN.
PAGE
The lamas 33
Priests, officials, and peasants 34
Influence of the priests in Bhutan 35
Government. Revenue 36
Career of Deb Judhur 37
Fall of Deb Judhur 38
Insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur 39
Arguments of the contending factions 40
CHAPTER V.
BHUTAN : NEGOTIATIONS.
1. Interview with the Deb Rajah 42
2. Reports to Warren Hastings 44
Objections to Mr. Bogle proceeding to Tibet 45
Obstacles to progress 46
Detention at Tassisudon 47
Removal of the obstacles to progress 48
Permitted to proceed 49
Proposals for the extension of trade 50
The caravan to Rangpiir 51
Collection of plants and seeds 52
Encouragement of trade 53
CHAPTER VI.
SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING BHUTAN AND ASSAM.
TheDriars 55
Future military operations against Bhutan 56
Trade through Assam 58
Proposal respecting Assam % 59
CHAPTER VII.
THE JOURNEY TO TIBET.
1. From Tassisudon to Pari-jong 61
Soldiers in Bhutan 62
Lumbolong 63
The harvest at Essana 64
Paro 65
The valley of the Pachu 66
Pari-jong 67
2. From Pari-jong to Desheripgay 67
Pari-jong 68
Set out from Pari-jong " 69
Chumalhari Peak 70
xiv CONTENTS. PAGK
Lake of Shani-chu Pelling 71
Game laws in Tibet 72
Sham-chu and Calo-chu lakes 73
A happy family 74
Position of women in Tibet 75
Giansu 76
Painam 78
Banks of the Tsanpu 79
Gylongs - 80
Arrival at Desheripgay 81
CHAPTER VIII.
AT DESHERIPGAY.
Desheripgay -, 82
Interview with the Teshu Lama 83
Character of the Lama 84
Grand reception by the Lama 85
Dried meat. Dangerous medicine 86
Charity of the Lama 87
Tibetan dress 88
CHAPTER IX.
RIDE FROM DESHERIPGAY TO TESHU LUMBO.
Leave Desheripgay 90
The procession 91
Teshu-tzay. A Tibetan dance 92
Birth-place of the Lama 93
Return of the Lama to his palace 94
Enthusiastic reception of the Lama 95
# CHAPTER X.
TESHU LUMBO.
Palace of Teshu Lumbo 96
Ceremony of blessing the people 98
A Tibetan feast 99
The images in the palace 100
A game of chess 101
Reception of an envoy from Lhasa 102
A monastio life ,. 103
Chess, and church-going 104
The Lama's relations 105
New year ceremonies 106
Fortune-telling 107
Tibetan ladies 108
Generous feeling of the Lama's family 109
Familiar intercourse with the Lama's family 110
CONTENTS. xv
CHAPTER XI.
A VISIT TO A TIBETAN COUNTRY SEAT.
Journey with the Pyn Cushos 112
Ride to Rinjaitzay 113
Hunting the musk deer 114
Return to Teshu Lumbo 116
The Governor of Janglache 117
Departure from Teshu Lumbo 118
Parting with the Pyn Cushos 118
CHAPTER XII.
AN ACCOUNT OF TIBET.
FACE OF THE COUNTRY — PRODUCE — FOOD — DRESS OF THE PEOPLE — PRIESTS
AND NUNS — HORSES AND OTHER ANIMALS — HOUSES — DISPOSAL OF DEAD
BODIES — POLYANDRY.
Produce. Food 119
Dress of the people 120
Priests. Horses 121
Burial of the dead 122
Polyandry 123
CHAPTER XIII.
TRADE OF TIBET.
Kashmiris 124
Trade with Bhutan, Assam, and China 125
Trade with Nepal 126
Trade with Bengal .. 127
Currency 128
CHAPTER XIV.
NEGOTIATIONS.
1. Politics of Tibet and neighbouring countries 130
Obstructive policy of the Gesub Rimboche 131
Character of the Teshu Lama 132
Exclusion of Europeans 133
The Lama's proposal to use influence at Peking 134
2. Conversations with the Teshu Lama at Desheripgay 135
Discussion of the Bhutan War 136
Friendly feeling of the Lama. Questions as to religion 138
Encounter with the Benares vakil 139
The Sopon Chumbo 140
Decline of trade between Bengal and Tibet — causes 141
Mussulman invasion of India 142
Religious conversation — reference to Lhasa 143
Gorkha aggression. Further conversation 144
xvi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XV.
CONVERSATIONS WITH THE TESHU LAMA AT TESHU LUMBO.
PAGE
The Lama's desire to have a Buddhist temple on the Ganges 146
Interest with the high-priest at Peking !*6
Conversation with deputies from Lhasa 1*7
Decay of trade through the conduct of the Gorkhas 148
Aggression of the Gorkhas. Invasion of Sikkim 149
The Gesub Rimboehe and the Chinese 150
Second interview with the deputies from Lhasa 152
Letter to Gesub Rimboehe 153
Reasons for not going to Lhasa 154
Narrow-minded prejudices of Gesub Rimboehe 155
Vakils from Nepal. The Gorkha Rajah 157
Death of the Gorkha Rajah 159
Misunderstanding between Russia and China 160
Interview with the Kashmiri merchants 161
Visit from the Tibetan merchants 163
The temple on the Ganges. Further conversation 164
Requests at parting 166
More religious conversation. Catholic missionaries 167
Russians and Chinese. The Lama's watches 168
Efforts of the Lama to remove jealousy of English 169
Desire of the Lama for friendly relations between India and China . . . . 170
Farewell to the Lama 171
CHAPTER XVI.
THE EPISODE WITH THE CHAUDURI.
The Chauduri an emissary of the Gesub Rimboehe 172
Conversation with the Chauduri 173
The Chauduri disclaimed by the Gesub 174
Second interview with the Chauduri ,. .. 175
Reasoning on the Chauduri intrigue 176
CHAPTER XVII.
RETURN FROM TIBET TO BENGAL. NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN.
Mr. Bogle's affection for the Lama and his people 177
Incidents on the road 178
Sects of the Yellow and Red Caps 180
Old friends. A hot spring 181
Arrival at Paro. Return to Tassisudon 182
Paro as a central mart 183
Proposals for facilitating trade .. : , 184
Offer of free trade to Bhutan 186
Opening of trade with Bhutan 187
Exclusion of Europeans 188
Negotiations wilh the Deb Rajah .. .. 189
Return to Bengal 190
CONTENTS. xvii
CHAPTER XVHI.
m
GENERAL REPORT BY MR. BOGLE ON HIS RETURN FROM
TIBET.
PAGE
Bhutan. — Face of the country 191
„ History 192
„ Revenue. Contrast between Bhutan and Tibet 193
Tibet. — History 194
„ The Lamas. Chinese at Lhasa 195
„ Parallel between Lamas and Popes 196
„ influence of Teshu Lama 197
„ Conduct of the Gorkha Rajah 197
Visits from Kashmiri and Tibetan merchants 198
Reasons for not going to Lhasa. Return to Bhutan 199
Difficult negotiations at Tassisudon 200
Trade engrossed by the Deb Rajah and his officers 201
Permission obtained for merchants to pass through Bhutan 202
Trade between Bengal and Tibet 203
Suggestions for extension of trade 204
Importance of removing obstructions in Nepal 205
CHAPTER XIX.
JOURNEY OF THE TESHU LAMA TO PEKING, AND HIS DEATH.
PROJECT OF MR. BOGLE FOR MEETING THE LAMA AT
PEKING.
Debts of Chinese merchants. Journey of the Teshu Lama 207
Promise of the Lama to procure passports to Peking for Mr. Bogle . . . . 208
Account of the Teshu Lama's journey and death (note) 208
Proposals respecting Mr. Bogle's mission to Peking 209
JOURNEY OF MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA
(1811-12).
CHAPTER I.
JOURNEY FROM CANTALBARY TO PARI-JONG.
Approaching Bhutan 213
On the road to Paro 214
Theft of spoons. Leave Paro 215
Arrival at Pari-jong • 216
A churlish servant. Arrival of Chinese 217
Successful practice as a physician". Permission to proceed 218
b
xviii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER II.
FROM PARI-JONG TO GIANSU. PAGE
Leave Pari-jong with a Chinese General. Intense cold 219
A night scene. Bad horse-gear 220
A runaway horse 221
Shores of a lake 222
Smoky lodgings 223
A hot spring. Colossal image 224
Discomforts of travelling 225
CHAPTER III.
RESIDENCE AT GIANSU.
Approach to Giansu 226
Description of Giansu — its Chinese appearance 227
Clothing for cold weather 228
Prejudices respecting dress 229
Dinner with the Chinese General. Breakfast with the Sub-Mandarin . . 230
Visit to a Tibetan Mandarin 231
Practising medicine 232
Advice from the General 233
Hiring a servant 234
Handiness of Chinese soldiers. Dinner with a patient 235
The General gives a concert 236
Postal difficulties 237
Sulkiness of the Munshi 238
A Chinese suit of olothes 240
CHAPTER IV.
JOURNEY FROM GIANSU TO LHASA
PAGE
Departure from Giansu. Jokes with Chinese soldiers 241
Postal service in Tibet . . ..' 242
Skirts of the Central Chain 243
The Palti lake 244
Travelling arrangements 246
Hospitable Tibetan family 247
Frolicsome ravens 248
The Munshi sulky 249
A cold night's rest 250
Valley of the Tsanpu. Crossing the river 251
Ride to Lhasa 252
View of the palace of Potala 255
Arrival at Lhasa ogg
CONTENTS. xix
• CHAPTER V.
LHASA.
PAGE
Visit to the Mandarins 258
Lodgings at Lhasa 259
Difficulties in talking Chinese 260
Continued sulky conduct of the Munshi 260
Visits to the Thalung and to the Mandarins 261
CHAPTER VI.
VISIT TO THE GRAND LAMA.
Preparation of presents 263
Ride to Potala — reception 264
Audience of the Grand Lama 265
Practice as a physician 267
Visit to a crazy Mandarin 267
CHAPTER VH.
STORY OF THE RIOT— EXECUTION OF A GOOD MANDARIN.
Scuffle between a Tibetan and Chinaman 271
Conspii'acy against an upright magistrate. His execution 272
Lhasa looked on as banishment 273
Bad character of Mandarins sent to Lhasa 274
CHAPTER VIII.
RESIDENCE AT LHASA.
Spies. Anger of Mr. Manning 275
Interrogatories 276
Hopes of continuing the journey 277
Uneasiness of the Munshi 278
Unpleasant anticipations of being executed 279
Reception of patients 280
Altercation with a patient 281
New lodgings 282
Misconduct of the Munshi. Inattention of servants 284
Visit to a Thalung's mother 285
Visit to the physician of the Dalai Lama 286
Want of money 287
Second visit to the Dalai Lama 288
Visit to the temples 289
Toleration 291
b 2
xx CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
FRAGMENTARY NOTES— RETURN JOURNEY.
rAGE
Another visit to the Dalai Lama 292
Last days at Lhasa 293
Return to Bengal • ¦¦ 294
APPENDIX.
I. — Account of travels of Johann Grueber, Jesuit 295
II. — A letter from Father Ippolito Desideri to Father Ildebrando Grassi . . 302
III. — Brief account of the Kingdom of Tibet, by Fra Francesco Orazio della
Penna di Billi, 1730 309
IV. — Translation of two documents brought from Tibet by Mr. George
Bogle 341
INDEX 349
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS.
Portrait of Warren Hastings Frontispiece
The Teshu Lama's Necklace cxliv
Fac-simile of a Letter of Warren Hastings to Mr. Bogle . . To face page cxlv
Buxa-Diiar 16
The Bridge at Chuka
The Palace at Tassisudon
Religious Buildings in the Teshu Lumbo Monastery
Residence of the Lama Giassa-tu, near Tassisudon
The Tomb of the Teshu Lama
Potala. The Palace of the Dalai Lama
2026 96
192
208256
MAPS.
A fac-simile of the part containing Tibet of ' Carte gene'rale du
Thibet ou Bout-tan et des pays de Kashgar et Hami. Dressee
sur les cartes et me'moires des RR. PP. Jesuites de la Chine et
accordee aveo la situation constante de quelques pays voisins.'
Par Le S'- D'Anville, Geographe Ord"- du Roi. Avril, 1733 To face pane lxi
Van de Putte's Sketch-map, from the MS. in the Museum at
Middelburg
The Himalaya and Tibet-A View of the" Mountain System
bounded by the Plains of India, Gobi, China, and the Caspian „ cxxxiv
The Routes of Bogle, Turner, and Manning between Bengal and
Tibet „ 294
Intr.] POLICY OF WARREN HASTINGS.
INTRODUCTION.
The first Governor-General of India conceived the plan of
opening friendly commercial intercourse between the people
over whom he ruled and the natives of the lofty table-land
behind the snowy peaks to the north. On this grand object
Warren Hastings bestowed much thought, and he gradually
developed a policy which was continuous while his influence
lasted. He took a broad and enlightened view of the require
ments of the case, and he appears to have seen from the first
that the end could only be gained by persistent efforts extending
over a long period.
It is owing to the absence of a continuous policy that this
and many other great measures which were once full of promise
have produced no permanent results. Warren Hastings opened
a correspondence with the rulers of Tibet and Bhutan ; he
succeeded in establishing most friendly relations by the de
spatch of an embassy ; his liberal encouragement of trade
brought down crowds of mountaineers to his fair at Rangpiir ;
he followed up his first mission by a second and third to
Bhutan, with the object of cementing the recently formed
friendship ; and finally, he sent a fourth embassy to Bhutan,
which extended its operations into Tibet. Yet, when the
master-mind was removed, the work so admirably commenced
was abandoned. No English official has since held personal
intercourse with the rulers of Tibet, and when, a quarter of a
century after the retirement of Warren Hastings, a solitary
Englishman did once force his way to Lhasa, no use was made
xxii OBJECTS OF THE INTRODUCTION. [Intb.
of his brave and successful enterprise, and he was left to perish
or to return, as chance would have it.
So completely was the policy of opening commercial inter
course between India and the Trans-Himalayan region abandoned,
that the very history of the Hastings negotiations was forgotten,1
and most of the valuable records of the Tibet and Bhutan
missions were lost. Thus the knowledge that was then acquired
with so much care, the lessons of experience that were taught,
instead of being carefully stored up and made available as a
point of departure for future efforts, have been totally dis
regarded. It is by a series of mere accidents that copies of
records long since lost or destroyed, owing to official neglect,
have been preserved through the more patriotic and discrimi
nating care of private families.
The account of the important mission of George Bogle to
Bhutan and Tibet has been gathered partly from journals,
partly from official despatches, and partly from private corre
spondence; and it is now presented for the first time in a
connected form. That of Mr. Manning's extraordinary journey
to Lhasa is from a fragmentary series of notes and jottings
which alone remain to bear testimony to a feat which still
remains unparalleled.
As an introduction to the perusal of these narratives, I
propose to give an account of the region to which they refer ;
to furnish some information respecting what is known of the
inhabitants, their history and religion ; and to pass in review
the several steps by which our existing knowledge has been ac
quired, and the events, so far as we can learn them, which have .
formed the more recent history of Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim, and
Bhutan. To perform such a task with any approach to com
pleteness would require a separate volume, and the possession
of local knowledge. My aim in this introduction will therefore
i See Hamilton's « East India Gazet- he did not know the difference between
teer. This writer, with access to the Deb Rajah of Bhutan and the
official records, was so ignorant, that Dalai Lama.
Intk.] THE HIMALAYAN REGION. xxiii
be confined to such a general glance at the subject as will suffice
to pla"ce the narratives in their due relative positions, and to
explain all circumstances relating to them directly or indirectly.
Another object will be to furnish references, in their proper
order, through which this important subject may be more
thoroughly studied and understood ; and thus, in some measure,
to assist in replacing and restoring those foundations of a great
policy which the genius of Warren Hastings had laid, but
which subsequent neglect has destroyed.
The Himalayan system is composed of three great culmina
ting chains, running more or less parallel to each other for
their whole length, from the gorge- of the Indus to that of the
Dihqng ; and the lofty region of Great Tibet lies mainly
between the inner and outer range, with the Central Chain,
whence most of the rivers of northern India take their rise,
running through its length. It is with the portion of the
Himalayan region which includes Great Tibet and the countries
between it and the plains of India, that the narratives com
posing this volume have to do ; and, therefore, the introductory
remarks will be mainly confined to that portion.
The inner and most northern of the three ranges is naturally
divided into a western and an eastern section. The western is
known as the Kaxakorum BaDge, separating the valley of. .the
Indus from that _of_the_Yarkand-JEliver and other streams
belonging to the inland system of Lob:nor. It has vast glaciers
and lofty peaks, including that called K 2, which is 28,000 feet
above the sea,1 while it is traversed by passes of great height,
such as the Cha^g-^liejjmo^lgiOOO^eet,2 and the Karakorum,
18,000 feet above the sea. The sources of three great rivers
are on the southern slopes of the northern range, and forcing
their way through the central and southern chains, they_reach^
the plains of India : namely, the Indus, Sutlej, anABraJimaputrcu
• K 2 stands between the parts of * There are two Chang - chenmo
this range called Mustang and Kara- passes : that of Pangtung-la, 18,900,-
korum, referring to the Mustang and and of Changlung-barma la, 19,280
Karakorum passes. feet above the sea. (Trotter's Map.)
xxiv THE NORTHERN CHAIN. ^ [Intr.
The eastern section of the Northern Eange forms the natural.
northern boundary of Great Tibet; for although an extensive
region farther north is included on the maps as part of Tibet,
it is really inhabited by wandering, independent tribes, called
Hor and Sok.1 Tibetan influence, so far as we yet know, is
here confined to the route to Eudok and the Thok Jalung gold
fields,2 and to a few monasteries in the mountains and on the
bants of Lake Tengri-nor, although Tibetan sovereignty must
be considered as extending to the Kuen-lun Mountains. This
lofty region is almost entirely unknown to Europeans, except
through the Lama surveys.3 It is drained by streams flowing
into a system of inland lakes, and its elevation above the sea
has only been ascertained at three points. Mr. Johnson, in his
journey to Khotan, entered the region of inland drainage by the
Chang-chenmo pass, and found the height of the Lingtsi plain
to be 17,000 feet. The Pundit of 1867 found the gold mines of
Thok Jalung, which are on this lofty plateau, to be 16,330 feet;
and Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1872 reached the shores
of Lake Tengri-nor, and ascertained its height to be 15,000 feet
above the sea. The great Northern Chain of the Himalayan
system, called the Karakorum Range in its western section, is
'¦ here known as the Ninjinthangla or Nyenehhen-tang-la Moun
tains, and separates the inland system of lakes from the basin
of the Brahmaputra. To the westward it commences at the
famous central peak or knot called Kailas i by the Hindus, and
Gangri by the Tibetans, which is 22,000 feet above the sea.
1 Horsok is the name given by the the Sok are of Mongol race. Yeul
Tibetanstothewholeregionbetweenthe means an encampment, so that Sok-
Northern Himalayan Range (Nyench- yeul is the encampment of the Soks or
hen-thangla) and the Kuen-lun. It Mongols.
is inhabited by two distinct races, called 2 The northern slopes of the range
Hor and Sok : Horpa is the western are reported to contain a whole string
half of this region, and Sokpa the of gold fields, extending from the
eastern half, as well as part of Sokyeul, meridian of Lhasa to that of Rudok.
round the Kokonor Lake. They are 3 See p. Ixi for some account of this
all styled Khachhe'n (Muhammadans) survey.
by the Tibetans. Sokyeul is the same 4 On the map of D'Anville, in Du
as Tnngut. The Hor are Turks, and Halde, it is called Kantaisse.
Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxv
The chain then continues in an easterly and north-easterly
direction, forming the northern watershed of the Brahmaputra,
throwing up . lofty peaks, one of which is reported by the
explorer of 1872 to be at least 25,000 feet high; while the
pass by which he crossed the range to the inland plateau was
17,200 feet above the sea. The name given to the eastern
section of this most northern of the ranges by Mr. Brian
Hodgson is NyencKhen-tang-la ;x and the same name is referred
by the explorer of 1872 to one of the peaks. Mr. Trelawney
Saunders has proposed as the name of this range, Gang-ri,2 the
Tibetan for "snowy mountain," by which the Kailas Peak is
known in Tibet. But perhaps the most convenient way of dis
tinguishing this important but almost unknown mountain chain
will be by referring to it as the inner or northern.- chain of the
Himalayan system.
Parallel to the Northern Range runs the Central Range of the
Himalaya, which is also little known, and but very partially ex
plored. The section of this range with which we have to deal
commences at the Jfl^am-Iajsassj. near the Kailas or Gangri
Peak. Here a comparatively low saddle connects the Northern
and Central ranges, and separates the valley of the Sutlej fr.Qrn,
that of the^Brahmaputra. To the eastward this Central Chain,
on its northern side, forms the southern watershed of the Brah
maputra, while on its southern slopes are the sources of many
important rivers, which, forcing their way through the Southern
Chain of the Himalaya, eventually join the Ganges or the Brah
maputra. Such are the rivers Kali, Karnali, Narayani,JBuria
Gandak, Tirsuli Gandak, Bhotia Kosi, and Arun, in Nepal ; pos
sibly some of the feeders of the Monass, in Bhutan, and the
Lopra-cachu, or Subanshiri, farther east. Only three English
men have ever crossed the Central Chain to the eastward of the
Mariam-la pass (all at the same point), namely, Bogle, Turner,
1 See ' Selections ' (Government of is snow, in Tibetan ; dis, colour, in San-
Bengal), No. xxvii. p. 93 ; and scrit ; and Si, a mountain, in Tibetan.
' J. A. S. B.,' ii., of 1853. (' Magasin Asiatique,' p. 233. Paris,
2 Klaproth has Gang-dis-ri. Gang 1825.)
xxvi TIBET AND ITS DIVISIONS. [Intb.
and Manning ; and the narratives of two of these are printed for
the first time in this volume. But a magnificent view of the
Central Chain was obtained by Dr. Hooker from the Donkia
pass, looking north, and it has been traversed, in four different
places, by explorers employed by Colonel Montgomerie. It
contains several snowy peaks and large glaciers, while trans
verse saddles intersect the region between it and the Southern
Range of the Himalaya. Tibet extends, as a rule, to the passes
over the Southern Range.
Tibet, the name now adopted by Europeans, came from the
Turks and Persians, and is unknown in the country. Formerly
the name used in the west was Tangut, the origin of which has
been explained by Colonel Yule.1 But the true name is Bod and
Bodyul, called Bhot and Bhotiya in India, literally " Bod Land."
Tibet or Bodyul is divided into four great provinces, called Kam,
U, Tsang, and Ari. Kam is the eastern province, bordering on
Szechuen, in China ; and Ari is the mountainous region west of
the Mariam-la pass, including Ladak.2 U and Tsang, or Utsan°-,
form Central or Great Tibet, extending from the Mariam-la
down the valley of the Brahmaputra, bounded on the north by
the great Northern Himalayan Range, and on the south by the
series of snowy peaks overhanging Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan.
Great Tibet thus embraces the region between the Northern and
1 c
'Marco Polo, i. p. 209. The Klaproth. Mr. T. T. Cooper, in the
Mongols called Tibet by the name of narrative of his adventurous journey to
Baran-tola (S.W.), or the "right side," Bhatang, gives additional information
while Mongolia was called Vzegun-tola, respecting the eastern province of Tibet
or the left (N.E.) side ; hence, Dzun- (see ' Travels of a Pioneer of Commerce
gana (!. p 216) in Pigtail and Petticoat , L(md
A great part of An has been ex- 1871); and M. Des Godins furnishes
plored and described by many European further details, especially as regards the
travellers and surveyors during the geography of the great rivers supposed
present century, whose works are enu- to be the upper courses of the Cambodia,
mewled by me in the Memoir- on the Salwin, and Irrawaddy. (See ' La Mis-
Kamtmf I P' ?* V"? ^f Si°n dU ™bet ' P« C ^ Des Godins,
Hifc Id rlbPtT ZX UnkD0Wn- Vei'duD> 1872 : ™d the ' Bul1^ ^ la
Hue and Gabet traversed it on their Society de Geographie' for Nov 1871
return from Lhasa to Szechuen. An p. 343, and Oct. 1875, p. 337)
itinerary of the same route is given by >'.*»• *°i).
Intb.] VALLEY OF THE UPPER BRAHMAPUTRA. xxvii
Southern chains, but the towns and principal monasteries, where
are trie centres of population, are chiefly in the valley of the
Brahmaputra, and its tributaries from the north and south.
Except as regards the region round Teshu Lumbo, and the
route to Lhasa, which were visited by Bogle, Turner, and Man
ning, our modern knowledge of the upper valley of the Brah
maputra or Tsanpu is derived entirely from the accounts given
by the Pundit despatched by Colonel Montgomerie in 1866, and
the young Tibetan sent in 1872. ^_.
The Tsanpu rises, in longitude(82° 28' E., at the Mariam-la
pass,1 15,500 feet jJbgyejthe^ea,_and flows, in its upper course,2
over an elevated series of plains, where sheep, goats, and yaks
abound, with many large glaciers belonging to the Central
Chain of the Himalaya in sight to the south. It receives two
large rivers on the left bank, flowing from the Northern Range,
called Chachu Tsanpu, and Charta Tsanpu ;3 and at Janglache,4
a fort and large monastery, in longitude 87° 38' E., 13J}.SQ-ieetl
above the sea, the river, here called_the- Narichu, becomes I
navigable. I1^h^,,..dejcendjL2i^ 1
350 miles. A few miles below Janglach^, another river, called \
the Raha Tsanpu, after a parallel course on the northern side,
empties itself into the main stream. From Janglache, people
and goods are frequently transported down the river in boats
to Shigatze,5 a distance of 85 miles. Shigatze, with its neigh
bouring palace-monastery of Teshu Lumbo, the residence of the
Teshu Lama, is the principal place in the Tsang province. It
is in8]£.7' E. longitude, 29° 4' 2Q"J8L latitude, and lLSMfeet
above the sea,
1 The Mariam-la pass is 60 miles 3 The Naouc Tsanpu and Sanki
east of Lake Mansarowar, the source of Tsanpu of D'Anville.
the Sutlej, the interval being partly 4 Tchanglase of D'Anville ; and
occupied by another lake. Dzianglodze'-dzoung of Klaproth. The
2 The Pundit says that the river French Dz is equivalent to our J.
here has three names, Tamgan Khamba, 5 The Jikse of D'Anville, and Jika-
Maohang, and Narichu Sangpo. On dze (mountain pass) of Klaproth.
D'Anville's map the upper course is
called Yarou Tsaupou.
xxviii THE PAINAM AND SHIANG-CHU RIVERS. [Istb.
Teshu Lumbo was visited by Bogle and Turner, and is fully
described by the former envoy, in the following pages.
Between Janglache and Shigatze two rivers fall into the
Tsanpu on the south bank, called the Shakiadong-chu and the
Shiabgi-chu. At a distance of 30 miles up the valley of the
former river, 13,860 feet above the sea, on one of the slopes
of the Central Chain, is the great monastery of Sakiajong
(Sankia of D'Anville), the head-quarters of the Red Cap sect
of Buddhists. It is 30 miles from Janglache, and 48 from
Shigatze. In the lower part of the Shakiadong-chu there are
many villages, with cornfields, and a considerable town nestles
at the foot of the " Red Cap " monastery.
Near Shigatze two rivers, one from the north and the other
from the south, enter the Brahmaputra. They have been traced
from their sources, so that here we first get a knowledge of the
whole width of the valley, from the Southern and Central to
the Northern Chain of the Himalaya. The southern river is
the Penanang-chu or Painam.1 It rises from two lakes, dis
covered by Mr. Bogle, at the foot of the Chumalhari Peak, on the
Southern Range, forces its way through a gorge in the Central
Range,2 where there are hot springs,3 waters the fertile valleys
of Giansu* (Giangze-jong) and Painam (Pena-jong), and falls into
the Brahmaputra near Shigatze. This river was first followed
by Bogle along its whole course in 1774, then by Captain
Turner in 1782, and as far as Giansu by Manning in 1811.
The river flowing from the north is the Shiang-chu. It
rises near the Khalamba-la pass, over the Northern Range,
which is 17,200 feet above the level of the sea, and after a.
lateral course in the mountains of about 30 miles, it flows south-
1 Monctchou of D'Anville. hurried with violence over a rocky
2 In crossing the Central Range, bed. High rocks, perpendicular and
Bogle describes the route as " passing bare, and vast impending crags "
through valleys bounded by bleak and (p. 221).
barren hills, through whose openings 3 See p. 182; and Turner, p. 220.
we saw distant mountains covered with l Tchiantse of D'Anville;' and Gial-
snow" (p. 74). Turner says: "The dze-dzoung of Klaproth.
river has a considerable fall, and
Intb.] VALLEY OF LHASA. xxix
wards down a valley for 50 miles into the Brahmaputra. In
this valley of the Shiang-chu is situated the town and monastery
of Chamnamring * (Namling), 12,220 feet above the sea, the
small palace of Desheripgay, and other religious establishments.
The only Englishman who has ever visited this valley is Mr.
Bogle. He was followed, at an interval of nearly a century, by
Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1872.
From the mouth of the Shiang-chu to the point where the
road to Lhasa crosses the river, a distance of 85 miles, the
course of the Brahmaputra is entirely unknown, except from
the Lama Survey;2 but at that point it has been crossed by
Mr. Manning, by the Pundit of 1866, and the explorer of 1872.
The river of Lhasa, called the Ki-chu3 by the explorer of 1872,
falls into the Brahmaputra, in longitude 90° 30' E., 2 miles to
the eastward of Chusul-jong, where the river is 11,334 feet
above the sea. The city of Lhasa, the capital of the U province,
and the residence of the Dalai Lama and of the Chinese political
agents, is in the valley of the Ki-chu, and about 25 miles from
its junction with the Brahmaputra, in latitude 29° 39' 17" N.,
and_LL7DQ feet above the sea.. Lhasa stands in a level plain,
surrounded by -mountains, and dotted over with populous monas
teries. This upper valley of the Brahmaputra, though 11,000
to 15,000 feet above the sea, yields harvests -o£_ harley_and
miUe^Jiaa_Abuiidant._partures, and there are clumps octrees,
and^ven gardens, round the towns and monasteries.
Beyond the point where the Lhasa route crosses the river,
in longitude 90° 40' E., the course of the Brahmaputra within the
mountains is entirely unknown (except from the Lama Survey)4
for a distance of about 400 miles, when, under the name of
DihoagTthe mighty stream emerges into the valley of Assam
1 Chamnamrim of D'Anville. the Lhasa river. (' Magasin Asiatique,'
2 See p. lxi. "• P- 263. Paris, 1826.)
3 Kaltiou of D'Anville ; and Gald- 4 See p. lxi. The Lama Survey ap-
jao-mouren (" la riviere furibonde ") of pears to extend only to the Central
Klaproth, who gives a long account of Range, the latitudes being earned much
too far south.
xxx COURSE OF THE BRAHMAPUTRA. [IlwB
and becomes the Brahmaputra of the plains. Yet there can be
no reasonable doubt that the Tsanpu of Great Tibet and the
Brahmaputra of the plains are one and the same river. The
question has occupied the attention of geographers for upwards
of a century. In his instructions, dated 1774, Warren Hastings
specially enjoined Mr. Bogle to inform himself respecting
the course of the Brahmaputra.1 D'Anville, and afterwards
Klaproth, believed that the Tibet river was the upper course of
the Irrawaddy. But there never appears to have been any doubt,
among English geographers, that Rennell was correct in his
identification of the Tsanpu with the Brahmaputra. In 1825
Captains Burlton and Wilcox were sent to explore its course.
Burlton followed up the course of the Dihong, until he was
stopped by wild tribes, while Wilcox crossed the water parting
towards Burma, and reached the banks of the Irrawaddy.2
From the point reached by Burlton on the Dihong, to the place
where Manning crossed the Tsanpu, there is an interval of
about 400 miles, and a difference of level of 11,000 feet, which
is entirely unknown.
On the south the Great Tibetan valley of the Tsanpu. is
bounded by the Central Range of the Himalaya, the culmi
nating peaks of which are covered with eternal snow, while the
sides bear the weight of enormous glaciers. But the snow line
on the Central Chain is much higher than that on the Southern
Himalaya. As the snow is deposited by southerly winds it falls
mainly on the culminating ridge which faces the south, and
screens the central ridge behind it. Thus the snow line is 5000
feet lower down on the Southern Himalaya than on the Central
Chain. From this latter Range many lofty saddles branch in
several directions, in some places forming inland lakes, in
1 See p. 9. never answered by Klaproth, who died
2 See 'Asiatio Researches,' xviii. in 1 835. Subsequently, both Pemberton
p. 314, for the work of Wilcox and his and Hodgson received native informa-
colleague. In this paper Wilcox re- tion identifying the Brahmaputra and
plied to Klaproth, and maintained that Dihong with the Tsanpu.
the Dihong was the Tsanpu. He was
Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxxi
others directing the course of rivers, either to the Tsanpu or
through the gorges of the Southern Range. Most of the region
between the Central and Southern Ranges is within the terri
tory of Tibet. Much of our knowledge of this part of the
country is still dependent on the map compiled by D'Anville in
1733, from the survey of the Lamas, and the rest is mainly
derived from native explorers.
To the eastward, in an entirely unknown country, the
Central Range is drained by numerous tributaries of a great
river, called the Lopra-cachu, which appear to break through
the Southern Range and reach the plains of Assam, under the
name of the Subanshiri, or Lohit. In this eastern part of the
Central Range is also situated that remarkable lake of Palti,
Peiti, or Yamdok-chu, which is delineated by D'Anville as sur
rounding a large central island, like a moat encircling a castle.
But the western shore alone has been described, and Mr. Man
ning is the only Englishman who has ever seen it. Both he
and the Pundit of 1866 describe it as being separated from the
valley of the Tsanpu by a range of mountains, called the
Khamba-la,1 a spur from the Central Range ; and the Pundit
aTMs, that the lake has no outlet. Our information respecting
Lake Palti will be found condensed in a note to Mr. Manning's
narrative at page 244.
To the westward of the Lopra-cachu basin there appears to
be a high saddle, connecting the Central and Southern Ranges,
for the river of Painam, already referred to, flows north from
the Chumalhari Peak to the Tsanpu, forcing its way through
the Central Range.
Farther westward our principal informant respecting the
Central Range, and the region between it and the Southern
Himalayas, is Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1871, known
as No. 9.
West of the Painam basin various lofty spurs from the
1 The Chinese geographers, quoted by Klaproth, name the Khamba-la as on
the boundary between the provinces of U and Tsang.
xxxii THE CENTRAL CHAIN. PNTE-
Central Chain lead the drainage, for a distance of 150. miles,
into the Aran river, which breaks through the Southern Hima
laya into Nepal. North of the Arun basin, and, like the Palti
lake, encircled by spurs from the Central Range, is the Chomto-
dong lake, about 20 miles in length and 16 broad, and without
an outlet. It is not shown on the map of D'Anville,, and was,
therefore, discovered by No. 9 in 1871. This lake is 14,700 feet
above the sea. The main chain of the Central Range towers over
the Chomto-dong lake on its northern side, and is crossed by
the Lagulung-la pass 16,000 feet above the sea, where the
glacier ice is seen close to the road taken by travellers. Ac
cording to No. 9 this part of the region between the Central
and Southern Ranges belongs to Sikkim, and the boundary
between Sikkim and Tibet is on the Lagulung-la of the Central
Range. The Central Range has also been crossed (by No. 9)
by the Dango-la pass above the great Sakia monastery, and
28 miles east of the Lagalung-la. The western branch of the
Arun flows from west to east through an extensive plain, be
tween the Central and Southern Ranges, called the Dingri1
Maidan, 13,900 feet above the sea, where there is a town of two
hundred and fifty houses. The Dingri river is believed to rise in
a large lake, which is shown but not named on D'Anville's map,
but which was heard of as the Dalgu-chu, 15,000 feet above the
sea, by Colonel Montgomerie's explorers. It has never been
visited. Still farther to the west the Central Chain is crossed
by the Taku-la pass,2 which has never been explored ; the
No-la pass, at a height 16,623 feet above the sea; and the
Photu-la, at a height of 15,080 feet. The latter is just above the
town of Loh-Mantang,s a place of very considerable trade, and
thousands of wild ponies find pasture on the slopes along the
pass. In Eastern Nepal, farther west, the only pass with which
1 Tinkia of D'Anville.
2 To the north of the Chinese post of Jonka-jong.
3 Mustang (?).
Intb.] THE CENTRAL CHAIN. xxxiii
we hase become acquainted is that of Taklakhar, in the gorge
of the Karnali. But the range in Kumaon and Bussahir has
been examined, and four passes have been explored.1
Thus the Central Range of the Himalaya has been crossed
at six different points from east to west, within the region of
which we are treating. First, at the gorge of the Painam river,
by Bogle, Turner, and Manning ; next, at the Lagulung-la and
Dong-la passes, by No. 9 ; next, at the No-la pass, by the Pundit
of 1866 ; and lastly, at the Photu-la pass. Very magnificent
views of its long line of glaciers and snowy peaks, forming a
continuous chain, have been enjoyed by Dr. Hooker from the
Donkia pass, by Bogle and Turner from the foot of Chumal-
hari, by Manning looking back from the Khamba-la, and by
Colonel Montgomerie' s explorers from many other points.
From its northern face the ravines, opening into valleys, slope
pretty regularly to the Tsanpu. But to the south, the region
between the Central and Southern ranges is broken by long
parallel spurs and saddles of great height, in two instances'
completely encircling large lakes, in others leading the rivers
for considerable distances in courses parallel to the axes of the
chains, before they burst through one or other of them, and
flow down the meridional slopes.
Such is the topographical aspect of Great Tibet, or the
provinces of U and Tsang, comprised in the valley of the Tsanpu,
or upper Brahmaputra, and in the broken region parallel to it,
and at a greater elevation, between the Central and Southern
ranges. We next come to the consideration of the Southern Hima
laya2 and its chain of stupendous peaks, of the hydrography of
its southern slope, and of the routes leading from India over its
dangerous and little-known passes.
1 Two from Milun to Gartuk ; one to where the Sutlej breaks out of Tibe-
from Badrinath, on the Ganges, to Gar- tan territory at Shipki.
tuk; and one from Nilung to Guge; 2 The Rimola Mountains of D'An-
besides the Dalhousie route, which leads villo and the Chinese geographers.
Perhaps a misprint for Himola.
* 0
xxxiv THE SOUTHERN CHAIN. [In™.
The portion of the Southern Himalaya between Great Tibet
and India consists of a stupendous chain of snow-clad mountains,
with a line of culminating peaks, and slopes deeply furrowed
into alternate ravines and ridges, which gradually sink down
into the valleys of the Ganges and Brahmaputra. The distance
from the culminating ridge to the plain averages about ninety
miles; a breadth which Mr. Brian Hodgson describes by
dividing it into three equal longitudinal zones : the lower com
prising the Dhiins, or Maris of Nepal, and the Diiars of Bhutan,
as well as the bhabur or sal forest, and the terai ; * the middle,
between the Dhuns and the snow line ; and the upper or alpine
zone. The first ranges from the plains to 4000 feet ; the
central, from 4000 feet to 10,000 feet; and the upper, from
10,000 feet to 29,000 feet above the sea level. The amount of
heat and cold in these several zones depends almost entirely
on the elevation, there being a diminution of temperature equal
to 3° or 3^° Fahr. for every thousand feet of height. But, as
regards moisture, every movement to the west or north-west
brings the traveller into a drier climate, and takes him farther
and farther from the line of the rainy monsoon. The ridges
also, being in the direct line of the monsoon, check, its progress,
and their height has an effect on the amount of moisture in
adjacent valleys. Thus there are great differences of climate
in places of equal elevation. The character of the Himalayan
slope is a perpetual succession of vast ridges with narrow
intervening glens ; and open valleys, such as that of Nepal, are
very rare.2
In ascending the gorges from the terai to the alpine
ridges, the traveller passes through three zones of vegetation.
In the lower region he finds splendid timber trees, such as
the sal and sissu, banyans and peepuls, bamboos and palms.
The central slopes are clothed with oaks, chestnuts, magnolias,
1 Terai, or Tarai, lowlands or swampy ' Geography of the Himalaya,' p. 3,
tracts at the base of the hills. See, for note.
the derivation of the word, Hodgson's = See Mr. Brian Hodgson's ' Physical
Geography of the Himalaya.'
Intb.] RIVER SYSTEMS OF NEPAL. xxxv
laurels, rhododendrons, cherry and pear trees, thorns, ashes, and
elms ; and the upper region is that of junipers, larches, yews,
poplars, dwarf rhododendrons, hollies, birches, and willows.
The fauna is also divided into zones of altitude ; and Mr.
Hodgson x has given us an interesting account of the zoological
distribution. In the direction of its length the Indian slope of that part of
the Himalaya of which we now have to treat is properly divided
according to its river basins. Commencing from the east,
Nepal embraces the Karnali (or Ghagra), Gandak, and Kosi river
systems, all affluents of the Ganges. Sikkim has the Tista
and Am-machu, or Tursa, rivers ; and Bhutan is traversed by
the feeders of the Minagaon, Sankos, Monass, and Lopra-cachu,
or Subanshiri.2 In the west of Nepal, the Karnali system consists of the rivers
Kali (or Sarda), Sweti-ganga, Karnali, Behri, Sarju, and Rapti.
Their sources lie between the Nanda-deri (25,693 feet) and the
Dawala-giri Peak (27,693 feet) ; and in this part of the main
ridge one pass is known, leading from Nepal to Tibet, along
the gorge of the Karnali river, by Taklakhar, in the Tibetan
province of Ari. Both the Kali and Karnali rise in the Central
Himalaya, and force their way through the Southern Chain.
The upper zone of the Karnali basin (Ghagra) is occupied by the
district of Jumla or Yumilla. Lower down is the country of the
former Baisi (or twenty-two) Rajahs, and the streams unite in
the plain to form the Ghagra (Gogra).
Central Nepal embraces the river system of the "Sapt
Gandaki," or seven Gandak rivers, called the Narayani, Seti-
Gandak, Marsyanghi, Buria Gandak, Tirsuli Gandak, and two
others of less importance. Their sources lie between the peaks
of Dawala-giri (27,600 feet) and Dayabung (23,762 feet), and
they converge to one point near Lora Ghat, within the hills, and
flow down to the Ganges as the Gandak river. Four of these
rivers, namely, the Kali Gandak, Karnali Gandak, Buria
1 ' Geography of the Himalaya,' p. 16. s Or Lohit.
* c 2
xxxvi RIVER SYSTEMS OF NEPAL. [Intb.
Gandak, and Tirsuli Gandak, have their sources in the Central
Range, while the others drain the slopes of the Southern Hima-
. laya only. There are three passes over the Central Chain into
Tibet by the gorges of the Gandak rivers, namely, the Muk-
tinath pass, by the river Narayani to Mantang (Mustang ?) ;
the No-la, by the Buria Gandak ; and the Taku-la pass, by the
Tirsuli Gandak. The country of the Gandaks is that of the
former Chaubisi (twenty-four) Rajahs.
Eastern Nepal is drained by the Kosi river system, con
sisting, like the Gandak, of seven main streams : the Milamchi,
the Bhotia Kosi, the Tamba Kosi, the Likhu, the Dud Kosi, the
Arun, and the Tambur or Tamor. Their sources are included
between the Dayabung (23,762 feet) and the Kangchan
(28,158 feet), while Mount Everest (29,002 feet) towers above
the left bank of the Arun. The Kosi rivers, after draining the
Kiranti country in Eastern Nepal, including the districts of
Khatang and Chayanpur, unite within the hills into one stream,
which flows through the Murung, or Terai region, and past
Bijapur, places often mentioned in Bogle's narrative. The
Bhotia Kosi and Arun rise in the Central Chain, and the
Arun has a long Tibetan course before it bursts through the
Southern Himalaya, and flows down to the Ganges. There are
four passes from Nepal to Tibet by the Kosi rivers : one up the
/Bhotia Kosi, and by the Nilam pass and Kuti, a place mentioned
several times by Mr. Bogle ; a second up the Arun river and
by the Hatia pass ; a third up the ravine of the Tambur river
by Wallanchiin, and over the Tipta-la ; and a fourth leads up
the gorge of the Yangma, an alpine tributary of the Tambur,
over the Kanglachan pass.
The three Nepal basins drain the Indian slopes of the
Himalaya for a distance of 800 miles. But the rivers which
unite to form the Gogra, Gaudak, and Kosi, must necessarily
converge to three separate centres, leaving intervals on the
lower slopes. In that between the Gandak and Kosi is the
beautiful valley of Nepal, with the city of Kathmandn, watered
Inte.] SIKKIM AND BHUTAN RIVERS. xxxvii
by Jhe Bagmatti river. This famous valley, surrounded by
mountains, is 16 miles long and broad, and from 4200 feet to
4700 feet above the sea.
Sikkim, called Demo-jong in Mr. Bogle's narrative, is
drained by the river Tista, and its affluents, the Lachen and
Lachung, the Buri Rangit, the Moing, the Rangri, and
Rangchu ; and the Am-machu rises near Pari-jong, at the foot''
of x the Chumalhari Peak (23,929_fe.et), and flows through" the-
Chumbi valleyjjKhich_ separates Sikkim from Bhutan. It con
tinues "ftlT~course through the plains of Julpigori as the Tursa.
Two passes, the Kongra-lama and Donkia, besides others at the
heads of the Lachen and Lachung tributaries of the Tista, lead
from Sikkim to Tibet ; while Pari-jong, at the head of the
Chumbi valley, is the pass used by Bogle, Turner, and Manning.
The Chumbi valley belongs to Tibet, and not to Sikkim-
though the Sikkim Rajah has a house at Chumbi, and residesX
there during part of the year. The lofty spur dividing the/
Chumbi and Tista valleys, called the Chumbi Range, is traversedy
by several passes, the Yak-la, Cho-la, and Jelep-la. From the! J
eastern boundary of Chumbi, the states of Bhutan and Tawang
extend nearly to the Lopra-cachu, a distance of about 200 miles,
with an average width of 90 miles from the alpine passes of the
Southern Himalaya to the plains of India.
The duars of Bhutan — literally doors or approaches — em
brace the strip of land extending along the foot of the Bhutan
mountains in Bengal and Assam, like the terai or murung of
Sikkim and Nepal. There are eighteen of these diiars or
passes: eleven on the frontier of Bengal, and seven on that
of Assam ; the breadth of this diiar tract being from ten to
twenty miles, and the length 220 miles. The more southern
frontiers are all partially under rice cultivation, but the inter
vening space to the foot of the mountains is occupied by dense
and lofty forest, and heavy grass jungle. Several streams and
rivers flow over pebbly beds from the gorges of the different
defiles to the Brahmaputra. The most northern portion of the
xxxviii DUARS. RIVERS OF BHUTAN. [Iktb.
duars presents a rugged, irregular surface, occasioned by the
spurs which project into the plain, and it is very malarious.
The eleven Bengal diiars are Dalim-kotta, Zamar-kotta, Cha-
murchi, Lakhi, Buxa, Bhulka, Bara, Gumar, Ripu, Cherrung or
-Sidli, and Bagh or Bijni. The names of the seven Assam diiars
are Buri Gumah and Kalling, bordering on the Durrung dis
trict; and Ghurkola, Baksha, Chapaguri, Chapaklamar, and
Bijni, bordering on Kamrup. East of Durrung is the Kureah-
parah Diiar held by the Tawang Rajah, a dependent of Tibet ;
-.and still farther east are the wild tribe^qf^AborSjJDaflas, and
:xjMishmis, extending to and beyond the Dihong, whose moun-
, tains, generally inaccessible, have recently been entered by our
^ troops.1 ~~""~- ¦——___-•
Above the diiars, up to the snowy ridge of the Southern
Himalaya, all Bhutan is a succession of lofty and rugged
mountains separated by gorges, and a few valleys somewhat
wider than the generality of the ravines. The streams are
numerous and rapid, in beds filled with huge boulders.
There are three river systems in Bhutan besides that of the
Am-machu or Chumbi, which flows through a portion of that
State on its way to the Brahmaputra. The first, from the west,
is the Pachu-Chinchu, which is formed by several rivers. The
Pachu flows from a saddle near Pari-jong, waters the Paro
valley, and joins the Chinchu. It was by the Pachu valley that
Bogle, Turner, and Manning made their way into Tibet. The
Chinchu, receiving the Wangchu, flows through the valley of
Tassisudon, and joins the Pachu. The united streams, in flow
ing down into Assam, are at first called the Pachu-Chinchu, and
then the Raidak and Minagaon. The next river system of
Bhutan is the Machu, which flows past the winter palace of
Punakha, and enters the plain as the Sankos. Lastly, by far
the largest river of Bhutan, and the one whose tributaries
./iI°,deiptileTmand0f:Bri8:adier Survey of India> wh° accompanied
btattoid, UB. Sec a paper on the this expedition. ('J. A. S B ' xliv
" Geology ol the Dafla Hills," by Major part ii.) ' ''
Godwin Austen, of the Topographical
Intk.] THE HIMALAYAN SYSTEM. xxxix
drain the widest extent of country, is the Monass. Its basin
occupies the eastern half of Bhutan. There are four principal
Monass affluents: the Matichu, which flows past Tongsu; the
Tongchu, Korichu, and Monass. Several passes into Tibet are
said to lead up the gorges of these rivers into the basin of the
Lopra-cachu. The region of the Monass is unexplored, except
by Pemberton, and nothing is known beyond his route. Some J
of the peaks of the Bhutan Himalaya, eastward of Chumalhari, /
have, however, been measured from the Assam plain by Mr./
Lane. One at the head of the Matichu is 24,737 feet ; and two/
twin peaks, at the head of branches of the Monass, are re
spectively 20,965 feet and 20,576 feet above the sea.
The above topographical sketch is intended to embrace the
regions with which the narratives in the present volume have
to do ; and to describe cursorily the orography and hydrography
of Great Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan.
Travellers and systematic geographers have devoted a large
share of attention to the structure of the great Himalayan mass,
and, in my ' Memoir on the Indian Surveys,' * I have given some
account of the views of the physical character of the Himalaya
formed by Herbert, Henry Strachey, Forbes Royle, Cunningham,
Thomson, Brian Hodgson, and Hooker. Mr. Hodgson has stated
his view of the question with remarkable clearness, and his ex
planation of the hydrography of Nepal is a masterpiece of lucid
description. Mr. Trelawney Saunders has also treated of the
whole subject in his 'Memoir of the Mountains and River
Basins of India,' and has illustrated his view of Himalayan
geography by means of a large diagram which has not been
published. But the Himalayan portion of the beautiful and
very clear maps of India which illustrate my 'Moral and
Material Progress Reports for 1871-72 and 1872-73,' are
based upon the large diagram, the first attempt, of which I
am aware, to give clear expression to the whole Himalayan
system by means of cartographic illustration. Mr. Saunders
1 Page 247.
xl THE HIMALAYAN SYSTEM. [Lmtb.
shows that the Himalaya culminates in two parallel ranges
running through their entire length, which I have called the
Southern and Central Himalayan Chains, separated by a series
of valleys. This view is in opposition to those very ably stated
by Mr. Brian Hodgson, Dr. Thomson, Dr. Hooker, and others,
who consider that the Southern Himalaya, with its line of snowy
peaks, is not a true chain or cordiUera, because it is broken by
Jjhe defiles through which rivers force their way, whose sources
re on what I have called the Central Chain. They consider
ae Southern Himalaya to be not a chain, but a series of spurs
from the Central Chain. It will at once be seen that this is not
a question of fact, but of nomenclature, which would scarcely
have arisen if the similar facts relating to other great mountain
masses, such as the chains or Cordilleras of the Andes, had been
considered. When this is done it will be seen that a great chain
of mountains, with a continuous series of culminating ridges
and a continuous slope, is a chain, whether rivers force their
way through its gorges or not, and that these phenomena of the
Himalaya occur also in the Andes, which are nevertheless
properly called cordilleras.1
Warren Hastings was the first to notice the striking analogy
between the Andes and the Himalaya,2 after perusing the work
1 Mr. Wilfred Heeley, in an other- southward. They are not a continuous
wise admirable article on Tibet, in the snowy chain."
' Calcutta Review ' (July, 1874, p. 139), 2 All really efficient administrators
carries this theory of the broken chain of the first order are geographers by
to an extreme. He tells us that the instinct, and Warren Hastings was no
Himalaya "is not one continuous sierra exception to the rule. Under his
[probably meaning cordiUera'], but rather auspices surveying operations were care-
a series of short parallel ranges running fully fostered and encouraged. Major
south from the watershed [presumably Rennell, the father of Indian geo-
meaning water parting], and each having graphers, made his famous survey of
its highest peak near its southern ter- Bengal, and constructed his maps of
mination. The ridges may be joined tho Ganges and Brahmaputra, in the
by spurs, and the passes into Tibet days of the first Governor-General. Sir
cross these, not the main mountain John Call, the Surveyor-General, com-
crest." Again, he quotes Dr. Hooker, piled a general map of India. Colonel
who says (' R. G. S. J.,' xx. p. 52), " In Pearse, the friend of Hastings, and his
Sikkim the Himalayas consist of meri- second in the duel with Francis, and
dional ridges separated by water flowing Colonel Colebrooke, took a series of
Intb.] THE ANDES AND THE HIMALAYA. xli
of M. de la Condamine.1 The analogy between the two great
mountain masses of the old and new world is indeed most re
markable. Both consist of three parallel chains. In both great
rivers have their sources in the inner chain, and force their way
through the other two. The cuesta of La Raya, separating the
valley of the Vilcamayu from the basin of Titicaca, is the coun
terpart of the Mariam-la saddle dividing the basin of the Sutlej
from the valley of the Brahmaputra. In both systems numer
ous rivers rise in the central cordiUera, and after lateral
courses between the two, eventually force a way through the
outer chain. The Southern Himalaya bears an exact analogy
to the outer Andes which rise from the valley of the Amazon.
Both have a low range at their feet, enclosing valleys or dhuns ;
both have deep gorges, separated by lofty ridges, which are
spurs from a main chain of culminating snowy peaks ; and in
both several rivers rise in an inner central range, and force
their way through profound ravines between the culminating
summits. The rivers Mapiri and Chuqui-apu pierce the cor
diUera, flowing through chasms in beds 18,000 feet below the
snowy peak of Illimani which almost overhangs one of them.
Yet no one maintains that the " Cordillera Real de los Andes "
is not a chain of mountains ! The analogy between the land of
the Yncas and the plateau of Tibet may be carried still farther.
In both the staple produce is wool, yielded by llamas, alpacas,
and vicunas in Peru, and by sheep and shawl goats in Tibet. In
both the beasts of burden are llamas or sheep needing a wide
area of pasturage, and consequently numerous passes on their
journeys, in order that a profitable trade may be carried on with
the low country. Both abound in the precious metals. In both
the people cultivate hardy cereals, and species of chenopodium,
called quinua in Peru, and battu in Tibet. The people, too, have
many beliefs and customs in common, down to that of heaping
astronomical observations, and mapped dart, and Blair were actively employed
the country along the coast from Cal- in preparing charts.
cutta to Madras. Nor were marine a See p. 12.
surveys neglected ; and Ritchie, Hud-
xlii THE INHABITANTS OF TIBET. Intb.]
up huge piles of stones on the crests of mountain passes ; and
the Tibetan is actuated by the same feeling when he mutters
his Om mani padmi hwm,1 as the Peruvian when, on passing
a heap of stones, he bows and reverentially exclaims, Apaehicta
muehhani ! 2
The analogy pointed out by Warren Hastings, and which I
have ventured to carry a little farther, strikingly suggests the
importance of taking a comprehensive view of such questions as
those of the physical structure of a great mountain range, or of
the best means of establishing commercial intercourse between
inhabitants of a lofty plateau difficult of access, and those of
tropical valleys separated by snowy mountains. If the frightful
gorges of the Andes did not prevent the Yncas from exchanging
the products of the sierras for the coca of the montanas, there
is nothing that a wise policy may not overcome to hinder the
Lamas of Tibet and the Rulers of India from establishing a
friendly interchange of commodities between the lofty plateaux
of the one, and the fertile tropical valleys of the other. \
The inhabitants of Tibet belong to the great Mongolian
family, and they are described by Hue3 as a people with small,
contracted, black eyes, thin beard, high cheek bones, flat noses,
wide mouths, and thin lips. The skins of the upper classes are
as white as those of Europeans, but the ordinary complexion is
tawny. They are of middle height, and combine agility and
i suppleness with force and vigour. They are said to be generous
and frank, brave in war, religious, and fond of display. They
must be hardy mountaineers, and have developed most of the
natural resources of their country. They have domesticated
the yak, breed ponies in large numbers, sheep and goats,
cultivate such cereals as will ripen in their climate, work the
1 " Oh! the jewel in the lotus. Amen!" who enables me to raise this burden,
equivalent to our " Pater noster qui es in and who grants me strength to ascend
cceh" such rugged heights as these." (See
Quichua words, meaning literally, my translation of the ' Commentaries
"I offer thanks that this has been carried; " Reales de los Yncas, por el Ynca Gar-
or, as the Ynca explains it, "I give cilasso la Vega,' i. p. 117.)
thanks and make an offering to Him 3 ii. p. 141.
Istb.] THE PON RELIGION. BUDDHISM. xliii
precious metals, and are skilful weavers and potters. Their
language is said to be more nearly allied to that of Burma than
to any other of the same group j1 but it has not yet been ex
haustively studied.2 It js now confined to the valleys of the
Tsanpu, Upper Indus, Sutlej, and -Chenab..- The early history
of the Tibetans, before the introduction of Buddhism, is probably
quite fabulous ; although there is some trace of the old religion
of Tibet lingering in the eastern province of Kam. It is called
the Bon or Pon religion, and appears to have been a worship of
the powers of nature, with a creed identical with the Chinese
doctrine of Taosse.3 The people still have deities of the hills,
the trees, the dales, and lakes.
It was centuries after the death of Sakya Muni in India, in
543 B.C., that the light of his doctrine spread over the Tibetan
plateau. The disciples of Buddha long had to contend against
opposition in their own country; their religion of peace and good
will, not to man only, but to all the animated creation, was very
gradually accepted, and it was more than three centuries before
the famous King Priyadarsi, or Asoka, made Buddhism the re
ligion of the State in India. Then a new era dawned upon the
world. Former inscriptions of ancient kings that have been
1 The Jesuit and Capuchin fathers and small dictionary, lithographed in
who were in Lhasa in the last century British Lahoul ; and he commenced
studied the Tibetan language, and their the publication of a more complete
records enabled Giorgi to publish his Tibetan lexicon in 1871.
'Alphabetum Thibetanum' at Rome, 2 General Cunningham says that it
in 1759. In 1826, P. Schroter brought resembles English in the similarity in
out a Tibetan - English dictionary, sound of many words, and in that words
edited by John Marshman, which was are not spelt as they are pronounced.
published at the Serampore Press, and In Tibetan, to bring is brang ; can is
followed by the grammar and diction- hyan ; dull is dal ; thick is tuk ; wool is
ary of J. J. Schmidt, in 1839. Mean- wal; lump is Ihumpo (lumbo) ; there is
while, that learned and indefatigable der ; here is dir ; rogue is rog. (' Ladak,'
scholar, Csoma de Koros, produced a p. 388.)
grammar and dictionary of Tibetan, at 3 The question of the Pon religion of
Calcutta, in 1834. There are also the Tibet is discussed by Colonel Yule in
grammar of Ph. Ed. Foucaux, and the his edition of 'Marco Polo,' i. pp. 315-
'Tibetische Studien' of A. Schiefner. 319. (See also Cunningham's ' Ladak,'
In 1866, the Moravian missionary, p. 358.)
H. A. Jaschke, published his grammar
*liv THE CHINESE PILGRIMS. [Intb.
laboriously deciphered, record bloody victories and ruthless
conquests. But the rock and pillar edicts of the Rajah Priya
darsi l inculcate goodness, virtue, piety, and kindness to animals ;
and they ordain the introduction of a general system of instruc
tion in moral conduct, and the establishment of medical dispen
saries throughout the empire. It was Asoka or Priyadarsi who
first sent missionaries beyond his frontiers to spread the glad
tidings of Dharma, or religion, among distant peoples. His son
Makinda brought the sacred canon to Ceylon,2 together with
the Pali language of Magadha, in which it was first taught ;
and in that island Buddhism has been preserved in its purest
and most primitive form.3 At about the same time the new
religion was introduced into Ladak, Khotan, Afghanistan, and
the countries of the Oxus valley ; arid it reached China at about
the commencement of the Christian era. But it seems clear
that Great Tibet remained in darkness for some centuries later,
though almost surrounded by the peace-giving light of Dharma.
The routes taken by the Chinese pilgrims to India show
that Tibet was at that time still -in outside darkness. When
in the beginning of the fifth century,4 Fa-Hian, the heroic
Buddhist monk, and his four companions, set out from China
to visit the sacred sites in India, and to obtain copies of the
Scriptures, they took the circuitous road to the_ north of
Tibet, and reached Khotan, then a stronghold of Buddhist
culture. The farther route of Fa-Hian was over the Pamir and
Hindu Kush, and across .thejwat. vaj ley— that region which
has lately been found to be so rich in Buddhist sculptures— to
the Punjab. Two centuries later, the route of the other pilgrim
whose narrative has been preserved, Hiuen Thsang,also avoided
Great Tibet6 by a still wider circuit. He travelled over Tsun-
1 See my ' Memoir on the Indian a b.o. 316
Surveys,' p. 177, for some account of . See the introduction to Mr Chil
the labours of James Prmsep and his ders's Pali Dictionary
fellow-workers, in deciphering the 4 a.d. 399-414
Priyadarsi edicts, and for references to * a.d. 629-645
more complete sources of information.
Intb.] TIBETAN BUDDHISM. xlv
garia to the valley of the Jaxartes, crossed the Oxus into Balkh,
and*entered Kabul by the Bajnian pass, finding the religion of
Buddha in a flourishing state along the whole of his route.
It was, indeed, at about tlie period of Hiuen Thsang's
journey that Buddhism first began to find its way into Tibet,
both from tlie direction of China and that of India; but it came
in a very different form from that in which it reached Ceylon
several centuries earlier. Traditions, metaphysical specula
tions, and new dogmas had overlaid the original Scriptures with
an enormous collection of more recent revelation. Thus Tibet
received a vast body of truth, and could only assimilate a
portion for the establishment of a popular belief. Since the
original Scriptures had been conveyed into Ceylon by the son
of Asoka, it had been revealed to the devout Buddhists of
India that their Lord had created the five Dhyani or celestial
Buddhas, and that these had created five Buddhisatwas, or
beings in the course of attaining Buddha-hood. The Tibetans
took firm hold of this phase of the Buddhistic creed, and their
distinctive belief is that the Buddhisatwas continue to remain
in existence for the good of mankind by passing through a
succession of human beings from the cradle to the grave. This
characteristic of their faith was gradually developed, and it was
lono- before it received its present form ; but the succession of
incarnate Buddhisatwas was the idea towards which the Tibetan
mind tended from the first. At the same time, as Max Miiller
says : " The most important element of the Buddhist reform
has always been its social and moral code, not its metaphysical
theories. That moral code, taken by itself, is one of the most
perfect which the world has ever known ;" and it was this bless
ing that the introduction of Buddhism brought into Tibet.
It is said that a native king established the seat of govern
ment at Lhasa in 617 a.d. ; that he married a Chinese princess
of the Buddhist persuasion, and that he sent his minister to
India, who returned with the great body of truth contained in
the Buddhist canonical Scriptures, framed the Tibetan alphabet
xlvi THE REFORMER TSONG-KHAPA. [Intb/-
from the Devanagari of India, and commenced the translation
of the canon from Sanscrit into the language of the country.1
For a long time there was a struggle for supremacy between
the old nobility and the new hierarchy, in which, after several
vicissitudes, the Buddhist monks gained the ascendancy.
It was during this early period of Buddhist rule in Tibet
that the first European visited the country. We are indebted
to Colonel Yule2 for a complete knowledge of the adventurous
journey of Friar Odoric of Pordenone, between a.d. 1316 and
1330. It was on his return from Cathay that, after travelling
many days through Kansan, the modern Shensi and Szechuen,
he came to the chief and royal city of Tibet, obviously Lhasa,
all built with walls black and white. He tells us that, in this
city, no one dare to shed the blood of any, whether man or beast,
and that there dwells the Abassi,3 which in their tongue is the
Pope. More than three centuries elapsed before another European
visited Lhasa, and momentous events took place in the interval.
In the middle of the fourteenth century a great reforming
Lama arose in Tibet, named Tsong-khapa, who proved to be an
incarnation of one of the Dhyani Buddhas, named Amitabha.
He was born near Lake Kokonor in 1358, and died in 1419.
Tsong-khapa built and took up his abode in the Galdan monas
tery, near Lhasa, of which he was the first khanpo or abbot, and
where his body lies. He forbade clerical marriages, prohibited
necromancy, and introduced the custom of frequent conferences
among the Lamas. His reforms led to a schism in the Tibetan
church. The old sect, which resisted all change, adhered to
their dress, and are called Shammars, or Dukpas, and Red
Caps. Their chief monastery is at Sakia-jong, and they retain
supremacy in Nepal and Bhutan. The reformers adopted a
1 It had previously been translated the ponderous erudition of Giorgi
from Pali, the old language of Maga- ('Alphabetum Tibetanum,' p. 688),
dha, into Sanscrit. discusses the probable meaning and
2 ' Cathay, and the Road Thither,' derivation of this word Abassi, used by
>• P- 146- Odoric (ubi sup. p. 149, note\
3 Colonel Yule, after putting aside
Intr.] THE DALAI AND TESHU LAMAS. xlvii
yelfow dress, and are distinguished as the Yellow Cap, or
Gelupka sect ; since the days of Tsong-khapa they have been
in the ascendant in Tibet.
Gedun-tubpa, another great reformer, is said to have re
ceived the spirit of Tsong-khapa in 1419, and to have died in
1471. He built the monastery at Teshu Lumbo in 1445, and
it was in the person of this perfect Lama, as he was called, that
the system of perpetual incarnation commenced. He was him
self the incarnation of the Buddhisatwa Padma Pani, and on
his death he relinquished the attainment of Buddha-hood that
he might be born again and again for the benefit of mankind.
When he died, his successor was found as an infant, by the
possession of certain divine marks.
Thus arose the two powerful Abbots of Galdan and Teshu
Lumbo, both of the Gelupka or Yellow sect ; but the former
were soon eclipsed by the superior piety and learning of the in
carnations of Teshu Lumbo ; and the sixth in succession of
those incarnations made himself master of all Tibet, and founded
the successions of the Dalai and Teshu Lamas as they now
exist. This was Navang Lobsang. He rebuilt the palace or
monastery of Potala, at Lhasa, in 1643, and in 1650 he visited
the Emperor of China, and accepted tlie designation of Dalai
(or ocean) Lama. After a long reign he went away to reappear
as two infants, if not three ; for, although he was the fifth
Teshu Lama, he was the first Dalai ; and since his time there
have been two great incarnations of equal rank: the Dalai Lama
at Potala, who is an incarnation of the Buddhisatwa Avalo-
kiteswara (or Padma Pani) ; and the Teshu Lama at Teshu
Lumbo, the incarnation of the Dhyani Buddha Amitabha, and
also of Tsong-khapa, who was himself the incarnation of Ami
tabha. The Dalai Lama also has the title of Gyalba Rimboehe,
or " the Gem of Majesty ; " and the Teshu Lama that of
Panchen Rimboehe, or "the Gem of Learning." When the
Lamas assume political functions they are also Gyalpo or king ;
but the regency at Lhasa is generally held by a vicegerent or
xlviii THE TARANATH LAMA. [Tntb.
temporal sovereign, called the Gesub Rimboehe, or Nomen-
khan. The death of the first Dalai Lama was concealed at
Lhasa for no less than sixteen years, by an ambitious Nomen-
khan, and two false Lamas were set up afterwards. In 1717 an
army of Dsungarians, or Eleuths, stormed Lhasa,1 and the
Nomen-khan was murdered ; but at length, in 1720, Kang-hi,
the Emperor of China, exerted his power to restore order, and
the true Dalai Lama, named Lobsang Kalsang, was duly
installed. Two Chinese Political Residents, or Ambas, with
an adequate force, were, however, permanently established at
Lhasa, at the same time.
There is another incarnate Buddhisatwa, in the person of a
Grand Lama, whose influence extends over Mongolia, but whose
existence has generally been ignored in English histories of
Tibetan Buddhism. This is the Taranath Lama,2 whose suc
cession commenced in the middle of the sixteenth century,
certainly, if not earlier; for a Taranath Lama, who was born
in 1575, completed a work on Buddhism, in the Tibetan
language, in 1608. The Taranath Lama was also known as the
Je-tsun-tampa,3 or, according to the Abbe Hue, Guison-tamba.4
Hue tells us that the Guison-tamba formerly had his seat at a
place called Koukou-Khotou, or "Blue Town," beyond the Great
Wall of China, and near the northern bend of the Yellow River.
When the Emperor Kang-hi (1662-1723) was engaged in his
campaign against the Kalmuks, or Eleuths, he paid a visit to
the Guison-tamba, and owing to some fancied want of respect
on the part of the holy man, one of the Emperor's officers drew
1 An account of the extraordinary translation and notes by Professor Was-
march of the Dsungarians is given by siljew, and also with a German trans-
Father Palladius of the Russian Peking lation by Professor Schiefner — " Tara-
Mission, in one of his articles on China nathje de Doct. Buddh. in India prepa
id 1848. gatione narratio. Contextum Tibeticum
2 I am indebted for the research re- e codd. Petropol. Ed. Ant. Schiefner.
specting tlie Taranath Lama to Mr. Petropoli, 1868."
Trelawney Saunders. The text of s Schiefner's German translation of
the work, referred to in the text, was Wassiljew's Russian translation of
printed in Tibetan, from four manu- ' Taranath,' pp. 26-28.
scripts, for the Imperial Academy of < Hue, i. pp. 83, 87, 113 ; ii. r>. 15.
St. Petersburg, in 1868, with a Russian
Intb.] ' THE TARANATH LAMA. xlix
his sword and killed him. This violence caused a tumult, and
sooifafterwards it was announced that the Guison-tamba had
reappeared among the Khalkas,1 who threatened to avenge his
former death. The Emperor engaged the diplomatic interpo
sition of the Dalai Lama, who succeeded in pacifying the
Khalkas. But it was arranged that the future births of the
Guison-tamba should be found in Tibet, so that the Khalkas
might not again have a sympathizing fellow-countryman as
their high-priest.
The present seat of the Taranath Lama, in the Khalka
country, is an immense monastery, with more than ten
thousand monks, at Urga Kuren, on the Tula river, a de
scription of which is given by the Abbe Hue,2 who visited the
place. There is now a Russian Consul permanently resident at
Urga. Thus there are three great and influential incarnations of
the Yellow sect: the Dalai Lama, the Teshu Lama, and the
Taranath Lama. The latter is alluded to several times by
Mr. Bogle,3 and also by Captain Turner.4 A fourth may pro
bably be added in the person of the Changay Lama or High
Priest of Peking, mentioned by Bogle.5
1 This name is derived from the river itinerary from Lhasa to Urga, giving
Khalka. It came into use when the the route taken by the Urga Khutuktu,
Mongol or Yuen dynasty of China was or Taranath Lama, collected by M.
driven from the throne in 1368, and Shishmaroff, the Russian Consul at
found a new home on the banks of the Urga. Again, in the ' Geographical
Khalka (De Guigne's ' Hist, des Huns,' Magazine ' for March, 1875, an account
iii. p. 234). These princes, descended is quoted from the ' Journal de St.
from Jingis Khan, through Kublai Petersburg ' of the journey of another
Khan, who founded the Yuen dynasty new birth of the Taranath Lama (or
in 1279, are now represented by the Urga Khutuktu) from Lhasa to Urga.
Khans of Tuchetu, Sannoin, Tsetsen, See, for the journey of the eighth
and Sassak u, who rule over the four Guison-tamba from Lhasa to Urga, the
Khalka Khanates in outer Mongolia, 'Peking Gazette' for 1874, pp. 68, 74,
near the Russian frontier, under the and 124 (Shanghai, 1875).
Emperor of China. 3 See pp. 98, 110, and 134.
- The Abbe Hue met one of the new 4 See Turner, p. 273, where he men-
births of the Guison-tamba (Taranath) tions the intercourse between the Tara-
journeying from Urga to Lhasa, in nath and the Russian Government;
1811. In the ' Geographical Magazine ' and pp. 279 and 314.
for April, 1874, there is a notice of an 5 See p. 130. d
1 MONKS AND MONASTERIES. [Intb.
Under the incarnate Lamas there is an order of Buddhist
ecclesiastics in Tibet, China, and Mongolia, called Khutuktus,
who also have divine incarnation; and indeed Mr. Brian
Hodgson considers that the term is a Tatar equivalent for the
divine Lama of the Tibetan tongue.1 There also appears to be
at least one female incarnation, in the person of the abbess of a
convent on the island in Lake Palti, whose acquaintance was
made by Mr. Bogle. The professed monks or clergy, subordinate
to the holy and sacred lamas, are also called lamas, and are
very numerous in Tibet. All who have taken vows of celibacy
are called gedun. A professed monk is gylong; a neophyte,
getshul ; a nun is anni. They are bareheaded, though those of
high rank wear caps; their hair is cut short, and they are
dressed in a yellow robe and high leathern boots, with the mendi
cant's food bowl and the prayer wheel in their hands. They are
collected in vast monasteries scattered over the country, the
largest and most numerous being round the city of Lhasa. The
Galdan 2 and Potala monasteries have already been mentioned,
The valley of Lhasa also contains the Sara monastery, with
5500 lamas ; the Muru 3 and Ramoche monasteries, at the north
end of Lhasa ; the Chumuling, at the north-west corner ; the
Tankyaling, at the west end ; the Kontyaling monastery, about
a mile to the west of the city ; the Chochuling, and the Debang
monastery, which is the most important. These monasteries
contain many thousands of lamas, and similar establishments
are scattered not only in the inhabited valleys, but over the
wildest parts of Great Tibet.
The monasteries are called Gonjpas; the Lama's house,
Labrang ; and the temple, consisting of a room full of images
and pictures, Lha-Tchang. The Bung-ten is a relic repository
(the Stwpa of India), and the votive piles of stones or dykes, from
a few feet to half a mile in length, covered with slabs, and stuck
over with banners inscribed with the Tibetan prayer, Om mani
jpadmi hum, are called Mani. The images of Buddha are always
1 See p. 11, and compare Giorgi, ' Alpbabetuin Tibetmvum '
2 Hue, ii. p. 219. 3 Ibkl
Intb.] RELIGIOUS SERVICES. LITERATURE. li
seated, with the right hand resting on the knee, the left on the
lap and holding the alms dish, the body painted yellow, or gilt,
and the hair short and curly, and painted blue. They are of
all sizes, and there are other images of beings connected with
Buddhistic ideas.
The services consist of recitations and chanting of the
Sutras or precepts, and rules of discipline, to the sound of musical
instruments, trumpets, drums, cymbals, and ehanlc shells. The
tunes are impressive and solemn, incense is burnt during the
services, and there are offerings of fruits and grain to Buddha
and to the Buddhisatwas, especially to Avalokiteswara, who is
incarnate in the Dalai Lama. Mystical sentences and titles of
Buddha are also recited. The bell is used during the per
formance of service ; and the prayer wheels — metal cylinders,
containing printed prayers in rolls with the axes prolonged to
form handles — are in constant use, not only during the service,
but on every occasion, being fixed in rows on the walls of
temples, near villages, and in streams to be turned by water.
The prayer wheels have been in use for more than a thousand
years, for they are mentioned by the pilgrim Fa-Hian.1
The Tibetans possess a vast literature, including all the
Buddhist canon of Scripture translated from the Sanscrit, the
' Tripitaka,' or three baskets of precepts, and other works, one
list of which has been given by Csoma cle Koros. For many
centuries they have known the art of printing, by means of
engraved stereotyped wooden blocks, which last for a century.
Thus not only prayers and invocations are printed on sheets of
Tibetan paper made from the Daphne canndbina,2 and on
' A good deal that is curious re- course be consulted (Triibner, 1874),
specting the religion of Tibet will be and Cunningham's ' Ladak,' p. 356.
found in ' Tibetan Buddhism, illus- 2 Colonel Sykes exhibited some large
trated by Literary Documents and Ob- sheets of Nepal paper at the Great
jects of Religious Worship,' by Emil Exhibition of 1851, made from the
Schlagintweit, LL.D. (Triibner, 1863). inner bark of the Daphne Bholua, or
See also ' Die Religion des Buddha canndbina. Mr. Hodgson has given an
und ihre Entstehung'; and 'Die account of the uses of this plant, which
lamaische Hierarchic und Kirche,' C. is abundant in the Himalaya, in the
F. Koppen (Berlin, 1857, 1859). Mr. ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Brian Hodgson's 'Essays' should of Bengal' for 1832 (i. p. 8). He also
* cl 2
Iii TRIBES OF NEPAL AND SIKKIM. [Iktb.
banners for display on the Manis, but voluminous works, so
that each monastery possesses a library of Buddhistic lore.
The lamas of Tibet also excel as workers in metal and
modellers in clay, designing leaves and flowers of exquisitely
delicate workmanship.
While the Gelupka, or Yellow sect, is in the ascendant in
Tibet, the adherents of the older, but now heretical Red sect,
still have a large monastery at Sakia-jong,1 and have retained
supremacy among the Buddhists in Nepal and Bhutan, on the
slopes of the Southern Himalaya. In the well-wooded and moist
gorges of the Cis-nivean Himalaya, the country was occupied, in
very ancient times, by people of Tibetan descent, especially in
the upper and middle zones ; while lower down, and bordering
on the plains of India, the tribes are of more mixed race.
Mr. Brian Hodgson, who is unrivalled in his knowledge of
the Cis-nivean Himalayan races, divides the inhabitants of the
region between the Kali and the Monass into ten tribes, the Cis-
Himalayaai^Ehotias or Tibetans in the upper zoiie^he Signwar,
Gurung, Magar, Murrni, Newar, Kirati, and Limbu, in Nepal ;
the Lepcha m JSijtkjm, and Lhopa or Dukpa2 (Bhuianese) in
Bhutan. The aborigines of Nepal survive in two wild forest tribes,
called Chepang_and L Kusunda, dwelling in the dense jungle of
the central region, of which Mr. Hodgson has given a very
interesting account.3 But the people of Tibetan or Mongolian
race made their way over the numerous passes, and established
themselves in the deep gorges and forest-covered slopes of
describes the method of making the ' The Abbot of the Red Cap mo-
paper, which is remarkable for it3 nastery at Sakia, in Tibet, has the
toughness as well as for its smoothness. title of Gongso Rimboehe'. (Turner
Among Mr. Bogle's papers there are p. 315.)
several long letters from the Teshu - Lho is the native name of Bhutan.
Lama, written on this paper, in the Lhopa is therefore a territorial desig-
eursive Tibetan character. Transla- nation, while Dukpa refers to their
tions of two of these documents will belonging to the Red Cap sect.
be found in the Appendix. (See also 3 "On the Chepang and Kusunda
Boyle's ' Fibrous Plants of India,' Tribes of Nepal." (' J A S B ' 1857 )
p. 312.)
Inte.] TRIBES OF NEPAL. liii
Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan not later than in the fifth century,
for the occupation certainly took place before the introduction
of Buddhism into Tibet. The Magars people the lower part of
the hills in Western Nepal, and are men of great bodily vigour
and mental activity, but cruel and treacherous. The Gurungs
are a pastoral people, addicted to arms, frequenting the alpine
regions in summer. The Newars inhabit the valley of Nepal.
They are peaceful agriculturists and traders, and are more
advanced in the . arts than the other tribes : their chiefs, of a
family called Mai, having been the rulers of the country before
the Gorkha conquest. The Murmis are a low caste tribe in the
mountainous parts of Nepal proper. The Kirats were a war
like and enterprising people, but very rude, occupying Eastern
Nepal ; and the Limbus form a tribe settled in the country of
the Kirats.
When the successive Muhammadan invasions spread terror
over the plains of India, and caused the destruction of many
native dynasties, numerous princes and their followers took
refuge, with attendant Brahmans, in the Nepal hills, and re
ceived the name of Parbatiya, or Mountain Hindus. The wild
native tribes were gradually converted to Hinduism, and the
chief warrior families were admitted as belonging to the Ksha-
triya, or Rajput caste. From them, and from the offspring of
Brahmans and native women, sprang the numerous and now
predominant Khas tribe of Nepal, and in the course of centuries
the Khas language became a corrupt form of Hindi. The Khas
were spread over the Chaubisya region, and, with the Gurungs
and Magars, form the military race of Nepal, now known, from
the small State which led them to conquest, as Gorkhas.1 In
Mr. Hodgson's opinion they are by far the best soldiers in Asia,
possessing love of enterprise, and confirmed military habits,
combined with susceptibility to discipline.
The Newars were a more peaceful and civilized people,
1 The town of Gorkha is about 60 of the royal family, .Gorkhanath, who
miles W.N.W. of Kathmandu. The also gave his name to our district of
name is derived from that of the deity Gorakpiir.
liv THE TRADE OF NEPAL. RALPH FITCH. [Inte.
among whom Buddhism of the Red sect continued to prevail.
They inhabit the valley of Nepal, which is about 16 miles long
and broad, and 4200 to 4700 feet above the _sea. The Mai
dynasty of Newar encouraged the arts, agriculture, and com
merce, and in their time a flourishing trade was carried on
between Tibet and the plains of India, through the passes of
Nepal. The sixth king of the Mai dynasty, at his death, di
vided his dominions into three principalities with capitals within
the valley, Kathmandu, Lalita Patan, and Bhatgaon. In these
towns there were mints for coining money, and they seem to
have formed centres of trading enterprise in the seventeenth
and first half of the eighteenth century. The Kashmiri mer
chants carried their goods by Ladak to Kuti, at the head of the
pass, to procure wool ; and their manufactures went thence partly
for use in Tibet, partly to China by Sining, and partly to Patna
by the valley of Nepal. Tibet merchants brought woollen
cloths, ponies, shawl goats, yaks, sheep, musk, salt, borax, gold,
silver, and paper to Kathmandu, and the lamas sent much
bullion to the Nepal mints. From India came cotton cloth,
cutlery, glassware, coral, pearls, spices, camphor, betel, and
hardware, which were passed on, from Nepal, over the passes to
Tibet.1 As long ago as in 1583, Ralph Fitch, a traveller who visited
India at that time, had evidently heard of the trade which then
flourished between Tibet and Bengal.2 His quaint account of
this trade leaves no doubt as to the region and the people he
has in his mind. The trade in musk, cambals (evidently the
blankets still imported), silk, and agates ; the use of the cow-
tails; the names of Bootanter and Booteah; the mention of lofty
mountains ; the merchants coming from China, Tatary, and
Persia, all prove that Ralph Fitch had heard an account, and
a correct account, of the intercourse which then prevailed
between India and Tibet, through the passes of Bhutan and
Nepal. 1 Buchanan Hamilton, p. 212. - 'Hakluyt's Voyages,' ii. p. 257.
Intb,] SIKKIM AND BHUTAN TRIBES.
lv
The Lepchas of Sikkim are ruled by a chief of their own,
have retained the Buddhist religion, and have generally been
subject to Tibet. But the fiercer mountaineers of Bhutan have
long maintained virtual independence. Savage and illiterate,
they have preserved but vague traditions of their history, and
the account given by Mr. Bogle is probably as historical as any
other.1 Mr. Eden received a somewhat different account ; ac
cording to which the present Bhutanese only overran the country
about three centuries ago, when they found it occupied by a
people from Kuch Bahar, whom they conquered. The invaders
were Tibetan soldiers, over whom a lama of the Red sect, named
Dupgain Sheptiin, acquired paramount influence, as Lama Rim
boehe, or Dharma Rajah. On his death, the spirit of Sheptiin
became incarnate in a little child at Lhasa, who was conveyed
to Bhutan. When this child grew up, he confined himself to
spiritual concerns, and appointed a regent, called the Deb
Rajah, to perform all administrative functions. But the real
power has long been in the hands of the military governors or
Penlos of East and West Bhutan, whose capitals are respectively
at Tongso and Paro.
The Muhammadan conquests in Hindustan tended to check
the formerly unfettered intercourse between Tibet and the valley
of the Ganges, through the passes of the Southern Himalayas,
as Mr. Bogle was told by the Teshu Lama ; but this obstacle
was by no means permanent, and the commercial enterprise of
the Newars and Kashmiris brought the land of the peace-loving
Lamas into friendly intercourse with peoples whose countries
extend from the frontiers of Siberia to the shores of the Bay of
Bengal. Yet an interval of three centuries elapsed, from the time of
Father Odoric of Pordenone, before another European set his
foot on the soil of Great Tibet.
The present Manchu dynasty (Ta-Tsing) of China, founded
by Shun-che in 1651, has produced two emperors of great
1 Pages 33 and 191.
lvi JESUITS IN TIBET. ANDRADA. [Intb.
ability, who enjoyed unusually long lives. Kang-hi reigned
from 1662 to 1723, and had the wisdom to admit Catholic
priests into China, and to utilize their scientific knowledge.
Kien-lung, who ruled over the Chinese empire from 1736 to
1796, was also a prince of great capacity ; and the ascendency
of China over Tibet was fully established during these reigns.
Yet it was from the side not of China, but of India that
Europeans first penetrated into Tibet, in the guise of mission
aries. The Jesuit, Antonio Andrada, in 1624, set out from
Agra to scale the appalling mountains, the snowy pinnacles of
which were visible from the plains of India. He climbed the
terrific passes to the source of the Ganges, and eventually, after
fearful sufferings, reached the shores of the sacred lake of
Mansarowar, the source of the Sutlej. Thence the undaunted
missionary found his way over the lofty passes to Rudok, and
eventually, by way of Tangut, to China. He was the first
European to enter Tibet after Friar Odoric of Pordenone, in
1325, just three centuries earlier.1
The next journey, that of Fathers Grueber and Dorville, was
still more remarkable, for these enterprising missionaries suc
ceeded in passing from China, through Lhasa, into India. John
Grueber was born at Lintz, in Austria, in 1620, and becoming
a Jesuit, was sent from Rome to Macao in 1657, proceeding
thence to Peking. He was ordered to return to Europe, to
receive instructions from the general of the order at Rome, but
all the ports were closed by a Dutch fleet. He therefore
resolved to attempt the journey by land. Setting out, with
Father Dorville as a companion, in June, 1661, he travelled by
way of Sining, crossed the Tangut desert, and reached Lhasa in
six months from Peking. There he remained two months, and
in his letters he describes the worship of the Dalai Lama, and
1 The Jesuit Antonio Andrada was appeared at Lisbon in 1626. It was
born in 1580, and went to India as translated into French in 1628, and a
a missionary. After his memoiable new edition appeared at Paris in 1796,
journey to China he returned to Goa, in the ' Recueil de Voyages du Thibet '
and died there in 1634. His narrative MM. Pe'ron et Billecocq.
Intb.]
GRUEBER AND DORVILLE.
Ivii
the religious system of the Buddhists. Thence he made his way
along a route, by tremendous precipices, into Nepal ; crossing the
Kuti pass, which is several times mentioned by Mr. Bogle, the
intrepid travellers reached Kathmandu, and eventually arrived
at Agra, 214 days after they had left Peking. Dorville died,
but Grueber continued his journey on foot through India and
Persia, and embarked at Smyrna for Rome. Father Grueber
died, in 1665, on his way ba?k to China; and the only record
of his wonderful journey is contained in a few meagre letters
which have been preserved in a small volume.1 An abstract of
those addressed to Kircher 2 was originally published by him in
the ' China Illustrata,' and all were reproduced in the collection
of Thevenot.3 Indeed, it would appear that Grueber was not
1 ' Notizie varie dell' Imperio della
China' (Florence, 1687), edited by
Jacopo Carlieri, 12mo. This volume
contains an account of China gathered
from a discourse held with Father
Grueber (80 pages), as well as letters
in Latin, addressed by Grueber to
various fathers, giving accounts of
China and Tibet (42 pages). One of
the letters is apparently a sort of ab
stract or compilation, headed " ex Uteris
Grueberi Kirchero inscripto," and is
written in the third person. The other
three are written in the first person,
and seem not to have been altered from
the manuscripts of Grueber.
2 Grueber's ' Iter e China in Mogor '
forms the second chapter of the second
part of the 'China Illustrata' of P.
Kircher. Athanasius Kircher was born at
Geysen, » small town near Fulda, in
Germany, in 1602. He was a Jesuit,
and was one of the most laborious and
learned men that the Company has pro
duced. He studied all branches of
learning with ardour, but his chief
object was the acquisition of a com
plete knowledge of the Oriental lan
guages, of which he was professor at
Wurtzburg. On the breaking out of
the Thirty Years' war he retired to
Avignon, and went thence to Rome,
where he died in 1680. His erudition
was something stupendous, but he was
devoid of the critical faculty, and thus
much of his indefatigable industry and
marvellous power of acquiring know
ledge were wasted. His work relating
to Tibet is one out of about forty that
he produced on various subjects. The
title is ' China monumentis qua sacris,
qua profanis, necnon variis natursB et
artis spectaculis illustrata' (Amster
dam, folio, 1667). It was translated
into French by d'Alquie in 1670; and
partly into English by John Ogilby in
1669, but merely as an appendix to a
folio volume containing a translation of
an account of a Dutch Embassy to
China: The ' China Illustrata ' gives
an account of the arrival of the mis
sionaries in China : it is the first work
in which the characters of the Devana
gari alphabet were ever engraved, and
it contains the account of Grueber's
visit to 'Lhasa.
3 Melchisedek Thevenot, uncle of
Jean Thevenot, the famous traveller,
was born in 1620, and died in 1690.
He published Grueber's letters in ' Re
lations de divers Voyages curieux qui
lviii , DESIDERI AND FREYRE. [In™-
very communicative; had not the gift of narration; but the
essential portion of what has been preserved of his account of
the journey will be found in the Appendix at the end of this
volume. The only genuine sketch of the palace of Potala is,
I believe, that given in the ' China Illustrata ' of Kircher, from
Father Grueber.
Grueber was followed by two other Jesuits, named Desideri
and Freyre. Hippolito Desideri was born at Pistoia in 1684,
became a Jesuit, and was sent to Goa in 1712. In 1714 he
went by way of Surat to Delhi, where he was joined by Father
Manoel Freyre as a companion. Crossing the Pir Panjal
Range the two Jesuits came to Kashmir on the 10th of May, and
travelled thence by Leh and over the Mariam-la pass to Lhasa,
the journey occupying them from August, 1715, to March, 1716.
Desideri remained at Lhasa until 1729, when he was recalled
by the Pope, and not allowed to return, owing to complaints
against him from the Capuchin friars, who had found their
way into Tibet. We have one letter of Desideri, which
describes his journey through Ladak and as far as the Mariam-
la pass, but there the narrative breaks off abruptly. A transla
tion of this letter, from the ' Lettres Edifiantes,' x will be found
n'ont point ete' publiees ' (Paris, 1663- dated March 22, 1692, Legobien pub-
72, 4 parties en 2 torn, folio). lished'Histoiredel'Editde l'Empereur
A good abstract of Grueber's letters, de la Chine en Faveur de la Religion
taken from Kircher and Thevenot, is Chretienne' (Paris, 1698). In 1702
given in 'Astley's Collection of Voyages he published, ' Lettres de quelques Mis-
and Travels,' vol. iv. (London, 1745-47), sionaires de la Compagnie de Jesus
which is copied into Pinkerton's ' Col- ecrites de la Chine et des Indes Ori-
lection,' vol. vii. (London, 1808-14). A entales ' (1 vol. 12mo). The second
briefer abstract is given in Hugh issue was called 'Lettres edifiantes et
Murray's ' Historical Account of Travels curieuses,' and made two volumes, and
in Asia,' i. p. 425 (London, 1820). Legobien brought out six more, making
1 The ' Lettres Edifiantes ' were nine in all.
brought out by Legobien and Du Halde. Jean Baptiste Du Halde, also a
Charles Legobien was a Jesuit, who Jesuit, was born at Paris in 1674, and
was born at St. Malo in 1653, and died succeeded Legobien in the work of col-
in 170S. He published ' Lettre sur leeting and arranging the letters written
les Progres de la Religion a la Chine ' from various countries by the fathers of
(Paris, 1697). After the Emperor the Company. His ' Lettres edifiantes
Kang - hi ordered the persecution of et curieuses e'erites des Missions Etran-
the Christians to cease, by an edict, geres' continue the Legobien series from
Inte.] MANUSCRIPTS OF DESIDERI. lix
in the Appendix to this volume. Another letter from Desideri
is inserted in the 'Bibliotheca Pistoiensis'(p. 185), by Zaccaria.
But there is much valuable material from the pen of Desideri
still in manuscript which will soon be given to the world, and
will be most useful to students of Tibetan history and geogra
phy. The manuscript containing the narrative of his journey
to and residence in Tibet has recently been examined by
Signor Carlo Puini. That learned scholar found it in the
library of a private gentleman at Pistoia. It consists of a large
folio volume, dated 1727, of about 500 pages closely but very
clearly and legibly written. It contains a great abundance of
notices respecting the geography of Tibet, and the manners and
customs, and religion of the Tibetans. There are two other
documents of Desideri in the library of the Congregation of the
Propaganda at Rome. The first is another narrative, dated
February 17, 1717, soon after his arrival at Lhasa, and ad
dressed to the Pope, and the second is a letter written in
autograph by Desideri to the Pope.1
Father Desideri also translated the ' Kangiar ' of the great
reforming Lama, Tsong-khapa, into Latin.
The Capuchin friars had already found their way to Lhasa
in the time of Desideri ; and we have several letters from their
leader. This was Francisco Orazio della Penna, or Pinnabil-
lensis. He was born at Macerata, in Italy, in 1680, became a
Capuchin, and was sent to Tibet with twelve of his brethren as
missionaries. They reached Lhasa by way of Nepal in 1719,
and established a mission which flourished for nearly a quarter
vol. ix. to vol. xxvi. The letter of of that body intend to have it trans-
Desideri is in vol. xv. In 1781 a new lated and edited as a volume of their
edition appeared in twenty-six volumes series. Colonel Yule, who is President
(bound in twelve), and edited by M. de of the Hakluyt Society, made the neces-
Querbceuf. Du Halde died in 1743. sary arrangements for the acquisition of
Mention will be made of his great work this precious manuscript. Its publica-
on China in another note, at p. lxii. tion will afford an opportunity of care-
1 Signor Carlo Puini examined the fully reviewing all the geographical
manuscript at Pistoia on November 19, work done by the missionaries in Tibet
1875. It has since been purchased by during the eighteenth century.
the Hakluyt Society ; and the Council
lx HORACE DELLA PENNA. CIntb-
of a century. Horace della Penna studied Tibetan at Lhasa for
twenty-two years. During that time nine of the Capuchin
friars died, and Horace returned to Rome in 1735, representing
that the three survivors were worn out with age and hard work,
and expressing a wish for reinforcements, and for the establish
ment of annual communication between Rome and Lhasa. The
Pope nominated nine more Capuchins, who set out from Rome,
with Horace della Penna, in 1738, bearing letters from his
Holiness to the Dalai Lama. In 1741 Horace wrote that the
mission had arrived at Lhasa during the previous year. The
affairs of the mission afterwards took him to Nepal, and he died
at Patan, in the Nepal valley, on the 20th of July, 1747. A
monument was erected over his grave, with an inscription, which
is given by Giorgi. The letters of this enterprising missionary
were carefully edited and published by Klaproth, in the
' Journal Asiatique,' x and a translation of them will be found in
the Appendix to this volume. Much information collected by
Delia Penna is embodied in the ponderous ' Alphabetum
Tibetanum ' of Giorgi.2 The way in which Horace della Penna
passed to and fro between Tibet and India proves that the
intercourse was free and unrestrained between the two countries,
and that the traffic was protected by the enlightened policy of
the Lamas of Tibet and the Newar Kings of Nepal.
1 ' Journal Asiatique,' second series, of Tibetan kings and lamas, itineraries,
xiv. p. 177. and other information, which is over-
2 Antonio Augustin Giorgi was born laid by a confusing and superfluous mass
at Santa Maura, near Rimini, in 1711. of erudition and puerile etymologies.
He became an Augustin friar, and was Giorgi died on the 4th of May, 1797.
a great linguist, and altogether a most For an account of the Capuchin Mis-
erudite person. His work ' Alpha- sion to Lhasa, see also ' Alia sagra con-
betum Tibetanum ' (Rome, 1762, 1 vol. gregazione de propaganda fide deputata
4to), was compiled from materials sent sopra la missione del Gran Thibet,
from Tibet by the Capuchin friars, rappresentanza de Padri Cappuccini
especially Horace della Penna (or Missionaj, dello stato presente della
Pinnabillensis ?) and Cassien de Mace- medesima, o de' provvedimenti per
rata. He obtained the Tibetan cha- manteneola ed acerescerla,' 1738, pp.
racters from Della Penna, which were 55, in the India Office library bound
engraved in 1738 by Anton Fontarita. up with other tracts.
The huge work contains a chronology
Intb.] THE LAMA SURVEY. lxi
Just before the Capuchin missionaries reached Lhasa the
famous native survey of Tibet had been completed, which still
forms the basis of our geographical knowledge of that country.
The Emperor Kang-hi, having been satisfied of the accuracy of
the European method of surveying, from the examination of a
map which the Jesuit missionaries had executed of the country
round Peking, resolved to have a survey made of the whole
empire on the same principles. This great work was commenced
in July, 1708, and the completed maps were presented to the
Emperor in 1718. The records preserved in each city were
examined, topographical information was diligently collected,
and the Jesuit Fathers checked their triangulation by meridian
altitudes of the sun and pole star, and by a system of re-
measurements. The result was a more accurate map of China
than existed, at that time, of any country in Europe.
As regards Tibet, an embassy had been sent to Lhasa by the
lEmperor Kang-hi, to reconcile the Yellow and Red Cap factions,
and 'during the stay of the envoys, of two years, a map of Tibet
,was prepared, and placed in the hands of Father Regis, one of
the. leading surveyors of China, on their return.1 But it was
found that their positions had not been fixed by astronomical
observations, and that the distances had not been systema
tically measured. Regis declined to use this map as material
for a part of the general map of the empire. Kang-hi, there
fore, resolved to have another map constructed, and accord-
.ingly two lamas were carefully trained as surveyors by the
Jesuit Fathers at Peking, and sent to Tibet with orders to in
clude the country from Sining to Lhasa, and thence to the
sources of the Ganges, in their survey. The result was a map of
Tibet, which was submitted to the Fathers, in 1717, and though
not without faults, it was found to be a great improvement on
the former attempt. From it the Jesuits prepared the well-
known maps which were forwarded to Du Halde, and from which
D'Anville constructed his atlas. The Lama Survey of Tibet
1 The account of Tibet, by Regis, is given in Du Halde, ii. pp. 384-388.
lxii SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. [Iktb.
still continues 4o be the basis of our geographical knowledge of
that country,1 although it is rapidly being superseded by the
efforts of Colonel Montgomerie and his native explorers.
During the reign of the Emperor Yung-ching, son and suc
cessor of Kang-hi, who caused the surveys to be executed, or
between 1723 and 1736, the most remarkable journeys ever
made by a European in Tibet were achieved by a Dutchman,
who went from India, by Lhasa, to Peking, and returned by
the same route.
This traveller was Samuel Van de Putte. His family is
well known in Zeeland, and the illustrious statesman Dr. Fransen
Van de Putte, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Holland, is
descended from the traveller's father in direct line. Carel Van
de Putte, the traveller's father, was Vice-Admiral of Zeeland,
and, by his wife Johanna Constantia Biscop, he had a son
Samuel, born at Flushing in 1690. The Admiral died in 1725,
and Samuel studied jurisprudence at Leyden, taking his Doctor's
degree in 1714. In 1715 he was chosen Alderman of Flushing.
In 1718 he left the Netherlands, in company with another gen
tleman of good family, named Egmond Van der Nyenburg, of
Alkmaar. They started with the intention of being absent for
about three years, but a thirst for knowledge and adventure led
them to exceed this period by many years. Van de Putte
travelled with a caravan from Aleppo to Isfahan, and went
thence to India, arriving at the port of Cochin in August, 1724.
After travelling for several years through the territories of the
1 The Lama Survey came to the lation was published in 1742 in London,
knowledge of the Europeans through in 2 vols, folio ; and a German trans-
the great work of Du Halde : ' Descrip- lation in 1747. But the English trans-
tion ge'ographique, historique, chrono- lator has made several abridgments.
logique, politique, et physique de Du Halde's work is based on informa-
l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie tion contained in letters and other
Chinoise ' (Paris, 1735, 4 vols, folio). communications from numerous Jesuit
It was accompanied by an atlas of forty- missionaries in China. The maps, in-
two maps by D'Anville. A second eluding that of Tibet, were constructed
edition appeared at the Hague in the by D'Anville from materials supplied
following year, in quarto, with im- by Regis and ihe other surveyors era-
portent additions. An English trans- ployed by the Emperor of China.
Intb.] SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. lxiii
Great Moghul, in the dress of a native, he eventually made his
way to Lhasa ; and Father Gaubil x assures us that he acquired
the Tibetan language, and became intimate with some of the
Lamas. After a long residence at Lhasa, he set out, in the
dress of a Chinese mandarin, accompanying a deputation of
Lamas to Peking. He went by the route afterwards traversed
by Hue, and entered China by the Great Wall, Father Horace
della Penna, in one of his letters,2 quotes a passage from the
journal of Van de Putte, in which he describes the passage of
the river Biciu (Bi-tsiou), the upper course of the Yang-tsze.
The river was traversed in boats made of hides. Embarking in
the morning, the travellers passed the night on a little island
in the middle of the stream, and only reached the opposite
shore at about noon on the following day.
Van de Putte is the only European who has ever completed
the journey from India, through Lhasa, to China. He returned
to India, also passing through Lhasa, and was an eye-witness of
the sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah in 1737. In 1743 he finally
left India, sailing from Bengal to Batavia, and in September of
the same year he was at Malacca, and made a trip to the
famous Mount Ophir. He went back to Batavia, intending to
return home, and took up his residence in the house of Mr.
P. W. Lammens, where he died on the 27th of September,
1745, aged fifty-five.
The premature death of this illustrious traveller is the more
to be lamented because his vast knowledge died with him ; for
he desired, in his will, that all his papers should be burnt,
fearing that, owing to the imperfect state in which they were
left, some fraudulent use might be made of them, and erro
neous accounts be published under the sanction of his name.
The dangers to which he had been exposed obliged him to
write the greater part of the notes on small strips of paper, and
1 In a letter from Peking, dated 2 Published in the ' Journal Asia-
August 13, 1752, published in the tique,' xiv. p. 191, and edited, with
1 Journal Abiatique,' x. p. 223. notes, by Klaproth.
Ixiv SAMUEL VAN DE PUTTE. [In™.
in a character which it was impossible for anyone but himself to
decipher. Mr. Lammens, on his return to Holland, presented
some of the collections made by Van de Putte to the Zeeland
Society of Science at Middelburg, and they are still preserved
in its museum, with a few specimens of his notes. There is also
a map of part of Tibet by Van de Putte in the museum at
Middelburg. On this map, which includes the region between
the Ganges and the Tsanpu (Brahmaputra) in Tibet, Van de
Putte uses the Italian language, but his Dutch occasionally
comes out, as, for example, in spelling Purneah, he uses oe, the
Dutch equivalent for the English oo and Italian u. It appears
from the notes upon it that the map was drawn at Lhasa,
after receiving topographical information from the son of the
Khalon, or minister of the ruler of Bramascjon (Sikkim1),
with the intention of asking him some further questions, but
that the Khalon's son left Lhasa before Van de Putte found an
opportunity of resuming his inquiries. On this map we have
the Tibetan course of the Arun from Tinkri (Tingry) Maidan
more correctly laid down than on any other, until the journey
of Colonel Montgomerie's explorer No. 9 in 1871. The places
between Pary (Pari-jong) and Shigatze (Gigatze) are also given,
and Bhutan is called " Brouhpa" ("Dukpa," the Red Cap sect).
Professor Veth, of Leyden, has also kindly examined the manu
script notes of Van de Putte, which have been sent to him by
the Secretary of the Zeeland Scientific Society. They are on
little scraps of paper, and contain descriptions of mineral, vege
table, and animal products of which the traveller had collected
specimens, which are now in the museum at Middelburg.
There are also a few geographical notes, with slight sketches of
the form of several lakes. On the notes there are frequent
references to the journal, which has most unfortunately been
destroyed. The great Dutch traveller is said to have been
considered almost as a saint by his acquaintances in Tibet and
1 Horace della Penna also uses this name for Sikkim. Bogle calls it Demo-
j°ng-
^c
C^oO
offittfa
»N DE PUTTE'S SKETCH MAP FROM THE M.S. IN THE MUSIJM AT MIDDE
Intb.]
REVOLUTION AT LHASA.
lxv
in the East generally, on account of the purity of his life ; and
he* is praised for his great proficiency in several Oriental
languages.1 The period of the residence of Capuchin friars in Lhasa,
when the Lama Survey of Tibet was executed, and Van de Putte
made his remarkable journey, was by no means one of internal
tranquillity in the capital of the Dalai Lama. The sixth incar
nate Buddhisatwa was Lobsang Kalsang, already mentioned, who
reigned from 1706 to 1758, when he was succeeded by Lobsang
Champal. In 1749, the Chinese Ambas, or political agents, put
the Tibetan Gyalpo, or Regent, to death, and the people flew to
arms. The tumult led to a massacre of the Chinese, and the
leader of the expedition sent by the Emperor to restore order
was prudently instructed to make concessions, so that the ascen
dancy of China was maintained while the wrath of the Lamas
and the people was appeased. The succeeding Gyalpos, or Gesub
Rimboches, were completely under the influence of the Chinese,
1 I am indebted to the courtesy of
Professor Veth, the learned President
of the Dutch Geographical Society, for
the above particulars of the life of
Samuel Van de Putte, one of the most
successful travellers who ever crossed
the Himalaya mountains.
The references to his remains at
Middelburg are as follows : ' S. deWind,
Mededeeling omtrent den landreizeger
S. van de Putte in Archief. vroegere en
latere mededeelingen uitgegeven door
het Zeeuwsch Genootschap derWeten-
schappen' (Middelburg, 1856-63), i.
p. 21 ; ' Inventaris der Handschriften
van het Zeeuwsch Genootschap,' bl.
36 ; ' De Navorscher,' ii. 58 ; v. 38 ;
vi. 113, 175; vii. 141; viii. 328; ix.
40. In 1871 Mr. J. P. Bodel Nyen-
huis read a paper on the travels of
Van de Putte at Leyden, and exhibited
his map of part of Tibet. (See ' Handel-
ingen en mededeelingen van de Maat-
schappy der Nederlandsche letterkunde
te Leiden ' voor 1871, p. 51 ; also ' Vd.
Aa. Biographisch Woordenboek,' art.
Van de Putte ; and 'Reizen van Eg
mond van der Nyenburg, en Johannes
Heyman ' (Leyden, 1758), ii. p. 396.
He is mentioned in two letters : one
from Father Gaubil, the other from
Horace della Penna, in the 'Journal
Asiatique,' x. p. 323, and xiv. p. 191 ;
and in a note to the latter, Klaproth,
the editor, says, " He is the only Euro
pean who has ever made the interesting
journey from the capital of Tibet to
that of China." Klaproth adds that
the traveller's journal was lost. He
erroneously calls him Van der Put.
Colonel Yule was the first English geo
grapher to notice the travels of Van de
Putte, in his 'Cathay, and the Road
Thither,' i. p. 49 (note). Mr. D'Israeli,
in one of the editions of his 'Curi
osities of Literature,' has an article on
Van de Putte, entitled, " A Mandarine
from Middelburgh." It calls him
Sudde, and contains almost as many
mistakes as lines.
lxvi GORKHA CONQUEST OP NEPAL. O™.
as is shown by their expulsion of the Catholic priests, and by
their jealous conduct at the time of the missions of Bogle and
Turner. The Capuchin missionaries were expelled from Lhasa in about
1760, and took refuge at Lalita Patan, in the valley of Nepal.
Here they were witnesses of a revolution which has had a fatal
influence on the commercial prosperity and progress of Tibet, by
blocking up the passes into India through Nepal. This event
was the destruction of the Newar dynasty by the military tribes
led by the chief of the petty State of Gorkha. The Mai rulers
of Nepal, who encouraged commerce and the arts of peace, con
sisted of the three Kings of Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhatgaon,
in the Nepal valley. Their own dissensions appear to have
been the immediate cause of their fall. The King of Bhatgaon
applied to the Chief of Gorkha, named Prithi Narayan, to help
him against the other two kings ; but he soon saw the danger
he had invited, and took measures of defence, making common
cause with his brethren of Patan and Kathmandu. It was toe
late. The Gorkhas, under Prithi Narayan, had occupied all
the mountains that surround the valley of Nepal, which they
blockaded. Their leader then broke into the valley, and after
three sieges captured the town of Sirtipur, committing atrocious
acts of cruelty on the inhabitants. The Newar Rajahs entreated
aid from the English in India, in 1769, and a small force was
sent under Captain Kinloch, whose approach created a diversion,
but he eventually retreated, and Prithi Narayan captured the
three Nepal capitals, one after the other, in 1769. The King of
Bhatgaon was allowed to retire to Benai-es ; the King of Kath
mandu fell in the field, and he of Patan died in chains. Thus,
in four years, the Nepal valley was subdued, and Prithi Narayan,
with his warlike tribes, founded the present Gorkha dynasty
by much hard fighting, followed by the most hideous atrocities
on the vanquished.
The Fathers Giuseppe (who was Prefect of the Roman Mis
sion) and Michael Angelo were eye-witnesses of this conquest
Inte.] GORKHA CONQUEST OF NEPAL. lxvii
and of the horrible cruelties which disgraced it.1 The mission
aries afterwards obtained permission to retire with their flock
into British territory, and they settled at Bettiah, near Patna.
Prithi Narayan died in 1771, three years after the conquest of
Nepal, leaving two sons named Sing Pertab and Bahadar Sah.
The former succeeded, and died in 1775, leaving an infant
son, and Bahadar Sah became regent. In the time of the re
gency, the Gorkhas conquered the whole of Nepal, and so perse
cuted the merchants by their enormous tolls and other exactions,
that the once flourishing trade between Tibet and India, by the
Nepal passes, was almost annihilated. The misconduct of the
Gorkha Rajah was a constant subject of complaint in the con
versations of the Teshu Lama with Mr. Bogle.
While Prithi Narayan was conquering Nepal, an equally
ambitious though less fortunate disturber of the peace arose in
Bhutan in the person 'of Deb Judhur,2 who overran Sikkim and
held possession of it for several years. He then invaded Kuch
Bahar in 1772, an aggression which brought him into collision
with the British, and led to his overthrow.3 The family of the
Kuch Bahar Rajah solicited the aid of the Government of India,
and Warren Hastings organized a small field force, under Captain
John Jones, which speedily drove the Bhutanese back into their
hills, seized some of their strongholds, and forced them to sue
for peace. The Teshu Lama of Tibet also wrote a letter inter
ceding for them, and sent it to Calcutta.* Deb Judhur strove
to form a coalition against the English, and the Rajahs of
Nepal, Assam, and Sylhet promised to join him, and would
certainly have done so if any success had attended his arms.
Warren Hastings had assumed the government of Bengal
in April, 1772 ; and in the following cool season of 1772-73 the
1 See " An Account of the Kingdom 3 An account of the career of Deb
of Nepal," by Father Giuseppe, Prefect Judhur will be found at p. 37 ; and he
of the Roman Mission, in 'Asiatic is frequently mentioned throughout
Researches,' ii. pp. 307-322. Mr. Bogle's narrative.
2 Called Deb Jeedah by Mr. Eden • See note at p. 1.
(p. 111). e 2
lxviii BOGLE'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Intb.
operations against the Bhutanese were undertaken.1 At their
successful close he received the dignified letter of intercession
from the Teshu Lama which is printed at page 1 ; and he then
conceived and matured that enlightened policy which was con
tinuous during his tenure of office, and which had for its object
the reopening of commercial and friendly intercourse between
the lofty plateau of Great Tibet and the plains of India. Much
leniency and forbearance were shown in dealing with the de
feated Bhutanese, both to conciliate the goodwill of the moun
taineers themselves, and out of deference to the wishes of the
Teshu Lama.
Warren Hastings also resolved to send an embassy to the
Deb Rajah of Bhutan, and to the Teshu Lama of Tibet.
He took this step after very mature consideration, and
his preliminary memorandum 2 shows that he had carefully
studied all the works bearing on the subject to which he had
access, including De Guignes, Du Halde, Bell, and Astley's
voyages. He selected Mr. George Bogle, of the Bengal Civil
Service, as envoy, whose instructions are dated on the 13th of
May, 1774. The narrative of this mission is now published for
the first time, and will, I believe, be read with much interest.
Mr. Bogle is the only Englishman — except his companion Dr.
Hamilton and Mr. Manning — who ever crossed the Tsanpu in
its upper course, and the only European who ever had the ad
vantage of close and friendly intercourse with one of the Grand
Lamas of Tibetan Buddhism, and who left a record of his im
pressions and conversations. Besides the valuable information
he collected, Bogle's mission was very successful in other re
spects. It laid the foundation of a policy which, had it been
steadily and cautiously, but continuously, carried out, would
long ere this have secured permanent results. Bogle formed a
close friendship with the Teshu Lama and all his kindred. He
1 See Gleig's ' Memoirs of Warren Hastings,' vol. i. pp. 279 and 295.
2 See p. 9.
Intb.] HAMILTON'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. lxix
secured their hearty co-operation and support in the encourage
ment of trade, and even succeeded after tedious negotiations in
inducing the Bhutan Government to allow the passage of mer
chants through their territory to and from Tibet and Bengal.
These successes were confirmed by the great reduction of duties
on the frontier,1 and the establishment of a fair at Rangpiir,
under conditions which were extremely advantageous to the
Bhutanese. Their expenses were paid by government, stables
were erected for their horses, and houses for themselves.2
But Mr. Bogle found that the Gesub Rimboehe, or Regent, at
Lhasa, under the influence of the Chinese agents, opposed the
more liberal and enlightened views of the Teshu Lama, as re
gards the admission of foreigners into Tibet, with fatal effect.
It seemed clear that the only way to counteract this was to
obtain, through the Teshu Lama, a hearing at Peking. Mr.
Bogle returned from Tibet in June, 1775, and Warren Hastings
determined to continue an intercourse which had been inau
gurated with such excellent judgment and tact.
In November, 1775, Dr. Hamilton, who accompanied Mr.
Bogle to Tibet, was appointed to a second mission to Bhutan ;
and in January, 1776, he reached the frontier, and received a
friendly letter from the Deb Rajah inviting him to proceed to
Punakha. He endeavoured to enter Bhutan by an easier and
better route, leading by the Lakhi Diiar to Paro ; but obstacles
appear to have been raised, and he eventually took the old and
difficult route, by the Buxa-Diiar, which he had formerly
traversed with Mr. Bogle. Dr. Hamilton reached Punakha on
April 6, and was at Tassisudon in May, 1776. One of his
duties was to examine into the claims of the Deb Rajah on
1 Followed by their total abolition. mical Commissioner of the Revenue at
2 This wise encouragement of Bhutan the time, it was ordered to be discon-
trade, by a fair at Rangpiir, was con- tinued. The consequence was the
tinued until 1831-32, at an annual cost falling off in the trade, and it has
of about 201. But in 1832, at the re- dwindled ever since. (Pemberton,
commendation of Mr. Nesbit, an econo- p. 175.)
lxx DEATH OF MR. BOGLE AND THE TESHU LAMA. [Into.
the districts of Ambari Fala-kottah and Jalpaish, and he came
to the conclusion, after taking evidence, that equity demanded
their restoration to Bhutan. He reported that if restitution
was made, he would probably be able to induce the Deb Rajah
to fulfil his agreement with Mr. Bogle, and only to levy moderate
transit duties on merchandise. Dr. Hamilton returned, after
insisting upon the agreement between the Deb Rajah and
Mr. Bogle being faithfully observed.
In July, 1777, Dr. Hamilton was sent on a third mission to
Bhutan, to congratulate a new Deb Rajah on his accession,
returning in September.1 Thus Warren Hastings prevented the
opening made by Mr. Bogle from again being closed, by
keeping up regular intercourse with the Bhutan rulers, by
maintaining a correspondence with the Teshu Lama, and
by means of the annual fair at Rangpiir.
In April, 1779, Mr. Bogle was appointed as envoy to Tibet
a second time, but the arrival of news that the Teshu Lama
was about to undertake a journey to Peking caused the post
ponement of the mission. What followed is detailed in chapter
xix.2 The Teshu Lama, at one of his first interviews with
the Emperor of China, took an opportunity of speaking in
favour of Warren Hastings and the English in India. Mr.
Bogle, it had been arranged, was to have met his friend the
Lama at Peking, and would probably have returned with him
to Tibet. But two great calamities frustrated these admirable
plans. The Teshu Lama died of smallpox at Peking, on
November 12, 1780, and Mr. Bogle died at Calcutta on the
3rd of April, 1781.
Looking to the success which had attended Mr. Bogle's
negotiations, and to his special aptitude for the work, the death
of that distinguished public servant was a national calamity.
But Warren Hastings was not to be turned aside from his wise
and statesmanlike aim. He carefully watched the course of
events for an opportunity to make another move. At length,
1 Dr. Hamilton died in 1780. 2 See p. 207.
Into.]
TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET.
lxxi
on February 12, 1782, the news arrived at Calcutta that the
Teshu Lama had reappeared in the person of an infant ; x and
the Governor-General resolved to send a fourth mission to
Bhutan, which was also to continue its functions as far as
Tibet, with a view to congratulating the Regency on the
renewed incarnation of the good Teshu Lama, and to continuing
friendly relations with the Tibetan government.
For this duty he selected Captain Samuel Turner,2 a young
kinsman of his own, who was accompanied by Lieut. Samuel
Davis,3 and Dr. Robert Saunders4 as medical officer to the
mission.
1 The expectation of the event was
communicated to the Governor-General
by the Regent Chanzu Cusho, brother
of the Teshu Lama, and by Sopon
Chumbo, his cupbearer, in letters an
nouncing the death of the Teshu Lama ;
translations of which are given in
Turner's ' Embassy,' pp. 449 and 454.
2 Samuel Turner was bom in Glou
cestershire in 1749, and entered the
army of the East India Company. He
was a kinsman of Warren Hastings,
who, having assured himself of the
young officer's ability, appointed him
to conduct the second embassy to Tibet,
and he was absent from January, 1783,
to March, 1784. In 1792 Turner dis
tinguished himself at the siege of
Seringapatam, and he afterwards, as
envoy to Tipii Sultan, conducted some
negotiations to the satisfaction of the
Government. Having amassed a con
siderable fortune, he returned to Eng
land, and published his narrative of
the Tibet Mission in 1800. He died
suddenly, in London, on January 2,
1802. His work was translated into
French by Castera. (Paris, 2 vols. 8vo.)
3 Lieut. Samuel Davis, of the Bengal
, Engineer Corps, was born in 1760, his
father having also been in the army,
his military commission having been
signed by George II. in the last year
of his reign, and countersigned by Wil
liam Pitt. Lieut. S. Davis was an ex
cellent artist, and the Bhutan illustra
tions in Turner's work are from his
pencil. The original drawings are still
preserved by his son. Sir John Davis,
at Hollywood. But his scientific pro
fession was regarded with so much
jealousy, that the Tibetan Government
(or more probably the Chinese Resi
dents) insisted upon his remaining in
Bhutan until the return of the embassy.
Hence his drawings are confined to
Bhutan, and do not extend to Tibet.
Mr. Davis afterwards received the ap
pointment of judge and magistrate at
Benares. A very interesting narrative
of the disturbance excited at Benares by
the dethroned Vizier Ali Khan, of
Oudh, in January, 1799, when Mr.
Davis defended his family, single-
handed, with a long spear, against a
host of assailants, was printed in 1844
by his son, and there was a second
edition in 1871 (' Vizier Ali Khan, or
the Massacre of Benares : a Chapter
of Indian History '). Mr. Davis was
called from Benares to fill higher
offices of trust at Calcutta. He re
turned to England in 1806, and became
a Director of the East India Company
in 1809. At the time of the renewal
of the Charter in 1814, the Committee
of the House of Commons intrusted him
with the task of drawing up, in their
lxxii TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Into.
Turner's mission proceeded to Tassisudon, by the Buxa-
Diiar, exactly following Mr. Bogle's route, and reaching the
summer palace of the Deb Rajah early in June, 1783. Captain
Turner ceded, by order of his Government, the districts of
Ambari Fala-kottah and Jalpaish to Bhutan, in accordance
with the advice of Dr. Hamilton. They had previously been
held by the Baikantpiir Zamindar.5 During Captain Turner's
stay at Tassisudon a rebellion broke out against the ruler,
who was the successor of the Deb with whom Mr. Bogle nego
tiated, headed by the Zumpan or Governor of Wandipore,6 an
important castle in the valley in which Punakha is situated,
the winter palace of the Bhutan rulers, but some miles below
that place, and 24 miles east of Tassisudon. After some
desultory fighting, the Deb Rajah's troops blockaded and
eventually captured Wandipore, and soon afterwards the
members of the mission were permitted to visit both Wandipore
and Punakha. On the 8th of September, after a stay of three
months, Captain Turner and his companions left Tassisudon
on their way to Tibet, attended by Purungir Gosain, who had
also accompanied Mr. Bogle, and who wrote the interesting
account of the Teshu Lama's journey to Peking, and death.7
They still travelled over exactly the same route as had been
name, the memorable "Fifth Report 1843 to 1848 was Plenipotentiary in
on the Revenues of Bengal," which China and Governor of Hong Kong.
remains a monument of his intimate He is the author of numerous valuable
acquaintance with the internal ad- works and essays on subjects relating
ministration of India. He died pre- to China.
maturely, at the age of fifty-nine, 4 Dr. Robert Saunders, some years
in the year 1819. His son, Sir John after his return from Tibet, retired from
Davis, Bart., K.C.B., was three years the service, and resided in London,
old when bis life was saved through where he practised as a physician for
his father's intrepidity and presence of many years.
mind at Benares, having been born in e Mr. Eden cong^ed this ^g^
1795. He was attached to Lord Am- to be unjust.
herst's Embassy to Peking, in 1816; 6 The Angdaphorang of modern
was joint Commissioner with Lord maps.
Napier for arranging commercial mat- ' See note at p. 207
ters with China, in 1836; and from
Intk.] TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. lxxiii
taj^en by Mr. Bogle, and arrived at Teshu Lumbo on the 22nd
of September. In passing through the valley of Painam,
Captain Turner notices having seen, just visible, peeping through
the midst of some tall trees, a large white house, memorable
for the birth of the new Teshu Lama, whose father, an uncle of
the Dalai Lama, and mother were residing with him there.
The placa was called Kisu, or Kyli.1
At the time of Turner's visit the late Teshu Lama's brother,
Chanzu Cusho, who is often mentioned by Mr. Bogle, was
regent, and the Sopon Chumbo or cupbearer of the late Lama
was his chief adviser. Soon after the arrival of the English
mission the infant Lama was removed from the place of his
birth, in great pomp, and attended by the Regent and a guard
of Chinese soldiers, to a monastery prepared for his reception,
called Terpaling, about two days' journey south of Teshu
Lumbo. During his stay Captain Turner visited and described
the country round Teshu Lumbo, the interior of the monastery,
the devotional ceremonies, and the tomb dedicated to the
memory of the late Teshu Lama. He also gives an interesting
account of his conversations with the Chanzu Cusho and the
Sopon Chumbo, and some valuable notes respecting the religion
and government of Tibet.
On the 2nd of December, 1783, the mission set out on its
return to Bengal, but Captain Turner was allowed to make a
slight detour from his previous route, in order to pay his
respects to the infant Teshu Lama at the monastery of Terpaling.
On the morning of the 4th of December the British envoy had
his audience, and found the princely child, then aged eighteen
months, seated on a throne, with his father and mother standing
on the left hand. Having been informed that, although unable
to speak, he could understand, Captain Turner said "that the
Governor-General, on receiving news of his decease in China,
was overwhelmed with grief and sorrow, and continued to
1 See Turner, pp. 230 and 249.
lxxiv TURNER'S MISSION TO TIBET. [Into.
lament his absence from the world until the cloud that had
overcast the happiness of this nation was dispelled by his re
appearance, and then, if possible, a greater degree of joy had
taken place than he had experienced of grief on receiving the
first mournful news. The Governor anxiously wished that he
might long continue to illumine the world by his presence, and
was hopeful that the friendship which had formerly subsisted
between them would not be diminished, but rather that it
might become still greater than before ; and that by his con
tinuing to show kindness to my countrymen there might be an
extensive communication between his votaries and the depen
dents of the British nation." The infant looked stedfastly at
the British envoy, with the appearance of much attention, and
nodded with repeated but slow motions of the head, as though
he understood every word. He was silent and sedate, his
whole attention was directed to the envoy, and he conducted
himself with astonishing dignity and decorum. He was one of
the handsomest children Captain Turner had ever seen, and he
grew up to be an able and devout ruler, delighting the Tibetans
with his presence for many years, and dying at a good old
age. Captain Turner took his leave, and after a short stay with
the Deb Rajah at Punakha, he rejoined the Governor-General
at Patna, in March, 1784.1
In the following year, 1785, India lost the services of her
1 See ' An Account of an Embassy to account of his intercourse with the
the Court of the Teshu Lama, in Tibet ; officials in Bhutan and Tibet ; of the
containing a Narrative of a Journey manners, customs, and religion of the
through Bhutan and Part of Tibet, by people, and pleasantly describes the
Captain Samuel Turner ; to which are scenery and incidents along his line of
added views taken on the spot by march. This work has hitherto been
Lieutenant Samuel Davis ; and observa- the only one on Great Tibet, written by
tions botanical, mineralogical, and an Englishman who had himself visited
medical, by Mr. Robert Saunders.' the country.
(London, 1800, 4to, pp. xxviii and 473, In a letter to Lord Mansfield, Warren
including appendices.) It is illustrated Hastings gives an account of Turner's
by thirteen engravings, and a route mission, and speaks highly of his
map engraved by John Walker. journal, to which great interest was
Captain Turner gives an interesting attached.
Into.] MISSION OF PURUNGIR GOSAIN TO TIBET. lxxv
first English Governor-General, and with his retirement all
direct diplomatic intercourse between Tibet and India ceased,
and has never been renewed. Warren Hastings had a policy
which was alike wise and consistent. Each separate step was
not a long one, but each was a step in advance, and what
was once gained was never lost. The knowledge once acquired
was preserved, in order to furnish guidance for future action ;
and a policy was established which was persistent and con
tinuous, and at the same time cautious and conciliatory. With
the retirement of the great statesman all this came to an end ;
and even now it will be long before the Government of India
regains the ground, as regards friendly intercourse with Tibet,
that it had actually reached when its measures were guided by
the genius of Warren Hastings.
When Warren Hastings left India he actually had a diplo
matic agent at the Tibetan Court. This was Purungir Gosain,
the faithful companion of Bogle and Turner, and of the Teshu
Lama in his journey to Peking. Purungir witnessed the
removal of the infant Teshu Lama from the Terpaling monastery
to Teshu Lumbo, amidst imposing pomp and general rejoicings ;
and his solemn installation in presence of the Dalai Lama, the
Chinese political agent or Amba, the Gesub Rimboehe, and
the heads of all the monasteries in Tibet, in October, 1784.
Purungir Gosain was dismissed by the Regent Chanzu Cusho
with the most cordial assurances of his desire to continue the
friendly relations established by Mr. Bogle, and to encourage
trade with Bengal.1
This Mission to Tibet should be remembered, as it was the
last. Matters were allowed, a few years afterwards, to drift
until they reached a crisis, the result of which was permanently
to seal up the passes into Tibet, and they continue closed to
English officials to this day. The turbulent Gorkhas, under the
1 Captain Turner translated Purun- (pending the arrival of Lord Corn-
gir Gosain's report, and presented it wallis), on February 6, 1786. (Turner,
to Mr. Macpherson, who succeeded p. 423.)
Warren Hastings as Governor-General
lxxvi GORKHA INVASION OF TIBET. [Into.
Regent Bahadar Sah, had conquered all Nepal, and during a
course of years had committed lawless aggressions on the frontiers.
In 1788 they invaded Sikkim, led by the Subah of Murung, and
only retired after the Tibet Government had ceded a piece of
territory at the head of the Kuti pass. At the same time
the Regency appears to have been willing to enter into arrange
ments with the Government of Lord Cornwallis to protect the
trade of the two countries, and in 1792 a commercial treaty
was negotiated with Nepal, by Mr. Jonathan Duncan, the
Resident at Benares.1
But, in the same year, the Nepal Regency suddenly deter
mined to invade Tibet, tempted by stories of the great riches
in the Teshu Lama's palace, brought by a refugee Tibetan
monk named Sumhur Lama. The pretext of war was that the
Tibetans insisted upon circulating base coin, and refused either
to withdraw it or to establish a fair rate of exchange.2 The
distance of Kathmandu to Kuti is 141 miles, over one of the
most difficult roads in the world, and thence to Teshu Lumbo
257 miles. The Gorkha army, 18,000 strong, marched over the
whole distance of 398 miles with extreme rapidity, arrived
before Teshu Lumbo, and took and plundered the palace without
meeting with any resistance. The Tibetans were panic-stricken.
The Regent fled across the Tsanpu with the infant Teshu
Lama, and conveyed him to Lhasa, whence entreaties for help
were despatched to Peking. The Chinese Government at once
prepared an expeditionary force, and sent an envoy in advance
to the Nepal army, demanding the restitution of all the plunder
taken at Teshu Lumbo, and the surrender of Sumhur Lama.
The reply was, an insolent defiance : on the receipt of which
the army, under the command of a general named Sund F6,
1 By the Treaty of Commerce with the Nepal Durbar a few years after-
Nepal, in 1792, it was agreed that 2J wards.
per cent, shall reciprocally be taken as 2 ' Kirkpatricks Nepal,' Appendix
duty on the imports from both countries. No. 1, p. 339 : " Memorial of the Court
The treaty was signed on the 1st of of Kathmandu, relative to the origin of
March, 1792, but was repudiated by the War with Tibet."
Into.] CHINESE INVASION OF NEPAL. lxxvii
commenced its march. His force consisted of 70,000 men
with the necessary stores, which he divided into two columns,
of 40,000 and 30,000. Meanwhile the Gorkhas had evacuated
Teshu Lumbo, and retreated to the plain of Tengri Maidan,
where they awaited the approach of the Chinese army. In
the battle which followed the Gorkhas were entirely defeated,
and Sund F6 overtook them, in their retreat, at the head
of the pass into Nepal, and again routed them with great
loss. He laid siege to Kuti, which post was evacuated, and
then marched down into Nepal, by way of Kirong. He had
a large army, far superior in numbers to that of the Nepalese,
and was provided with very light artillery, the guns being
made of leather, which served their purpose well for five or six
rounds, and then burst. The loss of men in the Chinese army,
while crossing the snowy passes, was immense; but still the
numerical strength of the invaders was far beyond that of the
Gorkhas. The latter made a final stand in a strong position,
on the banks of the river Tadi, just above Nayakot, and only
20 miles from Kathmandu.
At this point the two armies faced each other for some time,
until the Chinese general, in a fury, turned his own guns on his
own men from the rear, and drove them forward in a mass
upon the Gorkhas, sweeping great numbers, and still more of
the Gorkhas, into the roaring torrent. Thus a decisive victory
was gained within one march of the enemy's capital, in Sep
tember, 1792.1 The Nepal Regency then sued for peace, which
was granted on very humiliating conditions. The Gorkhas
agreed to restore all their plunder ; to pay an annual tribute to
the Emperor of China ; and to send an embassy to Peking once
in every five years. The Chinese army returned partly by the
Kirong pass, and partly by that of the Arun river.
The conduct of the British Government, under Lord Corn
wallis, during the course of these events was unfortunate in its
1 Mr. Brian Hodgson's recollections of conversations with Bhim Sen Thappa,
the sage old minister at Nepal, who was murdered in 1838.
lxxviii KIRKPATRICK'S MISSION TO NEPAL. [Intb.
results. It would seem that the wisest policy would have been
to prevent or check the invasion of Tibet by the Gorkhas, even
by using force, if necessary. Such a course would have ensured
the gratitude of the Lamas, curbed the restless aggression and
secured the respect of the Gorkha Regency, obviated the march
of the Chinese army, and prevented the final sealing up of the
passes. The actual policy adopted was one of waiting and
drifting. In August, 1792, Lord Cornwallis received a letter from the
Dalai Lama, informing him that the Chinese army had defeated
the Gorkhas, and warning him not to interfere on their behalf-
The Gorkha Regent had besought the military aid of the
British, and Lord Cornwallis wrote to him, on the 15th of
September, 1792, declining to give him assistance, and assign
ing for a reason that the English Company carry on extensive
commercial concerns with the Chinese, and have a factory at
Canton, and that therefore it is necessary to preserve a good
understanding with the Emperor. But he offered to depute a
gentleman in his confidence to mediate between China and
Nepal. Lord Cornwallis also replied to the Dalai Lama pro
posing mediation after the rains, and saying that Colonel
Kirkpatrick had been commissioned to proceed to Kathmandu
with that object.
But Colonel Kirkpatrick was too late, and long before he
could arrive on the scene, the Chinese general had settled the
question in his own way. The British envoy was accompanied
by Lieutenant Scott, Lieutenant Knox, Lieutenant Gerard,
and Dr. Freer, with an escort of sepoys. The mission was
allowed to advance as far as the Court of Bahadar Sah, but it
was then coolly bowed out of the country, and Colonel Kirk
patrick returned to Patna, in March, 1793.1 In 1795 Run
1 See 'An Account of Nepal ; being lished without the concurrence of the
the Substance of Observations made writer, who never corrected the proofs,
during a Mission to that Country in the and it contains many misprints odd
Year 1793 by Co onel Kirkpatrick.' other errors. The map is by Colonel
(London, 1811.) This work was pub- Gerard. The book contains chapters
Into.] THE CHINESE CLOSE THE PASSES. lxxix
Bahadar, the son of Pertab Sing, murdered his uncle, the
Regent Bahadar Sah, and entered upon a career of intolerable
tyranny, until, in 1800, he was forced to abdicate in favour of
his son, and he retired to Benares, where Captain Knox, who
had accompanied Colonel Kirkpatrick's mission, was appointed
to attend upon him.
In October, 1802, a treaty was negotiated with Nepal, by
Captain Knox, to renew the provisions of that of 1792, which
had become a dead letter ; and in the same year that officer pro
ceeded to Kathmandu as Resident. But he also was bowed
out, and the only result of his mission was the valuable work of
Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, the father of Indian statistics, who
accompanied it.1 In March, 1803, Captain Knox withdrew
from Nepal, and on the 24th of January, 1804, Lord Wellesley
formally dissolved the alliance with the Durbar.2
The Chinese general who invaded Nepal gave a very un
favourable report of the conduct of the English, and is even
believed to have suspected that British troops were in the
Gorkha army. We lost all the good results of the policy of
Warren Hastings and the friendship of the Lamas, excited the
jealous suspicion of the Chinese Government, and the scorn of
the Nepal Durbar, and were despised by all. The immediate
consequence was that the Chinese closed all the passes into
Tibet to the natives of India. Pari-jong and the other frontier
stations were occupied, and the Chinese also established a
strong post at Jonka-jong,3 commanding the Kirong pass, the use
of which has ever since been forbidden to any one but officials.
on the routes, on the valley of Nepal, enumerates the different tribes of Nepal;
the climate, population, arts, learning, describes the various zones of climate,
trade, and history; with appendices including the valley of Nepal, with
giving the text of Lord Comwallis's their productions ; gives an account of
correspondence with the Dalai Lama the history of the country, its govern-
and Gorkha Regent. ment, and trade.
1 See ' An Account of the Kingdom 2 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. p. 189.
of Nepal,' by Francis Hamilton (for- 3 Probably the Ari-jong of D'An-
merly Buchanan), M.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., ville's map.
F.L.S. (Edin., 1819.) Dr. Hamilton
Ixxx JOURNEY OF MANNING TO LHASA. [Intb.
Yet, even subsequent to these stringent measures of exclu
sion, a solitary English traveller succeeded in making his way
from India to Lhasa, and is the only Englishman who ever entered
the holy city. It is this that gives importance to Mr. Manning's
brief journal, which is printed for the first time in this volume.
Without any recognized position or official credentials, he
entered Bhutan by the Lakhi Diiar in 1811, and reached Pari-
jong, on the frontier of Tibet, in the guise of a medical prac
titioner. There he found a Chinese general with troops, some
of whom he cured, and the general permitted him to accom
pany his escort back to Lhasa. He remained in the capital of
Tibet for several months, but orders eventually came from
Peking to send him back by the way he came, and he returned
to Calcutta in May, 1812. His narrative is to a great extent
filled with accounts of personal troubles and difficulties, but it is
valuable by reason of the insight it gives into the social habits
of the people, and the relative positions of the Chinese and
Tibetans at that time. It also proves that, in spite of the
exclusive system of the paramount power, the natives gladly
welcome strangers, and that a persistent and energetic traveller,
even when so quick-tempered and imprudent as Mr. Manning
shows himself to have been, may still make his way to Lhasa,
and, like Manning, enjoy the ineffable delight of gazing upon
the divine features of the Dalai Lama. it
But for officials the way to Tibet was permanently closed ;
while the countries on the southern slopes of the Himalaya were
alienated by the change of policy from that of Warren Hastings
to that which has prevailed since. The former was a policy of
constant and watchful vigilance ; of firmness combined with con
ciliation ; and of persistent resolution to keep open friendly
relations and to encourage trade. The latter is one of indiffer
ence and neglect, varied by occasional small but disastrous wars,
which are waged not for any broad imperial end, but on account
of some petty squabbles about boundaries. The course taken at
the time of the Chinese invasion resulted in the Nepal war.
Intr.] WAR WITH NEPAL. Ixxxi
In 1804, Run Bahadar returned to Nepal, and was murdered
sooft afterwards. One of his followers, named Bhim Sen Thappa,
then became regent, the Rajah, a grandson of Pertab Sing,
being only two years old. He was regent until 1838, and
represented a martial and turbulent policy. Under him the
Gorkha Durbar commenced a system of encroachment and
menace along the frontier ; and on the 1st of November, 1814,
the Government of India, under Lord Hastings, declared war.
General Ochterlony, with 6000 men, was to attack the west
frontier ; General Gillespie, with 3500, was to occupy the Dehra
Diin ; Generals Wood and Marley, with 4500 and 8000 men re
spectively, were to advance from the plains on Palpa and
Kathmandu; and Major Latter, with a local force, was to
operate to the eastward of the Kosi, and in the direction of
Sikkim. Gillespie's force occupied Dehra, but through gross
mismanagement was repulsed at the siege of Kalunga with
great slaughter, and the general was killed. Ochterlony's
operations near the Sutlej were more successful. But Wood, in
his advance towards Palpa, got disheartened, and fell back on
Gorakpiir ; and Marley also retreated after advancing a short
distance. Major Latter, however, occupied Murung, and formed
an alliance with the Rajah of Sikkim.
The general result was that the Gorkhas were driven beyond
the Kali, and agreed to make peace, abandoning all territory
west of the Kali, ceding all the Terai country and all terri
tory taken from Sikkim, and allowing a British agent to reside
at Kathmandu. But the Nepal Durbar refused to ratify the
treaty, and in February, 1816, Sir David Ochterlony again
took the field with 17,000 men, and steadily advanced from the
plains towards the Nepal capital. The Nepalese then yielded,
and the treaty was finally signed on March 3, 1816.
The permanent results of the war were good. The Gorkhas
were confined to the country east of the Kali on one side, and
on the other their encroachments on the side of Sikkim were
stopped, while that little State, under British protection, was
/
lxxxii TROUBLES WITH BHUTAN. [Into.
interposed between the turbulent Gorkhas and Bhutanese. The
Lepchas of Sikkim are ruled over by a dynasty of Rajahs
originally from Lhasa, who have always been under the
dominion of Tibet, and of the Buddhist religion and Dukpa
(Red Cap) sect. The Tista valley thus formed a barrier to
Gorkha encroachments on the east, and in Sikkim alone English
travellers are able to advance as far as the passes over the
Southern Himalaya leading into Tibet.
The new policy led to the same results as regards Bhutan.
Instead of friendly intercourse, the history of the relations
between the British and the Bhutanese has been one of local
disputes about frontiers, and raids. In 1815, Mr. David Scott,
the Judge at Rangpiir, sent a native officer, named Kishen Kant
Bose, to settle some frontier disputes with the Deb Rajah, and
his report has been printed for official information.1 But it was
owing to the annexation of Assam, and the consequent great
extension of the frontier between Bhutan and British territory,
that frontier disputes became more frequent, and assumed a
more important aspect. The Government of India had to take
up the relations which had previously existed between the
sovereigns of Assam and the Deb Rajah. In former times,
owing to the inability of the Assam rulers to expel the invaders,
the Bhutanese aggressions in the frontier Diiars had been
allowed by them. In 1828, the British occupied the Buri
Gumah Diiar, because a raid had been made from it into
Assam, and held it until 1834, when it was restored, owing to
a letter from the Deb Rajah soliciting its restitution. Other
raids into Assam took place in 1835 and 1836 ; and in 1837 it
was resolved to despatch a mission into Bhutan, as it was
suspected that letters to the Deb Rajah had frequently been
withheld by the Subahs, or subordinate officers, in command of
the Diiars. The Deb Rajah showed great reluctance to receive
1 ' Account of Bootan,' by Baboo containing *' Political Missions to Boo-
Kishen Kant Bose, translated by D. tan." (Calcutta, 1865.) Also in the
Scott, Esq., pp. 187-206 of the volume ' Asiatic Researches,' xv. p. 128.
Into.] PEMBERTON'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. lxxxlii
an envoy, but the Government of India adhered to its intention,
arrfl Captain Pemberton was appointed, with a staff consisting
of Dr. Griffith, Ensign Blake, and an escort of twenty-five
Assam police.
Captain Pemberton resolved to enter Bhutan by the Banska
Diiar, to the east, so as to traverse the country diagonally, and
see as much of it as possible, before reaching the capital. In
1838 the mission marched through Kamriip to Dewangiri, on
the range of mountains overlooking the valley of Assam.
Thence they proceeded to Punakha by a very circuitous route :
first north, nearly to the confines of Tibet ; and then over many
lofty spurs from east to west ; the journey occupying twenty-six
travelling days from Dewangiri to Punakha, which place they
reached on the 1st of April, 1838. Pemberton returned by
Buxa-Diiar, the same route that was taken by Mr. Bogle, and
the mission reached Goalpara in May, 1838. Pemberton
received a very much less favourable impression of the rulers
and people of Bhutan than Bogle or Turner. The country is
in a state of continual anarchy. Nominally, while the Dharma
Rajah, or Lama Rimboehe, is a perpetual incarnation of the
Deity, and the Deb Rajah is elected by a council of six for
three years, in reality there is an incessant struggle between
the governors of East and West Bhutan, called the Paro Penlo
and Tongso Penlo, and the Deb is a puppet of the one which
happens to have the upper hand. The executive council,
according to Pemberton, consists of the Lama Zimpe, who
represents the interests of the Dharma Rajah; the Donnai
Zimpe ; the Tipu Zimpe, who is governor of Tassisudon ; the
Puna Zimpe, or governor of Punakha; the Deb Zimpe, who
represents the Deb Rajah ; and the Railing Zimpe. Captain
Pemberton's valuable report, besides the narrative of his
journey, contains a resume of previous relations with Bhutan ;
an account of the Diiars ; a general description of Bhutan ; its
rivers, roads, geology, government, priesthood, revenue, military
resources, agriculture, manufactures, trade, population, and civil
/2
lxxxiv RESIDENTS IN NEPAL. [Intb.
and social state. It is accompanied by the journal of Dr-
Griffith, containing remarks on the nature of the country,
especially its vegetation, boundaries, divisions, and population.1
Pemberton's mission was followed by no satisfactory results.
The Bhutanese really do appear to be a barbarous and irre
claimable race, without records or organization ; and, in 1838,
all memory of the visits of Bogle and Turner was entirely
obliterated. The raids into Assam continued from year to year,
followed by fruitless remonstrances, and a barrier was perma
nently formed in this direction between India and Tibet.
In Nepal, on the other hand, although the passes were
equally closed, and no European was or is allowed to travel in
the country, yet the residence of an English officer at Kath
mandu led to the acquisition of priceless treasures of in
formation respecting the early history, ethnology, religion, and
literature of Nepal and Tibet. The honoured name of Brian
Hodgson is indissolubly connected with these discoveries.
After the conclusion of peace with Nepal, the first Resident
at Kathmandu was the Hon. Edward Gardner, who held the
appointment from 1816 to 1829, Mr. Brian Hodgson being his
secretary from 1820. From 1829 to 1830, for two years, Mr.
Hodgson was in charge ; Sir Herbert Mad dock was Resident in
1830 ; and Mr. Brian Hodgson succeeded him, and was Resident
at Kathmandu from 1831 to 1843. But he had been in Nepal
since 1820, a continuous residence of twenty-three years. Yet
1 ' Report on Bootan,' by Captain in 1838. Dr. Griffith was equally dis-
Boileau Pemberton, dated Calcutta, tinguished as a botanist. He accom-
Nov. 30, 1838 ; and ' Journal of the panied Dr. Wallich to Assam, and
Mission to Bootan in 1837-38,' by Captain Pemberton to Bhutan ; joined
William Griffith, M.D. ; 186 pp. of the army of the Indus in 1839; and
the volume on "Political Missions to made his way from Kabul to Khurasan.
Bootan " (printed at Calcutta in 1865), He died in 1845. The great object of
Captain Pemberton was a distin- his life was the preparation of a general
guished geographer. Between 1825 scientific Flora of India.
and 1830 he surveyed Munipur and Dr. Griffith's ' Bhutan Journal ' was
portions of Cachar ; and his exceedingly published in 1847 (Calcutta). He made
valuable large map, compiled from his extensive collections of plants in Bhu-
own work, and that of Bedford and tan, which have been since arranged
Wilcox, was lithographed at Calcutta by Mr. Oliver.
Into.]
SERVICES OF MR. BRIAN HODGSON IN NEPAL.
lxxxv
even a quarter of a century seems but a short time for the
achievement of the immense results for which, independent
of his great public services, his country is indebted to Mr.
Hodgson. He devoted himself to the study of every branch of know
ledge relating to Nepal and Tibet. In 1824, Mr. Hodgson
announced the fact that the original documents of the Buddhist
canon had been preserved in Sanscrit in the monasteries of
Nepal. " Before that time our information on Buddhism had
been derived at random from China and other countries far from
India, and no hope was entertained that the originals of the
various translations existing in those countries could ever be
recovered." x He procured copies of these works, and sent
complete collections to the Asiatic Society in London, and
to the Societe Asiatique of Paris; while he himself threw a
flood of light on the history of the Buddhist religion, in several
essays written on the spot.2 The news of Mr. Hodgson's literary
1 Max Miiller's 'Chips from a Ger
man Workshop,' i. p. 189. (See also
Mrs. Speir's ' Life in Ancient India,'
p. 251.)
2 " Notices on the Languages, Lite
rature, and Religion of the Bauddhas
of Nepaul and Bhot, by B. H. Hodgson"
(' Asiatic Researches,' xvi. p. 409).
" Sketch of Buddhism, derived from
the Bauddha Scriptures of Nepal"
('J. A. S. B,,' ii. p. 222, and v. p. 28).
These essays were reprinted in one
volume, ' Illustrations of the Literature
and Religion of the Buddhists' (Se-
rampore, 1841).
Eugene Burnouf studied the manu
scripts sent by Mr. Hodgson to Paris,
and, after seven years, he published, in
1844, 'Introduction a I'Histoire du
Buddhisme :' "a work," says Max Miil-
ler, "which laid the foundation for a
systematic study of the religion of
Buddha." Burnouf's death, in 1851,
prevented the completion of his work.
His last book, ' Le Lotus de la bonne
Loi,' published in 1852, after his death,
is dedicated to Mr. Hodgson.
Mr. Hodgson also received a com
plete copy of the Tibetan Cyclopaedia
(Ghah-gyur and Stan-gyur), in 334
large volumes, as a present from the
Dalai Lama, which he gave to the East
India Company. In 1864 he presented
a vast mass of valuable manuscripts to
the India Office library, consisting of
chronicles of the Newari and Gorkhali
dynasties of Nepal, and numerous docu
ments relating to Nepal administration.
Mr. Triibner has done very good
service by the publication, in a single
volume, in 1874, of ' Essays on the
Language, Literature, and Religion of
Nepal and Tibet, with further Papers
on the Geography, Ethnology, and
Commerce of those Countries, by B_.
H. Hodgson, Esq.'
The book contains the article on the
religion and literature of Nepal and
Tibet, from vol. xvi. of the ' Asiatic Re
searches ; ' the " Sketch of Buddhism,"
lxxxvi SERVICES OF MR. BRIAN HODGSON IN NEPAL. [Into.
labours in Nepal eventually reached as far as Lhasa, and the
Dalai Lama opened a friendly correspondence with him. As a
proof of his appreciation of Mr. Hodgson's right feeling, his
Holiness sent the English envoy the whole of the existing
literary remains of the once flourishing Christian mission at
Lhasa. These Mr. Hodgson presented to the Pope.
Besides his marvellous literary industry, Mr. Hodgson, while
at Kathmandu, drew up two memoirs on the military system of
Nepal, recommending the expediency of procuring the services
of a considerable body of Gorkha soldiers, whereby we should
diminish the chances of collision with Nepal caused by the
pressure on its Government of an excessive soldiery. The
Gorkhas have neither arts, literature, nor commerce to draw off
their attention from arms. They have that lusty hardihood of
character, love of enterprise, and contempt of drudgery, which
make war especially congenial.
Mr. Hodgson next turned his attention to promoting the
revival and extension of that commerce which flourished in
Nepal before the Gorkha conquest, and submitted to his Govern
ment lists of imports and exports, routes, and every kind of
information calculated to incite natives of India and Nepal to
take up the matter in a spirit suited to the times. Mr. Hodgson,
himself, made a trip to the Kosi river and the Nayakot valley,
and is the only Englishman, except Dr. Hooker, who has ever
been allowed to travel in Nepal beyond a circuit of twenty miles
round Kathmandu. His essay on the fitness of the Himalaya
for the settlement of Europeans marked an epoch in the history
of British India, for from its publication dates the movement
for the establishment of hill stations, and the enterprises of tea
and chinchona planters.
from the 'Transactions of the Royal ment,' xxvii. (1857); on the "Ab-
Asiatic Society,' vol. ii. ; papers from origines of the Himalaya " (' J. A. S. B.,'
the 'J. A. S. B.,' vol. iv. p. 211 ; iii. xvi. and xvii.); on the " Military Tribes
p. 215 ; vi. p. 682. The essays on the of Nepal ; " on the " Tribes of Northern
" Physical Geography of the Himalaya," Tibet ; " on the " Commerce of Nepal,"
from the volume of ' Selections from &c.
the Records of the Bengal Govern-
Into.] POLITICAL SERVICES OF MR. HODGSON. lxxxvii
The eminent political services of Mr. Hodgson are a matter
of nistory ; how, by his tact and intimate knowledge of Nepalese
politics, he succeeded in substituting a friendly for a hostile
administration ; how he prevented a rupture with Nepal through
out the trying period of the Afghan war ; and how his personal
influence converted a concealed and dangerous enemy into a
friend. Before his retirement, the Nepal Durbar placed the
whole military force of the country at the disposal of the
Governor-General. Since our first relations with Nepal, in 1792, the English
have had to deal exclusively with military Maires du Palais.
The ablest, and he who had the longest tenure of power, was
Bhim Sen Thappa. But he at last was overthrown and forced to
commit suicide, in July 1838, after having been at the head of
affairs for thirty years. Kala Panday, the new minister, com
menced a series of hostile intrigues with native states in India,
until Mr. Hodgson obtained a formal promise that these in
trigues should cease.1 A nephew of the old minister Bhim Sen
Thappa, named Mataber Sing, became Prime Minister in 1843,
when Sir Henry Lawrence succeeded Mr. Hodgson as Resident.
The supersession of Mr. Hodgson, in 1843, was a great blunder.
His long experience, and the respect and friendship that were
felt for him by the governing class in Nepal, rendered his
continued tenure of office most important ; while his abrupt and
unwise recall put a stop to many valuable literary investi
gations, and has abridged the knowledge we should otherwise
have had with more completeness respecting Nepal and Tibet.
The minister, Mataber Sing, was murdered in 1845, the same
year in which Sir Henry was succeeded by Mr. J. R. Colvin.
The latter was followed by Major Thorsby, in 1847, and Major
Ramsay was Resident from 1849 to 1868.2 Guggun Sing became
Minister in 1845, and his murder, together with the massacre of
1 See Aitchison's 'Treaties,' ii. pp. 2 When he was succeeded by Mr.
212 and 220. Girdlestone, the present Resident at
Kathmandu.
ixxxviii CSOMA DE KOROS. [Into.
thirty-one of the most influential chiefs in Nepal, paved the way
to the rise of Jang Bahadar, a nephew of Mataber Sing, to the
office of Prime Minister in 1846, with Surundra Bikram Sah as
Maharajah of Nepal.
Except for a few months in 1856, Jang Bahadar has retained
power ever since, and the bearing of the Nepal Durbar has been
more friendly, to the British Government, especially since the
visit of the powerful minister to Europe in 1850.1 But the
passes remain closed, and Europeans are not allowed to visit
any part of Nepal, except the valley round Kathmandu.
Alexander Csoma de Kords, the eminent Tibetan scholar,
worked in the same field of research as Mr. Hodgson, and at the
same time. A Siculo-Hungarian of Transylvania, and without
means, this devoted student made his way to India by land, with
the object of investigating Eastern languages and literature, and
of ascertaining their relation to his own Magyar tongue. It is
much to the credit of the Government and officials of British
India that Csoma de Koros should have been cordially welcomed
and liberally assisted. He first went to Ladak and Zanskar,
and studied the Tibetan language and literature in the Buddhist
monastery of Pugdal, from 1827 to 1830 ; and he then proceeded
to Calcutta, for the purpose of giving some of the results of his
labours to the world, where he was very kindly received by
Mr. Wilson and Mr. James Prinsep.
Csoma de Koros ascertained that the literature of Tibet was
entirely of Indian origin, the immense volumes being transla
tions from Sanscrit. His teacher in the Tibetan language was
a learned Lama of Zanskar, named Bande Sangs-rgyas Phun-
tshogs ; and when his grammar and dictionary were completed,
the Government of India very properly sanctioned its being
brought out at the public expense. He also published several
1 See 'Narrative of a Five Years' Katmandu with the Camp of Jung
Residence at Nepal, from 1841 to 1845,' Bahadoor' (Murray, 1852), by Mr.
by T. Smith (1852). This book is very Laurence Oliphant, who accompanied
untrustworthy, and is full of inaccurate the Nepalese Minister, on his return,
statements. See also, ' A Journal to from Ceylon to the capital of Nepal.
Into.] ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. lxxxix
valuable papers in the 'Asiatic Researches,' and in the 'Journal
of fie Asiatic Society of Bengal.'
In 1842, M. Csoma de Koros set out on an adventurous
journey in the footsteps of Mr. Manning, with the intention of
making his way to Lhasa, in order to gain access to the stores
of Tibetan literature which he believed, from his reading in
Ladak, were still extant there. But this indefatigable scholar
died, of fever, in 1842, in Dr. Campbell's house at Darjiling.1
Next to Mr. Hodgson and Csoma de Koros, the most distin
guished contributor to our knowledge of the region lying
between India and Tibet, during the present century, is un
doubtedly Dr. Campbell. Archibald Campbell was born in
1805, and was appointed an assistant surgeon in the East India
Company's service in 1828. He first came to Nepal in 1830,
as surgeon to the residency at Kathmandu, and left in 1838,
having been sent by Mr. Hodgson to settle a boundary dispute
with Sikkim. This service was so well performed that it led to
Dr. Campbell receiving charge of the hill station at Darjiling.
While under Mr. Hodgson he wrote a narrative of our political
relations with Nepal, and an excellent paper on the agriculture
of the Nepal valley.2
The hill station of Darjiling, 370 miles to the north of
Calcutta, is on a ridge of the Sikkim Himalaya, at a height
varying from 6500 feet to 7500 feet above the sea. In 1828
1 See ' J. A. S. B.,' xi. p. 303 (1842). " Translation of a Tibetan Passport,"
The works of Csoma de Koros were : ii. p. 201 ; " Origin of the Shakya
' Essay towards a Dictionary, Tibe- Race," ii. p. 385 ; " Extracts from
tan and English.' (Calcutta, 1834.) Tibetan Works," iii. p. 57; "Analysis
' A Grammar of the Tibetan Lan- of a Tibetan Medical Work," iv. p. 1 ;
guage in English.' (Calcutta, 1834.) " Different Systems of Buddhism, from
" Notices on the Life of Sakya," and Tibetan Authorities," vii. part'i. p. 142 ;
of some Tibetan works, in the ' Asiatic " Enumeration of Tibetan Works," vii.
Researches,' vol. xx. pp. 285, 393, and p. 147 ; also ix. part ii. p. 905 ; v.
553. pp. 264 and 384.
In the ' Journal of the Asiatic Society a " Notes on the Agriculture and
of Bengal' there are "Geographical Rural Economy of the Valley of Nepal,"
Notice of Tibet," i. p. 121 ; " Note on in vol. iv. of the ' Transactions of the
the Origin of the Kala-Chakra and Agricultural and Horticultural Society
the Adi-Buddha Systems," ii. p. 57 ; of India.'
xc DARJILING. [Into.
Mr. J. W. Grant and Major Herbert, the Surveyor-General of
India, reported on the eligibility of Darjiling as a sanitarium,
and the Sikkim Rajah was induced to sign a deed, in February,
1835, ceding the territory in exchange for a pension of 300Z. a
year.1 Dr. Campbell was appointed superintendent of the new
station in 1840, and was entrusted with the charge of political
relations with Sikkim.
Dr. Campbell described Sikkim — called Binjing by the
inhabitants — as covering an area of about 1550 square miles,
with a population of 7000, of whom 3000 are Lepchas, 2000
Bhutanese, and 2000 Limbus. There is no money revenue, and
the contributions in kind from agricultural produce and transit
duties would not exceed Rs. 7000 a year. The country is to
a great extent covered with forest and thick underwood. The
Rajah is tributary to China through Lhasa, and resides from
November until May at Tumliing, and the rest of the year at
Chumbi, within Tibetan territory. The Rajah of Sikkim had
desired to secure an exchange of runaway slaves, which was
refused, and in the preposterous hope of securing compliance,
his officers suddenly seized and imprisoned Dr. Campbell and
Dr. Hooker, while travelling, in 1849, and detained them for six
weeks. As a punishment for this outrage the allowance was
stopped, and a piece of territory, including the lower course of
the Tista and the Sikkim Terai, was annexed.
The settlement of Darjiling, meanwhile, advanced rapidly
under Dr. Campbell's able management. In 1839 it did not
contain more than 100 souls ; in 1849 there were 10,000, chiefly
by immigration from Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, in all of which
States slavery is prevalent. Allotments of land were bought by
Europeans, barracks and houses were built, and Dr. Campbell
established an annual fair at the foot of the hills, which was
most successful. A considerable trade in musk, salt, gold dust,
borax, ponies, and woollen cloths soon sprang up.
Dr. Hooker thus wrote in 1854 : " He [Dr. Campbell] raised
1 Increased, in 1846, to 600J. a year.
Into.] WAR WITH SIKKIM. xci
British Sikkim from its pristine condition of an impenetrable
jungle, tenanted by half savage and mutually hostile races, to
that of a flourishing European hill station, and a rich agri
cultural province." It has since become a centre of tea and
chinchona cultivation.
The misunderstandings with the Sikkim Rajah arose from
his kidnapping propensities. Two specially gross cases, in 1860,
caused an order that his territory north of the Rumam river
and west of the Great Runjit, should be occupied until restitu
tion was made. The occupying force was, however, attacked
and driven back, and in February, 1861, a larger detachment,
under Lieutenant-Colonel Gawler, with the Hon. Ashley Eden as
envoy, crossed the Great Runjit into Sikkim, proceeded to
Tumlung, and enforced the Rajah's agreement to another treaty,
dated March 28, 1861. Nurugay Dewan, who had imprisoned
Dr. Campbell, and had been incessantly hostile, was expelled
from Sikkim for ever, and Chibu Lama, a friend to the
English, was appointed Dewan in his place. The other articles
secured free trade, and the right of travelling and making
roads in Sikkim.1
Dr. Campbell presided over the destinies of the hill station
of Darjiling for twenty-two years, from 1840 to February 1862,
when he retired. He returned to England, but he continued to
take an active part in furthering projects for the good of Darji
ling, especially the cultivation of tea, the establishment of
chinchona plantations, and the construction of the Darjiling
railway. He was a very active member of the Society of Arts,
and also of the Anthropological Institute. When Dr. Campbell
died, on November 8, 1874, his great experience and wide
knowledge of these subjects were missed, and his loss will long
be felt by those who are interested in the progress of Indian
1 See ' Sikkim ; with Hints on Thibet, and Western China,' by Colonel
Mountain and Jungle Warfare, exhibit- J. C. Gawler, F.R.G.S. (Stanford, 1873.)
ing also the Facilities for Opening This little book gives an interesting
Commercial Relations through the account of the military operations in
State of Sikkim with Central Asia, Sikkim in 1861.
xcii DR. J. D. HOOKER. [Into.
trade, and in the opening of friendly intercourse along our
Himalayan frontier.1
In November, 1847, Dr. Hooker left England on his memor
able expedition to Sikkim, where he resided for two years, and
his exploring journeys throw much new light on the geography
of the Himalaya, and furnish the only information we have
respecting some of the passes into Tibet. He, with Dr. Camp
bell, was the first European to visit the passes at the head
waters of the Tista, and he is still the only European who has
explored those on the Tambur river, in Eastern Nepal.
In November, 1848, Dr. Hooker entered the valley of the
Tambur, a tributary of the Kosi, in Eastern Nepal, ascending
it, and its affluent the Tangma, until he reached the passes of
Wallanchun (10,385 feet), Tangmachen, and Kambachen or
Nango, obtaining a view into Tibet. From some of the points
on this adventurous journey the scenery was superb, and its
grandeur is brought home to us by a master hand. From the
Tonglo hill, above the Tambur valley, " Kanchan-junga was
nearly due north — a dazzling mass of snowy peaks intersected
by blue glaciers which gleamed in the slanting rays of the
rising sun, like aquamarines set in frosted silver. To the east was
a billowy mass of forest-clad mountains, on the north-east horizon
rose Donkia and Chumalhari, to the west Mount Everest."
Afterwards, in the autumn of 1849, accompanied by Dr.
Campbell, he went up the valley of the Tista in Sikkim, and
1 Besides his ' Memoirs on the Poli- of the Royal Asiatio Society ' for Sep-
tical Relations with Nepal,' and ' On tember, 1873 ; " On the Commerce of
the Agriculture of the Nepal Valley,' India," in the ' Journal of the Society
already referred to, Dr. Campbell was of Arts ' for 17th of March, 1871 ; and
the author of many articles in the "On the Relations with Sikkim and
'Journal of the "Asiatio Society of Nepal," in the ' Oriental ' of January,
Bengal,' and other periodicals. 1874. He also wrote a valuable paper,
Among these were ethnological " On the Government, Literature, Offi-
papers on the Lepchas, Limbus, Mur- cers, and Agriculture of Eastern Tibet,"
mis, and Lushais, which have also been in the ' Journal of the Asiatic Society
printed in the ' Journal of the An- of Bengal ' for 1855, p. 219, reprinted
thropological Institute ; ' a paper " On in the ' Phcenix,' pp. 83, 107 (edited
the Valley of Chumbi," in the ' Journal by Rev. James Summers).
Into.] HOOKER'S HIMALAYAN JOURNALS. xciii
of its feeders the Lachen and Lachung, to the Kongra-lama
(19?745 feet) and Donkia passes (18,466 feet), and even suc
ceeded in going some distance into Tibet beyond the pass, as
far as the small lake of Cholamii, the actual source of the
Lachen, 17,000 feet above the sea. Here they obtained a
magnificent view of the Central Range of the Himalaya, and
ascertained that the nearest Tibetan village was Kamba-jong.
Dr. Hooker also visited the Cho-la pass leading from Sikkim
into the Chumbi valley, and explored all the valleys of Sikkim,
making a very magnificent botanical collection, including the
glorious Sikkim rhododendrons. Dr. Hooker returned to
England in 1851.
The 'Himalayan Journals' form a fascinating book of travels,
in which the reader may obtain a vivid impression of the
scenery, and the nature of the country from the terai fringing
the plains, to the passes into Tibet and the snowy peaks ; and
the work is quite indispensable to a student of Himalayan
geography.1 Dr. Hooker also made a topographical survey of
Independent Sikkim, resulting in what is still the only map of
that country. This is the most valuable contribution that any
private traveller ever made to the geography of the Himalayan
region. Dr. Hooker was the first European"who reached the passes
leading into Great Tibet since the return of Mr. Manning in
1812. But, in the interval, students of Chinese literature had
collected much accurate information respecting that interesting
country. Heinrich Julius Klaproth is the most eminent of these
scholars. Born in 1783, the son of a professor of chemistry at
Berlin, he early devoted himself to the study of Oriental
languages, and in 1805 he accompanied a Russian Ambassador
to Peking. He afterwards visited the Caucasus, and on his
return he settled at Paris, where he organized the Asiatic
1 ' Himalayan Journals ; or, Notes of Dalton Hooker, M.D., R.N., F.R.S.
a Naturalist in Bengal, the Sikkim (2 vols. Murray, 1854.)
and Nepal Mountains, &c.,' by Joseph
xoiv KLAPROTH, GUTZLAFF, HUC. [Into.
Society, and edited the ' Journal Asiatique,' and where he died
in 1835. His most valuable service to those who are interested
in Tibet consists in the translation of a detailed description of
that country from the great geographical dictionary of China,
published at Peking in 1775. It contains a short history and
descriptive lists of the towns, rivers, lakes, mountains, and
passes in the four provinces of D, Tsang, Kam, and Ari.1
Another scholar who has thrown some light on Tibetan
history and geography from Chinese sources is Dr. Gutzlaff,
a native of Stettin, born in 1803, who went to China as a
missionary in 1830, and was afterwards appointed Secretary to
Government at Hong Kong, where he died in 1851. In
chapter ix. of his valuable work, ' China Opened,' he gives some
account of the geography and history of Tibet, and he has col
lected more information on the same subject in his ' History of
China,' and other writings.2
The only Europeans who have visited Lhasa since the time
of Mr. Manning are MM. Hue and Gabet, the adventurous
French missionaries who, in 1844, when residing near the Great
Wall, were appointed by their ecclesiastical superiors to make
their way to the city of the Dalai Lama. After eighteen months
of long marches and terrible hardships, the missionaries arrived
at Lhasa, weary and exhausted. They were only allowed to
reside about a month in the capital of Tibet; but, besides giving
much very interesting information respecting the Buddhist
hierarchy and the people, they happened to arrive at the time
of a crisis in Tibetan history.
1 See ' Magasin Asiatique ; ou, Re- pp. 161, 185. Klaproth edited the
vue, geographique et historique, de la letters of Orazio della Penna, and
Asie centrale et septentrionale,' publico other missionaries, in the ' Journal
par M. J. Klaproth (i. and ii., 1825 Asiatique.'
and 1826, Paris) ; ' Description du Si 2 ' China Opened,' by the Rev. C.
Dzang ou Tibet ' (pp. 209-307) ; and Gutzlaff (2 vols., 1838) ; ' History of
' Route de Tckhing-tou-fou en Chine China ; ' " Remarks on the Present
a travers le Tubeto riental, jusqu'a State of Buddhism in China " ('Journal
H'lassa ou Lassa.' (Pekin, 1792, of the Royal Asiatic Society,' xvi.
pp. 97-132.) See also ' Nouv. Journal p. 73) ; " Tibet and Sefan " ('R. G. S. J.,'
Asiatique,' iv. p. 81; vi. p. 161; vii. xx. p. 191).
Into.] TIBETAN POLITICS. xcv
The Chinese military supremacy had recently been prac
tically tested by a repetition of such an expedition to repel
invasion as was undertaken against Nepal in 1792. Gulab
Sing, of Jammu, afterwards Maharajah of Kashmir, had, in
1834, sent an army of Dogras, commanded by his General
Zorawar Sing, to invade Ladak, which mountainous region was
overrun and conquered. In May, 1841, this chief, with 5000
men, advanced up the valley of the Indus, and occupied Guge
and the country round the sacred Mansarowar lake. The news
of this invasion reached Lhasa in November, and a Chinese
army advanced over the Mariam-la pass, near which the hostile
forces met on the 12th of December, 1841. The battle-field was
15,000 feet above the sea. There was a desultory fight for two
days, when Zorawar Sing was killed, the Dogras entirely
defeated, and only one-sixth escaped from the field.1 Some
fled by the Nepalese pass of Taklakhar to the British province
of Kumaon, others laid down their arms. The Chinese troops
advanced as far as Leh, but eventually peace was made in 1842,
and the old boundary was re-established.
This campaign was followed by important events at Lhasa.
Lobsang Champal, the seventh Dalai Lama, died in 1805, and
since then a Gesub Rimboehe, or Nomen-khan, named Si-Fan, a
native of Kansu, had been regent for many years, while no less
than three Dalai Lamas had died suddenly and under suspicious
circumstances. Gradually dark rumours of assassination began
to circulate. The four ministers, called Kahlons, entertained
no doubt of the Regent's guilt, but the Gesub had a large and
powerful party in some of the monasteries. They therefore
sought aid from the Teshu Lama, the same sacred personage
who, in his infancy, had honoured Captain Turner with an inter
view fifty-seven years before. His Holiness, as soon as the
new Dalai Lama was discovered and enthroned, appealed to the
Emperor of China to save him from the fate of his predecessors.
1 In the same month of the same year the British army was destroyed at
Kabul. (Cunningham's ' Ladak,' p. 353.)
xcvi TIBETAN POLITICS. [Into.
Compliance with the request of the Teshu Lama was at
once resolved upon, and a statesman named Keshen (Ki-chan),
who had been disgraced for making peace with the English at
Canton, was sent as special envoy to Lhasa, in 1844, to settle
the matter respecting the Nomen-khan. In concert with the
Teshu Lama, the Chinese envoy arrested the suspected assassin,
obtained confessions by the use of torture on his followers, and
the Nomen-khan confessed his crimes to escape a similar ordeal.
He was condemned to perpetual banishment, and an insurrec
tion of 15,000 lamas of his faction, from the monastery of Sera,
was suppressed owing to the pusillanimity of their patron, " who
had the cowardly energy of an assassin, but not the audacity of
a revolutionist."1 A young lama of the Bripung or Debang monastery (named
Rating Lama2) was chosen as Nomen-khan by the Chinese, and
as both he and the Dalai Lama were minors, the senior Kahlon,
named Pe-chi,3 became regent. The Pundit of 1866 relates
that formerly the regent was chosen from the monasteries of
Kontyaling, Tankyaling, Chumuling, and Chochuling ; but that
when the assassinating Regent was removed, the Chinese were
aided by the 7700 monks of the Debang monastery, and that
consequently it will supply the regents in future.
The new Regent was extremely kind to Hue and Gabet.
The former describes him as a man of fifty, whose large features,
mild and remarkably pallid, breathed a truly royal majesty,
while his dark eyes, shaded by long lashes, were intelligent and
gentle. M. Hue gives a very interesting account of his inter
views with this great man. It is clear that the Tibetan
authorities were willing to receive the strangers cordially ; that
they were true to the enlightened and tolerant spirit of their
religion, and that Mr. Bogle's impression of the friendly feeling
in his time held good in the succeeding generation. But
1 Hue, ii. p. 165. s The 8hete shaffee of Edgar ; and
2 Gyalbo Riting of the Pundit, Sata Safade of the Pundit.
p. xxiv.
Intr.] TIBETAN POLITICS. xcvii
Chinese jealousy and exclusiveness intervened, and it was
Kes+ten who expelled Hue and Gabet from Lhasa, and sent
them back by way of Szechuen.1
When Rating Lama attainel his majority there was a
struggle for power between him and Pe-chi, the Regent who
won the hearts of Hue and Gabet. At first Pe-chi was banished ;
but the great body of the lamas was in his favour, and
eventually Rating Lama retired to Peking, where he dierl, and
Pe-chi was installed as Gesub Rimboehe. He led a national
party, and was strongly opposed to Chinese interference.
During the regency of Pe-chi the influence of the Chinese
was at a very low ebb, and if the policy of Warren Hastings
had been understood at Calcutta, a great step might then have
been taken towards retrieving lost ground. In 1854 hostilities
broke out with Nepal, and it is said that the Tibetan troops
repulsed the Gorkhas, taking several gims. The Gorkhas
advanced as far as Sakar-jong, a fort on the Sakar-chu, between
the Central and Southern Himalayan Chains, a tributary of the
Arun.2 But in March, 1856, a treaty, disadvantageous to Tibet,
was concluded between the Tibetan and Nepal Governments, in
which both acknowledged the suzerainty of China. The Tibetan
Government agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs. 10,000
to the Gorkhas ; another article stipulated for an exchange of
arms and prisoners; and the Gorkha Government was to be
allowed to establish an agent and a trading factory at Lhasa.3
The Regent Pe-chi died before 1869, and was succeeded by
the aged Abbot of Galdan, who held office until the Dalai Lama
1 ' Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la ' Edinburgh Review,' reprinted in his
Tartarie, le Tibet et la Chine, pendant ' Chinese Miscellanies ' (Murray, 1865).
les Anne'es 1844, 1845, 1846 ' (2 vols., Colonel Yule is the author of the
1853), Hue et Gabet. article on Hue's work in ' Blackwood's
' Le Christianisme en Chine, en Tar- Magazine ' for March, 1852.
tarie et en Thibet ' (4 vols.). Mr. H. T. Prinsep reviewed the work
My quotations are from the English of M. Hue in his ' Tibet, Tartary, and
translation (2 vols., 3rd edition). Mongolia' (2nd ed., Allen, 1852).
Sir John Davis wrote the article on 2 G. T. S. Report for 1871-2.
the travels of Hue and Gabet, in the 3 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. p. 193,'
note. 9
THE DALAI LAMA.
[Into.
came of age. The old Abbot died quite recently. The Dalai
Lama then became gyalpo or king, as well as pontiff. The
explorer No. 9 heard, when at Shigatze in September, 1872,
that there had been a serious rebellion at Lhasa in April,
1871, during which hundreds of people were killed.1 The Teshu
Lama, the next in succession to the friend of Mr. Bogle, and
the one who, as an infant, graciously received Captain Turner,
became as good and holy a pontiff as he was in his former
transmigration. Hue describes him 2 as of a fine majestic frame,
and astonishing vigour for his advanced age, which was then
sixty. His influence was very great, not only in Tibet, but
throughout Mongolia, and crowds came to worship him from
far and near. Hue also relates some curious prophecies of the
Teshu Lama. The venerable saint died in 1854, for when
Colonel Montgomerie's Pundit was at Teshu Lumbo, in 1865,
another incarnation was eleven years of age.
At present the new Teshu Lama must be of age. His
colleague the Dalai Lama died in 1876, and the successor, a
baby, has recently been discovered and enthroned.3 It seems
to be clearly for the good both of Tibet and India that the holy
Buddhisatwas should grow up and personally rule, making the
tolerant precepts of their creed and their goodwill for all man
kind prevail over the narrow exclusiveness of the Chinese
political agents. It appears that there are now about 4000
Chinese troops in Tibet, under Tonglings, or colonels, and that
the Ambas at Lhasa still arrogate to themselves the control of
traffic over the frontiers.
1 G. T. S. Report for 1871-2. 2 Hue, ii. p. 157.
3 The succession of the Dalai Lamas, according to various authorities, is as
follows : Desgodins.
1391. Gue-duu-tchsan.
Klaproth.
1. Ghendonn-djoub-ba (nephew of Tson
khapa).
2. Ghendouii-ghian-dzo.
3. Sotnam-gbian-dzo.
4. Yondam-ghtan-dzo (a Mongol).
6. Ngawang Lobdzung-ghian-dzo.
6. Lobdzang Galdzong-ghian-dzo (?)
7. Lobdzang - dambati -wangt - slouk-
azimbal-ghian-dzo.
1475. Bue-dun-guia-tso.
1543. Sou-nara-guia-lso.
1588. Yeun-ti'n-guia-tso.
1617. Ga-onang-lo-zong-guia- tso.
1682. Tsong-zong-guia-tso (?)
1708. Le-teong-kel-zong - guia -
tso.
1758. Guiam-pel-guia-tso.
1805. Long-tsoiig-guia-tso.
1815. Tseal-tchian-gnia-tso.
1837. Kar-djou-guia-tso.
1856. (A'ame not known.)
Schlagintioeit.
1388-1473. GedunGrab.
Ngagvang Lobzang Gy-
amtso.
Lobsang Kalsang.
LobEang Champal.
Into.] PRESENT STATE OP NEPAL. xcix
This concludes our meagre knowledge of the recent history
of Great Tibet ; and it only remains to refer briefly to recent
events in the hill countries leading from India to Tibet, and to
pass in review the journeys of recent explorers employed under
the superintendence of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of
India. In Nepal there has been no change since the accession to
power of Jang Bahadar, as regards the opening of commercial
intercourse between India and Tibet. The passes are still
closed to Europeans, who are also excluded from all parts of
Nepal except the valley in which Kathmandu is situated. The
restoration of the flourishing trade which existed in the days of
the Newar dynasty seems as far off as ever. In February, 1855,
a treaty was signed for the surrender of heinous offenders, and
the assistance afforded during the mutinies by Jang Bahadar
was rewarded by the cession of the Oudh Terai, in a treaty
dated November 1, I860.1 Jang Bahadar, who died in 1876,
was created a G.C.B. and G.C.S.I. ; but ruinous export and
import duties are levied on the Nepal frontiers ; a lai'ge army
is kept up for which there is no use whatever in the administra
tion of the country; and a policy of worse than Chinese ex-
clusiveness and obstruction is maintained. The trade between
Tibet and India which passes through Nepal is at present in a
very depressed state. It is conducted by the so-called Bhotia
tribes of the Upper Himalayas, who, during the hot months,
make two or three journeys to Tibet. The Tibetan imports
into the North-West Provinces consist of horses and cattle,
borax, salt, wool, and gold. The exports to Tibet are woollen
and cotton piece goods, grain, spices, sugar, and miscellaneous
manufactures. The borax trade has suffered a severe blow
from the discovery of borax in other countries. The whole
value of the trade in 1877, exclusive of treasure, between Tibet
and the North-West Provinces, was Rs. 2,86,533 for imports
into India, and Rs. 95,982 for exports. Food grains represent
nearly half the total value of the exports.
1 Aitchison's ' Treaties,' ii. pp. 220 and 223.
9 2
9. EDEN'S MISSION TO BHUTAN. [Intb,
The history of our intercourse with Bhutan since Pem-
berton's mission has been one of complaints against petty raids
and aggressions, and controversies about boundaries, ending
in a small war. "The whole history of our connection with
Bhutan," says Dr. Campbell,1 "is a continuous record of in
juries to our subjects all along the frontier of 250 miles, of
denials of justice, and of acts of insult to our Government." In
1839, the Bhutanese carried off twelve British subjects, which
showed that Pemberton's mission had had no effect upon them.
In 1841 they seized five British villages, when Colonel Jenkins,
the Commissioner in Assam, proposed the despatch of a mission,
but this measure was not approved. The Assam diiars were
then occupied.2 In 1842, outrages were commenced on the side
of the Bengal diiars, and continued at intervals until 1856.
Sir Frederick Halliday, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal,
then proposed that the districts of Ambari Fala-kottah and
Jalpaish, which had been given to Bhutan in 1784 and 1787,
but which had formerly belouged to the province of Julpigori,
should be occupied; but the measure was prevented by the
mutinies. Further outrages followed ; and in 1863, the Honour
able Ashley Eden was appointed envoy to Bhutan, to obtain a
treaty. He was accompanied by Major Godwin Austen, of the
Topographical Survey Department, Captain Lance, and Dr.
Simpson. The time selected for this mission was unfortunate. Bhutan
was in a state of anarchy owing to a rebellion. The Jungpen
of Punakha had closed its gates against the Deb Rajah. The
Paro Penlo, or Governor of Western Bhutan, had taken part
with the Deb ; while the Tongso Penlo took the other side, and
besieged the Deb in Tassisudon, who surrendered and was sent
into retirement at Shiptoka. At the same time, the Paro Penlo
and his subordinate, the Jungpen of Dalim-kotta, were carrying
on a private war on their own account.
Mr. Eden's mission left Darjiling in 1864, crossed the Tista,
1 'Oriental,' Jan. 1874, p. 25. Durrung district; and Shurkolla,
2 Seven in number, namely, Buri Banska, Chapaguri, Chapkakama, and
Gumah and Kalling, bordering ou tlie Bijni, bordering on Kamrup.
Intb.] THE BHUTAN WAR. ci
and proceeded to Dalim-kotta. From this place the route was
ov6r quite new ground, by the Tulalah pass, 10,000 feet above
the sea, where the snow was deep, and then across the Am-
machu, the river which rises near Pari-jong, and flows through
the valley of Chumbi. Thence the mission proceeded, by way
of Paro, to Punakha, which place was reached on the 18th of
March. The Bhutan Durbar treated Mr. Eden with audacious in
solence, asked for the restitution of the Assam diiars, and
enforced their demands by stopping supplies of provisions, and
even by personal outrages. Mr. Eden complied with the
demands under protest, and escaped by forced marches by
way of Paro. In his report, dated July 20, 1864, Mr. Eden
reviewed the whole of our political relations with Bhutan from
first to last, described his route, and gave an account of the
Government and people, of whom he naturally formed a very
unfavourable opinion, strikingly in contrast with those ex
pressed by Mr. Bogle and Captain Turner in the last century.1
It became necessary to punish the outrage on Mr. Eden's
mission, and this led to a war with Bhutan during the year
1865. Hostilities were confined to the Diiars. There was a
reverse at Dewangiri, where the Tongso Penlo captured two
guns, but afterwards severe loss was inflicted on the enemy at
Dewangiri and Bala" on one side; while Dalim-kotta, Chamurchi,
and Buxa were seized and occupied on the other.2 In January,
1866, the Bhutan Government agreed to a treaty surrendering
the document to which Mr. Eden's signature was placed under
protest, apologizing for the insults, agreeing to give up two
British guns which the Tongso Penlo had succeeded in cap-
1 Mr. Eden's report is printed first 2 See ' A Military Report on the
in the volume of ' Political Missions to Country of Bhutan ; containing all the
Bootan ' (Calcutta, 1865), pp. 1 to 137 ; Information of Military Importance
with an Appendix containing the routes which has been collected up to July 1 2,
known in Bhutan. An excellent precis 1866,' by Lieut. C. M. MacGregor.
of Mr. Eden's report is given by Dr. (Calcutta, 1873.)
Rennie, ' Bootan, or the Story of the
Dooar War,' chapters iv., v., and vi.
cii TAWANG. [Intr.
turing at Dewangiri, and ceding the whole of the eleven Bengal
diiars,1 as well as the tract between the rivers Tista and
Jhaldakha. This brings British territory into direct contact
with that of Tibet in the Chumbi valley. The English Govern
ment agreed to pay the Deb Rajah a yearly sum of Rs. 50,000,
provided that his conduct continued to be satisfactory. These
arrangements were negotiated by Colonel Bruce.
The Bhutanese are, however, in all probability incorrigible,
and, in the opinion of Dr. Campbell, it will in the end be
necessary to annex their territory, in order to secure the con
tinuance of peace and the free passage of merchandise.2
On the eastern frontier of Bhutan there is a small State
occupied by a tribe called the Tawang Bhuteas, which is inde
pendent of Bhutan, but tributary to Tibet. The Tawang Rajah
has always been peaceable and friendly ; and in 1844 he re
linquished all claim on the Diiar leading from his territory
into the Assam plain, in exchange for a payment of 500Z. a
year. The Tawang frontier lies between the rivers Deosham
and Rowta. A very considerable trade is carried on between
Tibet and Assam through Tawang, and this may hereafter
become a route of great importance.
British Sikkim, at first under a Superintendent, and since 1866
under a Deputy Commissioner, was, until 1874, included in the
1 Namely, Dalim-kotta, Mynaguri Bhutan, the nature of the country,
or Zamir-kotta, Chamurchi, Lakhi, and the government and religion, as
Buxa (Passaka), Bhulka, Bara, Gumar, well as its military resources. Dr. Ren-
Ripu, Chirrung, and Bagh or Chota nie then reviews the history of British
Bijni. intercourse with Bhutan ; and in the
2 See ' Bhutan, and the Story of the last chapters he gives an account of the
Dooar War,' by Surgeon Rennie, M.D. war in the Diiars, in 1865, of which he
(Murray, 1866). Also ' Papers relating was an eye-witness. The experience of
to Bootan;' and 'Further Papers re- the war showed that the Central Govern-
lating to Bootan,' presented to Parlia- ment, consisting of Deb and Dharma
ment Feb. 15, 1865, No. 47 ; and Rajahs, was a mere fiction, as far as all
Feb. 8, 1865, No. 13. real power is concerned; and that in
Dr. Rennie's book is carefully future it will be futile to negotiate
written after much research, and is with any officials in Bhutan, except
comprehensive. It describes the geo- the Paro and Tongso Penlos, the actual
graphical position and extent of governors of West and East Bhutan.
Intb.] RECENT EXPLORATION IN SIKKIM. ciii
Commissionership of Kuch Bahar, which had existed since 1788.
Anttmg the Commissioners, Mr. Richard Ahmuty, from 1797 to
1802, was a man of great ability, and administered the State
during the minority of the Rajah. Mr. David Scott was Com
missioner from 1816 to 1831, and also joint-magistrate of
Rangpiir, and afterwards Governor-General's agent in Assam
and on the north-east frontier, retaining charge of Kuch Bahar,
which, until January, 1864, continued under political charge of
the Commissioners of Assam. It was Mr. Scott who sent the
mission to Bhutan under Kishen Kant Bose. In 1866 Kuch
Bahar was made the nucleus of a new commissionership, and
Colonel Haughton, C.S.I. , was Commissioner of the Kuch Bahar
division from December, 1866, to February, 1873. This officer
has taken great interest in the questions relating to Sikkim and
Bhutan, and to the establishment of friendly intercourse with
Tibet ; and has collected much valuable information on the
subject. Dr. Campbell was succeeded at Darjiling, in 1862, by Mr.
Wake, V.C. ; and in 1866, Major B. W. D. Morton, who had
long served in Assam, and had distinguished himself in sup
pressing the rebellion in Jaintea, was appointed Deputy Com
missioner of British Sikkim, under the Commissioner of Kuch
Bahar. When he went on leave, Mr. J. Ware Edgar, C.S.I., who
had written a valuable report on the cultivation of tea in India,
was appointed to officiate during his absence.
Since the signature of the treaty of 1861, the relations with
Sikkim have been satisfactory ; and some exploring work has
been done in the direction of the Tibet passes. During the
autumn of 1871, Mr. W. T. Blanford, of the Geological Survey
of India, accompanied by Captain Elwes, explored the upper
valley of the Tista, in Dr. Hooker's footsteps, their main object
being to collect birds and study the zoology of the upper
branches of the Tista valley. They reached the Donkia pass ;
ascertained the position of another pass, never before laid down
on any map ; met with three unmapped lakes, and made a
civ RELATIONS WITH SIKKIM. [Intb
good collection of birds. Mr. Blanford also explored the passes
leading into the Chumbi valley. Since Dr. Campbell and Dr.
Hooker explored this region, in 1849, only one European had
penetrated to the Donkia pass previous to Mr. Blanford's
visit.1 In June, 1873, the Rajah of Sikkim, accompanied by his
brother and minister, Changzed Rabu, a man of great natural
powers and predominating influence over his countrymen,
entered British territory for the first time, and paid a visit to
Sir George Campbell, the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, at
Darjiling. Sieingputti, the Rajah's sister, who was free from
affectation and any ideas of seclusion, and was delighted with
every novelty ; and -a younger brother, called the Chota Rajah,
were also of the party.
Changzed Rabu is now the leading man in Sikkim, and is
favourable to freedom of trade, and to the spread of British
influence. He assured Sir George Campbell that the prohibi
tion of trade with Tibet was solely due to orders from Peking,
and that the Tibetans would gladly facilitate direct trade.
Even now there is considerable local traffic carried on across the
passes. In 1873, Mr. Edgar, C.S.I., proceeded to return the Sikkim
Rajah's visit, and was received in a most friendly manner. He
also visited the passes, already explored by Mr. Blanford, which
lead from Sikkim into Chumbi. The most southerly of these
passes is that of Jelep-la, about 50 miles from Tumhing, the
capital of Sikkim, and 13,000 feet above the sea. The two
next, to the north, are those of Guatiula and Yak-la, the latter
14,000 feet high. These are rarely interrupted by snow fdr
many days, and form the easiest way into the Chumbi valley.
Next, to the north, is the Cho-la pass, 15,000 feet high, which is
the direct route from Tumlung to Chumbi. Then comes the
1 This was Captain Chamer, who ' J. A. S. B.,' vol. x. part ii., p. 367.
made a rapid journey in search of sport See also papers by Major J. L. and
in the spring of 1870. For an account Captain W. S. Sherwill, ' J. A. S. B.,'
of Mr. Blanford's expedition, see xxii. pp, 540, 611 ; and xxxi. p. 457.
Intb.] MR. EDGAR'S REPORT. cv
Tankra-la, 16,083^ feet high, the most snowy pass in Sikkim,
difficult of access, and unsuited for traffic.
Mr. Edgar left Darjiling on the 23rd of October, 1873, and
encamped at the foot of the Jelep-la pass on the 30th, where he
was met by the Dewan Changzed, the ex-Dewan Nurugay,1
who had imprisoned Dr. Campbell, and was expelled by the
treaty of 1861, and the Tibetan Governor or Jongpen of Pari-
jong. Mr. Edgar consented to receive the ex-Dewan unofficially,
and he supplied him with much valuable information. He has
great influence both at Sikkim and Lhasa, but has no recog
nized official position; and Mr. Edgar thinks that much use
might be made of him in our dealings with Tibet. The Jongpen
of Pari-jong was a young man, tall and stout, with a courteous
and dignified manner, and a pleasant voice. He is said to be
the son of a highly-placed Tibetan official.
Mr. Edgar proposed that he should be invited to proceed to
Chumbi, in order that the Rajah might be saved the trouble of
meeting him on the pass. The Jongpen said that no European
had ever visited Tibet, to which Mr. Edgar replied by relating to
him the missions of Mr. Bogle and Captain Turner. The Jongpen
answered that the present arrangement had been made by the
Chinese envoy, Keshen, about thirty years ago. This official, the
same who expelled Hue and Gabet from Lhasa, arranged with
the Tibetan authorities that direct management of frontier affairs
should be committed to the Ambas, or Chinese political agents,
and that there should be no intercourse between Tibet and
British India. The Jongpen explained this arrangement, and
said that all he could do was to obey orders, whether he
approved of them or not ; but he offered to report the matter
to his immediate superior, the Chechap Depen of Giansu.2
Both the Dewan Changzed and the ex-Dewan strongly urged
upon Mr. Edgar the advisability of getting a declaration from
the Government of Peking that the obstacles now put in the
way of free intercourse are unauthorized, which would strengthen
1 Namguay (?) * Edgar has Giantzi,
cvi MR. EDGAR'S REPORT. [Intb.
the hands of the Tibetans. Mr. Edgar also gathered that much
uneasiness was felt in Tibet at the threatening attitude of the
Nepalese, which obliged the Dalai Lama and his advisers to
make up their disputes with the Ambas, in order to be secure
of help from China.
Mr. Edgar took the opportunity of fully explaining to the
Tibetan officials the policy and wishes of the British Govern
ment, and that their object was the encouragement of trade,
and the maintenance of strong, friendly States along our frontier.
He also appears to have excited their fears by saying that he
could not see how his Government could interfere between a
friendly State and one that refuses to have any relations with
us, his object being to impress upon them the advisability of
seeking the alliance of the British Government. The ex-Dewan
was very anxious to obtain forgiveness for his misconduct
towards Dr. Campbell and Dr. Hooker, and promised to repeat
to the Tibetan officials, and to the Dalai Lama himself, the argu
ments which Mr. Edgar had used against the policy of isolation.
In the morning of the 4th of November, 1873, the Rajah
himself arrived, in deep distress, owing to the hopeless state of
his sister. Mr. Edgar informed him that the Government had
increased his pension to 1200Z. a year. Mr. Edgar was much
touched by his intense sorrow, and urged him to return at once
to his poor sister at Chumbi, accompanying him to the head of
the Jelep-la. The Jelep-la and the Chumbi valley are localities
of very great importance, because it is probable that the first
great commercial road from India to Tibet will take this direc
tion. The conference between the English official and the
Tibetan Governor of Pari-jong, on the Jelep pass, is therefore
a very significant event ; and the important and interesting
report of Mr. Edgar,1 in which he records the information
1 ' Report on a Visit to Sikkim and (Calcutta, 1874.) With photographs,
the Thibetan Frontier, in October, pp. 103.
November, and December, 1873,' G. In the ' Calcutta Review,' of July,
J. Ware Edgar, O.S.I., Officiating 1874 (No. 117), there is a very able
Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling. article on Tibet, by Mr. Wilfred L.
Intb.] MORAVIAN MISSION IN LAHAUL. cvii
he collected respecting recent political events in Tibet, and
destjribes the pass and the nature of the country leading to it,
deserves very careful attention.
From Western Tibet it is also probable that much will be
done to restore the old friendly intercourse between India and
the central region. Something indeed has already been effected,
on the one hand, by the Moravian missionaries in Lahaul,
headed by Mr. Jaschke and Mr. Heyde, who have learned the
Tibetan language, and will be able to convey intelligence of the
policy of the British Government, through the heads of Budd
hist monasteries in Ladak ; on the other hand, by the explorers,
who are instructed and sent forth on long journeys of discovery
from the head-quarters of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of
India. For upwards of a century the attention of the Moravian mis
sionaries has been turned towards the Kalmuk and Mongol
tribes, and in 1765 a Moravian settlement was formed near
Czarizin on the Volga, affording opportunities of communi
cating with the nomad tribes of the steppes. In the begin
ning of the present century some slight progress was made
among the Kirghis tribes, but the mission terminated in 1821,
owing to the interference of the Russian Government. Having
been refused permission to pass through Russian territory, two
Moravian missionaries set out, in 1853, with the intention of
penetrating into Mongolia, by way of India. They were stopped
on the borders by the Chinese officials, and then received orders
from Herrnhuth to settle down where they best could among
the Tibetans. A place called Kaelang, in British Lahaul, was
selected, and a few years afterwards the mission was placed on
Heeley, of the Bengal Civil Service. Tibet and India. Besides Mr. Edgar's
It was originally intended to be a Report, Mr. Heeley heads his article
review of Mr. Edgar's Report, but Mr. with the ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' of
Heeley was led away by the interest of Giorgi, and the works of Turner, Hue,
his subject, and it is actually an ad- Koppen, Schlagintweit, Cooper, and
mirable essay on the religion and his- Desgodins.
tory of Tibet, and on the trade between
cviii MORAVIAN MISSION IN LAHAUL. [Intb.
a more regular footing, under Brothers Jaschke, Rechler, and
Heyde. In 1873, the staff consisted of Brothers Heyde and
Redslob, with their wives and twenty converts. The mission
house is 10,000 feet above the sea, and has fields and carefully
tended gardens and orchards attached to it.1
Brother H. A. Jaschke, after eleven years' residence in
Lahaul, returned to Germany in the end of 1868. He is the
highest authority in Europe on the modern Tibetan language
and its dialects, and is the author of more than one valuable
work on the subject.2 The Moravian Brethren will continue to
occupy their present important station in North- Western India,
as a basis of operations, until they are permitted to cross the
Chinese frontier into Tibet. Their knowledge of the Tibetan
language, and their intercourse with the Lamas, will be one
influential means of preparing the way for future unrestricted
intercourse between India and Tibet.
Meanwhile the efforts of our surveying officers in promoting
the exploration of Tibet is another powerful means of gaining
the same object. It is now fourteen years since Colonel Mont
gomerie inaugurated the system, under Colonel Walker, of com
pleting our geographical information respecting the unknown
parts of Asia by means of native explorers. These explorers
are very carefully selected, instructed in the use of the compass,
sextant, and boiling-point thermometer, and in the method of
working out a route by traverse or dead reckoning, and then
despatched in various directions. By means of this agency
1 See ' The Abode of Snow,' by ary (Kyelang, 1866) ; and a Tibetan
Andrew Wilson, chapter xxx. (Black- and German Dictionary, just completed.
wood, 1875.) Dr. Cleghorn also visited These works are all auto-lithographed.
the Lahaul mission. See his ' Report In 1866, he submitted to the Berlin
upon the Forests of the Punjaub and Academy a. treatise on the phonetio
the Western Himalayas' (Roorkee, laws of the Tibetan language. Since
1864), p. 150. 1873 he has been engaged, for the
2 Mr. Jaschke has written ' A Short India Office, on a comprehensive
Practical Grammar of the Tibetan Lan- modern Tibetan and English Dic-
guage, with Reference to the Spoken tionary, which is now nearly ready for
Dialects' (Kyelang, 1865); a Ro- the press.
manized Tibetan and English Diction-
Intb.] JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. cix
very important additions have quite recently been made to our
knrTwledge of Nepal and of Great Tibet.
Colonel Walker engaged two Pundits (A 1 and B), who were
British subjects, from one of the upper valleys of the Himalaya,
and, under Colonel Montgomerie, they were trained to the use
of the sextant and compass. They were then directed to make
a route survey from Lake Mansarowar to Lhasa, a distance of
about 800 miles. They made a first attempt to advance direct
from Kumaon, but did not find this route practicable. They,
however, met some Bisahiris, British subjects, who had been
robbed whilst trading in Chinese territory, near Gartokh, and
who asked the Pundits to be their vakils, in order to obtain
redress from the Lhasa Government. This furnished a plausible
reason for the journey, and it was then decided that the best
chance of reaching Lhasa would be through Nepal. They
accordingly set out,2 and reached Kathmandu on the 7th of
March, 1865.
The Pundits heard that the route by the Kirong pass was
clear of snow earlier than that by Kuti (Nilarn), and they,
therefore, selected that route, leaving Kathmandu on the 20th
of March ; but the Chinese Governor of Kirong refused to allow
them to pass, and they returned to Kathmandu on the 10th of
April. One of the Pundits, B, then gave up the attempt, and con
tented himself with making a long journey in the upper parts
of Western Nepal, including an examination of the Muktinath
pass.3 The other, A, set out, disguised as a native of Ladak,
as a companion of a Tibetan merchant, named Dawa Nangul,
on the 20th of June, and made his way to Kirong.
The post of Kirong is very important in connection with
tlie question of intercourse between India and Tibet. It com-
1 Pundit A is now known by his real point thermometers, and a common
name of Nain Sing. watch.
2 They had a large sextant, two box 3 No account has ever been pub-
sextants, prismatic and pocket com- lished of the journey of this Pundit in
passes, pocket chronometer, boiling- Western Nepal, and of his visit to the
Muktinath pass.
ex JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. [Intb.
mands what is probably the best of the Nepalese passes. The
Pundit describes it as a place with a fort, a good-sized temple,
about twenty shops, and a population of 3000 to 4000. Wheat
and barley are raised round the town, and there is a trade in
salt from Tibet and in rice from Nepal.
The road through Kirong leads past the important Chinese
post of Jonka-jong, on the Central Chain, which is probably the
Ari-jong of D'Anville's map. But the Pundit was again refused
leave to proceed, and with very great difficulty he eventually
got permission to take another route, to the westward, over the
No-la pass of the Central Chain, 16,600 feet above the sea. His
route was through forest on the outer slopes of the Southern
Chain as far as a village called Lue, where the mountain sides
become bare and rocky, and then across the Southern Chain by
the Ga-la pass, which is the boundary between Tibet and
Nepal, and 16,700 feet high. The No-la pass was crossed next
day, so that here the two chains approach very closely, the
intermediate plain sinking to 14,000 feet.
On the 2nd of September the Pundit reached the banks of
the Tsanpu, and crossed to the Tadum monastery, on the north
shore, 14,200 feet above the sea. Here he learnt that once in
two years the Maharajah of Kashmir sent a merchant to Lhasa
with a great quantity of goods, who is called " Lopchak ; " and
that once a year the Government of Lhasa sent a merchant,
called "Jang Chongpon," to Ladak. The Pundit joined the
Kashmiri merchant's head man, named Chiring Nurpal, who
passed through Tadum with seventy laden yaks, and they set
out together for Lhasa on the 3rd of October.
The party travelled along the northern side of the Tsanpu,
crossing a large tributary called the' Charta-Tsanpu, flowing
from the Northern Chain ; and then passing over a range into
the valley of the Raka-Tsanpu, a river which has a long course
parallel to the Tsanpu, into which it falls below Janglache.
From Tadum to a place called Ralung there were no signs of
cultivation, and the population was very scanty; but from Ralung
Intb.] JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. cxi
onwards there were clumps of willow trees and cultivated patches.
Raffing is just below the Ka-la pass, over a spur from the range
between the rivers Raka-Tsanpu and Tsanpu, which separates
the Tsang province from those of Western or Little Tibet.
On the 22nd of October the party crossed the Tsanpu by a
ferry, 190 miles below Tadum, and arrived at the town of Jang
lache, where there is a strongly-built fort on the top of a hill,
a fine monastery, and a number of shops kept by Nepalese.
From Janglache to the town of Shigatze goods and men are
transported on the river, which is wide and navigable, in boats
covered with hides. Here they were joined by the second part
of the Kashmiri merchant's caravan, consisting of 105 laden
yaks; and on the 29th they reached Shigatze,1 11,800 feet above
the sea. At a place calle 1 Phuncholing, between Janglache and
Shigatze, the river is spanned by an iron chain bridge.
On the 1st of November, 1865, the Pundit went from Shi
gatze to Teshu Lumbo, to do homage to the Teshu Lama or
Panchen Rimboehe,2 a boy eleven years old, who was seated on
a high throne covered with rich silk. The Pundit reports that
there are 3300 monks in the monastery of Teshu Lumbo, and
that the town of Shigatze has a population of 9000, exclusive of
the monks, but including a garrison of 100 Chinese soldiers and
400 Tibetan militia. A market is daily held on the space
between Shigatze and Teshu Lumbo, and good crops are raised
in the neighbourhood.
At Shigatze the caravan was joined by the Kashmiri mer- '
chant himself; and setting out again on the 22nd of December,
they passed through Painam,3 and reached Giansu4 on the 25th,
a distance of 46 miles.5
Giansu was visited by Bogle and Turner, and Mr. Manning
resided there for some time. The Pundit describes it as a city
1 The Pundit calls it Digarcha. * Penajong.
Here he took a number of observations 4 Gyangze.
for latitude. 5 According to the Pundit ; 39 ac-
2 He calls him the " Panjan Ringbo cording to Turner.
Che."
cxii JOURNEY OF THE PUNDIT OF 1865 TO LHASA. [Intb.
about the size of Shigatz i, with a fort on a low hill in the centre
of the town, and a large gilded temple. It is ruled by a Depen,1
assisted by two Jongpens, and has a garrison of fifty Chinese
soldiers and 200 Tibetan militia. The surrounding plain pro
duces wheat, barley, radishes, peas, and ghee, while rice is
imported from Bhutan. Woollen cloths are manufactured in
the town, and also small bells with which horses are adorned in
Tibet. From Giansu the Pundit followed the route taken by Mr.
Manning to the Palti or Tamdok-cho lake, crossing a spur of
the Central Chain by the pass of Khoro-la, 17,000 feet above the
sea. He describes the lake as 45 miles in circumference, 2 to
3 miles broad, with a hilly island in the centre, the water very
deep and good to drink, though the lake has no outlet.2 He
found the lake to be 13,700 feet above the sea.
On the 4th of January, 1866, the Pundit left the shores of
this famous ring-shaped lake, crossed the Khamba-la Mountain
separating the provinces of U and Tsang, and reached the left
bank of the Tsanpu, at the village of Khamba-barchi, where it
is 11,400 feet above the sea level. Here the party took a boat,
and rowed down the stream to Chusul-jong. Crossing the river
at Chusul, they followed Mr. Manning's route up the valley of
the Ki-chu, and arrived at Lhasa on the 10th.
The Pundit describes the Lhasa valley as full of large and
populous monasteries. He visited that of Sara (Sera of Hue),
' three miles from the city, where there are 5500 monks, and the
famous monastery of Galdan, founded by Tsong-khapa, which is
three-quarters of a mile in circumference, and peopled by 3300
monks. The city of Lhasa has a circumference of 2£ miles,
and in the centre stands a large temple containing images
richly inlaid with gold and precious stones, and surrounded by
bazaars with shops kept by Tibetan, Kashmiri, Ladaki, and Ne
palese merchants, many of whom are Muhammadans. Chinese
tradesmen are also numerous. The plain of Lhasa is about 12
1 The Chechep Depen of Edgar. 2 See note at p. 244.
Intr.] THE PUNDIT'S ACCOUNT OF LHASA. cxiii
miles long by 7 broad, and is surrounded by mountains. Around
the town are the monasteries of Muru, Ramoche, Chumuling,
Tankyaling, Kontyaling, and the palace-monastery of Potala, the
residence of the Dalai Lama, or Goor (Gewan) Rimboehe, called
also the Lama Guru. It is a mile and a half in circumference,
and stands on an eminence 300 feet above the plain. Four
miles west of it is the Debang monastery, with 7700 monks ;
and to the south, on the other side of the Ki-chu, is the
Chochuling monastery.1
The Pundit went with the Kashmiri merchant (Lopchak),
to pay his respects to the Dalai Lama, who was a fair and hand
some boy about thirteen years old, seated on a throne six feet
high, with the Gesub Rimboehe,2 or Regent Minister, on his
right hand. The Pundit relates the popular belief to be that
the Dalai Lama will transmigrate thirteen times, and that he
is now in his thirteenth transmigration. But he is only in the
twelfth according to the list of Desgodins. Below the Regent
there are four ministers, called Khalons,3 who conduct all public
business ; and the Amba, or Chinese political agent, has special,
but apparently undefined powers. As a rule, he does not in
terfere in the internal affairs of Tibet. The Pundit also heard
that 36 miles east of Lhasa, on the north shore of the Tsanpu,
there is a town called Sawe, where the Tibetan treasury is kept ;
that 40 miles farther east there is a town, on the south bank,
called Shotang, as large as Shigatze ; that the river flows thence
eastward for 120 miles, and then turns due south.
The hills round Lhasa are barren, except for one thorny
1 According to another authority, the principal Gonpas or monasteries round
Lhasa, with the numbers of monks in each, are as follows :
Kontyaling Monastery . . 200
Tankyaling „ . .. 200
Chochuling „ ... 30"
Chumuling „ .. .. 1,000
Gandan Monastery . .
.. 3,500
Lia „
.. 5,500
Depong „
.. 7,500
Gentu „
500
Grume .,
500
Chenamge „
.. 1,000
Chemchung „
200
2,0,400
2 Nomen-khan of Hue, ii. p. 156. The Pundit calls him Gyalpo-Khuro-Gyago.
3 Kaskaks, of the Pundit. h
cxiv VISIT TO THOK-JALUNG GOLD MINES. [Intb.
bush called sia, but there are trees of two kinds in the gardens,
though not indigenous, called changma and jawar. The crops
of the Lhasa plains consist of barley, wheat, peas, mustard,
radishes, carrots, onions, potatoes,1 beans, and other garden
produce. There are cows, sheep, goats, yaks, ponies, asses, and
pigs ; and fowls, pigeons, and ducks are plentiful. The manu
factures at Lhasa are chiefly woollen cloths and felt.
The population of Lhasa, according to a census taken in
1854, was 15,000, and owing to the number of celibates there
is a large preponderance of women : 9000 women to 6000
men. The garrison consists of 500 Chinese soldiers, and
1000 Tibetans, armed with flint guns, and seven small pieces
of ordnance. The Pundit left Lhasa on the 21st of April, 1866, and,
returning by the same route, reached Tadum on the 1st of June.
Journeying up the Tsanpu valley, he crossed the Mariam-la
pass, and returned to India, reporting himself to Colonel Mont
gomerie at the head-quarters of the Great Trigonometrical
Survey.2 In May, 1867, the same Pundit who was at Lhasa, A, with
a third man who had been trained in the interval, C, as B had
proved to be somewhat wanting in nerve, set out to explore the
gold mines of Thok- Jalung, on the lofty plateau in rear of the
great Northern Range. After a most trying journey, these
hardy and persevering explorers crossed the Chomorang-la
pass, 18,760 feet above the sea, and after a long march through
snow, reached the chief gold-field,3 on a large desolate plain,
16,330 feet above the sea, where the camp of the Tibetan gold
diggers was pitched. The master of the gold diggings was a
native of Lhasa, a shrewd and well-informed man. The Pundit
describes the method of working the gold, and the habits of the
1 Probably due to the benevolent tions of the Great Trigonometrical
forethought of Warren Hastings, and Survey of India durm°- 1866-7 ' by
introduced through Bhutan. (See Colonel J. T. Walker, R.E. F.R.S.
p. 19, and note.) ix. pp. i to xxix.
2 See ' General Report on the Opera- 3 In 32° 24' 26" N. • 81° 37' 38" E.
Intb.] EXPLORATION OF NO. 9. cxv
diggers. The explorers left Thok-Jalung in August, and returned
tb head-quarters in November, 1867.1
Some very important journeys were made by an explorer
whom Colonel Montgomerie calls No. 9, and whose results he
reported upon in 1872. No. 9 went up the valley of the Tambur,
in Eastern Nepal, in the footsteps of Dr. Hooker, as far as
the Wallanchun pass, which No. 9 calls Tipta-la ; and then
succeeded in gaining permission to enter Tibet by his successful
medical treatment of the wife of a chief official, at Tashirak, a
large standing camp on a feeder of the Arun, 15,000 feet above
the sea. He then crossed a mountain spur by the Ni-la pass,
and entered the district of Tinki-jong. Advancing southward, he
first came to patches of cultivation at a place called Lamadong,
on the banks of the Khantongiri, another tributary of the Arun.
Crossing over another spur, by the pass of Tinki-la, he reached
the banks of the Chomto-dong lake, 20 miles long by 16 miles
wide, and 14,700 feet above the sea. He then crossed the
Central Range by the Lagulung-la pass, 16,200 feet above the
sea, with glacier ice close down to it, which forms the boundary
between Sikkim and Tibet. The explorer journeyed, thence to
Shigatze, and duly paid his respects to the Teshu Lama.]
No. 9 returned by the Sakia monastery of the Red Cap
sect, crossed the Central Chain by the Dong-la pass, on the 3rd
of October, 1871, and proceeded, by Sakar-jong, Tingri, and
Nilam, to the gorge of the Bhotia Kosi into Nepal. Nilam, or
Kuti, is the last Tibetan town in this direction, and the pass
thence into Nepal, according to the account given by No. 9, is
one of the most dangerous in the whole Himalayan range.2
In 1871, Colonel Montgomerie organized a party to explore
some portion of the unknown region north of the Tibetan water
shed of the Upper Brahmaputra, or Tsanpu, led by a young
1 ' General Report on the Operations 2 See note at p. 155. ' General Re-
of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of port on the Operations of the Great
India, 1867-8,' by Lieut.-Colonel J. T. Trigonometrical Survey of India during
Walker R.E.. F.R.S., xi. pp. i to x. 1871-2,' by Major T. G. Montgomerie,
R.E., F.R.S.
* h 2
cxvi EXPLORATION OF LAKE TENGRI-NOR. [Intb.
semi-Tibetan, who is neither distinguished by name nor number,
so we will call him D. He had with him four assistants from
the border districts. Crossing the Mariam-la, they arrived at
Shigatze on the 24th of November, where D prepared for a
journey across the great Northern Chain to the unvisited lake of
Tengri-nor, which was only known from the Lama's survey
of 1716. Sheep were the only animals that could stand the
journey, as the road was too stony for yaks and the climate too
cold for donkeys. D therefore purchased fifty sheep to carry
the baggage, and, setting out on the 6th of December, the
party crossed the Tsanpu, and travelled up the valley of the
Shiang-chu, in the footsteps of Mr. Bogle.1 The villages
the explorers passed through were Peting, on the Tsanpu ; Chua
Dongdot-la, and Chom ; and on the 14th they reached Namling,
the Chamnamring of Mr. Bogle,2 where there are a monastery
with five hundred monks, a fort, and about two hundred houses
surrounded by gardens, with an iron bridge over the river. This
route is frequented by traders in salt and borax.
Following up the valley they next came to Kholam, and
then to Gonkiang, where there is a monastery. On the 20th
they halted at another monastery, called Rabdan Chuling Gonpa,
the residence of a high Lama, called the Shaptung Rimboehe,
who was said to be about a hundred years old, and who had
built the monastery eighty years before. Beyond this point
the cold became very intense ; and at the village of Gunje the
explorers were told that white bears, called tik-dumba, abound,
which commit great havoc amongst the cattle. They next
came to some very remarkable hot springs and geysers in the
mountains ; 3 and on the 8th of January, 1872, they crossed the
Khalamba-la pass over the great Northern Range, in a heavy
snowstorm, which is 17,200 feet above the sea. On the other
side they came to an encampment of Dokpa shepherds, and
a little farther on the first view was obtained of the great
Tengri-nor lake, called on the spot Jang-Namcho 4 Chidmo,
1 See p. 80. ' See p. 80. ' See note at p. 182. 4 Nam, sky ; and cho lake.
Intr.] THE TENGRI-NOR LAKE. cxvii
and they crossed the large river Ghaika-chu, flowing into it
from the west. They reached the monastery, on the banks of
the lake, called Dorkia-lugu-dong,1 whence there is a magnificent
view of the wide expanse of water. D resolved to execute a
complete survey of the lake, making this monastery his head
quarters; but there were constant heavy falls of snow, which
impeded his work. The principal peak in this part of the
Northern Range is called Ninjinthangla, 25,000 feet high, and
the lamas say it is a god surrounded by three hundred and sixty
smaller snowy peaks as its servants. The range was traced for
150 miles, running in a north-easterly direction.
The lake is quite frozen over in November, though the
water is too salt to be used for drinking. The level is 15,200 feet
above the sea. It is 60 miles long by from 16 to 25 miles broad,
and has some large islands. To the north there is another
smaller lake, called Bul-cho, about 6 miles long by 5 miles
wide, whence a kind of borax is obtained.
On their return, D and his companions were attacked by
robbers, and stripped of nearly all they possessed, with difficulty
making their way round the east side of the lake, and across
the Central Chain, by the Damniargan-la pass, to Lhasa. On
the 2nd of March the weary travellers arrived at the Jang-
talung monastery, where there are a thousand monks ; and on
the 9th they reached Lhasa ; whence, after a long and difficult
return journey, they made their way to the head-quarters of the
Great Trigonometrical Purvey in safety.2
A second explorer, whose journey is described in the same
report, made his way through the upper part of Western Nepal
from Kumaon, across the Kali and Karnali, to Muktinath, and
then, by Mantang, over the Photu-la pass of the Central Chain,
15,080 feet above the sea, to Tadum, in Tibet.
But the journey performed between July, 1874, and March,
1 Dor, a rock ; lugu, a, sheep ; and of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of
dong, face. India during 1873-4,' by Colonel J. T.
2 'General Report on the Operations Walker, R.E., F.R.S., pp. i to x.
cxviii JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. [Intb.
1875, by the Pundit Nain Sing, of the Great Trigonometrical
Survey Department, is the most important, as regards geo
graphical discovery, that has been made by any native explorer.
For the first time the vast lacustrine plateau of Tibet has been
traversed by an educated traveller, who was able to take obser
vations and describe what he saw ; and thus a great increase
has been made to our scanty knowledge of Tibet.
In 1873 the Pundit Nain Sing accompanied the mission of
Sir Douglas Forsyth to Yarkand, and in July, 1874, under in
structions from Captain Trotter, he set out from Leh on his
final and most important journey, to cross the vast lacustrine
plateau of Tibet to Lhasa, and thence to make his way down
into Assam.
Nain Sing reached Tankse, near the frontier, on the 21st of
July, and entered Tibet, at Chagra, as a Lama professing to be
going on a pilgrimage to a temple near Rudok. At first he
followed the Chang-chenmo road to Tarkand, crossing the
Marsemik-la at a height of 18,420 feet above the sea, and then
turned to the east by a route over the Kin-la, which is still
higher than the Marsemik, reaching Noh, a small village of
the Rudok district. The progress was slow, as all baggage is
carried by sheep, 20 to 25 lb. each, which are never fed,
and live on the pasturage by the roadside. Yet, out of the
twenty-six which originally started from Tankse, four arrived at
Lhasa, having carried their loads over a distance of a thousand
miles. The region travelled over from Tankse to Noh is the
northern portion of Nari, or Western Tibet. At this western
corner of the plateau the road to Khotan rises to 15,500 feet in
40 miles, and then descends rather abruptly to the plains of
Eastern Turkistan. Seven miles east of Noh is the eastern
termination of the Pangong series of lakes, which is a hundred
miles long. The Pundit determined this eastern limit for the
first time ; and it is remarkable that the Pangong consists of
sweet drinkable water at the east extremity, while the west
Intb.] JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. cxix
end is very brackish. The Pangong is the most westerly of the
sysfem of inland lakes to which the drainage of the vast
river plateau of Tibet converges for a distance of 800 miles.
From Noh the road eastward over the plateau passes along
a wide grassy valley, with occasional shepherds' huts, and large
herds of wild asses, antelopes, and gigantic sheep (Ovis ammon).
Large sheets of water were frequently met with, generally salt,
but occasionally fed by fresh-water streams. The plateau is at
an elevation of from 13,700 to 15,000 feet above the sea. This
western portion is inhabited by Kampas, the tribe which emi
grated from Eastern Tibet about a quarter of a century ago.
The Pundit describes them as fine broad-shouldered men, well
armed, and dressed in sheep-skin coats, felt hats, and leather
boots with curved pointed toes. They are great sportsmen,
and both men and women are constantly in the saddle. Their
black tents are made of yaks' hair ; they manufacture a very
coarse kind of woollen cloth, and live on meat, butter, cheese,
milk, and a little flour to thicken their soup.
On the 17th of September, the Pundit reached the gold-
fields of Thok-Daurakpa, which are not so important as those of
Thok-Jalung, which he visited in 1867. There are also two
smaller diggings, called Tang-jong, and Sarka-Shyar, farther
east, the whole under the superintendence of an officer from
Lhasa, with the title of Sarpon. The whole yield of gold,
about 8000Z. a year, is sent to Gartokh, whence it finds its way
to the sea.
Continuing his journey over the plateau, the Pundit tra
versed elevated plains for many marches, covered with velvet
turf, and frequented by countless herds of antelopes. To the
south were the snowy peaks of the Northern Himalayan range
(Gangdis-ri), which the Pundit traced for a distance of 180
miles. The highest, called Targot-yap, is 25,000 feet above the
sea. Our traveller was informed that to the south of the Range
there was a river called Hota-Sangpo, which ultimately turned
north into the Kyaring lake. At the foot of the northern
cxx JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. [Intb.
slope of Targot-yap there is a lake called Dangra-yum, and on
its banks is the district of Nakchang Ombo, surrounded by
snowy mountains. Here there are several villages of stone
houses, and barley is extensively cultivated. It is remarkable
that, although this district of Ombo is at nearly as great an
elevation as the rest of the plateau, it is the only place where
there is any cultivation from Chabuk Zinga, at a distance of
35 marches on one side, to Lhasa, a distance of 39 marches on
the other. The elevation of Ombo is 15,240 feet. The in
habitants have a tradition that many centuries ago a great and
powerful Gyalpo or king lived at Ombo and reigned over the
whole of the Hor country. He was overcome by the Gyalpo of
Lhasa. Thence to the great lake of Tengri-nor or Namchu the
country is 15,000 to 16,000 feet above the sea; the drainage
being from the mountains sepa-rating the plateau from the
valley of the Brahmaputra to the north, into a vast system of
inland lakes discovered by the Pundit. All these lakes are new
to geographers, with the exception of Tengri-nor. The largest
is the Dangra-yum-cho, which is 45 miles long by 25 broad,
and the Kyaring-cho is 40 miles by 8 to 12. These lakes are
well stocked with fish, and frequented by myriads of wild
fowl. The Pundit passed along the northern shore of Tengri-nor,
and thence followed the track of the former Pundit of 1872 to
Lhasa, which city he reached on the 18th of November.1 Nain
Sing, owing to well-grounded fear of detection, only remained
two days at Lhasa on this occasion, and went thence to the
ancient monastery of Sama-ye-gonpa, where the images of the
temple are of pure gold, and which contains a large Buddhistic
library. This is probably the Sawe mentioned in his former
account. He continued his journey for two days down the
course of the Brahmaputra, and crossed it at the lowest known
1 His latitude of Lhasa was 29° 39' 23" N. In 1866 he made it 29° 39' 17" N .
the mean of the two observations being 29° 39' 20" N., longitude 91° 5' 30" E.
Intb.] JOURNEY OF NAIN SING THROUGH TIBET. cxxi
point on its upper course, where it is 500 yards wide and 20 feet
deep, with a very sluggish current. He arrived at a large town
called Chetang on the right bank, where there are two monas
teries and 700 lamas, and here he made out that the Brahma
putra continued its eastward course for 30 miles, and then
turned south-east.
At Chetang the route ascended the valley of the Yelung, a
tributary of the Brahmaputra, on its right bank, which flows
through a rich and fertile valley, where there are fruit trees and
large patches of wheat and barley. After 36 miles the Dala-
tang plain is reached, a grassy expanse stretching for 15 miles
to the Karkang-la, a pass over the Central Chain of the Hima
laya, 16,210 feet above the sea. Seventy miles to the south,
over a lofty region, brought the traveller to the Kya-kya pass,
leading down into the Tawang valley, on the southern slopes of
the Southern Chain. Here, at Chona-jong, in the Chukhang
valley, there is a great exchange mart, where the Tibetan
merchants meet those from Assam. The market, at its height,
contains several hundred shops. The Pundit was detained in
Tawang for some months, and eventually reached Udalgiri in
Assam on the 1st, and Calcutta on the 11th of March, 1875.
This really magnificent exploring achievement has yielded
rich and valuable geographical results. The distance from
the Pangong lake, by Lhasa, to Udalgiri, is 1319 miles of
previously unknown country, except for a very short distance
traversed by the Pundit of 1872 ; 1200 miles were entirely
unknown ; and the whole extent was traversed with bearings
and Pacings, 276 astronomical observations were taken for
latitude, and 497 for elevation above the sea. The eastern
extremity of the Pangong lake was settled, a system of nume
rous lakes and rivers was discovered, the existence of the vast
snowy range of the Northern Himalaya (Gangdis-ri) was clearly
demonstrated, several peaks were fixed, 30 miles of the Brah
maputra was discovered, and the Tawang route from Tibet to
India was surveyed.
cxxii TRADE OF TIBET. [Intb.
On his return the Pundit Nain Sing retired from the public
service on a well-earned pension. He has displayed qualities
which place him high in the rank of geographical explorers,
combining extraordinary hardihood, endurance, and perse
verance, with prudence and skilful diplomacy ; while his obser
vations are remarkable for accuracy and precision. It is not
often that such splendid services have been performed for
geography by the efforts of one man ; and the greatest scientific
traveller that India has produced was not to be allowed to
retire from the service without some special recognition by
geographers of the value of his achievements.
He received from the Government of India the grant of a
village in addition to his pension, and in 1877 he was awarded
one of the royal gold medals by the Council of the Geographical
Society, for his distinguished services as an explorer and a
surveyor. The training and despatch of these native explorers have
added very materially to our knowledge, not only of the
geography, but also of the condition of the people, and the
state of trade in Nepal and Tibet. Colonel Walker and
Colonel Montgomerie have rendered most important service
in having conceived and ably carried out so useful a project ;
and the Pundits themselves deserve the highest praise for their
painstaking accuracy, perseverance, and gallant adventurous
spirit. Nain Sing has given us an excellent sketch of the commerce
of Tibet, which, combined with the valuable chapter x on trade
in the work of the Abbe Desgodins, enables us to acquire a
clear idea of its character, and of the extent of the mercantile
operations that have Lhasa and Shigatze as their centres.
The Pundit says that traders bring their merchandise to
Lhasa in December from far and near : from China and Mon
golia, Kam and Szechuen, up the passes from Bhutan and
1 Chap. vii. p. 278.
Intb.] TRADE OF TIBET. cxxiii
Sikkim and Nepal, and from Kashmir and Ladak.1 From
China come silks of all varieties, carpets, and hardware ; from
Mongolia come leather, saddlery, sheep, and horses ; from Kam
comes much perfume ; from Szechuen, tea ; from Tawang, Bhutan,
and Sikkim, rice and tobacco ; from Nepal, broadcloth, silk,
indigo, coral, pearls, sugar, spices, and Indian manufactures;
from Ladak and Kashmir, saffron and Indian commodities.
English woollen cloths are much prized ; and the Abbe Des-
godins saw a vast number of bales of cloth, marked " Halifax,"
on their way to Pa-mou-tang,2 a place S.W. of Bhatang. The
Tibetans are used to the sizes of English cloth, the price being
20 to 40 francs a square piece of the whole breadth. Scarlet
is the favourite colour, and a good yellow would fetch a
high price. Flowered calicoes are also much used for lining
walls. Brick tea, for Tibet, is made mostly in Szechuen from a
hedgerow tree, 15 feet high, with large coarse leaves. The
packet of four bricks of 5 French lb. each (25 centimetres
long) is bought for 8 francs where it is grown, and sells at
Lhasa at from 30 to 35 francs. The annual supply for Tibet is
6,000,000 French lb., worth about 2,400,000 francs.3
The merchants who come in December, leave in March,
before the rivers become flooded. Silver and gold are the
most important articles of export ; then follow salt, wool, woollen
manufactures, furs, drugs, and musk. The people in the direction
of Szechuen are clothed in Tibetan blankets, which are also much
worn in Sikkim and Nepal. There is a great demand for musk
in China ; and Szechuen, Yunnan, all the wild tribes north of
Burma, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan are supplied with salt from
1 The current coin is a silver piece Emperor of China, worth 333 Nahtangs,
called Naktang, 1\ being equal to a called Dojah or Kuras. Desgodins says
rupee. The silver pieces are cut into that there are many Indian rupees in
halves, called Chikyahs ; or thirds, Ka- the country. (See also p. 129 and note.)
rima. Two-thirds of a NaUang is called 2 Desgodins, p. 308.
Shokang or Miscal. There is also a large 3 Desgodins, p. 299.
lump of silver bearing the seal of the
cxxiv TRADE OF TIBET. [Intb.
Tibet. By the Nepal and Ladak routes, Tibet exports large
quantities of yaks' tails, borax, gold, silver, and ponies.
In Assam, the centres of Tibetan trade are at Dewangiri,
and at Udalgiri, where there is a great fair twice a year in con
nection with the Tawang route. Darjiling is the central mart
for the Chumbi valley trade ; Patna, for that passing through
Nepal; and Kashmir, for the long route by the Mariam-la
The great and inexhaustible staple of Tibet is its wool, which
can be produced on its vast plains and mountain slopes in any
quantity and of the finest quality. Mr. Edgar believes that if
a good frontier road were opened through Sikkim, from the
Jelep-la pass into Chumbi to Darjiling, large quantities of cows
and sheep, ghi, and wool, the real wealth of Tibet, would find
their way into India. But this would only be a small beginning.
For the real development of its vast resources, Tibet must have
the same advantages as are enjoyed by the sierra of Peru, a
country which it resembles in so many respects.1 It is essential
for her growth in prosperity that all the passes into India should
be freely opened to her commerce. This is a necessity when
the staple of a mountain plateau is live stock. In Peru, the
droves of llamas are brought down with produce for the markets
by numerous passes, because there must be a vast area of
pasturage by the way. There is the same need for Tibet.
The great future measure which may hereafter reward the
adoption of a broadly conceived and continuous policy will be
the establishment of unfettered intercourse through all the
Himalayan passes from the Kali to the Dihong. And the first
essential for the initiation of such a policy is a comprehension of
the physical and political geography of the region, and a
thorough knowledge of its history. If this is conceded, it will
1 Both are lofty table-lands, from are religious, peaceful, and industrious ;
9000 to 12,000 feet above the sea, and the Buddhistic Lamas, in their
intersected by mountain ranges. The moral code and system of government,
wealth of both consists in wool and the have much in common with the Yncas,
precious metals ; in both the people the priest-kings of Peru.
Intb.] POLICY OF WARREN HASTINGS. rxxv
follow that the publication, for the first time, of a full account
of Mf . Bogle's mission to the Teshu Lama, and of Mr. Manning's
journey to Lhasa, will usefully fill up two gaps in a history
which would otherwise be incomplete.
Moreover, the study of Bogle's negotiation with the Lama is
specially important. For the great statesman who despatched
the mission reached a point in his policy, as regards the main
tenance of friendly intercourse with Tibet, which was afterwards
lost and has never been regained. It will be useful to examine
the curiously close points of resemblance, as regards Tibet,
between the period when Warren Hastings was at the helm
and the present time. Then, as now, the Tibetans were most
friendly and cordial, from the sacred Lama of Teshu Lumbo
downwards. Then, as now, all obstruction came from the
Chinese agents. Then, as now, the chief dread of the Tibetans
was the aggressive policy of the warlike Gorkha Rajahs. The
Lama made constant complaints of Nepalese misconduct to
Mr. Bogle. A century afterwards, when Mr. Edgar met a
Tibetan official on the Jelep-la, the conversation about the
Gorkha bugbear may be said to have been renewed in 1873
just where it was broken off in 1775.
Warren Hastings applied himself to the adoption of the
wisest measures for solving these questions. As regards the
first, he maintained continuous interchanges of good offices by
correspondence, and by despatching missions under Bogle,
Hamilton, Turner, and Purungir Gosain. As regards the second,
Mr. Bogle early saw that it would be necessary to bring influ
ence to bear directly on the Government at Peking. He
succeeded in inducing the Teshu Lama to exert such influ
ence with the Emperor ; while Mr. Bogle himself intended,
with the sanction of the Governor-General, to have proceeded
to Peking. It may be gathered from a perusal of Mr. Edgar's report
that his instructions, when employed to meet the Sikkim Rajah
and Tibetan officials, were conceived in the spirit of that
cxxvi SPECULATIONS AS TO THE FUTURE. [Intb.
enlightened policy which was adopted with such success by
Warren Hastings. There can be no doubt that a conciliatory
but firm and persistent series of representations at Peking
would lead to the removal of Chinese obstructions, and to the
reception of English envoys, as in times past, by the sacred
Lamas. The latter point may be insisted upon, because it has
already been conceded to Russia. For some time there has
been a resident Russian Consul at Urga, near the Court of the
Taranath Lama.1 England has a right to the same privilege, as
regards the Teshu or Dalai Lamas. But so much is not needed
at present; though a smaller concession, namely, the occasional
reception of a friendly mission at Lhasa and Shigatze may be
demanded as a right.2
The danger from Gorkhali aggression is more serious and
more difficult to deal with. This danger has been a cause of
alarm to the peaceful Tibetans ever since the deplorable over
throw of the Newar dynasty of Nepal, more than a century ago.
The warlike state founded by Prithi Narayan is still a source
of alarm. Jang Bahadar was long minister, and kept the peace
with England, but not with Tibet. He was not, however, so
long in power as was his relation, old Bhim Sen Thappa,
whose fall was sudden and violent. He was equally obstructive,
equally an enemy to free trade and civilizing progress.
If the Tibetan Government could be made to understand
that, in exchange for active co-operation in the removal of
Chinese obstruction, the whole influence and power of the
Government of India would be exerted to check aggressive
designs on the part of the dreaded Gorkhas, there is every
1 See page xlix. escort. M. Shishmaroff was the first
2 The first resident Russian Consul Consul at Urga, and in 1868 he made
at Urga was appointed under the pro- a rapid journey of thirteen days from
visions of a Supplementary Treaty ne- Urga to Uliasutai, to conclude a trade
gotiated at Peking by Ignatief on convention with the Chinese Amba.
£ November, 1860, and ratified at See> for the Provisions of the Treaty
of 1861, ' The Russians on the Amur,
St. Petersburg in January, 1861. The by E G, Ravensteln (Triibner, 1861).
Consul is entitled also to a Russian p jg2
Intb.] CONCLUSION. cxxvii
reason to believe that such co-operation would be heartily
givefi. The first step towards the achievement of objects so fraught
with goorl, both for Tibet and India, will doubtless be in the
direction of the Chumbi valley, a step for which Sir George
Campbell and Mr. Edgar have diligently prepared. We may
hope that before long a good road will be made from the
central mart at Darjiling to the Jelep-la pass, which will be
contemporaneous with an exploration of the Chumbi valley,
and with a visit of English officers to Pari-jong. The second
step will be a mission to Lhasa and Shigatze, to renew friendly
intercourse with the Lamas, and place the arrangements with
regard to trade on a satisfactory footing. But no progress can
be made until negotiations have been completed at Peking, to
secure for the English Government the same privilege, as
regards the Teshu Lama (in accordance with the "most friendly
nation " clause), as Russia has acquired at Urga, as regards the
Taranath Lama.
It is believed that the present volume, by filling up two
wide gaps in the history of intercourse between India and Tibet,
will be useful to those who are officially entrusted with the
conduct of these grave and important measures. It is also
hoped that it may help to enable a large circle of readers,
who are interested in the welfare and progress of India, to form
a sound judgment on momentous questions which may not im
probably be under discussion in the near future.
EARLY MAPS, INCLUDING TIBET. [ I nth.
NOTE
MAPS Of TIBET, NEPAL, SIKKIM, AND BHUTAN.
I propose in this note to give an account of the principal maps
that exist of the above countries, and to enumerate all that are
in the collection of the Geographical Department of the India
Office. The early Dutch compilers of maps, Ortelius, Mercator,
Hondius, and Plancius had no information to enable them to
insert any details of interest relating to Tibet. But with the
rise of the French geographers, began the arrival of the news
from the Jesuit missionaries.
Nicolas Sanson, the pioneer of geography in France, was
born at Abbeville in 1600, and died in 1667; his son Guillaume
survived until 1733, and Adrian died in 1718. The Sansons
represent the transition from the crude ideas of the middle ages
to the more precise notions represented by Delisle and D'Anville.
They published atlases, which were reproduced at Amsterdam
from 1690 to 1696, and several contained details respecting
Central Asia.
But Guillaume Delisle, the principal creator of the modern
system of geography, was the first to publish a map of Tibet.
He was born at Paris in 1675, and in 1700 he produced his map
of the continents of the old world, continuing to bring out
maps of various countries up to the time of his deatli in 1726.
His map of Central Asia of 1706 x contains many details, pub-
1 ' Carte des Inde et de la Chine, dressee sur plusicurs relations particulieres
rectifiees par quelques observationes,' par Guillaume De L'Isle.
Intr.] DELISLE AND D'ANVILLE. cxxix
lished for the first time, which must have been obtained from
the ^Tesuit missionaries. Here appears " Le Royaume de
Utsang," "Lassa ou Baratola," "Zekatche," "Tassoo Loomboo,"
" Couti " (Kuti) ; and the Himalaya mountains are called " M. de
Purbet ou de Naugracut." x " Tassoo Loomboo " is omitted in
the edition of 1720. Delisle obtained much information, but he
had no precise knowledge respecting relative positions, so that
his map is very confused. For instance, Tibet and Utsang are
inserted at a distance from each other, as if they were different
places. This blunder has been repeated on very recent maps in
Germany ; and there is evidence of confused ideas in Spruner's
Historical Atlas.
Several English map makers used the materials of Delisle,
two of which are referred to at p. cxlv.
It was Jean Baptiste Bourguignon D'Anville, however, who
produced the first map of Tibet with any pretension to accu
racy. D'Anville was born at Paris in 1697, and died in 1782.
His maps of China, including Tibet, based on the surveys of the
Jesuits and the Lamas,2 were published in the work of Du
Halde,3 and at the Hague in 1737. 4 A part of his general map
of Tibet is reproduced in the present volume in fac simile. It is
still the basis of our knowledge of Tibet, and has been but
slightly altered or modified up to the present time. The maps
of Tibet by D'Anville are specially interesting, because a set of
them, which has been preserved, were the companions of Mr.
Bogle during his mission to the Teshu Lama.
After the death of D'Anville, Englishmen began to take the
lead as geographers and map makers. Major Rennell, the
father of Indian geography, returned to England in the year
that D'Anville died, and published his atlas of Bengal. In his
1 Mr. Bogle uses the same word. M. D'Anville, Geographie Ordinaire
(See p. 15.) de sa Majesty Chretienne (La Haye,
2 See Introduction, p. lxi. 1737) ; No. 32, ' Carte Ge'nerale du
3 See p. lxii, note. Thibet et 9 feuilles partioulieres du
4 'Nouvelle Atlas de la Chine, de Thibet.'
la Tartarie Chinoise, et du Thibet,' par
cxxx CRAWFORD. AARON ARROWSMITH. [Intb
memoir he discussed the question of the course of the Brahma
putra, and the positions of Tassisudon and Lhasa, but he was
unable to add much to the map of D'Anville as regards Tibet.
After Rennell's time there succeeded a period when ex
plorers were at work in the field collecting materials for the map
makers. Turner prepared a map of his route through Bhutan
into Tibet, which was published in 1800 in his book, and a
great deal of information, was collected in Nepal.
In the Geographical Department of the India Office there is
a manuscript map of part of Nepal drawn in 1793, and showing
Colonel Kirkpatrick's routes (4' to an inch) ; and a manuscript
"Memoir for Illustrating a Geographical Sketch of Nepal and
the adjacent Countries," by Captain William Kirkpatrick (400
pages foolscap). On these materials the map in Kirkpatrick's
work on Nepal is based.
Major Crawford also contributed much geographical infor
mation at the same time. We have from him an elaborate
manuscript map of the valley of Nepal (f ' to an inch) ; a manu
script map of the route to Nepal, including the valley ; a map
of the Nepal territories, and other portions of the Himalaya
mountains, in manuscript, with the sources of the Ganges de
lineated from the reports of pilgrims; and a manuscript map of
the Nepal territories, on a scale of 7^ miles to an inch, dated
1811, with many snowy peaks laid down.
It was from these materials that Aaron Arrowsmith com
piled this portion of his " Map of India from all the latest and
most authentic materials, 1816." He copies Tibet from
D'Anville, adding Turner's route, while his Nepal is derived
from Major Crawford's observations and compilations.
The Nepal war of 1816 led to the production of additional
materials. We have a manuscript map, by Lieut. G. Lindesay,
of the routes by which Sir David Ochterlony 's army advanced
in three divisions towards Mukwanpiir in February, 1816, and
a sketch of the stockades covering the pass on the route to
Mukwanpiir. There is also a series of boundary maps between
Intb.] LATER MAPS OF NEPAL. cxxxi
Nepal and British territory, by Lieuts. Garden, Boileau, J. A.
Hodgson, and Pickersgill ; and a more recent one, dated 1861,
by Lieut. F. C. Anderson.
Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, during his residence at Kathmandu,
obtained five native maps of parts of Nepal and Sikkim, which
he deposited in the library of the East India Company. They
have since unfortunately been lost, previous to the organization
of the Geographical Department of the India Office. Dr.
Hamilton's work on Nepal is illustrated by a " Map of the
Dominions of the House of Gorkha," constructed by himself
from all existing materials, in 1819, on a scale of 35 miles to
an inch. Mr. Brian Hodgson's physical map of Nepal, showing the
river systems, appeared in the ' Selections from the Records of
the Government of Bengal,' No. 27 (1857); together with routes
obtained by Mr. Hodgson from Kathmandu to Peking, from
Kathmandu to Dai-jiling, and a measurement of the great mili
tary road through Nepal, from Kumaon to Sikkim.
In the Geographical Department of the India Office there is
a manuscript sketch map of the frontier districts of Nepal be
tween the rivers Gandak and Kosi, dated 1840, compiled from
official records (scale 4' to 1 inch).
The latest map of Nepal is a "Preliminary Sketch of Nepal
and the Countries adjoining to the South, West, and East,
October, 1855 ; compiled in the Office of the Surveyor-General
of India from actual Surveys, other available Materials, Itine
raries of Travellers, and from Information " (1856, 16 miles to
an inch). Nepal is, however, included in the trans-frontier maps of
the Great Trigonometrical Survey (Sheet 9). In this map the
hills are not delineated, and it is confined to the results of
observations made by actual exploration. Consequently it
shows the various gaps which are still unmapped, and practi
cally unknown. This sheet has the advantage of including
the Tibetan territory up to the Tsanpu, so far as it has beeu
cxxxii MAPS OF SIKKIM. [Intb.
explored by Colonel Montgomerie's assistants. The map is
dated at Dehra Dun, in 1873.
The only map of the native state of Sikkim is that by
Dr. Hooker. The original manuscript is in the Geographical
Department of the India Office : " Map of Sikkim and Eastern
Nepal, by J. D. Hooker, Esq., M.D., R.N., F.R.S., exhibiting the
Routes of that Traveller, 1850 " (4 miles to an inch). This map
is a very able piece of work, and is certainly the most striking
contribution to the geography of the Himalaya that has ever
been made by a private traveller. It is also lithographed with
this title : "Independent Sikkim, from a Sketch by J. D. Hooker,
Esq., M.D., R.N., F.R.S., based on the Operations of the Great
Trigonometrical Survey, 1850" (same scale as the MS.). •
There are several maps of British Sikkim. The first is a
manuscript map comprising the Darjiling hill territory and two
Murung Parganas, from surveys by Captain W. S. Sherwill, in
1852, and reduced in 1853 to a scale of 4 miles to an inch. It
includes a list of the principal tribes, and of trees and plants,
with approximate elevations at which they grow. Captain
Sherwill's map was published in 1852, at Calcutta. Next fol
lowed a map of the hill territory of British Sikkim and the
Darjiling district, by E. T. S. Johnson, Assistant Revenue
Surveyor, in 1861 to 1867, one on a scale of 2 inches to 1 mile,
on five sheets ; published also on a scale of 1 mile to 1 inch.
Another map of the Darjiling district was brought out by the
Surveyor-General in 1874, on a scale 4 miles to an inch, show
ing also the route to Tumlong. There are also maps of the sub
divisions of the Darjiling district, published on a large scale.
The first general map of Bhutan was drawn by Captain
Pemberton. It is included in two sheets of his large map of
the Eastern Frontier of British India, in twelve sheets (Calcutta,
1838). The next was compiled in the office of the Surveyor-
General, on a scale of 8 miles to the inch, including the Bengal
diiars, to illustrate the route of the Mission of 1864. It illus
trates the volume published at Calcutta in 1864, containing
Intb.] RECENT MAPS OF BHUTAN AND TIBET. cxxxiii
" Reports of Missions to Bhutan." The first edition of this map
was published in October, 1864, and the second in July, 1865.
" A Sketch Map of Bhutan and of the Dooars " was inserted
in the Bhutan ' Blue Book,' presented to Parliament in 1865,
and is also used to illustrate Dr. Rennie's work on Bhutan. The
chief object of this sketch was to define the extent of the Duar
districts. In 1874, a new preliminary map of Bhutan was published
by the Surveyor-General, on a scale of 8 miles to the inch ; it in
cludes, with previous work, the topographical surveys executed
by Captain Godwin Austen, R.E., and Lieuts. Strahan, R.E.,
and Holdich, R.E., in 1864-65, 1865-66 ; and information col
lected by Colonel MacGregor. This map illustrates Colonel
MacGregor's Military Report on the country of Bhutan.
In the collection of the Geographical Department of the
India Office there is an original plane table-sketch of Western
Bhutan, on a larger scale, surveyed by Captain Godwin Austen
in 1864, which illustrates the route of Mr. Eden's mission.
The most important general maps including Tibet have been
those of Klaproth1 and Berghaus; followed by the maps of
Kiepert and others, to illustrate Ritter's ' Erdkunde.' But no
real additions were made to our knowledge of Great Tibet,
supplied by M. D'Anville's maps, until Colonel Montgomerie's
explorers penetrated into that country, and brought back
valuable geographical results. The map of the Pundit of 1865,
including the upper part of the valley of the Brahmaputra, the
city of Lhasa, and the route from Kathmandu into Tibet by
the No-la, is in the report of the operations of the Great Trigo
nometrical Survey for 1866-67. The report for 1871-72 contains
another important map, compiled by Colonel Montgomerie from
a route survey made by an Asiatic explorer (No. 9) of the Dingri
Maidan, the upper Arun river, and part of Great Tibet (16
1 'Carte de l'Asie Centrale dresse'e grand nombre de notions extraites et
d'apres les cartes levees par ordre de traduites de livres Chinoises,' par M. J.
l'Empereur Khian Loung, par les mis- Klaproth. (Paris. 4 sheets.)
sionnaires de Peking, et d'apres un
cxxxiv MAPS OF COLONEL MONTGOMERIE'S EXPLORERS. [Intb.
miles to an inch). It supplies important rectifications of the
last general map of Nepal, published in 1855, and embraces
all Eastern Nepal from Kathmandu to the Sikkim . frontier.
The report for 1872-73 has a map from the route survey of
an explorer who reached Shigatze, and went thence across the
northern range, round the great lake Tengri-nor, to Lhasa.
It also contains a map from a route survey of another explorer
who traversed Western Nepal.
These four maps, obtained from the work of native explorers
who have entered Great Tibet within the last ten years, represent
the first accurate geographical information, with the exception
of Turner's route, that has been obtained respecting the terri
tories of the Dalai and Teshu Lamas since the publication of
D' Anvil le's map, more than a hundred years ago.
The routes of these explorers, as well as of Captain Turner,
Dr. Hooker, and the missions of Pemberton and Eden in Bhutan,
are shown on the general map prepared for my " Report on the
Moral and Material Progress of India for 1872-73," by Mr.
Trelawney Saunders, entitled, " A Map of Trade Routes to Tibet
M-om the Lower Provinces of Bengal and Assam " (scale 30 miles
to an inch).
Intb.]
DISCIPLES OF THE SCHOOL OF HASTINGS.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
GEORGE BOGLE,
BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE.
The genius of Warren Hastings is shown in nothing more than
in his rare insight in the selection of subordinates. He sur
rounded himself with young men of great ability, and talent for
administration, who worked for him with a zeal which was
stimulated by warm personal attachment. Among those who
were trained by and won distinction under the eye of the first
and greatest of the Governors-General of India may be men
tioned young Alexander Elliot,1 who was cut off in his prime ;
William Markham,2 the Resident of Benares, who assisted his
revered chief during the trial ; Jonathan Duncan,3 the Governor
of Bombay ; Claud Alexander, of Ballochmyle ; David Anderson •
Augustus Clevland,4 the civilizer of the Santhal tribes; and
1 Brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first
Earl of Minto, of whom more hereafter.
2 Son of Dr. Markham, Archbishop
of York ; brother of Colonel David
Markham, who led the forlorn hope
at the siege of Bangalore; uncle of
General Frederick Markham, who com
manded a brigade at the siege of
Moultan ; and grandfather of the pre
sent editor. Of him also more pre
sently. 3 Jonathan Duncan entered the East
India Company's service in 1772. He
was the friend of George Bogle, and
his value was cordially appreciated by
Warren Hastings. He was Resident
i if Benares from 1787 to 1795, where
lie introduced the permanent settle
ment, and negotiated an important
commercial treaty with Nepal in 1792.
He became Governor of Bombay in
1795, and continued to administer the
affairs of that important Presidency
until his death on August 11, 1811.
Two volumes of ' Selections from the
Duncan Records' were published at
Benares, by authority, in 1873.
4 Sir Cecil Beadon tells me that the
name of Augustus Clevland is still re
membered and revered in Bengal. He
was a younger son of John Clevland,
Esq., of Tapely Hall, near Bideford,
by Sarah, daughter of Charles Shuck-
burgh, Esq., of Longborow, in Glouces
tershire, and was born in 1751. Warren
Hastings thus describes the nature of
FAMILY OF GEORGE BOGLE.
[Intb.
George Bogle, the subject of the present short memoir, whom
Warren Hastings selected as his envoy to Tibet.
George Bogle was the son of George Bogle of Daldowie,
a beautiful place near Bothwell, on the right bank of the
Clyde.1 George, the elder, was born in 1700, was educated at
Leyden, and became a merchant in Glasgow, where he was six
times elected Lord Rector of the University between the years
1737 and 1748. He married Anne, daughter of Sir John Sin
clair of Stevenson, by Martha Lockhart,2 heiress of Sir John
Lockhart of Castlehill, in Lanarkshire, brother of Sir William
Lockhart of Lee. Sir John "was a man of great parts and
knowledge of our laws, and was appointed by Charles II. one
of the Senators of the College of Justice, and a Lord of
Justiciary, as Lord Castlehill."3 Mr. and Mrs. Bogle, of
Daldowie, had nine children, of whom two died in infancy.
Mr. Clevland's services, in the luminous
memorandum on his administration of
India, which he wrote during his
voyage home in 1785 (page 131) :
"I have often with pleasure ex
patiated on the peculiar talents of the
late Mr. Clevland, in civilizing the in
habitants of the mountainous districts
of Rajmehal, by a system of concilia
tion which will long endear his memory
to those who have felt the benefits of
it ; and I cannot deny myself the grati
fication arising from the reflection that
the exertion of those talents was in a
great measure owing to the public sup
port and private encouragement which
he received from me. In the honours
bestowed upon his memory, the Board
has consulted the interests of the Com
pany, by holding forth for imitation a
character so worthy of it. The im
mediate advantages of his labours are
seen in the security which the inhabi
tants of the adjacent lands possess; no
longer apprehensive of being plundered
of the produce of their labour by a
lawless banditti, they have extended
their cultivation over large tracts of
land till lately impassable ; and the
country at the bottom of the Rajmehal
Hills, which I myself have seen in a
state of nature, has assumed an appear
ance of universal fertility. The remote
advantages will be more considerable
should the continuance of the same plan
of civilization increase the intercourse
which has so lately been established
between the inhabitants of the hills
and those of the lowlands. At all
events, the Company has acquired »
large accession of new subjects, who are
not only peaceable in themselves, but
have been successfully employed in
maiutaining the peace of the country,
and who, being warmly attached to us
by the superior benefits they have re
ceived from their civilization, may, in
case of public exigency, be usefully
employed in the defence of our terri
tories against foreign invasion."
1 Now the property of Mr. M'Call.
2 This lady was the widow of Crom
well Lockhart of Lee, eldest son of the
great ambassador Sir William Lockhart,
who married Robina, daughter of John
Sewster, Esq., by Anna, sister of Oliver
Cromwell, the Lord Protector.
3 Baronage of Scotland.
Intb.] BOGLE'S EARLY YEARS. cxxxvii
The rest were Martha, Robert, Mary, Elizabeth, John, Anne, and
Ge6*Fge the youngest, who was born on the 26th of November,
1746. They were brought up together at Daldowie, and in
one of his early letters from Calcutta to his sister Anne,
whose pet name was Cbuffies, George Bogle recalls the happy
days of their childhood. " Throwing myself back in my great
chair, I am transported to the nursery at Daldowie. The
picture of Julius Csesar recalls to my mind the shows which
you remember we used to make. You two stools, how often
have I ate bread and milk upon you, or played at catch
honours or comet! Need I ask you if you remember "one
night that the beds were to be filled with fresh chaff and
afterwards lay upon the floor, what diversion we had in
tumbling one another from the top of the drawers ? Do you
remember how we broke open the window, at the bottom of one
of the beds, to get at some shells? Never shall I wish for
anything so much as I did to get at those shells, which we
could always see and never get at. All was one continued
scene of health and pleasure. This gave way to the life of
a schoolboy, and away I was hurried to Haddington, where
I passed happy years ; but my pleasures, although very great,
were different from those in the nursery. The last were
perhaps the most unmixed of the two, but a boy learns to
despise them and affects more manly diversions. During this
Latin and Greek period, I from time to time paid annual visits
to the nursery, and was generally there when it was adorned
with the brown maiden and her scarlet girdle. After this
I lived in Glasgow, and generally passed the Saturday nights
in the nursery. Away I was whirled up to London. What
expectation and curiosity ! It was so great that I hardly felt
grief at parting with my friends. And I quitted the nursery
for many years, and I had just time to hurry down to Scotland
to take farewell. I was only there three weeks, but let me not
pass them over like the other weeks of my existence. Every
hour of them was marked with joy at meeting with so many
cxxxviii BOGLE ENTERS THE COMPANY'S SERVICE. [Intk.
friends whom I so tenderly loved, and who returned my fond
ness, and they ended with heartfelt regret at parting with such
friends, with so distant a prospect of meeting them again."
He was never to see them again. He decided upon adopt
ing the career of a merchant, and it was settled that he should,
after completing his education, either go into his brother
Robert's counting-house, in London, or to his brother John, who
was established as a merchant at Falmouth, on the Rappa
hannock river, in Virginia. After leaving Glasgow, he attended
Edinburgh University, studying logic and other branches of
education, from November, 1760, to April, 1761. He was then
sent to Mr. Kinross's school, at Enfield, and in December, 1764,
he accompanied a sick friend to the south of France, who died
at Toulouse, in January, 1765. Young Bogle travelled in
France until the following June, when he was summoned to
London by his eldest brother Robert, of the firm of Bogle and
Scott, whose counting-house he entered as a clerk. Here he
remained for the next four years, acquiring much experience in
business, and in 1769 his friends obtained for him an appoint
ment in the service of the East India Company.
George Bogle at the age of twenty- three found himself on
board the ' Yansittart,' Indiaman, commanded by Captain
Lewin, with letters of credit to a considerable amount, and
introductions to the principal people in Bengal. He embarked
on the 25th of January, 1770, but did not get clear of the
Channel until the 24th of February. After touching at the
Cape, at Johanna, one of the Comoro Islands, and at Madras,
the 'Vansittart' arrived in the Hugli, and on the 19th of
August George Bogle landed at Calcutta.
The young civilian arrived in Bengal at the time of the
great famine of 1770, and the misery he witnessed left a deep
impression on his mind. Writing to his father, in September,
he says : " Last year the crops failed to an extent never known
before in the memory of man, which has reduced the inhabitants
to the utmost distress. This town was better provided than
Intb.] THE FAMINE OF 1770. cxxxix
most others, and yet it has suffered amazingly. The Governor L
and Council had a magazine of grain with which they fed
fifteen thousand every day for some months, and yet this
could not prevent many thousands from dying of want, and the
streets from being crowded with the most miserable objects.
There were sometimes 150 dead bodies picked up in a day, and
thrown into the river. In the country the distress was greater,
as it was farther removed from the sea and not so easily supplied
from distant countries. Whole families perished of hunger,
or fed upon leaves of trees, or, contrary to their religion, ate
animal food ; some even subsisted on the dead carcasses. Their
distress is unparalleled, and it shocks one to think of it. A million
and a half of people are said to have famished in the provinces
that belong to the English. There is one thing that must amaze
everyone that has been used Jo a free country. There is an
indolence and indifference about them that is astonishing, and
despair rather increases it. They have died without a single
effort to obtain grain either by force or even by toil and labour.
What mobs and commotions there would be with us were grain
to increase to three times its price ! and in many places it was
a hundred times what it usually is." In a subsequent letter,
written on October 24, 1770, he reverts to the subject of the
famine again : " The distress has put a stop in some manner to
trade, for grain was one of the best articles to export from this
country, and was the means of bringing money in return ; and
the death and ruin of such a number of inhabitants must
necessarily hurt the manufactures of cotton, which Bengal is
famous for all over the world. I hope, however, that things
will soon begin to revive, and that the inhabitants, as soon as
they are relieved from their distress, will return with spirit to
their industry and manufactures." In December he wrote that
" the price of grain is very much fallen, and the people are
again living in plenty, and contented."
Writers, on their arrival at Calcutta, were appointed as
1 Mr. Cartier.
cxl BOGLE IN THE REVENUE DEPARTMENT. [Intb.
assistants in the different offices, and Bogle was placed in that
of the Select Committee which transacted all political business,
so that he early got an insight into the situation of the Com
pany's possessions, and into its foreign relations. Meanwhile
he diligently studied Persian, and within the first year he was
able to read and converse in that language.
In February, 1772, when young Bogle had been eighteen
months in Calcutta, Warren Hastings arrived from Madras to
succeed Mr. Cartier as Governor of Bengal; but he did not
take his seat as President of the Council until the following
April, having carefully investigated the state of affairs in the
interval, and found all the departments in a deplorable state of
confusion. The new Governor at once began to inaugurate a more
efficient system of administration. Among other appointments,
Mr. George Bogle received the post of Assistant-Secretary to
the Board of Revenue, under Mr. Higginson, on the 10th of
October, 1772 ; and in the same month he accompanied the
Governor and some of the Members of Council on a tour of
inspection to Cossimbazar, with a view to making a settlement
of the land on leases of five years. They went first to Kishan-
garh, where they remained about a month, and thence to
Cossimbazar, where the revenue business detained them for
nearly three months. This employment was very advantageous
to young Bogle, as it furnished an opportunity for him to
become better known to Warren Hastings, and at the same time
gave him a practical insight into revenue business. He described
his appointment as "attended with much trouble and small
advantages, but it is highly agreeable to me from placing me
immediately under the eye of the Governor and Council."
His letters at this time to his father and sisters are full of
the warmest expressions of affection, and betoken a strong home
feeling, which, however, in no way lessened his official zeal and
efficiency. This is especially shown in the letters to his favourite
sister Anne, whom he calls by the old pet name : " Your letters,
my clear Chuffles, are the very nutmeg of delight, so long, so
Intb.] BOGLE'S CHARACTER OF WARREN HASTINGS. cxli
particular about everything my friends are doing. I have read
thdrh over again and again, and find new beauties in them
every day. They are just as if you were chattering, with this
advantage, that they cannot give me a headache and I can stop
them if I chose, which, you know, is not always an easy matter
with your ladyship. They want, however, the snap of the
fingers and the hearty laugh. The good news of all my friends
gives me the most sincere delight. God grant I may long
continue to receive such comfortable news ! My heart overflows
with gratitude to Heaven, but it is not unmixed with regret."
He then writes of the projected improvements at Daldowie,
dwelling fondly on all the details and on all the well-remem
bered places round his home on the Clyde.
In 1773, his brother Robert suffered great commercial
losses, his father's estate became encumbered, and George
Bogle generously resolved to save money, year by year, so as
to aid in freeing his relations from their embarrassments, and
in paying off the debt on his beloved home at Daldowie. On
the 9th of March, 1773, he was appointed to the office of
Registrar to the Sadr Diwani Adalat, the Court of Appeals
for the natives; and soon afterwards Secretary to the Select
Committee. At this time he thus writes of the Governor :
"Mr. Hastings is a man who is every way fitted for the
station which he holds. He possesses a steadiness, and at
the same time a moderation of character; he is quick and
assiduous in business, and has a fine style of language, a know
ledge of the customs and dispositions of the natives, whose
tongue he understands, and, although not affable, yet of the
most ready access to all the world. During his administration
many abuses have been reformed, and many useful regulations
have been established in every department of government.
The natives are possessed of a code of laws far more ancient
than Justinian, which have been handed down through a
succession of ages, are interwoven with the system of their
religion, and are framed to suit the manners of the people for
cxlii FRIENDSHIP FOR ALEXANDER ELLIOT. [Intb.
whom they are intended. To revive these laws is at present a
principal object with Mr. Hastings, and some progress has been
made in translating them into English. This work, when
finished, will do great credit to Mr. Hastings, and will furnish
an excellent guide to the decisions of the Courts, while it
pleases the people, who are attached to their own laws and
usages." George Bogle was now very high in the favour of Warren
Hastings, who had not only a good opinion of his abilities and
official aptitude, but a warm personal friendship for himself.
The latter feeling was fully reciprocated by the young Scot,
as it was by most of the youthful administrators who were
honoured by the confidence and friendship of the Governor.
Among them all, however, none were more devotedly loyal to
their chief than George Bogle and his bosom friend Alexander
Elliot, the younger brother of Sir Gilbert.1
When George Bogle was appointed as Envoy to the Lama
of Tibet, on the 13th of May, 1774, Alexander Elliot officiated
for him as Secretary to the Select Committee, and Registrar to
the Sadr Diwani Adalat ; and the most affectionate letters
passed between them during this separation. The Envoy also
wrote home constantly in the course of his journey to the
unknown table-land, and his warm heart was full of recollec
tions of his distant home. Writing from Tassisudon, the
capital of Bhutan, in August, 1774, to his sister Elizabeth,
he says : " It is true, Bess, what you say ; the country people
who live among their friends and relations are strangers to the
1 Alexander Kynynmond Elliot was 1795, created Baron Minto in 1797,
the third son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bart., President of the Board of Control in
by Agnes Murray Kynynmond, heiress 1806, and Governor-General from 1807
of Melgund and Kynynmond. His to 1812. In 1813 he was created Earl
eldest brother, Gilbert, became first of Minto and Viscount Melgund, and
Earl of Minto, and was Governor- he died in 1814. Alexander^ the 'third
General of India. The second brother, son, entered the East India Company,
Hugh, was Governor of Madras. Sir and became a clear friend of George
Gilbert Elliot, the eldest, was born in Bogle, and a favourite of Warren
1751. He was Viceroy of Corsica in Hastings.
Intb.] LETTERS FROM TIBET. cxliii
pangs of parting, and to the solicitude of absence. But they
nev%r feel the joy which your letters give me, and the tear
which now starts from my eye is worth an age of their vegetable
affection. Yet I would have wished to have passed the two
months with Robin at Daldowie. If the three little weeks I
spent there1 gave me so much pleasure, what must I have
enjoyed with the addition of his company ! But, alas ! our
destinies have wove for us a different web. We are scattered
over the face of the earth, and are united only by hope and a
tender remembrance. While you are passing your cheerful
evenings with friends and relations at Daldowie ; while Robin,
with his negroes (and happy are they that are under him), is
planting the sugar cane ; 2 while I am climbing these rugged
mountains, there is a secret virtue, like the magnet, which
attracts us together, and cheers and solaces us. Beyond this
hangs a cloud which we cannot penetrate." His letters from
Tibet are also full of amusing stories, and they repeat the
contents of his journal in a somewhat different style for each
of his sisters.
When Bogle left Tibet, and the moment of separation came,
the Teshu Lama took from his own neck three charmed strings
of beads forming one necklace, and presented them to his friend,
telling him that the ladies upon whom he bestowed them would
be protected from all evil. Bogle gave the lower string, with
the pendant ornaments, to his sister, Mrs. Brown, and it is now
in the possession of her granddaughter, Miss Brown of Lanfine.
The upper string he gave to his cousin, Mrs. Morehead, who
bequeathed it to the eldest daughter of her son Robert, now
Lady Lowther.3
1 Before starting for India. George Bogle, being a daughter of John
5 Robert Bogle had settled in the Sinclair Lockhart, of Castlehill, whose
island of Grenada as a sugar planter. sister Ann was George Bogle's mother.
3 See 'Memorials of the Life and At p. 392 of the 'Memorials,' quoted
Writings of the Rev. Robert Morehead,' above, there is a notice of George
edited by his son, Charles Morehead, Bogle, followed by several letters to
M.D. (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 43, note. him from Mrs. Morehead. Her son,
Mrs. Morehead was a first cousin of the Rev. Robert Morehead, was born in
cxliv
THE LAMA'S NECKLACE.
[Intb.
A wood engraving of the Teshu Lama's charmed necklace
is here presented. The centre string was of bright blue and
green glass beads, and it is now lost. The upper and lower
strings are formed of highly-polished beads of Tibetan carnelian,
red, with an orange tint, and nearly opaque. To the lower one
a variety of ornaments are attached. One of these consists of
three beads strung together, the colour and size of green peas,
terminating with a carnelian drop set in gold. Two strings are
of dull pink glass beads. At one end, suspended by flat silk
braid, are two ornaments of transparent blue glass; one flat
1777, and died in 1842. He married a Sir Charles Lowther, Bart., of Swil-
Bister-in-law of Lord Jeffrey, and had, lington, near Leeds. It is to her that
with other children (one of whom was the upper string of beads of the neck-
twice Acting Governor of Madras), a lace of the Teshu Lama was bequeathed
daughter Isabella, married, in 1834, to by her grandmother.
•» -\»«- , , J^-.
fa^r tyjtfj^ &JSu~r-s K*l*L4_J- &&-*i^jl__!> S*-^L
¦ M
*\ , O^ Au~t^~L- U} ast*. srj£t
*f<?h*JUj s&Jbtejt^ ^/^-^ A iXfy^/, &tsfc
H% t/WK*n /"H
^l+-~^> /1\*>-J *,.* /7*rtl7 frLC
'*'-£*+
P0C feluuo trC^ou^. /£& ,£,£
J$) <fr^ y" szU-„y.
^c^
Intb.] APPROVAL OF BOGLE'S PROCEEDINGS. cxlv
oval, set in gold, the other pear-shaped and unset; two clouded
chfflcedony beads the size of marbles, and two long vase-shaped
beads of carnelian. At the other end, also suspended by flat
silk braid, are one oval-shaped flat bead, and three beads the
size of marbles, all of dull red glass, and one carnelian vase-
shaped bead. A number of small gold chased rings, some
having stars in the centre, form connecting links here and
there. A large white chalcedony was the centre bead of the
upper string.
On his return Mr. Bogle received a letter from the Governor-
General, of which the following is an extract :
"I am perfectly satisfied and pleased with every circum
stance of your conduct, and equally so with the issue of your
commission I have many thanks to make for your
journal, which the world must have. Its merits shall not be
lost where I can make it known. I have not yet read your last
section, having had it only half an hour.
" I am, with the heartiest affection,
" Dear Bogle, yours, " W. Hastings.
" P.S. — Since writing the above I have read through the
last chapter of your journal. I am pleased, exceedingly pleased,
with all your proceedings; and have had the satisfaction of
discovering, while I read it, the place of your late residence,
Teshoo Loombo, in an old map of Tartary." 1
1 It is an interesting question in kindly made a search for me. One is
what old map of Tatary Warren Has- by Hermann Moll, with this title : " To
tings found the name Teshoo Loombo. the Right Honourable William Cowper,
It does not occur on the map of D'An- Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain,
ville in Du Halde. But the word Tache this map of Asia, according to the
Limbou (in the right place for Teshu newest and most exact observations, is
Lumbo) was found in two maps in the most humbly dedicated, by your Lord-
British Museum by Mr. Major, who ship's most humble servant, Hermann
* h
exlvi THE FRANCIS FACTION. [Intb.
When George Bogle returned from Tibet, in 1775, he found
a sad change in the state of affairs. Warren Hastings had, it is
true, become the first Governor-General ; but in October, 1774,
the new Council, consisting of Philip Francis, General Clavering,
and Colonel Monson, had arrived at Calcutta, and their factious
conduct had deprived the great statesman of all power and
authority, and reduced him to a cipher. The two others were
mere tools in the hands of Francis, who, with complete ignor
ance of Indian affairs and overweening self-conceit, combined
a malignant pleasure in using his power to inflict petty annoy
ances on the Governor-General, especially by injuring those
whom he had trusted. The country, at a very critical period,
was thus thrown into a state of dangerous anarchy, in which it
remained for nearly two years, until the opportune death of
Colonel Monson, in September, 1776, once more gave Warren
Hastings a majority at the Council Board.
During this period young Bogle was placed in a most
difficult position. In July, 1775, Alexander Elliot went home,1
partly to advocate the cause of his beloved chief, and to take
care that the truth was known respecting the trial of Nuncomar ;
for Francis was busy disseminating the most unscrupulous
misrepresentations, and truth had little chance of being heard
Moll, geographer." Lord Cowper was Warren Hastings, when he read Bogle's
ChaneeUor from 1714 to 1718, and died journal.
in 1724. The other map is entitled : ' In the summer of 1776 Alexander
"Asia Corrected from the Observations had returned, and for a short time all
communicated to the Royal Society at the children of Sir Gilbert and Lady
London, and the Royal Academy at Elliot were reunited under their roof at
Paris, by John Senex, F.R.S., London. Twickenham. Gilbert had just entered
To Sir George Markham, Baronet, this Parliament with every prospect of ob-
map is dedicated, by his humble ser- taining a position there ; Hugh and
vant, John Senex." Sir George Mark- Alexander were already high in the
ham died in 1736. Both Moll and confidence of the governments they
Senex probably copied from the map of served. Alexander wrote : " I have
China of 1705, by Delisle, on which visited the mill, and the rivulet, and the
the name Tassoo Loomboo occurs in the Thames, the spots where we first learned
right place. But, curiously, it does not to love each other, and now only you
appear on Delisle's map of Asia of (Hugh) are wanted to make us per-
twenty years later. Any one of the fectly happy." Alexander returned to
above three maps may have been before India in 1777.
Intb.] THE FRANCIS FACTION. cxlvii
where falsehood and slander enjoyed such powerful patronage.
Writing to his sister, Mrs. Brown, at this time, Bogle says : " A
particular, I may say a bosom friend of mine, a son of Sir
Gilbert Elliot, is going home, and as we are warmly attached to
the same interest, we are employed from morning to night in
going to one place or another, or in conjuring over what is past
and what is to come. This scene altogether forms a strange
contrast to my peaceful existence in Tibet."
Francis and his clique had deprived George Bogle of all his
appointments. Writing to his brother Robert, in 1775, he
says : " The other day Mr. Hastings proposed me for a high
office. He was seconded by Mr. Barwell, but it was carried
against me by the other three members. So that at present,
when I expected to reap the fruit of all my labours, I am dis
appointed. The particular favours with which Mr. Hastings has
honoured me, leave me, however, in these times, in no suspense
as to the line I am to take. There is only one honourable
course. Yet I do not despair. I have got myself some credit.
I have, I think, no enemies; and I must hope for the best.
These disputes, I trust, will soon be settled by an order from
England, and that Mr. Hastings, whose able and spirited
administration has raised the Company's affairs to the most
flourishing situation they were ever in, will meet with that sup
port which his services deserve. As I am not called at present
to act in any public employment, I propose to dedicate my time
entirely to the service of Mr. Hastings, and to improving myself
in the Persian. The factions in Calcutta render society, beyond
the circle of one's intimate friends, very unpleasant, and I
intend, therefore, to lead a quiet life, and see what turn things
will take."
On 20th of January, 1776, George Bogle thus writes to his
father : " As Mr. Hastings has always patronized me, my
success in this country depends in a great measure upon his
fate. His colleagues, who came out last year, have taken every
means in their power to ruin him. However, his merit is so
* k 2
cxlviii DIGNIFIED CONDUCT OF WARREN HASTINGS. [Intb.
great, and he has done so much for the Company, and put their
affairs in Bengal in so flourishing a state; that I hope he will
be supported. Should things turn out otherwise it will be a
severe stroke upon me. My Tibet journey has turned out as
well as I could wish, and although my connection with the
Governor-General renders me not very acceptable to the new
members, they have given me all credit for it. I am at present,
however, without any office, except my employment about Mr.
Hastings, and have no near prospect of getting any post." The
factious majority, however, so far acknowledged the value of
Mr. Bogle's work in Tibet, as to grant him a sum of 15,000
rupees, besides his expenses. By almost every ship, in spite of
his want of employment, he contrived to send home small remit
tances to his father, towards paying off the debt on Daldowie.
On March 26, 1776, he writes : " Mr. Hastings bears this
attack [of the Francis clique] with a calmness and equanimity
which raises his character in the eyes of everybody ; and
although to pay court to him is the sure way to give umbrage
to his opponents, who are possessed of all power, yet the respect
that is felt for his character preserves his levees, now when he
is stripped of power, as crowded as ever. As regards myself,
fidelity is, in my opinion, a virtue of all others the most indis
pensable, and there is only one beau chemin to take. Thus
you will observe that my fortune depends on Mr. Hastings. If
he succeeds I have everything to hope for. If he falls I must
betake myself to some other line, more independent of the
Supreme Council."
At length the death of Colonel Monson, on September 25,
1776, deprived Francis of his majority, and put an end to his
factious misrule. The Governor-General was restored to power
and on the 12th of November George Bogle was appointed, in
conjunction with Mr. David Anderson, to superintend an office for
the preparation and arrangement of the necessary materials for
forming a new settlement of the Company's provinces, at the
expiration of the existing leases. He entered upon this impor-
Intb.] CHARACTERS OF HASTINGS AND FRANCIS. cxlix "
tant work with zeal and assiduity. " It is a work," he writes to
his father, " which will engross my whole time, and require my
greatest exertions to execute my part of it." The information
collected by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Bogle was invaluable ; and
there were not two gentlemen better qualified at the disposal
of Government, both on account of their talents and their
business-like habits.1 Bogle also managed the Company's law
business, as Commissioner of Lawsuits, during about fifteen
months, a very difficult and harassing service.
Meanwhile an attempted revolution by the Francis clique
was thwarted. On the 24th of November, 1777, Bogle writes to
his father : " You will have learnt the consequences which the
unexpected accounts of Mr. Hastings' resignation produced in
this settlement; the assumption of the government by General
Clavering ; the refusal of Mr. Hastings to relinquish it ; the
appeal of both parties to the Judges ; their opinion in favour of
Mr. Hastings ; the General's suspension of his claim ; the
apparent quiet that succeeded, and, finally, the death of
General Clavering, on the 30th of August. This event has
relieved Mr. Hastings from a great part of the opposition to
which he had been so long exposed. How far it will give
stability to his government must depend on the supreme power
in England. Independent of partiality, if I can divest myself
of it, I hope, for the sake of the British nation, that Mr.
Hastings will be confirmed and his hand strengthened. He is
possessed of talents which it may be difficult to equal, and of a
mind more just and disinterested than is commonly to be found
in a man who has passed so many years in public business.
The remaining member of the majority, Mr. Francis, is of a
more pliant disposition than General Clavering, and regulates
his conduct more from policy and less from passion."
Alexander Elliot returned to India in 1777, and was warmly
welcomed by the Governor-General and by his friend Bogle.
But his early promise was cut off by an untimely end. He was
1 Gleig's ' Memoirs of Warren Hastings,' ii. p. 123.
cl DEATH OF ALEXANDER ELLIOT. [Intb
on his way to Nagpore, charged with an important mission,
when he died of fever, in 1778, in Orissa, where he was buried,
and Warren Hastings caused a monument to be erected over
his grave.1 He touchingly alluded to his young friend in a
fine paraphrase of Horace's Ode xvi. lib. 2 (Otium Divos),
which he wrote on his way home from Bengal in 1785 :
" An early death was Elliot's doom.
I saw his opening virtues bloom,
And manly sense unfold ;
Too soon to fade ! I bade the stone
Record his name midst hordes unknown,
Unknowing what it told." 2
Bogle wrote : " I cannot pass over the name of poor Elliot
without a heavy heart. I never had, I never can have, so
strong an esteem — I should say veneration — for anyone as I had
for him, and I was happy beyond everybody in his friendship.
I had not a thought that I concealed from him. He had none
that he concealed from me. But, alas ! he is gone for ever."
In three short years the friend who wrote these lines was to
follow young Elliot to the grave.3
1 Sir Gilbert Elliot wrote, in 1781 : wards Lord Teignmouth, and was pub-
" The honour paid by the Government lished in the ' Asiatic Journal ' (First
to my brother's memory is extremely Series), vi. p. 619.
affecting to us, and gives us the highest 3 Bogle was one of Alexander Elliot's
satisfaction of which this subject is executors; the other was Mr. Claud
capable ; and the share which the Alexander. This led to a correspond-
friendship of Mr. Hastings has taken in ence with Sir Gilbert Elliot, corn-
it, at the same time that it adds so menced by Bogle in a letter dated
much to the honour intended to my December 7, 1778, announcing his
brother, reflects some part of it on the friend's death. On February 10, 1781,
warmth and sincerity of his own cha- Sir Gilbert writes : " Give me leave to
racter, and demands the affection and entreat some portion of that affection
gratitude of all those who knew my and confidence which my poor brother
brother." It is melancholy to reflect possessed, and which I have occasion to
that all this was insincere, and that Sir know he valued so highly. On my
Gilbert, in five short years, became, in part I can freely offer you my heart.
conjunction with Burke and Sheridan, Our poor Alick had prepared us all for
one of the most virulent traducers of such a union, and it is now become
his brother's best and truest friends, both a duty in some degree to our
for whom, in this letter, he expresses so common friend, and a consolation in
much gratitude and affection. our common loss." Bogle did not live
2 It is addressed to Mr. Shore, after- to receive this letter.
Intb.] BOGLE'S APPOINTMENT TO RANGPUR. cli
Warren Hastings had no intention of losing the results to
be*derived from Bogle's first mission to Tibet, and the friend
ship he had formed for the Teshu Lama. He resolved to con
tinue the same policy, with a view to establishing free com
mercial intercourse between Tibet and Bengal. On the 19th
of April, 1779, George Bogle was " appointed to proceed again
to Bhutan and Tibet, for the purpose of cultivating and im
proving the good understanding subsisting between the chiefs
of those countries and the Government, and to endeavour to
establish a free and lasting intercourse of trade with the
kingdom of Tibet, and the other states to the northward of
Bengal." x In the course of the summer news arrived that the
Teshu Lama had undertaken a journey to Peking, and the
mission was consequently postponed. Mr. Bogle then wrote
the important memorandum, proposing to meet the Lama at
Peking, which is printed at p. 207. In September, 1779, Mr.
Bogle was appointed to succeed Mr. Purling as Collector of
Rangpiir, where he was on the high road to Bhutan, and in
a position to encourage commercial intercourse, and to super
intend the annual fair. He writes to his sister Anne : " I am
at length fairly out of Calcutta again, and although not in my
Bhutan hills, I am within sight of them. Yet I felt a pang at
leaving Mr. Hastings, for whose character and abilities I have
a respect bordering on veneration." To his brother Robert,
who by this time had returned home to Daldowie, he writes, on
18th of January, 1780 : "I have schemes and projects for intro
ducing new articles of commerce through Bhutan, and of per
fecting what has already cost me so much trouble. The narrow-
minded jealousy of the Bhutanese opposes obstacles, but my
1 His monthly allowances during this service were to have been :
Sikka Rs.
Lieut-Colonel's pay and double batta 1488
Fixed salary 1000
Contingencies, including servants, interpreters, &c. . . 500
2988
elii CORRESPONDENCE WHILE AT RANGPUR. [Intb.
situation here leads me at least to make an attempt. It is pro
bable, when I have settled the business of Rangpiir, that I may
take a month's trip into the hills. But I shall regret the
absence of my friend the Teshu Lama, for whom I have a
hearty liking, and should be happy again to have his fat hand
on my head." He had already transmitted 2500Z. of his
savings towards paying off the debt on Daldowie, and in this
letter he expresses a hope of being able to send home 1500Z. a
year in future.1 This generous conduct could not have been
adopted without much self-denial ; and was a practical proof of
his affectionate disposition and love for his relations and his old
home. During his residence at Rangprir, George Bogle received
many letters from Warren Hastings, Mrs. Hastings, Sir Elijah
and Lady Impey, which show the intimate terms of friendship
he was on with them. The Governor-General, especially,
discussed all the public news with his young friend, and in one
letter says how much he is missed at Calcutta, especially in
draughting despatches to the Directors. On the 27th of
January, 1780, the Governor-General writes: "I have missed
you much, for I am a very bad law casuist,2 and our letters
home, though they contain abundance of good matter, and are
well expressed, yet want that method and entireness which
fix the subjects on the memory." Hastings frequently sent
him packets of seeds : on one occasion some seeds of hyson tea,
"to aid your benevolent plan of introducing the luxuries and
elegances of our world into that of Bhutan." On the 1st
of March, 1780, Warren Hastings wrote a letter to Bogle, in
which he enters very fully upon the properties of Bhutan
cinnamon, which he correctly suspects to be a cassia, and asks
1 He sent home altogether 4500?. ment and the Judges will be found in
2 He was in the thick of his battle chap. vii. of the ' Memoirs of Sir Elijah
with the Judges. He calls it " a serious Impey,' by his son. An account which
and decided war, which gives me much cannot be so designated is given in
uneasiness." A true account of the Maeaulay's ' Essay on Warren Has-
misunderstanding between the Govern- tings.'
Intb.] CORRESPONDENCE WHILE AT RANGPUR. cliii
him to procure samples of the branches and roots for analysis.
He adds, " You would wonder that I could write to you on
such trifles, if you knew what mighty concerns pressed upon
my mind. But I do not think this altogether a trifle ; and if
it was, trifles are a relief to me."
On the 14th of March, 1780, Bogle wrote to his father that
Mr. Barwell, the second in Council, who uniformly supported
the Governor-General, had sailed for England.1 In that year
Bogle held a fair at Rangpiir. " There was a great concourse
of Bhutan merchants, who, having been excused all duties and
left to the freedom of their own will in buying and selling,
went away very well satisfied." This measure had a most
satisfactory effect, and the Rangpur fair was continued for
many years.
The last letter written by Mr. Bogle, that has been pre
served, is dated at Rangpur, on the 28th of October, 1780, and
is addressed to his father. The old man wrote to his son on the
5th of December of the same year, from Daldowie, saying,
" Accept of these few lines from your affectionate parent, now
running his eightieth year in good health, and who, with the
highest gratitude, very often reflects on the substantial great
favour you laid him under in clearing off the debt on Daldowie,
by which it may be continued in the family."
On the 16th of January, 1781, the Collector of Rangpur
received the following letter from the Governor- General :
" Dear Bogle, — It is determined to dissolve the Provincial
Councils, and to appoint a Committee of Revenue at Calcutta,
which will have the immediate charge of all the collections in
the provinces. This Committee will consist of Anderson,
Croftes, and yourself. Perhaps a fourth will be added. If you
are pleased with your appointment to it, come immediately to
1 On the following 17th of August, went home, leaving the Governor-
Warren Hastings fought his duel with General in full possession of the field.
Francis, and soon afterwards Francis
cliv DEATH AND CHARACTER OF MR. BOGLE. [Intb.
Calcutta. If you are not, stay where you are, and I will nomi
nate another ; but I should be sorry to lose you.
" Yours affectionately, "Waeeen Hastings."
On the receipt of this letter George Bogle proceeded to
Calcutta without delay, to enter upon his new duties. There
he was attacked by a fatal illness, and died on the 3rd of
April, 1781, at the early age of thirty-four.
The character of George Bogle is shown by the facts of his
life here briefly stated, by his letters, and by the journal and
other documents relating to the Tibet mission. His selection
to fill post after post of responsibility and difficulty, by so
sagacious an administrator as Warren Hastings, is a sufficient
proof that Bogle was an able, zealous, and hard-working public
servant. His letters show that he was an affectionate, warm
hearted, and generous man ; and his journal in Tibet is that of
a singularly calm and cautious diplomatist, possessed of an
inexhaustible fund of patience and good humour. The friend
ship he formed for the Teshu Lama and his family, which was
evidently much more than a mere passing feeling, is an
interesting trait in his character.1
George Bogle left two daughters to mourn his loss, named
Martha and Mary, who were sent to Scotland under the
guardianship of Mr. Claud Alexander of Ballochmyle and Mr.
David Anderson. Martha was married, in 1807, to Mr. William
Brown, and had a daughter, married to Mr. John Sturroch of
1 The following notice of the death affectionate disposition, and the world
of George Bogle appeared in one of the a generous, friendly, and valuable
Glasgow papers at the time : member of society. His courage and
"We hear from Bengal that George extensive knowledge of the science of
Bogle, Esq., Chief and Resident of commerce, and of the affairs of the
Rungpoor, son of George Bogle, Esq., Honourable Company in the East is an
of Daldowie, N.B., died at Calcutta, on incontestable proof of the first, as his
the 3rd of April, 1781. In him the account of Tibet and of his journey as
East India Company has lost a dis- envoy to that uudescribed country pre-
interested, intelligent, and upright sented to the Royal Society will be a
servant. His relations have reason permanent and honourable monument
long to lament his amiable, kind, and of the last."
Intb.] LETTER OF HASTINGS TO DR. JOHNSON. civ
Kilmarnock. Mary was the wife first" of Mr. Josias Fairley, a
manufacturer in Glasgow, whom she married in 1808; and
secondly of a Mr. Hamilton.
Robert Bogle eventually succeeded his father at Daldowie,
but all the brothers and sisters died unmarried except the
eldest, Martha, who married Mr. Thomas Brown of Langside.1
Dr. Thomas Brown, the eldest son by this marriage (a physician
in Glasgow), was of Langside in Renfrewshire, where Mary
Queen of Scots was defeated, and of Lanfine in Ayrshire. He
married Marion, sister of Lord Jeffrey. Their son, Thomas
Brown of Waterhaughs and Lanfine, was the author of ' Borgia,
a Tragedy,' and other poems, and was a man of ability and
literary attainments. At one time he contemplated the pre
paration of the Bogle manuscripts for publication, and con
sulted his uncle, Lord Jeffrey, on the subject. But he never
found time to carry out his intention. He died in 1873, and
was succeeded by his sister, Miss Martha Brown, now of Lanfine.
George Bogle, if he had been spared, had fully intended to
publish the journal of his mission to Tibet ; and the letter from
Warren Hastings, already quoted,2 shows that the Governor-
General considered, that this interesting narrative should be
given to the world. In another letter, to Dr. Samuel Johnson,
dated the 7th of August, 1775, Mr. Hastings referred to the same
subject, and enclosed a copy of Bogle's journal. " When I read
the account of your visit to the Hebrides," he continues, "I
could not help wishing that a portion of that spirit which could
draw so much entertainment and instruction from a region so
little befriended by nature, or improved by the arts of society,
could have animated Mr. Bogle, the author of this journal, but
I flatter myself that you will find it not unworthy of perusal. I
confess I received great pleasure from it, and I assure myself,
that whatever originality you may discover in the description
1 Mr. Robert Bogle of Daldowie, died ber, 1824; and Martha (Mrs. Brown),
on the 10th of August, 1808. Miss on the 23rd of August, 1820.
Anne, George's favourite sister, died 2 See p. cxlv.
at Daldowie, on the 18th of Septem-
clvi PROJECTS FOR PUBLICATION. [Intb.
of the countries and inhabitants of which it treats, you will at
least be pleased with the amiable character of the Lama. I am
afraid it may look like an ill compliment, after having desired
your acceptance of this production, to tell you that I have
endeavoured to prevail on the writer to put it into a more
connected form, and to send it, with some additional materials,
to England for publication. If it would not be assuming too
great a liberty, I should request to be favoured with your
opinion upon the propriety of this intention." 1
In 1777, Mr. Stewart, F.R.S., returned from India, and in a
letter to Sir John Pringle, dated March 20, 1777, he gave an in
teresting account of Bogle's mission to Tibet, saying that he had
reason to believe that the Envoy would himself give a relation
of his journey to the world, but that in the meanwhile he pre
sented a few particulars such as his recollection of Mr. Bogle's
letters and papers enabled him to draw up. Mr. Stewart's
letter was read at a meeting of the Royal Society, on the 17th
of April, 1777.2 This is the first and, until now, the only
account of Bogle's mission that has seen the light.
The untimely death of George Bogle, the weighty affairs
which fully occupied the time of the Governor-General during
the next four years, and the long persecution to which he was
subjected after his return home, prevented the project of
publishing the narrative of the Tibet mission from being
carried into effect. But copies of the documents relating to
it remained in the possession of Warren Hastings until his
death.3 Mr. William Markham, the eldest son of the Arch-
1 Gleig's 'Memoirs of Warren Has- The letter of Mr. Stewart was trans-
tings,' ii. p. 19. Dr. Johnson died in lated into French, and published with
1784, before the return of Warren Has- three other short narratives of travels,
tings to England. by " Bryltophend," in a small volume.
2 Printed in tho ' Philosophical Trans- (Pckin, 1789, et se trouve a Paris.)
actions ' for lj#77, vol. lxvii. part ii. 3 Mr. Gleig published an extract
pp. 465-488, with the title, "An Ac- from the Letter of Instructions to Mr.
count of the Kingdom of Thibet, in a Bogle (p. 7 of this volume), and the
Letter from John Stewart, Esq., F.R.S., Memorandum of Private Commissions
to Sir John Pringle, Bart., F.R.S." The (p. 8). But it would appear that Mr.
letter is followed by a translation of Gleig had had a copy of the whole
the Teshu Lama's letter, at p. 1. journal in his possession, fur he speaks
Intb.] PROJECTS FOR PUBLICATION. clvii
bishop of York, arrived in India in 1778, and was Private
Secretary to Warren Hastings during the time that the
measures connected with an intended second mission to Tibet
were under consideration, in 1779. He took great pains to
collect information on the subject, and preserved copies of por
tions of Mr. Bogle's journal during the first mission, especially
those in which the conversations with the Teshu Lama are re
corded.1 Mr. Markham's copy was deposited in the library
at Becca, his seat in Yorkshire, and its discovery originated
the investigations which led to the preparation of the present
volume.2 Among George Bogle's papers there is a short memorandum,
probably the last thing he ever wrote, desiring that all his
letters may be sealed up and sent to Mr. Anderson. It ends :
" The letters directed to Anderson and Alexander I request
may be sent in the securest manner. Farewell." These two
civilians were probably Bogle's executors, and the whole of the
papers appear to have been transmitted to Daldowie. Mr.
Robert Bogle always intended to publish them, but he put
it off from year to year owing to the difficulty in meeting with
anyone qualified to correct and arrange them properly for the
press. At last he became acquainted with Mr. Alexander
Dalrymple,3 the well-known geographer to the East India
of not being justified in giving a de- three interesting letters from Warren
tailed account of the mission, as if he Hastings to Mr. Markham, at Benares,
could have done so had he seen fit. in Gleig's ' Memoirs,' ii. pp. 434, 591.
('Memoirs of Warren Hastings,' i. p. In 1783 Mr. Markham returned to
40.) England, and rendered the most effi-
1 Forming chapter xiv. of the pre- cient assistance to his revered chief
sent volume, p. 130. during the whole of his tedious trial.
2 William Markham was born in There is a letter from Warren Hastings,
1760 ; was sent to Westminster School, preserved at Becca, expressing the
and, like Warren Hastings before him, warmest gratitude for this loyal aid.
got head into college. He went out to Mr. Markham died at Becca Hall, his
India in 1777, as Private Secretary to seat in Yorkshire, in January, 1815,
the Governor-General, a po3t which he leaving eight children.
held for three years, and early in 1781 3 Alexander Dalrymple, the seventh
he was appointed Resident at Benares, out of sixteen children of Sir James
during a most critical period, including Dalrymple, was born at New Hailes,
the revolt of Cheyt Sing. There are on the 24th of July, 1737. He went
clviii PRESERVATION OF THE BOGLE MANUSCRIPTS. [Intb.
Company of that day, who voluntarily offered his assistance.
In a letter from Robert Bogle to Dalrymple, dated at Daldowie,
the 28th of January, 1792, an arrangement for handing over the
manuscripts was made; and it seems that a volume, contain
ing a copy of the reports of George Bogle's conversations with
the Deb Rajah and the Teshu Lama, was actually entrusted to
Dalrymple. But no publication ever took place, and at the
sale of Dalrymple's library this Bogle manuscript was bought
by Lord Valentia. At the Arley Castle sale it was purchased by
Messrs. Boone, of whom the Trustees of the British Museum
bought it in 1833. It is now in the British Museum. It
would appear from the notice in the Glasgow paper,1 that
another copy was presented to the Royal Society. The only
document relating to Bogle's mission, which has been preserved
among the records at Calcutta and in the India Office, is the
report on the trade of Tibet.2
Searches have frequently been made for the complete
journal of George Bogle, and for other papers relating to his
mission to Tibet, both in India and in this country, but without
success. At length, thanks to the liberal kindness of Miss
Martha Brown of Lanfine, the representative of the family,
and to the care of Mr. Gairdner of Kilmarnock, who judiciously
sorted and arranged the great accumulation of papers, the com
plete narrative of George Bogle's important mission to Tibet is
now presented to the world.
out to Madras as a writer in 1752, and world, and produced many hundreds of
acquired much nautical experience useful charts and plans of harbours-
during a voyage to the Eastern Archi- He also brought out the ' Oriental
pelago in 1759. In 1776 he was ap- Repertory,' in two vols. In 1795 he
pointed a Member of Council at Madras, was appointed Hydrographer to the
and finally returned home in 1777. In Admiralty, but. was dismissed in 1808.
1779 he was appointed Hydrographer This unjustr' treatment broke the old
to the East India Company, and was a man's heartland he died the same
most untiring and industrious work- year.
man. He translated and published a, • Note at p. cliy.
valuable collection of voyages in the 2 Comprisetl'in chapter xiii. of this
Pacific, gave innumerable tracts to the volume.
Intb.] BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF MR. MANNING. clix
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
THOMAS MANNING.
Thomas Manning is the only Englishman who has ever visited
Lhasa and seen the Dalai Lama. He was the second son of the
Reverend William Manning, Rector of Diss, in Norfolk, and was
born at his father's first living of Broome, in the same county,
on the 8th of November, 1772. Owing to ill health in early
life, he was obliged to forego the advantages of a public school ;
but under his father's roof he was a close student of both
classics and mathematics, and became an eager disciple of the
philosophy of Plato. On his recovery he went to Caius College,
Cambridge, and studied intensely, especially mathematics.
While at Cambridge he published a work on algebra, in 1796
(two vols. 8vo), and a smaller book on arithmetic. He passed
the final examination, and was expected to be at least second
wrangler, but his strong repugnance to oaths and tests debarred
him from academic honours and preferments, and he left the
University without a degree. At Cambridge Manning was the
friend of Porson. He also made the acquaintance of Charles
Lamb, with whom he regularly corresponded.
After he had lived at Cambridge for some years, he began
to brood over the mysterious empire of China, and devoted his
time to an investigation of the language and arts of the
Chinese, and the state of their country. He resolved to enter
the Celestial Empire at all hazards, and to prosecute his re
searches till death stopped him, or until he should return with
success. To enable him to undertake this hazardous enterprise,
clx MANNING GOES TO CHINA. [Intb.
he studied the Chinese language under the tuition of Dr. Hagar,
in France, and afterwards, with the aid of a Chinese, in London.
When the English travellers were seized by Napoleon on the
breaking out of war in 1803, Manning obtained leave to quit
France, entirely owing to the respect in which his undertaking
was held by the learned men at Paris. His passport was the
only one that Napoleon ever signed for an Englishman to go to
England after war began.1
In the collection of Charles Lamb's letters there are thirty-
three to Thomas Manning,2 and those attempting to dissuade
him from undertaking his Chinese enterprise are very humor
ous. On the 19th of February, 1803, Lamb wrote to his friend,
begging him to get the idea of visiting Independent Tatary
out of his head. He tells Manning that the reading of Chaucer
has misled him, with his foolish stories about Cambuscan and
the ring, and the horse of brass. " Believe me," he continues,
"there are no such things. 'Tis all the poet's invention. A
horse of brass never flew, and a king's daughter never talked
with birds. These are all tales. Pray try and cure yourself.
Take hellebore. Pray to avoid the fiend. Read no more books
of voyages ; they are nothing but lies."
But Manning was quite resolved. On the 31st of March,
1806, Sir Joseph Banks, the President of the Royal Society,
addressed a letter to the chairman of the Court of Directors,
explaining the objects of Manning's undertaking, and his con
viction that unless he could assume the manners and dress
of the Chinese with the utmost exactness, and speak their
language with purity and a proper accent, he could never suc
ceed. He desired, therefore, to proceed to Canton, in the first
instance, to acquire these difficult accomplishments; and Sir
Joseph Banks, believing that Mr. Manning was likely to succeed,
requested the Directors to assist his earnest endeavours to accom
plish this great purpose. Sir Joseph concluded his letter thus :
1 ' Notes and Queries,' Second Series, x. 143.
2 There are a few more in Talfourd. ' Final Memorials.1
Intb.] MANNING GOES TO CALCUTTA. clxi
" For my part I take a deep interest in the fate of this very
amia'rjle young man, both on account of his mild character and
the energies of his mind, and I shall feel infinite obligation to
you, Sir, and to the Court, if my application has any effect in
deciding them to grant the favour he solicits." 1
Thus strongly recommended, Thomas Manning went out to
China in one of the Company's ships, in 1806, and took up his
abode in the English factory at Canton. Auber mentions that,
in February, 1808, Manning made a trip from Canton to Cochin
China. Charles Lamb continued to correspond with his " old
adventuring friend, who had gone to wander among the Tartars,"
during the time of Manning's residence at Canton, which lasted
from 1807 to 1810.
The Select Committee at Canton addressed a letter to Lord
Minto, the Governor-General of India, dated 19th February,
1810, in which they introduced Mr. Manning, who was about to
proceed to Calcutta, and who had been permitted to reside in
the Company's factory, at Canton, during the previous three
years. " The object of this gentleman's visit to China," they
said, " has been to qualify himself, by studying the Chinese
language and customs, to explore the country. In these pur
suits he has made considerable progress, but finding his ulti
mate views impracticable from this quarter, he proceeds to
Calcutta, and will personally explain his future plans. As we
consider Mr. Manning eminently qualified for the task he has
undertaken, we anxiously hope your lordship will not consider
it improper to afford Mr. Manning every practicable assistance
in the prosecution of his plans, and this we beg to solicit in his
behalf." Accordingly, Mr. Manning proceeded to Calcutta, and the
1 This letter is preserved among the Peter Auber. (London, 1834.) Mr.
records of the India Office. It is printed Auber mentions Manning as one of
in full, together with the reply of the many doctors who applied to go to
Court of Directors granting the per- China in 1806, through Sir Joseph
mission sought for, in ' China : an Out- Banks, with a view to exploring the
line of its Government, Laws, &c.,' by interior. I
clxii THE JOURNEY TO LHASA. [Inte
Governor-General in Council replied, on the 16th of June,
1810, " We shall not fail to pay due attention to your recom
mendation of Mr. Manning by affording him every practicable
assistance in the prosecution of his scientific pursuits." But
the great statesman who opened up friendly intercourse between
Bengal and Tibet, in the days of Bogle and Turner, was shelved
at Daylesford. In his place was one of the managers of his
prosecution, and the days of small half measures had arrived.
Mr. H. T. Prinsep remembered Manning at Calcutta, as wear
ing a fancy dress, which he said was that of a Tatar gentleman ;
but with his broad English face and full flowing beard, as look
ing as little like a Tatar as any son of Adam one might meet
in London. He was feted and lionized at Calcutta, and, after
a few months, set out with his Chinese servant to Rangpiir,
and thence started on his expedition.1 He appears to have
received little or no aid from the Government ; to have been left
entirely to his own resources without official recognition of any
kind, and all the credit of his extraordinary journey is solely
due to himself. Whether his disguise was effectual or not, he
succeeded in reaching Lhasa, a feat which no official has ever
yet achieved. He resided there for several months, had inter
views with the Dalai Lama, and returned to India safely in
1812. From thence he wrote to Dr. Marshman a long and inter
esting account of his expedition, which unfortunately does not
appear to have been preserved. It concluded by saying that,
having lived for some time on terms of good fellowship with
the Lamas, and made arrangements for penetrating farther into
those unknown regions, the Emperor of China had sent for his
head ; but as he preferred to retain it on his shoulders, he had
made the best of his way back. He had hoped to have been
able to proceed by Sining to China ; but what he actually did
was sufficient to place him in the first rank of English
travellers. His journal, fragmentary though it be, tells the
1 Manning's journey to Lhasa is Manning is also mentioned in the cor-
mentioned in ' Tibet, Tartary, and respondence of Mr. David Scott, among
Mongolia,' by H. T. Prinsep (London, the Kuch Bahar records.
1852, 2nd edition), pp. 17 and 94.
Intb.] JOINS LORD AMHERST'S EMBASSY. clxiii
story in sufficient detail ; though it consists merely of hasty
jottings, sorely needing the revision of the author.
He appears to have been disgusted with the official treat
ment he received; and when he returned to Calcutta, he
would give no one any particulars of his journey. After a
short stay, he went back to Canton by sea, and again took up
his residence in the factory. Charles Lamb continued to
correspond with him, often urging him to come home. On
the 25th December, 1815, he writes : " Still in China ! Down
with idols — Ching-chang-fo and all his foolish priesthood.
Come out of Babylon, 0 my friend ! "
In 1817, Thomas Manning joined Lord Amherst's Embassy
as Chinese interpreter, and proceeded to Peking.1 The Am
bassador objected at first to his beard, as incongruous in a
British Embassy, but consented to his joining the mission on
his agreeing to change his Chinese dress for an English one.
On the voyage home, H.M.S. ' Alceste,' carrying the Embassy,
was wrecked in the Straits of Gaspar, and its members, reaching
Batavia, were taken home in the ' Cassar,' of London. In July,
1817, Manning had an interview with Napoleon, at St. Helena,
reminding the Emperor that he was the only Englishman to
whom he had granted a passport in 1803. Sir John Davis,
who was a member of Lord Amherst's mission, thus writes of
Mr. Manning :
"I knew Manning well, and liked him much. His eccen
tricities were quite harmless, and concerned only himself per
sonally. His beard was merely continued from his first adoption
of it previous to his journey to Lhasa, and gratified his natural
indolence. He was not liable to the ridicule of the great
epigrammatist :
' Ei to Tp*<pciv irdiywva Sokcl <ro<piav TreptiroLeiv,
Kal Tpdyos evir&ywv dj&TOXos tffn 1\Xo.tojv.'
' If a beard of dimensions true wisdom declare,
Then Plato his claims with a he-goat must share.'
1 See 'Journal of Lord Amherst's Embassy at Macao; and, at p. 61 his
Embassy to China,' by Henry Ellis. name occurs as one of the Chinese
(London, 1817.) At p. 58 Mr. Man- Secretaries, in a list of members of the
ningis mentioned as having joined the Embassy.
* I 2
clxiv ECCENTRIC LIFE. [Intb.
He was seldom serious, and did not often argue any matter
gravely, but in a tone of banter in which he humorously
maintained the most monstrous paradoxes, his illustrations
being often highly laughable. I found him, in 1813, on my
arrival in China, established as a guest of the East India
Company's establishment, where the table and library were
excellent, and quite to his taste. He was a very pleasant
companion during the Embassy to Peking, but did not keep a
journal, or at least never published one. He did everything in
his own odd and eccentric way. Being one day roused by a
strange shouting, I went out and discovered it was Manning,
who, wishing to cross the water, and finding nobody who would
attend to him, commenced a series of howls like a dog, supple
mented by execrations derived from the Chinese vernacular.
This led our attendant mandarins very naturally to infer that
he was mad, and they lost no time in conveying him over the
river to the other side, which was all he wanted. I was sorry
to part with him in 1817, at the termination of the Embassy,
when he returned home, but have never seen him since, nor
read anything of his concerning China. His great friend and
companion, Samuel Ball, a member of the Athenaeum Club,
died lately, at an age bordering on one hundred."
Thomas Manning returned to England, after an absence of
nearly twelve years, apparently a disappointed man. He was in
Italy from 1827 to 1829, and then went to live in strict retire
ment at Bexley, whence he removed to a cottage near Dartford,
called Orange Grove. He led a very eccentric life. It is
said that he never furnished his cottage, but only had a few
chairs, one carpet, and a large library of Chinese books. He
wore a milky white beard down to his waist. Mr. Manning
revised the proof-sheets of the 'Reports on the Poor Laws,'
published by order of the House of Commons, and did other
work of the same kind, but he never published any of the
results of his Chinese labours. Auber, however, says that he
drew up a paper of observations on the consumption of tea in
Intb.] DEATH OF MR. MANNING. clxv
Bhutan, Tibet, and Tatary. In 1838 he had a paralytic stroke,
and in the same year he removed to Bath, where he died on
the 2nd of May, 1840, aged sixty-eight. He was buried in the
Abbey Church, at Bath, on the 8th of the same month.1
Manning left behind him a collection of letters, and
numerous writings in Chinese, but no manuscripts of his own
sufficiently advanced for publication. His brother presented
his Chinese library to the Royal Asiatic Society.2
Through the kindness of the Rev. C. R. Manning, Mr.
Thomas Manning's nephew, who is now Rector of Diss, the
rough notes of the remarkable journey to Lhasa have been
placed at my disposal, and are now printed for the first time.
1 Most of the above details of Mr. was written by Mr. A. J. Dunkin, of
Manning's life, after his return from Dartford.
China, are from the ' Gentleman's Ma- 2 It is still there, in a separate case,
gazine,' xiv. N. S. p. 97. This article and called the " Manning Collection."
NARRATIVE
OP THE
MISSION OF MR. GEORGE BOGLE TO TIBET
(1774).
NARRATIVE
OF THE
MISSION OF MR. GEORGE BOGLE TO TIBET
(1774).
CHAPTER I.
MISSION TO TIBET.
LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA — MISSION TO TIBET — APPOINTMENT OF MR. BOOLE
— HIS INSTRUCTIONS.
Letter from the Teshu Lama1 to Warren Hastings.
{Received March 29, 1774.)
The affairs of this quarter in every respect flourish. I am night
and day employed in prayers for the increase of your happiness and
i ' This was a letter of mediation, sent
at the request of the Government of
Bhutan. In 1772 the Bhutanese, under
Deb Judhur, descended into the plains,
and overran Kuch Bahar. This aggres
sion threatened the peace of Bangpiir
and adjacent parts of Bengal. Warren
Hastings, therefore, resolved to drive
the mountaineers back into their fast
nesses. A battalion of native infantry
was employed on this service. But the
invaders made a desperate resistance.
They defended the fort of Bahar, which
was stormed and taken by Captain John
Jones, at the head of his troops, nearly
one -fourth of the detachment being
killed or wounded. Captain Jones him
self was wounded. Soon afterwards a
night attack was made, at Chichakotta,
on a small detachment under Lieutenant
Dickinson and Mr. Purling, of 226
rank and file, by 3000 Bhutanese, who
were beaten off with great loss. (See
Letters from Warren Hastings to Sir
George Colebrooke and to Mr. Purling.
'Memoirs,' i. pp. 279 and 295.) Even
tually the invaders retreated into their
own mountainous country, followed by
our troops. Captain Jones occupied
the Dalim-kotta Diiar (Daling) at the
foot of the hills, and took the fortress
of Dalim-kotta by assault in April,
1773. Our troops also defeated the
Bhutanese at Chichakotta, and drove
them up to Buxa-Duar. But the troops
were decimated by disease. The malaria
proved fatal to Captain Jones and many
other officers. The Bhutan Govern
ment was however thoroughly alarmed,
and entreated the Teshu Lama of Tibet
to interpose in their favour. The Lama
sent a deputation to Calcutta, consist
ing of a Tibetan named Paima, and
a Hindu pilgrim named Purungir
Gosain, who were entrusted with this
letter from the Teshu Lama. It is
given in the introduction of ' Turner's
Embassy,' p. ix. Captain Turner speaks
of it " as an authentic and curious
specimen of the Lama's good sense,
humility, simplicity of heart, and, above
all, of that delicacy of sentiment and
expression which could convey a threat
in terms of meekness and supplication,"
2 LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA. [Ch. I.
prosperity, Having been informed by travellers from your quarter1
of your exalted fame and reputation, my heart, like the blossom of
spring, abounds with gaiety,2 gladness, and joy; praise3 that the star
of your fortune is in its ascension ; praise 4 that happiness and ease are
the surrounding attendants of myself and family. Neither to molest
nor persecute is my aim ; it is even the characteristic of my5 sect to
deprive ourselves of the necessary refreshment of sleep, should an
injury be done to a single individual. But in justice and humanity
I am informed you far surpass us. May you ever adorn the seat of
justice and power, that mankind may, under the shadow of your
bosom, enjoy the blessings of happiness and ease.6 By your favour,
I am the Rajah and Lama of this country, and rule over numbers7 of
subjects, a particular8 with which you have no doubt been made
acquainted by travellers from these parts. I have been repeatedly
informed that you have been9 engaged in hostilities against the Deb
Judhur,10 to which, it is said, the Deb's own criminal conduct, in
committing ravages and other outrages on your frontiers, has given11
rise. As he is of a rude and ignorant race (past times are not desti
tute of instances of the like misconduct,12 which his own 13 avarice
tempted him to commit), it is not unlikely that he has now renewed
those instances ; and the ravages and plunder which he may have
committed on the skirts of the Bengal and Bahar provinces have
given you provocation to send your vindictive 14 army against him.
However,15 his party has been defeated, many of his people have been
killed, three forts16 have been taken from him, and he has met with
the punishment he deserved ; and it is as evident as the sun your
army has been victorious, and that, if you had been desirous of it,
you might, in the space of two days, have entirely extirpated him,
for he had not power to resist your efforts. But I now take upon
1 Turner's version has country. I2 Turner has faults.
2 Turner has satisfaction. 13 Turner omits own.
3 Turner has praise be to God. 14 Turner has avenging.
4 Turner has praise be to Him. 's Turner has nevertheless.
5 Turner has our. is Dalim-kotta, Chichakotta, and
6 Turner has peace and affluence. Buxa. The last was taken by Lieu- *
1 Turner has a number. tenant Dickinson and " young Purling,"
8 Turner has circumstance. 0f the Warren Hastings correspondence,
8 Turner omits been. who lost some men in the retreat, owing
10 Turner has Deh Terria throughout, to the indiscretion of a native officer.
and Deh. This man would fight the Bhutanese, who
" Turner has gave. rolled down stones on the rear-guard.
Ch. I.] LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA. 3
me to be his mediator, and to represent to you that, as the said
Deb^ajah is dependent upon the Dalai Lama, who rules in this
country with unlimited sway (but on account of his being in his
minority, the charge of the government and administration for the
present is committed to me), should you persist in offering further
molestation to the Deb's country, it will irritate both the Lama
and all his subjects against you. Therefore, from a regard to our
religion and customs, I request you will cease 1 all hostilities against
him, and in doing this you will confer the greatest favour and
friendship upon me. I have reprimanded the Deb for his past
conduct, and I have admonished him to desist from his evil practices
in future, and to be submissive to you in all matters.2 I am per
suaded that he will conform to the advice which I have given him,
and it will be necessary that you treat him with compassion and
clemency. As to my part, I am but a Fakir, and it is the custom
of my sect, with the rosary in our hands, to pray for the welfare of3
mankind, and for the peace and happiness of the inhabitants of this
country ; and I do now, with my head uncovered, entreat that you
may cease all hostilities against the Deb in future. It would be
needless to add to the length of this letter, as the bearer of it, who
is a Gosain, will represent to you all particulars, and it is hoped
that you will comply therewith. In this country 4 worship of the
Almighty is the profession of all. We poor creatures are in nothing
equal to you. Having a few things in hand, I send them to you
by way6 of remembrance, and hope for your acceptance of them.
Minute by Warren Hastings.
May 4, 1774.
The President acquaints the Board that, since he laid before
them the letter from the Teshu Lama of Tibet, he has written an
answer to it, and, among other things, has proposed a general treaty
of amity and commerce between the two states of Bengal and
Bhutan.6 He begs leave to observe that such a treaty has ever been
1 Turner has cease from. i Turner has the worship.
1 Turner has things. 6 Turner has as token.
3 Turner has all mankind. c Bhot, the native name of Tibet.
B 2
i LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA. [Ch. I.
a favourite object with our Honourable Masters, and that they have
repeatedly recommended the establishment of an intercourse with
that country. The present juncture appeared to him the most
favourable which has yet occurred for pursuing these views.
The letter from the Lama invites us to friendship, and the late
final arrangement of the disputes on the frontier renders the
country accessible without danger either to the persons or effects
of travellers. Therefore, no sooner was the treaty for the affairs
of Kuch Bahar : signed and ratified than he thought seriously of
carrying this project into execution; and conceiving it to be
most proper that a European, and servant of the Company, should
be entrusted with the negotiation in preference to any native, he
wrote immediately for the necessary passports for such a person,
which he informs the Board he has now obtained. The person
he has made choice of for this trust is Mr. George Bogle, a
servant of the Company, well known to this Board for his in
telligence, assiduity and exactness in affairs; and the President
further expects to draw much advantage in the conduct of the
business from the coolness and moderation of temper which he
seems to possess in an eminent degree. He proposes that Mr.
Bogle should set out without loss of time, and will charge himself
with furnishing him proper instructions and despatches. He hopes
the Board will approve of his choice, and as Mr. Bogle undertakes
this difficult and hazardous commission without any immediate pros
pect of advantage, and with great uncertainty as to its success, he
would recommend to the Board that he be continued in possession
of the appointments which he now holds at the Presidency, and
permitted to act by deputy till his return, or till it shall be
thought proper to dispose of him another way. The President
1 He alludes to the treaty between liver up the Rajah of Kuch Bahar and
the East India Company and the Deb his brother, whom he had made pri-
Rajah of Bhutan, signed on April 25, soners. The Bhutan merchants were
1774. The English agreed to relin- allowed to go with their caravans to
quish all the lands which belonged to Rangpur every year without paying
the Deb Rajah before the commence- duties. The Deb Rajah promised never
ment of his war with the Rajah of to cause incursions to be made, and to
Kuch Bahar; but for the possession of give up any inhabitants of the Corn-
Cbichakotta the Deb Rajah was to pay pany's territories on application. (See
an annual tribute of five Tangun ' Aitchison's Treaties,' i. p. 143.)
ponies. The Deb Rajah agreed to <le-
Ch. I.] APPOINTMENT OF MR. BOGLE. 5
further acquaints the Board that he has nominated Mr. Alexander
Hamilton, assistant-surgeon on the establishment, to accompany
Mr. Bogle on this expedition.
The President has only further to observe that he is far from
being sanguine in his hopes of success, but the present occasion
appears too favourable for the attempt to be neglected. He also
can assure the Board that the information which he has been able
to procure of the people, the country, and government of Tibet,
gives considerable encouragement to it. They are represented as a
simple, well-disposed people, numerous and industrious, living under
a well-regulated government, having considerable intercourse with
other nations, particularly with the Chinese and northern Tatars,
and possessing at home the principal means of commerce, gold and
silver in great abundance. For the more particular satisfaction of
the Board he subjoins to this minute the substance of this infor
mation, which, being on record, will also exhibit to our Honourable
Masters the grounds of the present undertaking, whatever may be
its success, and enable them to judge how far it may be advisable to
prosecute it on any future occasion.
He also annexes to this an account • of such goods as he has
ordered Mr. Bogle to provide for presents to the Lama, or as
samples of the commodities which this country is capable of supply
ing, and he moves that the Board should order the amount to be
paid out of the treasury.
3.
Letter from Warren Hastings to the Court of Directors.
The President, having received a letter from Teshu Lama, who
is the guardian and minister of the Dalai Lama, the sovereign
and high-priest of all Tibet, thinks it a proper opportunity to
open intercourse between these countries and Bengal, through Mr.
G. Bogle, whose merits and abilities we have frequently noticed
to you, and who by his patience, exactitude, and intelligence
seemed peculiarly fitted for the duty. Accordingly, Mr. G. Boole
6 APPOINTMENT OF MR. BOGLE. [Ch. I.
will be sent to the Lama, with a letter and presents and different
samples of goods, to see which would sell best there. Mr.
Hamilton, assistant-surgeon, is to accompany him, but the great
length of the journey and the natural difficulties which Mr. Bogle
has to encounter from the severity of the climate and the rudeness
of the country will make it a long while before we shall hear
from him.
4.
Appointment of Mr. Bogle.'
Foet William, 13th May, 1774.
Sir, — Having appointed you my deputy to the Teshu Lama,
the sovereign of Bhutan,1 I desire you will proceed to Lhasa, his
capital, and deliver to him the letter and presents which I have
given you in charge.
The design of your mission is to open a mutual and equal
communication of trade between the inhabitants of Bhutan and
Bengal, and you will be guided by your own judgment in using such
means of negotiation as may be most likely to effect this purpose.
You will take with you samples for a trial of such articles of
commerce as may be sent from this country according to the
accompanying list, marking as accurately as possible the charge
of transporting them.
You will inquire what other commodities may be successfully
employed in that trade. And you will diligently inform yourself
of the manufactures, productions, goods, introduced by the inter
course with other countries, which are to be procured in Bhutan,
especially such as are of great value and easy transportation, such
as gold, silver, precious stones, musk, rhubarb,2 munjit,3 &c.
The following will be also proper objects of your inquiry
— the nature of the road between the borders of Bengal and
Lhasa, and of the countries lying between; the communi-
1 The word Bhutan is here, and in 2 Rawend.
other places, used by Warren Hastings 3 Rubia mungista. A madder used as
for Bhot, the native name of Tibet. a dye, and also for medicinal purposes.
Ch. I.] INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. BOGLE. 7
cations between Lhasa and the neighbouring countries, their
government, revenue, and manners.
Whatever observations you may make on these or any other
subjects, whether of useful knowledge or curiosity, I desire you
will communicate to me from time to time, reporting the success
of your negotiations.
The period of your stay must be left to your discretion. I
wish you to remain a sufficient time to fulfil the purposes of your
deputation, and obtain a complete knowledge of the country and
the points referred to, your inquiry. If you shall judge that a
residence may be usefully established at Lhasa without putting
the Company to any expense, but such as may be repaid by the
advantages which may be hereafter derived from it, you will take
the earliest opportunity to advise me of it ; and if you should find
it necessary to come away before you receive my orders upon it,
you may leave such persons as you shall think fit to remain as
your agents till a proper resident can be appointed, and you will
apply to the Lama for his permission and the necessary passports
for the person who may be hereafter deputed in this character.
You will draw on me for your charges, and your drafts shall
be regularly answered. To these I can fix no limitation, but
empower you to act according to your discretion, knowing that
I need not recommend to you to observe a strict frugality and
economy where the good of the service on which you are com
missioned shall not require a deviation from these rules.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant,
Mr. George Bogle. Warren Hastings.
P.S. — I have appointed Mr. Alexander Hamilton, assistant-
surgeon, to attend you on this deputation.
8 INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. BOGLE. [Ch. I.
5.
Private Commissions to Mr. Bogle.
Fobt William, 16th May, 1774.
1. To send one or more pair of the animals called tiis,1 which
produce the shawl wool. If by a dooley, chairs, or any other con
trivance they can be secured from the fatigues and hazards of the
way, the expense is to be no objection.
2. To send one or more pair of the cattle which bear what are
called cowtails.2
3. To send me carefully packed some fresh ripe walnuts for
seed, or an entire plant, if it can be transported ; and any other
curious or valuable seeds or plants, the rhubarb and ginseng3
especially. 4. Any curiosities, whether natural productions, manufactures,
paintings, or what else may be acceptable to persons of taste in
England. Animals only that may be useful, unless any that may
be remarkably curious.
5. In your inquiries concerning the people, the form of their
government, and the mode of collecting their revenue, are points
principally meriting your attention.
6. To keep a diary, inserting whatever passes before your
observation which shall be characteristic of the people, the country,
the climate, or. the road, their manners, customs, buildings, cookery,
&c, or interesting to the trade of this country, carrying with you
a pencil and a pocket-book for the purpose of minuting short notes
of every fact or remark as it occurs, and putting them in order at
your leisure while they are fresh in your memory.
7. To inquire what countries he between Lhasa and Siberia,
and what communication there is between them. The same with
regard to China and Kashmir.
1 Tus is the wool of the shawl goat. China for fevers. Properly, Jin - san.
' Yaks. There is also an American ginseng
3 A drug, the root of an araliaceous (Panax qninquefolium').
plant {Panax ginseng), much used in
Ch. I.] INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. BOGLE. 9
8. To ascertain the value of their trade with Bengal by their
gol#and silver coins, and to send me samples of both.
9. Every nation excels others in some particular art or science.
To find out this excellence of the Bhutanese. Warren Hastings.
10. To inform yourself of the course and navigation of the
Brahmaputra, and of the state of the countries through which
it runs. W. H.
6.
Memorandum on Tibet, by Warren Hastings.
[Accompanying the Instructions to Mr. Bogle.]
Tibet is a cold, high, mountainous country. The inhabitants
approach more in figure to the Persians and other inhabitants of
Western Asia, than to any of their neighbours, Chinese, Hindus, or
Tatars. It should seem that Tibet consisted of a great variety of tribes
more or less addicted to the pastoral life. At times they appear to
have united into powerful confederacies, and become formidable
to their neighbours. At other times, when divided, they fell a
prey to irruptions of Tatars, or to the policy and power of the
Chinese. The Caucasus formed a barrier on the south that pro
tected reciprocally both Hindustan and Tibet from any dangerous
hostilities in that quarter.
In the fourth century, the Tatar confederacy of the Typa sub
dued the north and east of Tibet. In the eighth and ninth centuries,
when the Tatar confederacy of the Turks became feeble, the power
of those nations, which now acknowledge the supremacy of the
Dalai Lama, was very great. Sometimes they penetrated into the
heart of China, but at other times the Chinese took advantage of
their divisions to recover what had been lost.
In 1102, the chief of Great Tibet seems to have resided at
Lhasa. He at that period found it necessary tto become lama, in
order to strengthen his authority over the different tribes that had
10 MEMORANDUM ON TIBET. [Ch. I.
raised him to be their leader, and for the same reason, it is said,
that he submitted to become a vassal of the Chinese empire in
1125. In the thirteenth century, the Tatar confederacy of the Moghuls
under Mangu Khan overran Tibet, and soon after Kublai Khan,
who was Emperor of China as well as chief of the Moghuls, divided
it into provinces, and gave the title of King to the Lama of Lhasa.
The Moghul princes being expelled from China, the Emperor
Yonglo, of the dynasty of Ming, which succeeded them, gave the
title of King, in 1373, to eight more lamas in Tibet. In 1426,
these took the title of Grand Lamas ; and then, or some time after
wards, the Lama of Lhasa took the distinguishing title of Dalai
Lama. At least, we find the Chinese Emperor Kang-hi appointing,
in 1705, a Dalai Lama, who is said to be the sixth in succession
who had borne that title.
It was in the middle of the fifteenth century that the Dalai
Lama of Bhutan,1 or Greater Tibet, first named a Typa 2 Lama for
the administration of civil affairs. The late intercourse opened
between the Presidency of Bengal and Bhutan shows that the office
of Typa remains and actually engrosses the authority of the state.
It is not likely that the Dalai Lama retains the power of nomi
nating to this office.
Although the Chinese historians ascribe to their emperors the
\ power of nominating the Dalai Lama, it does not follow thai this
nomination is more than a bare acknowledgment or confirmation
pf his appointment by the lamas or Tibetan tribes. It may like
wise not be improbable that the Typa Lama is chosen by the
priests. It is, at least, generally said that the chiefs of the Tibetan
tribes that acknowledge a sort of supremacy in the Dalai Lama
are all elected by the priests, or lamas, the nobility at the same
time having some influence in the transaction.
A curious enough precaution against hereditary succession in
the chiefship is ascribed to these tribes. No sooner, it is said, is a
new chief chosen, than his wife and children are for ever separated
from him. I have never heard what is done with them, nor whether
1 Or Bhot. (See note at page 6.)
2 The Typa Lama is the guru or teacher of the young Dalai Lama.
Ch. I.] MEMORANDUM ON TIBET. 11
the chief is, after his elevation, debarred the use of women. If the
institution is true, it seems to indicate a very high advance in
political estabhshments. Rude men have no apprehension of losing
their independence; people only become jealous of their liberty
when they grow doubtful of their resolution to retain it.
The religion and hierarchy established in Tibet is, however, a
matter of much greater curiosity. We are told that the Dalai Lama
is held to be an incarnation of the legislator prophet, or god Buddha
or Fo, who over all Hindustan gives his name (like Thauth or
Mercury, the prophet legislator and god of the Egyptians) to the
planet Mercury, and to the fourth day of the week. When the
Dalai Lama dies, a child is said to be pitched on as possessing
certain marks which show that the soul of the deceased has been
transmigrated into him ; and the divinity and identity of the new
manifestation of the god is of course acknowledged.
Among the different Tatar tribes which are of this religion,
there are persons called Ku-tchuck-tus,1 who are likewise esteemed
living Fos. It is, however, said that though each tribe pays a
particular respect to its own Ku-tchuck-tu, the divinity of those of
other tribes is not the less acknowledged, and it is even pretended
that the Ku-tchuck-tus admit a superiority in the Dalai Lama, so
that his excrements are sold as charms at a great price among all
the Tatar tribes of this religion. I have already mentioned that
no less than eight Lamas in Tibet, besides the Lama of Lhasa, have
the title of King, and are called Grand Lamas.2 But I do not know
whether these, too, are esteemed incarnations of the divinity, or
what subjection, if any, they pay to the Dalai Lama.
1 The Kutuktus are the highest 2 Of the eight personages referred to
order of Buddhist ecclesiastics next by Warren Hastings, Mr. Hodgson
to the Dalai, having divine incarna- thinks that four belong to Tibet and
tion of the second class. Mr. Brian four to the Tatar regions beyond Tibet.
Hodgson apprehends that Kutuktu is There have always been two divine in-
*he Tatar equivalent for the divine carnations in Tibet, the Dalai and
Lama of the Tibetan tongue. A Eu- Teshu Lamas ; and since the Mongols
tuhtu is the high-priest of Mongolia, became supreme in China and the
residing at Urgu. The office is elective regions around it, their policy has been
within certain Tibetan families residing to increase this plurality of divinities:
near Lhasa. (See ' Geographical Maga- Thus they have sanctioned the claims
zine,' for March, 1875, p. 87 ; also, of several Kutuktus, in addition to the
'NouveauJournalAsiatique,'iv.p.l20.) divine Lamas already existing.
12 MEMORANDUM ON TIBET. [Ch. I.
Any information with regard to the antiquity and to the creed
of this religion, as well as to the authority, civil and ecclesiastical,
of the lamas, could not fail to be extremely interesting.
It would also be desirable to have any facts relative to the state
of Tibet with respect to China and Tatary. I have been told that
a large river forms a boundary between China and Tibet, which was
carefully guarded by the troops of both countries ; and that Tibet
received European commodities by the valley of Kashmir. But I
have learned nothing satisfactory on these subjects, not so much as
whether Kashmir and Lesser Tibet are at present dependent on
Bhutan 1 or Greater Tibet, or whether the Dalai Lama is still a
vassal to China.
It is said that in Tibet it is very common for one lady to have
several husbands.2 I should wish much to know if this practice
obtains in all the ranks of society, and whether those husbands who
all have intercourse with one woman have not likewise other women
that are their wives, with whom likewise they hold an intercourse
in common. We have instances in other countries where, though
each man in a family had a wife that was properly his own, all the
men in the family had likewise an intercourse with all the women
in it. Perhaps this may be the case also in Tibet ; and if we knew
anything of the laws of succession in Tibet, or to whom the children
of a wife with several husbands were understood to belong, one
might be able to discover how the fact stood, though we had no
direct information with regard to it.
The history, government, and religion of Tibet are no doubt
more interesting objects of inquiry than its climate or topographical
and physical characters; yet these, too, are highly curious. The
great rivers of the south and east of Asia appear to issue from its
mountains. It is probably, therefore, the highest land in the old
continent, and this circumstance, together with the difficulty .-f
access to it, give it a striking analogy to the valley of Quito, J
South America, which is the highest land in the new continent,
and whose climate and situation M. de la Condamine has exhibited
in so interesting a point of view. Though Lhasa is situated in a
more southern latitude than Alexandria, in Egypt, we are told that
1 Or Bhot. (See note at page 6.) ? See page 74, and note.
Ch. I.] MEMORANDUM ON TIBET. 13
people sent by Colonel Cumming had to travel to it through snow
so late as the month of April. Any observations made in such a
country by a thermometer would, therefore, be valuable.
I have preferred stating what I know of the subject to putting
mere interrogatories. By this means I flatter myseK it will be
better perceived what information I want, and what information is
desirable.
14 KUCH BAHAR. [Ch. II.
CHAPTER II.
FROM KUCH BAHAR TO TASSISUDON."
The Governor having occasion to send a person2 with some
despatches to the Lama of Tibet, thought proper to pitch upon me,
and I readily accepted of the commission. I was glad of the
opportunity which this journey through a country hitherto un
frequented by Europeans would give me of showing my zeal for
the Governor's service, at the same time that it gratified a fondness
I always had for travelling, and would afford me some respite from
that close and sedentary business in which I had for some years
been engaged. I was to be continued in my offices at the Pre
sidency, and allowed to act by deputy during my absence; and
Mr. Hastings was also pleased to assure me that whatever might
be the issue of this commission, I might depend on the continuance
of his favour.
I was detained in Calcutta till the middle of May, 1774, when I
set out with Mr. Hamilton, the surgeon, who was appointed to attend
me. It was then the hottest season of the year ; the thermometer
was often above the degree of blood heat, and the sun being almost
vertical, it was necessary to travel chiefly during the night time.
I passed through Murshidabad and the provinces of Dinajpur and
Rangpur, and reached Bahar, the north-east boundary of Bengal,
on the last of May. As the rains were ready to set in, I stayed
there only a few days ; and having made the necessary preparations,
I hastened to proceed on the journey.
The country about Bahar is low. Two kos3 beyond Bahar we
entered a thicket formed of reeds, brushwood, and long grass closely
1 Or Tasi-cho-jong. Eden has Tassisshujung. Schlagintweit makes it Ckra-
shis-chhos-jong — " the holy town of the doctrine." It is probable that Tassi
sudon, as given by Bogle, is correct. MacGregor has Tasichozong.
2 Here Mr. Bogle's own narrative commences.
3 A kos is about two miles.
Ch. II.] THE MISSION ENTERS BHUTAN. 15
interwoven; frogs, watery insects, and dank air: one can hardly
breathe. This continues five kos ; towards the end there are sal 1
and large forest trees. Two miles farther on we crossed the river
which separates the Kuch Bahar country from that of the Deb
Rajah, in sal canoes fastened together. I was now arrived at the
foot of that chain of hills which stretches along the northern
frontier of Bengal and separates it from Tibet. In old maps, I
believe, they are called the Nagracut,2 in late ones the Tibet or
Bod-la3 mountains. As none of the Company's servants, and I
might almost say no European, had ever visited the country
which I was about to enter, I was equally in the dark as to the
road, the climate, or the people ; and the imperfect account of
some religious mendicants, who had travelled through it, however
unsatisfactory, was the only information I could collect. We passed
the forts of Bowani-ganj, and Chichakotta,4 lately destroyed, and
arrived at some new houses, in one of which we were accommodated.
The house was thatched, the floor of lath of bamboo, and
raised four feet from the ground ; the walls of reeds, tied together
with slips of bamboo ; and the stair a stump of a tree, with notches
cut in it. It had much the look of a birdcage, and the space below
being turned into a hogstye contributed little to its pleasantness.
There was not a bit of iron or rope about it. The houses for the
three next stages were in the same style. The head man of the
village and some of the neighbours got tipsy with a bottle of rum.
A female pedlar sojourned with him ; good features and shape, fine
teeth, and Rubens' wife's eyes ; whole dress one blanket wrapped
round her, and fastened over the shoulders with a silver skewer.
She drank rum too. Men, women, and children sleep higgledy-
piggledy together. The country at the foot of the hills, subject to
1 Shorea robusta, a valuable timber tree. present maps of British Sikkim the
2 Nagorkote Pass, north of Purneah, name appears as Nagri.
is shown on Rennell's Bengal Atlas of 3 Bod is the native name of Tibet,
1781. In his Memoir he mentions a and la means a pass. " The Pass into
place called by Giorgi Nogliocot, and Tibet."
by the Bengalis Nogarcot, as a pass 4 Captain Turner followed on the
leading from Bhutan to Kathmandu same route, by the Buxa-Duar, in
(p. 224). In the itineraries collected 1783. Chichakotta was at the Bhutan
by Mr. Hodgson (' Bengal Selections,' frontier. He describes it as an oblong
xxvii. p. 121, 1857), Nagri Kot is men- square encompassed by a. high bank
tioned as an old fort in ruins on the and thick stockade. The latter was
road from Purneah to Nepal. In the obliterated in 1864-65.
16 BUXA-DUAR. [Ch. II.
the Deb Rajah, is in general inhabited by a people who, although
they associate and intermix with the natives of Bhutan, are plainly
of a different race, and resemble the Bengalis in colour, in shape,
and features.1
Set out early. The chain of mountains which stretches along
the northern frontier of Bengal, 18 miles distant, seemed over
our heads. As we approached the hills there were strong marks
of a change in the climate and face of the country ; forests
crowded with sals, pines,2 and trees different from and more robust
than those in Bengal ; rivulets clear, and running on sand, pebbles,
and stones. The road became uneven; and we reached the foot
of the hills at about two o'clock ; walk ; ascent at first easy ; way
through a wood ; some fine groves of first-rate trees ; grows
steep ; narrow path zigzag up the hill ; what a road for troops !
about four miles to climb ; many little springs to drink at ; from
the bottom of the hills to their summit covered with wood;
variety of well-grown trees of the largest size ; some grand natural
amphitheatres, with the noise of waterfalls. We arrived at Buxa-
Diiar3 towards evening ; situated on a hill, with much higher ones
above it, glens under it, and a 3-feet wall of loose stones about it ;
a fine old banian tree ; * that's all.6
The commander (Pasang Katam,6 vulgo Buxa Subah) being at
Bahar, I was visited by his dewan with presents, a white Pelong '
handkerchief (the general nazir throughout Bhutan), butter, rice,
1 The Diiars are chiefly inhabited engraving of Buxa-Diiar, from a draw-
by Rajbangsis, an agricultural caste in ing by his companion, Captain Davis.
Rangpur, of the Koch tribe. 6 Katam is the title of office, and
2 The pine no longer exists here, if it Pasang is the name we render Buxa.
ever did. But it should be Pas-aka. Turner gives
3 Duar is simply the English word a curious account of the origiu of the
Door. The door or entrance to the word Buxa, at p. 41. The Katam of
mountains. Buxa-Diiar is 1809 feet Bogle is the Geatong of Turner, p. 41.
above the sea. The correct form is Jadu, as given in
4 This tree still exists. On the morn- the narrative of Kishen Kant Bose, at
ing of the 20th of March, 1865, Colonel p. 193.
Haughton found a party of artillery- 7 The Tibetans call the English in
men cutting it down, and his inter- India Peling (Pelong), a word signifying
vention saved it. stranger (Huo's ' Tibet,' p. 276). A
¦"' Turner makes the distance from Pelong handkerchief is one from India,
Chichakotta to Buxa-Diiar as 20 miles. or from Europe coming through India.
He here gives an account of the method P is used by the Chinese for F, and
of making a spirit from rice or wheat, I for r. So that Peling may be nothing
called choug. Facing p. 39 he hns an more than Fringy, or Feringhi (Frank).
WMBm&m
aw
**"?»
KHHKW
;M$§flTli§S
Ch. II.] ASCENT OF THE MOUNTAINS. 17
milk, and some coarse tea. We were detained a day for want of
cooMes. On the 9 th of June I entered the hills, and being now out of
Bengal and beyond the Company's jurisdiction, I was furnished
with a passport from the Deb Rajah, who is the chief of the
country. The following part of the journey was a perfect contrast
to the former.
The only way of transporting goods in this hilly country is by
coolies. The roads are too narrow, steep, and rugged for any other
conveyance, and the rivers too stony and rapid for boats. There is
no particular class of people who follow this profession. The carriers
are pressed from among the inhabitants, receive an allowance for
victuals at the pleasure of the person on whose service they are
employed, and are relieved by others procured in the same manner
at the next village by order of the head man, without which not a
coolie is to be had. This is a service so well established that the
people submit to it without murmuring. Neither sex, nor youth,
nor age exempt them from it. The burden is fastened under the
arms upon their backs, with a short stick to support it while they
rest themselves. Naturally strong, and accustomed to this kind
of labour, it is astonishing what loads they will carry. A girl
of eighteen travelled one day 15 or 18 miles, with a burden of
70 or 75 pounds weight. We could hardly do it without any
weight at all.
We were provided with two tangun ponies J of a mean appear
ance, and were prejudiced against them unjustly. On better ac
quaintance they turned out patient, sure-footed, and could climb
the monument. Many a time afterwards, when, on the edge of a
precipice, I was mounted on a skittish young horse, with a man
holding him by the head and another steering him by the tail,
have I thought of them. We had to cross the mountain Picha-
konum,2 which hangs over Buxa-Diiar ; the way a narrow path,
extremely steep, which went winding round the side of it; the
1 Tanghan or Tangun, a strong little 2 This is the Peachokum mountain
pony of Tibet and Bhutan. They are of Turner (p. 44). He describes it as
called Tangun, vulgarly Tannian, from an ascent of two hours, whence there
Tangastan, the general appellation of is a glorious view. MacGregor has
the mountainous region of Bhutan. Pcachakam.
(See ' Hooker's Himalayan Journal.')
18 BHUTANESE AND BENGALIS. [Ch. II.
upper part paved with stones of bastard marble, put together like
ill-formed steps. Midday, cold and chilly; very high precipices,
but not frightful, because covered with trees. Indulged in the
pleasure of tumbling down stones.
The road led almost to the top of the mountain, and before we
crossed it I turned to take another look at Bengal. It is impossible
to conceive any change of country more abrupt, or any contrast
more striking. To the southward the atmosphere was clear. The
eye stretched over a vast tract of land, and the view was bounded
only by the circular horizon. This part of the view, however, is
striking only because it is extensive. There are no hills, spires, or
other objects to distinguish it. The country — one continued flat; —
is marked only by its being cleared or woody, by the course of the
rivers, or by some smoking villages. Whether it be that I am
partial to hills or not, I beheld the opposite part of the prospect with
much greater pleasure. The rapid descent, the deep glens, the
hills covered with trees the most lofty and luxuriant, the town of
Buxa-Diiar immediately below at a great distance, and behind
nothing but mountains with then- tops hid in the clouds. It was
lucky for them, as I fancied them much higher than they really are.
We were then on the top of one of the highest. What fine, baseless
fabrics might not a cosmographer build on this situation, who,
from a peat or an oyster-shell, can determine the different changes
which volcanoes, inundations, and earthquakes have produced on the
face of this globe. He would discover that the sea must once have
covered Bengal, and washed the bottom of these mountains, which
were placed as a barrier against its encroachments. But instead of
following out these antediluvian reveries, which make the head
giddy, one had better see to what uses nature now puts them, and
how she fits the inhabitants for their respective situations. The
natives of Bengal, weak and thin-skinned, are ill suited to bear
fatigue or cold. Their country is cut through with rivers and
creeks to carry their goods for them. The earth produces its fruits
with an ease almost spontaneous, and every puddle is full of fish.
The Bhutanese, of a constitution more robust and hardy, inhabit a
country where strength is required. They have everything to trans
port on their backs ; they are obliged to make terraces, and conduct
little streams of water into them, in order to cover their rice fields,
Ch. II.] RIVERS AND CASCADES. 19
and to build houses with thick stone walls, to secure themselves
from the cold. The one cannot endure heat, the other cannot suffer
cold ; and so these mountains are set up as a screen between them.
They shelter Bengal from the northerly winds which blow over
Tatary, all the way from Novaya Zemlya, and give them moderate
winters ; and they serve to keep off the hot southerly monsoon from
the Bhutanese, and preserve them cool when the sun is within six
degrees of them. The climate accordingly changes in the most
rapid manner, and Muri-jong, which is not above two days' journey
from the entrance into the hills, produces apricots, peaches, apples,
pears, mulberries, and even oaks. But I am getting into the clouds.
At the place where the road crosses the mountain, standards or
banners are set up, of white cloth, with sentences written upon
them. They denote something religious, and are common at" the
tops of hills. The prospect within the hills is confined — not above
25 miles; country all equally clad with wood. There were not
above six or eight villages to be seen on the brow of the mountain,
with little patches of wheat, barley, or Indian corn ; the road all
down hill. We went down much against the grain, for we must
climb it all up again ; first place we came to Jaigugu.
Only three birdcage houses, and two Nepal dogs. I planted ten
potatoes.1 Through these hills, and about a mile below Jaigugu,2
runs Pachu-Chinchu3 to the south-east. From all the laws of
hydrostatics it seems a plain deduction that a more level road might
be made by following the course of this river than by going over
the mountains. If the last is done to render the entrance into
the country difficult it is very politic. A branch of this river
was near us all the way to Tassisudon: it runs so fast, and
dashes so over stones, that it is half a cascade. The road to Muri-
jong consists of steep descents and ascents the whole way ; a few
distant villages. There had been a heavy shower of rain. Three
or four fine waterfalls were passed ; one fell perpendicular about
40 feet from the top of a rock ; another a stream foaming and
1 "Warren Hastings desired Mr. Bogle from Buxa - Duar to Jaigugu (or
to plant some potatoes at every halt- Gygoogoo) is 12 miles.
ing place, in order that a valuable 3 Formed by the union of the two
new product might be introduced into rivers Pachu and Chinchu, the latter
Bhutan. flowing past Tassisudon, the former by
2 According to Turner, the distance Paro.
0 2
20 VEGETATION OP BHUTAN. [Ch. II.
tumbling over large stones ; another embosomed in a fine grove,
with arches formed by the trees and rocks. There were wooden
bridges over all the rivulets which ran from them.
We arrived at Muri-jong1 as they were beating the evening
tom-tom. It consists of twenty houses, some of them stone; many
inscribed banners ; 2 and a good deal of arable land and cattle. I
planted fifteen potatoes.
To Chuka a long stage, and difficult road ; a good deal of rain
— it does not fall from the clouds, but comes upwards. The
villages increase in number. There is a grand cascade on the
opposite side of the river. We climbed a rock that hangs over
Pachu - Chinchu 3 by steps, almost perpendicular ; the horses
scrambled up too. We passed through a passage cut in a small
rock near the top, and came in sight of Chuka,4 with its iron bridge,
situated in a valley — the first we had seen. This village is in a
different district from Buxa-Diiar.
From Chuka for the rest of the way to Tassisudon the country
opens gradually. The mountains are still very high, but being
more sloped have more arable land, and being at a greater distance
from one another, leave room for villages in the hollows between
them. On the former part of the journey there were nothing but
glens, now there are valleys. But the sides of the mountains are
more bare ; there are few large trees, mostly fir ; 5 the road is more
level, except at two or three places ; and we can ride the greatest
part. The country seems populous, and well cultivated; houses,
stone and clay, two and three stories high; temples; and on the
two last stages rice fields.
It would be tedious to mention every stage. A list of them is
subjoined. There are about ten, fifteen, or twenty large houses
at each. It grew colder every stage till we reached Kepta.6 There the
1 Muriel 10m of Turner. Rather more 4 Chuka, or Suka, the passage or
than 4000 feet above the sea. (Griffith, crossing of the river. 4449 feet.
p. 151.) MacGregor says 3788 feet. 3 Pinus excelsa, P. Smithiana, and rho-
2 At the present day these banners dodendrons are mentioned by Griffith,
are texts of Buddhist scriptures, printed p. 1 50.
on calico from wooden blocks. 6 Chupka of Turner, and Chupcha of
3 Turner calls it the river Tchin- Pemberton. 7984 feet.
tchieu. He gives an engraving (p. 53)
of a beautiful waterfall.
M
¦
S3S
IllsiiilfP THE BRIDGE AT CHUKA.
(FROM A DRAWING BY LIEUT DAVIS IN Turner's EMBASSY TO TIfcKT.)
Ph. II.] BRIDGES. 21
thermometer was at 58° morning and evening, and would creep
to 6-P in the heat of the day. Thus it was during the three days
we stayed there. At Tassisudon it was about 61° in the morning,
and 68° to 70° at midday.
Most of the trees and plants are unknown to me. Bengal
trees are chiefly met with on the other side of Chiika — -plantain,
jack, bamboo, thick and crabbed blackwood. European trees and
plants are mostly on this side ; some I have already mentioned,
others are walnut, elderberry, holly, willow, ash, aspen-leaf, sweet
brier, roses, brambles, juniper, wormwood, sage, thistles, southern
wood, strawberries, primroses, ground ivy. The people cultivate
turnips,1 leeks, shallots, water melons, musk melons, cucumbers, and
brinjals. After the variety of uses to which the bamboo is applied in
Bengal, one would hardly think it possible to discover any other ;
but the people in that part of the country where it grows have
discovered two more. It answers as a vessel to hold anything in,
and as a pot to boil anything. This last operation is performed
by covering the bottom with clay, and then putting on the
fire. The bridges are either entirely of wood or entirely of iron.2
The wooden bridges are very common, and are from 30 to 70 feet
long. On each side of the river four or six piles are built slopingly
into piers of bare stones, so as each to project about a third of the
way over. The centre beams rest upon the tops of these, which are
first joined together with a cross beam dovetailed, and this forms
the support of the planks. When it is necessary to make a bridge
very strong, short piles are placed under the others, like the spring
of a chaise. All the parts are fastened together with wooden pins,
so that there is not a bit of iron about them. At Chiika the river
is very rapid and broad, and an iron bridge is hung over it.3
Five chains are stretched from one side to the other, and covered
with laths and mats of bamboo, which form the floor. Two other
.chains are extended across the river at about seven feet perpen
dicular above the outermost of those on each side, and joined to
1 Bhutan produces probably the best turnips in the world.
3 That is, chain bridges. (See Turner, p. 54.)
3 Turner gives an engraving of this bridge, facing p. 55.
22
LIST OF STAGES.
[Ch. II.
them with twisted rattans. It is 147 feet long, and 6 feet broad.
As soon as one steps upon it, it moves from one end to the other.
Near Lumbolong there is a bridge formed with two chains.
There is another way of passing rivers, by means of two ropes
stretched across, with two hoops hung upon them, which serve to
support the feet or knees, while the hands hauling on the ropes
slide the hoops along. The hoops are of one piece of rattan, and
are often 60 or 70 feet in length.
LIST OF STAGES.
Pemberton and Turner.
Kos.
Miles.
].
Bahar to Chichakotta, about
10
.. 20
2.
Chichakotta to Buxa-Diiar .
. 13
.. 18
3
Buxa-Diiar to Jaigugu . .
8
Gygoogoo}*0 Murichom -
4.
Jaigugu to Muri-jong . .
. 10
.. 19
5.
Muri-jong to Chiika
. 10
Muricbom to Chiika
.. 18
6.
9
Chiika to Chupcha (Kepta) . .
.. 17
7.
Kepta to Paku
. 5
Chupcha to Panga
.. 11
8.
Paku to Lumbolong
4
9.
Lumbolong to Wangoka
4
.. 10
0.
Wangoka to Tassisudon . .
3
Wangoka to Tassisudon
.. 8
. 76
MacGregor.
Buxa to Tchinchu-la (4869 feet) .. ., 6
Tapsee (3003 feet) 9
Murichom (3788 feet) 6J
Choonkar 9
Chiika (4449 feet) 9
Pinaka 8
Chupcha (7984 feet) 9
Panga (7511 feet) n
Somloo 8
Oolaka (7120 feet) 10
Tasi-cho-zong (7271 feet) 8
Ch. III.] SCENERY ROUND TASSISUDON. 23
CHAPTEB III.
TASSISUDON, THE CAPITAL OF BHUTAN.
We were accommodated in a good house near the palace ; and soon
found it so cold that I was glad to hang my room, which was a
wooden balcony, with Bhutan blankets. The window looked to the
river, and commanded the best prospect.
The palace of Tassisudon1 is situated in a valley about five
miles long and one broad, entirely surrounded with high moun
tains. The river Chinchu gallops by; the low grounds near it
being covered with rice, and well peopled. Villages are scattered
on the brow of the hills. The least steep places produce wheat.
Immediately behind Tassisudon there is a very high mountain,
rising into two turrets, which are clad with wood almost to the top ;
and some solitary cottages, the retreat of dervises, are here and
there dropped as from the clouds. In these airy abodes they pass
their days in counting their beads, and look down with indifference
on all the business and bustle of the world, from which they are
entirely excluded.
The character of a fakir is held in great estimation in this
country. It is not confined, however, to these self-denying sons of
abstinence. The statesmen and the provincial governors, when
weary of power or dismissed from office, assume the name and garb
of a fakir.2 They retire to their houses, or to a castle they have
built on the top of some mountain; but instead of that poverty
and those acts of mortification which are the proper characteristics
of the hermit's life, they are surrounded by their families and
servants ; they indulge themselves in the daintiest victuals under
the salvo of killing no living creature, and eating no animal food
1 7271 feet above the sea, according confounds the Buddhist monk with tlie
to Pemberton. Hindu mendicant, amongst Europeans
2 The Government being hierarchical, known as a fakir. The term is properly
the officials are nominally of the orders only applicable to Muhammadans.
of Buddhist priesthood. Bogle here
24 ARRIVAL OF THE DEB RAJAH. [Ch. II
on the day on which it was slain, and being generally allowed to
carry their effects along with them, may be considered among the
most opulent class of inhabitants. Deb Seklu, after a prosperous
reign of eighteen years, named his successor, and spent the rest of
his days in this peaceful retirement.
One day we ascended the high mountain. We set out early in the
morning, and reached the summit at about three o'clock. The
palace of Tassisudon with its gilded turrets, the windings of the
Chinchu with its wooden bridges, the fields below covered with rice
and with villages, the tops of distant mountains, and the lofty
castles of fakirs1 formed the prospect. We met with some wild
cherries and one currant bush, and got down after it was dark.
The Deb Bajah was absent on our arrival. His return to Tassi
sudon was in this wise. At about ten o'clock the balconies of the
palace were covered with priests, who are all clad in red cloth,2 the
manufacture of Bhutan ; and 4 long brass trumpets, 6 castanets,
4 tabors, and 4 fifes were sounded at intervals. At eleven, 30 match
locks were fired on the road he was to pass, and the salute was
repeated when he came up to them. The procession consisted of
12 led horses; 120 men dressed in red, with blue solitaires; 30
matchlock men; 30 archers; 30 horses laden with cloths and
other furniture ; 40 men on horseback, some of them with bushy
caps ; the chief dewan, with a bushy party-coloured standard ;
6 musicians ; the Deb Bajah on horseback, covered with a scarlet
cloak, a large yellow hat like a cardinal's, a choura burdar3 on each
side of him, and behind a man carrying a small white silk umbrella
with different coloured fringes. As they came near the palace
everybody except the Bajah alighted; the men with bushy caps
pulled them off, and walked up to the gate. At different parts of
the road which he had to pass, fires were lighted, and the people
prostrated themselves before him. In the whole cavalcade there
were about 400 persons.
Two days afterwards the Deb Bajah sent for me. If there is
any satisfaction in being gazed at, I had enough of it. I dare to
1 No doubt Buddhist monks are re- Gelukpa sect, which is now dominant
ferred to. in Tibet, uses the yellow colour.
3 This colour denotes the older or 3 That is, one who carries a flyflap
Nyanginapa sect. The more recent or formed of the tail of the yak.
Ch. III.] INTERVIEW WITH THE DEB RAJAH. 25
say there were 3000 spectators. I was led through three courts,
andafter climbing two iron-plated ladders, which serve for stairs in
this part of the world, arrived in an antechamber hung round with
arms. Here I waited some time before I was conducted into the
presence chamber, through a dark entry and down two steps. The
Bajah was seated on his throne or pulpit (for that is what it is
like), raised about two feet above the floor. He was dressed
in the festival habit of a gylong or priest, being covered with
a scarlet satin cloak, and a gilded mitre on his head. A man kept
twirling the umbrella over him. The pulpit was gilded, and sur
rounded with silver ewers and vases, and the floor was covered
with carpets. His officers to the number of twelve were seated
on cushions close to the wall. After making my bows, which,
according to the ceremonial of this country, ought to have been
prostrations, and laying my presents before him, I was conducted
to a cushion prepared for me in the middle of the apartment.
Several copper platters with rice, butter, treacle, tea, walnuts,
Kashmirian dates, apricots, cucumbers, and other fruits were set
before me, together with a little wooden stool. All this passed
in silence. Then a man entered with a silver kettle full of
buttered tea, and having poured a little into his palm and drunk
it off, filled a dish for the Bajah, and went round to all his officers.
Now every Bhutanese carries a little wooden cup for such occasions,
black glazed in the inside, wrapped in a bit of cloth, and lodged
within the tunic, opposite to the heart and next the skin; but
not being so well provided, I got a china cup. After all the
dishes were filled, the Deb Bajah said a grace, in which he was
joined by all the company ; and then he opened his mouth and
spoke to me. When we had finished our tea, and every man had
well licked his cup and deposited it in his bosom, a flowered satin
gown was brought me. I was dressed in it as a khilat; a red
handkerchief was tied round me for a girdle, and I was carried to
the Bajah, who bound my head with another, and squeezing my
temples, put something on my head, which I afterwards found to
be the image of the god Sakya,1 and muttered some prayers over
1 Sakya was the name of Buddha often added; and the usual form is
most used in the north, and Gotama in Sakyamuni.
Ceylon. Muni (Saint, or Holy Man) is
26 THE LAMA-RIMBOCHE. [Ch. III.
me. He then tied two silk handkerchiefs together, and threw
them over my shoulders. I was conducted to my cushion; we
had two or three more dishes of tea, as many graces, a cup or
two of whisky, and betel-nut. I then retired. The walls of the
presence chamber were hung round with Chinese landscapes mixed
with their deities painted on satin. The ceiling and pillars were
covered with the same devices, and at the lower end of the room,
behind where I sat, there were three or four images placed in niches.
Before them were censers burning with incense, and lamps with
butter; little silver pagodas and urns, elephants' teeth, flowers,
&c, the whole ornamented with silks, ribbons, and other gewgaws.
Among these I must not omit to mention a solitary print of Lady
Waldegrave,1 whom I was the means of rescuing out of the hands
of these idols; for it happening to strike some of the household
that she would make a pretty companion to a looking-glass I had
given the Deb Bajah, she was hung up on one of the pillars next
the throne, and the mirror on the other.
The palace is a very large building, and contains near 3000
men, and not a woman. Of these about 1000 may be gy longs,
some of the former chief's adherents, who are kept in a kind of
imprisonment, and the rest the Bajah and Lama's officers, and all
their train of servants. A tower, about five or six stories high,
rises in the middle, and is appropriated to Lama-Bimboehe.2 He
dwells near the top. His apartments are furnished in the style of
the Bajah's, but better. In the former chief's days nobody could
see him, but times are altered. His reception was like the Bajah's,
only no hhilat or whisky. On our arrival he lived in a castle on
a little mount behind the palace. His apartments were finished
while we were there, and a large image of Sakya was gilded and
set up in his presence chamber. When he came down the Bajah
went out to meet him. After the first visit he used to receive us
without any ceremony, and appeared to have more curiosity than
any man I have seen in the country. One day Mr. Hamilton was
1 This was Maria, illegitimate daugh- who died in 1834; and of the Princess
ter of the Hon. Sir Edward Walpole, Sophia of Gloucester, who was bom in
K.B. As Dowager Countess Waldegrave 1773, and died in 1844.
she was married, in 1766, to the Duke of 2 Schlagintweit has Rimpoclw; but
Gloucester, brother of George III., and Bogle is right. This is the Dharma
was mother of the Duke of Gloucester Rajah of ihe Hindus.
« ;
SfESsl
3£li§&i&&~: &i
m
Wmmm
tHMi&
JUS
THE PALACE AT TASSISUDON.
(FROM A SKETCH BY LIEUT DAVIS IN TURNER'S EMBASSY TO TIBET.)
Ch. HI.] SERVICES AND DANCES OF THE PRIESTS. 27
showing him a microscope, and went to catch a fly; the whole
room was in confusion, and the Lama frightened out of his wits
lest he should have killed it. We used to get dinners at the
Lama's — boiled rice, with sugar and butter, and a stew of bits of
kid, with slices of cucumbers, and well seasoned with red pepper —
it is called giagu. He partook of the dessert, which consisted
of fruits and sour curds cut like pieces of leather, and fried with
butter and honey. He has got a little lap-dog and a mungoos,
which he is very fond of. He is a thin sickly-looking man of about
thirty- five years of age.
The palace is divided into courts, flanked with galleries, sup
ported on wooden pillars running round them, like the inns in
England. The different officers have each their apartments. The
gylongs live in a large church,1 besides which there is a smaller
one where they officiate, and where the larger images are kept.
These images are mostly decent and well-proportioned figures,
sitting cross-legged. There is a large gallery above the church,
painted with festoons of death's-head and bones, where folks go to
see the ceremonies. I went once or twice myself; and the Bajah,
thinking I was fond of it, used to send for me to church by break
of day and at all hours, and congratulated me greatly on my
good fortune in happening to be at Tassisudon during the grand
festival. All the governors of provinces repaired there to the
presence, and there were dances every day in one of the courts
of the palace. About twenty gylongs, dressed in various coloured
satin cloaks and gilded mitres, were seated on a bench, with each a
large tabor or drum, resting on a stick which they held in one
hand, and in the other a crooked rod of iron, with a knob at the end
of it, with which they beat time to a priest, who was placed in the
midst of them, with two silver cups which he struck against each
other. A yellow satin curtain was drawn before the door of the
lesser church, from behind which run out six, eight, ten, and
sometimes a score of priests in masquerade dresses, with visors -like
horses' heads, like beaks of birds, or other grotesque figures. They
danced and capered with whimsical gestures, the burden of wHich
was to throw down their heads till the red tuft of hair touched the
ground, and then suddenly toss it up again. Between the acts we
1 Vihar, or monastery. The lesser building is the cliaitya or church.
28 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. [Ch. III.
had singing by the peasants, and abundance of antic tricks by two
or three merry Andrews.
The walls of the palace x are between two and three stories high,
and built, as all walls in this country are, inclining inwards.
What with stairs, pillars, galleries, and roofs, there is an immense
quantity of timber about it. The building of it stripped naked
several mountams. The roofs are of planks two or three deep, and
kept down by stones ; and the load of beams and open wooden
work which is used to support them gives the upper parts of the
palace the look of the centres of Blackfriars Bridge.2 The roof
of the Lama's tower is entirely gilt, is ornamented with dragons,
&c, and rises like the top of a Chinese temple.
The palace gates are shut in the dusk of the evening, after
which nobody is allowed to go out or in. The inhabitants seldom
stir out, except once in eight or ten days, in a string of 500 or 600,
to bathe in the Chinchu.3 They seem to lead a joyless, and, I
think, an idle life; for so much authority is given into the
hands of the provincial governors that very little is done at the
Sadar.4 They have little connection with foreign states, Teshu
Lama excepted, and less intercourse with strangers.
Among a people where there is no pre-eminence of birth, and
no finery in dress, there cannot well be much pride. The Bhutanese
seem to have none of it, and live among their servants and dependents
on the most familiar footing. One day the Governor (Jong-pen)5
of Tassisudon asked me to a match at quoits.6 All his own people
were of the party. They are very dexterous at it, and I soon gave
over a diversion where I could get no credit, and betook myself to
shooting wild pigeons. After it was over we sat down upon the
ground to dinner. When we had drunk a dish of tea, and eaten three
hard-boiled eggs a-piece, a basket full of boiled rice was brought, and
distributed in handfuls, together with boiled pork cut into steaks,
1 See the plate in 'Turner.' This 3 Turner gives an engraving of this
palace is said to have been built by Deb bathing procession.
Judhur, and was burnt down during a 4 That is the court or chief place.
civil war, a few years ago. It is now 6 Jong, a castle. Pen, head or chief.
rebuilt. 6 See Pemberton, p. 86, where he
2 Begun in 1760, and opened in 1769. describes the game as played in
Bogle would have seen the centerings Bhutan.
in tlie arches before he left England.
Ch. III.] A FUNERAL PILE. 29
hogs' hearts, and giagu. We ate off cloths, and with our fingers, and
whe^n the repast was finished had a cup of whisky and some fruit.
They say there is little ceremony at the Bhutanese marriages.
The parties satisfied with each other have no occasion for the
sacerdotal benediction, and the priests, condemned to celibacy
themselves, will not be instrumental in breaking it in others.
Polygamy is not allowed ; divorces are, where there are no children.
The Bhutanese, like their neighbours in Bengal, burn their dead.
One of the priests in the palace happening to die, I went to see the
ceremony. It was the third day after his death. I found about
forty priests assembled in a tent on the side of a rivulet which runs
by the palace, and employed in chanting their prayers, while some
workmen were cutting timber and forming the funeral pile. As
they objected to my remaining near the tent, I crossed the brook,
and ascended a little bank which overlooked the place where the
obsequies were to be performed. At about 20 yards from the pile
a temporary booth was erected, from which tea was occasionally
distributed to the clergy, and some large pots that were boiling on
the fire seemed to promise a more solid repast. The priests con
tinued at different intervals to recite their offices in a low voice,
accompanying them with the tinkling of bells and the sound of
tabors and trumpets, and some old women, placed at a distance,
were counting their beads and repeating their Om mani padmi
hums ! 1 When night came on, the body, wrapped in a linen sheet,
was silently brought, and at the same instant that it was laid on
the pile a shrill pipe, like a "cat-call, was sounded. All this passed
in the dark. Then a relation of the deceased came with a lighted
brand in his hand, and set fire to the pile. Two of the priests fed
it with fresh wood ; another, dressed in white, threw in from time
to time spices, salt, butter, oil, betel leaf, and twenty other articles,
and the rest joined in a flourish with trumpets, bells, and tabors,
while each of these different rites were performing. The fire
burned slowly, a heavy shower of rain came on, and I returned
home without waiting till the conclusion of the ceremony. It is
1 The favourite prayer of the Tibetan in the Dalai Lama. The lotus is the
Buddhists. It means " Oh the jewel symbol of highest perfection, and the
in the lotus! Amen." It is an invo- invocation is an allusion to Padma-
cation to Padmapani, who is incarnate pani's genesis from that flower.
30 POSITION OF WOMEN. [Ch. Ill'
usual, I am told, to collect the ashes on the third day after the
funeral, and carrying them in solemn procession to throw them into
the river Chinchu.
The barbarous Hindu custom of women burning themselves
with their husbands is unknown in this country. The Bhutanese
wives never give such heroic proofs of their fortitude and affection,
and this difference in their conduct naturally arises from the
manners peculiar to each country.
The practice of burning has been considered by some as a
political institution to deter women from poisoning their husbands,
and by others as proceeding solely from excessive love. The first
opinion seems as groundless as it is ungenerous, and the last
is, perhaps, too refined for this iron age. Mankind are neither so
good nor so bad as they are generally represented. Human life is
a stream formed and impelled by a variety of passions, and its
actions seldom flow from single and unmixed sources.
A Hindu woman, married at an early age, and immured within
the walls of a zenana, is unacquainted with all those pleasures and
avocations to which a liberal education or the free intercourse of
society gives birth. A fondness for dress and the management of
her family occupy her whole attention, and the solaces of conjugal
and maternal affection are the only source of her enjoyments. She
lives but for her husband and her children, and every passion of
her soul, heightened by the force of the climate, is centered in
them. On the death of her husband, by devoting herself to the
flames she performs an action meritorious in the highest degree,
and which reflects the greatest honour on herself and her family.
If she survives him she is confined to her room, condemned to per
petual widowhood, obliged to lay aside all gaudy apparel, and to feed
on the most abstemious diet. " Alas ! " says she, " a life so gloomy
and joyless is not worth preserving — is not to be supported." Her
heart sinks in despair, and is overwhelmed with grief and affection
for her husband. Now zeal for the honour of her children and the
desire of distinguishing herself combine with this indifference for
life. She forms the fatal resolution while under the first impres
sion of these different passions, and mounts the funeral pile before
they have had time to spend their force.
But the institution of castes and every other hereditary dis-
Ch. III.] TROUBLE WITH SERVANTS. 31
tinction being unknown in Bhutan, the elevated sentiments which
sprirrg from a consciousness of superiority are never felt. The
women in particular are degraded by this levelling system. As the
Bajah, the priests, and all the officers of government lead a life of
celibacy, they are married only to landholders or husbandmen.
They are employed in the most laborious offices, they are dirty in
their persons, they use strong liquors, they are bred up in the
greatest liberty, they mix with the lowest class of people ; they are
allowed to enter into a second marriage, and the death of a husband
opens to them no such dismal prospect.
At Tassisudon a peasant came to visit me who had been taken
prisoner in Bahar Fort, and after being kept some months had been
sent back safe and sound to his own country. He had come two
days' journey to tell me the story, and to present me with a goat, a
roll of butter, and some rice as a mark of his gratitude. He paid
me several visits afterwards, and gave me a bow and arrows. It
would be a pity to omit his name, it was Uchong ; nor the officer's,
who released him, it was Captain Jones.1
Servants are so much used to usurp a degree of authority in
Bengal that it was difficult to restrain them from assuming it
towards the Bhutanese.2 But what threatenings and even punish
ments could not do was brought about by an old woman. On
some difference with one of my people, she took up a stone and
offered to knock a servant down. After this there were no
more complaints.
Some stages from Tassisudon we were joined by a servant sent
by the Deb Bajah to facilitate our journey. He was like a jemi-
dar of harkaras. Having a dispute about my horse with the
head man of a small village, he wanted to strike him, and in
endeavouring to wrest a bow from one of the bystanders he hit
him a blow in the scuffle. In a moment half-a-dozen arrows were
pointed at his breast, and he escaped the fate of St. Sebastian only
by getting out of the way.
Whenever a Bhutanese offers anything to eat or drink he first
1 See ante, note at p. 1. large village to submit and return to
2 In 1863, in Jyntea, Colonel Haugh- their homes, his labour was nearly frus-
ton tells me that, having with great trated by the conduct of the only ser-
difficulty induced the people of a very vant he had.
32 TEMPLES AND PRAYING WHEELS. [Ch. III.
tastes it himself, or makes one of his people do so, to remove
mistrust. This suggests a bad idea. But forms and customs often
outlive the state of society which gave birth to them.
Every man in the palace is dressed in a darkish red woollen
cloth.1 They are remarkably dirty in their persons, even to the
Bajah's dewans. He himself is an exception.
The horses are unshod tanguns,2 with hoofs as hard as iron; all
stallions, extremely vicious when young, and ill broke in. The
saddle is of wood, with a peak 8 or 9 inches high, which the rider
holds on by, and which keeps him from slipping off in descents.
The stirrups are remarkably short. The bridle is generally tied
round the nose, and the horses led. They use mules for very steep
or difficult paths. They are brought from Teshu Lama's country.
In about the middle of August droves of cow-tailed cattle 3 were
brought to Tassisudon. During the hot months they are kept
among the coldest mountains. All the butter is made of their milk,
and is very rich and good. Their beef is lean and coarse. The
Bhutanese hang it up to dry, and often eat it when one would think
the smell sufficient. Their principal food, however, is pork and
dried fish from Bengal mixed with their rice. Their bread is made
of unsifted flour. They use a great deal of butter, and I got as
much in presents as would have set me up for a tallow-chandler.
There are numbers of temples on all the roads. One kind is a
long wall, with stones inscribed Om mani padmi hum! all
round, and small basso-relievo figures, with gilt faces cut in black
marble, and placed in the middle and at each end. Sometimes
they have Om mani padmi hum written on a barrel and turned
round by water.4 Another kind of temple is a house about
15 feet square, and they take a most effectual way to preserve it
unpolluted by giving it no doors or windows.5 In every house
there is a small altar for the household gods, which they set out
with chanks 6 and flowers, and daily offer up their devotions to
them. 1 Sign of belonging to the Nyangi- » This is the real temple or ¦chaitya,
napa sect. (See note at p. 24.) which is solid.
2 Only ponies. There are no horses « Large shells (Buccinum) from the
ia Bhutan. (See note at p. 17.) Gulf of Manar and Bay of Bengal, used
3 Yaks. by the Hindus for sounding in worship,
4 Praying wheels. and by their women, cut into bracelets.
Ch. IV.] . THE LAMAS. 33
CHAPTEB IV.
HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN.
In ancient times this hilly country was parcelled out among a
number of independent chieftains. A lama from the north united
them under one government, and introduced his religion among
them. His death gave birth to three lamas. His body fell
to the share of one ; his heart to another ; and his mouth or
word to a third. Upon the death of these holy men, their souls
pass into the bodies of children, who, after a strict examination
into their identity, are recognized ; and thus a succession of saints
under various forms, but animated by the same spirit, have con
tinued, at different intervals, to enlighten this corner of the world.
The periodical return of the lamas to the earth is undeterminate.
At present there are only two, viz. the body and the heart. The
word died about twelve years ago, and having never since appeared,
it is uncertain whether his soul may not be swallowed up in that
ineffable spirit, of which it is only an emanation.
The lamas are first in rank, and nominally first in power.
They enjoy a joint and coequal authority ; and in all their delibera
tions are assisted by the clergy.
The apparent wisdom of this system is evident. In other
governments, to qualify a person for the supreme administration
requires a course of study and observation too long for human life ;
and after all, the waywardness of subjects will dispute his com
mands ; but in Bhutan the chief magistrate is instructed by the
experience of ages, and his orders carry with them all the weight
which on this account they deserve.
But the time and attention of these holy men being engaged in
the duties of religion, the executive part of government is entrusted
to a person styled Kushu Debu.1
1 The Government of Bhutan, as of chief. That chief being by profes-
Tibet, and of Japan, is a theocracy, as- sion a recluse, the active duties are
signing the first place to the spiritual discharged ordinarily by a deputy.
D
34 PRIESTS, OFFICIALS, AND PEASANTS. [Ch. IV
The various occupations to which the wants of a refined and
luxurious people give rise, are little known in this country. The
number of mechanics is inconsiderable ; there is hardly any dis
tinction of professions. The same arm which at one time is
employed in tilling the ground, at another is lifted up in its
defence; and the arrow which has killed the wild goat or the
musk deer, is now pointed against the breast of an enemy. Every
family is acquainted with most of the useful arts, and contains
within itself almost all the necessaries of life. Even clothes,
which is a considerable article in so rude a climate, are generally
the produce of the husbandman's industry. At one season he and
his sons carry the fruits of their ground, and barter them for the
wool of Teshu Lama's country. This is spun, dyed, and wove
into cloth, by his wife and daughters ; the family are clad ; and
what remains is either disposed of to his neighbours, or trans
ported, at a different season, with his musk and horses, to
Bangpiir, and exchanged for hogs, salt fish, coarse linen ; or for
dyes, spices, broadcloth, and other articles which may enable him
to carry on his trade to Tibet with greater advantage.
The inhabitants, therefore, may properly be divided into three
classes : the priests, the Servants or officers of government, and
the landholders and husbandmen. The priests are formed from
among the body of the people. They are received at an early
age; instructed in the arts, and initiated in the mysteries of the pro
fession for which they are destined. When admitted into orders,
they take a vow to live chaste, to kill no living creature, and to
abstain from eating animal food on the day on which it is killed.
The second class comprehends ministers, governors of provinces,
collectors, and all their train of dependents. These, though not
absolutely prohibited from marriage, yet, finding it a bar to their
preferment, seldom enter into that state. They are taken, like
the priests, from families in the country; are bred up in the
palaces under the patronage of some man in office, by whom they
are fed and clothed, but receive no wages ; they seldom arrive at
But the subordinates of the one or of or the other, which it always is now-
the other will in fact govern according adays by China, and all the more
to their relative energy and ability, and easily because of the plurality of the
often according as the weight of foreign soi-disant divinities.
influence is thrown into the one scale
Ch. IV.] INFLUENCE OF THE PRIESTS IN BHUTAN. 35
places of trust or consequence till far advanced in life ; and having
passed through all the different gradations of service, it is no
uncommon thing to see a minister as expert in mending a shoe or
making a tunic, as in settling the business of the nation. The
landholders and husbandmen, although by far the most numerous
class, and that which gives birth to the other two, are entirely
excluded from any share in the administration. They live at
home, cultivate their lands, pay taxes, serve in the wars, and beget
children who succeed to honours to which they themselves could
never aspire.
Among these different classes, the priests, in point of political
importance, hold the first place ; and independent of that influence
which their holy character and superior learning give them over
the minds of a superstitious people, enjoy privileges so extensive
that the chief power appears in fact to reside in their order. The
lamas, though nominally supreme in the government, yet, as they
owe their appointment to the priests, are tutored by them from
their earliest infancy, and, deriving all their knowledge of public
affairs from them, are entirely under their management. The
right of electing the Deb Bajah is vested in the superiors of their
order, jointly with the lamas. He is bound to consult with them
as to peace or war, and in general to take no measure of con
sequence without their advice and approbation. He is accountable
to them for the exercise of his power, and holds it only during
their pleasure. Their sacred profession, so far from disqualifying
them from the conduct of civil affairs,' is the means of advancing
them to it. They are often appointed to the government of pro
vinces, employed as ministers, or entrusted with other offices of the
first consideration in the state. The chief is frequently chosen
from the sacerdotal order, or if from among the lay officers is
immediately received into it.1 As the priests are taken from among
the subjects at large, and keep up an intercourse with their re
spective families, they naturally retain an influence in every part
of the country, and in all their measures are sure to be supported
by the people. The late revolution in the government affords a
1 The above is not clear. It may are cited at p. 37 infra, quoad the
help to make it so to compare the pas- social aspect of the case, for, in a politi-
sages in Mr. Hodgson's book, which cal view, the Nepal example holds not.
D 2
36 GOVERNMENT. REVENUE. [Ch. IV'
Btriking proof of their authority; and by accustoming the people to
look up to them for the redress of their grievances, serves also to
confirm it. The institution of castes and every other hereditary
distinction being unknown in this country, offices of power are the
only source of pre-eminence; and this system of equality, while it
prevents the violent commotions to which the rivalship of pride
and ambition gives rise, leaves no competitor to dispute the dominion
of the priests. Thus the power of the clergy, founded on deep-
rooted prejudices and pretensions of divine origin, interwoven in
the nature of the constitution, and supported by the uniform spirit
of an order that never dies, is likely to be as permanent as it is
considerable. But although the Deb Bajah is liable to be deposed by the
clergy, instances of this seldom occur ; and his authority in the
internal government of the country appears to be very complete.
The appointment to offices, the collection and management of the
revenue, the command and direction of the military force, and the
power of life and death, are vested in him. The scantiness, how
ever, of his revenue, which it is difficult to increase, the want of
mercenary troops, the nature of the country, the free spirit of the
people, and his own advanced age when he is raised to the govern
ment, are strong obstacles to his becoming independent.
The provincial governors are entrusted with a very ample juris
diction. The police of the country, the levying of taxes, and the
administration of justice, are committed to them. Complaints against
them are seldom preferred or attended to ; and their judgments are
revised by the chief only in capital cases, or others of great con
sequence. They are not continued long at one station. They live
in a large palace, are surrounded by priests and officers, and their
durbar is an epitome of the court of the chief.
The taxes, moderate in themselves, are rendered still less
oppressive by the simple manner of gathering them. Every
family, according to its substance, is rated at a particular sum,
which is often received in produce; and this mode of collection,
however repugnant to the refined ideas of European policy, leaves
them unencumbered with a heavy expense for tax-gatherers, and
precludes the necessity of employing a numerous body of subjects
in a vocation so useless to the state and so vexatious to the people.
Ch. IV.] CAREER OF DEB JUDHUR. 37
A^ the public revenue is small, the expenses of government are
proportionally moderate. The officers receive no salaries ; the
troops, composed of the inhabitants trained to the use of the bow,
and bound to follow the standard of their chief, are supported at a
trifling charge; and pomp and luxury being unknown, the ex
penses of the court are inconsiderable. The principal drains, then,
upon the public treasury, are an annual payment to Teshu Lama,
and the establishment of a numerous body of priests, whom it is
much the interest of the chief to gratify.
The simplicity of their manners, their slight intercourse with
strangers, and a strong sense of religion, preserve the Bhutanese from
many vices to which more polished nations are addicted. They are
strangers to falsehood and ingratitude. Theft, and every other
species of dishonesty to which the lust of money gives birth, are
little known. Murder is uncommon, and in general is the effect of
anger, not of covetousness. The celibacy of a large part of the
people,1 however, is naturally productive of many irregularities, and
the coldness of the climate inclines them to an excessive use of
spirituous liquors.
Deb Judhur 'z was raised to the government about seven years
ago.3 Having been employed in different enterprises against the
neighbouring chiefs, and having filled the highest offices in the
country, he acquired a considerable degree of wealth and import
ance before bis succession to the chiefship, and owed his election
more to intrigue and a dread of his power than to the free choice
of the clergy. A rooted enmity, founded on a natural opposition
of interest, took place between him and Lama-Bimboche. The
executive power was in his hands; the supreme authority and
control were claimed by the other. His bold and restless spirit
was unable to brook the cautious maxims of priests, and he endea
voured by every means to render himself independent of their
authority. With this view he strengthened his connection with
Teshu Lama and the Bajah of Nepal ; he endeavoured to secure
1 The extent and nature of this Tibet,' pp. 51, 52, 63, 64, and 139
celibacy, and more generally the et seq.
nature of the classification of the 2 The ruler who invaded Kuch Bahar,
people in a Buddhist country, will and came into collision with the British.
be better understood by reference to (See note at p. 1.)
Mr. Hodgson's book ' On Nepal and 3 That is, in about 1767.
38 FALL OF DEB JUDHUR- LCh' 1V-
the friendship and protection of the Emperor of China, by circu
lating his seal in the country ; he kept the Lama in a state almost
of imprisonment ; he transacted the most important business with
out the advice of the priests ; he seldom employed them in any of
the departments of government, and he engaged in wars with his
neighbours, and filled his coffers with the booty which he thereby
procured. But his administration, although more spirited than
that of most of his predecessors, was far from being popular. The
inhabitants, obliged by the custom of the country to serve without
pay, were harassed with his military enterprises, from which he
alone reaped advantage ; the law by which upon the death of an
officer of government his money and effects escheat to the Bajah
was by him carried rigidly into execution ; and the clergy, excluded
from all share in public affairs, and treated with neglect, encou
raged the general discontent, which was kept from breaking out
only by the boldness and activity of his measures.
At length he attempted the conquest of Kuch Bahar. His
undisciplined militia was unable to cope with regular troops ; but
being unaccustomed to ill fortune, he continued the war in opposi
tion to the remonstrances of the clergy and his most experienced
counsellors, and exerted every effort to render it more successful.
The burdens which these extraordinary services imposed upon the
inhabitants were rendered still more insupportable by an unfore
seen accident. The palace of Tassisudon was burned to ashes;
and Deb Judhur, in order to render himself famous by rebuilding
it in one year, pushed on the work with a severity little suited to
the distressed situation of the country. The people everywhere
gave vent to their complaints ; and the Lama's party, seizing the
opportunity of his being absent with the army, deprived him of
the government, issued orders to seize his person, and elected the
present chief in his stead. He received the news of this revolution
while at Buxa-Diiar with Teshu Lama's messengers, and immediately
betaking himself to flight, escaped by a bye road to the neighbour
hood of Lhasa. One or two of his principal officers were taken and
put to death. The rest of those who were most obnoxious followed
their master's fortunes.
By this revolution Lama-Bimboche and his party regained that
influence in the government to which, by the constitution, they
Ch. IV.] INSURRECTION IN FAVOUR OF DEB JUDHUR. 39
consider themselves entitled. The chief, whom they had raised
and supported, submitted implicitly to their pleasure ; the Emperor
of China's seal was suppressed, and the war in Bahar immediately
discontinued. Many of the priests, however, continued attached to
Deb Judhur, who, though jealous of the power of their order, was
often liberal to individuals ; and they were dissatisfied with an
administration that was parsimonious as well from the genius of the
persons who conducted it as the situation of their affairs. For the
wealth and effects of Deb Judhur, either from the fear of driving
him to extremity, or of giving offence to Teshu Lama, under whose
protection he had taken refuge, remained untouched ; the public
treasury has been exhausted by the war, and the country from the
same cause was little able to replenish it. Such as had held offices
under the former government were equally disaffected. At first
several of them had been continued in their employments by the
Lama ; but afterwards, either from a suspicion of their fidelity, or
in order to provide for his own friends, they were dismissed, and
allowed to retire to their houses. There they carried on a secret
correspondence with the exiled chief and the priests in his interest,
and concerted the plan of an insurrection.
The Lama, though ignorant of the circumstances of this con
spiracy, was no stranger to Deb Judhur 's pretensions to the govern
ment. He had received letters from him asserting his claim,
warning him upon no account to touch his property, and desiring
him to quit the house which he had built, as he intended to return
to take possession of it, and to cut down his corn as soon as the
harvest was ready. The Bajah of Nepal had refused to acknow
ledge the present chief ; and Lama Shabdong,1 a child of seven years
old, who had been revived by Teshu Lama about twelve months
before as a check upon Lama-Bimboche, was tutored to declare
for Deb Judhur's restoration, and to refuse all sustenance unless it
was agreed to. Everything, however, was still quiet in the
country, when the Bajah set out for a castle about a day's journey
from Tassisudon, accompanied by Lama Shabdong, whom he was
afraid to leave in the palace surrounded by the malcontent priests.
1 Pemberton gives Lam Suddoon as Sheptun was the first Lama-Rimboche,
one of the titles of the Dharma Rajah and this child was probably intended
or Lama-Rimboche, p. 114. Dupgain as an avatar of some portion of him.
40 ARGUMENTS OF THE CONTENDING FACTIONS. [Ch. IV
The night after his departure was pitched upon by the con
spirators for executing their designs, and they hoped, by surprising
the palace and getting possession of the Lama and the superiors of
the clergy, to strike at once a decisive blow. The former governors
of Tassisudon and Targa,1 with about 250 men, were to have
made the attack from without, while their associates within set
open the gates, and otherwise facilitated the attempt. But their
scheme being discovered, and several of the priests immediately put
to death, they hastened to Simptoka,2 a castle about five miles from
Tassisudon, and made themselves masters of it without resist
ance. Here they found arms, ammunition, provisions, and some
treasure ; and being next day joined by about sixty priests, who
found means to escape from Tassisudon, they had the boldness
to advance almost to the gates of the palace.
As soon as the Deb Bajah was informed of these particulars he
returned to Tassisudon and prepared to oppose the insurgents.
He has assembled men from every part of the country; he has
collected in the palace a large magazine of stores ; he has burnt
some villages which were favourable to the enemy ; and his prin
cipal officers, with a considerable body of troops, are now endea
vouring to reduce Simptoka. This enterprise, however, may cost
him some trouble ; for the place, although not fortified, is strong
by its situation, and may stand out for some time against an
attack carried on with swords, bows and arrows, and a few match
locks. But while each party thus has recourse to arms in support of
their cause, they neglect not to urge their respective titles by dint
of argument. The friends of Deb Judhur, after expatiating on his
great abilities, contend that the government of this country is held
for life ; that the instances of a chief being deposed are so few, and
attended with such peculiar circumstances, that they cannot be
construed into a precedent ; that besides, supposing such a power
is really vested in the clergy, it is in the whole body, but that Deb
Judhur was expelled by only one of the lamas and a junto of the
priests, without being heard in his defence, while he was absent,
1 The Targa Penlo was governor of Eden spells it Simtoka, and describes
Central Bhutan. it as a little fort.
1 Symtoka of Turner (sec p. 125).
Ch. IV.] ARGUMENTS OF THE CONTENDING FACTIONS. 41
and upon unjust pretences ; that the rebuilding of the palace is a
service which the subjects are undoubtedly bound to perform ; and
its being expeditiously finished was equally convenient to the Lama
and the priests as to the chief; that so far from his persisting in
the war, he had applied to Teshu Lama for his mediation to bring
about a peace, and was actually employed for that purpose at the
time of the revolution.
Lama-Bimboche's party, on the contrary, insist that as the
privilege of electing the chief resides in the Lama and the clergy,
they certainly have a right to control- his conduct and to remove
him for maladministration ; and that the history of this country
furnishes examples of their having opposed and even put the
chief to death. They enlarge upon the severity and oppression
of Deb Judhur's government, his disregard of their advice, and,
to crown all, they urge that he endeavoured, by introducing a
foreign seal into the country, to render this state, naturally free
and independent, a province of the Chinese empire.
42 INTERVIEW WITH THE DEB RAJAH. [Ch. V.
CHAPTEB V.
BHUTAN: NEGOTIATIONS. 1.
Interview with the Deb Bajah.1
On the day fixed to receive me I walked to the palace of the Deb
Rajah. If there is any pleasure in being gazed at, I had enough
of it. Being the first European they had ever seen in these parts,
the windows of the palace and the road that led to it were crowded
with spectators. I dare say there were 3000. After passing through
three courts, and climbing two iron-plated ladders, I was carried
into an antechamber hung round with bows and arrows, swords,
matchlocks, cane-coiled targets, and other implements of war, and
filled with a number of priests, servants, &c, squatted down in
different places. Having waited here about half an hour, I was
conducted to the Bajah. He was seated upon a throne, or pulpit,
if you please (for that is what it is like), raised about two feet from
the ground. At entering I made him three low bows, instead of as
many prostrations, with which, according to the etiquette of this
court, I ought to have approached him. I then walked up and
gave him a white satin handkerchief, while my servants laid my
presents of spices, cloths, cutlery, &c, before him ; after which I
was conducted to a cushion prepared for me at the opposite end of
the room. As all this passed in a profound silence, I had now time
to get over a kind of flurry which it had occasioned. In the mean
time several copper trays, with rice, butter, treacle, tea, walnuts,
apricots, cucumbers, and other fruits, were set before me, together
with a httle stool and a china cup. But it is time I should make
you acquainted with the company, and let you know where you are.
1 This account of the interview is the second account which Mr. Bogle
from a letter of Mr. Bogle to his sister. gave to his sister, as being fuller and
The interview is described in the more graphic.
Journal (see p. 24). I, however, insert
Ch. V.] INTERVIEW WITH THE DEB RAJAH. 43
^The Deb Bajah was dressed in his sacerdotal habit of scarlet
cotton, with gilded mitre on his head, and an umbrella with
fringes twirhng over him. He is a pleasant-looking old man
with a smirking countenance. On each side of him his prin
cipal officers and ministers to the number of a dozen 1 were seated
upon cushions close to the wall, and the rest of the company
stood in the area or among the pillars. The panels of the room
and also the ceiling were covered with Chinese sewed landscapes
and different coloured satins ; the pulpit was gilded, and many
silver and gilt vases about it ; and the floor all around was laid
with carpets. At the opposite end of the apartment, and behind
where I sat, several large Chinese images were placed in a kind of
niche or alcove, with lamps of butter burning before them, and
ornamented with elephants' teeth, little silver temples, china-ware,
silks, ribbons, and other gewgaws. Among these I must not forget
a solitary print of Lady Waldegrave,2 whom I had afterwards the
good fortune to be the means of rescuing out of the hands of these
idols ; for pit happening to strike some of the courtiers — whether
the upholsterer, the chamberlain, or a page, I cannot pretend to
say — that- Lady Waldegrave would make a pretty companion to a
looking-glass I had given the Bajah, she was hung up on one of
the pillars next the throne, and the mirror on the other ; and as I
would wish to give you the best and latest accounts, you may
depend upon it that things continue still in that posture, agreeable
to the arrangement I found at my second visit.
In came a man carrying a large silver kettle, with tea made
with butter and spices, and having poured a little into his hand and
drank it, he filled the Deb Bajah a cup, then went round to all the
ministers, who, as well as every other Boot, are always provided
1 The council of permanent ministers, 6. Deb Zimpen (Chief Secretary to
in Bhutan, is called Lenchen, and con- the Deb).
sists of ten members : 7. Jum Kaling (Chief Judge).
1. Lampa Zimpen (Chief Secretary 8. Paro Penlo (Governor of West
to the Lama-Rimboche). Bhutan).
2. Donai-Zimpen (the Dewan). 9. Tongso Penlo (Governor of East
3. Timpu Jongpen (Governor of Bhutan).
Tassisudon). 10. Targa Penlo (Governor of Central
4. Punakh Jongpen (Governor of Bhutan).
Punakh) 2 See note at p. 26.
5. Angdu Forung Jongpen (Gover
nor of Angdu Forung).
44 LETTER FROM THE TESHU LAMA. [Ch. V.
with a little wooden cup, black glazed in the inside, wrapped in a
bit of cloth, and lodged within their tunic, opposite to their heart
and next their skin, which keeps it warm and comfortable ; and last
of all the cup-bearer filled my dish. The Bajah then said a grace,
in which he was joined by all the company. When we had finished
our tea, and every man had well licked his cup, and deposited it in
his bosom, a water tabby gown, like what Aunt Eatty used to wear,
with well-plated haunches, was brought and put on me ; a red satin
handkerchief was tied round me for a girdle. I was conducted to
the throne, where the Deb Bajah bound my temples with another
satin, handkerchief, and squeezing them hard betwixt his hands,
muttered some prayers over me, after which I was led back to my
cushion. We had next a cup of whisky fresh and hot out of the
still, which was served round in the same manner as the tea, of
which we had also two more dishes, and as many graces ; and last of
all betel nut.
During these different refreshments a great deal of complimen
tary conversation passed between me and the Deb through the
means of an interpreter, which, however brilliant and witty, I will
not here set down. At taking leave the Bajah tied two handker
chiefs together, and threw them over my shoulders by way of a sash.
Thus attired, I paid two or three visits to some of the officers in
the palace, and walked home, like Mordecai, in great state to my
lodgings.
2.
Beports to Warren Hastings. Tassisudon, July 16, 1774.
Some days before I reached Tassisudon a messenger from
Teshu Lama arrived, and delivering a Persian letter, informed me
that he had charge of another from his master to you, and of some
presents which would arrive in the evening.
Being without a munshi, and little accustomed to the character
in which it was written, the Lama's letter cost me some pains to
decipher. He begins with his " having heard of my arrival at
Ch. V.] OBJECTIONS TO MR. BOGLE PROCEEDING TO TIBET. 45
Kuch Bahar on my way to him, and, after some formal expressions
of satisfaction, informs me that his country being subject to the
Emperor of China, whose order it is that he shall admit no Moghul,
Hindustani, Patan, or Eringy, he is without remedy, and China
being at the distance of a year's journey prevents his writing to the
Emperor for permission ; desires me therefore to return to Calcutta,
and if I have any effects (mal) to carry them with me, but to retain
the letter in my hands, and that he will afterwards send a person
to Calcutta." As I cannot make out some of the words at the end
of the letter, I beg leave to refer you to the original, which I have
now the honour to enclose.
The Gosain, who was down in Calcutta, received also a letter
from the Lama, in which the reason assigned for delaying my
journey was, as he told me, the great distress his country was in on
account of the smallpox, which had obliged him to quit his usual
place of residence and retire to the northward.
These two objections, however different, admitted of the same
interpretation. Teshu Lama was averse to my visit, and the
violence of the smallpox, or an order of the Emperor of China,
served for a pretence as well as any other. But from what cause
this proceeded I could not then discover. The messenger could
give me no information. He was one of the people who had been
sent by the Lama to Kuch Bahar. He had gone from thence to
Patna and Gaya, and as he was returning home said he was met by
some of the Lama's people, who delivered to him the despatches
to convey to me. The account he gave of the remainder of his
journey was equally unsatisfactory, and he reported the place of the
Lama's residence to be at a much greater distance than was consis
tent with the receipt of his letter, written after the news of my
arrival at Kuch Bahar had reached him. I determined to come to
no resolution before I had seen the Deb Bajah.
In the evening the Lama's people pressed me much to receive
the silks, &c, which he had sent as presents, and to take charge of
his letter to you. But as this would have been giving up the
point, and would have left me little room to combat those difficulties
which I must endeavour to overcome, I excused myself, and begged
they would accompany me to Tassisudon.
The Deb Bajah was then about 15 miles from this place,
46 OBSTACLES TO PROGRESS. [Ch. V.
employed in the performance of some religious duties. I wrote to
him with the news of my arrival, and waited two days for his
answer. He mentioned "the occasion of his absence; that he
would be glad to see me, and had given orders for my accommoda
tion." I entered Tassisudon next day, but his confidential people
being with him, all business was suspended until his return, which
was not before the 4th instant.
When I considered the situation in which the Deb Bajah stood
with respect to the Company, I built great hopes on his ready
assistance to remove the objections to my journey, and that his
connection with Teshu Lama would render it effectual. But I was
soon undeceived ; for the Bajah, at my second visit, adopted and
even magnified the affair of China ; advised me to lay aside all
thoughts of prosecuting my journey ; and seconded Teshu Lama's
desire that I would return to Calcutta. This produced many
remonstrances on my part. I had frequent conversations with him
and his officers, and left nothing undone to interest him in my
behalf; but I could succeed no further than to obtain a letter from
him to the Lama, which was given with so much reluctance that I
am not sanguine about its good effects.
In this situation my hopes of seeing Teshu Lama were chiefly
founded on the Gosain. As my journey had been undertaken upon
his assurances, he was engaged in honour to see it accomplished,
and I endeavoured to strengthen this principle by more powerful
motives. While he remained at Tassisudon he could be of no
service, and I readily consented to his proceeding to the Lama.
The messenger renewed his solicitations that I would take
charge of his master's despatches, and I advised him to proceed to
Calcutta. He could not, he said, without orders. I excused
myseK from receiving them on the same grounds, and they are to
remain with the Deb Bajah until I am favoured with your com
mands. The Lama's letter to you, from a Bhutan copy which was
read to me, contains nothing more than the prohibition of the Court
of China with respect to Fringies. By declining to receive it I
preserve a stronger hold upon the Lama, keep the negotiation open,
and leave you at liberty to act as you may think proper.
The Gosain set out yesterday, in company with the messenger
and the Bhutanese, who was down in Calcutta, and carried the Bajah's
Ch. V.] DETENTION AT TASSISUDON. 47
letter, with a few lines from me to the Lama. They are obliged,
the'y say, to travel by an indirect road on account of the smallpox,
and may be twenty days before they arrive with the Lama ; but
they assure me of an answer in less than two months.
The Bajah urged my return to Bengal as strongly as he decently
could, but the expectation of answers from the Lama and from
Calcutta afforded me reasons to prolong my stay.
I beg therefore to be informed of your pleasure in the event of
the Lama persisting to refuse me admittance into his country, as
well as in regard to his letter and presents.
Tassisddon, August 20, 1774.
I wish it was in my power to explain with more certainty the
Lama's motives for refusing me admittance into his country. I
am persuaded it proceeds from a suspicion of Europeans. I can
perceive this disposition in the Deb Bajah. On the journey I was
sometimes led over rocks and mountains, with a plain road running
parallel on the side of the river. The Gosain and his baggage were
once carried the one way, I the other. My servants are not suffered
to purchase the smallest article but through the Bajah's people.
Some persons who visited me before his arrival have been forbidden
since. His extreme solicitude about my departure, besides other
circumstances too trifling to mention, are all strong symptoms of
this jealousy. Now, as Teshu Lama's country and this are con
tiguous, the language and faith the same, the Bajah acknowledges
the Lama to be his religious superior, and sends him annually
money and produce, which the one styles a donative, the other
a tribute. In accounting for the conduct of two persons so inti
mately connected, one may almost venture to decide from analogy.
One day in conversing with the interpreter he said to me, I believe
unwittingly, " that he did not imagine Teshu Lama would allow
me to enter his country, as the neighbouring Bajahs would advise
him against it."
I have been obliged, on account of this jealous eye with which
all my actions are viewed, to pursue a conduct very inconsistent
with the purposes of my mission, and to appear Httle inquisitive,
particularly about the country or its trade, lest it should have raised
48 REMOVAL OF THE OBSTACLES TO PROGRESS. [Ch. V.
up fresh obstacles to my journey to the Lama. His servants, how
ever, being now gone, and my continuance here for two months
certain, I am no longer under the necessity of following the same
plan. But this place is very little favourable to my commercial
inquiries. It is monkish to the greatest degree. The Bajah, his
priests, his officers, and his servants, are all immured like state
prisoners in an immense large palace, and there are not above a
dozen other houses in the town.
Upon my leaving Dinajpiir, Mr. Lambert gave me a letter to
Muhammad Taki, the Dewan at Bangpiir, who came to visit me.
In speaking about Bhutan, he sent for a merchant who had been
all over the country as far as Lhasa, spoke the language, and who,
he said, would go with me if I chose it. I put a good many ques
tions to him, and he seemed an intelligent man; but afraid of
hampering myself with the Gosain, I did not ask him to accom
pany me. It has since occurred to me that this person may be a
useful agent. His residence in Bengal will serve to secure his
fidelity, and in any scheme for extending the communication and
intercourse between that country and Bhutan, it would be easy to
give him such encouragement as would make it his interest to
promote it. The trade between Lhasa and the low country is, as I
am informed, principally carried on by the way of Patna and
Nepal through the means of Moghuls and Kashmiris, in which,
as he can have no concern, he would have no scruples in endeavour
ing to discover new sources ; and the narrow traffic in which he
himself is now engaged must lie very wide of those distant and
extensive channels which you wish to open.
Should this proposal meet with your approbation, might I re
quest you would be pleased to issue your orders to Muhammad Taki
to encourage this person to proceed to me, and to despatch him
without delay. I have taken the liberty to write to Taki on the
subject, but have no reason to think that either he or the mer
chant will enter heartily into it unless they know that it is your
pleasure. In my former advices I did myself the honour to acquaint you
with the obstacles which Teshu Lama raised to my journey, on
pretence of an order from the Emperor of China forbidding the
admittance of Fringies into his country. I am now happy to
Ch- v0 PERMITTED TO PROCEED.
49
infoj;m you that he has at length consented to my proceeding, and I
propose to continue my journey as soon as I have the pleasure of
hearing from you. On this occasion I have no letters from the
Lama myself, but the Deb Bajah informs me that the Gosain and
the Bhutanese who were down in Calcutta are sent by the Lama
to wait my arrival on the borders of his country. Having received
no letters from Calcutta except immediately upon my arrival, I am
afraid of some miscarriage, and therefore forward these few lines by
a harkara. Tassisudon, September 1 8, 1774.
A few days before the receipt of your orders the Deb Bajah
read to me a letter from the Teshu Lama, informing him that he
had written to Lhasa, the residence of the Dalai Lama, on the
subject of my passports, and had obtained their consent to my
proceeding on the journey, provided I came with only a few
attendants ; and that he (the Lama) had therefore sent back the
Gosain, who had been down in Calcutta, to wait for me on the
borders of his country.
From several circumstances I am persuaded the former objec
tions to my journey took their rise, or at least were cherished by
the Deb. Even after the Lama's permission he endeavoured to
dissuade me from proceeding. I believe there is no great cordiality
between the two. The Lama's mediation in regard to the peace
was procured during the government of his predecessor, who, upon
his expulsion in February last, fled to him, and is now in his
country. The present chief is jealous of this, as well as apprehen
sive of the Nepal Bajah taking him by the hand, and would be glad
if the Teshu Lama would give him up, when I imagine there would
be Httle scruple of throwing him into the Pachu-Chinchu, as was
done with a chief who was deposed about forty or fifty years ago.
Tassisudon, October 8, 1774.
I have been honoured with the receipt of your commands of
the 9th August by the merchant from Bangpur.
In several conversations with the Deb Bajah and his officers I
represented to them your wish to extend the intercourse between
50 PROPOSALS FOR THE EXTENSION OF TRADE. [Ch. V.
Bengal and the northern nations, and the advantages which would
thence arise to this state ; that Bhutan, being the channel of com
munication, would naturally share in the benefits of an extensive
commerce ; that on your part you would be ready to afford all
encouragement and protection to the trade from this; and that
a mutual intercourse between the two countries would serve to
strengthen and cement that amity and good understanding which
is now happily established. In answer, I received assurances of the
Bajah's wish to cultivate your friendship ; that I was now on my
way to the Teshu Lama, and that on my return he would Hsten
favourably to any proposal from you.
From the information I have been able to gather concerning
the trade between these countries and Bengal, I am led to think
that Teshu Lama will be more disposed to promote its extension
than the Deb Bajah, and that if I can succeed in gaining the
former's consent, he may be brought to exert his influence, which
is very considerable, with the latter ; that as my deputation is ¦
immediately to the Lama, who is undoubtedly the reHgious superior
and pretends to a paramount authority also in the temporal affairs
of this state, he will naturaHy expect that he should be considered
as the principal in these negotiations ; and the present unsettled
state of this country is abundantly unfavourable for concluding
them here. For these reasons I intend to try my success at the
Lama's court before I push the Deb Bajah any further.
The adherents of Deb Judhur, the former chief, have made an
insurrection in his favour, which, although at present not formidable,
occupies fully the attention of the Bajah and his officers. I have
therefore taken leave, and propose to continue my journey north
wards to-morrow.
I have been solicited here to request that you would be pleased
to issue your order that the annual caravan from this country to
Bangpur may meet with every assistance and protection, and
have free liberty to trade according to ancient custom. As the
peace has been so lately concluded, it would be a satisfaction to the
Bajah to receive your parwana1 to this purpose before the departure
of the caravan. 1 A permit or custom-house pass.
Ch. V.] THE CARAVAN TO RANGPUR. 51
Tassisudon, October 11, 1774.
The merchant from Bangpur arrived here a few days after my
address of the 18th. I hope to benefit considerably by his know
ledge of the language and commerce of these countries.
The annual caravan from this to Bangpur is principally an
adventure of the Deb Bajah, his ministers, and provincial governors.
Each of them sends an agent, with his tanyans,1 musk, cowtails,
coarse red blankets, or striped woollen cloth half-yard wide. The
other Bhutanese go under their protection. The returns from
thence, consisting chiefly of broadcloth, spices, dyes, Malda cloths,
go almost wholly into Teshu Lama's country either as tribute or in
trade. In the last case they are converted into Pelong 2 handker
chiefs, flowered satins, tea, salt, wool, &c.
This traffic is very beneficial to the Bajah and his people, and
they are jealous of it. One can show them the advantages their
country may receive from an extension of commerce; but it is
more difficult to make their own interest appear in it. But
Teshu Lama, I believe, has no such warp. His territories, being
the heart, ought to benefit by a large circulation of trade and the
resort of strangers ; and unless his dependence upon China should
stand in the way, I would fain hope for some success with him.
As to what you were pleased to propose about making Tassisudon
the central point of communication with Lhasa, I consider it only
as a dernier ressort, and as my way is now open, I have not men
tioned it until I can see what is to be done otherwise.
The more I see of the Bhutanese, the more I am pleased with
them. The common people are good-humoured, downright, and, I
think, thoroughly trusty. The statesmen have some of the art
which belongs to their profession. They are the best-built race of
men I ever saw ; many of them very handsome, with complexions
as fair as the French. I have sometimes been tempted to wish
I could substitute their portrait in the place of my friend Paima's.
The Deb Bajah, with all his court and the inhabitants of the
neighbouring villages, in imitation, I suppose, of their Scythian
ancestors, migrate from this place in about two months hence.
Their winter quarters are at Punakha, two days' journey to the
1 Tangun ponies. (See note at p. 17.) * See note at p. 16.
E 2
52 COLLECTION OF PLANTS AND SEEDS. [Ch. V.
south-east, and the cHmate there is so much hotter that it produces
mangos, pine-apples, &c, and they say cassia. The palace, I am
told, is larger than the one here, and well finished. I am to see it
on my return.
There are few trees in this part of the country; but I have
abundance of promises from the great men of getting me seeds, and
have employed a Bhutanese on purpose. As to plants, I leave them
till my return, when the sap will be down, except a slip of sweet
brier which goes by this opportunity. There are plenty of cow-
tailed cows, but the weather is too hot for them to go into Bengal.
I have not been able to get a live musk goat, but have sent a skin,
likewise a sentimental cup, or the skull of a Lama guru.
The weather is growing very cold ; the thermometer under 50°
in the mornings. I have had great benefit from the shawl cloth
you were so good as to give me. Lama-Bimboche has now pre
sented me with his yellow satin gown, lined with lambskins, and
the Deb Bajah with about a dozen of blankets, so that I am well
fortified. I took the liberty of recommending the Deb Bajah's desire to
have your parwana for the caravan proceeding to Bangpur, and
I have been applied to here by the Paro Penlo1 that his agent may
go to Dinajpur, according to ancient custom. I am aware that
some of the Bhutanese would wish to proceed farther, and even to
Calcutta. The late war has enlarged their minds. They hope to
purchase many articles of trade on better terms there, and I believe
also they would be glad to get some firearms. As it is my duty to
lay before you whatever occurs to me on the business upon which I
am deputed, I beg leave to submit to you tliat, although you allow
their caravan to proceed to Bangpur and Dinajpur as formerly, as a
proof of your inclination to protect their trade, that any new con
cessions ought to be on stipulation ; and I confess the privilege of
sending their agents into the interior parts of Bengal is one engine
I hope to avail myself of with some advantage. I shaU have need
of them all to bring me to a point in which their own particular
interest is concerned.
The trade between Bangpur and Bhutan may extend to about
two or two and a half lakhs a year ; that through Nepal amounts,
¦ The Governor of Western Bhutan.
Ch. V.] ENCOURAGEMENT OF TRADE. 53
I am told, to three or four times that sum.1 Such husbandmen as
join the caravan for Bangpur pay for this permission. There are
two or three houses at Bangpur which carry on a trade through this
country to Lhasa — the merchant who has joined me is one of them.
They are restricted from broadcloth and some other articles. Their
dealings may yearly amount to about a lakh of the above sum.
From Warren Hastings to the Bajah of Bhutan,
dated 28th November, 1774.
I have repeatedly heard from Mr. Bogle the news of your
welfare, which gave me the greatest pleasure. That gentleman
also informs me in the strongest terms of gratitude of the many
kindnesses and civihties you have shown to him. This also calls on
me for my acknowledgments, as I consider every assistance you
have given to Mr. Bogle as an obligation conferred on myself.
Accept, therefore, of my sincerest thanks. Agreeably to your desire
communicated to me through Mr. Bogle, I enclose you a parwana
for the encouragement of any of your subjects who may wish to
travel with caravans to Bangpur and other districts under the
Company's authority for the purposes of trade. It is my earnest
desire that the friendship between you and the Company may be
strengthened daily. I have directed Mr. Bogle to settle on his
return such articles between your subjects and the Company's as
may be most agreeable to you and for your benefit. I shall write
you more fully on aH these subjects by the return of the caravan.
I send you a piece of cloth as a token of friendship, and request
that you will frequently make me happy by the news of your
welfare. Parwana enclosed in the foregoing.
Notice is hereby given to all the merchants of Bhutan, that the
strictest orders have been issued to the officers at Bangpur and
• It reached a total of 33 lakhs in hands of Newars, Kashmiris, and mer-
1831 according to Mr. Hodgson's re- chants of Benares and Patna, and is so
port to Government. It was in the still.
64 ENCOURAGEMENT OF TRADE. [Ch. V.
Ghoraghat1 dependent on the Subah of Bengal (the paradise of
nations), that they do not obstruct the passage of the Bhutan
merchants to those places for the purpose of carrying on their
trade as formerly, but that they afford every assistance to their
caravans. They are therefore required not to entertain the least
apprehension, but with the greatest security and confidence to
come into Bengal and carry on their traffic as formerly. Placing
an entire reliance on this, let them act agreeably thereto.
4.
From Warren Hastings to the Bajah op Bhutan, written
the 6th oe January, 1775.
I have received your letter and understand the contents. It is
my most earnest desire to increase and establish the friendship
between you and this government on the firmest footing. Nothing
shaU be wanting on my part to promote this end. I am particu
larly desirous that your subjects should be encouraged to come into
Bengal for the purposes of trade, in consequence of which, at
Mr. Bogle's desire, I sent you a parwana for their encourage
ment. I have lately heard, from report only, that some obstruc
tions have been made to the trade in cotton between your subjects
and those of this government, in consequence of which I have
written the strongest injunctions to have them removed : by this
you will be convinced of my desire to promote your advantage to
the utmost, not only on this but on every other occasion. With
respect to the accounts, I wiH take another opportunity of writing to
you concerning them. As the distance between us is so great that
many obstructions to the trade of your subjects, and causes of com
plaint may arise, of which I may be whoUy ignorant, and as I wish
to prevent any such, it would be proper that a vackfl should reside
here on your part to deliver your letters to me, and to lay before
me any representations you may have to make to me.
I send you a pair of shawls, as a token of friendship, of which
I beg your acceptance.
1 Or the horse-ferry ; a town, once tributary of the Tista, in the Dinajpur
of great importance, on the Kuratia, a district of Bengal.
Ch. VI. J THE DUAES. 55
CHAPTEB VI.
SUGGESTIONS RESPECTING BHUTAN AND ASSAM.
The country that has been the scene of our miHtary operations r
against the Bhutanese extends over a distance, as troops march, of
about 85 miles.2 A great part of this tract consists of almost im
penetrable jungles and immense forests of sal trees, and, taken at
the rate of 9 kos from the mountains, forms that strip that by
the treaty is ceded to the Bhutanese. This country is intersected
by numerous nullahs and smaU rivers, deep and rapid. The great
rivers are the Tista, Manshi, Tursa, and Baidak. All these rivers,
the Tista excepted,3 run in a south-eastern direction into the Brah
maputra, and are navigable for six months of the year as high as
within 10 kos of the foot of the mountains ; but their not com
municating with the Ganges renders the fine timber on their
banks but of Httle value. The produce of this strip, where culti
vated, consists of rice, mustard seed, tobacco, some opium, and
about 40,000 maunds of fine cotton annually ; to the eastward it
yields some black pepper and munga silk.* The country, however,
is extremely populous. The trade carried on with the Bhutanese is
by way of barter. They pay little or no revenue to the Deb Bajah,
and Hving easy under his government, are much attached to the
Bhutan interest; and, indeed, from the nature of their situation,
they can never be independent of it.
Our troops having acted in this tract5 of country was the reason
of their having suffered so much, as it is low and unhealthy through
the whole year. The water, however, is in general very good ; but
the great moisture of the air, and the great and sudden changes of
the weather, occasion the frequency of intermittent fevers of the
1 See note at p. 1. . in Assam, at p. 112 of Mr. Geoghegan's
2 The Bengal Diiars. ' Report on Silk in India.'
1 * But see Memoir on 'Indian Sur- 5 The tract here described is com-
veys,' p. 260. prised in the western portion of the
4 Anthera Assama. See a full ac- Bengal Diiars.
count of the cultivation of munga silk
56 FUTURE MILITARY OPERATIONS [Ch. VI.
most obstinate kind. It is to be remarked that the Bhutanese 1 are
as subject to them as our troops, and never, if they can avoid it,
remain in the low country during the rains.
I would beg leave to recommend, should there ever be occasion
again to employ troops against the Bhutanese, a different mode of
carrying on the service to that which was followed. Acting on the
defensive serves only to protract the service, and from the number
of smaU detachments necessary to form the chain of posts for cover
ing so extensive a frontier, such a course occasions great expense
to Government, extreme fatigue to the troops, and gives the enemy
every advantage they could wish, especiaUy as they can depend on
ample supplies from the country between their posts and the hills,
and have always a secure retreat in them.
For these reasons acting offensively is to be preferred. There
are two ways in which this may be done ; either by penetrating
into their country at once, or else by seizing and garrisoning the
passes of Chichakotta, Buxa-Diiar, and Eepu-Duar; for though
they reckon eighteen passes, these are the principal ones. Three
companies would be sufficient to garrison each of them, and a flying
detachment of five companies would answer the purpose of supplying
provisions or exchanging the garrisons if necessary. The passes of
the Chamurchi and Bepu-Diiars are the most practicable, although
that of the Buxa-Diiar is the most frequented, owing to its central
situation,- and being opposite to Bulrampur and the nearest to
Bangpiir. The troops should be ready early in November to take
possession of these posts ; and I am firmly of opinion the Bhutanese
would submit to any measures we should think proper to dictate to
them ; but in case they proved obstinate, there would be time to
follow the other alternative, by entering their country and finishing
the expedition before the rains set in. If there were two complete
battalions employed on this service, I think it would be best to act
separately, entering the two passes I have mentioned above. There
would be no occasion for troops in Bahar whilst they were in
Bhutan, as they would draw the whole force and attention of the
Bhutanese. The Bhutanese have only six hundred men in pay as
soldiers ; but though their government is elective, they hold their
1 Hindi Bhot makes Bhotia, equal taner, or Bhutanese, are distinct, and
the native Bod and Bodpa, for our equal the native Lho and Lhopa. The
Tibet and Tihetan. Bhutan and Bhu- two should not be confounded.
Ch. VI.] AGAINST BHUTAN. 57
lands by military service, and every man in their country is a
soldier when called on. In short, the feudal system prevails
amongst them in its full force. One custom amongst them is
remarkable, and, I believe, peculiar to them. When they rise to
any post of honour and trust in their country they are separated
from their families, and never after permitted to hold any inter
course with them, lest their attachment to their children should
induce them to attempt rendering the government hereditary in
their families.
Should an expedition against them ever take place, everything
necessary should be provided before the troops enter the jungles,
that they might not contract those diseases incidental to that climate,
and which they would not fail to do if they remained any time
in it. The greatest difficulty that would attend an expedition of this
nature would be the carriage of provisions and ammunition.
Twenty-five or thirty days is as little as they could think of
entering the hflls with, and from the nature of the service a larger
supply of ammunition would be required than the same number of
troops would require for any other service. If guns could be car
ried they would be of great use. This would be difficult, and if at
all done must be by elephants.
But supposing ah the success that could be expected should
attend an expedition into Bhutan, I can see no great advantage
that could redound from it to the Company further than what they
now enjoy — possession of Bahar and quiet from the Bhutanese.
The trade carried on is scarce an object to the Company ; as for
keeping possession of any part of it if conquered, or forming a
settlement there, I consider it as impracticable unless done with the
consent of the Bhutanese, which I believe will never be obtained.
Attempting it by force will never answer. The difficulties are
insurmountable, at least without a force and expense much greater
than the object is worth. This does not arise from the power of the
Bhutanese. Two battaHons, I think, would reduce their country,
but two brigades would not keep the communication open, and if
that is cut off the conquest could be of no use. In all the schemes
that I have heard of for an expedition to Nepal this has been
overlooked, on a supposition that if a conquest was effected, all the
rest would follow, of course ; but that, I am convinced, would not
58 TRADE THROUGH ASSAM. [Ch. VI.
be the case, and when the natural strength of the country is con
sidered this will appear still more forcibly. For those reasons I am
no advocate for an expedition into these countries unless the
people should commence hostilities, and then it should be done
only with a view to reduce them to peace on such terms as should
appear honourable and advantageous to the Company; and this
would be easily effected by acting vigorously for one season.
The objections I have made against an expedition into Bhutan
hold good with respect to Nepal and Lhasa, for this sole reason,
that a communication cannot be kept open ; and should our troops
march into these countries, they must consider aU communication
with the low country out of the question till they return.
With regard to our treaty with the Bhutanese, I am of opinion
they will adhere firmly to it, as they are, I beheve, fuHy convinced
of their inability to carry on a war against the Company; and
I am of opinion the battalions in Bahar may be withdrawn if
wanted for other service, because while the Bhutanese continue
quiet they are not wanted. Should they recommence hostilities, our
battaHons would not be sufficient to reduce them. It would not,
however, be amiss to keep two subalterns with two companies in
Bahar fort for another season, when, if the Bhutanese strictly
observe the treaty, they may be recalled.
An open trade with Bhutan, Nepal, and Lhasa has been con
sidered as an object worthy the attention of Government, but the
jealousy of the nation prevents this being obtained on pacific
terms,1 and the natural strength and situation of these countries
render it extremely difficult, if not impracticable, to do it by force.
An open and unrestrained trade and intercourse with Assam, con
sidered separately, is an object of much greater consequence ; but
when it is known that it wiU include aU the advantages attending
the other, it must of course become a much more desirable object.
The Bhutanese, the inhabitants of the Gorkha Bajah's country, the
natives of Lhasa, and of many other countries lying north-west of
the Brahmaputra, carry on a constant trade to Assam. A settlement
formed on the banks of the Brahmaputra, near the capital, would
become the mart for supplying all the countries lying north-west of
1 By arms and diplomacy we strove foiled by the malaria, and, since the
to uphold the old trade with Nepal conquest, by the jealousy adverted to.
prior to tho Gorkha conquest, but were
Ch. VI.] ASSAM. 59
the Brahmaputra as well as those countries to the eastward of that
rive? ; it would open an ample field for commerce in general,
and, considering its northern situation, would greatly increase
the demand for European commodities, and particularly for broad
cloths. Assam produces numerous and valuable articles for exporta
tion ; the jealousy of the government has, however, restricted the
trade in such a manner that it is of little advantage to Bengal, the
whole amount not exceeding six or seven lakhs per annum, and this
mostly by way of barter ; and when a balance arises we pay it in
silver. By this means the trade is rather disadvantageous to the
countries under the government of the Company, especially as most
of what we receive of them is for home consumption. The natives
of Assam are permitted to trade in the Company's territories
without let or molestation ; the same liberty may therefore be
demanded in return from their government, and, if refused, insisted
on with justice. Their jealousy of foreigners, however, would pro
bably induce them either to refuse or evade this request; but it
might be easily enforced, without the risk of failure that would
attend the hill expeditions.
Assam itself is an open country of great extent, and by all
accounts well cultivated and inhabited ; the road into it either by
land or the Brahmaputra lies open. The communication can
always be preserved. The advantages of a river navigable the
whole year, whether considered with regard to commerce or war,
are obvious, as the great objection against entering Nepal, &c,
arises from the difficulty of keeping open the communications ; so,
on the other hand, the easy access to Assam, whether by land or
water, invites us to the attempt.1 The distance of a settlement
near the capital would not be more, or but very little more, from
the Presidency than it is from there to Patna ; the trade would be
carried on entirely by water, and as the banks of the Brahmaputra
are covered with fine timber, all the boats and vessels necessary
for carrying on the trade might be built on the spot, by what
I learnt from the people who had been permitted to trade to
that country. The river known to us by the name of Brahma
putra is but a branch of that great river. It divides above the
1 In Mr. Hodgson's report stress is the tea cultivation in and around
laid on the advantages of the Assam Assam gives additional weight to all
routes into Tibet; and the success of that is urged in that report.
60 PROPOSAL RESPECTING ASSAM. [Ch. VI.
capital of Assam. The body of the river runs in an eastern direc
tion ; and it is said the banks of it are weU furnished with teak timber
of great size. This would prove highly advantageous, whether for
importation, building of vessels either for trade or for pursuing
our discoveries down that great river ; and if pursued would open
a trade and intercourse with countries unexplored by Europeans.
I think there is little reason to apprehend a failure if the attempt
is made, for should unforeseen difficulties arise with regard to
supply of provisions on our first entering the country, this might
easily be remedied by drawing them from Bengal for a short
time; and I have not a doubt but our troops would meet with
ample suppHes after they had once passed the frontiers of Assam.
The stores necessary for the expedition would be conveyed by
water, and the boats so employed would be sufficient to procure any
provisions that might be wanted on our setting out. Assam, as I
have already observed, yields many valuable articles for exportation.
Gold is a considerable article of inland trade ; Bhutan, Lhasa, and
Nepal supply them both with gold and silver, and when the
restrictions against exportation are taken off, it must give the
balance of trade greatly in our favour.1 Supposing it should Dot
turn out so great an object as I have represented, still it cannot
with reason be doubted that it would more than reimburse the
Company, by the advantageous terms they would be glad to give us
in point of trade, setting aU acquisition of territory out of the ques
tion ; and I make no doubt but that, a few months after our entering
Assam, the troops might be paid and provisioned without making
any demands on the Company's treasury. It may be objected that a
great part of what I have advanced is unsupported by proofs ; but
it ought to be remembered that in all the valuable discoveries and
acquisitions that have been made these have always at first been
wanting. We have, however, the reports of those that have visited
that country, and that is more than is usual in cases of this nature.
Probable conjecture has been found sufficient to stimulate enterpris
ing spirits, and success has generally justified their undertakings of
this kind when conducted with spirit, resolution, and prudence.
1 There were large receipts of gold Resident, directed him to report to the
from Tibet through Nepal up to the Government the causes of the cessation
Gorkha conquest of Nepal. The last of the import of gold from Tibet.
order received by Mr. Hodgson, as
Ch. VII.] THE JOURNEY TO TIBET. 61
CHAPTEB YII.
THE JOURNEY TO TIBET.
1.
From Tassisudon to Pari-jong.
While I was at Tassisudon an insurrection broke out in favour of
Deb Judhur,1 the former chief ; and the disturbances which this
occasioned protracted my stay. The malcontents, after a fruitless
attempt on the palace of Tassisudon, seized Simptoka, a castle in
its neighbourhood, in which they found arms and ammunition.
There are no cannon in this country. The castles are built on
eminences, with lofty and thick walls which have loopholes ; the
windows are high, project out, and are provided with heaps of
stones to throw upon assailants. The doors are strong and secured
by bars of iron ; the entrance to some of them is by a covered
way, defended by towers ; and they want but the mote and the
bridge to resemble the Gothic castles of our ancestors. There are
only two ways of reducing them — by fire or by famine. The first
appears easy enough, for as there are no arches, the roofs and floors
are all of wood. But Simptoka having been built by Deb Seklu, a
very popular Bajah, and being full of furniture and effects belong
ing to the government, it was resolved to blockade it. Troops
were accordingly coUected from the distant provinces, and three of
the roads were stopped up. The fourth, however, was still open.
The Deb Bajah's force increased every day. Deb Judhur's party
saw no prospect of assistance ; and after a siege of ten days they
abandoned Simptoka, and being favoured by moonlight, escaped
over the mountains into Teshu Lama's country.
I left Tassisudon on the 13th of October, 1774, the day of
their retreat, in company with Mr. Hamilton; Mirza Settar, a
native of Kashmir, who had joined me from Bangpur, and spoke
1 See ante, p. 37.
62 SOLDIERS IN BHUTAN. [Ch. VII.
the language of this country; the Tibetan Paima, a messenger
of Teshu Lama, who had been sent for me ; and a servant of the
Deb Bajah, who was to attend me to the borders of his country.
Our way was by Binjipu, commonly caUed Paro-gaund.1 The
direct road is over the mountains, and we were to have travelled
over it, escorted by a guard. This, however, was now unneces
sary, and we took the low road along the banks of the Chinchu.
It was the same by which we had come from Buxa-Diiar. We
passed Simptoka, and came up with a party of the Deb Bajah's men.
They halted at a little village, and their leader sent for us. He had
formerly been Kalling,2 or secretary, to the Deb Bajah, and had
been lately promoted to the office of Donnai,3 or Head Dewan. He
enjoys the first place in the chief's favour, and his sagacity and
superior abilities entitle him to it. In anything that relates to the
government of his own country, he might be pitted against
many a politic minister. As a philosopher, he would twist him
round his finger. Of a truth, an ounce of mother-wit is worth a
pound of clergy.
The Donnai was sitting on the ground surrounded by his men.
He gave me part of his carpet. We had a dram of whisky. He told
me of the escape of the insurgents from Simptoka ; that he was in
pursuit of them by the foot of the mountains, while another
detachment had taken the upper road. As soon as we left him, I
saw aviUage on the top of the mountain in flames: it was a punish
ment for its attachment to the Deb Judhur.
A soldier in Bhutan has not a distinct profession. Every man
is girt with a sword, and trained to the use of the bow. The hall
of every public officer is hung round with matchlocks, with swords
and shields. In times of war or danger, his servants and retainers
are armed with these ; the inhabitants, assembled from the different
villages, are put under his command, and he marches in person
against the enemy. The common weapons are a broadsword of a
good temper, with shagreen handle ; a cane-coiled target, painted
1 Paro. Turner also gives the names 3 According to Eden (p. 112), the
of Parogong, and Rinjipo, p. 177. Donnai Zimpen is the Dewau ; Pem-
2 The Joom Kalling, in Eden's List berton has Donnay Zimpe. He holds
(p. 113), is the chief judge. . Pem- the second seat in the Council.
berton calls him Kalling Zimpe (p 54).
Turner has Cullum.
Ch. VII.] LUMBOLONG. 63
with streaks of red ; a bow formed of a piece of bamboo ; a quiver
of a junk of the same tree, the arrows of reeds, barbed, and often
covered with a poison said to be so subtile that the slightest wound
becomes mortal in a few hours. Some few are armed with a pike.
They put great confidence in firearms ; but are not so cunning in
the use of the matchlock, as of their ancient weapons, the sword and
the bow. Their warlike garb is various and not uniform. Some
wear a cap quilted, or of cane and sugar-loaf shape, with a tuft of
horse-hair stained ; others, an iron-netted hood, or a helmet with
the like ornament; under these they often put false locks to supply
the want of their own hair, which among this tribe of Bhutanese is
worn short. Sometimes a coat of mail is to be seen. In peace as
well as in war, they are dressed in short trousers, Hke the Highland
philabeg ; woollen hose, soled with leather and gartered under the
knee ; a jacket or tunic, and over all two or three striped blankets.
Their leaders only are on horseback, and are covered with a cap,
rough with red-dyed cowtails. They sleep in the open air, and keep
themselves warm with their plaids and their whisky. When they
go to war or to an engagement, they whoop and howl, to encourage
each other and intimidate the enemy. They are fond of attacking
in the night time. As to their courage in battle, those can best
speak who have tried it. I saw only some skirmishes.
We arrived at Lumbolong towards night, the 14th of October.
Our room was like a large warehouse, supported by posts. A
fire was Hghted upon a stone in the middle, and as there are
no vents, we suffered as much from its smoke as we benefited
by its heat. For want of a more polite entertainment, I sent
for some women who had come with the baggage, and had a
Bhutan song. There is no giving a description of it ; and as I
know nothing of music, I could not take it down. It is more
like ehurch chimes than anything else. Some of the notes are
lengthened out as long as the breath wiU last, and people used to
climbing mountains are far from being short-winded. A battle
with fists between our guide and the landlord — the second I have
seen here. What a contentious place is Lumbolong !
We left it the next morning, and continued to descend the
Chinchu, till it is joined by the Pachu,1 near Paku. Here we
1 The Parchoo of Eden, p. 91.
64 THE HARVEST AT ESSANA. [Ch. VII.
crossed it, and entered the narrow valley through which this last
runs rapidly. The mountains along which we passed are bare and
rocky, and there are no houses to be seen except the dwellings of
some fakirs. On the opposite side is a viUage, and some wheat
fields. A heavy shower of snow had fallen two days before we left
Tassisudon, and the tops of all the mountams were white with it. The
Bengalis, when they got up in the morning, were much surprised at
the sight of it. They inquired of the Bhutanese, who told them it
was white cloths, which God Almighty sent down to cover the
mountains and keep them warm. This solution required, to be
sure, some faith ; but it was to them just as probable as that it
was rain, or that they were afterwards to meet with water hard as
glass, and be able to walk across a river. When different climes
exhibit such incredible phenomena to the inhabitants of other
countries, why should not the accounts of traveHers be treated with
indulgence, and even the adventures of Sinbad the Sailor be read
with some grains of allowance ?
We arrived at Essana after midday on the 15th of October.
This is a village situated in a small but fruitful vaHey. Every
body was busy with the harvest. As soon as a field of rice is
ripe the water is drained off, and the stream that supphed it
diverted into a different channel. It is then cut down with
teethless sickles, and is either placed against the narrow ridges
which surround the fields and separate them from each other, or
it is laid flat upon the stubble-ground. In a few days it is built
up in little ricks, regularly, but without being bound. From
these it is taken down ; a beam is raised breast high, and sup
ported upon two posts; under it a large mat is spread, and the
men and women, leaning upon it, tread out the rice with their feet.
A different method is used with the wheat, which is bearded. It
is tied up in small sheaves. In some places (Kepta) they separate
the grain from the straw by burning it ; in others (Tassisudon)
they thrash it out with flails. The wheat is reaped in the
beginning of June.
In all these different occupations of husbandry the heavy
burden Hes upon the fair sex: they have a hard lot of it.
Besides all this, the economy of the family falls to their share.
They have to dress the victuals and feed the swine. They are not
Ch. VII.] PARO. 65
much troubled indeed with washing or scrubbing : the fashion of
the country renders this quite unnecessary. But not unfrequently
one sees them with a child at the breast, staggering up a hill with
a heavy load, or knocking corn, a labour scarcely less arduous.
And with aU this bitter draught they appear to have few of those
sweetenings which might render it more palatable. They have
none of the markets, fairs, churches, and weddings of England ;
they have none of the skipping and dancing of France ; they have
none of the devotion of the lower people in other Boman Catholic
countries; they have none of the bathings, bracelets, &c, of the
BengaH ; and yet I know not how it comes to pass, but they seem
to bear it all without murmuring; and, having nothing else to
deck themselves with, they plait their hair with garlands of leaves
or twigs of trees. The resources of a light heart and a sound
constitution are infinite.
Proceeding up the Pachu, we arrived at Binjipu, the capital of
the province, on the lb'th of October. I was lodged in a long hall
adjoining the temple. The palace is a miniature of Tassisudon.
The vaHey is large, well cultivated, and filled with detached villages.
In one of these there is a bazaar, the only one I believe in the
country, and two Kashmiri houses ; but there is no calling it a
town. The government of Paro-gaund is the most important under
the Deb Bajah. The person who now holds it is a cousin of Lama-
Bimboche, who, upon the late revolution, laid aside the habit of a
fakir, which he had assumed under the former administration, and
returned to worldly affairs. His jurisdiction is very extensive.
Besides the districts from which he takes his title of Paro Penlo,
the governments of Dalim-kotta, Lukhi-Diiar, Chamurchi-Duar,
and all the districts towards the Murungs1 are under him. He
has the power of life and death in his hands. He repairs once a
year to Tassisudon, and pays a fixed annual revenue to the Deb
Bajah ; but delivers in no account of his administration. He
retains, however, his office only during pleasure, aDd a mandate
from the presence reduces him to the level of other subjects.
The revenue of Paro-gaund, as well as of most of the interior
1 The Murungs are forests at the palese name for the Terai. — 'Hooker's
foot of the Sikkim and Nepal moun- Himalayan Journal,' i. p. 378.
tains. This is, in fact, the local Ne-
66 THE VALLEY OF THE PACHU. [Ch. VII.
districts, is paid chiefly in grain, horses, blankets, &c, and the
money comes principally from Lukhi-Diiar, Buxa-Diiar, and other
Diiars or outlets into the low country. But I must not here
pretend to give particulars.
I was waked in the morning with the firing of guns and the war
whoop. I thought we had not yet done with our fighting ; but it
turned out to be only the head of a rebel, which they were
carrying into the palace in procession, with a white handkerchief as
a flag before it.
I stayed two or three days at Paro-gaund ; visited the Penlo ;
received a reinforcement of blankets from him, and continued my
journey on the 19th October. I also received a visit from the Donnai.
We were obliged to make short journeys on account of the
coolies. We stopped at Duko-jong 1 on the night of the 20th,
and were lodged in the castle, romantically enough situated on
the top of a mount. Under most of the windows are hives of bees
in the open air. They have cold quarters of it.
Our next stage was Chanon,2 which we reached on the 21st.
It consists of four or five houses on the banks of the Pachu,
surrounded with turnip fields, for which alone it is famous.
The road from Tassisudon had been pretty level; we could
ride most part of the way. Our next stage was extremely
steep ; keeping close to the Pachu, which dashes over rocks, wet
with its spray. One place was very picturesque. High perpen
dicular rocks were overhead. The Pachu, now reduced to a large
stream, running rapidly by : on the other side a high round moun
tain, covered with silver firs and pines, intermixed with other
trees, red, yellow, and all those colours with which a natural wood
is variegated towards the close of autumn. The summits of the
hills were white with snow. When we got up to the highest part
of the road, we found the sides of the mountains entirely bare,
owing, I suppose, to their being exposed to the north wind. We
met a flock of sheep, the first we had seen ; 3 small, with good wool.
1 Apparently the Dukka-jung of 3 Tibetan sheep. They are as nu-
Turner, p. 182 ; and Dakya-jung of merous and fine in Tibet as they are
Eden, p. 91. In the Bhutan map of rare and poor in Himalaya or the
1874 it is Domgit Zong. Cis-nivean countries.
2 The last Bhutan village on this
road. Turner calls it Sana, p. 184.
Ch. VII.] PARI-JONG. 67
We met also droves of cow-tailed cattle ; they are used as beasts of
burden, and were then carrying skins, with the wool upon them, to
Paro-gaund, where the coarse blankets are mostly manufactured.
They were almost all black, very rough, uncouth make, a large hump,
short legs, and the large bushy tail for which they are noted.1
There are no inhabitants at Gaissar,2 a place we arrived at
on the 22nd of October. There is only a low house, like a stable
without doors. We were obHged to bring our provisions and
fuel from the last stage. We required it all to keep us warm.
The hills all about were covered with snow; and to mend the
matter, a heavy shower of it came on in the night time.
This was all frozen in the morning, and most of our road
to Pari-jong was covered with snow. When we got down the hill
to the Pachu, we found the stones and bridges hanging with icicles.
There were no houses to be seen, and only some herds of cattle
feeding on the sides of the valley, which was bounded on the north
west by a hill between two moderate mountams. On reaching
the top we found six heaps of stones with banners. They serve
to mark the boundary between the Deb Bajah's country and that of
the Lama, which now lay before us ; plain and open to the north ;
hflly to the west ; behind, to the east and south, mountains. I
arrived at Pari-jong on October 23.
I found the Bhutanese, who was down in Calcutta, waiting for
me. I have dismissed the Deb Bajah's servant, and am to proceed
towards Shigatze in a day or two.
2.
From Pari-jong3 to Desheripgay.
The first object that strikes you, as you go down the hill into
Tibet, is a mount in the middle of the plain. It is where the
1 See Turner's account of the yak, 2 Turner has Gassa, p. 1 93.
p. 186. See also ' Hooker's Himalayau 3 Turner calls it Phari or Paridson°\
Journal,' i. pp. 212-214. The engrav- On the Bhutan Map of 1865 it is spelt
ing given by Turner is from a painting Phak-rhi or Phari, and is placed at the
by Stubbs, the famous animal painter, head of the Chumbi Valley, between
formerly in the possession of Warren Sikkim and Bhutan. Klaproth has
Hastings. This picture is now in the Phari-dzoung (Phari).
Museum of the College of Surgeons.
68 PARI-JONG. [Ch. VII.
people of Pari-jong expose their dead. It happened, I hope not
ominously, that they were carrying a body thither as we came down.
Eagles, hawks, ravens, and other carnivorous birds were soaring
about in expectation of their prey. Every village has a place set
apart for this purpose. There are only two exceptions to it. The
Lamas are burnt with sandal-wood, and such as die of the smallpox
are buried, to smother tHe infection ; so that three of the five kinds
of funerals (and I know no more) which the inhabitants of this
world use are known to the people of Tibet.
As we advanced a little farther, we came in sight of the castle
of Pari-jong, which cuts a good figure from without. It rises into
several towers with the balconies, and having few windows, has
the look of strength ; it is surrounded by the town. The houses
are of two low stories, flat-roofed, covered with bundles of straw,
and . so huddled together that one may chance to overlook them.
There is little to be said for them. The ceilings are so low, that I
have more than once been indebted to the thickness of my skull;
and the beams being very short, are supported by a number of
posts, which are little favourable to chamber-walking. In the
middle of the roof is a hole to let out the smoke, which, however,
departs not without making the whole room as black as a chimney.
This opening serves also to let in the light; the doors are full of
holes and crevices, through which the women and children keep
peeping. I used to give them sugar-candy, and sometimes ribbons ;
but I brought all the children of the parish upon my back by it.
The straw upon the top keeps the house warm. The same style of
architecture prevails in the villages upon the road. It has a mean
look after the lofty buildings in the Deb Bajah's country; but
having neither wood nor arches, how can they help it ?
There is no walking out after it is dark, on account of the
number of dogs which are then let loose ; they are of the shepherd
breed, the same kind with those called Nepal dogs, large size, often
shagged like a lion, and extremely fierce.1
The two Lhasa officers who have the government of Pari-jong
sent me some butter, tea, &c, the day after my arrival; and, letting
me know that they expected a visit from me, I went. The inside of
the castle did not answer the notion I had formed of it. The stairs
1 The Tibetan mastiff, a noble animal.
Ch. VII.] SET OUT FROM PARI-JONG. 69
are ladders worn to the bone, and the rooms are little better than
garrerS. The governor was dressed in a russet coloured tunic of
coarse wooUen, and a linen cloth folded and laid upon his bare head.
The other, who I understand is a sort of judge, was clad in coarse
black cloth. They were seated beside one another upon carpets.
The etiquette is much the same as with the Dewans at Tassisudon.
Four score of Deb Judhur's people had taken refuge in this
fort. The Deb Bajah sent to demand them, but they were not
given up. The conversation, which passed on that occasion was, I
am told, as full of the principles of government and the law of
nations, as if it had been conducted by Grotius and Puffendorf.
Pari-jong stands in a confined plain, entirely surrounded by
hills and mountains, except to the north-east, which allows that
ruffian wind free entrance. It is on every account abundantly
bleak, and bare and uncomfortable.
My friend Paima was considered here as a great man, and all
Teshu Lama's vassals endeavoured by their presents and attention
to secure his interest at court. His levees were crowded with
suitors; and the night before our departure he invited all his
friends, and gave them a grand entertainment. I knew nothing
of this, and sent for him to play a game at chess. My servant
found him dressed out in the governor's khilat, seated under a
piece of green silk for a canopy, surrounded by all the peasants and
peasants' wives, singing, dancing, and drinking, and as great as a
prince. It was, therefore, the morning of October 27, 1774, before we
set out. Our party was now considerably increased by the accession
of Paima and six other of Teshu Lama's servants. Everybody was
mounted on horseback; the horses being all geldings, low sized,
and quiet, hardy, ill-dressed, unshod. Having got clear of all the
dogs and of all the beggars at Pari-jong, we journeyed slowly over
the plain.
One of Paima's servants carried a branch of a tree with a white
handkerchief tied to it. Imagining it to be a mark of respect to me
and my embassy, I set myself upright in my saddle ; but I was
soon undeceived, for after stopping at a tent to drink tea with the
abbot of a monastery in the neighbourhood of Pari-jong, subject to
Teshu Lama, we rode over the plain till we came to a heap of stones
70 CHUMALHARI PEAK. [Ch. VII.
opposite to a high rock covered with snow. Here we halted, and
the servants gathering together a parcel of dried cow-dung, one of
them struck fire with his tinder-box, and Hghted it. We sat down
about it, and the day being cold, I found it very comfortable.
When the fire was weH kindled, Paima took out a book of prayers ;
one brought a copper cup, another filled it with a kind of fermented
liquor out of a new-killed sheep's paunch, mixing in some rice and
flour, and after throwing some dried herbs and flour into the
flame, they began their rites. Paima acted as chaplain. He
chanted the prayers in a loud voice, the others accompanying him,
and every now and then the Httle cup was emptied towards the
rock. About eight or ten of these Hbations being poured forth,
the ceremony was finished by placing upon the heap of stones the
little ensign, which my fond imagination had before offered up to
my own vanity. The mountain to which this sacrifice was made
is named Chumalhari.1 It stands between Tibet and Bhutan,
and is generally white with snow. It rises almost perpendicular
like a wall, and is attended with a string of smaUer rocks, which
obtain the name of Chumalhari's sons and daughters.
As the water of the Ganges, or of some refreshing brook, is
considered holy among the sun-scorched Hindus, so rocks and
mountains are the objects of veneration among the Lama's votaries.
They erect written standards upon the tops of them, they cover
the sides of them with prayers formed of pebbles, in characters so
large " that those that run may read," and like the Jews of old,
when they went a whoring after strange gods of the heathen, they
get themselves up" into high places.
The plain over which we had to ride is covered with gravelly
sand. It produced nothing but some tufts of withered grass, which
afforded a scanty subsistence to the herds of cattle. The sides of
the hills to the westward are perfectly bare ; they appear like rocks
over which the sand and stones had been heaped, leaving here and
1 Turner has Chumularee, p. 203. General's Bhutan Map of 1865, it is
This lofty peak is 23,944 feet abovo the spelt ChumalaRhi. Chumalha-ri means
sea. Chumalhari, with many t other holy mountain of Cliuma ; and Chuma
Himalayan peaks, was included in the may be Chu (water), ma (mother),
triangulation of the North-East Hima- " Holy Mountain of the Mother of
layan series, which was completed, Waters." (See note at p. 166 of
under the superintendence of SirAndrew ' Hooker's Himalayan Journal,' vol. ii.)
Waiigh, in 1850. On the Surveyor-
Ch. VII.] LAKE OF SHAM-CHU PELLING. 71
there the sharp points jutting out ; beyond these you see the high
mountains in the Demo Jong x country, among which, I imagine, is
the snowy hiU seen from Dinajpur 2 and other plains in Bengal. For
several days the country bore the same bleak and barren aspect,
answering to ChurchuTs3 description:
" Far as the eye can reach no tree is seen,
Earth clad in russet scorns the lively green."
The plain cause of this poverty of soil is that God Almighty has so
ordered it ; but a much more ingenious reason may be drawn from
the foUowing circumstances.
The coldness of the climate renders fuel a very essential article,
and as no wood is to be had, the Tibetans are obHged to use cow-
dung, which is carefully gathered from the fields. This is built up
in a circular form, or put into a pot with a hole in the bottom.
It makes a cheerful and ardent fire when weU kindled, and the
people are abundantly skilful in the art of managing it, which my
own ill success has often shown me to be a very difficult science.
We arrived at Tunno,4 our next stage, about three o'clock.
Some of my servants who walked were so tired that they were
brought home on peasants' backs, as I had not been able to find horses
for them all. I next day got cow-tailed bullocks, but the Hindus
would not ride on them, because if any accident should happen to
the beast while they were on him, they would be obliged, they said,
according to the tenets of the Shaster, to beg their bread during
twelve years, as an expiation for the crime. Memo. — Inconvenient
carrying Hindu servants into foreign parts.
Our road next day (October 28) led us along the banks of
the lake caUed Sham-chu Pelling.6 It is fed by a large mineral
1 Demo-jong (or Damoo-jung) is the at Westminster. The poets Cowper,
Tibetan name for Sikkim. (See Gutzlaff, Cumberland, Churchill, Colman, and
' China Opened,' i. p. 273.) Hence Thornton, Lord Shelburne (Prime
Deunjong Maro for Sikkimites. But Minister), Warren Hastings, and Elijah
their own proper name is Rong. The Impey, were all at Westminster to-
Gorkhas, and we after them, call them gether. Churchill died in 1764, at the
Lepchas. early age of thirty-three. See also
2 This will be the peak of Kangchan note at p. 95.
jeunga (Kang chan, abounding in 4 Turner has Teuna, 14 miles from
snow), 28,156 feet above the sea. Phari, p. 207.
3 Charles Churchill, the poet and 5 Ramtchieu of Turner, p. 211. Chu
satirist, was an old schoolfellow of means a lake.
Warren Hastings, Mr. Bogle's patron,
72 GAME LAWS IN TIBET. [Ch. VII.
stream, which issues out of the side of a mountain, and extends
about eighteen miles from the north to south. It was half frozen
over, and well stocked with wild ducks and geese. We also met
with some hares, and a flock of antelopes,1 besides a herd of wild
animals called kyangs,2 resembling an ass, and which I shaU after
wards have occasion to describe more particularly.
We should have had excellent sport, but for my friend Paima's
scruples. He strongly opposed our shooting, insisting that it was a
great crime, would give much scandal to the inhabitants, and was
particularly unlawful within the liberties of Chumalhari. We
had many long debates upon the subject, which were supported on
his side by plain common-sense reasons drawn from his reHgion
and customs; on mine, by those fine-spun European arguments,
which serve rather to perplex than convince. I gained nothing
by them, and at length we compromised the matter. I engaged
not to shoot tiU we were fairly out of sight of the holy mountain,
and Paima agreed to suspend the authority of the game laws, in
sohtary and sequestered places.3
The reHgion of the Lamas is somehow connected with that of
the Hindus, though I will not pretend to say how. Many of their
deities are the same ; the Shaster is translated into their language,
and they hold in veneration the holy places of Hindustan. In short,
if the reHgion of Tibet is not the offspring of the Gentoos,4 it is at
least influenced by them. The humane maxims of the Hindu faith
are taught in Tibet. To deprive any Hving creature of Hfe is
regarded as a crime, and one of the vows taken by the clergy is to
that effect. But mankind in every part of the world too easily
accommodate their consciences to their passions, and the Tibetans
find no difficulty in yielding obedience to this doctrine. They
employ a low and wicked class of people to kiU their cattle, and
thus evade the commandment. The severe prohibition of the
Hindus in regard to eating beef is likewise easily got over. The
1 Probably the Chiru, or Antelope rivers, and we had good shooting when
Hodgsoni of Abel. Hue calls it the we were away from any house. I killed
unicorn of Scripture. three wild geese at one shot, ©lit I
2 Equus (asinus) Kyang, the wild was afraid of giving offence, and. so
ass of Tibet. gave it up." (See paper on the migra-
3 In a letter to his family, Mr. Bogle tion of the wading and swimming birds
says: "There were plenty of wild in ' B. A. S. Journal.')
ducks and geese in the lakes and 4 See note at p. 88.
Ch. VII.] SHAM-CHU AND CALO-CHU LAKES. 73
cows of Tibet are mostly of the bushy-tailed kind, and having
therefore set them down as animals of a species different from the
cow of the Shaster, they " eat, asking no questions for conscience'
sake." The general principle by which they determine the degree
of culpability in depriving an animal of life is very ingenious. Accord
ing to the doctrine of transmigration, there is a perpetual fluctuation
of life among the different animals of this world, and the spirit which
now animates a man may pass after his death into a fly or an elephant.
They reckon, therefore, the life of every creature upon an equal
footing, and to take it away is considered as a greater or smaller
crime, in proportion to the benefit which thereby accrues to man
kind. According to this doctrine, " the ox who clothes the ground
in all the pomp of harvest, the sheep who lends them his own coat,
and yields them milk in luscious streams," are slaughtered without.
mercy ; while the partridge and wild duck enjoy the protection of
government, and the trout lives secure and unmolested to a goodly
old age. The musk goat 1 is condemned, on account of its perfume.
The deer '" and the hare3 are tried on a double charge, and suffer for
their skin as well as their flesh. But I am following out disquisi
tions foreign from my journey.
A stream of water falls from the Sham-chu into the Calo-chu
Lake, which extends about ten miles east and west. A large village,
named Caloashur,4, stands upon the bank of it, and another stream
runs from it northwards. We kept close to this stream for several
days : it falls into the Tsanpu Shigatze,5 turning many mills on its
way. These are constructed on the simplest plan : a duct is cut in the
same manner as in Europe ; but the wheel, instead of being perpen
dicular, is horizontal, and turns the upper millstone, which is fixed
to its axle, without any other machinery. There are also several
bridges on this river, but very different from the wooden ones we
met with among the mountains. They are walls, with breaks or
openings to let the water through, which are covered with planks
or large flags. In the Deb Bajah's country they choose the narrowest
1 The musk goat is Mosclms Moscifer of Turner, a village placed on his map
Auct. between the two lakes. Calo-chu is the
2 The Shou of the Bhutanese. Cenus lake of Calo.
Afjinis Hodg. 5 That is the Tsanpu, or great river,
3 Lepus Oiostolus Hodg. which flows past Shigatze.
1 Calo of Bogle is probably the Chaloo
74 A HAPPY FAMILY. [Ch. VII.
part of the river to throw over a bridge: here they ..take the
broadest. Our route continued almost due north through valleys Httle
cultivated and bounded by bleak and barren hiUs, between whose
openings we saw distant mountains covered with snow. Here and
there we saw a few houses, with some spots of rushy ground, or of
brown pasture, but not a tree or a plant was to be seen, and the
number of ruinous houses and deserted viUages rendered the prospect
more uncomfortable. At Kanmur x a few willows were planted
round the village. We were lodged in the temple at the top of the
house, which is generaUy the best apartment. Towards evening we
had a visit from a priest who resides at Giansu, on the part of
Teshu Lama, and began an acquaintance which we had afterwards
abundance of opportunity to improve. He was dressed in a lay
habit, consisting of a red broadcloth tunic, with a cap turned up
with furs. He sat about an hour with us, and appHed to Mr.
Hamilton about medicines.
This village is subject to Lhasa. The house in which we
lodged had lately changed its inhabitants. Of fifteen persons who
formerly lived in it every one had died last year of the small
pox. As we generally set out by sunrise, we arrived early at out
stages. Dudukpai, the next village, which belongs to Teshu Lama,
had also a good many willows about it. The people were aU busy
building and stacking their straw, and were singing at their work.
Our landlords' family seemed to be one of the happiest in Tibet.
The house belongs to two brothers, who are married to a very
handsome wife,2 and have three of the prettiest children I ever
saw. They aU came to drink tea and eat sugar-candy. After night
came on, the whole family assembled in a room to dance to their own
singing, and spent two hours in this manner with abundance of
mirth and glee. I would stop to describe, but I shaU have an op
portunity afterwards, and am now going to discuss a philosophical
and much more important subject.
1 Gangamaar of Turner, p. 219. than one is seldom at home. The
2 Polyandry is common in Tibet. effect of the huge number of persons
(See Turner, p. 349.) See Warren bound to celibacy and the poverty of
Hastings' remarks, at p. 12. Several the land, rather complicate than explain
brothers marry one woman, but moro this custom. (See pp. 37 and 57.)
Ch. VII.] POSITION OF WOMEN IN TIBET. 75
The inhabitants of Tibet seem to be of a distinct race from those
in the Deb Bajah's country. It struck me on my arrival at Pari-
jong, and every day's journey has served to confirm it. The latter
were the most robust and well-built race I ever saw. I cannot say
so much for the former. Their strength, too, is in -the same pro
portion; any burden with which the one will climb the steepest
mountains, must be diminished fully a third to be carried by the
other on level ground. One might seek for the cause of this in
the difference of soil and climate. I will endeavour to account
for it on another principle, because it may throw some light on the
way of Hfe among each people.
Labour certainly renders a man strong : cseteris paribus, a black
smith or a carpenter wiU be stronger than a tailor or a barber.
I have already mentioned the toilsome life of the Deb Bajah's sub
jects. The nature of this country exposes its inhabitants to no such
hardships. The hills, although in many places abundantly steep
and high, are so bare and sterile that they are left in a state
of nature. The valleys only are cultivated, and the roads lead
through them, which cuts off all climbing of mountains. Goods
are chiefly carried on bullocks and asses; the corn is trod out by
cattle, and ground by water-mills, and the country producing no
forests, the inhabitants are freed from the hard labour of hewing
down trees, and transporting them from the tops of mountains.
But however this easy Hfe may contribute to render the men
less robust, it has evidently a very favourable effect upon the women,
who are certainly more delicate and joyous than their neighbours ;
and this freedom from intense labour gives likewise to the whole
body of the people more time for gossiping and other sociable
amusements, which soften the heart and cheer the temper. This
also, together with other causes which it is needless to mention,
renders the Tibetans much better bred and more affable than their
southern neighbours, and the women are treated with greater
attention. In the Deb Bajah's country, whatever a countryman
saves from his labour is laid out in adorning his sword with silver
fihgree work, or buying a square box which contains a little gilt
image, and is buckled to his back. Here it is bestowed on purchasing
coral and amber beads, to adorn the head of his wife. The head
dress of the women is extremely neat and becoming. I have
76 GIANSU. [Ch. VII.
elsewhere described it. But the dirtiness of their hands and faces
(many of which deserve a better fate) is a point which, as I cannot
attempt to excuse, my partiahty to the Tibetans will not aUow me
to enlarge upon.
I must except, however, our landlady, who kept herself and her
family as neat as a Dutch woman, and, saving her black eyes, she
had something the look of one.
The first part of our ride next day, the 2nd of November, was
through the same bleak country we had hitherto met with ; but the
vaUey in which Giansu1 stands is extensive, well cultivated, and
full of whitened villages. The hills on each side draw close towards
the north; between them rises a high and almost perpendicular
rock, upon the top of which stands Giansu Castle. It is formed
of many walls and turrets. The tower is built at the foot of the
rock on the east side; on the west, it is washed by the river,
beyond which a monastery and vfllage are built on the declivity of
a mountain. Altogether it makes a fine prospect.
Towards evening we arrived at our quarters, about three miles
short of Giansu.2 They belong to the priest who paid us a visit
on the road. The house is surrounded with willows and other trees.
It has a number of small windows, and the roof is adorned with
Httle ensigns and written banners. We were lodged in the temple,
which was full of painted chests, matchlocks, bows, cushions, and
other lumber. One corner was hung with mythological paintings,
and below a parcel of little gilt cross-legged images, with a lamp
burning before them, from which, as all the family are gone to bed,
I have taken the liberty to steal some oil in order to finish this
account, hoping that it wiU not be imputed to me as a sacrilege.
This evening the Gosain, who was down in Calcutta, arrived
with three of the Lama's servants. Our host arrived in the morn
ing. He had apphed to Mr. Hamilton about an inveterate com
plaint, and I tarried a day on purpose. He is an elderly man, of
gentle and modest manners. He sat with me most of the afternoon,
and I am sure I drank above twenty cups of tea. As I had
waited upon the Lhasa officers at Pari-jong, I offered a visit to those
1 Jliansu-jeung of Turner. Giangze 2 The same place that Turner
of the Pundit of 1865 ; 12,895 feet stopped at, which he calls Tehukku,
above the sea. Klaproth has Gialdze p. 225.
dzoung.
Ch. VII.] GIANSU. 77
at Gjansu, but it was declined on the pretence of one of them being
absent. On our journey next day we passed through the town of
Gainsu, and under the castle. The streets are narrow, and the
houses as I have before described them. Crowds of people assem
bled to look at us. These exhibitions were very irksome at first,
but I have grown to be accustomed to them. I have remarked
that we are much more stared at and run after in towns than in
villages, and in villages than in solitary houses. Curiosity, perhaps,
although natural to mankind, and however the seeds of it may be
implanted in them, requires, like music, to be cultivated. It gathers
strength from being exercised ; it languishes and lies asleep when
there are no objects to engage its attention.
We met with no more ruinous houses. The viUages came now
to be more numerous; and the low lands in the valleys, though
light and sandy, were covered with barley stubble. We arrived
at our stage in good time ; and having nothing else to fill up my
paper with, will beg leave to give a description of a Tibetan churn.
I have often admired the construction of the Bengal ones. I think
in this country, however, they have improved on them. The
barrel which contains the milk is put on the ground ; the strap has
two cross boards at bottom. It is put into the barrel, and the lid,
with a hole for it to pass through, is fastened on ; a thong of
leather is then put twice round the staff, and the ends being
brought over a small roller (which is supported horizontally by, and
turns round between, two posts) are tied to two foot-boards, one end
of them raised about six or eight inches from the ground, the other
resting upon it. On this a man stands, and moving his feet alter
nately up and down, twists about the staff in the churn with great
velocity and much satisfaction. If I could draw I would give a
plan of it, but I cannot.
I met here also with a machine for cutting straw for cattle, but it
is not worthy of description. As I remember what a great discovery
the cutting of straw was considered in England, I mention it only
to show that nations undervalued by Europeans can, without the
assistance of Boyal Societies, find out the useful arts of life, and for
the rest, whether they be of advantage to mankind or otherwise is a
question above my reach.
78 PAINAM. [Ch. VII.
We proceeded next morning, November 5, along the banks of
the river, now considerably increased. We saw a good many
villages at a distance, and at length came in sight of Painam,1 a
castle built on a rock. The situation is a good deal similar to that
of Giansu, but I think finer ; the towers are more regular. Under
the rock there is only a village. Deb Judhur passed the night in
our neighbourhood, on his way to Giansu, where he was afterwards
confined. The valley to the north of Painam was by far the most populous
I had yet seen. The villages stand very thick. A small town called
Ghattong is built on the side of one of the hills, and the houses
being all whitened make a good appearance. We had hitherto
kept in the road towards Shigatze,2 but we now turned to the east,
and took that of Chamnamring, in the neighbourhood of which
Teshu Lama has for some years resided, on account of the small
pox which lately raged in Tibet. After passing the valley we had
to ascend some hills by a difficult and stony path, then to descend,
and then ascend again, after which we had a view of the Tsanpu,
running eastwards. When we had got half-way down the hill we
stopped at a single house, where we took up our quarters for the
night. On our way over these hills we met with a flock of sheep, which
had come from the Dospa country (Tushkhind)3 with a cargo of salt,
and were then returning from Giansu, loaded with barley and wheat.
They were of a large breed, with horns extended horizontally. There
were about twelve hundred of them, and each sheep carried two
bags of grain, which might be about twenty or twenty-five pounds.
They were very obedient to their drivers' whistles, and if any of
1 Painom of Turner, p. 229 ; or Pena Taishkhan valley mentioned in Wood's
Jong of the Pundit of 1865. Klaproth ' Oxus '(Yule's ed., p.l61),in Badakshan ;
has Banam zoung, or the " town of the stream flowing through it being an
cows." The river is called Penanang, effluent of the Kokcha. The Taican
or Painom. of ' Marco Polo,' between Kunduz and
2 Here the routes of Bogle and Badakshan, is described as being near
Turner diverged. Bogle crossed the the mountains of salt. (See Colonel
Tsanpu, while Turner took the direct Yule's note in his edition of ' Marco
road to Tethu Lumbo. Polo,' i. p. 146.) In his Report on the
8 The Dospa is simply the " salt trade of Nepal, Mr. Hodgson says that
country." Thus, (dos) being Turki for all Nepal is supplied with rock-salt by
salt, and (pa) country. way of Tibet.
Tushkhind has the same sound as
Oh. VII.] BANKS OF THE TSANPU. 79
therr^happened to get out of the road were easily brought back by
the shepherds' dogs.
There are a great many rushy fields in the neighbourhood of
the place where we stopped. Mr. Hamilton had good shots at
four hares, but his fowling-piece was bent and he missed them.
On the 7th of November, after descending an easy hill, we
arrived on the banks of the Tsanpu. It is here about the breadth
of the Thames at Putney. The channel is not fordable. Having
drank some of its water, washed my hands and face, and thrown
a rupee into it, we embarked in the ferry-boat, of which there are
several in this place. They are in the shape of an oblong square,
about twenty-five feet long and broad. The bottom is a float of
thick planks, closed in by perpendicular waUs to the height of
about four feet, with an opening on each side, cut down to about
two feet, which serves for the entrance. The whole is bound
together with bars of iron, and painted white. At each end of
the boat is a white ensign about a foot square. This large hulk
is moved by an oar on each side, which are pulled by two men,
pushed by another standing opposite to them, and drawn by a
woman, who holds a rope fastened to the end of the oar which is
in the water. It is managed at the stern by one man with a large
headed oar. In our boat there were twenty-three persons, seven
horses, one cow-tailed buUock, and fourteen asses, besides baggage.
As the river is far from being rapid, we crossed it without losing
much ground. Large herds of bullocks and flocks of sheep were
waiting on each side for a passage. There is another kind of boat
used in the summer time for transporting goods. It is made of
hides, about eight feet long, four broad, and two deep, the ribs of
willow poles. There were none afloat, but we saw many of them
upon the bank keel up, and one end being raised a little they thus
serve for a habitation,
After crossing the river, we rode northwards over a large sandy
bank, which is overflowed in the rainy season, and entered a vaUey
which opens upon the Tsanpu. We had fine sandy roads here,
and I ran some races with Purungir. The Tibet ponies are much
swifter and better blood than I expected. We took up our quarters
at a monastery in a small village. The abbot was a short, sickly-
looking man, but courteous and hospitable. His dinner was just
80 GYLONGS. [Ch. VII.
ready, and he sent us a couple of joints of most excellent
mutton. In the afternoon we walked out, and sat down on the banks of
the rivulet which runs through the valley, and while we were
looking at some dromedaries, a gylong1 or priest came up to us, and
sat down beside us. The few words of the language which I was
master of were little able to support a varied and entertaining
conversation. I understood, however, the priest's caution against
sitting on the ground and in the sun. He was dressed in the
habit peculiar to his order, which I have already described ; but it
had seen many years' service, and was now threadbare. He had
thrown off his hose to wade the river, when our snuff-box attracted
his notice. Upon this, he loosened a wallet which hung at his back,
and after turning over some books of prayers, a yellow cloth coat
lined with lambskin, a small parcel of tobacco, and another of tea,
he came to a bundle of incense papers, and having presented four of
them to Mr. Hamilton, claimed some snuff in return. This exchange
being made, and having taken leave by a salutation of thumbs, which
is the sign of the superlative degree of comparison, he laid his bundle
and hose upon his back, and, wading the river, continued his journey.
The lower gylongs here are not so well off as in the Deb
Bajah's country ; they are a much more numerous body, and the
lamas having engrossed all authority into their own hands, the
priests, particularly the inferior ones, are without the political con
sequence enjoyed by the clergy in the neighbouring kingdom.
We set out early in the morning, and travelled northwards
along the banks of the rivulet.2 We passed opposite to Teshu-tzay,
where the Lama received his birth, and at length came in sight of
Chamnamring,3 a castle belonging to Lhasa, situated upon the top
1 Gylong, a monk, or ordained priest. in this valley called Chua, Dongdot-lo,
Schlagintweit spells it Gelong ; or, and Cliom. At the latter place there
exactly transliterated, c?Ge-slong. It is is a nunnery.
equivalent to the Hindustani Bhikshu, 3 Namling of the explorer of 1871,
a mendicant. on the banks of the Shiang-chu. He
2 The young Tibetan explorer, sent describes it as a large monastery on a
by Colonel Montgomerie, in 1871, from high hill. The name is from Nam (sky)
Kumaon, crossed the Tsanpu (Sangpo) and ling (garden), the monastery being
at about the same place, and ascended on a lofty eminence, with gardens at
the same valley as that traversed by its base. Klaproth has Dziang amring
Mr. Bogle, along the banks of a liver, dzoung, which he interprets as " The
tributary to the Tsanpu, which he calls town to the north of the mountains of
the Shiang-chu. He mentions villages Amring."
Ch. VII.] ARRIVAL AT DESHERIPGAY. 81
of a hiU, with a small town under it, built in the form of a square,
and enclosed within waUs. Having forded the river, we entered a
little cross vaHey, where we stopped to drink tea at some tents pre
pared for us, and having received white handkerchiefs from a
Gosain sent with inquiries by Teshu Lama, we proceeded to
Desheripgay, a small palace in which the Lama resided.
82 DESHERIPGAY. [Ch. VIII.
CHAPTEE VIII.
AT DESHERIPGAY.
On the 8th of November, 1774, we rode up to the gate of the
palace, and walking into the court, went up the ladders to our
apartments. Desheripgay1 is situated in a narrow vaUey, and at the foot of an
abrupt and rocky hill. The palace is small ; it is only two stories
high, and is surrounded on three sides by rows of small apartments
with a wooden gallery running round them, which altogether form
a smaU court, flagged with stone. AH the stairs are broad ladders.
The roofs are adorned with copper-gilt ornaments ; and on the front
of the house there are three round brass plates, emblems of Om,
Han, Hoong.2 The Lama's apartment is at the top ; it is smaU,
and hung round with different coloured silks, views of Potalla,3
Teshu Lumbo, &c. About two mfles from Desheripgay is the
castle of Chamnamring.
Immediately after our arrival, the Lama sent us a pot of ready-
made tea, boiled'rice, four or five sacks of flour and of rice, three or
four dried sheep's carcasses, and some whisky. I had also compli
ments of tea from several of his officers, and many visitors whom
curiosity brought to see me.
My room was small, but neatly furnished ; it was immediately
above the church, and I was entertained with the never-ceasing
noise of "cymbaUines and timballines" from morning to night.
But as soon as it grows dark everything is stiH as death, and the
gates are shut about an hour after sunset. The night of my arrival
they were kept open on account of my supper, as my servants were
1 This place is not mentioned by the (mind) ; Dharma (matter) ; Sangha (the
explorer of 1871. union of both in the sensible world).
2 This is the invocation of the triad, 3 The monastery near Lhasa, the
common to Brahmanism and Buddhism. residence of the Dalai Lama.
But with the latter it refers to Buddha
Ch. VIII.] INTERVIEW WITH THE TESHU LAMA. 83
lodged without; but I took care there should be no occasion for
this afterwards.
A number of Kampas,1 who are natives of a country about a
month's journey to the north-east of Lhasa, came to pay their
devotions to the Lama. They were clad in yellow cloth gowns,
and their heads shaven. On these occasions nobody goes empty-
handed. Some of them carried bundles of tea, some parcels of gold
dust, others china, and silver talents. They are a hard-featured race,
and I cannot help fancying they have some of the Malay features.
In the afternoon, I had my first audience of the Lama. I have
elsewhere put down the conversation that passed, and will here only
mention the ceremonies.
The Lama was upon his throne, formed of wood, carved and
gilt, with some cushions above it, upon which he sat cross-legged.
He was dressed in a mitre-shaped cap of yellow broadcloth, with
long bars Hned with red satin; a yellow cloth jacket without
sleeves, and a satin mantle of the same colour thrown over his
shoulders. On one side of him stood his physician with a bundle
of perfumed sandal-wood rods burning in his hand; on the other
stood his Sopon Chumbo,2 or cup-bearer. I laid the Governor's
presents before him, dehvering the letter and pearl necklace into
his own hands, together with a white Pelong 3 handkerchief on my
own part, according to the custom of the country. He received
me in the most engaging manner. I was seated on a high stool
covered with a carpet. Plates of boiled mutton, boiled rice, dried
fruits, sweetmeats, sugar, bundles of tea, sheep's carcasses dried, &c,
were set before me and my companion, Mr. Hamilton. The Lama
drank two or three dishes of tea along with us, but without saying
any grace ; asked us once or twice to eat, and threw white Pelong
handkerchiefs over our necks at retiring. After twp or three visits,
the Lama used (except on holidays) to receive me without any
1 Kam is the eastern division of second rank in the court of the Teshu
Tibet, bordering on the Szechuen pro- Lama, was by birth a Manchu Tatar
vince of China. But the people re- and acquired the complete confidence
ferred to were probably of Sokyeul or of his master. Turner speaks very
Sifan, for whom see Hodgson ' On the highly of him, p. 246. At the time of
Tribes of North Tibet,' pp. 65, 82. Bogle's visit he was not more than
2 Turner has Sopoon Choomboo, p. twenty-two years of age.
232. He held, according to Turner, the 3 See note at p. 16.
G 2
81 CHARACTER OF THE LAMA. [Ch. VIII.
ceremony, his head uncovered, dressed only in the large red petti
coat which is worn by all the gylongs, red Bulgar hide boots, a
yellow cloth vest, with his arms bare, and a piece of coarse yellow
cloth thrown across his shoulders. He sat sometimes in a chair,
sometimes on a bench covered with tiger skins, and nobody but the
Sopon Chumbo present. Sometimes he would walk with me about
the room, explain to me the pictures, make remarks upon the
colour of my eyes, &c. For, although venerated as God's vice
gerent through aU the eastern countries of Asia, endowed with a
portion of omniscience, and with many other divine attributes, he
throws aside, in conversation, all the awful part of his character,
accommodates himself to the weakness of mortals, endeavours to
make himself loved rather than feared, and behaves with the
greatest affability to everybody, particularly to strangers.
Teshu Lama is about forty years of age, of low stature, and
though not corpulent, rather inclining to be fat. His complexion
is fairer than that of most of the Tibetans, and his arms are as
white as those of a European ; his hair, which is jet black, is cut
very short ; his beard and whiskers never above a month long ; his
eyes are small and black. The expression of his countenance is
smiling and good-humoured. His father was a Tibetan; his
mother a near relation of the Bajahs of Ladak. From her he
learned the Hindustani language, of which he has a moderate
knowledge, and is fond of speaking it. His disposition is open,
candid, and generous. He is extremely merry and entertaining in
conversation, and tells a pleasant story with a great deal of humour
and action. I endeavoured to find out, in his character, those
defects which are inseparable from humanity, but he is so uni-
versaUy beloved that I had no success, and not a man could find in
his heart to speak ill of him.1
Being the first European they had ever seen, I had crowds of
Tibetans coming to look at me, as people go to look at the lions
in the Tower. My room was always fml of them from morning
1 Turner also tells us of the veuera- derived a like impression of the Dalai
tion in which the memory of the Teshu Lama, from whom he obtained the
Lama was held in his time (1783), and perfect copy of the Tibetan cyclopaedia,
quotes the above sentence from Mr. now deposited in the India Office, and
Bogle's Journal, p. 338. Through also the relics of the old Christian esta-
correspondence with him Mr. Hodgson blishments in Central Asia.
Ch. VIII.] GRAND RECEPTION BY THE LAMA. 85
till gjght. The Lama, afraid that I might be incommoded, sent me
word, if I chose, not to admit them ; but when I could gratify the
curiosity of others at so easy a rate, why should I have refused it ?
I always received them, sometimes exchanging a pinch of snuff, at
others picking up a word or two of the language.
On the 12th of November a vast crowd of people came to
pay their respects, and to be blessed by the Lama. He was seated
under a canopy in the court of the palace. They were all ranged
in a circle. First came the lay folks. Every one, according to
his circumstances, brought some offering. One gave a horse,
another a cow; some gave dried sheep's carcasses, sacks of
flour, pieces of cloth, &c. ; and those who had nothing else pre
sented a white Pelong handkerchief. AU these offerings were
received by the Lama's servants, who put a bit of silk with a
knot upon it, tied, or supposed to be tied, with the Lama's
own hands, about the necks of the votaries. After this they
advanced up to the Lama, who sat cross-legged upon a throne
formed with seven cushions, and he touched their heads with his
hands, or with a tassel hung from a stick, according to their rank
and character. The ceremonial is this : upon the gylongs or lay
men of very high rank he lays his palm; the nuns (anni) and
inferior laymen have a cloth interposed between his hand and their
heads ; and the lower class of people are touched, as they pass by,
with the tassel which he holds in his hand. I have often admired his
dexterity in distinguishing the different orders of people, particularly
in knowing the young priests from the nuns, both being dressed in the
same habit, and it sometimes happening that they were crowded and
jumbled together. There might be about three thousand people —
men, women, and children — at this ceremony. Such as had
children upon their backs were particularly solicitous that the
child's head should also be touched with the tassel. There were a
good many boys, and some girls devoted to the monastic order, by
having a lock of hair on the crown of the head cropped by the
Lama with a knife.1 This knife came down from heaven in a flash
of lightning.2 The age at which these children are thus consecrated
1 See Pravrajya-vrata, or initiatory 2 In other words, it was made from
rites, p. 139 et seq. of Hodgson's ' Lan- meteoric iron.
guage and Religion of Nepal and Tibet.'
86 DRIED MEAT. DANGKROUS MEDICINE. [Ch. VIII.
to religion and chastity is usuaUy about seven or eight years. After
the Lama retired, many people stayed behind that they might kiss
the cushions upon which he had sat. We had two or three of these
exhibitions while I was at Desheripgay; but having given a
description of one, I wiU forbear mentioning the rest.
Among all offerings, dried sheep's carcasses always form a
principal article. They are as stiff as a poker, are set up on end,
and make, to a stranger, a very droll appearance. I was at some
pains to inquire about the method of preserving them, as it is a
practice [common to Tatary as well as Tibet ; but I could discover
no mystery in it. The sheep is kiUed, is beheaded, is skinned, is
cleaned ; the four feet are then put together in such a manner as
may keep the carcass most open. During a fortnight it is every
night exposed on the top of the house, or in some other airy situa
tion, and in the heat of the day it is kept in a cool room. After it
is fully dried it may be kept anywhere. In this way they preserve
mutton all the year round.1 The end of autumn, when the sheep
are fattened with the summer's grass, is the usual time for killing
them; and the difficulty of supporting the flocks in the winter
time is, I believe, the reason for adopting this method. In the hot
and rainy season it is necessary to use a small quantity of salt ; but
few carcasses are^then dried. I found the dried mutton generally
more tender than that fresh killed, but not so juicy and high
flavoured. The Tibetans often eat it raw, and I once foUowed their
example ; it had much the taste of dried fish. The facility with
which meat is preserved from putrefaction in this country may be
owing partly to the coldness of the climate, partly to the uncommon
dryness of a graveUy and sandy soil, and partly to the scarcity of
flies and other maggot-breeding insects.
Mirza Settar, the Kashmiri who accompanied me, was lodged
outside the palace. A fakir had arrived from Lhasa, and having
brought him tidings of his brother, the Kashmiri could not do less
than give him a share of his quarters. This morning (November
19), before I got up, Mirza came into my room, and fell a skip
ping and dancing in a manner very unbecoming his years and
gravity. He then lay down and rolled himself on the floor, and
at length, falling upon me, overwhelmed me with embraces. I
1 Like the charqui of South America, the " jerked " beef of the buccaneers.
Ch. VIIL] CHARITY OF THE LAMA. 87
concluded him mad, and starting up, called for my servants to
carryTnm downstairs. His soHcitude to get rid of an intermittent
fever had, it seems, induced him to take a nostrum from his guest,
which had operated in this extraordinary way. . However, what by
means of a vomit, which Mr. Hamilton gave him, and what from
some charmed water which the Lama sent him, he soon recovered.
But the fakir was thrown into prison, and it cost me some entreaties
to procure his release. I think he will be cautious of acting again
in a medical capacity.
The palace was Uluminated on account of its being the Dalai
Lama's birthday. Lamps were placed all around the balustrades of
the terrace. The illuminations at the houses of some nuns, who
live at the top of the hill which hangs over the palace, had a good
effect. We had music and kettledrums, but no fireworks. They
have them at Lhasa.
Among the other good quaHties which Teshu Lama possesses is
that of charity, and he has plenty of opportunities of exercising it.
The country swarms with beggars who foUow this profession from
generation to generation, and the Lama entertains besides a number
of fakirs who resort hither from India. As he speaks their language
tolerably weU, he every day converses with them from his windows,
and picks up by this means a knowledge of the different countries and
governments of Hindustan. Many of them come on commercial
schemes ; but although very opulent, they continue to wear a homely
dress, and to receive charity from the Lama. Others come on pretence
of pilgrimages to the Lama ; their real object, however, being to
share his bounty. He gives them a monthly aUowance of tea,
butter, and flour, besides money, and often bestows something con
siderable upon them at their departure. The Gosains, who are
thus supported at the Lama's expense, may be in number about one
hundred and fifty, besides about thirty Mussulman fakirs. For,
although the genius of the religion of Muhammad is hostile to that
of the Lama, yet he is possessed of much Christian charity, and is
free from those narrow prejudices which, next to ambition and
avarice, have opened the most copious source of human misery.
This charity to the pilgrims flows, I imagine, partly from the
generosity of the Lama's temper, partly from the desire of acquiring
information, and satisfying his curiosity about Hindustan, the school
88 TIBETAN DRESS. [Ch. VIII.
of the religion of Tibet. But the fakirs, in their return to their
own country, or in their rambles through other kingdoms of Asia,
naturally extol the bounty of their benefactor, and thus serve to
spread wide the fame of his character.
The Gentoo l fakirs, as far as I can judge, are in general a very
worthless set of people, devoid of principle, and being separated by
their profession from all those ties of kindred and family which
serve to bind the rest of mankind, they have no object but their
own interest, and, covered with the cloak of religion, are regardless
of their caste, of their character, and of everything else which is held
sacred among the Hindus. Their victuals are dressed by Tibet
servants ; there is no kind of meat, beef excepted, which they do not
eat. They drink plentifuHy of spirituous liquors, and although
directly contrary to their vows and to the rules of their order, above
one half of them keep women. In their deportment they mix, by
a strange combination, the most fawning and flattering servihty
with the most clamorous insolence. They intrude into every com
pany, give their opinion in every conversation, and convey what
they have to say in a voice Hke thunder. They are universally
disliked by the Tibetans, have no protector but the Lama, and if
he were to die to-morrow they would next day be driven from the
palace. It may appear strange, after giving them this character, that
I should have bestowed a good deal of money among the fakirs.
But I will confess I did it from worldly motives, and am far from
expecting that it will draw down the favour of heaven upon my
constituents, or serve " to cover the multitude of my sins."
The Lama used to send a priest to me early every morning with
some bread and tea, or some boiled rice and chopped mutton ; of
which last, as I always like to do at Borne as they do at Borne, I
used to eat very heartily. This practice was continued till my
departure for Bengal.
The weather was very cold ; the water in my room used to freeze
even in the day time ; and I seldom stirred out of the house, where
nothing was to be seen but bare hills, a few leafless trees, and a bleak
and comfortless country. Some days after my arrival the Lama
had given me a Tibetan dress, consisting of a purple satin tunic,
1 A Hindu. A corrupt word derived from the Portuguese Genlio, a gentile or
heathen. (Wilson.)
Ch. VIII.] TIBETAN DRESS. 89
fined with Siberian fox skins ; a yellow satin cap, faced round with
sable and crowned with a red silk tassel, and a pair of red sflk
Bulgar hide boots. In this I equipped myself, glad to abandon my
European habit, which was both uncomfortable and exposed me to
abundance of that troublesome curiosity which the Tibetans possess
in a degree inferior to no other people.
The Lama now prepared to return to his palace at Teshu
Lumbo, which he had been obliged, about three years ago, to quit
on account of the smaUpox.
90 LEAVE DESHERIPGAY. [Ch. IX.
CHAPTEE IX.
RIDE FROM DESHERIPGAY TO TESHU LUMBO.
At length the 7th of December, the day of our departure from
Desheripgay, arrived. The Lama sent to me to know whether I
chose to accompany him, or to go on before, as he had heard we
were fond of riding fast, and it might be irksome traveUing in his
slow way. This question arose, I behove, from the race I had run
with Purungir upon the road.1 There was nothing iU-natured in
it. I returned him for answer that I wished to attend his stirrup.
We were wakened long before day, and before sunrise the Lama
set out on his journey. The road was covered with cloth from his
apartments to the steps by which he was to get on horseback. He
was dressed, as usual, in a yellow broad cloth jacket without sleeves.
When he came to the steps he puHed off his cap, and his sopon2 put
on him one lined with fur, together with a black silk flap with
fringes to keep off the sun's rays. He then got upon horseback, and
a yellow satin cloak lined with fur was thrown over him. Two
men held his horse's head and two others his saddle. The Lama
once got a fall, and is a very timorous rider.
The sun was not yet up and the cold was excessive. I thought
I should have lost my fingers. When we had gone about half a mile
the people gave three hurrahs, at each of which we turned our
Worses' heads towards the palace. Crowds of people were assembled
to see and pay their adorations to the Lama. The horsemen, how
ever, kept them off, and they were obHged to perform their three
prostrations at a great distance. Only such as had erected little
altars with fires were allowed to remain, and the smoke of these,
however disagreeable, served to render the cold less intense. In
this way we proceeded along the western banks of the Chamnam
ring rivulet.3
1 See p. 79, and note at p. 1. 3 The river Shiang-chu, according to
2 Cup-bearer. (See p. 83.) Colonel Montgomerie's explorer of 1871.
°H- ix1 TESHU-TZAY. 91
J3ur line of march was as follows :
A Yellow Silk Standard, bound up in two or three places with white
handkerchiefs, carried by a man on horseback.
Eight Kettledrums on horseback.
Four Trumpeters on horseback.
A Set of Bells in a frame on horseback.
About Fifty Horsemen, some with large yellow sheepskin bonnets and red
broadcloth coats, others with fur caps and satin gowns.
Four Lamas, or High Priests, in yellow tunics, with brown serge thrown
over, and yellow picked caps.
Sopon Chumbo, the Cup-bearer, or Favourite.
The Teshu Lama.
A Yellow Satin Umbrella, with strings of coral, carried on horseback.
The Chanzo ' Cusho.
His Cup-bearer. The Treasurer.
Mr. Bogle.
Mr. Hamilton.
Cheyt Sing's 2 and other Hindu vakils.
The Pyn Cushos, nephews of the Lama.
About a Hundred Horsemen of different ranks and in various dresses.
At sunrise we stopped at some tents and drank tea. That
of the Lama was about the size of a captain's, and shut in with
waUs. The Chanzo Cusho's was rather less. The form of the
tents was the same as in Europe. They were of white Assam
canvas, with blue flowers and fringes. I was not in them, a
separate tent being provided for me. Having halted about an
hour, we continued our journey in the same order as before, and
with the same crowds of people. After passing the different cross
valleys which open into that of Chamnamring, we entered that
of Teshu-tzay,3 and arrived at the road which leads up to a
monastery built on the top of a lull. Everybody alighted except
the Lama, who rode up the hill, and then walked into the house
upon cloths which were spread for him. I was carried into a
tent as before, and besides tea had some cold mutton, rice broth,
and fruits. The nuns 4 who live here went in procession to pay
1 Turner has Chanjoo Cooshoo. He z The Rajah of Benares, who was
was brother of the Teshu Lama, and, in afterwards deposed by Warren Hast-
Turner's time, after the Lama's un- ings.
timely death, regent of the country 3 On the west side of the Shiang-
during the minority of the child Lama. chu.
Cusho is perhaps Kushog, a title of rank, 4 The explorer of 1872 mentions a
religious and civil. Chanzo, or Chan- monastery inhabited by nuns in about
joo, may be Thango-pa, a word meaning this position, but he calls it Chom.
" pure," " holy."
92 A TIBETAN DANCE. [Ch. IX.
their respects to the Lama. Many of them were young and well-
looking ; but their dress, which is the same as the gylongs, is very
unbecoming, and the loss of their hair is a great want. Two of the
Lama's nieces are placed in this convent. We stayed. about two
hours, and halted again at an encampment two miles farther up the
vaUey, to drink tea. About a mile farther on we arrived at Teshu-
tzay, the Lama's birth-place.
I was lodged in a low room in a sorry house, at the foot of
the mount upon which it stands. It was the worst quarters I had
met with in the country. However, it was only for a day or two, so
I did not mind. But the Lama sent a gylong overnight with
some fruits, &c, and he having given a report of my accommoda
tion, the Lama sent to me next day, and I was removed into a
good room in the castle, which looked into a smaH court, where the
dancers, &c, were to exliibit. The Lama's nephews came and
passed the whole day with me, and I here began an acquaintance
and connection with them, which turned out the most pleasurable
of any I made in the country. I had also a visit from his nieces, the
nuns, and the Teshu-tzay Debu, or Killadar,1 Hkewise paid me a
visit, and brought me a present of a handkerchief, two or three small
purses of gold dust, some fruit, &c. I returned the comphment in
the evening.
I passed the time in looking at the dancers, or playing at chess
with some of the Tibetans. The court held about thirty dancers,
half of them men, half of them women. The men were dressed
in different and party-coloured clothes, with their large sheep's-
wool bonnets, a bit of coloured silk in one hand, and a leather
machine, something in shape of, but rather less than, a fiddle at
their side. The women had their faces washed, and clean clothes,
abundance of rings upon their fingers, and of coral, amber beads,
bugles, &c, on their heads and necks, and each wore a small round
hat, covered with circles of white beads. They formed a ring, the
men being altogether, the women altogether, and five men were in
the middle of it. They danced to their own singing, moving slowly
round in a sort of half-hop step, keeping time with their hands, while
the five in the centre twisted round and cut capers, with many strange
1 Killadar, the governor of a fort in Hindustani. Debu is the equivalent in
Tibetan.
Ch. IX.] BIRTH-PLACE OF THE LAMA.
93
and^ndescribable motions. The second part of the entertainment
was performed by four or five men, with winged rainbow-coloured
caps, who jumped and twisted about, to the lashing of cymbals
and the beating of tabors. Among the rest was a merry Andrew
with a mask stuck over with cowries, and a clown with a large stick
in his hand. These two were more agile than the others, and be
tween whiles carried on a dialogue, and the grimace and conversation
gave great entertainment to those who understood it. As I was
not so fortunate, I was obHged, as I have often been in more polite
assemblies, to seek for amusement in the dress and physiognomies
of the spectators.
In this manner did I spend two days. Towards the close of the
last the Lama seated himself under a canopy and blessed the people,
a ceremony which I have already described.
The house where the Lama was born is built on the top of a
high bank. It is very large, the windows regular, flat-roofed, and
of goodly appearance from without ; within, irregular and smoked.
I was not in many of the rooms. All the adjacent vfllages, together
with the valley, which is pretty extensive, were granted to the Teshu
Lama by the Dalai Lama, to whom they formerly belonged.
We got up before daybreak, continued our journey as soon as it
was light ; stopped at the tents to drink tea ; got out of the vaUey
of Teshu-tzay by the same road that we had entered it, and pro
ceeded towards the great river. About eleven o'clock we reached
some tents where refreshments of tea, cold mutton, &c, were
prepared for us, and arrived towards evening at our quarters, which
formed a little encampment. The Lama's tent was a large Kalmuk
one enclosed within walls, and as he sent for me soon after our
arrival, I had an opportunity of seeing it more narrowly. It was
round, about sixty feet in circumference, and formed of a number
of rods stuck into the ground, and gathered at the top into a hoop,
which was covered with oiled paper to let in the Hght. On the
outside it was covered with white cloth, except the top, over which
some very beautiful panther skins were spread. The entrance was
by a smaU door. All the inside was hung with crimson satin, and
the floor covered with carpet. It was very warm and commodious.
The Chanzo Cusho was lodged at a Httle distance in a small tent
of a like construction, but I was not in it.
94 RETURN OF THE LAMA TO HIS PALACE. [Ch. IX.
My habitation would have done better for a milder climate.
The tent had walls round it, and was of double canvas, and in Euro
pean form. However, I got a large fire, and" covered myself weU
up at night with all my furs and sheep's clothing. In the morning
before we set] out I looked at the thermometer, which was kept in
a basket among linen, and found it within two degrees of the
bottom of the scale.
We did not stop till we arrived on the bank of the Tsanpu.
Here we halted till our horses were ferried over, and had the same
refreshments as usual. About two thousand people were assembled
to see and prostrate themselves before his HoHness. The Lama
walked upon cloths to the river side. His nephews, who had accom
panied him, here took leave. He made me go in the boat with
him, in which were only the Chanzo and the two sopons. The
boat I have elsewhere described. The river was covered with
shoals of floating ice. On the opposite bank the Kashmiri
merchants and great crowds of Tibetans waited. They made their
obeisance at a distance. We arrived at our quarters towards
evening. They were like the former. The Lama sent for me, and
observing that my saddle, however well calculated for traveUing or
hunting, was not suited to the fashion of this country, presented
me with a Tibet one, which had a very deep peak of iron, all stuffed,
so that it makes one look very lofty. AU the ironwork of the
saddle and also of the bridle was gilt. He also gave me a yellow
satin tunic, faced with black fur ; for, says he, " you are to go into
my capital to-morrow." These little civilities gained a high value
from the manner in which they were done.
We stopped about three miles from Teshu Lumbo, the crowds
increasing as we advanced. The Lama had a large tent pitched
for him, where everybody came to pay their respects and receive
his blessing. He was dressed in his sacerdotal habit, and seated on
his high-raised cushions. I was placed the second from the Chanzo
Cusho, and next under the Dalai Lama's vakil. We had some tea,
boiled roots, and rice with sugar at the top, while numbers of people
passed before him and received the chawa or imposition of hands.
The Shigatze Killadars x cut the most remarkable figure. They were
dressed like women, but their whiskers and overgrown carcasses left
1 See note at p. 92.
Ch. IX.] ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF THE LAMA. 95
no room to mistake their sex. Their heads were bound with white
turbans roUed into a square form ; round turquoise earrings, about
the size of a watch, hung from their ears, and fell upon their
shoulders. They wore sHppers, and the rest of their dress was of
blue satin, with their arms bare to the elbows. This habit is worn
by all the lay officers subject to Lhasa, on holidays and grand
occasions. We had much singing and dancing without the Lama's
tent, by gylongs dressed in party-coloured habits,1 and also by the
peasants. The castle of Shigatze,2 which stands to the eastward
of Teshu Lumbo, was now above us. It is built on a hiU with
towers and battlements, and is subject to Lhasa.
From the resting place till we arrived at the Lama's palace the
road was lined on both sides with ranks of spectators. They were
aU dressed in their holiday clothes. The peasants were singing and
dancing. About three thousand gylongs, some with large pieces
of chequered cloth hung upon their breasts, others with their
cymbals and tabors, were ranked next the palace. As the Lama
passed they bent half forwards, and fbUowed him with their eyes.
But there was a look of veneration mixed with joy in their
countenances which pleased me beyond anything, and was a surer
testimony of satisfaction than all the guns in the Tower, and all the
odes of Whitehead3 could have given. One catches affection by
sympathy, and I could not help, in some measure, feeling the same
emotions with the Lama's votaries.
The Lama rode as far as he could, and then walked slowly
through the purlieus of the palace, stopping now and then, and
casting a cheerful look among his people.
' This irresistibly recalls the doings Dull and unvaried, for the Laureate
of the " Monk of Misrule " of Christen- known,
dom in the middle ages. Folly's chief friend, Decorum's
2 Or Digarchi. Klaproth has Jika- eldest son,
dze, meaning a fortress situated on » In every party found, and yet of
mountain. none."
3 Here, again, Mr. Bogle's reading of William Whitehead became Poet
Churchill crops up (see ante, p. 71). Laureate on the death of Colley Cibber,
That satirist, in his ' Prophecy of in 1757, and held the post until his
Famine ' thus writes of Whitehead, the death in 1785. Then followed Thomas
Laureate: Wharton, Pye, Southey, Wordsworth,
" Thus spake a form, by silken smile Tennyson.
and tone,
96 TESHU LUMBO. [Ch, X.
CHAPTEB X.
TESHU LUMBO.'
We passed by the foot of Teshu Lumbo, which is built on
the lower declivity of a steep hill. The roof of the palace, which
is large, is all of copper gilt. The building is of dark-coloured
brick. The houses of the town rise one above another; four
churches with gilt ornaments are mixed with them, and altogether
it presents a prince'y appearance. Many of the courts are spacious,
flagged with stone, and with galleries running round them. The
alleys, which are likewise paved, are narrow. The palace is appro
priated to the Lama and his officers, to temples, granaries, ware
houses, &c. The, rest of the town is entirely inhabited by priests,
who are in number about four thousand.2 The views of it, which
the Lama afterwards gave to me, wiU convey a better idea of it
than any account I can write. For there is no describing a place
so as to give others a just notion of it.
I attended the Lama to his apartments, and as soon as I retired
I was conducted to my own. They are new, having been built
and finished by Chanzo Cusho during the Lama's absence at
Desheripgay. There was one room for me, and another for Mr.
Hamilton. I do not think the apartment aUotted to me inferior to
any at Teshu Lumbo ; and although I have little success at these
sorts of descriptions, I must attempt to give some account of it.
You enter by a door formed of one piece of wood, painted red ; the
1 Turner gives the latitude of Teshu tion as " 6khra shis lhun po " (the
Lumbo at 29° 4' 20" N., from six meri- Mountain of Grace). Mr. Bogle, in
dian altitudes of the sun, and the longi- a vocabulary, gives the meaning of
tude 89° 7' E. (p. 293.) The 'Pundit' Lumbo as "country." It should be
of 1865 gives the latitude of Shigatze, " hill," or '' lump."
which is a short distance from Teshu 2 In the small valley of Nepal, Mr.
Lumbo, at 29° 16' 32'' N., and the Hodgson tells us that, some years ago,
height above the sea at 11,822 feet, there were 5000 Bandyas, which term
Schlagintweit spells the word Tashil- seems to be the equivalent of Bogle's
hiinpo, but gives the exact translitera- priest.
RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS IN THE TESHU LUMBO MONASTERY.
' SSY TO TIBET, p.314.)
Ch. X.] PALACE OF TESHU LAMA. 97
hinges of iron, cunningly gilt, having a large ring of the same
workmanship in the middle, with a white satin handkerchief tied to
it, so that you may not wear off the gilding in pulling the door
after you. The door turns upon two pegs cut out of the planks,
and received into two holes top and bottom. It is fastened by an
iron latch and staple, with a lock of the construction of Chinese
ones, and about a foot long. The room is about fifty feet long and
thirty broad, interrupted by nine square wooden pillars, painted
red with white streaks, which make them look fluted. There are
two small windows with wooden shutters at the west end, but
I never opened them, having enough light from above, for in
the ceiling of the room there is an opening about thirty feet
long and fifteen wide ; and the south side being covered only with
loose planks, laid slopingly over, you remove as many of them as
you please in the day time, and shut them up again at night. They'
rest upon a beam, supported by the two middlemost of the nine
pillars, which are much longer than the others. The walls,
which are of plaster, are painted green, broken with a few bands
of blue and yeUow. The capitals of the pillars, and the beams
which form the four sides of the opening I have mentioned, are
curiously carved, gilt and ornamented with festoons of dragons and
flowers. The floor is of chalky clay, mixed with small pebbles,
and formed into a smooth and very beautiful terrace, which, by the
labours of a young gylong, who every morning gets his feet upon
two woollen cloths, and exercises himself for three or four hours in
skating about the room, will, in the course of fifteen or twenty
years, acquire a polish equal to the other floors in the palace, which
are not inferior to the finest variegated marble. Mr. Hamilton's
room was much smaller and warmer than mine.
From the day of our arrival at Teshu Lumbo till the 18th
of January, 1775, the Lama was engaged in receiving visits and
presents. Among the rest of his votaries were a large caravan of
Kalmuks, who offered up to his shrine talents of silver, furs, pieces
of silk, and dromedaries. They remained about a month at Teshu
Lumbo, and then proceeded to Lhasa, where, having spent about
ten days, they returned to their own country, which was about
three months' journey to the northward.
I was not present on any of these occasions, but remained at
H
98 CEREMONY OF BLESSING THE PEOPLE. [Ch. X.
home, where I had enough visitors of my own; for crowds of
gylongs used to come into my room to see me at all hours, or get
upon the leads and look down upon me. Among these last came
the Shigatze Killadars, dressed in their feminine attire. I never
forbade anybody; and after giving them a pinch of snuff and
indulging them with a look at the chairs, &c, which always pro
duced an exclamation of " Pah-pah-pah, tze-tze-tze ! " they used to
retire and make way for others. This continued, more or less, aU
the time I was at Teshu Lumbo.
The Lama went down to the large haU which adjoins my
apartments, in order to bless the people. It is about sixty feet long
and fifty broad ; the ceiling supported by a number of high pillars,
and the walls adorned with mythological paintings. The Lama
was seated upon a lofty throne, raised with cushions, under an
alcove at one end of the room. There was another, not so high, on
his right hand, which belongs to Chanzo Cusho, who sat, however,
on a low cushion at the foot of the Lama's throne, the Sopon
Chumbo standing beside it. Immediately without the alcove were
placed the four inferior Lamas. I was seated upon a cushion next
to them, and opposite to me sat a Kalmuk Lama, lately arrived
from the Khalka Lama, called by the Hindus Taranath,1 and
close to him the Dalai Lama's vakfl. Cheyt Sing's vakil was
placed below me and Mr. Hamilton, towards the door, and after
him a vakil from Kashmiri Mull, and other Hindus. I came
in soon after the Lama was seated, and having made three profound
bows, presented to him my handkerchief, which he always receives
with his own hands. He spoke to me for about two minutes,
inquiring about my health, what I thought of Teshu Lumbo, and
how I liked my accommodation. After this crowds of people,
gylongs, anni's, Kampas, Kalmuks, governors of aU the neighbour
ing castles, men, women, and children came to make their offerings
and obeisances to the Lama, bringing purses of gold, talents
of silver, pieces of Chinese satin, bundles of tea or of fruits, dried
sheep's carcasses, bags of flour or of rice, small images with a bit of
yellow satin wrapped mantle-wise over them, books of reHgion,
1 The Taranath Lama is the third other two. The Taranath resides north
Pontiff of the Yellow Cap (Geluckpa of Tibet, among the Khalka tribes of
sect) ; the Dalai and Teshu being the outer Mongolia, near Urga.
Ch. X.] A TIBETAN FEAST. 99
bundles of incense, rods called pyes, bells, and a variety of different
articles. Those of low degree gave only a white satin handker
chief. They went up in their turn to the Lama's throne, who
touched their heads in the manner I have before described. The
young gylongs immediately after the imposition of hands retired ;
but I could not help observing with pleasure the attention which
the Lama paid to some of the old gylongs, speaking to them for a
minute or two with that affable and engaging look which " wins
the hearts of men." Between whUes the Lama, and everybody that
was seated, drank a dish of tea. I had mine out of the Lama's
golden teapot, an honour bestowed only upon Chanzo Cusho, the
inferior Lamas," and the vakils of the Dalai Lama and Taranath.
There was a company of fifteen young boys, from seven to twelve
years old, dressed in different coloured chintzes and kincobs, with
white turbans, and smaU axes in their right hands, who at intervals
danced before the Lama, to the music of hautboys, flutes, kettle
drums, and bells, keeping time with their axes, with their hoppings,
their twirlings, and many other motions which I attempt not to
describe. I am told it was an imitation of a Sadak 1 dance. Another
part of the entertainment consisted of public disputes, which were
conducted by two and two gylongs. Beligion was the subject of
their debates : perhaps the immortality of the soul, or the unchange
able nature of right and wrong ; but my ignorance of the language
rendered them quite unintelligible to me. They were carried on
with much vociferation and feigned warmth, and embellished with
great powers of action, such as clapping hands, shaking the head,
&c. These gestures are no 'doubt very improper and ridiculous,
because they are quite different from those used by European
orators, who are the true standards of what is just and what is
graceful. Dinner was afterwards brought in. Six large, low
tables, covered with wooden painted platters, filled with Chinese
and Kashmiri dried fruits, sugar, treacle cakes, and sweetmeats,
piles of platted biscuits, dried sheep's carcasses, &c, were set before
the Lama. Two tables garnished in the like manner before the
Chanzo Cusho ; and some bread, pieces of dried mutton, plates of
fruits and sweetmeats, before me and each of the other guests.
1 Turner says that Sadik was a title of the Sopon Chumbo. It is synonymous
with Zempi in Bhutan, and means cup-bearer (p. 246).
H 2
100 THE IMAGES IN THE PALACE. [Ch. X.
After drinking a dish of tea, cups of mutton hashed and of pounded
rice and mutton boiled to a jelly were set before us, of which I
ate heartily. Then a joint of mutton boiled and another roasted,
upon the same wooden plate, were served up to each. The meat
was tough and sinewy, but the Lama presently sent me a leg of
most excellent boiled mutton off his own plate, and smilingly
beckoned to me to eat of it. When we had finished our repast, the
Sopion Chumbo distributed the fruits, sweetmeats, &c, according to
a list which he held in his hand, sending some of them to people
without the palace, and the rest to the guests. Mine were all upon
silver dishes. Then everybody retired.
The Lama went up by a back stair to visit the new apartments,
and carried me along with him. He went first into the gallery,1
which is on the same floor with my room, and walking up to the
image of the god Sakya, which is in the middle, feU down three
times before it. I may as well describe this temple while I am
here. It contains thirteen gigantic figures, which would be about
eight feet high standing ; but they are aU, except the image of the
god of war and another, sitting cross-legged. They are of copper
gilt, holding a pot with flowers or fruit in their lap. They are
represented covered with mantles, and crowns or mitres on their
heads ; and altogether, particularly the drapery, are far from being
badly executed. The thrones upon which they sit are also of
copper gilt, adorned with turquoises, cornelians, and other stones
not of inestimable value. The mouldings and ornaments of the
thrones are in a good style. Behind each figure the wall is covered
with a piece of carved work, like unto the heavy gilt frames of our
forefathers' portraits, or looking-glasses. Behind them are china-
vases, some of them very handsome, loads of china and glass ware,
the last partly Chinese, partly European, filled with grain, fruit, or
gum flowers ; a variety of shells, large chanks set in silver, some
ostrich eggs, cocoanuts, cymbals, and a variety of other articles,
making a most heterogeneous figure. Bound the necks of the images
are strings of coral, ill-shaped pearls, cornelian, agate, and other
stones, and their crowns are set with the like ornaments. The
ceiling of the gallery is covered with satins of a variety of patterns,
1 This gallery is described by Turner at p. 274.
Ch. X.] A GAME OF CHESS. 101
some Chinese, some Kalmuk, some European brought through
Bussia and overland. The gallery is lighted on the south side
by five windows, and the walls between are hung with paintings of
the different deities and views of heaven. The opposite side,
where the images are, is shut in all the length of the gallery with
a net of ironwork. The Lama went within, and as he went along
sprinkled rice upon the images. It was a kind of consecration.
When he came out we sat down to tea, and the Lama explained to
me some of the paintings, and marked the different countries from"
which the silks overhead had come. At each end of the gallery
was a large collection of books deposited in small niches, or rather
pigeon-holes. Having finished our tea, we went by a back stair
into my room, which the Lama also bespattered with rice. After
examining the furniture, with a set of chessmen in battle array
upon the table, he passed into Mr. Hamilton's room, and having
there performed the same rites of dedication, I took my leave
and the Lama proceeded to his own end of the palace.
Next morning, the Lama repaired again to the hall, whither we
aU attended him. But why should I repeat over the ceremonies
of which I have aHeady given so minute and so tiresome a
description ?
I had a visit from Debo Patza, who is one of the four Tibetan
generals, and I took care to receive him in all due form. He said
he came by the Lama's orders, who told him that as I had come
from so far a country, and from the sovereigns of Hindustan, it was
proper he should wait upon me. He is a very cheerful, pleasant
man, and after some conversation, and drinking a dish or two of
tea, we sat down to chess. Although my pieces were entirely new
to him, he fought a tough battle, and I believe, if we had played
another game, the general would have gained the victory. But
he was next day to set out for Lhasa, and was afterwards ordered
upon service into Demo Jong's country 1 to oppose the troops with
which the Gorkha Bajah had invaded it.
On the 25th, Debo Dinji came also to take leave of me. He
is the governor of a castle belonging to the Teshu Lama, about
six days' journey higher up the Tsanpu; and as nobody under
the Lama's jurisdiction is put to death, all great criminals are sent
1 Sikkim.
102 EECEPTION OF AN ENVOY FEOM LHASA. [Ch. X.
to him, where, by confining them without meat or drink, he soon
puts an end to their existence. He had paid me frequent and
unceremonious visits in my tents upon the road. His looks and
his manners are exactly those of an overgrown country farmer,
smelling strongly of tobacco. I could not help sometimes thinking
him a little crack-brained. He discovered that the dress of the
English was exactly that of the Bussians; for indeed the tunic
which I wore, and also my cap, the cut of which was four-square
instead of being round, had been made a present of to the Lama
by some Turki Tatars.1 I had no business to undeceive him,
especiaUy as I got so much into his good graces on this account.
He said he liked the Bussians for their enmity to the Chinese, who
were a base, treacherous, and scoundrelly people. I confess I was
a good deal surprised at the warmth with which he always revived
this treasonable subject, till I discovered that he had been in the
service of Wang Cusho, the last of the Tibet Bajahs, who about
twenty-five years ago was treacherously put to death by the
Chinese at Lhasa.2
I had a visit from the Chauduri,3 a native of Palpa,4 whom I
have elsewhere mentioned, accompanied by other Hindustanis. The
vakils of Cheyt Sing and of Kashmiri Mull also came to see me,
and afterwards frequently repeated their visits. Their discourse
has no business to come in here. But I may be allowed to remark
that the fulsome compliments and cringing humility with which it
was mixed were to me little grateful, in comparison with the plain
and honest manners of the Tibetans. For what is conversation,
what is society, without sincerity ?
The Lama was to receive the vakils sent by the Dalai Lama
and Gesub Bimboche6 at Lhasa, to congratulate him on his
return. He asked me to be present. The ceremony was in the
large church to the south of the palace. I was up in the balcony
1 This is an instanoe of the confusion 3 See p. 172.
caused by the indiscriminate use of the 4 Palpa is a town in Nepal, on the
word Tatar or Tartar. right bank of the Gandak River,= 112
- He was invited to the house of the miles from Kathmandu.
Ambas, or Ohiuebe residents at Lhasa, 5 Gesub Rimboehe is the President
and there strangled, in 1749. This led of the Council of Five, and head of the
to a massacre of the Chinese, and to executive during the minority of the
concessions from the Peking Govern- Dalai Lama. Rimbochay, Rimboehe', or
ment. Rimpoche~, means " precious," or "jewel."
Ch. X.] • a MONASTIC LIFE. 103
which looks into it. The church was full of gylongs, dressed in
yellow caps and mantles, and seated as close to one another as
possible. When the Lama came in, he made three prostrations
towards the altar and the image of God ; after which he ascended
his throne, raised very lofty by steps. We had a great deal of
praying, and some dishes of tea between whiles. Then came in the
Dalai Lama's vakil, with a large silver platter curiously embossed,
and covered with rice divided into five heaps; and he, together
with three others, stood with it before the Lama, while he made an
harangue of a quarter of an hour long. I was in pain for him, as
I thought once or twice he would have broken down. During
all this time the Lama nor anybody else spoke not a word. When
he had ended, the Lama answered him in a short speech, and
taking up a little of the rice, threw it towards the altar. He then
received the Dalai Lama's letter, together with four or five small
images, as many books, and some chanks set in silver, all which he
placed before him on his throne. Next came in a string of people
carrying gifts; each man a talent of silver, a piece of silk, or
a bundle of tea. When all the Dalai Lama's presents were
finished, Gesub's were brought, in the same style, but of less value.
Altogether there were about a hundred talents of silver, a hundred
and twenty pieces of silk, and sixty bundles of tea. There were
also about six talents of silver, ten pieces of silk, and four bundles
of tea given to the Chanzo Cusho. While all this was passing, a
great number of petitions were, according to the custom, thrown
into the church, each being tied to a white satin handkerchief.
The gylongs afterwards handed them from one to another till they
reached the foot of the throne, where they were coUected, and then
handed up to the Lama. I am told they are principally desiring
prayers for sick people, or for the souls of those lately dead. The
Lama read over one or two of them; after which he said a short
prayer by himself, and was followed by another by the gylongs.
Then everyone departed.
What can I do to break the thread of these tiresome ceremonies?
and how can I render the account of the tedious and uniform life I
spent at Teshu Lumbo agreeable ? It was monastic to the greatest
degree. Nothing but priests ; nothing from morning to night but
the chanting of prayers, and the sound of cymbals and tabors.
104 CHESS AND. CHURCHGOING. [Ch. X.
Every attention was paid to me by the Lama. I enjoyed good health,
and a mind free from care and anxiety. Yet the employment I
found in attempting to acquire the language, in listening to the
stories of fakirs and Kashmiris, or in carrying on a broken con
versation with the crowds of Tibetans who used to frequent my
apartment, yielded an entertainment listless and insipid when com
pared with the pleasures of society ; and my life at Teshu Lumbo,
when stripped of the little unmarked circumstances which amuse,
one knows not why, and seen through the dull medium of descrip
tion, must appear joyless and uninteresting.
I must confess the pleasantest hours I spent, before the arrival
of the Pyn Cushos, were either in my audiences with the Lama, or
in playing at chess. The arrival of a large party of Kalmuks
furnished me with enough of combatants. Their method of play
ing differs from ours, in the privilege of moving two steps being
confined to the first pawn played by each party ; in castling and
stalemate being unknown ; and in the game being reckoned equal
when the king is left solus without a piece or a pawn on the board.
It is a generous principle. In my first trials of skill with the
Tatars, I used often to come off loser. For when a Siberian sits
down to chess, he gets two or three of his countrymen to assist
him ; they lay all their great bare heads together canvassing and
consulting about every move. At length I found out the way of
managing them, and encountered them with their own weapons.
If I could not get a Siberian to enter the lists with me in single
combat, I engaged an equal number of Tatars on my side, and we
used to beat them hollow.1
Soon after their arrival at Teshu Lumbo, the Lama went to
visit the different churches, and I was always invited to be present.
A smaU tent was pitched for me on the leads, and I used to pass
the first service, which generally lasted a couple of hours, in drink
ing tea, eating boiled mutton and sweetmeats, and playing at chess
with the Kalmuks. After this, I was called to prayers, and sat
another hour or two on a cushion next to the Chanzo Cusho in a
balcony which looked into the church. The gylongs are all seated,
as I have already described; the prayers are mostly chanted in
1 See Turner, p. 235, who says that the rules of chess in Tibet are the same
as ours.
Ch. X.] THE LAMA'S RELATIONS. 105
different, and often not unmelodious, voices; and the service,
except on particular holidays, is conducted with great decency.
The priests here are much better taught than in the Deb Bajah's
country, and in repeating their offices have no occasion for the
books which are used at Tassisudon. On some festivals, however, a
man, dressed in party-coloured clothes, and a cardinal's cap adorned
with death's-heads, used to come in, and with many strange
gestures hop and twist about, pouring out oblations of oil, brandy,
rice, &c, and holding a human skull, a bell, a dagger, or an axe
in his hand. Between the services, the Lama sometimes sent for
me into a small room upon the leads. During my stay at Teshu
Lumbo, I suppose I spent fifteen or twenty days in this manner
at church, for I never failed to go when I was asked.
I had this day a visit from the vakils who lately came from
the Dalai Lama and Gesub Bimboche. One of them was a priest,
and dressed in the habit of his order. The other was clad in
feminine attire. They brought me some small barrels and boxes
containing presents from Gesub Bimboche. Upon opening them,
they were found to consist of Chinese distiUed whisky, a variety of
small cakes made by the same people, a kind of fish less than a
minnow, dried, and some dried mushrooms, which they said came
from Peking. The whisky was stronger and better than that of
Tibet ; the bread of very fine flour, but not half baked nor even
kneaded ; the fish we could never find out how to dress, but the
mushrooms served greatly to improve the simple and unsavoury
economy of our table. I received the vakils in all due form ; they
stayed with me about an hour, and left me little satisfied with their
manners or conversation.
The holidays at the new year drew nigh, and the Lama's re
lations came from different parts of the country to pay their
respects to him. His cousin the Teshu-tzay Debo, with his wife
and family ; his nieces, the two annis whom I saw at Teshu-tzay ;
their mother Chum Cusho ; their two brothers, the Pyn Cushos ;
and a half-sister named Durjay Paumo, a female lama, who is
abbess of a monastery near the Piate Lake,1 and is animated by the
spirit of a holy lady who died many hundred years ago. AU the
ladies, together with the Debo and his wife, were lodged in a house
1 The Piate, also called Palti Lake, and Yamdok-cho.
106 NEW YEAR CEREMONIES. [Ch. X.
situated in a grove of old trees under the palace, and the Pyn
Cushos in a Kalmuk tent adjoining to it. They stayed about two
months at Teshu Lumbo, during which time Mr. HamUton cured
Durjay Paumo and Chum Cusho of complaints which they had
long been subject to, and I improved my connection with the Pyn
Cushos. They used often to come and pass two or three hours
with me. I sometimes went down to their tent, where we spent
the time in singing, smoking, drinking chang,1 and playing upon
the flute or the guitar, at which the eldest brother is a great adept.
We made Httle excursions into the country; and I afterwards
accompanied them to their estate at Binjaitzay, and spent five or
six cheery days at their castle. The eldest brother is about twenty-
seven, the youngest about twenty-two.
There is another brother, who is bred up to the church. He is
a lama or high-priest,2 but is not yet aUowed to officiate on account
of his youth. He used also to come often to see me, and being
very lively and of great curiosity, I had much pleasure in showing
him anything ; but the decorum of his character would not permit
him to be of any of our parties with his brothers. Lama A1H is
about sixteen: short for his age, but very fair and ruddy, and
blessed with that fine temper which distinguishes aU Teshu
Lama's family.
On the first day of the Tibetan year, everybody, except the
Lama, assembled in the large court which is under the palace.
AU the gaUeries which ran round it were crowded with spectators.
I, was placed, as usual, next the Chanzo Cusho in the highest
balcony. The exhibitions began with dancing by merry Andrews
in masks. Then a number of banners were set up, and a crowd of
gylongs, dressed in various coloured habits, with their cymbals
and tabors, and with trumpets, hautboys, and drums, marched in
procession round the court. Next, about twenty gylongs, in visors
representing the heads of different, mostly wild, animals, and in
masquerade dresses, danced with antic motions, in the same manner
(but better performed) as I had seen at Tassisudon. After this,
the figure of a man, chalked upon paper, was laid upon the ground.
Many strange ceremonies, which to me who did not understand
1 Chang, or Ckhang, any fermented liquor. (See ' Jaeschke's Dictionary.')
1 Probably Khanpo or Abbot, head of a monastery or Vihar.
Ch. X.] FORTUNE-TELLING. 107
them appeared whimsical, were performed about it; and a great
fire being kindled in a corner of the court, it was at length held
over it, and being formed of combustibles, vanished with much
smoke and explosion. I was told it was a figure of the devU, but
am not sufficiently skUled in the Tibetan mythology to enter into
particrdars. One thing is certain, it was painted white with regular
features ; and whether or no it was intended to represent that being
who " goes to and from upon the face of the earth, seeking whom
he may devour," I could not help sometimes fancying that it much
resembled a European.
I was visited by the vakfl of Prithi Narayan,1 the Bajah of Nepal,
who presented me with two sheep, some rupees, rice, spices, &c.
The conversation that passed I have elsewhere put down.
A good many Kalmuks visited Mr. HamUton. He thought
they were come to apply for some medicines. Every one presented
him with a handkerchief, according to the custom of the country.
They told him, that having heard of his great skUl in the occult
sciences, they were come to have their fortunes told, and at the
same time stretched out their hands for that purpose. WhUe he
was hesitating whether to carry on the joke a little farther, they
desired him first to tell what had happened to them last year, and
then to proceed to unfold their future destiny. This would go far
to prove skUl in fortune-teUing, and was a test Mr. Hamilton
was unable to undergo. I have often myself been taken for a
conjurer, and had applications of the same kind made to me, but it
was only by my particular acquaintances. I dare say a man skflled
in palmistry or a company of gipsies would have a world of
business in these parts; for although I could not discover any
Shamans in the country, the Tibetans have great faith in fortune-
teUing, which indeed seems to be common to all mankind, except
our European philosophers, who are too wise to believe in any
thing. The Teshu-tzay Debo paid me a visit, bringing two tables
covered with dried fruits and sweetmeats. I offered to repay the
compliment, but he never sent to me, and I did not wish to appear
overzealous in cultivating his friendship, as it would have hurt my
1 Pertab Singh Sah Deva, of the Gorkhali dynasty, succeeded in 1771 and
reigned in Nepal until 1775. Prithi Narayan was his father.
108 TIBETAN LADIES. [Ch. X.
connection with the Pyn Cushos, who are on but indifferent terms
with him on account of his wife, who belongs also to them. It is
a strange story, but I have no business to mention it.
We spent the 15th of February with the Pyn Cushos, at some tents
prepared for us on the side of a hill, a few mUes from Teshu Lumbo.
Shooting at a mark, running races, and seeing some of the peasants
dance and sing, formed our entertainment, for there is no hunting
or kiUing animals so near the palace. Our friends had prepared a
great feast for us, and not knowing what we would like, took care
to have every kind of flesh and fowl they could think of. After
dinner, tables covered with fruits were brought in, and they insisted
on presenting us with dresses and horses. Having drank plenty of
tea and chang, we returned to the palace. I rode the horse the
Pyn Cushos gave me, which was a Kalmuk, but I did not find it
so tractable as these horses are said to be. I had enough ado to
keep it from running away with me.
I waited upon the ladies. The Chum Cusho is a cheerful
widow of about five-and-forty, with a ruddy complexion, and the
remains of having once been handsome. In her younger days she
was a nun, and her husband, the Lama's brother, a gylong ; but they
happened somehow to form such a connection together as put an
end to their state of celibacy. The Lama was much displeased
with his brother, and would not admit him into his presence for
many years. After his death, Chum Cusho, being passed the hey
day of life, resumed her reHgious character ; and having taken up
her vows of chastity, laid aside aU her ornaments, dressed herself
in a homely garb, and set out on pilgrimages to visit the temples
in Nepal, Palpa, &C1 The Lama has since behaved to her and
her children with much kindness. Her sons, the Pyn Cushos, and
her daughters, the annis, were present. We had plenty of tea,
mutton, broth, fruits, &c, and the old woman was as merry as a
cricket. The mother went with me into the apartment of Durjay Paumo,
who was attired in a gylong's dress, her arms bare from the shoulders,
1 See, in Mr. Hodgson's account of 145.) The red-vested and oldest sect
the Pravrajya-vrata, the statement of the tolerated marriage. The yellow- vested,
full renunciation, and of the process by and now dominant sect in Tibet, does
which it is modified. (' Languages and not tolerate it.
Religion of Nepal and Tibet,' pp. 139-
Ch. X.] GENEROUS FEELING OF THE LAMA'S FAMILY. 109
ami sitting cross-legged upon a low cushion. She is also the
daughter of the Lama's brother, but by a different wife. She is
about seven-and-twenty, with small Chinese features, delicate,
though not regular, fine eyes and teeth ; her complexion fair, but
wan and sickly ; and an expression of languor and melancholy in
her countenance, which I believe is occasioned by the joyless life
that she leads. She wears her hair, a privilege granted to no other
vestal I have seen ; it is combed back without any ornaments, and
falls in tresses upon her shoulders. Her chawa, like the Lama's, is
supposed to convey a blessing, and I did not fad to receive it. After
making my presents and obeisances, I kneeled down, and stretching
out her arm, which is equal to " the finest lady in the land," she
laid her hand upon my head. The entertainment was the same as
at the mother's. Durjay Paumo spoke Httle, and but for the old
woman, who was present, the conversation would have been full of
breaks. I never visited her but this time. Mr. Hamilton used to
be there almost every day.
The two nuns are as merry and good-humoured as their mother.
The eldest, who is about seven or eight and twenty, is dark com-
plexioned and hard featured. The youngest is about nineteen;
remarkably fair and ruddy. Their dress is the same as that of the
gylongs. The head shaven, the arms bare, a red frieze jacket,
reaching a little below the waist, a piece of coarse red woollen cloth
thrown over then: shoulders, a petticoat of red serge falling a little
below the knee, and red wooUen hose soled with leather, and gartered
under the knee. They, as well as the priests, are not aUowed to
wear any kind of ornament, except it be a few beads of coral
strung with their rosaries.
I may be excused, perhaps, in mentioning a circumstance,
which, although it does not properly belong to these memoranda,
I cannot, injustice to my Tibetan friends, omit. From the civflities
which Teshu Lama and everybody about him had shown me, as weU
as from my desire of conciliating the good-will of the Tibetans,
whose country I believe no Englishman had ever visited before, I
resolved to make some presents to the Lama's relations; and
accordingly purchased coral beads, which are much valued in this
part of the world. I carried them with me on my visit to the
Chum Cusho and her daughters, and had much ado to procure
110 FAMILIAR INTERCOURSE [Ch. X.
their acceptance of them. The Pyn Cushos were stiU more difficult,
and I believe I spent an hour in their tent before I could get them
to agree to take my beads. " You," said they, " are come from a
far country ; it is our business to render your stay agreeable ; why
should you make us presents ? " This circumstance serves to set
the character of the Tibetans in a stronger and more favourable
light than if I were to write volumes upon the subject.
The Sokpo 1 (Kalmuk) Lama came to visit me. He is one of
Taranath's2 priests, and receives the title of Lama, I believe, only by
courtesy. He is a native of Ladak, but has resided long in Siberia ;
is a very pleasant and entertaining man, and brought me a pot full
of tea, and a handkerchief. I wanted to return his visit, but he
excused himself on account of his attendance on Teshu Lama.
He remained some time after the Kalmuk's departure for Lhasa,
and paid me another visit before he set out.
About this time I undertook a work for the Lama which gave
me a good deal of employment and a good deal of trouble. It was
an account of Europe, and I confess I found it a very difficult task,
for I had to fancy myself a Tibetan, and then put down the
things which I imagined would strike him. I had abundance of
difficulty also in translating it into the Tibet language, being
obhged to use an interpreter, a kind of being who is generaUy more
apt to follow out roundly his own ideas than to keep strictly to
yours. I got through France, England, and such other countries
as I have seen ; but having no books to assist me, I was obliged to
leave it unfinished. As it was, it afforded a great feast to the
Lama's insatiable curiosity.3
As Mr. Hamilton was returning from Durjay Paumo's, he saw a
crowd of people, in the midst of which a young gylong was being
1 The Sokpo occupy the eastern half 3 A copy of this curious and interest-
of Northern Tibet. The Horpo, who ing document has been preserved. Mr.
are Turks, the western half. (See Bogle describes Europe as it was in
pp. 65-82, of Hodgson's ' Languages of 1770 : the inns and stage-coaches, the
Nepal and Tibet.') highwaymen, the duels, the parliaments
2 There are three lamas over the of France, and other Old World insti-
gelupka, or yellow sect, of Tibetan tutions. Doubtless this document is
Buddhists, called Dalai, Teshu, and still studied in Tibet, and is the source
Taranath. The Taranath Lama resides whence the statesmen of that isolated
in the Khalka country of Mongolia. region obtain their ideas of England
Turner has Kharka, p. 315. and Europe. *
Ch. X.] WITH THE LAMA'S FAMILY. Ill
chastised for neglecting his lesson. He was extended upon the
ground and held down by four people, while a fifth was bastinading
him. Let no one who has been at a public school in Europe cry
out against the Tibetans for cruelty.
The Pyn Cushos used often to come and see me. To-day their
sisters, the nuns, came along with them. They asked me to show
them my Fringy dress,1 and we prevailed on the youngest sister to
put on my coat. We had a great deal of laughing and merriment.
But who can repeat the little unimportant trifles which gladden
conversation and serve to while away the time ?
The priest, who every morning came to me with boiled rice and
tea from the Lama, was called Debo Dinji Sampu. He was about
fifty, marked with the smallpox, his eye mild and candid, and him
self of great singleness of mind and simpHcity. He came to understand
my imperfect attempts to speak the Tibet language tolerably well,
and we used to have long chats together. I grew very fond of
him, and he, which showed his sagacity, took a great liking to me.
He always kept a box of exceHent snuff, and was not niggardly in
offering a pinch of it. But with all Debo Dinji's good qualities,
he was as averse to washing his hands and face as the rest of
his countrymen. He happened one morning to come in while I
was shaving, and I prevailed upon him for once to scrub himself
with the help of soap and water. I gave him a new complexion, and
he seemed to view himself" in my shaving glass with some satisfac
tion. But he was exposed to so much ridicule from his acquaint
ances, that I never could get him to repeat the experiment.2
1 Fringy and Feringhi (Frank) is child in order to judge of his com-
the common Asiatic equivalent for plexion, which seemed singularly clear
European. an|i white. The child struggled so
2 Mr. Hodgson, in Nepal, once bribed violently as nearly to have a fit.
a Tibetan mother to let him wash her
112 JOURNEY WITH THE PYN CUSHOS. [Ch. XI.
CHAPTEB XL
A VISIT TO A TIBETAN COUNTRY SEAT.
On the 11th of March, 1775,1 the Pyn Cushos were to set out for their
country seat, about two days' journey from Teshu Lumbo, and asked
me to accompany them. I was glad of an opportunity of varying
the insipid scene, and applied for the Lama's permission, which he
readily granted me. We set out about midday. I carried with me
only one Hindustani servant, resolving to live like a Tibetan. The
Pyn Cushos had about a dozen servants. We arrived towards
evening at a village, in the valley through which runs the Tsanpu,
and took up our quarters in the head man's house. After drinking
tea, dinner was brought in. A cup of hashed mutton, not unlike
a greasy curry, another of boded rice, a third of raw beef beat into
a jeUy, and highly seasoned with salt,, turmeric, and other spices.
It is far from unsavoury, when one can get the better of European
prejudices. There were also a joint of mutton well boded, and
another just scorched on the outside but raw within. It requires
no conjuring to find out on which I made my dinner. There is
no such thing as two people cutting from the same joint of meat,
or helping themselves from the same plate, so that a separate set
of the above dishes was served up to each. After this we had
fruits and sweetmeats, and, the Pyn Cushos having lent me a
pipe, we sat down to smoke. We then adjourned to a small
garden, to shoot arrows. A tent was pitched with a black cloth at
some distance. Such as hit the bull's-eye had a handkerchief given
them. I also received one, though unmeritedly. Night came on.
We returned and sat down about a goodly fire, new kindled in the
middle of the room, spending a couple of hours in singing, drinking
chang, playing upon the guitar, or at chess. Mr. Hamilton and I
then retired to another apartment, where a supper was prepared for
us, as if we had not tasted meat that day ; but afraid that we
1 The day Nuncomar brought his accusations against the Governor-General.
Ch. XL] RIDE TO RINJAITZAY. 113
would not relish Tibetan victuals, the Pyn Cushos had ordered
their servants to ask our people about our usual food, and had
prepared some eggs, fish, and roasted fowls.
Next morning we got up before day, and found the Pyn Cushos
ready to sit down to breakfast, upon tea and cold mutton. As I can
always eat at any hour of the day or night, I did not fail to partake
with them. After this we had the ceremony of the master of the
house presenting us with fruits, sweetmeats, and carcasses, and
having settled all this in due form, we set out on our journey.
Having ridden about an hour we reached the bank of the Tsanpu.
The boats were all on the other side, and the river covered with
shoals of snow-mixed ice. We had to wait here a couple of hours.
There was a tent with tea prepared for us, and I spent part of
the time in sliding on the ice, with which a neighbouring pool of
water was covered. As soon as we were ferried over, we mounted
our horses and rode cheerUy up the sandy bank of the Tsanpu,
stopping twice at tents prepared for us, to refresh ourselves with tea
and mutton. In the afternoon we came to the foot of a mountain
covered with red ochre, and dedicated to some wrathful deity. Here
the Pyn Cushos set up the branch of a tree, with a white handker
chief fastened to it. The Tsanpu at this place forms a large sheet
of water immediately below the road. You have a view of its wind
ings for a great way up and down, and the prospect would be very
fine if there was anything besides bleak bare Mils to look at. The
winds in this vaUey are very strong, often carrying up the dust in
columns to a great height, or forming it into hills of sand. Turn
ing to the right we entered the valley where the Pyn Cushos' estate
is situated, and stopped at some tents set up by a servant of Gesub
Bimboche, who has the care of a house belonging to that minister.1
Among the rest of our entertainment were excellent mutton puffs,
a dish which I had not before seen. Ascending the valley we
arrived at Binjaitzay Castle about an hour after it was dark, having,
by our stoppings and tea drinkings, taken a complete day to per
form a journey which might easily be done in six hours.
1 Gesub Rimboehe is the vicegerent Dharma Rajah (or Lama Rimboohe)
of the divine Dalai Lama, who theo- represent the same two offices in
retically does not meddle with tem- Bhutan.
poral matters. The Deb Rajah and
114 HUNTING THE MUSK DEER. [Ch. XI.
I was lodged in the room of the church, which is generally the
best in the house. As the Pyn Cushos, particularly the youngest,
are keen sportsmen, it was hung round with matchlocks, bows and
arrows, swords, shot-bags, &c, and one part of the wall was covered
with Chinese paper-hangings. After presenting me with loads of
fruit, they brought in supper, which made the sixth time that I had
seen meat that day.
During the five or six days we spent at Binjaitzay, the Pyn
Cushos entertained us in the most hospitable manner, omitting
nothing that could contribute to our amusement. They made
parties on horseback, shooting matches with bows and matchlocks ;
they caught and bagged hares, for us to see them retaken by the
greyhounds ; partridges and other game for us to eat, and one day
we went out with the nets to catch musk goats.1 This requires a
more particular description.
After riding about three miles from Binjaitzay, we stopped at a
tent and sat there two hours while the servants went up the hiUs to
reconnoitre. I confess I did not much conceit this method of hunting
in a tent, and formed no favourable presage of our sport. At length
I prevailed on the younger brother to set out, and letting loose the
dogs we rode along the sides of the hUls, but without seeing any
thing except a covey of partridges ; and although the Pyn Cushos
make no bones of shooting when by themselves, they were afraid
that some of the Lama's people who accompanied me might mention
it at Teshu Lumbo, and so get them into a scrape.
At length, when we were about to return, one of the servants
came with the news of having found a musk goat asleep in a
quarry. The dogs were immediately tied up. The people with the
toils went along the side of the mountain, and above the place where
the game lay, while we followed slowly after. The toils are made
of cords, formed into a number of nooses hung close to one another,
on a rope which is extended at about three feet from the ground,
and supported by rods stuck in the earth at intervals of about ten
or twelve feet. There is another row of nooses similar to this
placed parallel to it, and at the distance of about five feet. When
these double toils were set all round one side of the quarry, and at
about a gunshot from it, we spread ourselves, encircled the other
1 Mosclms moschifera. The musk deer of Europeans, but more like an antelope.
Ch. XL] HUNTING THE MUSK DEER. 115
side, and with shouts and stones at length awakened the musk from
his profound sleep. As soon as he got upon the brow of the hiU,
he boundingly made towards the toils, and having twice attempted
to leap over them, thrust his head into one of the nooses.1 When
we came up to him he was quite breathless with struggling, and all
the skin, which is very tender, was torn off his neck with the cord.
We carried him home and put him into a closet adjoining to my
room ; but he died before morning.
The musk is about the size of an antelope, but without any
horns. The bag of perfume for which it is famous is produced only
in the male, who is also of a colour more dark than the female, and
distinguished by two tusks which fall perpendicularly from his
upper jaw. The hair is speckled yellow and brown at the point,
and resembles the fledges of a quill almost as much as hair. It has
an amazing strong attractive quality, like amber, and sticks to your
fingers so that it is difficult to shake it off. The skins of the musks
which I have seen in the Deb Bajah's country are much darker than
those in Tibet ; they approach almost to black. The common way of
killing the musk is by matchlocks and bows and arrows. It is sadly
persecuted by the peasants about the beginning of winter, and
numbers of them seek protection on the privileged mountains
behind Teshu Lumbo.2
1 Colonel Markham (p. 95) says that black on the hind quarters. The legs
snaring is by far the most common are long and slender, toes long and
method practised for the capture of pointed. The fur is composed of thick
musk deer in Ladak. A fence, about spiral hairs, not unlike miniature por-
3 feet high, is made, generally along cupine quills, brittle, and very thickly
some ridge, and often upwards of a set. The musk is only found in adult
mile in length. Openings for the deer males. The pod is near the navel,
to pass through are left every 10 or 15 between the flesh and skin, and is
yards, and in each a strong hempen composed of several layers of thin skin
snare is placed, tied to a long stick. in which the musk is confined. The
2 There is an excellent account of musk itself is in grains, or powder, of
the musk deer in Colonel Fred. Mark- a dark reddish-brown colour ; and an
ham's ' Journal of Sporting Adventures ounce is the average yield of a full-
in Ladak, Tibet, and Kashmir ' (Bent- grown animal. The musk deer is found
ley, 1854), p. 84. The musk deer is all over the Himalayan chains, but
rather more than 3 feet long, and stands generally at elevations at or above
nearly 2 feet high at the shoulders. The 8000 feet— generally in forests, and is
head is small, the ears long and erect. of solitary and retired habits. In many
The male has a tusk depending from respects they are not unlike hares in
each upper jaw about 3 inches long. habits and economy ; and they make
The general colour is a dark speckled forms in the same manner.
brownish -grey, deepening to nearly
116 RETURN TO TESHU LUMBO. [Ch. XI.
The partridges are considerably smaller than those in England.
Begarding their taste I cannot say anything, for the cook aUowed
three, which Mr. Hamilton one day shot, to fly away some hours
after they were dead; and those which the Pyn Cushos now
caught for me were so tame, it would have been a sin to kill them ;
so I set them at liberty, which was considered by the Lama's
servants to be a very pious action. As to the Pyn Cushos, they are
little scrupulous about this or any venial sin, and, as long as it comes
not to the knowledge of the Lama, wiU do anything you like.
The Pyn Cushos keep a large parcel of all kinds of dogs at
Binjaitzay, and some of 'them, particularly Shamo, are great
favourites. There is also a wolf 1 chained at the foot of the stair,
a tiger cat fastened to a stone on the leads, besides other animals.
After supper everyone retired to his room and went to bed,
thinking no evil. But about the middle of the night we were
alarmed with a dreadful barking and howHng among the dogs,
which soon brought all the family together upon the leads; Mr.
Hamilton and I in our shirts, the rest with only a blanket wrapped
round them, it being the custom for the Tibetans, both men and
women, to sleep naked. There was no light but starlight ; the
noises still continued. Some said it was thieves ; but as I could
not think anybody would be so wicked as attempt to rob the Lama's
family, I had nothing for it but to conclude it was the devil. In
the meantime a most extraordinary yelling began just under our
nose, which being totally different from anything I had ever heard,
would certainly have served to confirm my notion, had not the
whole family, to my utter astonishment, burst out into a fit of
laughing ; and, Paima having managed to light a lamp with his
tinder-box, we had the satisfaction to see Mr. Wolf, whose breaking
loose had occasioned all this disturbance, pinned down by the tiger
cat, with her claws fixed in his cheeks. And so, having remanded
him into confinement, each of our motley group, after looking a
little at one another, returned laughing to bed.
Early in the morning we took leave of our hosts, set out from
Binjaitzay, and reached Teshu Lumbo at night, by excusing myself
from stopping to drink tea at various places, and pushing through
a great whirlwind of dust towards the end of our journey. At
1 Lupus laniger (Hodgson).
Ch. XI.] THE GOVERNOR OF JANGLACHE. 117
njght the palace and all the town were iUuminated, in honour of
the last Teshu Lama. It is reckoned very unlucky if the lamps
should be blown out, and yet they were blown out upon this
occasion. However, the sons of men can easily find salvos for any
thing. A few extraordinary prayers, or one or two solemnities,
avert the evil.
In the morning my friend Debo Dinji Sampu came to see me.
He looked more thoughtful than usual ; and after we had drank a
dish of tea and exchanged a pinch of snuff, he told me the cause
of it — that he was appointed Governor of Janglache,1 a castle of
some consequence, about three days higher up the Tsanpu. I con
gratulated him on his good fortune ; but it would not do. He said
to me : "I know that many people would solicit this office, the
obtaining of which gives me so much uneasiness ; but I have from
my youth continued with the Lama. I have never been employed
on any public business ; I am not used to writing, and have had no
practice in accounts. I shall have a vast deal to do in my new
employment ; I know not well how to set about it, and am afraid
of getting into a scrape." As the Christian virtue of humble-
mindedness is so rare, I could not help being pleased to meet with
it in a Pagan. What I said to encourage Debo Dinji produced,
as often happens, no effect; and he wanted me to apply to the
Lama that he might accompany me, at least to Tassisudon ; but he
would not aUow me to mention it as his desire, and I could not
do it else. Soon after he set out for his government, having first
taken leave of me, and presented me with some purses of gold dust
and a white handkerchief at parting. I felt not the same heart's
liking for the priest who succeeded to the honour of bringing me
rice and tea in the morning, as I had for Debo Dinji. He after
wards was sent by the Lama to attend me to Tassisudon, and feU a
sacrifice to a strange climate.
Some Chinese merchants came to Teshu Lumbo to buy lamb
skins, and a Kashmiri brought one of them to see me. From his
manners I thought he must be a little man. His cap was faced
with black lamb skins : but as I understood the Lama did not wish
1 Tchanglase, on D'Anville's map. 70 miles west of Teshu Lumbo. It
Dziang-lodze of Klaproth. It is on was visited by Colonel Montgomerie's
the south side of the Tsanpu, about Pundit in 1865.
118 DEPARTURE FROM TESHU LUMBO. [Ch. XI.
me to have any connection with him, I sent him away. I did not
find him near so white as I expected.
I was invited to pass the afternoon at the Sopon Chumbo's,
where I was treated with all the things I have so often repeated,
set off with the most easy and entertaining conversation. The
manners of the Tibetans are in general very engaging ; but Sopon
Chumbo, by traveUing through Tatary and China, and by a long
residence at the Court of Peking, has improved upon them.
I now seldom stirred out of my room, being employed from
morning to night in translating some papers which the Lama gave
me about Tibet.
The severity of the winter was now passed; the ice melted
faster than it froze ; the weather in the heat of the day was very
comfortable, and I began to turn my views towards Bengal.
The Teshu-tzay Killadar 's family had left us, and Durjay Paumo
had set out for her convent. The Pyn Cushos were returned to
Teshu Lumbo, but it was only to escort their mother and sisters
to Teshu-tzay. I this day took leave of Chum Cusho and the two
nuns, not without many blessings and much advice from the old
woman, and many promises to the nuns of writing to them and
sending them lories and looking-glasses. My parting with the Pyn
Cushos was a harder task. I never could reconcile myself to the
thoughts of a last farewell, and however anxious I was to return to
Bengal and to the world, I could not take leave of my Tibetan
friends with indifference, and would now find Httle satisfaction in
repeating the circumstances of it.1
The last days of my stay at Teshu Lumbo were taken up with
these ceremonies; all my acquaintances in the palace coming to
me with pots of tea, little presents, kind looks, and kind ex
pressions. 1 Dr. Hamilton, in a letter to Mr. (or Pung) Cushos had recently died,
Bogle, dated at Tassisudon on May within a few days of each other, just
30, 1776, announced the melancholy after having finished a long letter to
news that his young hosts the Pyn their former guest.
Ch. XII.] PRODUCE. FOOD. 119
CHAPTEB XII.
AN ACCOUNT OF TIBET.
FACE OF THE COUNTRY PRODUCE — FOOD — DRESS OF THE PEOPLE — PRIESTS
AND NUNS — HORSES AND OTHER ANIMALS — HOUSES — DISPOSAL OF DEAD
BODIES — POLYANDRY.
This country, from Ladak to the frontier of China, is called by the
natives Pu,1 pronounced as the French do Dominus, or as the Scotch
do the Greek upsilon. It is full of hills : they might be caUed
mountains if they were not so near to those in the Deb Bajah's
kingdom ; however, one has few of them to climb, the road lead
ing through the vaUeys. Save here and there a monastery or a
nunnery, they are left to the musk goats and other wild animals.
The country is bare, stony, and unsheltered ; hardly a tree is to be
seen, except in the neighbourhood of villages, and even there in no
great numbers. On the road from Pari-jong there are a great
many ruinous houses, occasioned by a war with the Bhutanese about
sixty years ago.
The vaUeys produce wheat and barley, and peas. The first are
ground by water-mUls of a very simple construction; the last is
food only for cattle. The peasants and the bulk of the inhabitants
Hve on flour made into dough, or baked with oil produced in the
country; on mutton or the flesh of the cow-taUed cattle. The
higher class of people eat rice brought from the Deb Bajah's
country, unleavened bread made into twisted roUs with butter,1
mutton soup thickened with pounded rice, mutton boiled in joints
or cut in pieces ; beef, not much ; sweetmeats and fruits brought
from China and Kashmir. As to pork, so much used for food in
the neighbouring kingdom, there are few swine in the country.
All the world drink tea made in the same manner as in Tatary.2
1 Peu, and the people Peu-pa ; but is scanty, dear, and bad, and hence the
more commonly Bod and Bod-pa. certainty of a fine market for India
2 That is, the brick tea of commerce, tea, could the trade prohibition be
so made up for transport. The supply annulled.
120 DRESS OF THE PEOPLE. LCh. XII.
Among the great people there is a drinking of tea from morning till
night. The lower class of people and the laymen will smoke
eighty or a hundred pipes of tobacco in a day : 1 and they hold this
but a small quantity indeed. They also drink brandy distilled
from wheat, though seldom to excess. The priests are forbidden
the use of both. They often trespass, however, in smoking, not in
drinking. The servants and peasants wear horizontal caps made of locks
of sheep's wool dyed yellow. They are like the Scotch bonnets,
but much larger. I never saw one above three feet in diameter. The
women, in the winter time, cover their heads with small rough caps
of the same materials. Sometimes they dye them a deep blood red.
It has a droll appearance. Paima's dress may serve as a specimen
of that of the inferior class of men. The higher laymen wear
tunics of satin, brocaded or plain, fined with sheep and lamb skins,
or Siberian furs ; a round cap faced with fur, and crowned with a
silk tassel, and Bulgar hide boots. Bed broadcloth tunics are also
far from uncommon. The women wear a jacket, and petticoat
reaching a little below the knee, of coarse blanket, of serge striped
or plain, or of Chinese satin, according to their condition ; Tatar
stockings soled with leather, and gartered under the knee. When
dressed they have a piece of cloth thrown cloak-like over their
shoulders. All ranks of them are at great pains in adorning
their heads ; plaiting their hair neatly enough with coral and
amber beads, bugles, or pearls ; they wear also necklaces of them,
where the pieces of amber are sometimes as large as a hen's egg.
The quantity of the two first kinds of beads that is on the head,
even of a peasant's wife or daughter, is amazing. The two last
sorts fall to the share only of the ladies.
It is not only uncomportable in this cold climate of Tibet, but
directly contrary to the custom of the country for the inhabitants,
whether male or female, high or low, ever to wash their hands or
face. It is, therefore, difficult to determine with precision the
complexion of the Tibetans. They are in general, I think, much
darker than the Deb Bajah's subjects. Paima's hue, however, is
among the blackest I have seen. They are also far from being so
1 Of tobacco also the supply is scanty and dear ; and for this commodity, too, a
great outlet might be found in Tibet, were the artificial obstacles removed.
Oh. XII.] PRIESTS. HORSES. 121
handsome or well made as their neighbour Bhutanese.1 Here they
are seldom above the middle size; in the Deb Bajah's country
they are seldom under it. Many causes might be given for this
difference ; but they are perhaps only theoretical, and, at any rate,
this is not the place for them.
The gylongs, or priests,2 are a separate class of people. Their
vows and their dress are the same as in the Deb Bajah's kingdom,
but they are much more numerous ; they have less pofitical power,
and the inferior ones are therefore worse clad, and fare worse.
Besides the four thousand at Teshu Lumbo, and near three times
that number at Lhasa, the gylongs are scattered over the country
in monasteries with land annexed for their support. The annis, or
nuns, have their heads shaven, and are dressed in red wooUen;
they take the same vows of chastity as the priests, and live in
nunneries. Their number is not great. The gylongs and the
annis, owing to a custom which I shall afterwards mention, con
tribute little towards increasing the population of the state.
The people in general are downright and good-humoured, not
addicted to fawning, as in Bengal ; but fond of laughing, dancing,
singing, and taking snuff. In £he Lama's palace, however, women
and, of course, merriment are excluded.
The horses seldom rise above fourteen or fourteen and a half
hands. They are mostly white ; seldom piebald ; strong, hardy,
and not vicious, but HI treated. They run into the opposite extreme
from the Bengalis. One man will feed, I cannot say take care of,
twenty or five-and-twenty horses. The goats, sheep,3 dogs, and
cattle, which go down to Bengal, wiU give an account of themselves.
There are plenty of wild ducks and geese, which, being un
molested, are very tame, and numbers of hares ; but I have seen
only one covey of partridges.
1 That is, the people of Bhutan, or for examination, the value of which
the Lhopas. Mr. Hodgson observes was placed at 9d. per lb. The follow-
that it may be questioned whether they ing is a quotation from the prices
are handsomer or fairer than the current in October, 1875 :
Bodpas, though the Sokpas of north- s /erlb's. d.
east Tibet are no doubt less hand- white East India wool 0 7 to 1 5J
some. Yellow and tinged ditto 0 5 „ 1 3
2 Or rather monks. (Jrey, black, and fawn,
3 The wool of the Tibetan sheep is ditto 0 1\ „ 0 11 J
very fine. Mr. Hodgson sent a sample
122 BURIAL OP THE DEAD. [Ch. XII.
Some of the houses are of stone ; others of brick, whitewashed
or painted. The stairs are ladders ; from the difficulty of getting
long beams, the rooms are full of posts. They have no vents, but
let out the smoke of their cow-dung fires by a hole in the roof,
which answers also to give light. The whole room is abundantly
dirty. The Lama's present habitation is small. His palace at
Teshu Lumbo is, I am told, princely.1 The ascent to the apart
ments here is also by ladders ; but the apartments themselves
are weU painted, gilded, and finished : they want but windows and
stoves. The first are only boards Hke the frames of a green
house ; the last are unknown, and pots with charcoal are used in
their stead.
I will mention only the two customs that appear most singular.
As there is little wood in the country, they cannot afford to
burn their dead ; but they take an equaUy effectual way of destroy
ing them. The body is carried to a neighbouring mountain, and
being cut and beat in pieces, is left to be devoured by the wUd
beasts. I went to visit one of these sepulchral mounts, and
expected to find it Hke a charnel-house. Eagles, ravens, and
hawks hovered over us ; but not a vestige of mortality could I
see. At length I was shown the spot where the body is laid,
and could observe some fresh spHnters. On the top of this gloomy
hill, an aged virgin had fixed her soHtary abode. I wanted much
to see the inside of it. At last, after much rhetoric, I got her to
open the only window of her hovel, and show her wrinkled face and
dismal habitation. Having given us a kind of liquor made of wheat
to drink, and muttered over many prayers for our safety, we took
our leave. This female hermit subsists entirely on alms, and is held
in general veneration throughout the country.
I am at a loss for a name to the other custom, unless I caU it
polyandry. In most Eastern countries polygamy is allowed. The
advocates for it compare mankind to the deer; its enemies liken
them to turtle-doves. Montesquieu and other poHtical writers
insist that it is destructive of population ; and the women cry out
that it is unjust and unreasonable that so many of their sex should
be subjected to the pleasure of one man. But in this country they
1 Mr. Bogle must have written this chapter at Desheripgay, previous to his
visit to Teshu Lumbo.
Ch. XII.] POLYANDRY. 123
have their revenge. The elder brother marries a woman, and she
becomes the wife of the whole famHy. They club together in
matrimony as merchants do in trade. Nor is this joint concern
often productive of jealousy among the partners. They are little
addicted to jealousy. Disputes, indeed, sometimes arise about the
chUdren of the marriage ; but they are settled either by a comparison
of the features of the chUd with those of its several fathers, or
left to the determination of the mother.
124 KASHMIRIS. [Ch. XIII.
CHAPTEB XIII.
TRADE OF TIBET.1
The foreign trade of Tibet is very considerable. Being moun
tainous, naturally barren, and but thinly peopled, it requires
large supplies from other countries, and its valuable productions
furnish it with the means of procuring them. It yields gold, musk,
cowtails, wool, and salt. Coarse woollen cloth and narrow serge
are almost its only manufactures. It produces no iron, nor fruit,
nor spices. The nature of the soil and of the climate prevents the
culture of sUk, rice, and tobacco, of aU which articles there is a great
consumption. But the wants of the country wiU best appear from
an account of its trade. In this sketch, however, I propose only
to give the outlines, which I wiU beg leave afterwards to fill up and
correct. The genius of this Government, like that of most of the ancient
kingdoms in Hindustan, is favourable to commerce. No duties are
levied on goods, and trade is protected and free from exactions.
Many foreign merchants, encouraged by these indulgences, or
allured by the prospect of gain, have settled in Tibet. The natives
of Kashmir, who, like the Jews in Europe, or the Armenians in
the Turkish empire, scatter themselves over the eastern kingdoms
of Asia, and carry on an extensive traffic between the distant parts
of it, have formed establishments at Lhasa and all the principal
towns in this country. Their agents, stationed on the coast of
Coromandel, in Bengal, Benares, Nepal, and Kashmir, furnish them
with the commodities of these different countries, which they dis
pose of in Tibet, or forward to their associates at Seling,2 a town on
the borders of China. The Gosains, the trading pUgrims of India,
resort hither in great numbers. Their humble deportment and
1 A copy of the document, comprising lating to Mr. Bogle's mission. Another
this chapter, is in the archives at copy has been preserved in the India
Calcutta, and it appears to be the only Office.
one that has been preserved there re- 2 Sining.
Ch. XIII.] TRADE WITH BHUTAN, ASSAM, AND CHINA. 125
holy character, heightened by the merit of distant pilgrimages, their
accounts of unknown countries and remote regions, and, above all,
their professions of high veneration for the Lama, procure them not
only a ready admittance, but great favour. Though clad in the
garb of poverty, there are many of them possessed of considerable
wealth. Their trade is confined chiefly to articles of great value
and small bulk. It is carried on without noise or ostentation, and
often by paths unfrequented by other merchants. The Kalmuks,1
who, with their wives and famiHes, annually repair in numerous
tribes to pay their devotions at the Lama's shrines, bring then-
camels loaded with furs and other Siberian goods. The Bhutanese
and the other inhabitants of the mountains, which form the southern
frontier of Tibet, are enabled by their situation to supply it as well
with the commodities of Bengal as with the productions of their own
states. The people of Assam furnish it with the coarse manufac
tures of their kingdom. The Chinese, to whose empire the country
is subject, have estabHshed themselves in great numbers at the
capital ; and by introducing the curious manufactures and merchan
dise of China, are engaged in an extended and lucrative commerce.
And thus Lhasa, being at the same time the seat of government
and the place of the Dalai Lama's residence, is the resort of
strangers, and the centre of communication between distant parts
of the world.
The most considerable branch of commerce is with China. It
is carried on by the natives of that kingdom, by Kashmiris, and
by the Lama's agents, who proceed to Seling,2 and sometimes even
to Peking. The imports are coarse tea, of which the consumption is
immense; flowered and brocaded satins of various kinds, Pelong3
handkerchiefs, silk, thread, furs, porcelain cups, glass, snuff-boxes,
knives and other cutlery, talents of silver, and some tobacco. The
returns are made in gold, pearls, coral, chanks,4 broadcloth, and a
trifling quantity of Bengal cloths. The productions of Siberia
are imported chiefly by the Kalmuks, or by the way of Seling.
They consist of furs, red and black Bulgar hides, cowtails, some
1 Kalmuk is here used as the equi- 2 Sining.
valent for Mauchurians. They and 3 See note at p. 16.
the Mongolians resort annually, in 4 Shells,
large numbers, to Lhasa and Teshu
Lumbo, for trade.
126 TRADE WITH NEPAL. [Ch. XIII.
dromedaries, bastard pearls, and silver, and are bartered for broad
cloth, coral and amber beads, spices, and gold. The Kashmiris
naturally engross the trade with their country. It is not consider
able. The imports are chiefly sugar, dried raisins, and other fruits-
The exports are goat's wool and gold. The imports from Assam
are spices and timber, munga r doties, and other coarse manufactures
of sUk and linen. The native productions of the Deb Bajah's
country brought into Tibet are rice, wrought iron, coarse woollen
cloth, and some munjit,2 which are exchanged for tea and other
Chinese commodities, rock salt, wool, sheep's skins, and narrow
friezes for their home consumption. The productions imported from
Nepal are chiefly iron and rice. But as these two countries have
been the principal channels of communication between Bengal and
Tibet, it is necessary to give a more particular account of them.
While Nepal was divided among the different states of Kath
mandu, Patan, Bhatgaon, and Gorkha, and remained under the
government of rajahs, independent of each other's authority, every
encouragement was given to trade.3 A very moderate duty was
levied on goods ; the country, populous and well cultivated, easily
furnished the means of transporting them, and the merchants, free
from spoil or exactions, settled in Nepal, and contributed to enrich
it at the same time that they improved their own fortunes. Some
dispute arose among these petty chiefs ; they went to war, and
Prithi Narayan,4 the Gorkhali Bajah, was caUed in to take part in the
quarrel. Having subdued the enemy, he turned his arms against
his ally ; and partly by treachery, partly by the exertion of
superior abilities, has, after a war of twenty-five years, made him
self master of the whole of the country, and united it under one
government. 1 The silk of Assam. (See note at the Khas tribe. The conquered people
P- 55.) of Nepal are the Newars. The former
2 See note at p. 7. are addicted to arms, the latter to the
3 The valley of Kathmandu, in Nepal, arts of peace. (See the account of the
was divided into three sovereignties Gorkhali conquest, by Father Guiseppe,
called Patan, Bhatgaon, and Kath- in the 'Transactions of the Asiatio
mandu, each governed by a, rajah. Society of Bengal,' ii. p. 307.)
But in 1768 Nepal was conquered by * Of the Gorkhali Kings of Nepal,
the Gorkhas. Gorkha is the name of the first, Prithi Narayan Sah, reigned
a little state about 70 miles W.N.W. from 1768 to 1771 ; the second, Pertab
of the valley of Nepal. Gorkhali is the Singh Sah Deva, from 1771 to 1775.
name of the people, who are chiefly of
Ch. XIII.] TRADE WITH BENGAL. 127
But although the wealth of Nepal furnished the Gorkha Bajah
with the means by which he rose, he neglected to cherish the source
from whence it flowed. Mistrustful of subjects disaffected to his
government, he entertained a number of troops on regular pay. He
discipHned them, he furnished them with firearms, he formed an
artiUery, and left nothing undone to render himself formidable. The
ordinary revenue of countries where a standing army had hitherto
been unknown, was unequal to these extraordinary expenses ; and
the Gorkha Bajah, among other expedients, had recourse to im
posing high duties on trade in order to defray them. The mer
chants, subject to heavy and arbitrary fines upon the most frivolous
pretences, and obliged to purchase the protection of a tyrannical
government by presents scarcely less oppressive, quitted a country
where they could no longer enjoy that freedom and security which
are the life of commerce. The Gosains, who had formerly very
extensive establishments in Nepal, having incurred the Gorkha
Bajah's resentment by the assistance which they afforded his ad
versaries, were driven out of the kingdom ; and many of the most
wealthy inhabitants being stripped of their possessions, or exposed
to the exactions of a conqueror, likewise deserted it. Only two
Kashmiri houses remain, and the Bajah, afraid of their also
abandoning him, obliges them to give security for the return of
such agents as they have occasion to send beyond the boundaries
of his dominions.1
The trade between Bengal and Tibet, through the Deb Bajah's
country, used formerly to be engrossed whoUy by the Bhutanese.
Two of the Kashmiri houses, however, who fled from Nepal,
being unwUHng to forego the gainful commerce in which they had
hitherto been concerned, settled at Lhasa, and having obtained
permission from the Deb Bajah to transport their goods through
his territories, established agents in Bengal. But as they are pro
hibited from trading in broadcloth and some other considerable
articles, and as their traffic is carried on to no great extent, and all
other merchants are excluded, it by no means compensates the loss
1 Under the government of Jung duties (17 to 20 per cent.), and by end-
Bahadur an essentially similar policy less monopolies. Yet the exports and
prevails at Kathmandu, where, accord- imports of Nepal, in 1831, reached
ing to Dr. Wright's semi-official sketch 33 lakhs.
of Nepal, our trade is cramped by heavy
128 CURRENCY. [Ch. XIII.
which Bengal has sustained by the mterruption of its commerce
through Nepal.
The commodities of Bengal used also to be conveyed into Tibet
through the Murung,1 and a province adjoining to it which is subject
to Lhasa, and governed by a chief styled Demo Jong.2 The fakirs,
when expelled from Nepal, generally frequented this road ; but being
esteemed unhealthy, it was not adopted by any creditable merchants.
The Gorkha Bajah, however, having extended his conquests over
the first of these countries, and having lately invaded the other, all
intercourse is at present interrupted.
Besides these different communications, there is a road leading
from Benares and Mirzapiir through the Mustang3 country, and
the hills to the northward of Bulwant Sing's territories,4 which are
subject to rajahs who stiU preserve their independence. The more
valuable sorts of Bengal goods are sometimes imported into Tibet
by this channel. But although the merchants travel in perfect
security, and receive every assistance from these petty chiefs,
the length of the way, the difficulty of the road, through a
mountainous and, in several places, uninhabited country, and the
many intermediate tolls upon the goods, render it far from eligible.
Of late years it has become more frequented, on account of its being
almost the only means of communication.
The principal articles of merchandise between Bengal and
Tibet are broadcloth, otter skins, nU (indigo), pearls; coral, amber,
and other beads ; chank shells, spices, tobacco, sugar, Malta striped
satins, and a few white cloths, chiefly coarse. The returns are
made in gold dust, musk, and cowtaUs.5
A knowledge of the current specie, and of the proportionate
value of money in a country, is of capital importance towards under
standing the nature of its trade. But the intricacy of the subject,
and the variety of circumstances requisite in forming a just notion
of it, obHge me at present to mention it only briefly. There are
no mints in Tibet. Payments are made in talents of China and
Tatary, in smaU bulses of gold dust, or in the coin of the former
1 See note at p. 65. ^ Benares, of which Bulwant Sing
2 Or Deunjong. Sikkim. father of Cheyt Sing, was rajah.
3 Mustang is on the borders of Tibet, 6 See a full list of exports and im-
by the Muktinath Pass of the Nepalese ports in Mr. Hodgson's Report, pp 91
Himalaya. 121. (Triibner, 1875.)
Ch. XIII.]
CURRENCY.
129
rajahs of Kathmandu and Patan, which is the established specie of
the kingdom.1 The circulation of their rupees, which were of a
base standard, proved very beneficial to these chiefs, and Gorkha,
as soon as he had firmly established his authority in Nepal,
endeavoured to introduce his coin into Tibet. For this purpose,
he sent a deputation to Lhasa with a large sum in rupees struck
in his name, and desired the sanction of government to circulate
them through the country. The merchants, aware of the Gorkha
Bajah's Ul faith, refused to accept them, and the government
returned him this artful answer: "We are wflling to receive your
coin, provided that you take back aU the money of Nepal which
is now in circulation.'' This condition was neither for the Gorkha
Bajah's interest nor in his power to comply with. Nothing has
since been done in this important affair. The old specie continues
to pass ; but the channel by which it was introduced having been
long stopped up, it has risen greatly above its former value, as
weU in proportion to the talents of silver as to the gold dust.
1 The valley of Nepal, before its
conquest by the Gorkhas in 1768, was
governed by three dynasties of rajahs,
who all coined money. The coins of
the Bhatgaon rajahs are distinguished
by a shell ; those of Patan by a tirsul
(trident) ; and those of Kathmandu by
a sword. All money used in Tibet was
coined by these rajahs, which was »
source of considerable profit to them.
The last reigning Rajah of Bhatgaon
sent the Bhutanese such base coins as
to cause a decrease of nearly one-half of
their intrinsic value. This led to a
desertion of the Nepalese mints for a
time. But there is no other currency,
and silver mohurs of Nepal are used in
Tibet and Bhutan, either whole, or cut
into halves, quarters, and eighths. The
mohur is an 8-anna piece, weighing 87
grains, identical with the Muhamma-
dan half rupee. The silver for coin
ing is procured from China in stamped
lumps. There are, however, » few
specimens of silver coinage struck at
Lhasa, with the inscription, " Tsang
pahu," or Tsang money, and the date of
the Tibetan year. Chinese brass money,
with a square hole in the centre, is
also current in Tibet. (See 'Prinsep's
Tables.') The following memorandum of
weights used in Tibet is among Mr.
Bogle's papers :
6| mahendra-malli * equal to 1 tank.
5 tanks make 1 nega.
20 negas equal to 1 call, nearly
equivalent to 30i seers of 80 sicca
rupees.
Gold weights of Tibet :
li mahendra-malli equal to a mascal.
8 mascals equal to a gaiton, equiva-
* Called after the Newar dynasty of
the Malls.
130 RISE OF GESUB RIMBOCHE. [Ch. XIV.
CHAPTEE XIV.
NEGOTIATIONS. 1.
Politics of Tibet and Neighbouking Countries.
About seventy years ago, the Emperor of China acquired the
sovereignty of Tibet, in the way that sovereignties are generally
acquired, by interfering in the quarrels between two contending
parties.1 In consequence of a revolution, which happened about
twenty-five years ago, the government of Tibet was committed to
the former Dalai Lama.2 Upon his death, Gesub Bimboche,3 his
cup-bearer or confidant, procured the supreme administration of
affairs, partly through his own interest at the Court of Peking, and
partly by the recommendation of Teshu Lama, who came now to
be considered as the first man in the country. After two years,
Teshu Lama discovered the child into whose body the Dalai
Lama's spirit had passed, and gave notice to the Court of China.
He was immediately recognized by the Emperor.4 Changay
Lama, the high-priest who resided at Peking, came to visit him,
1 Chinese power was established in Gesub Rimboehe, or temporal ruler, is
Lhasa in 1720, resident Political Agents chosen from the Dibong monastery.
being appointed. A certain supremacy, He is also called the Nomen Khan.
however, existed long before that date. See also p. 2 3, and note.
2 An insurrection against the Chinese 4 This was Lobsang Champal, the
broke out in 1749, which ended in Lob- seventh Dalai Lama. It was with his
sang Kalsang, the sixth Dalai Lama, sanction that the great emigration of
being established at Lhasa, with two the Kalmuks settled in Russian terri-
Chinese Ambas or Residents. The sixth tory took place, in 1771, which is
Lama died in 1758. described by De Quincey. Lobsang
3 From time immemorial the oldest Champal died in 1805. The eighth,
among tlie occupants of the four chairs ninth, and tenth Dalai Lamas were
of the Chemiling, Tengiling, Cliechu- murdered by the Regent in 1815 and
ling, and Kenduling monasteries had 1837. The eleventh died in 1855. The
the title of Gesub (or Geshub) Rim- present Dalai Lama is the twelfth. He
boehe', and was Regent during the was born in 1856. His death has lately
Dalai Lama's minority. But now the been reported, but not confirmed.
Ch. XIV.] GESUB R1MB0CHE. 131
and^after passing some months at Teshu Lumbo, returned to
court. For many years after Gesub's promotion, Teshu Lama con
tinued to have great influence in the government; but for some
time past Gesub has endeavoured by his own interest to maintain
himself in office, and although he appears to pay great deference to the
Lama's opinion, he consults him as seldom as possible. The grand
object of Gesub's poHtics is to secure the administration to himself,
and afterwards to his nephews ; while Teshu Lama, on the con
trary, is exerting all his interest at the Court of Peking to procure
the government for the Dalai Lama, who is now nearly of age, and
to obtain the appointment of a minister devoted to himself. If he
can carry his point, his influence will immediately revive ; for, inde
pendent of the good understanding which subsists between all the
Eastern pontiffs, the Dalai Lama owing his promotion to Teshu
Lama, and having been tutored by his people, will naturally pay
great attention to his advice and opinion.
The obstacles to my journey arose chiefly from Gesub Bim
boche.1 Soon after my arrival at Desheripgay, Teshu Lama gave
me one of his letters, where he mentions " that he had heard of
two Fringies being arrived in the Deb Bajah's dominions, with a
great retinue of servants ; that the Fringies were fond of war ; and
after insinuating themselves into a country, raised disturbances, and
made themselves masters of it ; that as no Fringies had ever been
admitted into Tibet, he advised the Lama to find some method of
sending me back, either on account of the violence of the smallpox,
or on any other pretence." It was upon this letter that the Lama
wrote to me to return to Calcutta. After the arrival of the
Gosain, and the receipt of the letter I sent him from Tassisudon,
he wrote to Gesub, " that he had from the beginning dissuaded Deb
Judhur from going to war ; that the government at Lhasa had
encouraged him to it ; that Deb Judhur had been defeated, and a
great part of his country conquered; that he, the Lama, had
written to the Governor, who had not only given over hostilities,
but restored all the Deb Bajah's country ; that as I was sent by the
Governor, he thought it was proper to receive me ; but if they, con
trary to his opinion, persisted in refusing their permission, and any
calamity should afterwards come upon the country, they had them-
1 He also obstructed the journey of Captain Turner.
K 2
132 CHARACTER OF THE TESHU LAMA. [Ch. XIV.
selves to blame for it." This letter procured me admittance ; but
Gesub, at the same time, wrote to Teshu Lama to prevent my
coming to Lhasa, and repeated this in several letters after my
arrival. The truth is, he is naturally of a jealous and suspicious
temper, and was besides afraid of giving umbrage to the Chinese,
as jealous and suspicious as himself. Gesub, however, sent me some
Chinese brandy, biscuits, and fish ; and his servants, who came to
congratulate the Lama on his return to Teshu Lumbo, paid me
two visits. By the return of his people, I sent him some trifling
presents, for I had no other to send, and wrote him, or rather
the Lama wrote for me, a letter ; but I never received any
answer. In this situation I was obliged to confine my negotiations, for
extending the trade between Bengal and Tibet, entirely to Teshu
Lama. I could not think of going to Lhasa without such pre
sents to the Dalai Lama, to Gesub, and to the four ministers, as
were suitable to your character ; and, at any rate, Gesub's jealousy
put it out of my power. As to the Lama, I had every reason to
think, both from his attention and civUities to me, and the manner
in which he expressed his sense of the favour you had done him by
concluding peace with the Bhutanese, that he entertained the most
friendly dispositions towards you; and it was my business to cherish
them as well as I could.
Teshu Lama is about forty years of age. He is of a cheerful
and affable temper, of great curiosity, and very intelligent. He is
entirely master of his own affairs; his views are liberal and
enlarged, and he wishes, as every great man wishes, to extend his
consequence. From his pacific character, and from the turn of his
mind, naturaUy gentle and humane, he is averse to war and blood
shed, and in all quarrels endeavours by his mediation to bring
about a reconciliation. In conversation he is plain and candid,
using no flattery or compliments himself, and receiving them but
badly if made to him. He is generous and charitable, and is
universally beloved and venerated by the Tibetans, by the Kal
muks, and by a great part of the Chinese. The character I give of
him may appear partial ; but I received it in much stronger colours
from his own subjects, from the Kashmiris, and from the fakirs ;
and I will confess, I never knew a man whose manners pleased me
Ch. XIV.] HIS WISH FOR FREE INTERCOURSE. 133
so much, or for whom upon so short an acquaintance I had half
the heart's liking.
In consequence of my representing to him your wish to open a
free communication of trade between the inhabitants of Bengal and
Tibet, he wrote to Gesub Bimboche on the subject. He wrote also
to the principal merchants, Kashmiris as weU as natives. Many of
them, either in person or by their agents, came afterwards to visit
me. The Tibetans excused themselves from sending gumashtas into
Bengal, on account of the heat and unhealthiness of that country.
Several of the principal Kashmiri houses, who had been forced by
the Gorkha Bajah's oppressions to abandon this trade, assured me
that they would send their agents to Calcutta as soon as the rains
are over, and the Lama engaged to procure them a passage through
the Deb Bajah's territories. As the Gorkha Bajah had invaded the
country of a chief subject to Lhasa, the Lama could make no appli
cation to him ; but immediately on his death, he wrote to the new
Bajah of Nepal, desiring him to favour and protect commerce, and
to aUow aU merchants, Hindus, and Mussulmans, to trade freely
through his dominions, " for," says he, " everybody is now afraid to
enter your country, and it will become poor and desolate." He
wrote also recommending the same thing to the Deb Bajah, and
has sent one of his gylongs to co-operate with me at Tassisudon, in
my appHcations on this subject. In regard to allowing Europeans
to go unto Tibet, it was a point, although not particularly men
tioned in your instructions, which I wished to have carried, as I
was sensible it would have reflected great credit on my commission.
But the jealousy of the hill people, of the administration at Lhasa,
and the circumstances I have already mentioned, wiU, I imagine,
serve to show that it was a thing simply impossible. If the
government of Tibet is entrusted to the Lamas, I should think
this point may then be urged with some prospect of success ; but
at present I consider it as out of the question. As the returns,
however, for the commodities of Bengal carried into Tibet are
made principally in gold, any extension of this commerce is so
much clear gain to Bengal ; and the channel through which the
trade is carried on, although of consequence to individuals, is, I
humbly apprehend, of very little to the country. If any English
men choose to embark in this traffic, I do not see why it may not
134 THE LAMA'S INTERCESSION WITH CHINA. [Dh. XIV.
be conducted by Asiatic agents as well as by European ones, with
out running any risk of disturbing that friendship and good under
standing which I know you wish to cultivate with the Northern
powers. In my address of the 5th of December, I mentioned the Lama's
desire of founding a religious house on the banks of the Ganges.
About seven or eight hundred years ago, the Tibetan pontiffs had
many monasteries in Bengal, and their priests used to travel to
that country in order to study the religion and language of the
Brahmans, and to visit the holy places in Hindustan. The Mussul
mans, upon conquering Bengal, plundered and destroyed their
temples, and drove them out of the country. Since that time there
has been little intercourse between the two kingdoms. The Lama
is sensible that it will throw great lustre on his pontificate, and
serve to extend his fame and character, if he can, after so long an
interval, obtain a religious establishment in Bengal, and he is very
solicitous about this point. He proposes, also, to send some of his
gylongs, during the cold season, to wait upon you at Calcutta, and
afterwards to go on pUgrimages to Gaya and other places, and has
written to Chidzun Tamba,1 at Peking, who has great interest with
the Emperor, informing him " that the English are now masters of
Bengal ; that you, their chief, have shown him great favour ; that
the English allow everyone to foUow his own religion unmolested ;
and advising him to send some persons to wait upon you, and to
visit the principal temples in Bengal." I own I encouraged aU
this, in the view of strengthening the intercourse and connection
with Tibet, and thinking it would be of advantage to the Company
to open any channel of communication with the Court of China ;
and although I am not so sanguine as the Lama about the success
of his endeavours, however sincere, to obtain leave for you to send
a person to the Emperor, I do not altogether despair, by your
favour, of one day or other getting a sight of Peking.
The present Emperor is of a violent and imperious temper.2 He
1 The Guison Tamba of Hue ; iden- be that Mr. Bogle confuses the Guison
tical with the Taranath Lama (see note Tamba with the Changay Lama.
at p. 98). He resides at Urga, but 2 This was the Emperor Kien-lung
several visits of the Taranath Lama to who succeeded to the throne in 1736
Peking are recorded. (See Hue, i. His army subdued Eastern Turkistan,
p. 98.) See, however, p. 146. It may including Kashgar, Yarkand, and Kho-
Ch. XIV.] FIRST INTERVIEW WITH THE LAMA. 135
hjs conquered Yarkand by dint of numbers. He has, partly by
arts unworthy of a great monarch, reduced the Kalmuks to strict
subjection. But a petty Kambu prince,1 between Yunnan and
Tibet, defended by his mountains, and assisted, I believe, by the
King of Pegu, has kept his numerous armies at bay for several
years past ; and the quarrels about the boundaries and the migra
tion of subjects, between him and the Court of St. Petersburg, are
Hkely to come to a rupture, when, I imagine, he wiU get himself
heartily drubbed. The Lama is endeavouring to prevent it ; but
the Chinese seem to be in the wrong, and the Emperor's haughty
mind cannot stoop to make concessions.
2.
Conversations with the Teshu Lama at Desheripgay.
The day after my arrival I waited upon the Lama with the
Governor's despatches, having previously and without difficulty
settled that I should be allowed to give the letter into his own
hands. I delivered it, together with the pearl necklace, while my
servants spread out the other presents before him. He received
me with a very courteous and smiling countenance, and I was
seated near him on a high stool covered with carpet. He spoke to
me in Hindustani, of which language he has a moderate know
ledge. After inquiries about the Governor's health and my journey
from Tassisudon, he introduced the subject of the war in Bahar.
He blamed Deb Judhur as the occasion of it. " I always," said he,
" disapproved greatly of his seizing the Bahar Bajah, and going to
tan and annexed it to the Chinese to subdue Burmah. He was more suc-
Empire. In 1771 the famous flight of cessful in Tibet, where, in 1796, his
the Kalmuks settled on the banks of troops defeated an invading Nepalese
the Volga, from Russian tyranny, took army, and his forces advanced to within
place. After suffering fearful hard- twenty miles of Kathmandu. Kien-
ships, they crossed the Kirghiz Steppe, lung abdicated in 1796, after » long
and reached Chinese territory with and glorious reign of sixty years, and
their numbers reduced from 600,000 to died in 1800. His son, Kea-King,
250 000. Kien-lung provided for them reigned from 1796 to 1821, and was
with princely munificence, and they succeeded by Taou Kwang.
settled on the banks of the Hi. Kien- ' Probably a Prince of Kam or
lung also made an unsuccessful attempt Eastern Tibet.
136 DISCUSSION OF THE BHUTAN WAR. [Ch. XIV.
war with the Fringies ; but the Deb considered himself as powerful
in arms, and would not listen to my advice. After he was defeated
I wrote to the Governor, who, in ceasing hostilities against the
Bhutanese, in consequence of my application, and restoring to them
their country, has made me very happy, and has done a very pious
(durm) action. My servants who went to Calcutta were only
little men, and the kind reception they had from the Governor
I consider as another mark of his friendship."
I told him that Bahar is separated from Bangpur, one of the
provinces of Bengal, only by a rivulet ; that the Bhutanese from time
immemorial had confined themselves to their mountains, and when
they visited the low countries it was in an amicable manner, and in
order to trade ; that when many thousand armed men issued at
once from their forests, seized and carried off prisoner the Bajah of
Bahar, a petty prince, who could be no object of their jealousy,
possessed themselves of his country, and settled in it, the Company
had just cause to be alarmed, and to conclude that, encouraged by
their success in Bahar to-day, they would hardly be confined by an
ideal boundary, but attempt the conquest of Bangpur to-morrow,
and even extend their views to the interior and more fertile pro
vinces of Bengal ; that the Governor, although he had heard much
of the Lama's name and holy character, yet being totally unac
quainted with the Bhutan nation, and having then had no connec
tion with their chief, had the more reason for these apprehensions,
and immediately upon an application from the Bahar people for
assistance, despatched a battalion of the Company's Sepoys to repel
the invaders ; that he, the Lama, was well acquainted with what
followed ; that the Governor was extremely rejoiced on the receipt of
his letters, immediately suspended the war against the Bhutanese,1
and afterwards concluded a peace between them and the Company,
by which the whole of their country was restored to them ; being
happy to cultivate the friendship of a man whose fame is known
throughout the world, and whose character is held in veneration
1 Tibet is a Persian word. The In- State which we call Bhutan. To pre-
dian name for the country is Bhot, vent confusion it is, therefore better
whence Bhotia for a native of Bhot. to have a separate name for the people
Bod and Bodpa are the native terms. of Bhutan, and not to call them Bhu-
Bhuianta, or " the end of Bhot," is the teas. I have adopted Bhutanese.
Indian name for the Cis-Himalayan
Ch. XIV.] BHUTAN AFFAIRS. 137
among so many nations ; that he had therefore sent me to his, the
Lama's, presence with the letter and tokens of friendship which I
had then the honour to lay before him, and which I hoped would
find favour in his eyes. He made no answer to what I said.
Indeed, I doubt whether he understood it well, for I spoke in a
language which he had not been used to, and the guttural B,
which I inherit from my mother, probably increased the difficulty.
After this I endeavoured to confine myself within the compass and
to imitate the phraseology of his language, and so we made it out
very well.
"You have no doubt heard," said the Lama, " that Deb Judhur
has been turned out of his government, and has fled to me : he did
not manage the country properly, and the Fringies were not
pleased with him." I replied, that the English had no concern at
Deb Judhur's expulsion ; it was brought about by his own people ;
and that the Company only wished the Bhutanese to continue in
their own country, and not to encroach upon Bengal, or raise
disturbances upon its frontier. " The Governor," said he, " had
reason for going to war, but, as I am averse from bloodshed and the
Bhutanese are my vassals, I am glad it is brought to a conclusion."
He then opened the Governor's letter, but it was not at that time
explained to him.
Next day the Lama was engaged in receiving the visits and
presents of some Kalmuks,1 and I had an opportunity of waiting
upon him. He sent for me the next morning. He was without
his mitre cap, and nobody was with him besides the Sopon Chumbo,
his confidant and favourite.
He resumed the story of Bahar, and repeated the reasons for
the war on the same principle. He again expressed much satisfac
tion at the reception the Governor had given his servants ; he said
he had sent another person with them who was of a higher station,
but he had been prevented from proceeding to Calcutta by sickness.
'' I will plainly confess," said he, " that my reason for then
refusing you admittance was that many people advised me against
it. I had heard also much of the power of the Fringies ; that the
Company was Hke a great king, and fond of war and conquest ; and
as my business and that of my people is to pray to God, I was
1 Sokpas, of North-east Tibet.
138 ERECTION OF A BUDDHIST TEMPLE IN INDIA. [Ch. XIV.
afraid to admit any Fringies into the country. But I have since
learned that the Fringies are a fair and a just people. I never
before saw any Fringies, but am very happy at your arrival, and
you wiU not think anything of my former refusal." I replied that
I always attributed his refusal to the representations of some iU-
minded people, which had made an unfavourable impression on his
mind, as clouds for a time will darken the sun. " The Governor is
above all things desirous of obtaining your friendship and favour.
As your opinion is so generaUy and so justly regarded in this part
of the world, he is sensible how much the character of the English
is in your hands, and that their good or bad name depends greatly
upon your judgment. I have therefore represented these things in
your presence, the truth of which is known to aU the world."
In return, the Lama assured me his heart was open and well
disposed towards the EngHsh, and that he gave no credit to the
representations which had been made to their disadvantage. "I
wish," he said, " to have a place on the banks of the Ganges, to
which I might send my people to pray. I intend to write to the
Governor on this subject,1 and wish you would second my appHca-
tion." I replied that as I knew how desirous the Governor was
to cultivate his friendship, I was persuaded on this or any other
occasion he would find him very ready to gratify him as far as in
his power. He inquired if we worshipped the Criss, making a cross with
his fingers, and adding that there were formerly some Fringy
padres at Lhasa who worshipped the Criss, but they bred disturb
ances, and were turned out of the country.2 I said, I had heard of
the priests who had been at Lhasa; that they were not of my
country, spoke another language, and that their religion differed
from mine ; that the clergy of England remained at home, and
travelled not into other countries ; that we aUowed everyone to
1 " This he did after Mr. Bogle's re- knowledge reaches ; I conclude the
turn. A piece of land was purchased same to this hour." [This is anote on
and given to him, on the banks of the the manuscript, in another hand; I think
Ganges, opposite to Calcutta ; a house that of A. Dalrymple.]
and a temple were constructed upon 2 What remained of this Christian
the spot by the Lama, under the direc- establishment, and of others (mostly
tion of Mr. Bogle, and people from books), was presented to Mr. Hodgson,
Tibet and Bhutan constantly resorted when h^ was Resident in Nepal, by the
to it during the time for which my Dalai Lama.
Ch. XIV.] VAKIL OF THE BENARES RAJAH. 139
jvorship God in his own way, to which the Gosain or any of his
people who had been in Bengal could bear witness ; and that we
esteemed a good and pious man, of whatever religion he might
be. He changed the subject, and I was not sorry for it.
In the afternoon I visited the Chanzu Cusho,1 who is brother to
the Lama by the same mother, but by a different father, but has
little of his engaging manners or abilities. The conversation was
short, formal, and uninteresting.
I had been told that Cheyt Sing's vakil had described the
English as a people designing and ambitious; who, insinuating
themselves into a country on pretence of trade, became acquainted
with its situation and inhabitants, and afterwards endeavoured to
become masters of it ; and that his representations, in concurrence
with other circumstances, had contributed to raise up obstacles to
my journey.He came to visit me ; and as I think it best and most becoming
the character of the EngHsh to deal openly with every man, I
resolved to mention this to him. I accordingly told him what
I had heard. I said that the English had always been befriended
by Bulwunt Sing, his master's father ; and if their transactions in
Bengal were unjustifiable, Bulwunt Sing was equally to blame in
assisting them ; that, however, it was known to the whole world
that the English were obliged by necessity and in self-defence to go
to war. I briefly mentioned their rise in Bengal, enlarged upon
the assistance Bulwunt Sing had afforded them ; the friendship that
had always subsisted between him and the Company, and which
was stiU continued with Cheyt Sing. I added that as I knew how
displeased the Governor would be were I to say anything unfavour
able of his master, I was convinced Cheyt Sing would disown him
in anything he might say to the disadvantage of the Company.
He declared he had not spoken anything against the English ;
that he believed a vakfl of Kashmiri Mull, who was lately gone to
Lhasa, might ; that he only told Teshu Lama what he knew of
1 Chanzu Cusho was Regent for the wide face with nose a little turned up,
infant Lama at the time of Captain small black eyes, and high cheek bones.
Turner's visit to Teshu Lumbo, in 1783. There was an agreeable symmetry in
Captain Turner describes him as of his features, and a sweetness of expres-
middle size, rather of a broad make, sion in his countenance which was
but not inclined to corpulency, short, highly prepossessing. (Turner, p. 242.)
140 CORDIALITY OF THE LAMA. [Ch. XIV.
the affairs of Hindustan, and concluded with the rote of Hin
dustanis, that I was his master, a great man, &c. I replied, that
as he was sent to the Lama by the Bajah of Benares, I in the same
manner was deputed by the Governor on the part of the Company ;
that it was my duty to attend to the character of my constituents,
and it was the custom of the English to deal openly ; that I had
only reported to him what I had heard, and was glad to find from
him that I was misinformed.
After this altercation he and I became great friends. He used
to come frequently to see me, and having been a great traveller,
his conversation sometimes helped me to beguile a few tedious
hours. On the 15 th of November, the Lama sent for me, and desired
me to bring all my people with me. He repeated the assurances of
his good opinion of the English, and expressed himself with respect
to the Governor in very friendly terms, accompanied with that
frank and candid look which ought to be the pledge of sincerity.
After some observations on the coldness of the climate, he caused
me to be dressed in a purple satin gown, lined with fox skins, and
trimmed at the neck and cuffs with a scolloped gold lace, which he
said had come from Bussia ; cap of European flowered sUk brocade,
turned up with sable, and crowned with a red silk tassel; and
a pair of large red leather jack-boots. He equipped Mr. Hamilton
also in Tatar costume, but his tunic was of blue satin ; and all our
servants, either this day or a few days afterwards, received tunics
lined with sheep skins, and boots.
I next day went to the Sopon Chumbo,1 who is a great
favourite. He has been at Peking, through a great part of Tatary,
and even as far as the borders of Bussia, and has a knowledge of
the languages of these different countries. I made a short visit •
1 Captain Turner says that, at the bonts, and was without even the rudi-
time of his visit, in 1783, this Sopon ment of a beard. His duties under
Chumbo was treated by the Regent, the Lama, as Sadik, were to receive
Chanzu Cusho, more as a colleague and communicate his master's com-
than a subordinate officer. " The singu- mands, to arrange the celebration of
lar power he enjoyed seemed to be no festivals, to take charge of the wardrobe
more than what was justly due to his the treasury, and to act as cup-bearer'
integrity and talents. His countenance He had travelled much into China t '
was open and ingenuous. He had Khalka, and even to 'the shores' of
small eyes, thin eyebrows, high cheek Lake Baikal." (Turner, p. 248 )
Ch. XIV.] CAUSES OF DECLINE OF TRADE. 141
fjr the Lama seemed fully master of his own affairs, and had before
told me, though I recoUect not at which conversation, that as I
could speak to him without an interpreter, he wished me to apply
only to him about any business I might have, and not to trouble
myself with representing it through the channel of his officers.
The Lama began enumerating some causes of the decline of the
trade between Bengal and Tibet. He mentioned, first, the war
with Deb Judhur, during which nothing was allowed to pass
through his country to or from Bengal, and, said he, " if I would
allow him he would again go to war with his own people, but I will
not suffer him to quit Giansu, where he now is." He next
mentioned Prithi Narayan, the Bajah of Gorkha, who, he said, had
conquered all the countries in Nepal, and by his exactions and
oppressions had obliged all merchants to quit his country, as he
seizes upon their money and goods whenever he has occasion.
" He has now," said he, " taken possession of Bijapiir, on the
borders of Bengal, and, I am told, threatens to invade the Deb
Bajah's country. As to me, I give encouragement to merchants,
and in this country they are free and secure."
I said that as he was so weU acquainted with the causes of
this stagnation of trade, and as he and the Company coincided in
their treatment of merchants, I assured myself that he would apply
an effectual remedy. He replied that the people of his country
carried their goods only to Pari-jong, where they were received
and purchased by the inhabitants of the Deb Bajah's country, and
by them carried into Bengal ; and that the goods of Bengal were
conveyed into Tibet in the same manner. I told him that the
people of the Deb Bajah's country always carried on some trade
to Bungpiir, and were this year to send their horses, &c, as
usual, and I was convinced would have no reason to be dissatisfied
with their reception; that this, however, was only to a small
extent, was nothing equal to the consumption of the two countries,
and bore no proportion to what the trade was in former times.
To this he fully assented, and finished his conversation with in
forming me that he expected one of the ministers from Lhasa in a
few days, and that he would introduce me to him, as he wished me
to be known to all the principal people in that country. From
this I understood that something depended on this man.
142 DISCUSSION AS TO TRADE. [Ch. XIV.
Several holidays and much praying prevented me from seeing
the Lama for some days. He introduced the subject of trade ; he
enumerated the different articles sent from this country to Bengal :
gold, musk, cowtails, and coarse woollen cloths. He said that the
Tibet people were afraid to go to Bengal on account of the heat ;
that he had last year sent four people to worship at Benares, of
whom three had died, besides the person he intended should have
gone to Calcutta ; that the journey was also uncommon, and they
were frightened at it ; that in former times great numbers of the
people of this country used to resort to Hindustan ; that the Lamas
had temples in Benares, Gaya, somewhere in Purneah, and at several
other places, the names of which I did not know ; that their priests
used to travel thither to study the Shaster and the reHgion of the
Brahmans ; and after remaining there ten, twenty, or thirty years,
returned to Tibet, communicating their knowledge to their country
men, and thereby gaining great reputation; that about eight
hundred years ago Bengal was invaded and conquered by the
Mussulmans, who destroyed and pUlaged the temples and plundered
the people, so that such as escaped returned to their mountains
along with some Brahmans who fled from the persecutions ; since
which time the inhabitants of Tibet have had Httle connection with
Bengal or the southern countries.
I told him that times were much altered; that in Bengal
and under the Company every person's property was secure, and
everyone was at liberty to follow his own reHgion. He said he
was informed that the country under the Fringies was very quiet ;
that as I had come so far a journey, and had been sent by the
Governor, he would be ashamed if I were to return with a fruitless
errand; that as soon, therefore, as he arrived at Teshu Lumbo,
where he would have his officers about him, and likewise some of
the people from Lhasa, he would consult with them, and also
send for some considerable merchants, after informing them of
the Governor's desire, and of the encouragement and protection
which the Company afforded to traders in Bengal, discuss the
most proper method of carrying it on and extending it. " You "
said he, " will also speak with them, and we wiU see what can be
done.'' I could have nothing to say against a proposal so reason
able, and I saw plainly he chose not to take any step before he
Ch. XIV.] REFERENCE TO LHASA. 143
had communicated this to his own officers and to the people at
Lhasa. On the 18th of November I had another audience of the Lama.
He talked of reHgion and of the connection between his faith and
that of the Brahmans ; that they worshipped three of the Hindu
gods, Yishnu, Brahma, and another,1 but not their inferior deities.
He then asked me how many gods there were in my religion. I
told him one. He replied that he had heard that in my religion
God was born three times. I had no mind to attempt an explana
tion of the mysteries of the Trinity. I felt myself unequal to it.
I told him, therefore, that according to my faith God had always
existed. He observed, charitably, that we all worshipped the same
God, but under different names, and all aimed at the same object,
though we pursued different ways. The answer I gave him was
in the same tolerant spirit; for I am not sent as a missionary,
and after so many able and ingenious Jesuits, dressed in the habits
of apostles and armed with beads and crucifixes, have tried in vain
to convert unbelieving nations, I am not so arrogant as to believe
that my labours would be successful.
The Lama told me that he had written to Lhasa on the
subject of opening a free commercial communication between this
country and Bengal. . " I have told them," said he, " that as you
are come so far, and from the King of Hindustan, they must attend
to your business."
Although he spoke this with aU the zeal in the world, I confess
I did not much like the thoughts of referring my business to
Lhasa, where I was not present, where I was unacquainted, and
where I had reason to think the ministers had entertained no
favourable idea of me and my commission. I represented to him,
therefore, that I considered him as the principal ; that during the
minority of the Dalai Lama the government of the country was in
his hands; and that 1 trusted solely to him for removing the
obstacles to the trade between this country and Bengal. He said
he had also written to encourage the merchants to trade to Bengal.
I repHed that the merchants, if they found their advantage in this
traffic, would no doubt be ready to follow it; but as he had
informed me of the difficulties they were exposed to in passing
"'-Siva.
144 AGGRESSIONS OF THE GORKHA RAJAH. [Ch. XIV.
through Nepal, and as he knew that the Deb Bajah did not allow
a free trade through his dominions, I begged to know by what road
they could go. He said that formerly Deb Judhur would not suffer
the Tibet people to trade into his country; that the Bhutanese
as well as the inhabitants of Demo Jong's country x lying between
Pari-jong and Murung,2 were oppressive and lawless, so that
merchants lay at their mercy. I begged leave to represent to him
that I had found them very honest and peaceable ; as I knew his
influence over the Bhutanese I made no doubt but he could procure
their permission for a free trade. He observed that the present
Deb Bajah was an old man, and spoke not very respectfuUy of him,
but added that he would write to him on the subject, and I might
be assured of his exerting himself in the business I was sent upon.
It was late and I took my leave.
The Lama sent for me on the 6th December, and deHvered me
some letters from Calcutta and Bahar. At his desire I opened
them in his presence. He inquired what news, and particularly if
there was anything said about the Gorkha Bajah. I told him
there was not. "Because," said he, "his forces are employed in
attacking Demo Jong, whose country is in the neighbourhood of
Bengal. They have surrounded it ; the Gorkha Bajah has trained
Sepoys after the English manner, and given them muskets ; but
I am told they are not good marksmen, and do not hit above
once in a hundred times." I said I had been told in the Deb
Bajah's country that the Gorkha Bajah was somewhere on the
borders of Tibet. Says he, " They must have meant Demo Jong's
dominions, which are subject to Lhasa. 0," says he, " I have
just now a letter from the Deb Bajah. He is in a sad pHght about
Deb Judhur, having heard that he was about to return to invade
the country, and he writes me by aU means to detain him." After
this he inquired about lightning in Bengal. He said in Tibet the
thunderbolts are sometimes of stone or iron, and then showed me a
knife, with an open-worked handle of steel and gold, with several
heads carved upon it, and some Chinese characters on the blade
which he said had faUen from the clouds. It was almost the only
part of all his conversations that was marveUous. He asked me
many questions, but it is endless putting them down. As he had
1 Sikkim. 2 See note at p. 05.
Ch. XIV.] THE LAMA'S RETURN TO TESHU LUMBO. 145
deferred my business till his arrival at his capital, I said nothing on
the subject.
On the 7th of December I had a short interview with the Lama.
He was to set out from Desheripgay next mornmg, in order to
return to Teshu Lumbo, his palace, from which he had been three
years absent.
146 BUDDHIST TEMPLE ON THE GANGES. [Ch. XV.
CHAPTEE XV.
CONVERSATIONS WITH THE TESHU LAMA AT TESHU LUMBO.
At the first meeting after his return to Teshu Lumbo, the Teshu
Lama spoke to me of what he had before mentioned as to forming
a reh'gious house somewhere on the Ganges,1 and I repeated my
beHef of the readiness with which his desire would be complied
with. He said he had also written or proposed to write to
Changay Lama,2 the high-priest at Peking, with whom he was upon
the most friendly and intimate terms, mentioning that the Fringies
were masters of Bengal, and had shown him great favour ; and,
says he, " I think it probable he wiU send some of his people to
visit the principal religious places. I," added he, "am but a
little man in comparison of the Changay Lama, for he is always in
the Emperor's presence, and has great influence over him. The
favour which the Emperor shows to me and the Dalai Lama is in
a good measure owing to Changay Lama's good offices at court.
I hope, therefore, in case he sends any persons, that the Governor
will give them a good reception." I encouraged him very much in
all this. " At present," said he, " I cannot say whether they will
come or not. If they do, I wiU send them to the Deb Bajah, and
from thence they will proceed to Bengal." I said the Governor, I
imagined, would be glad to know some Httle time beforehand, that
he might give orders for their journey. Nothing else of conse
quence passed, and I went to receive the Lhasa deputies.
1 On hearing of the Lama's wish, name known in this country, and of
Warren Hastings immediately gave strengthening the friendship which is
the necessary orders about building a between us, and you will consider it as
Buddhist temple on the banks of the a mark of the confidence and regard
Hugh, and as soon as it was completed which I bear to you." Turner mentions
he wrote and informed the Lama, who this Buddhist temple as being opposite
had previously sent images to be de- Calcutta, on the banks of the river
posited in it. Referring to the temple, (p. 269).
Warren Hastings says, in a letter to 2 He is called by Hue the Tchang-
TesbuLama: "By the blessing of God, Kia-Fo, a sort of Grand Almoner of
it will be the means of making your the Imperial Court (ii. p. 197).
Ch. XV.] THE LHASA DEPUTIES. 147
There were two of them. The one was a gylong, the other a
layman dressed in a feminine garb, and they came with about
twenty attendants. They brought with them many boxes, full
of small dried fish, cakes, flour, mushrooms, &c, and some bamboos
filled with distiUed spirits. The layman spoke. He said they
were come from Lhasa to wait upon the Lama, and brought these
China meats from Gesub to me, of which they desired my ac
ceptance; that, although it was not the custom, the Lama had
ordered them to wait upon me, as I had come from such a distance,
and from the chief of the Fringies. In return, I made acknow
ledgments for the favour which Gesub had shown me ; that I was
sent by the Governor to pay his respects to the Lama, and that I
was extremely happy and honoured by their visit.
They said the Fringies had shown great favour to the Lama
and to them, by making peace with the Bhutanese and restoring their
country. I repHed, that the name and character of Dalai Lama
and of Teshu Lama were well known to my constituents, and that *
the Governor was very ready to cultivate their and Gesub Bim-
boche's friendship and good opinion; that the English were far
from that quarrelsome people which some evil-minded persons repre
sented them to be, and wished not for extent of territories ; that as
they were entrusted with the management of Bengal they only
wished that it' should remain in tranquillity ; that the war with the
Bhutanese was of their seeking ; that they, the deputies, being well
acquainted with government, could judge whether the Company
had not cause to be alarmed when 8000 or 10,000 Bhutanese, who
had formerly always confined themselves to their mountains,
poured at once into the low country, seized the Bajah of Bahar,
took possession of his territories, and carried their arms to the
borders of Bengal; and whether they were not in the right to
oppose them ; that in the course of the war some of the Bhutan
country was taken from them, which, however, was immediately
restored at the Lama's request ; that so far from desiring conquest,
the boundaries of Bengal remained the same as formerly ; and
although the English kept up a large army, the war with the Deb
Bajah was the first they had been engaged in for many years.
The layman gave a nod with his head. He then said, the Lama
had written to Lhasa about merchants ; that the people of this
l 2
148 THE LHASA DEPUTIES. [Ch. XV.
country were afraid of the heat, and proceeded, therefore, only to
Pari-jong, where the Deb Bajah's subjects brought the commodities'
of Bengal and exchanged them for those of this country ; that this
was the ancient custom, and would certainly be observed. I replied,
that this trade had always been carried on by the Deb Bajah's
people, who were this year gone to Bengal, as usual; but, besides
this, there was formerly a very extensive trade carried on between
this country and Bengal, which my constituents were sorry to see
had declined very much of late years ; that it was needless for me
to represent to them, who were acquainted with the state of affairs,
the causes from which this proceeded ; that the Governor was
desirous of removing these obstacles, and had ordered me to repre
sent them to the Lama, who had, in consequence, written to Lhasa
on the subject, and I trusted that Gesub Bimboche and the govern
ment there would readily comply with so reasonable a proposal.
They answered, that Gesub Bimboche would do everything in his
power, but that he and all the country were subject to the Emperor
of China. This is a stumbling-block which crosses me in all my
paths. The Lhasa people took their leave. I offered to return
their visit. They seemed not to wish it, but said they would come
to see me again.
On the 23rd of December, before the Lama went to church he
sent for me. At his desire I repeated to him what had passed
between me and the deputies from Lhasa. I told him that they
said the ancient custom would certainly be observed ; that according
to the ancient custom Nepal was governed by its own rajahs, and
merchants were at liberty to trade through that country between
Bengal and Tibet ; that unless the government at Lhasa could re
store Nepal to its former state, or order the Gorkha Bajah to treat
the merchants with indulgence, I confessed I did not see how the
ancient custom could be preserved. He said he was very sensible
that the trade with Bengal had declined very much of late years ;
that formerly the merchants used to bring coral, pearls, and broad
cloth in abundance into the country, which was not the case
nowadays; that as to the Gorkha Bajah, there was no trusting
him; that a few years ago he encouraged some merchants to
settle in Nepal, treated them weU at first, but afterwards cut off
their ears and turned them out of the country ; that he had also
Ch. XV.] AGGRESSIONS OF THE GORKHA RAJAH. 149
promised again and again to him, the Lama, and to the govern
ment at Lhasa, that he would never encroach a finger's breadth
on their territories, but now he had attacked Demo Jong's country,1
which was subject to Lhasa; that he was convinced of the reason
ableness of my proposals in regard to trade, and had accordingly
written to Lhasa on the subject, and had received an answer from
thence, in which Gesub Bimboche mentioned his apprehensions of
giving umbrage to the Chinese ; and that besides the disturbances
which the Gorkha Bajah was making in Demo Jong's country,
and on the borders of that of the Deb Bajah, rendered this an
improper time to settle anything of the kind, but that in a year
or two he hoped to bring it about ; that the Debo, who had
visited me and played at chess, with two others, was gone with
forces to oblige the Gorkha Bajah either to quit Demo Jong's
country, or fight with him. I replied that as to the Gorkha Bajah,
I did not imagine from aU I could judge that he was likely to be a
smaller man, but, on the contrary, a greater ; that so far from
being satisfied with the conquests he had made, and the extensive
country of which he had got possession, he was meditating new
schemes of ambition; that he had subdued Murung, Bijapiir,
and had now attacked Demo Jong's country, which gained, he
would make himself master of the Deb Bajah's dominions, or
perhaps extend his views towards Pari-jong ; that, in short, the
Gorkha Bajah's views aimed plainly at conquests. The Lama was
obliged to go to church, but as I was taking leave he desired me
not to mention what he had said at my last visit about the persons
from China, which was a great affair (Burrah Kaum). I assured
him of my silence in general, and as to this in particular.
On the 28th December I had an audience of the Lama, where
nobody but his confidant was present. He expatiated largely on
the Gorkha Bajah's war with Demo Jong, his treachery and breach
of promise to him and to the government at Lhasa. I repeated to
him my opinion of the Gorkha Bajah ; that his ambition and his
abilities made him aspire at conquests; that if he succeeded in
the conquest of Demo Jong's country, he would attempt Pari-jong
or the Deb Bajah's country, and that having assumed the title of
King of the Hills (Parbat-kai-Padshah), he wished to be so in
1 Sikkim.
150 AGGRESSIONS OF THE GORKHA RAJAH. [Ch. XV
reality; that in judging of the intentions of men their actions
ought to be the criterion; and that I could not help being con
cerned that the Gorkha Bajah, after having from a petty rajah
made himself master of all Nepal, after having subdued Bijapiir x
and Murung,2 and after having at length attacked the terri
tories of Demo Jong, a vassal of Lhasa, should be considered by
Gesub and the government of this country as more to be trusted
than the English, who during twelve or fifteen years had never
attempted to extend the boundaries of Bengal, who had re
stored the Deb Bajah's country, and who were known to adhere
religiously to their engagements. The Lama replied that the
government at Lhasa's eyes were opened, and that they viewed
the Gorkha Bajah's designs in a very different Hght ; that as to
the English, Gesub had received such accounts of them as raised
his suspicions ; " and," added he, " his heart is confined, and he
does not see things in the same view as I do." I said I had heard
a great deal of Gesub's abihties, but I confessed in the present case
I thought he was blind to his own interest ; that I knew the Gorkha
Bajah was afraid of the English ; that he was sensible also how
firmly they adhered to their treaties and to their friends ; that he had
seen Shujau-'d-Daulah's 3 country enjoy a state of perfect tranquUHty
during twelve years, merely from the Mahrattas and the other
powers of Hindustan knowing that the English would be ready to
assist him ; that Shujau-d'-Daulah, when apprehensive of an inva
sion, had even sometimes called in the assistance of the Company's
troops, which had marched to the extreme boundaries of his
dominions, and had afterwards, when there was no further occasion
for their presence, returned to Bengal; that 1 confessed I saw
nothing more Hkely to make the Gorkha Bajah desist from his war
with Demo Jong* and confine himself to his own country, than the
knowledge of a connection between the government of this country
1 The Vijapur of Buchanan Hamil- Murung as extending, in the low
ton. This place was the residence of ccfuntry, from the Kosi to the Tista
the Subah of the Murung, and of a about 87 miles from east to west, and
former dynasty of princes. It is on 48 miles across. The inhabitants are
the high part of the low hills, over- chiefly of the Koch or Rajbangsi tribe
looking the Murung, east of the Kosi (p. 156). See also note at p. 65.
river. 3 The Nawab of Oudh.
2 Buchanan Hamilton describes the •> Sikkim.
Ch. XV] CHINESE INFLUENCE. 151
and that of Bengal. He seemed to be much pleased with what I
had said, and asked me if he might write this to Gesub. I told him
he might, and that I had no doubt that the Governor would be ready
to employ his mediation to make the Gorkha Bajah desist from his
attempts on the territories subject to Lhasa, and that I had reason to
think, from the Gorkha Bajah's dread of the English, that it would
be effectual ; but I added that if Gesub, contrary to reason, and what
he had seen of the fidelity and moderation of the English, continued
to entertain suspicions of them, I was helpless, and my constituents
were helpless. He said that Gesub's apprehensions of the English
arose not only from himself, but also from his dread of giving
offence to the Chinese, to whose empire this country was subject,
and that he wished to receive an answer from the court at Peking.
I repHed that whenever he mentioned the name of the Emperor of
China I was struck dumb ; that from his letter to the Governor,
as well as from every account, my constituents considered him (the
Lama) as the chief of the country during the Dalai Lama's minority,
and that although the Emperor was paramount sovereign, every
thing was left to his management ; that Gesub owed his promotion
to him, and followed his advice ; that the Governor, in his proposals
about trade, was promoting the advantage of Tibet, as well as of
Bengal ; that in former times merchants used to come freely into
this country, that the Gorkha Bajah's wars and oppressions had
prevented them for some years past, and only prayed him to remove
the obstacles which these had occasioned. He replied that he had
no doubt of carrying the point I wished, but that it might require
a year or two to do it effectually; that besides the obstruction to
trade which the Gorkha Bajah's conduct in Nepal had occasioned,
his present war with Demo Jong1 prevented the importation of
sugar, spices, tobacco, &c, and that the people of this country com
plained loudly of it. After thanking him for his intentions of
opening trade in the course of two years, I told him that, being
sent by the Governor upon this business, I could not help being
zealous for its success ; that it depended on him whether I should
return to Bengal happy and crowned with reputation, or covered
with shame, which would certainly be my portion if I faUed in the
point which, by the Governor's orders, I had represented to him.
1 Sikkim.
152 THE LHASA DEPUTIES. [Ch. XV.
On the 30th of December, Gesub Bimboche's people came to
take leave of me. I mentioned to them that I wished to have
waited upon them ; but they had declined my visit ; that, however, I
proposed to write to Gesub Bimboche by them, and begged they
would be so good as to take care of my letter. They, said if I
mentioned simply in my letter the receipt of the Chinese brandy,
&c, they would carry it, but that if I said anything of business, or
anything about the Kalmuks that might bring troubles on the
country or on Gesub, they would not carry it. I confess I was
much struck with this answer. I repHed that being sent to Teshu
Lama and living under his roof, I had asked his opinion about
writing to Gesub, that he had advised me to it (through the
Gosain), and that I should write nothing without showing it to
him and receiving his approbation ; that I was concerned at their
expressing an apprehension of my writing anything that could
embroil Gesub; that I was come into the country with a pure
heart and wished its happiness and Gesub Bimboche happiness.
They desired I would give them a copy of the letter I intended
to write to Gesub. I replied that I would give the letter and copy
to the Teshu Lama, and if he thought proper he would show it to
them. I added that I wished to know the ground of Gesub's
suspicions, and as I knew the uprightness of my constituents'
intentions as well as my own, I was ready to give him every satis
faction. Their answer was that they were come to take leave of me,
that much conversation was not the custom of this country, and so
wished me a good journey to Bengal. I endeavoured to get them
to listen to me. I wished to introduce the subject of trade, but it
was to no purpose ; so we parted.
This conversation gave me more concern than any I had in
Tibet. I immediately applied for an audience of the Lama, and
was admitted. I repeated to him what had passed. He said the
people from Lhasa were little men and knew no better. I replied
that had I thought their conversation proceeded only from them
selves I would feel little uneasiness at it; but I had reason to
consider their sentiments as those of Gesub's, and could not help
being concerned that he should suspect me of coming into this
country to raise disturbances; that God was my witness that I
wished him well, that I wished the Lama well and the country well,
Ch. XV.] LETTER TO GESUB RIMBOCHK. 153
amlthat a suspicion of treachery and falsehood was what I could not
bear. I was a good deal affected, and said this with some warmth.
The Lama endeavoured to remove my concern. He said that
Gesub was unacquainted with the character of the English ; " but,"
said he, " at any rate the Dalai Lama will be of age in a year or
two, and then Gesub's management wUl be at an end." I told him
that I had before sent to ask his opinion as to the propriety of my
writing to Gesub, and having now represented to him what had
passed between me and Gesub's vakils, I was come to ask his
advice and opinion. Upon this I took out the draft of a letter I
intended to have sent to Gesub, and read it to him. " Every
country," quoth the Lama, " has its particular manner of writing.
If you please I will write a letter for you." I accepted his offer. He
immediately called in one of his people, and making him sit down,
dictated a letter in the Tibet language in my name to Gesub Bim
boche, explaining it to me at the same time in the Hindustani lan
guage. To the best of my remembrance it was to the following
purpose : To Gesub Bimboche.
[After some compliments.]
" I have received the Chinese wine, fish, mushrooms, biscuit,
&c, that you were so good as to send me in great abundance, and
all very good of their kinds. May your country enjoy tranquillity
and yourself happiness. I request, in the name of the Governor
my master, that you will aHow merchants to trade between this
country and Bengal. I have sent you a gun, a piece of broad
cloth, and a handkerchief, which you wul please accept of."
After the letter was written I took leave of the Lama.
Next day I sent the letter with the broadcloth, &c, to Gesub's
servants by one of Teshu Lama's people, and begged him to tell
them how concerned I was for what had passed ; that if Gesub in
spite of everything would entertain suspicions of me, and if they
would not listen to what I had to say in order to remove them, I
was helpless ; that 1 had sent a letter, &c, for Gesub, which I
requested them to deHver to him, and in case they wished to know
the contents, they would apply to the Lama, who had seen and
approved of it. They returned me an answer that they were sorry
154 REASON FOR NOT GOING TO LHASA. [Ch. XV.
and ashamed at what passed at our last meeting ; that they would
deliver the letter to Gesub, and would faithfully mention to him
what I had said. From this I found that the Lama had spoken
to them. It may appear extraordinary that, though I was exposed to so
many inconveniences from the seat of government being at Lhasa,
I should never have proposed my going thither to the Lama, and it
is necessary that I should give my reasons for it. I had every cause
to think, from Gesub Bimboche's letter to the Lama, from the Lama's
conversation, and from other accounts which I had received, that
Gesub Bimboche was extremely jealous of me ; that he considered
me as come to spy " the nakedness of the land," and that the
English had designs upon this country. I was suspicious there
fore that he would refuse my visit whUe he continued in this way
of thinking, and I entertained some hopes that the Lama's letters
and the representations of the Chauduri 1 (a man whose connection
with me I shall afterwards mention) would bring him to entertain a
more favourable idea of me and of my business. Another thing, I
could not (in the character I bore as being sent on the part of the
Company) go to Lhasa without suitable presents to Gesub, to the
Dalai Lama, and, perhaps, to the Chinese officers, and these presents
I had it not in my power to make.
I visited the Lama on the 13th January, and he introduced
this subject himself. He said that as I had come so far he would
be very glad that I should see Lhasa also ; that Gesub, however,
was averse from it, and had written to him to keep me with him,
and that I should not go to Lhasa; that he was afraid of my
seeing the city; that, however, if I chose to send any of my
servants to Lhasa he would give them passports, and they could
afterwards give me an account of it and of anything I wished to
know. It became now necessary that I should give an answer
either one way or the other. I replied that I was exceedingly
concerned to find that Gesub stiU continued to entertain such
suspicions of me, and to imagine that I was come with a design of
making an unfriendly account of this kingdom ; that I knew nothing
about surveying or war ; that Mr. Hamilton, who was with me,
knew as little ; that as to the country of Tibet, the Gosain, who
1 See p. 172.
Ch. XV.] THE GESUB RIMBOCHE. 155
had been down in Calcutta, could teU him that the Governor
had plans of it, and knew the names and situations of the prin
cipal places, Lhasa, Chamnamring, Shigatze, Janglache, Giansu,
Painam, &c. ; that although I would own to him that after coming
so far, and being within a few days' journey of Lhasa, I would be
glad to go to that city, yet it was on a very different account from
what Gesub supposed; that my having been at Lhasa would,
among my countrymen, tend to my credit and reputation, and I
conceived also some hopes that Gesub Bimboche, after seeing and
conversing with me, would alter his opinion, and that his jealousy
would be removed. He said it was very true, but Gesub's heart
was small and suspicious ; and, to tell the truth, he could not pro
mise that he would be able to procure his consent, but I might send
one of my people. " I will give you an instance," said he, " of the
narrowness of Gesub's mind. The Gorkha Bajah has sent some
vakfls with letters to me and to himself ; they are now at Kuti,1 the
frontier town of Nepal : and Gesub, among other reasons, objects to
their coming into Tibet lest they should learn the manner of the
Kalmuks fighting on horseback, which is practised in this country
(describing it at the same time by motions), and should teach it to
the Gorkha Bajah's people." I replied that as to my servants going
to Lhasa, it would be to their credit, not to mine ; and as to giving
me an account of the city, it was what I did not wish to know, and
that he might himself judge of my indifference on this subject, from
my having been so long at Teshu Lumbo, and having never once
visited Shigatze, a town in its neighbourhood. To teU the truth, I
had restrained my curiosity merely in order to counteract the idea of
my having come to examine and pry into the country ; for Shigatze
is commanded by officers subject to Lhasa. The Lama upon this
1 This place is at the head of the by iron suspension bridges, and eleven
Ni-lam Pass, forming one of the trade by wooden bridges 24 to 60 paces long.
routes from Tibet to Nepal, down the At one place the sides of the gigantic
valley of the Butia Kosi. It was chasm were so close that a bridge of
visited by the native explorer who was 24 paces would span it. Along the
sent by Colonel Montgomerie in 1871. perpendicular wall of rock a path is
He returned from Tibet by this route, supported on iron pegs let into the
which took him to Kathmandu. He face of the rock. The path is of stone
describes it as passing through a fear- slabs coveredwith earth, only 18 inches
ful gorge, where the road crosses the wide, a third of a mile long, and 1500
river no less than fifteen times ; three feet above the roaring torrent.
156 MR. BOGLE DECLINES TO RECEIVE A MAP. [Ch. XV.
offered to give me a map of Tibet from Ladak to the frontier of
China, with the names of places and their distances. This was a
splendid object, and to obtain it, I was sensible would reflect much
lustre on my commission. But I considered the Company could
have no interest in this country but that of commerce, and that to
know a number of outlandish names or to correct the geography of
Tibet, although a matter of great curiosity and extremely interesting
to geographers and mapsellers, was of no use to my constituents, or
indeed to mankind in general ; and that to this I might be sacri
ficing objects of far greater importance, and exciting that jealousy
which had hitherto so cruelly thwarted me in all my negotiations.
I repHed therefore, in the same style of indifference, after thanking
the Lama for his kind offer, that the situation of the country,- its
strength, forces, &c, were of no concern to my constituents ; that
the Company considered Tibet as at such a distance from Bengal,
and separated by such mountains, the difficulty of which I had
but too weU experienced, that they never dreamt of any danger to
Bengal from that quarter, and the same causes, supposing the Com
pany even had intentions of extending their territories, which their
conduct showed they had not, served equally to ensure Tibet from
any danger from Bengal ; and that in taking a map of this country
I would only afford ground for Gesub's suspicions. He repHed that
Gesub would know nothing of it. I told him that I could not
answer for that, and at any rate it was not an object with my con
stituents ; that I would be glad indeed to know the laws and
customs of Tibet, because, as every country excelled others in some
of these particulars, it was the business of a traveller to inform
himself of those, and to adopt such as were good ; and I would own
to him that the Governor had desired me to inquire about their
manners, but at the same time to concern myself in no way about
the strength or forces of Tibet. He seemed to be well satisfied
with what I said, and told me that he would order his people to
write down every particular regarding the laws and customs of the
country that I wished to know.
The 19th of January was the first of the holidays at the
change of the year. I went to see the ceremonies at church.
Before they began the Lama called me into a closet, and told me
that the Gorkha Bajah's vakils, who had been so long stopped on
Ch. XV.] THE GORKHA RAJAH.
157
tli£ borders of the country, were arrived ; that the principal one
was a Gosain, who had formerly resided long in this country ; that
he had brought a letter from the Gorkha Bajah, in which he said
everything was written, but it was in Nagari, and he had given it
to be translated, and would afterwards inform me of its contents ;
that the Gorkha Bajah therein styled himself the King of the
Mountains (Parbat-kai- Padshah) ; that formerly he used to send
presents of fruit only, but upon this occasion had sent more
valuable ones. He said he understood that the Kerant 1 Bajah,
upon his country being seized by the Gorkhas, had taken refuge
with Demo Jong ; but having since, upon the Gorkha Bajah's
hostilities with that chief, discovered the insecurity of his situation,
had fled towards Purneah. The Lama then asked my opinion of
the Gorkha Bajah, and whether he had ever attacked the EngHsh
or invaded Bengal. I confessed that I knew very little of him tiU
I came into his presence ; that from what he had been pleased to
tell me, and from what I understood of the number of troops he
kept in pay, of his every year entering into some new war and
making new conquests, and his late invasion of Demo Jong's terri
tories, I was of opinion that he aimed at making himself master of
all the hilly country; that as I was ignorant of his purpose in
sending vakils, I could say nothing particular about it ; that if at
the same time he had withdrawn his forces from Demo Jong's
dominions, I should think him in earnest in his professions of
friendship and moderation ; but I confessed I did not understand a
man who made proffers and assurances of friendship with one hand
and a sword in the other. " We will see," said the Lama. " In
the meantime Gesub Bimboche has sent 18,000 men, under the
command of Deb Patza,2 together with a priest or inferior lama, in
order to be prepared either for war or peace." He also told me
that the Gorkha Bajah was covered over with blotches and sores,
and his health very bad. The service began, and the Lama went
to church. On the 19th I had another audience of the Lama at church,
and between the services. He told me that Gorkha had written
1 Kirats or Kirantis, a tribe of Eastern Nepal, next to the Lepchas, from
whom they are divided by the River Arun.
2 See p. 101.
158 LETTER FROM THE GORKHA RAJAH. [Ch. XV.
not only to him, but also to the Dalai Lama, to Gesub Bimboche,
and to Gubshay Pundita, who is one of the ministers at Lhasa ;
that he mentioned in his letters having subdued Kerant, Murung,
&c. ; that he also wrote that he did not wish to quarrel with this
state, but if they had a mind for war, he let them know he was well
prepared, and desired them to remember that he was a Bajput ;
that he wanted to estabHsh factories at Kuti,1 Kerant, and another
place, upon the borders of Tibet and Nepal, where the merchants
of Tibet might purchase the commodities of his country and those
of Bengal, and desired their concurrence ; that he would aUow the
common articles of commerce to be transported through his king
dom, but no glasses or other curiosities, and desired them to prohibit
the importation of them also ; that he desired them further to have
no connection with Fringies or Moghuls, and not to admit them into
the country, but to follow the ancient custom, which he was resolved
likewise to do ; that a Fringy had come to him upon some business,
and was now in his country, but he intended to send him back as
soon as possible, and desired them to do the same with us ; that he
had written also about circulating his coin, and had sent 2000
rupees for that purpose. The Lama then asked me about this
Fringy who was with the Gorkha Bajah ; but being quite in the
dark I could give him no manner of information. The Lama did
not at this time desire my opinion upon the Gorkha Bajah's letter,
and I made no remarks upon the subject.
On the 26th of January I visited the Lama. It was the first
day of the Tibet year. Nothing of business passed.
On the 24th of February I waited upon the Lama to take leave
of him for a few days, which I proposed to pass with his nephews
at their estate at Binjaitzay, which is about two days' journey from
Teshu Lumbo.
I returned on the 2nd of March, and had an audience of the
Lama on the 3rd. After congratulations on my return, and
questions about the entertainment his nephews had given me at
Binjaitzay, he told me the messenger he had sent to Lhasa was
returned, and had brought him accounts of Gesub being now out
of danger ; that upon his illness the Chinese officers had consulted
1 At the head of the Ni-lam Pass from Kathmandu to Shigatze', following the
course of the Butia Kosi. (See note at p. 155.)
Ch. XV.] DEATH OF THE GORKHA RAJAH. 159
some conjurors concerning his fate, who had given an oracular
answer ; that they had despatched messengers to Peking with the
accounts of his being dangerously ill; that extreme unction was
performed on him, and he remained several days with his eyes fixed
on the ground, and in a manner insensible, but the violence of his
disease having abated he was able to walk about the room, though
not to apply to business. The Lama further told me that the report
of Gorkha Bajah's death was confirmed, and that he had received
letters from Lhasa giving an account of it, which was corroborated
by the advices of Gosains and Kashmiris; that three wives and
six concubines had burnt themselves at his funeral, and that Sing
Pertab,1 his son, had succeeded him in the government. The Lama
further informed me that news was received at Lhasa of the Chinese
having at length by means of an immense army subdued Bibdyen
Gyripo (the rebellious chief who, with a few thousand brave adherents,
had defended himself and his hUl-bound country against the united
power of the Chinese empire) ; that they had approached almost to
the capital of his province, by roads which they made through the
mountains with immense labour, when the Kampa chief in despair
threw himself from the walls.2 He told me also that the Dalai
Lama was next year to proceed to Peking to wait upon the Emperor.
My part of the conversation need not be put down.
On the 18th of March I had a visit from the Nepal vakfl. I
told him that I heard from everybody of Gorkha's death, and
inquired if he had received any accounts of it. He said he had
none, and that he had therefore not ordered the Newars (natives of
Nepal) to shave their beards and eyebrows. He spoke of it, how
ever, as a thing there was no doubt of. He said some of the Gorkha
Bajah's Sepoys had come to Kuti,3 and that Gesub Bimboche was
offended at it, and had written to the Lama, who had spoken of
it to him ; that he had told the Lama that it was to teach the
Bhutanese troops their exercise; but the Lama replied they wanted
to learn no new rules.
1 The Rajah Pertab Sing Sah deva chuen province, who, though few in
died in 1775. His son, who reigned number, defended themselves to the
from 1775 to 1816, was Girwan Yudh last. The revenge the Emperor took
Vikrama Sah deva. upon the leader was dreadful. (Gutz-
2 This was a rebellion of some larf, 'China Opened,' i. p. 361.)
Turpan or Tibetan tribes in the Sze- 3 See note at p. 155.
160 THE RUSSIANS. [Ch. XV.
I had no opportunity of waiting upon the Lama till the 15th of
March. He told me that he had been so much engaged with some
Kalmuks, and had so much to write on their account, that he had
not been able to see me sooner ; that several years ago a tribe of
Tatars, who were subject to Bussia, had gone over to the Chinese,
and that the Emperor of China had formerly written to him of
this, fehcitating himself on his good fortune in it; that the
Bussians had since sent four ambassadors to China to demand their
vassals, whom the Emperor had imprisoned ; and, as I understood
him, had also confined some other Bussian subjects who were after
wards sent upon the same errand, and to request the release of
their countrymen. The Bussians had not yet begun hostilities, but
he imagined they would soon go to war about it. I told him that
as the Bussians were engaged in a very heavy war with the Turks,
which I was uncertain whether they had yet finished, I supposed
they would hardly think of entering into another with the Chinese,
and encountering two such powerful neighbours at the same time ;
but as soon as they had made peace with the Sultan of Bum I
made no doubt of their resenting the conduct of the Chinese in a
very high strain ; that the present sovereign of Bussia, although a
woman, was extremely able and active, going in person to review
her forces, receiving all ambassadors, and inspecting every depart
ment of government herself; that the Bussians were also a very
hardy and warlike people, and capable of great efforts, and I
doubted whether the Chinese would be able to cope with their
troops, who had been so long accustomed to actual and very severe
service. He repHed that it was very true ; that former emperors
would have weighed these circumstances, but the present one was
too violent and too fond of war to listen to advice, and was besides
offended at the Bussians for the refuge they had accorded to the
Tsungars, a tribe of Tatars whom he had subdued ; that things
must now take their course, and he was afraid that no representa
tions of his or of his friend, the Lama of Peking, could prevent
a war. On the 27th of March some Kashmiri merchants came to me,
and after presenting silk handkerchiefs, according to the custom of
the country, informed me that they waited upon me in consequence
of the Lama's orders ; that he had written to their constituents at
Ch. XV.] INTERVIEW WITH KASHMIRI MERCHANTS. 161
Lhgsa (for these at Shigatze are only agents), acquainting them
that the Governor had written to him, and Tihat I had represented to
him the Governor's desire of opening the commerce between Tibet
and Bengal, so that merchants might freely trade between the one
kingdom and the other ; that the trade which was formerly carried
on through Nepal by the many Kashmiri houses settled there had
been greatly obstructed by the oppression of the Gorkha Bajah, and
that he, therefore, advised them to send their gumashtas into Bengal,
through the Deb Bajah's country ; that the Governor had engaged
to give them every assistance and protection, and that he, on his
part, was always ready to encourage merchants and trade. Whether
aU this was in his letter, or spoken by the Lama himself, I cannot
say, for they told me further that they had waited upon the Lama,
and he had desired them to come to me. I told them that the
Governor had indeed desired me to represent to the Lama how
much the trade with Bengal had declined of late years, owing to
causes with which they were well acquainted, and to request his
assistance in restoring it ; and that the Lama had been good
enough to promise his best endeavours for that purpose. I then
explained to them the steps which had been taken in Bengal for
the ease of merchants by abohshing the ancient chokies and
exactions upon trade ; by fixing the duties at only two rupees in
the hundred, and by granting every protection and encouragement
to the merchants ; that if they choose to send gumashtas into
Bengal I could venture to assure them of the Governor's readiness to
grant them every security and assistance; that the only difficulty was
the road by which they were to get to Bengal ; that I understood
they were all afraid of trusting themselves in Nepal, to which
Murung1 and Bijapiir2 were now subject; that the Deb Bajah's
country only remained, who had granted permission of transporting
goods through his territories only to one or two merchants ; that I
had mentioned the subject to him but very slightly, reserving it
tUl after I had waited upon and received the order of the Lama, to
whom I was sent ; that, for my part, I should use every argument
and every means with the Deb Bajah in order to obtain his con
sent ; that I trusted to the Lama's seconding my applications, and
was in hopes they might be crowned with success ; but could not
1 See note at p. 65. 2 See note at p. 150. M
162 THE KASHMIRI MERCHANTS. ' [Ch. XV.
promise with certainty as to the determination of people with
whom I was but little acquainted.
They replied, that from the Lama's conversation and assurances
they had little doubt of obtaining the Deb Bajah's permission to
pass through his kingdom; and that after the unsuccessful war
which the Bhutanese had carried on, and having their country
restored to them, they imagined the Deb Bajah would be very
ready to comply with any demand on the part of the Company, as
he would be afraid, in case of refusal, that the English would again
invade his territory, and concluded with saying that I might
threaten him upon this score. I told them I had no power to use
such language to him, and that whatever I did with the Deb Bajah
must be by peaceable and friendly means ; that the Company, in
consequence of the Lama's letter to the Governor, had restored the
Deb Bajah's country, and entered into a treaty of peace with him,
which, according to the maxims of the English Government, would,
on the part of my constituents, remain for ever inviolate. They
observed that the Gorkha Bajah was now dead ; 1 that they hoped his
son would be more favourable to merchants ; and in case of the Deb
Bajah's refusal, that the Governor's application to the new Bajah of
Nepal, Sing Pertab,2 would certainly procure them a free passage.
I said as I was unacquainted with Sing Pertab's character or the
measures he intended to pursue, I could say nothing upon this sub
ject ; that if he followed the footsteps of his father, made promises
and oaths only to break them, and engaged in perpetual wars, it was
difficult for my constituents to enter into friendship or negotiations
with him ; that if he contented himseK with the peaceful possession
of his own dominions the Governor could then send a vakil and solicit
his protection and encouragement to merchants ; but that in this,
as well as everything which regarded the hills which separate
Bengal from Tibet, I imagined he would be greatly influenced by
the opinion of the Lama, whose character and abUities enable him
so weU to judge of the measures to be pursued with the chiefs to
whom they are subject. I then asked them when they proposed to
1 This was Pertab Sing Sah deva, was deposed by the nobles in 1800
who died in 1775. Then followed Girwan Yudh Vikrama
2 The deceased Rajah was succeeded Sah deva, who reigned until 1816
by a Regent named Bahadur Sah, who
Ch. XV.] INTERVIEW WITH THE TIBETAN MERCHANTS. 163
seftd their gumashtas to Bengal. They told me after the rains,
and applied to me for letters to the people on the borders of Bengal,
as they were entirely strangers there. I promised them letters to
some of my acquaintances, and that if they chose it I would request
the Governor to write to the Killadars on the frontier provinces to
afford them every necessary assistance ; but that in Bengal merchants
were always weU received, and had nothing to fear. They seemed
to wish however for passports. I recollect nothing further of con
sequence that passed. Before they went away they desired that I
would inform the Lama of their having visited me in obedience to
his orders. On the 29th of March about a dozen of the principal Tibetan
merchants paid me a visit. They deal principally in tea, some of
them to the extent of two or three lakhs a year, though one would
not suspect it from their raiment. They also told me they came to
me in consequence of the Lama's orders ; they mentioned having
received a letter from him while at Desheripgay, advising them to
send gumashtas to Bengal, and that he had likewise spoken to them
to the same purpose since his arrival at Teshu Lumbo. They said
that being born in a cold country they were afraid of going into a
hot one ; that their people would die in Bengal ; that they had it
from tradition that about eight hundred years ago the people of this
country used to travel into Bengal, but that eight out of ten died
before their return ; that the Kashmiris and Gosains travelled
into different countries, but that they could not. I replied, that
I could only promise them the protection and assistance of the
Government of Bengal ; that the climate was in the hand of God ;
and after giving them an account of the climate of Bengal
during the cold weather, I told them that if they were afraid of
sending their servants thither, the Kashmiris and Gosains would
supply them with what they wanted, and it was the same thing to
Bengal and to the inhabitants of Tibet. I enlarged on the Lama's
desire of preserving peace in the world, and of promoting the trade
of merchants and the happiness of mankind, and they in their
turn praised the free and equitable government of the English,
which they said the Lama had informed them of.
As some of them were very old men, I asked them what
proportion they supposed the commodities now imported from
m 2
164 RETREAT OF TIBETAN TROOPS FROM SIKKIM. [Ch. XV.
Bengal bore to that of former times. They would not mention any
fixed proportion, but said that formerly great quantities of coral,
broadcloth, &c, used to come through Nepal, but now what was
brought was principally by the fakirs, who smuggled it into the
country. They added that as to this country, people imagined
from gold being produced in it that it was extremely rich, but this
was not the case, and that if extraordinary quantities of gold were
sent to Bengal the Emperor of China, who was sovereign of the
country, would be displeased at it. I replied that the trade between
Tibet and Bengal was no new thing, and had been carried on for
many hundred years ; that the conquest of Nepal by the Gorkha
Bajah had put a stop to it ; and that the Governor only wished
to see it restored to the same state as formerly. They seemed
highly pleased with this, and, after desiring me to report their
visit to the Lama, took their leave.
I paid a short visit to the Lama on the 1st of April. He said
that Gesub Bimboche's administration was near an end, and that
he wished, when the Dalai Lama came of age, that the Governor
would send an embassy to him. He said he proposed, if a place on
the banks of the Ganges was granted him, to place the Gosain,
who was down in Calcutta, there ; " and," says he, " if he should
stand in need of any small matter, I trust you will supply him."
I asked him about what part of the country he wished it to be.
He said that he would like it to be near Calcutta, that the people
he sent down might have an opportunity of waiting on the
Governor, but he would leave it to the Governor and the pundits,
only to be near the Ganges. He told me that the troops under
the command of Deb Patza had returned, as they were unable to
proceed on account of the great quantities of snow, which rendered
the road impassable ; that Gesub Bimboche was very angry with the
commander and had ordered him to return. He said that he had
also received a letter from the commander of the Gorkha troops,
mentioning that he intended to desist from war on account of his
master's death, and proposing a truce for three years. The Lama
then gave me a Persian paper containing some memoranda,
which he said he wished me to keep in mind. He also gave me
some garden seeds and a view of Teshu Lumbo. These last gave
rise to a conversation which lasted till the end of my visit.
Ch. XV.] GORKHA AGGRESSIONS. 165
On the 3rd of April I waited on the Lama to take my public
leave of him. He sent first to speak to me in private. I told him
I had read the Persian paper he had been pleased to give me. He
recapitulated the points which it contained ; he mentioned what he
had formerly said about the Lama at Peking ; that he hoped the
Emperor would put the government of the country in the same
manner as formerly in the hands of the Dalai Lama, " and then,"
says he, " I shall have no difficulty in carrying any point that the
Governor pleases, and hope to settle it so with the Emperor that the
Governor may send his people to Peking, and, if he pleases, establish
English factories; but at present, whUe the administration is in
Gesub's hands, he and the Ambas x are excessively jealous of
foreigners coming into the country, so much so that he stopped the
admission of a valdl from the King of Assam, and you know the
difficulty I had about your coming. In regard to the house
which I wish to have on the banks of the Ganges," continued the
Lama, " I propose that Purungir, who was down in Calcutta, should
settle it. I do not wish it to be a large house, and let it be built
in the fashion of Bengal." I begged him to give Purungir
instructions about it, which he said he would do. " Purungir,"
says he, " has served me very well, and I have not found him
guilty of so many lies as most other fakirs, and I hope the Governor
wfll show him favour. The old Gosain, Suk-Debu, has also asked
me leave to go down to Calcutta ; he will accompany you ; and I
have also written to the Governor about him, and I hope he will
favour him." I then asked him about Bijapiir, which I had men
tioned at a former meeting, and begged to know his opinion as to
the answer I should give the Deb Bajah in case he spoke to me on
that subject, and also that I might represent it to the Governor.
" I have already," says he, " written to Sing Pertab, telling him
that his father treacherously and unjustly made himself master of
Bijapiir, and as I have heard a favourable character of him, I
hope he wiU restore it to the Deb Bajah, its rightful possessor. I
have also advised him to send a vakfl to Calcutta ; as yet I am
ignorant what answer he will return ; but if the Deb applies to you
about Bijapiir, I think you should tell him that you understand from
me that I had written on the subject, and in case I receive no
1 Chinese resident officials.
166 TIBETAN CHRONOLOGY. RUSSIA. [Ch. XV.
unfavourable answer, then the Governor may, if he pleases, write
to Sing Pertab about it."
I repeated his words, to be sure that I understood them right.
He then asked me if I had any request to make to him. I said I
had before mentioned to him how fond the Governor was of strange
animals, and he had been so good as to send some ; but there were
two wild ones in this country which could not be sent unless they
were reared and tamed when young, the one was the musk goat,
the other the tiis, and I knew how much he would obhge the
Governor by giving orders for this purpose, and sending them
down to Bengal in the cold weather. Says he, " I wUl order the
musk goats to be caught and given to you on the road." I thanked
him, but said it was impossible to keep them aHve unless previously
tamed. " Well," says he, " I will give orders about the animals,
and send some of them down by my people after the rains ; and if
there are any others or anything in this country which the
Governor wishes to have, write to me about it."
My next request was to procure a list of all the comets, with
the dates of their appearances, from the earliest period of the
Chinese history ; which, after some inquiries about comets, and
telhng me that they expected one in six years, he promised to do,
and to write to the great Lama of Peking about it. He told me
also that, from the first of the Chinese kings till Hrondzain Cambo,1
who reigned in Tibet about eight hundred years ago, they reckoned
20,000 years. After this he asked about Bussia, and if the King
of England had much to say with the Empress. I told him he
had more influence at the Court of Bussia than any other prince in
Europe, although their kingdoms were separated at a great distance
from one another. Says he, " I am glad of it, for in the event of
a war between Bussia and China, I may perhaps be able, through
means of the Company, to do something towards bringing about a
1 This would be Srong-tsan-gambo of earlier, in about 60 a.d. He removed
the list given in the Tibetan grammar the seat of govemment to the part of
of Csoma de Koros, from a work written Tibet where Lhasa was afterwards
at Lhasa in 1686 (p. 181); who is said to founded. He built a palace on the
have been born in 627 a.d. Georgi's hill where the monastery of Potala
list, in the ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' now stands, and died after a reign of
(p. 297), contains a similar name, ninety years. He is the twenty-fourth
Tzhong-tzheng-Chambo, as of a king who king of Tibet of Georgi's list
is, however, said to have lived much
Ch. XV.] MISSIONARIES. ENGLISH AT CANTON. 167
peace, and that is the business of us Lamas." He then laid before
me lis presents to the Governor, and showed me his letter before
he sealed it. After this he gave them to me in charge. I asked if he
did not intend to entrust them to the Gosain ; but he desired me to
take them, and I accordingly accepted them. "They are very
trifling," says he, " but what can I send from this country ? "
After giving me presents of some silks, purses of gold dust, sUver
talents, &c, and clothing me in a fine khilat, he took a bit of red
silk, and tying a knot upon it himself, he threw it about my neck
with his own hands. I then had my public leave, but was to wait
upon him again in private.
On the 4th of April I again waited upon the Lama. His room
was hung round with festoons of painted paper intermixed with the
figures of his deities. It was on account of some religious holiday.
He asked me a great deal about our religion. As I am not sent
to convert unbelieving nations it is a subject I seldom enter upon,
and I gave such answers as turned the conversation. He asked
me also particularly about the missionary Padres, who had been
in this country, and when expelled had settled in Nepal.1 I
repeated to him what I had formerly mentioned, that I imagined
they came from Italy, as there were some of that nation now at
Patna ; that their reHgion differed from ours, and in nothing more
than in their intolerant spirit and desire of bringing aU the world
to their own opinions, whereas every religion was allowed in
England, and good men of every faith respected. He told me that
the missionaries were expelled Tibet about forty years ago, on
account of some disputes with the fakirs.
After this he asked me about the English settlement at Canton,
and whether any Englishmen had ever gone to Peking. In answer
I gave him an account of the trade between England and China.
I told him that I believed that no Englishman had ever gone to
Peking. " Not one ? " says he. I replied that many years since
an English physician2 had gone when very young into the service
of Bussia, and accompanied an ambassador who was sent about
1 Whence they were expelled by the burg, in Russia, to various parts of Asia,
Gorkha Rajah. They went from Kath- By John Bell, of Antermony,' i. p. 157.
mandu to Betiah, in Cliamparan, where This work was published at Glasgow in
they now are settled with their flock. 1763, and was, no doubt, well known to
2 Bell. See 'Travels from St. Peters- Mr. Bogle.
168 GENERAL CONVERSATION WITH THE LAMA. [Ch. XV.
fifty years ago to the Emperor, but I never heard of any other.
" I will endeavour," says he, " through the means of the Lama at
Peking, to get permission, for the English to go to the Emperor ;
whether I shall be able to carry this point or not I cannot say, but
I will afterwards write to the Governor how I have succeeded." I
expressed my acknowledgments how much it would tend to the
Company's satisfaction, and how happy I was convinced it would
make the Governor.
" The Bussians and Chinese, rf says he, " are at present on bad
terms. If any of the former go to Peking, I am told they are
not admitted into the Emperor's presence without being searched,
on account of a Chinese man having been some time ago killed by
a Bussian who concealed a pistol within his sleeve." After this I
reported to him a conversation that had passed between me and
Chauduri, on which he made no observations, except that the
Hindus were fond of appearing of consequence, and scrupled not
to tell falsehoods. He then showed me the images and the dress
which he intended to send down to Bengal by the Gosain, in order
to be put up in the temple which he proposes to build on the banks
of the Ganges. He desired me to inquire particularly about the
situation of a town called Shambul, about which he said the
pundits of Bengal would be able to inform me. I recollect nothing
further. Next day I waited upon the Lama, Dr. Hamilton was with me,
and he inquired a great deal about the method of treating the
smallpox in England, and described the fatal effects of the disease
in Tibet. It is unnecessary to insert what passed on this subject.
He showed me about five or six watches which had come overland
to him. They had chiefly German or Dutch names upon them,
and were all except one out of order. This gave rise to a con
versation on watches, which it is also needless to put down. He
desired me to speak English, and I repeated some verses of Gray's
" Elegy in a Country Churchyard." I mention these things only
because they serve to mark his character.
On the 6th of April I again waited upon the Lama. Soon
after my entrance his servants who were to accompany me came
in to take their leave, and had their heads touched according to
the custom of the country and their respective ranks. " These
Ch. XV.] JEALOUSY OF GESUB RIMBOCHE. 169
people," said he, " are to accompany you as far as Buxa-Diiar, but
the weather is now becoming so hot that everyone is afraid to
go to Bengal. As soon as the rains are over, I wiU send down
some gylongs 1 to Calcutta to wait upon the Governor, and to visit
the religious places in Bengal, and will write to the Governor by
them. I have spoken to you about getting me two lions' skins, a
crocodile, and some other things ; pray how do you propose to
send them?" I said, I thought of transmitting them to the Buxa
Subah, who would forward them to him. " The Deb Bajah's
people," says he, " will make mistakes, and you had better give
them to my people on their return to Bengal." He then asked me
how I imagined the Governor intended to send his despatches to
him. I said that as to any orders he (the Lama) had given me, or
any letters he might have to forward to him, that I would foUow
his directions as to the manner of transmitting them ; but I con
ceived the Governor could not entrust his letters or presents but
to his own servants, who would bring them into his own presence.
Says he, " I will be plain with you. I wish the Governor would
not at present send an Englishman. You know what difficulties I
had about your coming into the country, and how I had to struggle
with the jealousy of Gesub Bimboche and the people 2 at Lhasa.
Even now they are uneasy at my having kept you with me so
long. I could wish, therefore, that the Governor would rather
send a Hindu. I am in hopes my letter to the Lama will have a
good effect in removing this jealousy, and I expect in a year or
two that the Government of this country will be in Dalai Lama's
hands, when I wiU inform the Governor, and he may then send an
EngHshman to me and to the Dalai Lama. But Gesub is so very
suspicious, and looks upon you so much as come to spy the country,
that I shall have great difficulty about another Englishman
coming." I promised to represent all this to the Governor, for I
was sensible of the truth of what he said ; but I at the same time
used some arguments in order to show how ill-grounded this
jealousy was ; though I must confess, while I used them, I did it
1 Gt/long or gelung is equivalent to a shallow of reason for supposing that
the Hindustani bhikshu, a mendicant; popular jealousy had or has anything
bhihh, alms. to do with the matter.
2 That is, the officials. There is not
170 WAR IN YUNNAN. [Ch. XV.
more to enable him to avaU himself of them with others than from
any idea that he harboured these unjust suspicions himself. I
concluded by telling him that if the Governor had entertained any
intentions that were unfriendly, he never would have sent me
into this country, and that whatever faults the English might
have, all the world knew that treachery was not among them.
I promised, however, to represent to the Governor what he had
desired me.
Upon this he asked me if I had had any further conversation
with the Chauduri. I replied not ; that I had told the Chauduri in
all matters to apply to the Lama, who was best acquainted with the
affairs of Bengal and the state of Hindustan. He seemed pleased
with this. " Gesub," says he, " now governs the country, but his
administration is, I imagine, near an end. The Governor is a
great man, and the Company now are sovereigns of Hindustan. I
should like to open a connection between them and the Emperor of
China ; but Gesub was formerly and wUl now be again a little man :
it would serve no purpose to do it with him." These sentiments
are different from what the Lama expressed in a previous conversa
tion ; but I imagine the reports of Gesub's endeavours to continue
the government in the hands of his own family ; his intention,
which I am informed of, to put Deb Judhur to death before the
Lama should know of it, and perhaps other circumstances of which
I am ignorant, had served to render him very cool with regard to
Gesub. The Lama then changed the subject. " I formerly told you,"
says he, " how the Chinese were engaged in a war in the neigh
bourhood of Yunnan with a Bajah to the southward of it. The
Emperor wrote to me to endeavour to procure intelligence about
him, but none of our people are allowed to go into those countries,
and I was unable to give him any information. When you return
to Bengal I wish you would inquire about this Bajah and write to
me." I replied that if it was the King of Pegu I did not despair
of procuring him some intelligence, but if it was any of the in
terior Bajahs who was at war with the Emperor it might not be in
my power, but he might depend on my inquiries." Says he, "I
wonder you never heard of this war in Bengal." I represented the
situation of Pegu with respect to Bengal, and how little interest
Ch. XV.] FAREWELL TO THE LAMA. 171
we had in anything that was passing in that country. He asked
me if the Governor had any connection with the King of Pegu.
I said that many years ago the King of Pegu had written to the
Governor, but I did not know of any correspondence since. Says
he, " It is my business to endeavour to settle quarrels and to
make peace, and I wish the Governor could put me on a way of
doing it in the war I have mentioned. It is not so violent now as
it was, but they are still on bad terms." He asked me how many
years the Governor would remain in Bengal. It was a question
I could not well answer.
I saw the Sopon Chumbo next morning as I went to the
Lama's apartment. He told me he had represented what I had
said, and the Lama would immediately give orders about the musk
goats and tiis.
Teshu Lama repeated his concern at my departure ; the satis
faction he had received in being informed of the customs of Europe,
and concluded with many wishes for my prosperity, and that he
would not fail to pray to Heaven in my behalf. He spoke all this
in a manner and with a look very different from the studied and
formal compliments of Hindustan. I never could reconcile myself
to taking a last leave of anybody; and what from the Lama's
pleasant and amiable character, what from the many favours and
civilities he had shown me, I could not help being particularly
affected. He observed it, and in order to cheer me mentioned his
hopes of seeing me again. He threw a handkerchief about my
neck, put his hand upon my head, and I retired.
After a short visit to Chanzo Cusho I mounted my horse, and
bade farewell to Teshu Lumbo.
172 VISIT FROM THE CHAUDURI. [Ch. XVI.
CHAPTEB XVI.
THE EPISODE WITH THE CHAUDURI.
My connection with the Chauduri forms an episode to the rest of
my negotiations at Teshu Lumbo, and I have reserved it for this
place. It is needless to enter into long details about an affair
that ended in nothing, and I will therefore relate what passed as
briefly as possible.
Soon after the Lama's return to his capital a man named
the Chauduri J came to see me. He was a native of Palpa,2 or some
other of the hiUy countries subject to the twenty-four Bajahs.
His first visit was merely of ceremony ; a few days afterwards he
came alone. He told me that he had lately been at Lhasa, and
enlarged much on the confidence and favour which Gesub Bimboche
had shown him. He said he had been sent by Gesub to wait upon
the Lama and to visit me ; that Gesub was much pleased with the
Company having concluded peace with the Bhutanese, and was
desirous of cultivating the Governor's friendship ; that he proposed,
therefore, to send him (Chauduri) as his vakU to Calcutta, with a
letter and presents, and that he was to accompany me on my
return. As the Lama had never mentioned this man's name to me, and
as Gesub's servants, who had visited me the preceding day, had
desired me not to attend to what the fakir said, without giving me
1 A Chauduri, or Desali, in Nepal, is a Gorkha regime Chautariya is the title
subordinate revenue officer under the of collaterals of the royal family, who
Fouzdar. Next in rank to the Rajah are frequently but not necessarily mem-
among the Kirantis in Nepal, was an offi- bers of the ministry.
cial named tlie Chautariya (minister), 2 Palpa is a district in Nepal, west
whose title and office were hereditary. of Kathmandu, formerly under a Rajah
This seems to be the same word as Chau- who formed one of the Chaubisi, or
duri. (See Hamilton's ' Nepal.') In twenty-four Rajahs. The district 'has
another place, Hamilton has Chauduri long since been subdued by the
as a zemindar, acting as minister to Gorkhas.
a chief among the Kirantis. In the
Ch. XVI.] OVERTURES FROM GESUB RIMBOCHfi. 173
any explanation of this caution, I confess I was suspicious of his
exceeding the extent of his commission, but had no doubt of his
having some commission. I repeated to him, however, a great
many things I had said to the Lama about the Company's friendly
intentions towards Tibet, and that if Gesub chose to send a vakil to
Calcutta I was convinced the Governor would show him all respect
and attention ; that as to myself I would be very glad of his
company on the road, but that as I was sent to Teshu Lama, and
living under his roof, and as there was no difference between Gesub
and the Lama, it was necessary to mention this to the latter. I
asked him at the same time whether he had spoken to Teshu Lama
about it. He replied that he had had no opportunity, on account
of the Lama being so much engaged on his return, and seemed
not to like my speaking to him about it, saying it was needless. I
told him, however, that it was the custom of the English to deal
plainly and openly, and that I could do nothing without mentioning
it to the Lama.
I was perhaps wrong in this; and a man more artful than
myself, knowing, too, the little cordiality that there was between
Gesub and the Lama, might perhaps have carried on his negotia
tions with the Chauduri without communicating them to the Lama.
But I must own, in my small experience through life, I have
always found candour and plain dealing to be the best poHcy, and
1 had no notion of running the risk of forfeiting the confidence of
one who, I had every reason to think, was well disposed towards me
and my constituents, in order to take the chance of opening, through
an uncertain channel, a connection with a man who I believed
entertained no very favourable sentiments of me or my masters.
The Chauduri at length consented to my speaking to the Lama
about it, which I did, as mentioned in my conversation of the 4th
of April.1 After this I had another visit from the Chauduri, who had also
spoken to the Lama, on the subject. He repeated the Lama's
answers in the style of Hindustan, not of Tibet. He said also that
Gesub wished much to gratify the Governor in everything ; that if
he wanted to establish factories at Lhasa, Gesub was very ready to
grant him permission ; that Gesub had thought of introducing the
1 See p. 168.
174 THE CHAUDURI DISCLAIMED [Ch. XVI.
rupees of Bengal into this country, and hoped the Governor would
consent to it.
When I compared in my mind all this account of Gesub's vast
benevolence, with his objections to my coming into the country,
and recollected what had passed between his servants and me, my
suspicions of the Chauduri's veracity increased. After telling him,
therefore, how happy I was to hear of Gesub's good dispositions,
which I was convinced would be reciprocal on the part of the
Governor, I said that I had no order from my constituents
for applying about factories; that the Governor had indeed
observed with concern the obstacles which the merchants who
traded between this country and Bengal were of late years ex
posed to; and that I had by his order represented them to the
Lama, who, I believed, had communicated them to Gesub ; and
that as the removing of them would be of advantage to this country
as well as to Bengal, I had no doubt of his concurrence in so good
a work ; that, as to the rupees, the Company hindered no person
from carrying them out of the country ; and if the merchants found
their advantage in it they would no doubt bring them into Tibet ;
but unless the value of a sicca rupee was greatly increased beyond
its present price of two mahendra-mallis,1 I did not see how the
merchants could find their advantage in it.
The Chauduri said he proposed in about ten or twelve days to
go to Lhasa ; that he would represent to Gesub what I said about the
freedom of trade, and that he would engage, in four days after his
arrival, to procure me a favourable answer from him, and would
also write to me himself; that after staying some time with Gesub,
and receiving his letter and presents for the Governor, he would
return to Teshu Lumbo, and accompany me to Calcutta. I recol
lect nothing further material that passed, either at this or two
other conversations, for I was cautious in what I said myself, and
an Hindu can say a great deal without saying anything, only
that I made him some personal promises in case Gesub should send
him as his vakil to Calcutta, and, indeed, at one time I had thoughts
of making him some presents.
Meanwhile the Lama had written about the Chauduri to Gesub
1 See note at p. 129. The mahendra-mallis are now commonly called mohars
two of which make a mohary rupee, equal to 13J sicca annas.
Ch. XVI.] BY THE GESUB RIMBOCHE. 175
and received an answer, which he sent to me. In this letter
Gesub disclaimed having given the Chauduri — who, he said, had
gone to Teshu Lumbo on his own business — any commission to me ;
that he had never spoken about sending him to Calcutta ; that he
had no connection with him, and only knew his face by having
seen him once, at his country seat ; and desired the Lama imme
diately to send him to Lhasa.
I confess I was equally at a loss to reconcile this letter with
the intelligence I had received; for although I gave little credit
to the Chauduri's vaunting discourses, I had been informed by all
the world that Gesub had made him a present of between four and
five thousand rupees, and could hardly think he would be so
generous to a man he had only seen once, merely for his beaux
yeux. The Chauduri was carried away to Lhasa. I did not see him
before his departure, but assured him, through one of his people, of
my friendly dispositions to him, and of my services, in case he per
formed what he had promised.
I heard nothing further of the Chauduri till about a week
before my departure for Bengal, when he arrived at Teshu Lumbo.
For several days he did not come to see me, and I let him know,
through a third hand, that I was surprised at it. After this he
visited me, when his conversation was to let himself down softly,
and to do away with everything he had before said. That Gesub,
although weU disposed to the Governor, was afraid of giving
umbrage to the Chinese, and therefore ordered him, the Chauduri,
in case he went to the Ambas, and they should ask about me, to
give them an evasive answer, and not to let them know that I was
a Fringy ; that the Ambas, however, did not ask him ; that Gesub
had stiH thoughts of sending him, the Chauduri, to Calcutta
after the rain. I said that I had written to Gesub, but he had
not thought proper to favour me with an answer; that I could
therefore form no judgment of his sentiments or intentions; but
if he proposed to send anybody to Calcutta I supposed he would
mention it to the Lama ; that, as to the Chinese, I thought Gesub's
precautions unnecessary ; that I was not come into Tibet as a spy,
but to wait upon the Lama ; that the English were strangers to
duplicity and treachery, and I could not help being surprised that
176 END OF THE CHAUDURI INTRIGUE. [Ch. XVI.
he should be so afraid of offending the Chinese by admitting a
vakfl from the English, who never had or could have any quarrel
with Tibet, while he permitted to go to Lhasa the vakfl of a man
who was actually at war with his vassal, and whose ambition and
treachery he had so often experienced. He said it was very true,
but everybody was afraid of the Fringies. I knew this but too
well. Little else passed. I was reserved, and so was he. I had full
opportunity to have reproached him for his fruitless promises about
procuring me an answer from Gesub ; for his confident assurances
of being sent with me to Calcutta; and so I might have taken some
revenge upon him for deceiving me. But it would have served no
good purpose; and as I had not and did not intend to give him
anything, what right had I to upbraid him? I therefore took
leave of him with fair, but guarded, words.
In endeavouring to account for this strange intrigue, I can
only form two hypotheses : either that the Chauduri, according to
Gesub's account of the matter, acted entirely from himself, and
hoped, upon the strength of his pretended commission, to ingratiate
himself with me, to draw from me some presents, and then, by
means of this, to ingratiate himself with Gesub; or, which I
think the more probable of the two (for I am clear as to Gesub
having made him a considerable present), that Gesub, jealous of my
visit to the Lama, and desirous to know my errand, had employed
the Chauduri to sound me ; at the same time, as he could not avow
this, that he disclaimed any connection with him, and summoned
him to Lhasa on pretence of punishing him ; but, in fact, to know
what had passed between him and me. Be it as it may, the whole
matter ended in smoke.
Ch. XVII.] FAREWELL TO THE LAMA. 177
CHAPTEE XVII.
RETURN FROM TIBET TO BENGAL — NEGOTIATIONS IN
BHUTAN.
As the time of my departure drew near, I found that I should not
be able to bid adieu to the Lama without a heavy heart. The kind
and hospitable reception he had given me, and the amiable disposi
tions which he possesses, I must confess had attached me to him,
and I shaU feel a hearty regret at parting. In spite of all my
journeyings and wanderings over the face of the earth, I have not
yet learnt to take leave, and I cannot reconcile myself to the
thoughts of a last farewell.
When I look on the time I have spent among these hills it
appears like a fairy dream. The novelty of the scenes, and the
people I have met with, and the novelty of the life I have led,
seem a perfect Ulusion. Although my days have been spent
without business or amusement, they have passed on without care
or uneasiness, and I may set this down as the most peaceful period
of my life. It is now almost over, and I am about to return to the
hurry and bustle of Calcutta.
FareweU, ye honest and simple people ! May ye long enjoy
that happiness which is denied to more pohshed nations ; and
whfle they are engaged in the endless pursuits of avarice and
ambition, defended by your barren mountains, may ye continue to
live in peace and contentment, and know no wants but those of
nature.1 ******
On the 7th of April, 1775, as soon as I had taken leave of my
friends at Teshu Lumbo, I hurried down the hiU, got on horseback,
and began my journey towards Bengal. There was a large caval
cade of us. For, besides Mr. Hamilton, myself, Mirza Settar, and
our Bengal servants, and Purungir, the young Gosain who had
1 Extract from a letter from Mr. Bogle to his sister, dated March 10, 1775.
N
178 INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD. [Ch. XVII.
formerly been sent to Calcutta by the Lama, and an old Gosain,
who, afraid that in passing through Nepal he might be stripped of
all the wealth he had been gathering during forty years' trading
pilgrimages from the banks of the Indus to the plains of Siberia,
had obtained leave to pass in my company through the Bhutan
mountains, and Deb Gylong, a priest of the Lama's household,
with Paima, and about ten Bhutanese servants, who were to escort
me to the frontier of Bengal, there were aU the Kashmiri merchants
of Shigatze, who insisted on paying me the compliment of seeing
me fairly on my journey.
After accommodating matters with a large party of clamorous
beggars, we rode slowly over the plain which stretches southwards
from the palace, and arrived at a large tent, where tea was provided.
Having drank two or three dishes, I took leave of my Kashmiri
friends, by interchanging handkerchiefs, compliments, and good
wishes. The palace and town, the monastery of Teshu Lumbo with
its copper-gUt roofs ; the castle of Shigatze, with the town below
it, and the high surrounding hills, formed a fine prospect at this
distance. But the bleakness and barrenness of the country were a
great drawback ; for not a single blade of grass had yet sprung, nor
a tree budded.
We reached the end of our stage in the afternoon. It is a large
village. Our landlord was a priest, and our room set off with an
image of a former Lama, as large as life, and smaU images with
lamps burning before them. All our Tibet attendants, Deb
Gylong excepted, had weU refreshed themselves at parting with
their friends at Teshu Lumbo, and I persuaded some of them to
deprecate the wrath of the Lama's image by lighting pyes (perfumed
torches) before it. However, drunkenness is either not a sin
among the laity of Tibet, or, as happens in all cold countries, by
being often committed is made Hght of.
On the road to Painam we met Deb Patza, who was on his
way to pay a visit to Teshu Lama, before he went to join his
troops. He was preceded by his wife and her female attendants,
mounted astride on horseback. She had her face half covered,
like the Armenian women. But I was so taken up in getting a
handkerchief ready for the General, that I did not observe his lady
tfll she was almost past. We ahghted on both sides. The General
Ch. XVII.] INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD. 179
courteously declined to receive my handkerchief tiU he had given
me nis. After some mutual inquiries, he said he had a house in the
neighbourhood, where he would have been happy to have received
me, and to have played another game at chess ; 1 but expecting soon
to be again sent towards Nepal, and being obliged to wait on the
Teshu Lama before his departure, it was not in his power. This
was pohte. The rest of the conversation turned upon his late
expedition into Demo Jong's country.2 Soon after parting from
him we came in sight of his house. It stands in the plain to the
north of Painam, surrounded by willow and other trees. There is
a long bridge at Painam, which we passed, and arrived at the
house where we had formerly been accommodated.
Our journey from Painam to Bengal was prosecuted nearly by
the same road which we had before travelled. Did I intend by
these memoranda to enumerate only the names of vUlages, or the
bearings and distances of the several stages, I should have but to
put down a Hst, which might be added to the book of * Posts of
Asia;' for the face of the country had suffered no change by a
revolution of six months, and, although the sun was now within
twenty degrees of us, continued to exhibit the same inhospitable
appearance as in the dead of winter. But I have often thought
that trifling incidents, artlessly told, serve to mark the genius and
to convey an idea of the manners of a people, better than abstract
characters or studied descriptions. The last I wUl not attempt. If
the first is sufficient, I may be able to give them.
A blind man, with a young wife, came into the court and
serenaded us. He played on the fiddle underhandwise ; she sang ;
and both, assisted by a young boy, beat time, hoppingly, with their
feet. The object of this compliment, I fancy, it is needless to explain.
Our musicians gave way to a parcel of mendicant priests.3 It
may be necessary to state that there are two sets of clergy in Tibet,
distinguished by, and classed under the names of, YeUow Caps and
Bed Caps.* The Dalai and Teshu Lamas are at the head of the
i gee p. 101. 1355 a.d., near Lake Kokonor. His
2 Sikkim. Properly Deun-jong. scholars adopted the yellow head-dress
3 Gylongs ; or Bhikshu, in Sanscrit. to distinguish them from the prevailing
4 The great Tibetan reformer, Tsong- red. Tsongkapa died in 1419, and was
kapa, the founder of the Yellow Caps, buried in the great Galdan Monastery,
or Gelukpa sect, was born in about near Lhasa. He abolished the marriage
N 2
180 SECTS OF THE YELLOW AND RED CAPS. [Ch. XVII.
Yellow Caps; the Bed Caps have their own Lamas and monasteries.
In times of old there were violent disputes between them, in which
the Yellow Caps got the victory, as well by the assistance of the
Tatars as by their superior sanctity. But as I adhere to the tenets
of this sect, and have acquired my knowledge of religion from its
votaries, I wUl not here say much upon the subject, lest it should
be thought spiteful. I may be allowed, however, just to mention
two things, which must convince every unprejudiced person of the
wicked lives and false doctrines of the Bed Caps. In the first place,
many of the clergy marry ; and in the next, they persist, in opposi
tion to religion and common sense, in wearing Bed Caps. The priests
who now visited us were of this last sect. There might be about
eight of them. Each held a staff in one hand and a rosary in the
other. They formed into a circle, and began to chant their prayers,
which, as I understood they were put up for my welfare, I was in
no haste to interrupt. At length, to show them that, however
hostile to their principles, I bore them no personal grudge, I
dismissed them with a few small pieces of silver.
In the night a heavy shower of snow came on, and I was glad
to get up to save my dogs from it. I had to pass through the
room where all the Lama's servants slept, and I may as weU tell
how they were lying. Each man was stretched upon one blanket
or two, I cannot positively affirm which. He had thrown off all
his clothes, and then covered himself with his woollen tunics,
of which everyone in the winter time wears at least three. His
boots, doublet, belt, and pouch, with the things that were in it,
huddled all together, formed a piUow to his chin, for they were all
lying on their faces, with their heads over the top of the bed, and
in this posture were smoking tobacco and chatting together.
The snow lay upon the road about six fingers deep, and aU
the hUls were whitened with it. It was a good time for beggars to
ask charity, and there is no want of them at Painam, no more than
of priests, forbade magic, and intro- The Dalai is an incarnation of Ava-
duced the practice of frequent confer- lokitesvara, a form of Buddha, and the
ences among the Lamas. His sect soon Teshu of Tsongkapa himself. The Red
obtained a numerical superiority over Caps are now in a minority in Tibet
the older Red Caps in Tibet. The but they retained ascendancy in Bhu-
most important of his reforms was the tan, Nepal, and Sikkim. (See Heeley's
foundation of the two spiritual succes- article on Tibet, in the ' Calcutta Re-
sions of the. Dalai and Teshu Lamas. view,' No. cxvii. pp. 161 16?)
Ch. XVII.] OLD FRIENDS. A HOT SPRING. 181
in jU the towns and large villages in Tibet. They are very impor
tunate, and make their petitions in a shrill, plaintive note, following
you a great way on the road. A traveller that wishes not to
appear uncharitable, and at the same time does not choose to bestow
too much money among them, had best make a good many beggars
assemble together, and giving a few pieces of smaU coin, leave it
to them to divide the alms. The Tibet folks sometimes give them
little bits of handkerchiefs, which is giving nothing; and a
mahendra-malli1 rupee, which is worth about a shiUing, is the
lowest coin in the country.
Next day we arrived at the house of our former hospitable
Giansu landlord, Debo Tangu, who received us with much kindness,
and insisted upon our passing the following day with him. Mr.
Hamilton's medicines had much relieved him from his complaints,
and he was in fine spirits ; and as we had seen him often at Teshu
Lumbo, we were now very intimate. He and I had many long
chats together, which we moistened from time to time with tea,
and at night we used to get cheery wood fires and sit round them.
A Kashmiri, afflicted with sore eyes, came all the way from
Lhasa to Giansu, to apply to Mr. Hamilton.
The same good humour which we had formerly met with pre
vailed at Dadukpai. The wife, her two husbands, the brother,
who is a priest, and aU the children came in after supper, and two
hours passed in listening to the songs of the men, and in seeing
the chUdren dance. A maid-servant of the house also joined in the
songs ; but it was a difficult thing to get the wife to sing, which
often happens with handsome women. As I could now make it out
without an interpreter, I had much more satisfaction in these
parties, and when one is travelling there is nothing like making
amusement out of everything.
A few miles before you arrive at the next stage, there is a hot
spring on the top of a pebbly mount. I did not observe it before.
It issues out of a piece of rock, which is cut into a small basin to
receive it. The water is more than blood heat, and brings up a
great deal of air with it. It does not rise equaUy, but every half
minute bursts up in large bubbles, and with a good deal of noise.
1 See note at p. 129. The coin and weight are so called from the Newar
dynasty of the Malls in Nepal.
182 RETURN TO TASSISUDON. [Ch. XVII.
There are many of these hot springs in Tibet, particularly in the
province of Chamnamring,1 called Chang.2 I am told coal is some
times found in the neighbourhood of them, but in no great quan
tity. Some of these waters are so hot as to boil an egg, or to
serve to dress victuals. They are much frequented by sick people,
and are considered as a cure for almost every disease. The Lama
also and the great people sometimes visit them, though in perfect
health. I have brought away a bottle of the water, which anyone
that can may analyze.
V 7t W $£ V
I arrived at Paro (Binjipu) in April, and on the 8th of May,
1775, reached Tassisudon.
Besides the Gosain whom the Lama formerly sent to Calcutta,
I am accompanied by another, a merchant, who for many years
traded between Bengal and Tibet. The danger of returning
through Nepal or Bijapiir, where his wealth would be exposed to
the Gorkha Bajah's rapacious fingers, has for some time past
detained him at Teshu Lumbo ; and having procured from the
Lama a recommendation to the Deb Bajah, he is glad to embrace
the opportunity of proceeding with me to Bengal.
Upon our arrival at Tassisudon we found the Deb Bajah and
Lama Bimboche absent at their palace of Punakha. They arrived
on the 16th, and next day I paid the Deb Bajah a visit of
ceremony. ***** Tassisudon, May 25, 1775.
I have always considered it as the great object of my mission
to remove the obstacles which merchants are at present exposed to
1 These hot springs are described 50 feet, producing so much steam that
by Colonel Montgomerie's Tibetan ex- the sky is darkened by it, and the noise
plorer, who set out from Namling was so great that the travellers could
(Chamnamring), to travel northwards, not hear one another speaking. The
on December 26, 1871. On the 28th water of these jets was 176° Fahr.
he reached Chutang Chaka, where there Similar jets were noticed issuing from
are some fifteen hot springs, whose water the middle of the adjacent river Lakii
was found' to be at a temperature of Chu, to a height of 50 feet.
166° Fahr., boiling water at the same 2 This should be Tsang, or Dzang,
place only rising to 186°. The water according to Klaproth (Tzhang of
has a smell of sulphur. On the 30th Georgi). The provinces of U and
they came to Peting Chuja, near which Tsang form Tibet proper, Teshu Lumbo
place there is a large stony area from being the capital of the former, and
which a dozen columns of hot water Lhasa of the latter.
issue, and rise to a height of 40 or
Ch. XVII.] PARO AS A CENTRAL MART. 183
in traveUing between Bengal and Tibet, and by that means revive
and increase the commerce between these two countries. If the
Deb Bajah aUowed freedom of trade through his dominions, and
permitted the merchants of Tibet to come and purchase goods in
his country, I should have had occasion only to apply for the Deb
Bajah's permission for merchants to bring the commodities of
Bengal to Binjipu (Paro), which, being the capital of this country,
being situate on the road from Pari-jong, and having a communica
tion with Bengal by Lukhi-Diiar, Dalim-kotta, and Buxa-Diiar, is
weU adapted to be a central market for the merchandise of Bengal
and Tibet. But the whole trade in the more valuable sort of goods
is engrossed by the Deb Bajah and his officers, who are, in fact,
the merchants of Bhutan.1 The few Tibetans who come to Binjipu
(Paro) are allowed only to exchange the salt and wool of their
country for the rice of Bhutan. Were I, therefore, to apply for per
mission for merchants to bring their goods only to Binjipu (Paro),
without obtaining leave for those of Tibet to come and trade to
that place, the Deb Bajah and his officers, men not wealthy, and
who, being engaged in the affairs of government, carry on their
commercial concerns but to a small extent, and without that enter
prising spirit which merchants possess, would in fact be the only
purchasers, and the trade would remain on much the same footing
as formerly, only that Binjipu (Paro), instead of Bangpur, would
become the market for the commodities of Bengal. The consump
tion of Bengal goods, except tobacco, betel nut, and other bulky
articles, is very small in the Deb Bajah's country ; and while the.
people remain poor, and preserve their present simple manners, wiU
probably continue so. It is no object in Bengal ; and their only
commodities for exportation are musk, horses, munjit,2 blankets,
and some thin twUled cloths. The first three have always been
monopoHzed by the rulers of Bhutan, and they would reluctantly
part with them. The importation of the last ought rather to be
discouraged, as it interferes with the sale of serge and of coarse
broadcloths. In the dread which the administration at Tassisudon
1 Mr. Brian Hodgson remarks, on under the allegations of jealousy of the
this passage, that the engrossing of people, or of the Lamas, or of the
trade by the officials is probably the Chinese.
real cause of those obstructions to inter- 2 See note at p. 6.
course which are everywhere covered
184 PROPOSALS FOR FACILITATING TRADE. [Ch. XVII.
is at present in of another insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur,
supported by the government at Lhasa, it is impossible to apply
for the Deb Bajah's consent to aUow Tibetans a freedom of trade
to Binjipu (Paro) without awakening their suspicions of treachery.
I determined therefore to refer everything in regard to native
Tibetan merchants entirely to Teshu Lama, and endeavour to pro
cure leave for Hindus and Mussulmans to go and come through
the Deb Bajah's dominions between Bengal and Tibet, leaving it to
them either to dispose of their goods at Binjipu (Paro) or carry
them into Tibet.
Having resolved all these things in my mind, and knowing
the impracticabihty of obtaining permission for Europeans to
trade into the Deb Bajah's country, I drew up the foUowing paper :
" Whereas the trade between Bengal and Tibet was formerly
very considerable, and all Hindu and Mussulman merchants were
aUowed to trade into Nepal, which was the centre of communica
tion between the two countries ; x and whereas, from the wars and
oppressions in Nepal, the merchants have of late years been unable
to travel into that country, the Governor as well as the Deb Bajah,
united in friendship, being desirous of removing these obstacles, so
that merchants may carry on their trade free and secure as for
merly, have agreed upon the following articles :
" That the Bhutanese shaU enjoy the privflege of trading to
Bangpur as formerly, and shaU also be aUowed to proceed, either
themselves or by their gumashtas2 to all places in Bengal, for the
purpose of trading and seUing their horses, free from duty or
hindrance. " That the duty hitherto exacted at Eangpiir from the Bhutan
caravan be from henceforward abolished.
" That the Deb Bajah shaU aUow aU Hindu and Mussulman
merchants freely to pass and repass through his country between
Bengal and Tibet.
1 The records of the old Patna com- regions ; but he also lays stress on the
mercial agency, and of its subordinate advantages of the Sikkim Bhutan
office at Betia, throw light upon this. and Assam lines, and the growth of the
Mr. Brian Hodgson, in his report, main- tea trade has rendered these lines more
tains that Nepal is really the proper and more important.
centre of commercial intercourse be- 2 Agents.
tween the Ois and Trans-Himalayan
Ch. XVII.] PROPOSALS FOR FACILITATING TRADE. 185
" That no EngHsh or European merchants shall enter the Deb
Bajah's dominions.
" That the exclusive trade in sandal, indigo, red skins, tobacco,
betel nut, and pan, shall remain with the Bhutanese, and that the
merchants be prohibited from importing the same into the Deb
Bajah's dominions ; and that the Governor shall confirm this in
regard to indigo by an order to Eangpiir."
The preamble is intended more for the Tibetans than for the
Deb Bajah, and I drew it up in this manner with the view of trans
mitting it to the Lama. The relinquishing the duty upon horses,
which I am told is six annas in the rupee, was an offer I had before
made, and reckoning it at a much larger sum than I find it yields
to government, had laid great stress upon it. The permission for
the Bhutanese merchants to trade throughout Bengal is mentioned
in a letter to the Deb Bajah from the Governor, of 9th January. I
had also proposed it in the course of my conversations at Tassisu
don ; and the duty upon a trade so beneficial to Bengal may well be
given up. I must trust, therefore, to the Governor granting dustuks 1
to any gumashta whom the Bhutanese may send beyond Bangpur.
At present they seem to have little thoughts of it ; but I am con
vinced that after their people arrive at Calcutta, discover numbers
of curiosities which they never saw before, and find the price of
broadcloth, coral, spices„&c, much lower than at Eangpiir, they
will fall into the practice of purchasing their goods at Calcutta ;
which wiU probably have the good consequence of increasing the
sale of English broadcloth, and of lessening that of France, of
which last great quantities are now purchased by the Bhutanese for
the Tibet markets. The nil, or indigo, is produced, I beHeve, only
in Bangpur, and has always been engrossed by the Bhutanese, so
that the exclusive right of trading in this article is no more than
they have always enjoyed. The other articles of sandal wood,
red skins, &c, are too bulky for foreign merchants to trade in them,
and I confess I was ready to give them up, in order to secure broad
cloth, which I consider as the most important commodity in the
trade of Tibet. I have more than once mentioned the impossibiHty
of procuring leave for Europeans to trade into Bhutan, and without
quieting their apprehensions on this head, I saw that I should
1 A passport or permit.
186 OFFER TO BHUTAN OF FREE TRADE. [Ch. XVII.
neither carry any point in regard to trade with this government,
nor hope to obtain the sanction and concurrence of the adminis
tration at Lhasa.
Fbom Waeben Hastings to Me. Bogle, at Tassisudon. May 9, 1775.
I am happy to learn that your visit has proved so acceptable to
the Lama, and flatter myself it wUl be productive of the good con
sequences proposed from your journey to him. I have given the
necessary orders to the Custom masters at Hugh and Murshi-
dabad for passing at those places the boats which you or the Gosain
who is accompanying you from the Lama may bring with you.
I recommend it to you to use your utmost endeavours during
your stay at Tassisudon to settle conditions with the Bajah for the
establishment of an entire freedom of trade between his country and
Bengal. The annual caravan may continue its trade to Bangpur
on the customary terms. To effect this purpose you may even
consent to relinquish the tribute or duty which is exacted from the
Bhutan caravan which comes annually to Bangpur. To that place
all their goods for trade, of whatever kind, may come at aU times,
free from any duty or impost whatever, and exempt from stoppage ;
and in like manner all goods shaU pass from Bengal into Bhutan
free from duty and molestation. The caravan pays to Government
about 2000 rupees, but it is probable that the right of levying it
may serve as a cover to much greater exactions, and that the
surrender of this privilege may therefore be considered by the Bajah
as considerable. This is to be the groundwork of your negotiations.
You wiU build such improvements on it as your own judgment and
occasion may dictate.1
You wUl probably, in the course of your conversations with the
Bajah on this subject, be able to discover how his personal interests
may be affected by the proposed scheme ; a proper attention to
which, and an encouragement of any hopes of advantages he may
1 By the only commercial treaty with to be 6 to 8 per cent, in 1831, and it
Nepal (March 1, 1792), now obsolete, has lately been stated at 17 to 20 per
the duty on imports from both countries cent.; while the British Government
was fixed at 2| per cent. The Nepal levies no duty on goods imported from
duty was reported by Mr. Hodgson the Himalayan frontier countries.
Ch. XVII.] OPENING OF TRADE WITH BHUTAN. 187
entgrtain (provided his particular profits to be derived from it wiU
not mterfere with or obstruct the general plan), may greatly
facUitate your negotiations ; and for this purpose you wiU be equally
soHcitous to remove his objections, and calm his apprehensions of
detriment to his interests or danger to his country, should any such
arise in his mind.
The great object of your mission is, as I have explained it in
my letter to the Deb Bajah, to open a communication of trade
with Tassisudon, and through that place to Lhasa and the most
distant parts of Tibet. The advantages of such a plan to the Deb
Bajah himself cannot escape him. His capital will become the
centre of a commerce the most extensive and the most lucrative, if
properly improved, of any inland trade perhaps in the world, and
wiU derive the greatest benefits from it, by being the medium of
communication between the countries of Tibet and Bengal. This
country is too poor to be an object of conquest, and the expense
and difficulty of maintaining the possession of it, if it were subdued,
would be an insuperable objection to the attempt. To these you
wUl add such other arguments as your own experience and recollec
tion may suggest to you to engage the Bajah's acquiescence in your
plan, and his steady support of it hereafter. The only obstacle
that can oppose your success is the jealousy of this Government.
This you will find no difficulty in removing, and in convincing him
that it is repugnant to every interest of the Company to look to
any other connection with his country, than that of making it a
mart or channel for a fair and honourable commerce, which will
conduce as much to his interest as ours. Enclosed I send you
copies of two letters which I have written to the Bajah since you
left him, which you may make use of as arguments of the sincerity
and earnestness of my professions.1
From Mr. Bogle to Warren Hastings.
Kuch Bahae, June 9, 1775.
I was made very happy by the letter you honoured me with of
the 9th ultimo, and would have certainly continued some time
longer with the Deb Bajah, who pressed me to it, but the Lama's
1 See pp. 53 and 54.
188 EXCLUSION OF EUROPEANS. [Ch. XVII.
Gosain being anxious to get down to Calcutta, and myself out of
order, with the rains ready to set in, when I would have found it
almost impossible to travel, prevented me, and wiU, I hope, plead
my excuse.I have settled matters with the Bajah in the best manner I could,
though, I am afraid, not according to your wishes. There was, I
beg leave to assure you, no possibility of obtaining his consent to
aUow Engfishmen to travel into his country. The account I have
given, in a separate address, of his own jealousy, and of his situation
with respect to China, will serve to show this, and I know it to be
aU well founded. The Tassisudon people,1 who are all very cautious
and reserved, among the objections they at first started to my
proposals never once mentioned the name of Europeans, but used
their apprehensions of its breeding disturbances and misunder
standings ; that it had never been the custom ; and that it might
give offence to the Emperor of China, and such Hke pretexts,
to oppose my arguments and applications about trade. Nay,
when I first offered to satisfy them about Europeans, which I
knew to be the great bar, they pretended, insincerely, that they
had no objections particularly to the English trading into their
country ; that they would even be glad of it, and accompanied
aU this with so many professions, that I at first thought I had
given up this point without gaining any advantage. My subse
quent conferences, however, soon undeceived me. In short, I am
convinced, if I had gone strongly upon the article of Europeans,
either in Tibet or at Tassisudon, that I should have increased
then* jealousy, and have been obliged to return without doing
anything. I am afraid, as I have not been able to carry this point, that
my commission wiU gain me but little credit with the world ; yet I
cannot help flattering myself that it wiU be attended with not
inconsiderable advantages to Bengal. If the Company think that
commerce cannot be pushed with spirit, or carried to any extent, with
out the establishment of factories and the employment of English
agents, they have only to consider what the trade of Bengal was
before Europeans had anything to do with it ; or, which is more to
the purpose, to reflect what the trade between Bengal and Tibet
1 That is, the officials.
Ch. XVII.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE DEB RAJAH. 189
was whUe Nepal1 continued free and independent. I am sure if
yorrr connection with Teshu Lama and the Deb Bajah serves to
bring it back to that point, the benefit to Bengal will be very great.
But I ask pardon for presuming to trouble you with my ideas on
a subject you are so fuHy master of. As to myself, after having so
long had the honour and satisfaction of serving you, I am only
anxious that I may not, on this occasion, suffer in your good
opinion. I hope you will be pleased to approve of my reasons for not
adhering strictly to the letter of your instructions. I am convinced
things will soon come into the channel you seem to wish, and that
the merchants, deterred by the length of the journey, and the
opposition of chmate between Lhasa and Calcutta, will fall into the
way of selling and exchanging their commodities either at Binjipu2
or at Pari-jong, the frontier town of Tibet. But, without securing
to them a freedom of going and coming from Bengal to Tibet,
I was afraid that the Bhutanese, having everything in their hands,
would be able to fix the prices of goods, and the trade would
become trifling and languishing. When the Deb Bajah's fears of
another insurrection blow over, I should think permission for the
native Tibetan merchants to come to Binjipu may be easUy
obtained ; but this must be done through the Lama.
I could think of no way so effectual to engage the Bajah's
steady support and protection of traders as imposing a small duty
upon their goods. I threw out this in my conversations before
the receipt of your commands ; but it was not taken up, and so I
dropped it.
A few days before I left Tassisudon, the Deb Bajah pressed
me very much about some indulgence he wants to solicit for the
Bajah of Bahar ; but as I understood nothing of the matter, and
he did not seem to understand it weU himself, I would make him
no promises, but advised him to represent it to you by his vakil.
He then asked me to represent it also, which I promised to do,
1 By Nepal, in this work, Nepal all the numerous little states between
proper is always to be understood, or the Mechi and Sutlej, including the
the great valley which was conquered Kiranti country, elsewhere adverted to
from the peaceful commercial Newars by Bogle.
by the martial Gorkhas, who, before 2 Paro.
the end of the last century, had reduced
19Q RETURN TO BENGAL. [Ch. XVII.
after I shall know what it is ; and ventured to assure him of your
listening to any reasonable application from him ; but farther than
this I would not do or say.
The Deb Bajah's vakfl accompanied me from Tassisudon ^to
Buxa-Diiar. I have pushed on to Bahar, in order to prepare things
for the reception of him and the Lama's Gosains, and I expect
their arrival here to-morrow or next day.
I never received the letter you were so good as to write me
by the way of Nepal. I saw a vakfl of Gorkha Bajah two or
three times at Teshu Lumbo, but he said nothing about it. I
was supphed with what money I wanted by the old Gosain who
now accompanies me, of which I wUl afterwards lay the accounts
before you.
I gave the Deb Bajah a strong character of the Arab horses,
and he is much pleased with your present, which, however, is not
yet arrived here. He seems abundantly desirous of cultivating
your friendship, but in such a way as may not give umbrage to
Lhasa. I am sorry for the mortality among the cattle, because it
occasions the delay of a season. I have given Paima a particular
memorandum to get some more goats and cows sent down after the
rains ; also to put the Lama's people in mind of the tiis, which
he promised to procure for you ; though, being a wild animal, I am
afraid it wUl hardly live. We caught many musk goats, but they
aU died in a few days.
I am copying out the memoranda about my journey, which
I shall have the honour to send you from Sahib Ganj or Dinajpur;
the other papers I beg leave to defer laying before you till my
arrival in Calcutta, when I hope to have the pleasure of explaining
them to you in person.
Ch. XVIII.] DESCRIPTION OF BHUTAN. 191
CHAPTEE XVIII.
GENERAL REPORT BY MR. BOGLE ON HIS RETURN FROM
TIBET.
To the Hon. Warren Hastings, Governor-General, &c.
Hon. Sir, — The commission for opening a free intercourse
between the inhabitants of Bengal and Tibet with which you were
pleased to entrust me being now finished, I beg leave to lay before
you an account of the course and issue of my negotiations.
But as the state of the countries which I lately visited is little
known, it may not be improper to premise some circumstances
regarding their situation and government. In doing this, however,
I shaU endeavour to avoid entering into those minute details which
might sweU this address to an improper length.
The range of mountains which stretches from the Murung
country to the banks of the Brahmaputra and the north-east frontier
of Bengal is inhabited by a people known in Bengal by the name
of Bhutanese.1 These mountains are divided by glens or deep
valleys, with rapid rivers running through them. They are covered
with the loftiest trees, and the snow lies upon the tops of some of
them aU the year round. The valleys and least steep parts of the
mountains are cultivated, producing wheat, barley, and rice, suffi
cient not only for the support of the people, but even to form a
considerable article in their commerce with their northern neigh
bours. About two hundred and sixty years ago, this country, which I
shall distinguish by the name of Bhutan, is said to have been united
under one government by Noanumgay, a disciple of the Lamas of
1 The Trans-nivean people, whom we They are very numerous both in the
call Tibetan and Bhotias, are well mountains and in the terai. (See
known by the latter name in the plains Hodgson's ' Languages and Religion of
of India. But the Cis-nivean people, or Nepal and Tibet,' pp. 13-15, 29-44,
Himalayan tribes, are never so called. and 45-65.) ,
192 GOVERNMENT OF BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIII.
Tibet. Before that time it was parcelled out among a number of petty
and independent chieftains, who were engaged in perpetual wars and
commanded fierce and barbarous vassals. Noanumgay, by forming
laws and introducing religion, in concurrence with other causes,
rendered the people obedient to a strict and regular administration.
He was reverenced by his subjects during his Hfetime as a great
Lama, and is still worshipped by his descendants. His fame, how
ever, is confined to Bhutan, and his spirit is considered only as an
emanation from the pontiffs of Tibet.
Upon his death his soul was supposed to be divided into equal
portions, and to animate three different children, who were regarded
as Lamas, and the supreme power was jointly vested in them,
assisted by the clergy, to whom they owed their elevation. The
same ingenious device furnished them with successors, and this form
of government stUl continues. One of these Lamas, named Lama
Giassa-tu, died about twelve years ago, and the person into whom his
soul passed is not yet discovered ; another, Lama Shabdong, is a boy
seven years of age,1 so that the whole authority of this priestly
government at present resides in Lama Bimboche.2 The executive
administration is entrusted to an elective officer, styled Cusho
Debo, who is known in Bengal by the name of the Deb Bajah.
The abilities of Deb Judhur, the last person who held this office,
enabled him to render himself independent of the Lamas and the
clergy, and he ruled Bhutan during five years with an absolute
sway ; but the oppression of his government, his violent measures
in regard to Bahar, and the unfortunate war with the English in
which this engaged him, afforded the clergy an opportunity of
deposing him, of driving him into exile, and of electing a new chief
in his stead. Upon this revolution Lama Bimboche came to be
considered as supreme, and regained that authority in the government
to which by the ancient constitution he thinks himself entitled.
The kingdom of Bhutan is far from being populous. The
natives in the interior part of the country are generally above the
middle size, of a robust and muscular make, and of a light copper
1 See p. 39. Geysey, and Lam-Rimbochy. (See
2 Known in Bengal as the Dharma " Remarks on the Religious Institutions
Rajah. The three Lamas of Bhutan of the Inhabitants of Bhutan " ' Trans-
are called by Mr. Davis, the companion actions of R, A. S.,' vol. ii. 4to.)
of Captain Turner, Lam-Sebdo, Lam-
- ':-_
TlBIr
lyl IB
SUP
RESIDENCE OF THE LAMA GIASSA-TU, NEAR TASSISUDON.
(FROM A SKETCH BY LIEUT DAVIS IN TURNER'S EMBASSY TO TIBET.)
«3P
Ck. XVIII.] BHUTAN AND TIBET. 193
complexion. They are of a hasty and quarrelsome temper, and
addicted to the use of spirituous liquors. Theft and robbery, except
in time of public disturbances, are little known. The higher class of
people are formal and ceremonious in their manners, fond of long
speeches, and although often acute and judicious in the affairs of
their own state, yet having almost no intercourse with strangers,
are reserved and difficult in business.
The country is defended by the inhabitants, who are all trained
to the use of the bow or of the matchlock, and its steep mountains
and arduous roads, leading over precipices and covered with
thickets, form a barrier which an enemy might find it difficult to
surmount. The revenue of Bhutan is paid chiefly in rice, butter, and other
articles, which are consumed by the priests and servants of govern
ment, or hoarded up in storehouses. The low countries which they
possess on the borders of Bengal yield some money, and the
custom by which upon the death of a public officer his estate
escheats to the government, opens another source of revenue.
But the people, although enjoying all the necessaries of Hfe, are
possessed of little wealth, and, indeed, have little occasion for it.
The taxes upon the inhabitants are Hght; their possessions are
hereditary ; they hold their lands upon mUitary tenures, being bound
to fight, to carry burdens, and to perform other services for the
government. The kingdom of Tibet lies to the northward of Bhutan. The
frontier town is Pari-jong. Tibet is called by the natives Pu — pro
nounced as in French. Tibet is full of mountains, inferior in height
to those in the Deb Bajah's country, though they take their rise
from a more elevated plain, which are intermixed with more extensive
valleys. As Bhutan is the most woody country I ever saw, Tibet is
the most bare and unsheltered; except in the neighbourhood of
villages, a tree is seldom to be seen. The hills are covered with
sand, stones, and gravel. The soil of the villages, though poor, is
rather better, and produces, with good management, wheat, barley,
and some peas, but no rice.
The climate is extremely cold ; the lakes and rivers are covered
with ice. The thermometer, in the month of December, at Cham
namring, which is in latitude 31° 39', and about half a degree to the
o
194 POLITICAL EVENTS. AT LHASA. [Ch. XVIII.
northward of Lhasa, used sometimes to be within 3° of the bottom
of the scale, or 29° under freezing point ; and even in the middle of
April, and in a more southern situation, heavy showers of snow fell,
and standing water froze. The great elevation of the country above
the sea, and the northerly winds which blow over Tatary, probably
occasion this severity in the climate.
The Tibetans are of a smaUer size and of a make much less robust
than their southern neighbours. Their complexion is naturally as
fair as the people in the south of Europe, and many of them have
colour, some are quite ruddy: they are of a mUd and cheerful
temper. The higher rank of people at the Lama's court are polite,
and entertaining in conversation, with which they never mix any
compliments or flattery.
Tibet was formerly independent, being governed by a succession
of hereditary kings. About sixty years ago the ministers, con
spiring together, put their king to death, and assumed the adminis
tration into their own hands.1 Mewan Cusho, his cupbearer, escaped
towards Ladak, and having spent some years in engaging the
interest of the neighbouring chiefs, returned with a powerful army,
defeated the ministers, and engaged, in consideration of protection,
to hold his crown under the Emperor of China. After a wise and
prosperous reign of thirty years he was succeeded by his son
Wang Cusho.
The Lamas had long before this established themselves and
their religion in Tibet. By the liberality or superstition of its
kings, or by their influence with the Tatars, who often invaded the
country, they procured grants of lands and vfllages, where they
founded temples and monasteries. They were considered as
sovereign pontiffs, and adored as God's vicegerents. Pilgrimages
were made to them from different parts of Tatary, offerings of con
siderable value were presented to them, but they enjoyed not that
degree of temporal power which the imprudence of Wang Cusho
enabled them to obtain.
The tyranny and oppression of his administration, the murder
of his brother, and, above all, his intention of becoming independent
of China, were represented by the Dalai Lama in the strongest
1 This was when an army of Dsungarians invaded Lhasa in 1717, and killed
the Gesub Rimboehe', or Regent (Nomen-khan), named Latsan.
Ch. XVIII.] CHINESE SUPREMACY AT LHASA. 195
colours to the Court of Peking, which accordingly issued orders to
its officers at Lhasa, and Wang Cusho, betrayed by false promises,
suffered death while he expected to be honoured with marks of the
Emperor's favour.1 The tumult raised by his dependents, in which
a great number of the Chinese were slain, was soon quelled. Their
attempt to place his son in the government was defeated by the
timidity and flight of the mother, and, according to the severe
policy of the Chinese, every branch of the family was extirpated.
In consequence of this resolution the Lamas acquired fresh
power and rose to political consequence. The Emperor, either
in consideration of the Dalai Lama's pacific character, or as a
reward of his fidelity, committed the administration into his hands,
and his mild and popular government continued to the end of his
life. Upon this event, which happened about eighteen years ago,2
Teshu Lama, the next in dignity, came to be considered as the chief
man in the country. His character and abilities had secured him
the favour of the Emperor, and his representations had great weight
at the Court of Peking. About two years after the Dalai Lama's
death he discovered the child into whose body, according to their
belief, the soul of the departed Lama had passed, and placed him in
the chair of Potala, and his influence with the Emperor procured
for Gresub Bimboche, the cupbearer of the former Lama, the
executive administration during his minority.
Two Chinese viceroys, with a guard of a thousand soldiers, are
stationed at Lhasa, and are changed every three years. The
Emperor of China is acknowledged as the sovereign of the country ;
the appointment to the first offices in the state is made by his
order, and, in all measures of consequence, reference is first had to
the Court of Peking ; but the internal government of the country
is committed entirely to natives ; the Chinese in general are con- •
fined to the capital, no tribute is exacted, and the people of Tibet,
except at Lhasa, hardly feel the weight of a foreign yoke.
The executive administration is in the hands of Gesub Bim
boche and four other ministers, styled Kahlons. The governors of
forts and provinces are appointed by them, and the revenue is
collected by persons sent annually from Lhasa. But as the Dalai
1 This was in 1749.
2 This Dalai Lama's name was Lobsang Kalsang. He died in 1758.
O 2
196 PARALLEL BETWEEN THE LAMAS AND POPES. [Ch. XVlIT.
Lama is now nearly of age,1 it is expected that the Emperor of
China wiU invest him with the supreme authority which his pre
decessor enjoyed.
The influence of Teshu Lama in the government proceeds
chiefly from the veneration that is paid to his character and the
weight of his abilities. The Emperors of China being of Tatar
extraction, profess the reHgion of the Lamas, and reverence them
as the head of their faith ; and the present monarch undertakes no
expedition without consulting Teshu Lama, and sending him
offerings to engage his prayers for its success. The influence
which an able pontiff may derive from this is obvious, and although
Gesub Bimboche is jealous of it, yet he is obHged to pay attention
to the advice of Teshu Lama.
Any one that would give himself the trouble, might draw a
striking parallel between the Lamas and the ancient Boman Pon
tiffs. The situation of the former, with respect to the monarchs of
China, might weU be compared to the protection and authority,
which the successors of St. Peter derived from the German
emperors. Their pretensions to infalHbility, the veneration in which
they are held by the people, the wide extent of their spiritual dominion,
reaching over all Tatary and a great part of China, are perfectly
similar. But this influence over the minds of the people, possessed
by both, has been exercised by the Lamas, perhaps, in a manner
more conducive to the happiness of mankind. The oblations of
their followers are voluntary ; their government'is mUd and equit
able; they enter into no wars, but, on the contrary, often exert
their authority in settling the quarrels among contending states.
In their private character they are decent and exemplary, and, if I
may judge of others by one under whose roof I Hved, they are
humane, charitable, and intelligent.
The religion of the Lamas is either derived from that of the
Hindus, or improved by it. They retain, therefore, the greatest
veneration for the Ganges and the places held holy in Hindustan.
Before that country was invaded by the Mussulmans, the Lamas
had monasteries and other religious foundations in Bengal, to which
the Tibetan clergy used to resort in order to study the doctrines and
learning of the Brahmans. But the conquest of the Moghul put an
1 This was Lobsang Champal, who died in 1805.
Ch. XVHI.] TRADE THROUGH NEPAL. 197
end to the intercourse. The Lamas' temples were plundered and
destroyed, and their people driven out of the country ; since which
there has been little connection between the inhabitants of Tibet
and Bengal.
The trade, however, which used to be carried oh between the
two countries was formerly very extensive, and the returns being
made in gold dust, musk, cowtails, and other valuable articles, it
was highly beneficial to Bengal. I formerly took the liberty to
represent to you the causes which of late years have occasioned the
decline of the trade, and I now beg leave to lay before you an
account of the steps that I took to remove them.
Although Teshu Lama is not entrusted with the actual govern
ment of the country, yet his authority and influence appear fully
equal to accomplish the views which you entertain in regard to the
encouragement of trade. His passports to merchants and travellers
are obeyed universally throughout Tibet. He is reverenced by his
own people, he is respected by his neighbours, and his mild and
pacific character seems peculiarly suited to promote commerce. I
found in the Lama, therefore, the readiest disposition to co-operate
with you in removing the obstacles to a free trade, and in adopting
such measures as might increase the intercourse between the
country and Tibet.
The tyrannical and faithless character of the Gorkha Bajah,1
and his invasion of the territories of Demo Jong,2 a Bajah subject
to Lhasa, left, however, no room for any negotiations with him
towards reviving the trade through Nepal. But immediately upon
the news of his death, which arrived while I was at Teshu Lumbo,
the Lama wrote to his successor, Sing Pertab, advising him, in the
strongest manner, to allow merchants to trade through his country.
His letter on this occasion was short, and I may be excused perhaps
in inserting a translation of it :
"To Sing Pertab, —
" [After a number of titles] I have heard of the death of
your father, Prithi Narayan. As this is the will of God you will
not let your heart be cast down. You have now succeeded to the
throne, and it is proper that you attend to the happiness of your
1 Prithi Narayan. 2 Sikkim, or Deun-jong.
198 NEGOTIATIONS FOR OPENING TRADE. [Ch. XVIIL
people, and allow all merchants, as Hindus, Mussulmans, and the
four castes, to go and come, and carry on their trade freely, which
will tend to your advantage and to your good name. At present
they are afraid of you, and no one will enter your country. What
ever has been the ancient custom let it be observed between you
and me. It is improper that there should be more on your part,
and it is improper that there should be more on mine."
The Lama wrote also to the merchants at Lhasa and Teshu
Lumbo, the two principal towns in Tibet. He informed them of
the security and protection which merchants enjoy at Bengal, and
advised them to send gumashtas1 thither. The Kashmiri and
Gosain merchants afterwards assured me, that in consequence of
the encouragement and assistance which the Lama had offered
them, and the promises which I gave them of freedom and security
in Bengal, they proposed, in case they could obtain leave from the
Deb Bajah, to pass through his country, to send gumashtas to Calcutta
to purchase goods, as soon as the rains were over ; and a wealthy
Gosain merchant, afraid to travel through Nepal, actuaUy embraced
the opportunity of accompanying me to Calcutta. The Tibet
merchants also came to visit me. But at the same time that
they expressed their desire of complying with the Lama's com
mands, they enlarged upon the heat and unhealthiness of Bengal,
and declared their apprehensions of travelling into, what they con
sidered, a distant and unknown country.
Prejudices of this kind are to be cured only by habit, and your
compliance with the Teshu Lama's desire of founding a monastery
and temple on the banks of the Ganges will probably tend to
remove these strong prepossessions against the climate of Bengal,
and to produce an intercourse with the northern nations. The safe
return of the people whom the Lama proposes to send next winter
to visit the holy places in Bengal will serve to inspire their country
men with confidence ; the fondness of the Tibetans for everything
strange or curious, strengthened by religion, wiU probably lead
many others to undertake so meritorious a journey; and these
pilgrimages, like the Hajj at Mekkah, may in time open a consider
able mart for the commodities of Bengal.
Nor is the benefit which Bengal may derive from the resort of
1 Agents.
Ch. XVHI.] CHARACTER OF THE TESHU LAMA. 199
Tibetans the only advantage which the Company may obtain by
their* connection with Teshu Lama. He has written to the
Changay Lama, who is the high-priest at the Court of Peking, and
in great favour with the Emperor, advising him to send his people
to visit the temples in Hindustan. He has also promised to use
his best offices with the Emperor of China to procure leave for the
Company to send a deputation to Peking. The first, I am con
vinced, will take place ; and although, from the cautious and jealous
policy of the Chinese, I am not too sanguine as to the last, yet the
advantage of opening even an indirect communication with the
Court of Peking is, I humbly apprehend, an object of some impor
tance to the Company.
I could have wished, while I was in Tibet, and within a few
days' journey of Lhasa, to have proceeded to that city, in order to
have formed a connection with Gesub Bimboche, and the rest of the
administration there. But their jealousy rendered them averse from
it. I could not have seen them, considering the public character
I bore, without a considerable expense for presents ; and while the
Company's views in a communication with Tibet are only to an
extension of commerce, I am inclined to think that Teshu Lama's
influence is fully sufficient to accomplish them.
After passing five months in Teshu Lama's palace I returned to
Bhutan. The Lama at the same time wrote to the Deb Bajah on
the subject of merchants, and sent one of his people to assist me in
my negotiations at Tassisudon.
But I had now to prosecute my commission under circumstances
very different from what I had experienced in Tibet. Teshu Lama,
accustomed to an intercourse with strangers, fond of negotiation,
and attentive to everything that can raise his character, entered
warmly into views which coincided with his own. He had long
wished for an opportunity of forming a connection with some of
the powers in Hindustan. The authority of the Company was well
known to him, and he had akeady got great reputation by the
peace which his mediation had procured for the Bhutanese. His
desire, therefore, of cultivating a friendship which tended to
increase his influence, led him zealously to second your application,
while his endeavours for the ease and convenience of merchants
served to extend his fame. As he speaks the Hindustan language,
200 NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIIL
and possesses a great degree of candour and affabUity,1 he conversed
with me freely on every subject, and desired me to make my appli
cation immediately to him. He communicated to me the opposition
which the government at Lhasa had made to my journey ; he gave
me their correspondence to read ; he explained to me the letters
which he wrote to them about trade, and told me plainly what
could be accomplished and what could not.
The Deb Bajah, on the contrary, secluded from any connection
with foreigners,2 is difficult of access, stiff and ceremonious in his
manners, and indecisive in business. He is guided entirely by his
officers, who are reserved, suspicious, and evasive ; and in every
matter of consequence the humour of several hundred priests is to
be consulted, and the opinion of Lama Bimboche, who, without
experience or abilities, considers himself as supreme in the govern
ment, is to be received.
The administration at Tassisudon accordingly made many
objections to allowing merchants to pass through Bhutan, insisting
that it had never been the custom for strangers to come into their
kingdom ; that the inhabitants were of a hot and violent temper,
and the country woody .and mountainous, and, in case of a mer
chant being robbed, it might occasion disputes and misunder
standings between them and the Company's government. I wUl
not here take up your time with a repetition of the arguments I
employed in combating their objections, and in endeavouring to
convince them of the benefit which their country would derive
from the resort of merchants ; for I was sensible, while I used them,
that the opposition of the Bhutanese 3 to my proposals proceeded
from motives which they industriously concealed. They were
apprehensive that the admission of foreign merchants into their
1 In a similar light the Dalai Lama 2 Yet the Deb was the secular chief.
showed himself to Mr. Hodgson when Mr. Hodgson makes the following re-
Resident in Nepal ; and Mr. Hodgson mark on this : " The Dharma (Lama
remarks that such dispositions might Rimboehe'), or spiritual chief, should be
be utilized now that time has demon- the secluded one, not the Deb Rajah.
strated that we have no purpose to Again, the Teshu Lama, though he is
serve, save such an extension of cohit also the spiritual chief, is represented
merce as must benefit the Himalaya by Mr.' Bogle as the active and intel-
and Tibet far more than ourselves,' and ligent administrator in regard to iuter-
moreover render the continuance of national relations. This shows that
peace between as more secure, through talent and energy will assert themselves
the inevitable effects of mutually bene- despite theoretical bars."
iicial and kindly personal intercourse. > The officials, not the people.
Ch. XVIIL] NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. 201
country would lessen the profits which they at present derive from
their trade with Tibet,1 and they were still more afraid that by
allowing strangers to come into Bhutan they would open a door to
the introduction of Europeans.
Neither of these reasons, however, were ever avowed, or even
mentioned by the Bhutanese, but they were on this account more
difficult to overcome. Without quieting their scruples about
Europeans, I foresaw that it was impossible to obtain a com
munication with Tibet through their country, or to procure the
aid and concurrence of the ministry at Lhasa in encouraging and
extending the trade with Bengal. I therefore gave up a point
which it was impossible to carry, and gave them assurances that
no European merchants should enter Bhutan.
Some time after my arrival at Tassisudon I received your com
mands of the 9th of May, in which you direct me to endeavour to
render the Deb Bajah's capital the centre of communication be
tween Bengal and Tibet. As I found it necessary to deviate in
some measure from the letter of these orders, I hope you wUl
believe that it proceeded only from my desire to accomplish more
effectually the purpose of my commission, and that the following
reasons wiU serve to justify my conduct.
If the Deb Bajah allowed freedom of trade through his domi
nions, and permitted the merchants at Tibet to come and purchase
goods in his country, I should only have had occasion to have
appHed for permission for merchants to bring the commodities
of Bengal to Binjipu,2 which, being the capital of Bhutan, being
situated on the road from Pari-jong, and having a communication
with Bengal by Lukhi-Diiar, Dalim-kotta, and Buxa-Diiar, is well
adapted for a central market for the merchandise of Bengal and
Tibet. But the whole trade in the more valuable sorts of goods
is engrossed by the Deb Bajah and his officers, who are in fact the
merchants of Bhutan.3 The few Tibetans who come to Binjipu (Paro)
1 This is the real source of the diffi- there is no popular jealousy either in
culty still, as ever, experienced by us, Nepal, Tibet, or Bhutan ; and the
while" trying to open and liberate the Dalai and Teshu Lamas, could they be
Himalayan and trans-Himalayan trade. got at, may well be supposed not to share
2 pal0, the unfriendly sentiments attributed to
" Mi-. Hodgson observes that this is them, but rather to be ready to promote
generally the case, and holds true to what is evidently calculated to benefit
the present day. But he says that the people.
202 NEGOTIATIONS IN BHUTAN. [Ch. XVIIL
are aUowed only to exchange the salt and wool of their country for
the rice of Bhutan. Had I, therefore, procured permission for mer
chants to bring their goods only to Binjipu (Paro) without obtaining
leave for those of Tibet to come and trade to that place, the Deb
Bajah and his officers — men not wealthy, and who being engaged in
the affairs of government carry on their commercial concerns but
to a small extent, and without that enterprising spirit which mer
chants possess— would in fact have been the only purchasers, and
the trade would have remained on much the same footing as for
merly, only that Binjipu (Paro) instead of Bangpur would have
become the market for the commodities of Bengal. The consumption
of Bengal goods, except tobacco, betel nut, and other bulky articles,
is very small in the Deb Bajah's dominions, and while the people
remain poor, and preserve their present simple manners, wiU pro
bably continue so. It is no object to Bengal, and their only com
modities for exportation are musk, horses, munjit,1 blankets, and
some thin twilled cloths. The first three have always been monopo
lized by the rulers of Bhutan, and they would reluctantly part with
them ; the importation of the last ought rather to be discouraged.
In the dread which the administration at Tassisudon was then
in of an insurrection in favour of Deb Judhur, supported by the
administration at Lhasa, I could not have applied for permission for
Tibetans to trade freely to Binjipu (Paro) without awakening sus
picions of treachery, and I therefore judged it best to refer every
thing in regard to the merchants of Tibet entirely to Teshu Lama.
After many tiresome conferences and fruitless negotiations, in
which I was assisted by Teshu Lama's people, I at length obtained
the Deb Bajah's consent to allow Hindu and Mussulman merchants
to pass through Bhutan under some restrictions and concessions,
which I have now the honour to submit to you, together with the
reasons upon which they are grounded.
I transmitted a copy of those articles to the Lama from
Tassisudon, requesting him at the same time to give them all
advantages with the government at Lhasa, and to write to the
Deb Bajah on the subject. I have since received a letter from him
written in answer to the accounts which his people sent him of the
difficulties that the Deb Bajah started to my proposals, of which I
1 Madder.
Ch. XVIIL] TRADE BETWEEN BENGAL AND TIBET. 203
beg leave to lay before you a translation, as it strongly marks the
earnestness and zeal with which the Lama interests himself in the
success of the different objects of my commission.
In regard to procuring permission for Europeans to trade into
Tibet, it was a point which I have already mentioned impossible of
obtaining. In former times, when Europeans were settled in Hin
dustan merely as merchants, there would have been no difficulty in
establishing factories and freedom of trade ; but the power and
elevation to which the English have now risen render them the
objects of jealousy to all their neighbours. The opposition which
was made to my proceeding into Tibet, as well as the many diffi
culties I had to encounter in the execution of my commission, arose
from this source. The government at Lhasa considered me as sent
to explore their country, which the ambition of the Enghsh might
afterwards prompt them to invade, and their superiority in arms
render their attempt successful.1
I was at much pains during my stay among the inhabitants of
Bhutan and Tibet to remove their prejudices ; but I am convinced
they can be effectually conquered only by the opportunities which
a greater intercourse and more intimate acquaintance with the
English may afford them of observing their fidelity to engage
ments, and the moderation of their views, and by an interchange
of those good offices which serve to beget confidence between
nations as weU as between individuals.2 The increase of influence
which Teshu Lama will derive from the government of Tibet being
committed to the Dalai Lama, and other circumstances which your
connection with him may enable you to improve, wiU perhaps open
the way to a privUege which at present I could not obtain.
I wiU now beg leave to submit to you my ideas on the nature
of the trade between Bengal and Tibet, and on the measures which
appear most Hkely to revive and extend it.
The most important commodity in this traffic is broadcloth;
1 Mr. Hodgson remarks on this para- 2 On this Mr. Hodgson observes :
graph : " Might not the experience of " The worst of it is that under the pre-
the long period that has since elapsed sent system no room is afforded for
be now effectually urged the other way, the operation of any such interchange,
at Kathmandu, Lhasa, Teshu Lumbo, and sooner or later stolid indifference
and Tassisudon ? One and all owe begets spasmodic violence and war."
much to our good faith and peaceful
policy."
204 ENCOURAGEMENT OF TRADE. [Ch. XVHI.
all the Tibetans of a station elevated above the populace are fond
of wearing gowns of it, and it forms also an article of their com
merce with the neighbouring tribes of Tatars. The sale of
broadcloth, however, from the causes which I have already men
tioned, has greatly decreased of late years, and even of what is now
consumed a large portion is of French manufacture. I had occa
sion to buy several pieces in Tibet to give away in presents, and,
except once, I never could meet with any English cloth.
The article of next importance is coral beads ; great quantities
of these are used in Tibet, and from thence also sent into Tatary.
The want of supplies, and the consequent enhancement of the price,
have affected this commodity in the same manner as the former.
I wUl not here particularize the different kinds of merchandise
which have hitherto been exported from this country to Tibet, but
beg leave to refer you to the accompanying list, in which I have
put down the prices of the principal articles, together with the
expense of transporting them.1 I must observe, however, that most
of them were not to be had. The Bhutan caravan, on its return
from Bangpur, would no doubt carry a supply of goods from
Bengal, but in no degree equal to what the consumption of the
country used formerly to take off.
But besides the articles hitherto employed in the trade with
Tibet, there appears room to introduce or extend the sale of many
new ones. The inhabitants are fond of everything that comes
from a strange country, and even the lowest class of people possess
a curiosity seldom to be met with. This promises a good opening
for the sale of cutlery, glassware, and many other European
manufactures. The most eligible and effectual way in my opinion of extending
the sale of British broadcloth in opposition to that of France, of
increasing the sale of those goods which have usuaUy been ex
ported to Tibet, and of opening a mart for new articles of com
merce, ft to encourage the resort "of Kashmiris, Gosains, Bhutanese,
and Tibetans to Calcutta during the winter time ; 2 by making a sale
1 See and compare the lists and re- " Even so. Let the trade be in the ac-
marks in Mr. Hodgson's Report of customed hands, and those hands be
1831 ; and ' Languages, &c, of Nepal rendered more effectually operative by
and Tibet,' pp. 91-121. the co-operation at Calcutta of English
2 Mr. Hodgson remarks upon this : merchants."
Ch. XVIIL] SUGGESTED NEGOTIATIONS IN NEPAL. 205
of English broadcloth at that season they will be enabled to procure
it at the lowest rate ; and by granting them passports and escorts
to the northern frontier of Bengal, they will be engaged to purchase
the Company's cloth in preference to any other ; while the variety
of unknown merchandise which they wUl here find will naturally
create a desire of carrying them with them on their return to their
own country.
To remove the dread which the natives of Bhutan and Tibet
entertain of this climate may, no doubt, require time and use. But
when curiosity, religion, and interest conspire to prompt them to
visit Bengal, nothing further appears necessary but the encourage
ment and protection of government.
The Kashmiri and Gosain merchants who propose to come to
Calcutta during the next winter will, when furnished with Teshu
Lama's passports, find no difficulty in traveUing through Tibet;
and the Deb Bajah, from the assurances he has given me, will, I
am persuaded, readily grant them a passage through his kingdom
from Pari-jong to the frontier of Bengal. But as the road has
never yet been frequented by merchants, it may be necessary, on
their arrival on the borders of Bahar, that they should receive
countenance and assistance, and that orders for that purpose should
' be issued. The opening of the road through Nepal, and obtaining the
abolition of the duties and exactions which have lately been
imposed on trade in that country, appears an object of great impor
tance towards establishing a free communication between Bengal
and Tibet. The death of Prithi Narayan, the late Bajah of Nepal,
seems to afford a favourable opportunity of effecting this point.
Teshu Lama is ready to second your endeavours for that purpose ;
and a proper management of the different interests which prevafl
among the chiefs a on the borders of Nepal will, I am convinced,
easily accompHsh it. The steps which it may be proper to pursue
it becometh not me to point out. But I may be excused, perhaps,
in suggesting the advantage which you may derive, in all your
negotiations with the people who possess the mountains to the
northward of Bengal, by taking your measures jointly with Teshu
1 All the states between Sikkim and Kumaon have long been merged in the
Gorkha kingdom of Nepal.
206 CONCLUSION. [Ch. XVIIL
Lama. His acquaintance with the state of those countries renders
his opinion of much weight, and the influence which his holy
character gives him among the different ' chiefs, being employed
only to settle disputes and promote harmony, may enable you to
accomplish by negotiation and peaceful means what that jealousy
of the people and the strength of their situation might otherwise
render it difficult to obtain.
When a road is opened through Nepal as well as Bhutan
nothing further appears to me necessary towards accomplishing the
business upon which I have lately been employed. In matters of
commerce I humbly apprehend that freedom and security is all
that is required. Merchants, left to themselves, naturally discover
the most proper manner of conducting their trade, and, prompted
by self-interest, carry it on to the greatest extent.
The disadvantages to which the novelty of my journey and the
jealousy of the natives 1 subjected me may, perhaps, entitle me to
indulgence. I have executed my commission to the best of my
abUities, and I now wait in solicitude for the judgment which may
be passed upon my conduct.
1 Mr. Bogle, here and elsewhere, in speaking of the jealousy of the natives,
evidently means the native officials only.
Ch. XIX.] JOURNEY OF THE LAMA TO PEKING. 207
CHAPTEE XIX.
JOURNEY OF THE TESHU LAMA TO PEKING, AND HIS DEATH.
PROJECT OF MR. BOGLE FOR MEETING THE LAMA AT
PEKING.
(Memorandum, written in July, 1778.)
The amount of the debts of the Chinese merchants to English
individuals is from a million and a half to two millions sterling.
Among the creditors are Mr. Bouchier, Sir Bobert Harland, Sir
John Lindsay, and most of the gentlemen who have gone from
Madras, as well as Mr. Boddam and others at Bombay. They can
get no redress : have no channel of applying for it. They have
sent a Mr. Gordon to England with a representation to endeavour
to interest the Government, and perhaps through them the Court
of Bussia ; but have Httle prospect of success, or at best distant.
Besides this, the Company's business is often harassed and op
pressed, and its conductors are entirely without any channel of
communication or representation to the Court of Peking.
The Emperor of China is now seventy years of age.1 He is
of the Tatar religion, of which the Lamas are the head. The
Changay Lama, who is older than him, and resides at Peking, is
said to have much influence over him. He has expressed a great
desire to see Teshu Lama before his death, and has at length, after
repeated applications, prevailed on him to go and meet him. The
Emperor has fixed on a place about a month's journey on this side
of Peking, and Teshu Lama sets out about two months hence to
travel through Tatary. The journey wiU take up about eight
months, so that he may arrive with the Emperor about May next.
He wiU stay at least three or four months ; that is to August.2
1 This was the famous Emperor Gosain, accompanied the Teshu Lama
Kien-lung who succeeded in 1736, and on his visit to China, and wrote
reigned until 1796. (See note at p. 134.) an account of it, a translation of
2 Mr. Bogle's old friend, Purungir which was published by Mr. A. Dal-
208
DEATH OF THE TESHU LAMA.
[Ch. XIX.
When I was in Tibet, the Lama promised to endeavour to pro
cure for me passports to go to Peking. He has not yet succeeded,
but has sent a man to assure me that he will exert himself to
procure me at least a passport by the way of Canton. I propose
to write him that I shall prepare myself either to go by land over
rymple, in the 'Oriental Repertory'
(ii. p. 145). After several most press
ing invitations from the old Em
peror, the Lama at length resolved
to undertake the journey, but not with
out sad forebodings. He set out from
Teshu Lumbo on the 15th of July, 1779,
attended by 1500 troops and followers.
After forty-six days he reached Duchu,
on the banks of a river of the same
name. After twenty days more he came
to Thuk'thaung, and nineteen days more
brought him to Kumbu Giemban, a
large city, where he remained four
months, owing to the snow. He then
set out again, and, after fifteen days,
came to the city of Tumdautabe, where
he was met by Chi-wang, a son-in-law
of the Emperor. Nine days more were
occupied in the journey to Nissaur, and
two days more brought him to Taubun-
kaikan, and sixteen days more to Chau-
raunsuburgan, where he halted two
days. Another twelve days were con
sumed in reaching Khaurambu, and
six more brought the Lama to Taigau-
gumban, where he was met by the Em
peror's first son. In thirty-four days
more they arrived at Sining, where the
Lama was met by another son of the
Emperor, who informed him that the
Emperor himself had advanced to a
country seat called Jiawosekho, about
twenty-four miles from Sining. (See
and compare the stage route of tlie
Nepalese Embassy to Peking, in No. 27,
of the ' Selections from the Records of
the Government of India,' p. 83. Siling,
or Sining, is the capital of Tangut, or
Sokyeul, and is the converging point
of all the trade routes.)
During the whole of this long jour
ney sumptuous provision was made for
the Lama's comfort, and crowds of de
votees thronged to receive his blessing.
At the first interview the Emperor
met the Teshu Lama at a distance of at
least forty paces from his throne, and
seated him on the uppermost cushion
with himself, and at the right hand.
When the Lama withdrew, he was con
ducted to a magnificent palace, about
a mile from that of the Emperor, which
had been specially erected for his abode.
In a subsequent interview the Lama
mentioned to the Emperor that there
was a great ruler in Hindustan, on the
borders of his country, for whom he
had the greatest friendship ; and that
he wished the Emperor to know and
regard him also. Purungir Gosain
was then called in and interrogated.
He said that the ruler's name was
Hastings, and described the riches and
military resources of India.
After some time the Emperor and
Teshu Lama set out for Peking, and
the Lama was lodged in a very magni
ficent house outside the walls of the
city, and for several months there were
constant interchanges of visits between
the Emperor and the Lama. To the
inexpressible grief of the Emperor and
the whole people of China, the Lama
was seized with smallpox, and expired
on the evening of November 12, 1780,
as he sat at prayer between two large
pillows, resting his back against the
wall. His death was remarkably tran
quil. The body was placed in a coffin of
pure gold, in the form of a temple fixed
on poles, and the Emperor ordered it to
be conveyed to Tibet in charge of the
Lama's brother. The gold temple was
placed within a copper temple. The
return journey occupied seven months
and eight days from Peking to the
mausoleum at Teshu Lumbo.
There is an extract from another
mmmrm
411111 ¦¦<^^ ;-PPfc; .""-«
S&S8
'• 'iip
¦ ' ' i HI'' 11 ill IT I " 1 1 §§£S@
THE TOMB OF THE TESHU LAMA.
- -;V TO TIBET.)
Ch. XIX.] MR. BOGLE'S PROPOSED VISIT TO PEKING. 209
Tatary, if he thinks it possible to procure me passports, otherwise
to go by sea to Canton in the fuU confidence of his sending me
some person from himself to Canton with passports, so that I
might get to Peking while the Lama is with the Emperor. I pro
pose also to send back a Gosain who is in great favour with the
Lama, and whom he has sent down to Calcutta so as to be with
him before he sets out from Tibet; and that this man who is
much attached to me, together with one of my servants, should
accompany the Lama to China, and come and meet me at Canton.
The Changay Lama, who is at Peking, is a native of Tibet, and
understands that language, of which I have some knowledge, so as
not to be at the mercy of interpreters.
If I succeed in procuring passports, I shall then be in a situa
tion to urge any points at the Court of Peking with the greatest
advantage. But even if I should be disappointed, I do not think it
is possible for me to fail in procuring a channel of communication
with the Court of Peking,1 and in finding some person stationed at
Canton through whom representations can be made.
In order to pave the way, it is necessary that some presents
should be got ready that may be acceptable at Peking. Large
pearls, large coral, some best birds' nests, some Arabian horses, and
some muslins, should be prepared. Most of these articles are the
same as make the best remittances to China, so that in case of the
negotiation failing they could be sold there without any loss. But
letter, written from Peking by a mis- painful journey for the sole purpose of
sionary named Amiot, and dated Au- doing honour to me, and that after
gust 17, 1781. He says that the Pan- having fulfilled that object it was not
tchan Lama, as he calls the Teshu his fate to return in tranquillity, as I
Lama, or Panchen Rimboehe', reached had hoped, to the place of his usual
China in very good health, after a abode, this reflection is distressing to
journey of extraordinary length ; but me beyond all expression." (' Oriental
that on arriving at Peking he was Repertory,' ii. p. 273.)
seized with the smallpox and died. > Mr. Hodgson remarks upon this :
M. Amiot gives a translation of the " What has since been done there as
remarkable letter written by the Em- regards the seaboard trade, seems to
peror Kien Lung, then in his seventieth prove that quiet persistent explanation
year, to the Dalai, announcing the death might succeed in removing the existing
of the Teshu Lama. " Although I am obstacles to free social and commercial
well aware," writes the Emperor, ''that intercourse between the Cis and Trans
to come and to go are but as the same Himalayans, by natives and such of
thing to the Pan-tchan Lama, yet when them as have an immemorial prescrip-
I reflect that he made a most long and tive right to such free intercourse.'' P
210 MR. BOGLE'S PROPOSED VISIT TO PEKING. [Ch. XIX-
the persons interested in the recovery of these debts are so numerous
and unconnected that it is difficult to get them to contribute towards
this, and stUl more so to do it with such secrecy as to prevent the
scheme from being known, which would put the people at Canton
on their mettle to counteract it.
JOUKNEY OF
MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA
(1811-12).
p 2
JOUENEY OF
MR. THOMAS MANNING TO LHASA
(1811-12).
[The foot-notes with the initials T. M. are by Mr. Manning : the others are editorial.]
CHAPTEE I.
JOURNEY FROM CANTALBARY TO PARI-JONG.
I aebived at Cantalbary1 on Friday, the 7th of September, 1811,
and at Tazigong on Tuesday foUowing; and left Tazigong on
Friday morning, on what I caU the 14th.2
Mr. Eoy left me halfway to Cantalbary : Balangham soon after.
The magistrate sent out horses and music, and I had a strange entry
into Cantalbary, where I spent a good deal of money. AU left me
but one Chaprasi. Eight miles next day. The Bhutanese lord it
over their Hindu subjects ; and even my slave was imperious, but
it might be because I traveUed by authority. One of my Bhutan
friends, according to promise, came and met me, not on the frontier,
but at Bhitu Bari,3 on the 10th, and took me with him to a vUlage
on a hill about six miles from the mountains, pleasantly situated
among orange and lime trees. Thence, next day, I rode to a torrent.
The horses, they said, were not to go any farther ; an unexpected
trouble. The Soubah of the vUlage came to meet me, and salam
me on the other side. I walked with him through water and
over cruel stones above a mile, which brought me to a wretched
1 Or Kathal-bari, a town formerly on 1811, were on a Saturday, not a Friday.
the frontier of Bhutan, 63 miles north He must, therefore, have reached Tazi-
of Rangpur. gong on the 13th.
2 The 7th and 14th of September, in 3 ¦ I cannot find this place on any map.
214 ON THE ROAD TO PARO. [Ch. I.
pigsty of a place, and they said I was to stay there that night. It
was still morning, or about noon. I declared I would not, but would
go on to Tazigong. I got porters for my things, and set off, I
and my Chinaman1 and my guide, on foot. The road passed over
the bed of a torrent with cruel stones, and I was sometimes up to
my middle in water. At last it turned out by acknowledgment
to be eight good miles; seven on the plain, and one up the hiU.
I was tired when I arrived at the foot of the hill, and it was steep
and stony, and my feet were sore ; but we could not stop more than
half an hour. I toiled up slowly, and with considerable difficulty,
When I got to the top, my servant had palpitation, sweated pro
fusely, eruption broke out, and next day he said his skin peeled
away. I told him it would do him good, and prevent fever. Next
day I bargained for people to carry us in our chairs.
10th Sept., we reached Tazigong.2 I saw but one house : stayed
two days. Here the Chaprasi left me. On the 15th I reached
Dune,3 and was lodged at the upper end of a large long room. On
the 16th, after passing over a swinging bridge, I came to Enji, and
was lodged in a large three-storied house. On the 17th and 18th
I was at Dumgong,4 in a very large solid buUt house, which seemed
to be a sort of receptacle for merchandise and traveUers. There
was a chapel in it, with images.
On the 1 9th I reached Matakah. I came in thoroughly wet,
and dried my clothes on my body. Afterwards, upon walking
across the room, I was seized with a violent palpitation. The insects
disturbed me all night. I saw a lad gnawing a turnip, and caUed to
him immediately, and, showing it to my conductor, asked the name,
and told him to give me plenty of it. I thus got an exceUently
well-dressed stew with turnips.
Leaving Matakah on the 20th, we walked up a mountain, and
1 A Chinese servant whom Mr. Man- ward of that travelled over by Bogle and
ning brought from Canton. After- Turner. It follows the courses of the
wards he usually calls the Chinaman rivers Tursa and Dun-chu, and then
" Munslii." He was detained at Lhasa crosses a ridge to Paro. For details of
when Mr. Manning was sent back. this route see ' MacGregor,' p. 19.
2 Mr. Manning appears to have en- 3 Duna or Duna-jongt in the valley of
tered Bhutan by the Laid Duar or Tazi- the Dun-chu.
gong, and to have gone direct to Paro. 4 Dumgong and Enji are not on the
This is a route never taken by any Eu- maps.
ropean before or since, being to the west-
Ch. I.] PARO. 215
slept upon it, there being no village or house. Wet, wet ; always
rairff On the 21st, we ascended stiU higher ; and after a fearfully long
walk up the steep, descended down to Wharai — a toUsome day's
work. I find going up hUl does not agree with me, perhaps because
naturally I am going down hiU. Wet above, wet below; hard
stones all the way.
At Paro-jong I was lodged in a guardhouse, with no window,
and much smoke. I was not permitted to go out, nor to visit the
bazaar close by.
In riding over the lofty bridge into Paro,1 if the horse curvets,
it must go slap down thirty feet into the rocky, stony stream ; but
that danger is imaginary. I could not persuade them to give me
any fish.
On the evening of October 16 1 left Paro, having been hurried
to write six letters in six minutes, though the servants afterwards
were not ready for three hours.
At night I found that my Chinese servant had changed our
sUver spoons into pewter. I told him I would not go on tiU I got
my spoons. Now the Chaprasi I am in charge of is a partner in
iniquity. He could procure the spoons in an instant, for we had
only gone four mUes. But no, he thought to persuade me to go
on, and said the spoons would come after. I was obstinate. On
the 17th, ten o'clock, twelve o'clock, and nobody went back to Paro.
At last my slave went, and returned with one silver and one pewter
again. I swore I would have the other, or go back myself and
speak to the magistrate. This frightened my rascal : he sent the
slave again, and he brought back the other. It was not the value,
but the example. I am in bad, bad hands. The Dewan kindly
sent yesterday the Chinaman and a lama (who came a child from
China by chance of war, and had almost forgotten his tongue) to
1 The bridge at Paro is a handsome stone tower, in which a guard remains
structure, made of large pine beams at night, uuder the warder of the bridge.
built into either bank, and projected The bridge is very neatly boarded with
one over the other till a sufficiently deal planks. The gates are lined with
narrow space is obtained to admit of a iron plates and studded with nails. The
platform. The entrances to the bridge road from the bridge to the fort is
are paved with large slabs of stone, and paved throughout. (: Eden,' p. 89.)
at each end is a large, strongly-built
216 AT PARI-JONG. [Ch. I.
see how we were, and whether everything was right. This was a
great reHef to us, and I sent a civil message back.
18th. This morning I went to salam the petty magistrate of the
place, and gave him a rupee and a looking-glass. He was vastly
civil. We are now come on about six miles. The Chinaman is as
cross as the devil, and will not speak. We are lodged in a loft, open
shed like, but a snuggish place to sleep in. Snow-fall in sight.
Charming weather. Strange sensation coming along: warm and
comfortable. Horse walking in a lane between two stone walls.
The snow ! Where am I ? How can I be come here ? Not a
soul to speak to. I wept almost through excess of sensation, not
from grief. A spaniel would be better company than my Chinese
servant. Plenty of priests and monks like those in Europe.
19th. I found out at night why my servant was cross. He fell
off his horse, and thought I took no notice of it. I did not see it.
I visited a priest, and he is to pray for my welfare, going and
coming. I cannot persuade them to let me taste the fish, though
I offer money.
20fch. Uphill. In a deserted house at night : could not sleep
for the insects and rats. Good-for-nothing horse.
21st. We arrived at Pari-jong. Frost. Frost also two days
before. I was lodged in a strange place, but so are the natives.
23rd. I went to visit the religious resident at Pari-jong. I sold
cloth, but they cannot reckon. They cheated me of two paranies,
even if at their own prices. All cheats. A woman spoke Chinese,
and interpreted for us. On 21st, the two magistrates came to
look at us, and ask questions. I took them for idle fellows (by
mistake), and paid no respect to them.
24th. I visited the magistrate, and took his pipe-boy for a girl.
He asked a good many questions, and was very civil. He gave me
a sheep and rice, and he invited us to come again after three or
four days, and stay longer.
27th. We were obliged to quit our room to make way for Chinese
soldiers who are expected. The new room had dirty floors, and was
rather cold. We cook for ourselves. Dirt, dirt, grease, smoke.
Misery, but good mutton. The Chinaman was cross again. Note.
Says I, " Was that a bird at the magistrate's that flapped so loud ?"
— Ans. " What signifies whether it was a bird or not ?" Where he
Ch. I.] ARRIVAL OF A CHINESE MANDARIN. 217
sat, I thought he might see ; and I was curious to know if such
large*birds frequented the buUding.1 These are the answers I get.
He is always discontented and grumbling, and takes no trouble off
my hands. Being younger and, like all Asiatics, able to stoop and
crouch without pain or difficulty, he might assist me in many things
without trouble to himself. A younger brother, or any English
young gentleman, would in his place of course lay the cloth, and
do other little services when I am tired ; but he does not seem
to have much of the generous about him, nor does he in any way
serve me, or behave to me with any show of affection or goodwill :
consequently I grow no more attached: to him than the first day
I saw him. I could not have thought it possible for me to have
lived so long with anyone without either disliking him, or caring
sixpence for him. He has good qualities, too. The strangeness of
his situation may partly excuse him. (I am more attached to my
guide, with all his faults, who has been with me but a few days.)
My guide has behaved so damnably ill since I wrote that, that
I wish it had not come into my mind.
29th. The Chinaman shaved with a razor shaped like a sickle,
the edge being where a sickle's back is.
30th. The Chinese mandarin's interpreter arrived.
31st. The mandarin arrived. One of his soldiers, who is also
his cook, visited us. He asked me if I was a Mussulman. I
answer, " No, I eat pork," which I believe was not interpreted to
him. Chinese politeness, even in the common soldiers, forms a
great contrast with the barbarians of this place.
Nov. 1st. My Chinese servant visited the mandarin ; and after
wards I paid him a visit. Some of his people said I could not sit
down before him. In that case I should not have gone. He was
very civU, and promised to write immediately to the Lhasa mandarin
for permission for me to proceed. I gave him two bottles of cherry
brandy, and a wine-glass. He asked me to dinner with my China
man, who excused me. The Chinese lord it here like the English in
India. The Tibetans stand before them. I was applied to as a
physician, to cure soldiers.
1 The building is immensely large, Pari-jong ; indeed, most of it consists of
six or more stories high ; a sort of for- miserable galleries and holes.— T. M.
tress. At a distance it appears to be all
218 ALLOWED TO PROCEED TO LHASA. [Ch. I.
2nd. The soldiers described their complaints, but concealed
their origin, supposing, perhaps, that I, as a physician, can find
that out. True, by dint of questions.1
3rd. Things are much pleasanter now the Chinese are here.
The magistrate hints at overtures respecting opening a commercial
intercourse between the Chinese and English through Bhutan.
I cannot help exclaiming, in my mind (as I often do), what fools
the Company are to give me no commission, no authority, no
instructions. What use are their embassies when their ambas
sador cannot speak to a soul, and can only make ordinary phrases
pass through a stupid interpreter ? No finesse, no tournure, no
compliments. Fools, fools, fools, to neglect an opportunity they
may never have again ! 2
4th. My medicines do wonderfully well, and the patients are
very grateful. They have petitioned for me to go with "the man
darin to-morrow towards Giansu, and not to have the misery of
staying here for an answer from Lhasa. The secretary and others
have also asked for us, and the mandarin has consented. Some of
our things are gone to-day. We go to-morrow. This is very plea
sant. I hear of several patients in Giansu already. Tout mieux,
though it is a great trouble. The magistrate of the place has
neglected lately to supply us with provisions, but the Chinese send
us plenty of exceUent vegetables.
1 Mr. Manning then details his treat- port by the Government of India, re-
ment for each patient. commending him to the good offices of
2 One would gather from this that the authorities, without other official
Mr. Manning was given a simple pass- recognition.
Ch. II.] LEAVE PARI-JONG. INTENSE COLD. 219
CHAPTEE II.
FROM PARI-JONG TO GIANSU.
We left Pari-jong early in the morning of the 5th of November.
I expected to have set out after breakfast ; but we were caUed up
before four in the morning, as they wanted our things and our
beds. Bitter frost. The wine, or rather beer, I had ordered over
night arrived just as we were setting off. There was no wine to
drink, as it must be heated first. Before dayfight I heard the gun
go off: the signal that the General had left the place. I went
down to the street, and found the head Tibetan interpreter and
his second waiting for us. We mounted at dawn of day, and
scampered over the plain. Snow all round on the mountains — a
strange sight. Sharp frost. About three miles off we passed the
mandarin's flag. He had stopped there to settle some cause and
take refreshment. Soon after he overtook us. I salamed him as
he passed, and we went on in company. We came to a tomb of
stones with stakes at top, adorned with hundreds of bits of cloth.
A raven sat crouching on the top of one of the stakes. The
mandarin ahghted and prostrated himself to the ground, as did
some of the soldiers, others not — we not. It is the tomb of a
holy man. They caU it Pusa. I was surprised to find the ice so
strong. The sides of running brooks would bear our horses well ;
but this was only the first or second day; afterwards, the land
lying lower, the frost was much less severe. After riding about
25 miles we found two tents pitched; one for the General and
one for me. Here we had boiled mutton. I went up to the
General, and thanked him for his kindness in permitting me to go
on with him, and stayed about twenty minutes; then on again.
Soon afterwards the sun became obscured, and a terrible cut
ting wind blew upon us. I was not sufficiently clothed against
this. I had a thick heavy cloak on, which one of the soldiers
had lent me. The aide-de-camp had also lent me a sheepskin
220 A NIGHT SCENE. BAD HORSE-GEAR. [Ch. II.
under-cloak, which I thought too much, and had packed up with
my things. I was so bruised and bit and cut by this wind,
that when we came to our resting place I was in a sHght fever.
I Med on the cushions before a good fire, but could not recover
thoroughly till next day. At night, ten or fifteen of the in
habitants of the vUlage settled themselves in the dirt around
our fire, and the scholar of the place made out their shares of
expense for provisions for the General and his party, including us.
It was a curious scene. A shoe-shaped pan, with a bit of cotton
lighted in the bottom, and two or three lumps of tallow laid over,
was the lamp. -The clerk held the paper in one hand and the pen
in the other. One man flared the light as close to him as he
could, sloping it, and shoving in the taUow with his finger as the
light grew dim. Another put the inkstand in his way when he
looked about for a dip. They were eager and noisy. Afterwards
they introduced the dice, using their hands for a box, and gambled
for their shares and perhaps for money. Afterwards they con
tinued gambling tiU late in the evening. I saw the hayta (weety
peety), a strange appearance in the air, strongly resembhng the
flight of innumerable birds. It is the conflict between the extreme
cold and burning heat of the sun. It deceived me at first, and
my servant afterwards. I frequently saw the same appearance
afterwards, but never so strong. There are very few birds in
Tibet. I heard now and then the weety-peety cry of a few smaU
birds among the stones and rocks, and on the waters were flocks
of wild ducks (very tame) and other wild fowl, but not more than
may be seen on all lakes, meres, and broads.1
The next day I was stiU a little unwell, and they told us that
the cold and wind would stUl be severe ; which proved untrue, as it
was pleasant the whole day, except when the passage between the
mountains became narrow, and then it was uncomfortably hot.
They gave me a vicious horse. While lengthening the stirrup he
kicked, and bit at me. Now I must observe, once for all, that the
common horse furniture in these regions is detestable. Shrivelled
bits of leather, full of knots, for the stirrup leather ; it is almost
impossible to untie them, and when done will not take a new bend.
Again, if one can be altered, it is a great chance if the other side
1 A Norfolk word, showing where Mr. Manning hailed from.
Ch. II.] A RUNAWAY HORSE. 221
admits of it ; and as for making the two sides equal lengths, it is a
great chance if after haK an hour it can be effected. Consequently,
setting off at daylight in a hurry, among Tibetan servants, whose
language I did not understand, and in the bitter cold, I generally
went with one leg long and one short. The bridle was often so
short that I could barely reach it ; and I managed to hold by the
leading rein, which always accompanies the bridle in these parts.
Often the bridle broke in the middle of the road ; sometimes the
stirrup leather ; sometimes the saddle, high behind and before, was
so short that I sat in pain, unless I twisted myself unequally.
After walking the horse ten miles — our pace was generally a walk,
and upon the average we did not go three miles an hour, conse
quently, although our journeys were 12, 14, 20, and, at the most,
30 miles per day, we were from many dawns till evenings' close on
our horses — my knees ached so much in consequence of the short
stirrups, that I was forced to ride side-saddle fashion.
These and other petty inconveniences I shall in future pass over ;
they would be as little entertaining to the reader as they were to me.
But to return to my vicious horse. He happened to have remark
ably bad furniture. In lengthening the stirrups they made them so
long that I could scarcely reach them with my toes. I mounted him
without his playing any tricks, and thought myself secure ; but
whether it was the unusual length of legs he felt at his belly, and
the unusual mode of riding that made him impatient, or whether it
was his natural temper alone, I do not know : he grew headstrong,
and would not keep his place, but pressed forward. He fatigued
me very much. A soldier offered to change with me, but I thought
he would be a good goer after he had had a little run. I put him
ahead, and gave him two or three notices with my heels that he
might go his own pace. He changed his form instantly ; set his
head and ears, and at once sprang forward in a full runaway
gaUop, with the most furious and awkward motion I ever ex
perienced. I could not have imagined he had ever been so fleet.
The bridle was of little use. I puUed and sawed at it as hard as I
dared ; I could easily have broken it. I expected every minute my
stirrup leather would break, though I pressed as lightly as I could;
but what was worse, the road, which at first was tolerable, grew
worse and worse, and I saw we were coming to the fearful bog we
222 THE CALOCHU LAKE. [Ch. II.
had passed the day before, which was full of concealed holes,
frozen knobs of earth, flakes of ice, and had proved troublesome to
walk our horses over. I reckoned upon a serious fall, but I believe
he had had enough. A man driving cattle stood still, in his way,
upon my clamorously invoking his assistance, and my horse made
that a pretence for falling into a trot. I turned his head towards
my companions, who were now nearly a mile off. When they came
up they insisted on my changing, which I refused, until I saw they
were a Httle angry, upon which I dismounted and exchanged for a
quiet creature, who was as wilHng to keep behind as the other was
to run ahead. What with the violence of the exercise, the weight
of my clothes, and the remains of my fever, I felt myself a good
deal agitated ; by degrees I recovered, and felt no ill consequences
after it.
This day we approached the edge of a lake or sea, and here
a cushion was spread for the General, and another for me, and
tea was served. I had eaten but little, and had preserved some
bits of cold meat in my wooden cup, which I drew out of my
bosom and ate, and it now proved very acceptable to my stomach.
The lake x was frozen ; at least that part we were next, and would
certainly have borne me. My skates were not many mUes
off, but I was not well enough to regret the losing this oppor
tunity of showing my skill. We stopped but a few minutes
and proceeded on to where the lake becomes a river, in a narrow
pass between the brown, dry mountains ; here it was open in
the middle, and running briskly. There were many fine, fat
wild ducks on it, which were very tame, and let us come close
to them. The people of Tibet never disturb them : they eat
no birds; but, on the contrary, let the birds eat them. The
sun here was burning hot. There were a few miserable-looking
houses scattered about, looking like ruins of villages, as the Tibet
houses often do, and a few patches of arable land. We passed
on through the defile to a large village, where we two were shown
into a strange cavern of a house, and told it was our lodging. It
was low, long, dark, narrow, black, windowless, and full of smoke.
I sat sometime on the wall beside the house, breathing the pure
air and enjoying the sunshine, before I ventured to explore it. At
1 This is the Calocbu of Mr. Bogle. (See p. 73.)
Ch. II.] A SMOKY LODGING. 223
last I crept in, and when I arrived at the farther end found
cushions and a good fire, and the good woman of the house pre
paring the pot. Though it seemed at first so narrow, it was
in fact a wide, large room, supported by pillars, leaving an alley in
the middle, and against the pillars were a great many packages,
which concealed the sides, and left nothing visible but the aUey,
which I took at first for the whole room. There seemed to be
several families belonging to it, and at night several women and girls
came in, who undressed themselves in the sides, and spread their
beds, long after I was laid down and quiet. I now and then took
an impertinent peep, but the smoke was so thick and the light so
bad, that I could discern nothing. Every time they opened the
door there came a stream of cold air upon me, which prevented my
sleeping, and they were not all retired till very late. Getting up
and going to the door I found two guards lying before it, in the
open air, seemingly very comfortable and composed. I have often
seen this since, and learned that it is by no means a miserable
situation. A European is not at first aware of the thickness of
their clothing and covering. He figures to himself a miserable
man in the streets or fields in England, on a bitter, sharp frosty
night in January, and shudders.
This night, as well as many others, I slept in my clothes. It
was a great trouble to me to undo my bedding, which was but Ul
contrived ; and to get up in the morning before dayHght, and
arrange it again, and cord it, in a place where I had scarcely room
to stir, and where the smoke was so thick that the slightest exertion
made me breathe quick and almost suffocated me, and where all
was dirt and dust, was painful even to think of, so I often lay in
my clothes, as I had done many, many nights at Pari-jong.
The next day the valley opened a little. A stream flowed in the
middle. There were stumps of herbs and brown grass, but stUl
not a single tree or shrub to be seen. I saw deer feeding at a
distance. We made a very short stage, and put up at a sort of
caravanserai which seemed to be destined to receive the mandarins and
other public officers. Our room was a little sort of balcony open in
the side towards the south. A cloth was stretched against the open
side, which moderated the cold in the night. Here a sheep was
kdled, to be carried along for next day's provisions, as the place we
224 HOT SPRINGS. [Ch. II.
were to lodge at was miserably poor; and Sid in the morning
brought me a cup of stewed lights, in order to ingratiate himself,
for he wanted to become our servant, and to go with us to Lhasa,
which he afterwards did.
We continued along the barren valley, seeing no diversity, but
the ever-varying shapes of the still more barren mountains, whose
colour, where it was not actually sand, slate, or granite, was a melan
choly pale mouldy green, produced no doubt by the scaly covering of
dried stems and withered herbage, until we came to two or three
houses, one of which was an edifice raised from the ground, and the
others were sunk into the ground, having their roofs level with the
top of the slight eminence in which they were sunk. The mandarin
lodged in the house; we, in one of these cellars, which I found
snug and warm enough. A pot of young growing onions at one
corner of the room was the greenest thing I had seen for a long
time. We had the room to ourselves. The corporal came to see
us, as he always did, and asked us if we wanted anything, and sat
and chatted for a few minutes.
The next morning the General did not rise so early as usual.
The sun was up and lively before we mounted our horses. Lounging
about, waiting for the General, I was very near walking against a
great dog that lay curled up, and which I took for a sack, until
somebody called to me and bid me beware. My horse was so weak,
so tottering, and so stumbling, and trembled so whenever he set
his foot on a stone, which was about every other step, that I
could hardly keep up with the company. With great care I got
him on gently three or four miles ; after which both he and the road
improved. We passed some hot springs ; 1 one of which the soldiers
called me to look at. I saw the steaming water, but had no time
to examine it. I asked whether it was medicinal. They said it was
famous. We then passed a strange strait between the mountains,
where the water seemed to flow uphill. We went upon masses of
stones for a long way ; afterwards the road opened into a little area,
filled with religious piles of white stones, and with a sort of open
temple in it, where was carved a strange gigantic figure.2 From
this we descended down to the river, which was now considerable,
and my eyes were refreshed with the sight of a few trees, and some
1 See p. 181 ; and Turner, p. 220. " Sec Turner, p. 222.
Ch. II.] DISCOMFORTS OF TRAVELLING. 225
shght appearance of cultivation. We forded the river, and trotted
up to a pleasant sunshiny village, where the people were bustling
about, and where we were to lodge. The Munshi and I were shown
into a little apartment on the first floor, which opened upon a spa
cious flat roof or terrace, defended by a parapet wall. I was now
so eaten up by Httle insects, which I shall not name, that I was
compelled to set aside shame, and sitting down on a terrace but
tress in the sunshine, dismiss as many of my retinue as I could
get sight of. Shame prevented me at Pari-jong from performing
the operation otherwise than partially and by stealth, for there I
was scarcely ever alone for a single minute ; and shame still more
strongly prevented me, on the road, in the houses where we lodged,
before curious strangers, men, women, and chUdren around me. I
suffered a good deal from these little insects, whose society I was
not used to. I shall say no more of them than that I did not get
thoroughly rid of them until some time after my arrival at Lhasa.
226 ARRIVAL AT GIANSU. [Ch. Ill-
CHAPTEE III.
RESIDENCE AT GIANSU.
The next morning we were off early, though we had but a short
stage to Giansu. I had a very pleasant-going horse with a hand
some countenance. I was tempted to buy him, but was checked by
the prudent consideration that he might encumber me at Lhasa,
and too much disencumber my lean purse. Half-way towards
Giansu we were met by the sub-mandarin and the Tibetan man
darin, with their retinues, come out to meet and honour the
General and give him a meat breakfast. From his table the
soldiers brought us two or three very palatable viands, which we
did justice to. Our room was one extremity of a stable, parted off
for us by a cloth, in the Asiatic manner. The word stable might
suggest for a moment the idea that we were treated with indignity,
but not so. The house was filled with official people; we being but
an appendix to the General, could not dine with them. Not to
separate me from the rest, consisting of servants and soldiers, would
really have been treating me with indignity ; besides, our luggage
required a separate room ; but to settle the matter at once, there
reaUy was not any room in the house better than this same corner
of a stable. It was the freest from dirt and the smoothest paved
I had seen for some time. There were good cushions with the
little table before them to hold pans of parched flour ; and
though we heard the horses kick at the other end, we did not
see them, except when curious impertinents lifted up the cloth.
After dinner we all rode gallantly forth towards Giansu, where we
soon arrived. Upon approaching the town we met several China
men, and my companions underwent the troublesome ceremony of
dismounting and exchanging salutations with them. My Munshi
admitted that this Chinese custom was one that might be advan
tageously dispensed with.
Giansu is a large town, half situated on a hill and half at the
Ch. III.] CHINESE APPEARANCE OF GIANSU. 227
foot. It makes a good appearance until you are close upon it, when
the handsome white stone houses are converted into dirty white
walls, and the windows into belfry holes. There is an abundance of
water flowing about it, which they do not seem to know how to keep
off the road. There is not a blade of anything green to be seen ;
but there are cornfields around and a few trees, and in summer
time I should judge it to have a gay appearance. Like every place I
have seen in Tibet, it appears a little area surrounded by mountains
without any visible outlet. These mountains, both at Giansu and
other places, are many of them absolutely barren from foot to
summit, as is the greater part of the valley between them. At the
time I saw them they had so entirely lost their green livery as to
present the same dismal prospect as their neighbours.
We went to the area before the mandarin's house and tribunal, to
inquire where we were to lodge. Here I was struck with the appear
ance of everything being perfectly Chinese. The same neatness, the
same folding doors and paved yard, the same figures of mandarins
in ancient dresses smugly painted on the folding doors, the same
Chinese characters pasted up, the same style of building, and, in
short, an exact conformity to the Chinese models.
While standing here there came up a man in a turban, who
addressed me in Hindustani. I thought it better to seem to know
almost nothing of that language. Indeed, I had not occasion to
feign much, for though I know its construction, and can hammer
out a few phrases in it, and when speaking with a native of Hin
dustan above the common class, and who is perfect master of it, can
manage to hold a little conversation ; yet I do not pretend to know
the language, and when asked if I can speak it, I always answer,
No. From those who spoke to him in broken Tibetan, and ex
plained to us in Chinese, I learned that he was from Kashmir,
which I also heard him say in Hindustani.
The General appointed us a little lodge in the courtyard of the
principal house. Here again I seemed to be in China. We took
possession of our apartment, which was clean and papered, with a
papered window, and door opening to the south. Whatever we
required was soon supplied us* by the Chinese soldiers who had been
under my Munshi, and by others who meant to apply to me. One
brought rice, one brought meat, another brought us a table, another
Q 2
228 CLOTHING FOR COLD WEATHER. [Ch. III.
brought a little paste and paper and mended a hole in the window,
another brought us a present of a pen and candles. There were
many inquiries. Every Chinaman in the town came to see us and
salute us. Two tomb-like brickwork structures against the wall,
with good thick cushions on them, were the places to lay our beds
on, and here I slept much more comfortably than I had done for
a long time ; while the cold was much less. The level of Giansu
is much lower than that of Pari-jong, and lower than that of any
place between. The rivulet flows the whole way towards Giansu
with considerable rapidity.
I had suffered so much from smoke, my breath was so affected
by it, and my hands and face were so stained by it, that I determined
to live without a fire. We scarcely believe in England that it is
possible to be comfortable in sharp frosty weather without a fire,
but it is very possible and very practicable : there only needs good
warm clothing from head to foot ; for how is it that we are comfort
able in bed in cold weather? A Chinaman's or Tibetan's cold-
weather clothing may be considered as a moving bed ; but what
makes it more easy in Tibet than it would be in England is the
extreme dryness of the air, and the fervent sunshine, which streams
forth all day from a cloudless sky. This mode of clothing and
being without a fire is inconvenient in some respects.1 If the
hands be employed in writing or otherwise, they become pinched
with cold ; everything they touch feels like ice. In taking exercise
the body becomes too hot, and particularly the feet; many, I
believe, on this account use too scanty clothing for their feet. These
partial heats and colds occasion frequent rheumatic fevers. Again,
the Chinaman, with his smug shaved head, has his ears and part of
his head entirely -exposed, for of course he wears the same shaped
cap here as in China ; he can no more change his clothing to adapt
himself to Tibet than an Englishman can to adapt himself to India.2
1 The rich have occasionally a large the absurdity of the English dress, by
pan of charcoal set in the room. There gravely observing how lucky it was
is no wood in the country, consequently the Russians had no settlement there,
the charcoal, which is brought from a for their fur dresses would be an iu-
distance, is very dear. — T. M. tolerable nuisance to them. The per-
2 Generally speaking, a Chinaman's sons to whom I addressed it could not
dress is much better adapted to variety say, " Oh, they would leave them off"
of climate than a European's. When because they would be aware that I
in India I used frequently to rally should say, "No more than you your
Ch. III.]
PREJUDICES RESPECTING DRESS.
229
This exposure of the ears and head to the cold wind is also, I beHeve,
the cause of rheumatic pains and toothache.
We went out to present ourselves to the General, who was
vastly civil and polite. He invited us to dinner for the next day,
neckcloth." The warmth and thick
ness of a European's cloth coat is not
so great an evil, though evil enough
in a hot climate, as the tightness of his
clothing, which occasions throbbing,
and a stifling sensation of heat and
sweat, and probably may be very in
jurious to the health. He will deny, I
know by experience, that his clothes
are inconvenient, but his natural efforts
to relieve himself betray the contrary.
When he comes home in the evening,
though he be not going to bed for an
hour or two, does not he take off his
neckcloth and unbutton his breeches'
knees, with a pleasing, inarticulate
expression, denoting that he is some
what relieved — that his blood has room
to circulate. As I myself have used
both kinds of clothing, the European
and the Chinese, in hot climates, I can
with confidence assert that the dif
ference in comfort, particularly while
sitting still, is very great indeed, and
in favour of the Chinese dress. And
the same is true in very cold weather ;
but in taking exercise in moderate
weather or in cold weather there is an
advantage on the side of the European
dress. Women in Europe, if there be a
bush or branch in the way, or other
mere nothing of an impediment, or if
anyone stamps on their robe, or only
the foot of a chair, betray a slight
uneasiness, and often give vent to some
expression of discontent. I have often,
when dressed in long slight robes,
caught myself in a similar state of
mind, and using similar actions and
expression, and have observed to my
companions that now I understood
thoroughly what the evil was that
women often seem to make so much of
and men make so slight of. This is
one of the inconveniences of loose
robes that descend to the feet. It
seems to me not refining too far to
say that this habitual fear of entangle
ment, and the facility with which the
dress can be laid hold of, tend to take
off from a man's boldness.
To invent a new dress is a matter of
great difficulty : to alter a national
dress is perhaps a still greater dif
ficulty. The inconvenience which a
European suffers from his dress in India
he attributes to the climate; or if he
does allow that a cloth coat is hot, yet
he says, " for gentlemen to meet in
society without cloth coats would be
highly improper ; that custom cannot
be changed." He adds, " The natives
would not respect us in any other
dress ;" as if it was the cut of a
European's coat that held the natives
in subjection, and not the Europeans.
The natives respect the Europeans,
in spite of their dress, for their vigour
of body and mind. I am persuaded they
would honour them more if their dress
was less monstrous ; as it is, no doubt
respect and fear are associated with
that dress ; they would soon be associ
ated with any other the Europeans
chose to adopt. The military gentle
men I have conversed with in India
seem still more certain of the abso
lute necessity of wearing tight cloth
uniforms. They reject with scorn
and contempt the idea of making any
change, and consider the men that pro
pose a change as very ignorant of the
duties of a soldier. The slender-limbed
sepoy cannot sit down without un
buttoning his pantaloons. If he wants
to pick up anything off the ground he
is obliged to convey it to his hand with
his foot ; he cannot stoop for it as the
other natives do ; yet he, too, is proud of
his dress, and would not willingly
change it I suppose. — T. M.
230 CIVILITIES FROM THE MANDARIN. [Ch. III.
and recommended me what clothes to purchase. He advised me to
adopt the Chinese dress completely. Nothing indeed was wanting
now but to put on my Chinese boots which I brought from Canton,
and purchase a Chinese hat.
Next day, according to appointment, we dined with the
General. The sub-mandarin was invited to meet us. I soon
found out that the General was no better than an old woman ;
and it was not long before my Munshi adopted the same opinion.
I called him Sai-po-ti, a title which my Munshi afterwards always
used when speaking of him ; but he was very much of a gentle
man, and very civil and polite to me. He was of a good
Szechuen family, and by the mother's side a Tatar. The sub-
mandarin I perceived to be rather vulgar and awkward, but he
seemed a well-disposed man, and I thought him sensible. I after
wards learnt that he had risen from the ranks entirely by his
merit. The General gave us a tolerably good dinner, but his
cookery was but indifferent. I thought his wine excellent.
He was greatly taken with my beard, and seemed as if he never
could sufficiently admire it. He adverted to it both then and after
wards on other occasions. He named such and such a mandarin,
such a one he thought had better moustaches ; in fact, I had kept
mine cut short in India, for convenience of eating soup and drink,
and they were not yet full grown. Afterwards, when I had combed
my beard and adjusted it properly, and he saw its tapering shape
descending in one undivided lock, he again expressed his admiration,
and declared he never had seen one nearly so handsome. The
General likewise approved of my countenance and manner; he
pretended to skill in physiognomy and fortune-telling. He foretold
very great things of me. He also foretold good things of my
Munshi, but said he was rather hard and unaccommodating.
Whether he saw it in his face or in his actions, or knew it by what
was told of him by the soldiers, I cannot tell ; he certainly hit the
mark. The sub-mandarin, learning I was fond of flour victuals, for
I had eaten so little of that food since I left Eangpiir that I had
quite a craving for it, politely invited me to a pastry breakfast.
He called it a slight pastry breakfast ; but besides flour-made viands
in meat gravy, there were excellent little sausage dumplings, and
Ch. III.] VISIT TO A TIBETAN MANDARIN. 231
other preparations of meat, and good wine. The cooking was
better than at the General's ; in short, I thought this breakfast
very much to the purpose. I made him a present of a little
cherry brandy, and he afterwards made me a present of a few
candles. I went to pay my respects to the Tibet mandarin, who lived
in a sort of castle on the top of a hill. The Munshi 1 would not
go with me ; the reason he gave was because there were no
horses sent for us. The distance was about a mUe ! I believe it
was that, as a Chinese, he began now to think himself a man of
consequence ; in fact, he began to display his pride and act with
a haughty demeanour towards the Tibet people, which afterwards
became doubly conspicuous, and obliged me to counterbalance
it by being over civil. The mandarin was evidently puzzled how
to return my visit, as he could not visit me without visiting the
Munshi. It was ill behaviour in the Munshi not to go with me,
as he was professedly my interpreter ; but I liked much better to go
without him, as I could speak more freely ; for if he was present,
every question I put or observation I made must pass through him,
and if his sublime crossness did not approve the question or obser
vation, it was with some peevish word or gesticulation either refused
to be passed or else garbled into another thing. I had a Chinaman
with me who spoke Tibetan. He was one of my patients and a good-
natured fellow. I was ushered into a very large lofty room, with
an immense window to the south, full of papers and records, and
scribes. The mandarin after a few minutes came in, and tea
was brought. We sat together on cushions, and discussed Calcutta
and Tibet, for about half an hour, when I took my leave. He inti
mated that he would call on me the next day, and would send me
some eatables. I had made him a trifling present. He sent some
rice and a useful piece of cloth, but did not come himself. Another
mandarin came in his stead (inferior, I believe), and made some
apology ; I forget what.
I had great success with my medicines. I had so many
patients now, both indoors and outdoors, that my time was fully
occupied. My outdoor patients gave me the advantage of having
1 This is the Chinaman who came with Mr. Manning from Canton ; elsewhere
called his Chinese servant.
232 MR. MANNING AS A PHYSICIAN. [Ch. III.
to take dafiy exercise (either the patient or one of his friends
always sent me a horse and guide), and of seeing the internal
economy of their houses. I attended one Chinaman who was very
ill of a continued fever he had had for several days. I gave him
antimony. Whether it was the antimony or whether it was 'that
his fever was come to a crisis I know not ; but after two days his
head was clear, his fever gone, and he was so persuaded it was the
effect of my medicines, that when I saw him again he went down
on his knees to me and bowed his head to the ground, in thankful
ness. Another Chinaman, very poor and living in a miserable
. manner, had an intermittent fever, as had also his wife. I cured
both of them clearly and satisfactorUy. I gave them opium,
Fowler's solution of arsenic, and afterwards left them a few papers
of bark. The mother-in-law also, who had the complaint of old
age, I cheered up with a little comforting physic; and she considered
herself under great obligations to me. With various other patients I
had more or less success. There were some of the old rheumatic com
plaints that baffled my skiU, and would not yield to the physician
of a few days. The water at Giansu is extremely bad, except
what is fetched from a considerable distance. I advised aU my
patients, as well as others, not to spare a few pence or shillings, but
always to send for the good water. I was persuaded that the ordi
nary water drank day after day gave them pains and sweUings.
They were of the same opinion too ; it was the general belief of the
place ; but the facility with which the water was come at, and the
apparent innocence of a cup of tea made with it, beguiled them ;
and I am afraid my admonition has had but Httle effect. I several
times meditated putting on my skates, but the want of a large
sheet of ice, the trouble of going out to seek a place that would at
all suit my purpose, and my incessant occupation in seeing patients
and making up pUls, prevented me from carrying my wishes
into effect.
I now made a present of a smaU rouleau of silver to the secre
tary, and another to the sergeant or aide-de-camp. They accepted
here what they refused at Pari-jong, but I beHeve would not have
been discontented if I had given them nothing. Upon examining
my luggage, which had stood unmolested two or three days, I had
the misery to find all my clothes and parcels converted into solid
Ch. III.] THE GENERAL'S ADVICE. 233
lumps of ice. This was owing to the carelessness of the box
drivers, who, in passing the river, had neglected to heave up the
baskets, and had suffered their bottoms to trail in the water.
Nothing had escaped except my Munshi's box. I had in Bhutan
given away some of my boxes as they became empty, and had
exchanged all the rest for light wicker baskets, which are more
convenient for the porters. I had not reserved one box for myself,
but had aUowed my Munshi to retain his, which was an excellent
large Calcutta trunk, Hght and water-tight, and contained aU his
things.1 I had great trouble in thawing and drying my things ; many
things were injured and some spoiled.
The General often came to see me ; for like many other generals
he had nothing to do, and was glad of a morning lounge. I used
to receive him in my sunshiny courtyard, rather than in my room,
which was somewhat littered. There he sat with me and smoked a
pipe or two, and chatted. We sat in my two chairs, and the rest
(the soldier and attendants) stood the while. Upon seeing my
linen hung out drying, he mightily wondered why I had brought
so much light clothing. He called it much, though in fact it was
very Httle ; six or eight grass-cloth gowns and two gauze gowns,
and a few light drawers, were all that could be deemed useless in
Tibet at that season ; for shirts I stiU wore, though perhaps he was
not aware of that, and took my eight or ten Madras longcloth
shirts, which were flapping on the lines, for so many light summer
jackets. He advised me by all means to leave these things at
Giansu, and not encumber myself with them to Lhasa. But this
was idle advice, even if I had meditated going no farther than to
Lhasa and speedily returning again ; for though they seemed to
occupy much space when spread out drying, when folded up they
really made altogether but a very small parcel, and added nothing to
the apparent quantity of my luggage. He repeated this advice on
other days, but I seemed not much to hear what he said, and turned
it off as well as I could ; and lucky it was that I did, as afterwards,
at Lhasa, when no money came to me from Eangpiir, it was by the
1 It was also very convenient (with never offered it to me for that purpose.
the help of a chair, &c.) for him to — T. M.
spread his bed upon, and sleep on. He
234 A NEW SERVANT. [Ch. III.
sale of these and other things that I managed to keep my pot
boUing. I had now another Chinese servant. I had asked the General at
Pari-jong to allow me to have one, and I beHeve he immediately
made up his mind what man to allot me, though he pretended he
would consider and look out. He could not keep the secret, so close
but that I had many intimations what his intentions were. There
was a fellow with him in the capacity of cook or cook's helper, who
had fixed himself, I know not how, upon the General at Lhasa, and
foUowed him to Giansu. He gave the man no wages, I understood,
but suffered him to live with him, and now he was very glad to get
rid of him, and pay him out of my pocket. The feUow was a noto
rious scamp, and two dollars per month would have been very hand
some wages for me to give ; for as to the pretence that he was an
excellent cook, it was nothing to the purpose, as, in the first place,
I did not want a servant in such an exalted capacity ; and in the
second place, the fellow in fact knew nothing at aU about cooking.
It was intimated to me one morning, that the General had fixed on
a servant for me, and if I would step over to his house he would
send for the man, that I might see if he suited me. So I found
I was to go through the farce of pretending not to know who it was ;
of saying, " Oh, that is the man, is it, General ? And what does he
ask for wages ? " There certainly was some obhgation the General
was under to this fellow which induced him to ask me six doUars per
month for him. I hesitated, and expressed my surprise at the man's
asking so much, saying that it was more than my slender means could
afford (the General knew that I was very bare of money at present,
and that I hoped for a remittance from Eangpiir). I offered
two doUars. The General said that was too little. We spht the
difference, and settled it at four dollars. I acquiesced with good
humour, as I saw the General had made up his mind and had his
reasons. I told my Munshi that it was a great deal too much ; but
whatever the General had determined I should have given without
discomposure. The General further stipulated that he should have
two months' pay in advance ; to which I also agreed with alacrity.
My Munshi would not allow that it was high wages for the man,
though high for our pockets. He thought him an excellent cook,
and was not undeceived for a long time. There was a good body
Ch. III.] DINNER WITH A PATIENT. 235
of a Tibetan woman in our kitchen at Giansu, who was accustomed
to Chinese cookery, and she and he together certainly made very
palatable dishes ; but as soon as we left Giansu, I found out that our
famous cook did not understand even the elements of his profession. I
communicated my discovery to Munshi, but finding he took it crossly,
and was inclined to quarrel about it, I dropped the subject and never
said another word about it until we parted with the fellow ; even
when my Munshi had found it out for himself, which seemed
to be soon after we arrived at Lhasa, and was partly occasioned, I
believe, by excellent dishes we ate at a mias, where comedies were
acting, and none of which our great cook could imitate. Even then,
when Munshi strongly expressed his dissatisfaction with him, I made
no observation, except simply and coolly agreeing, with a yawn, that
he knew nothing about cookery. I had nothing new to say upon
the subject. This fellow, good for nothing as he was, made himself
useful. He had a fuU share of impudence, and claimed things, too,
on the road which a more modest man would have let go by. In
drying and folding up my linen he saved me infinite trouble. The
Chinese are aU expert at little domestic offices : folding up clothes,
pasting up a hole in the paper, making up parcels, driving a nail
where it is wanted, tacking and stitching. They certainly are
taught these things in their infancy. For my part, I never could to
this day fold up a shirt or other vestment. A handkerchief or sheet
I can manage, but nothing further ; everything else I roll up, so
that if I had to put together my Chinese dresses after I had dried
them, I should have made a very clumsy parcel.
One of the soldiers who had been my patient both at Pari-jong and
here at Giansu, for pains aU over his body, the remains of a former
ill-cured complaint, and who now was much relieved, begged hard that
I and my Munshi would dine with him. He had a pleasant apart
ment, and gave us a comfortable dinner, not sparing his wine, and
knowing that I was fond of wheat flour had plenty of farinaceous
food served up. We were waited upon by his wife — a good-
dispositioned tidy body, who was also my patient for a trifling
complaint, and to whom the soldier seemed much attached. A
Chinaman would think it ill manners, indeed, to permit his wife to
sit down with his guests. Nor should a young wife, in strict pro
priety, appear at all among the guests ; but among the lower orders,
236 A CHINESE GENERAL'S CONCERT. [Ch. III.
and particularly here in Tibet, where the women have greater free
dom allowed them, and where the Chinamen's wives are in fact but
concubines,1 who, except perhaps in a few rare instances, are left be
hind when the husband returns to China, they are not so scrupulous.
I had made the young dame a present of a looking-glass and other
trifling articles upon entering the house, and had given a piece of
money to their little boy, by which I had much gratified both
them and the husband.
A strange rustic, from the province of Szechuen, lodged for
a day or two in the apartment on the opposite side of our court
yard. He was on his way to Hontsong,2 to see his father, who was
a high mandarin there. He was a gross, clumsy, ruddy-faced young
man, about twenty, and I should have taken him for some farmer's
son. He was silent and seemed uneasy, perhaps from family dis
tresses ; and all the observation he communicated to us respecting
his travels was, that the country he passed through was detest
able. He came over several times, and sat a little while with us,
but scarcely spoke. He gave me some very good macaroni, and
I upon that made him a little present. Through his stupidity I
thought I saw tokens of a good disposition in him, and perhaps he
was far from being stupid by nature.
I had heard that the General was fond of music, and no bad
performer. I took an opportunity one day, while he was smoking
his pipe in my courtyard, of introducing the subject, and paying my
court to him by requesting the favour of hearing his music. This
brought me an invitation to take an evening repast and wine with
him, which was just what I liked. He gave us a very pretty con
cert ; several of his soldiers were performers, and after the concert
we all supped sociably together. He himself performed alternately
1 Although the damsels of Tibet are interim keep house by themselves, or
said to be in general more free of their with their mother or nearest relations.
favours than is consistent with the To judge by their countenance and
rules of strict chastity, yet these con- demeanour, I certainly give full credit
cubines are universally allowed to be to the praises I have heard bestowed
faithful and well behaved. I have on them. — T. M.
heard many of them praised by their 2 Some place to the westward of
Chinese husbands for their good con- Giansu occupied by Chinese troops.
duct. When then- husbands return to Probably Jonka-jong, the important
China, they look out for an opportunity position commanding the Kirong Pass
of making a similar engagement with into Nepal. See farther on.
some other Chinaman, and in the
Ch. III.] POSTAL DIFFICULTIES. 237
on several instruments, and with considerable taste. Two of the
soldiers acted a musical scene from a drama, while he accompanied
them on the Chinese guitar. The whole was done in a very good
style. The Chinese music, though rather meagre to a European,
has its beauties, and has, like most other national music, its
peculiar expression, of which our musical notation, which we vainly
imagine so perfect, conveys no idea whatever. The General insisted
on my giving him a specimen of European (or Calcutta) music on
the Chinese flute. I was not acquainted with the fingering of that
instrument, but I managed to produce something which he politely
praised. He made me play several times, always making poHte
remarks. I constantly hesitated, assuring him the flute with him
was in better hands ; which was true, and which gave him pleasure
to hear. I tried a few country dances, but perceived that that
quick kind of music was not very gratifying to their ears. I spent
a pleasant evening, and stayed untU past my usual bedtime.
The Governor's polite and kind behaviour, and particularly his
permitting me to come on with him to Giansu, instead of miserably
waiting at Pari-jong, had opened my heart, and I was determined
to show my gratitude by making him a handsome present. I had
nothing with me that would suit that purpose ; therefore, through
my Munshi, I ascertained what he would like to have from Cal
cutta, and determined to write for it. The same opportunity would
serve for giving my friends an account of where I was, and request
ing a reinforcement of money, and of some trifling articles. I
wished much to send a special messenger, and assured the General
there was no other way so certain ; but he thought it sufficient
to forward my letter by way of a despatch to Pari-jong, with
special orders to the magistrates to have it expedited through
Bhutan. I had great difficulty in persuading the interpreter to
give me the General's address in Tibetan language. He could not
understand where the difficulty was of addressing a letter from
Eangpiir to Giansu; not aware that the word Giansu is utterly
unknown in Bengal, as is the Tibet appellation for Chinaman
(Gummu). He and his scribe boggled at it above an hour, pro
ducing various scraps of paper, some nothing to the purpose, some
containing a long story and definition, as it were, of Giansu ; and
my Munshi began to be cross, and would not famiharly illustrate the
238 ILL HUMOUR OF THE MUNSHI. [Ch. III.
matter to them nor wiUingly suffer me to do so. At length, after
various attempts, the eyes of their understandings opened to what
I wanted, and they produced a proper address, which I enclosed
in my letter. The General's wish was to have fine broadcloth,
of a particular (violet) colour, sufficient for the very ample robes
for a high mandarin : he meant, he said, to make a present to
certain great officers in Szechuen ; he also wished for a pound or
two of opium.
I had learnt now, to my great sorrow and discomfort, that the
chief mandarin at Lhasa was the identical Tatar chieftain who had
been disgraced at Canton for his management during the Bengal J
expedition to Macao. That he was a man of a particular sus
picious temper, detested at Lhasa, and that he certainly would
give us aU the trouble in his power. I slightly alluded to this
in a letter to England, but putting a good face upon the matter ;
for though I was annoyed I was not cast down. The answer from
the Lhasa magistrate to my request to be permitted to proceed to
Lhasa arrived a few days after we had been at Giansu. It was
very favourable, and handsomely worded, ordering me to be pro
vided with everything necessary, and to come on without delay.
The evening of the day the answer arrived, the secretary paid
us a visit. He attributed the favourable issue greatly to the
excellent words he had inserted in the petition. Being pot-
valiant, he let his tongue run on too freely, and boasted of his
services rather more than he would have done if he had been sober.
My Munshi, instead of laughing it off, began to be spleened, and
could hardly keep his temper. He could not bear anyone should
repeat the same thing twice, or dwell upon frivolous circumstances.
With my patients, for example, he was perpetually in Ul humour
and crossly checking. I told him it was natural for sick people to
indulge in descanting upon their complaints, and to attach im-
1 If I was to qualify that senseless force was sent from Bengal, by Lord
expedition with the epithets I think it Minto, to garrison Macao. The Por-
deserves, I might seem harsh.— T. M. tuguese did not oppose, but the Chinese
When the projects of Napoleon as- made objections, and the dispute went
sumed threatening proportions, the on until an expedition was fitted out
English Government resolved to take to attack Canton, which was abandoned
under its protection the colonies of its just at the very moment it ought not.
ally Portugal. Madeira and Goa were (See Sir John Davis's ' China,' ii.
garrisoned by British troops, and a Chap, in.)
Oh. III.] ILL HUMOUR OF THE MUNSHI. 239
portance to trifles very tedious to listen to; that there was no
occasion to be very attentive to their repetitions and idle details ;
but that I as their physician, and he as my interpreter, ought to
be attentive, kind, and complacent. Munshi said it was not his
nature ; he could not bear to hear people talk in that manner. He
had been very angry with me once at Pari-jong, upon my saying
that Puti, the woman who interpreted for us, and sold us wine,
was a great fool. I could not at the time imagine in what I had
offended him. I could not suppose he was in love with the lady ;
for, though she was not old, she was wrinkled, and foolish and
dirty. He now informed me that what annoyed him on that
occasion was, recollecting that not an hour before I had made the
same observation.
The General talked sometimes of his military exploits and toils,
and assured my Munshi how much more hardy and active and en
during the soldiers were in his young time than now. I suppose
the General told him some anecdotes over twice, or oftener, for I
observed towards the end of our stay at Giansu, and afterwards, he
spoke more harshly and crossly of the General than I thought
there was any occasion for. He was angry with me but once
during our stay at Giansu, when upon some trifling occasion he
broke out with such bitterness and fury as was scarcely endurable.
I begged of him not to eat me up, as I wished to proceed farther
on my journey ; and then for the first time opened my mind to
him on the unfortunate state of his temper, and lamented my Ul
luck in having a person with me to whom I was so afraid of
putting a question, that I was perpetually deterred; it being
necessary for me first to go round about, and with civil speech and
preface bring him into the humour to listen to it and answer it.
That this necessity was a grievous burden to me; that I never
used the same precautions with any English gentleman, what
ever was his rank. He answered these remarks without much
asperity; only observing that he wondered why I brought him with
me from Eangpiir ; that I should have done better for myself to
have left him behind. When these fits were over his behaviour
returned to its usual cross level, and I to my usual serenity ; never
on any occasion taunting him with what had passed, or making
any allusion to it whatever.
240 CHINESE WARM CLOTHING. [Ch. III.
The General now determined a day for us to depart from
Giansu, and mentioned in his despatches to Lhasa what day we
might be expected there. It was not to be divulged or known at
Lhasa that we had come on with him, but it was to be supposed
that we had waited at Pari-jong for the answer from Lhasa ; so that
the question for the General's sagacity to solve was what day we
ought to leave Giansu, so that our arrival at Lhasa, and supposed
departure from Pari-jong, might quadrate with the usual equation on
these roads between time and space ; and I doubt but his solution
was perfectly correct, as I never heard of any objection being
started as to our arrival at Lhasa being too soon or too late.
The tailor soldiers now brought home our clothes. My robe
was prodigiously heavy. It was an ample coarsish red woollen-
cloth robe with fur cuffs; it was lined with cotton cloth, and upon
the cotton cloth was stitched a dressed sheepskin with all the wool
on. I had also bought stockings of the same kind of sheepskin,
under which, if I pleased, I could put one or two pairs of common
worsted or cotton stockings, and over all draw my Chinese boots,
so that I was able to keep my feet cosey whatever weather might
ensue. I had a sort of fur tippet, and a quUted cap to defend my
face and ears, and which I found very useful at Lhasa, always
wearing it in the streets during the very cold weather when I
went out to visit the Grand Lama or mandarins early of mornings ;
although by so doing I perhaps provoked the laughter of the
Chinese, among whom it is very unfashionable to wear anything
over their ears, except on journeys, that I dare say they would
rather have their ears drop off in the streets with cold than cover
them. Even the little plush beaver hats they wear in the house,
which the common people wear also abroad, are so turned up as to
cover only the tops of their heads. I bought one at Lhasa for the
house, and wore it turned down comfortably, spite of the remon
strances and smiles of my Munshi and servant, who assured me it
was not worn so. I told them my ears were of more consequence
to me than the fashion.
Cn. IV.] JOKES WITH THE CHINESE SOLDIERS. 241
CHAPTEE IV.
JOURNEY FROM GIANSU TO LHASA.
On the morning of our departure our friends came about us to
assist us and see that all was right and tight. We called on the
General, who afterwards had the politeness to come down to our
lodging to see that we wanted for nothing, and to give such orders
as he thought might be useful to us. After that we chatted half
an hour with the soldiers.1 I made a few jokes to make them
laugh. To the soldier I had dined with I gave in charge my large
fine Hght bamboo Cochin China umbrella hat. For the joke's sake
he put it on. It was impossible for him, as a Chinaman, to wear such
a thing ; and I, to increase the hilarity, putting on a serious face,
begged of him to take care of it for me, and not wear it out. This
joke was so good that, with slight variations, it bore repeating
three or four times. At last we took leave, mounted our nags, and
trotted off.
Our horses were stout and good, and I expected to have had
them for aU day. The General had promised that he would take
care that the magistrate should give us a passport of the best sort,
and such as would make the village we lodged at provide us horses
for the day. I have no doubt he intended it to be so, and gave such
orders, but he did not look close enough to it. The magistrate
merely continued us on the same passport we came with from
1 The word soldiers may suggest the was, yet had all of them the civil
idea that we were among rough and manners and gentleness and unmilitary
fierce companions at Giansu, but not carriage of body of so many tradesmen,
so ; though their title was military, or tradesmen's clerks. Yet these men
their appearance, demeanour, and ought to be among the best of the
manners were perfectly civil. The Chinese soldiers. They guard the
soldier tailor had the delicate skin, frontiers ; they have occasional skir-
the indoor gestures and actions, mishes with the Nepalese and Bhu-
the gentle voice, unwarlike mien of tanese. The enemies they have to
a real tailor ; and the rest, if their contend with are still inferior, I believe,
appearance was not quite so much and have less military art among
a contrast to their profession as his them.— T. M. E
242 MILITARY POSTMEN. [Ch. VI.
Pari-jong. Whether it was that this arrangement was reaUy much
more convenient to him, or that he was offended at my Munshi's
want of respect, and determined to treat us slightingly, I cannot
say. We had not gone three miles out of the town before our
sturdy horses and bluff cattle were exchanged for sorry jades, lean
kine, and ^half-starved, tottering asses, scarcely able to bear the
burdens imposed on them. One of the horses was without a
bridle — this, they said, was of no consequence, he was very
gentle ; the saddle of the other was so small and narrow from head
to stern, besides being imperfect and having a great brass bump in
the middle, as to cramp me and render my ride uncomfortable.
We got on very slowly ; the sun was scorching hot, and from the
nature of the soil reflected strongly against our faces. One side of
mine was completely blistered ; and though the stage was short,
when we arrived at our resting' place I was really indisposed, from
fatigue of uneasy posture, heat, and vexation.
Our lodging was at the postmaster's. At every stage, from
Szechuen through Lhasa and Shigatze to Hontsong x and the borders
of Nepal, is stationed at least one Chinese soldier, to forward the
despatches. These post-houses, though from the barrenness of
the country they are miserably furnished, yet compared with the
ordinary Tibet men's houses, they are elegant and comfortable.
The Chinese are really civUized, and do not live Hke cattle ; and it
is a comfort, after having lodged in smoke and dirt with the native
animals of Tibet, to take shelter in a Chinaman's house, where you
are sure of urbanity and cleanliness at least. Our host was a great
coxcomb. He was young and rather handsome in his person (and
had a handsome Tibet wife), and affected great elegance in his
manners and diction. This character amused me ; I had never
seen it before among the Chinese, though upon inquiring of my
Munshi he said it was not uncommon in China.2
1 Clearly Jonka-jong, the important For the moat part they are totally igno-
Chinese post, at the head of the Kirong rant of the doctrines of their religion,
Pass, leading to Nepal. and only acquainted with some of its
2 Almost all the Chinese in Tibet are external rites!. Our servant knew
from the province of Szechuen, and a nothing further of it, I believe, than
great many of them are Muhammadans. that Muhammadans circumcise, and*
Our fool of a servant was a Muhamma- abstain, or rather ought to abstain^
dan. This coxcomb was a Muhanimadan. from pork and wine. T. M
Ch. IV.] MOUNTAINS OF THE CENTRAL CHAIN. 243
The next day our ride was more pleasant and not so hot. Our
road seldom lay far from the river, which flowed through the valley
towards Giansu, for both this day and the preceding, and part of
the next, we gradually ascended to a higher level. We again
lodged at the post-house, which was large and, comparatively
speaking, magnificent. Our host was quite a different character
from the last, being the reverse of a coxcomb, careless in his
speech, and not talkative. By something particular in his civility
I knew that he wanted my medical assistance : it was for his child,
who had an ulcer in an awkward place behind. I left them
lotions, and directions. They were very thankful, and his wife
or yateu catened 1 me.
We were off very early the next morning, after having taken by
candle-Hght a good meat repast which our host gave us, and which
our cook had been busy in helping to prepare for hours before day
light. It was a bitter cold morning. We had now drawn near a
set of snowy mountains. One of these mountains we partly wound
round. On coming to the side where the streams descend from it,
our way lay over masses of ice, which our horses scrambled over
with some difficulty. In general, the Tibet horses are very sure
footed upon the ice, making but few slides. We afterwards passed
at an inconsiderable distance from a small glacier,2 which descended
down to the level of the road we were on. Munshi and our
servant now pushed forward, whUe I continued to jog on with the
conductor, who did not seem inclined to leave the cattle drivers.
Upon coming to a vUlage where there was a considerable ascent
and descent, I found my Munshi waiting for me. He had let the
fooHsh servant trot on by himself. He had done prudently, as it
was at this village we were to stop and refresh. Here I found that
1 Caten means bow down the head central Himalayas, from which several
to the ground ; it is the name for the of the main tributaries of the Ganges
Chinese prostration before high man- and Brahmaputra, and one branch of
darins. In saluting the Grand Lama the Ganges itself, take their rise. The
I always gave him three catens. The Indus, Sutlej, and Brahmaputra break
Chinamen in general, I believe, give through it from north to south ; and
him only one.— T. M. tue Painam, or Penanang, along the
2 The Pundit of 1866 also noticed a valley of which Bogle, Turner, and
glacier between Giansu and the Yam- Manning travelled, from south to
dok-chu Lake. He calls it a very large north, flowing to the Brahmaputra.
one. This is the great range of the
B 2
244
THE PALTI LAKE.
[Ch. IV.
the fame of my medical skill was not promulgated on the road by
my servant, but had preceded me, and been conveyed from station
to station by couriers or other travellers from Giansu. Almost as
soon as I entered the postmaster's house I predicted to my Munshi
that he would apply to me as physician. It was for himself and
for his pretty wife. I felt both their pulses with due gravity,
inspected their eyes and countenances, inquired into particulars,
and gave them pills, and directions. Our servant, after proceeding
some way alone, found out his error, returned and mounted the hill
again, time enough to help in preparing our repast. Pursuing our
course, and gradually descending, the valley at length opened into
a large stony plain, at the end of which stood a considerable
town1 on the margin of an extensive lake,2 or Httle sea, as it is
1 Probably Piahte-jong of the Pundit
of 1866.
1 The Chinese name for these pieces
of water is slaitz. Slai signifies sea,
and tz (son) is in this case a sort of
diminutive. If the word sealet was
current in our language, it would serve
to translate slaitz. — T. M.
This was the famous ring-like lake
of Palti, which has appeared on all
maps since the days of D'Anville. The
peculiar lake of Pulti, Piate, or Yam-
dok-chu, with its great central island,
like a large ring, first appeared on the
map prepared by D'Anville, from the
survey of the lamas, under Jesuit in
struction, which was published by Du
Halde in 1735. It has been repeated
on all subsequent general maps. Giorgi,
in his ' Alphabetum Tibetanum ' (1762)
says, that " Palte Lake, otherwise called
Jangso or Yamdso, according to native
report is of very great size, so that a
man could not journey round it under
eighteen days. It is three days' journey
from Lhasa. From the middle of the
lake rises a continuous chain of hills
and islands. On the southern side is a
monastery, the abode of a great queen,
who is born a second time, called Tor-
eepano. She is honoured as a real
goddess by the Indians and Nepalese,
who worship her under the name of
Bovani. The Tibetans believe a cer
tain holy spirit is re-born in its divine
essence in this hideous female, just as in
the Grand Lama. Whenever she issues
from her house, or from the island,
or journeys into the city of Lhasa, a
procession precedes her," &c., &c.
Mr. Bogle, it will be remembered,
made the acquaintance of this female
divinity ; and Dr. Hamilton cured her
of an illness, and visited her constantly.
(See pp. 105, 108, and 109.)
Mr. Manning is the only English
man who ever saw Lake Palti, and it
appears from the text that he was not
aware that the hills on the opposite
shore formed an island.
On the 1st of January, 1866, the Pun
dit, trained and sent on his travels by
Colonel Montgomerie, arrived at the
banks of the Palti, or Yamdok-chu
Lake, at a small post called Piahte-jong.
He describes the breadth of the lake as
varying from two to three miles, and
says that it is reported to be very deep.
In the centre of the lake there is a hill,
at the foot of which are situated a
number of villages. The circumference
of the lake is about 45 miles ; it is
crossed in wicker boats covered with
leather. The Pundit rode along the
banks from Piahte-jong to the village
of Demalung, from which point the
lake stretches to the south-east about
20 miles, and then turns west.
This is the Puudit's account of the
lake, extracted from his diary. He
Ch. IV.] MUNSHI'S WANT OF APPRECIATION OF SCENERY. 245
called^ From the opposite or farther margin of the lake rose
diminutive mountains in a continued chain, which bounded the
whole prospect in front.1 It was near close of day when we reached
this town. We had difficulties in procuring a lodging. Our guide
had left us to go to the magistrates. Our servant had formerly had
some quarrel with or had offended the Chinaman stationed here,
and did not choose to apply to him. We rode up one way, and
down another, and loitered about, until at last we were shown into a
wretched place, where the apartment had walls only on three sides,
the fourth being open like a coachhouse, without doors. Moreover,
we were told they could give us nothing to eat or drink. As we
had money in our pockets, there was no danger of starving in a
large town, not to mention that we had provisions in our waUet —
mutton and butter, besides a piece of excellent pickled pork that
the General had, among other things, given us for prog on the
road. So I left them to settle the dispute as they liked, and sat
down on the roof of the house to enjoy the view of the lake at
sunset. My Munshi did not seem to have much relish for prospects ;
he never made a single observation on any one (or indeed,
scarcely on any other subject) during our whole journey. I once
brought him to acknowledge, coldly acknowledge, the beauty of
one. It was the opening to our view of the vaUey of Paro. The
living crystal stream purely flowing and sparkling through the
valley as far as the eye could reach ; the cornfields and pasturages ;
the sunbeams checked by the branches of trees ; the houses, here
collected into villages, there scattered into single farms ; the wooded
hills, with cattle grazing on their brows ; the bold spires and cliffs ;
blue tops of distant mountains — I made him confess that this was
a charming sight after the dreary forests and mountains we had
passed enveloped in mist and rain.
further reported to Colonel Montgo- lake had no outlet, but, he says, its
merie, that he was informed that the waters were perfectly fresh. Mr. Man-
lake encircled a large island, which ning, on the contrary, says, in the text,
rises into low, rounded hills, 2000 or that the water of the lake is very bad.
3000 feet high, and covered with grass The Pundit's observations make the
to the top. Between the hills and the lake 13,500 feet above the sea ; and the
margin of the lake several villages and island rises to 16,000 feet above the sea.
a white monastery were visible on the ' These are the hills of the large
island. The Pundit was told that the island in the centre of the lake.
246 TRAVELLING ARRANGEMENTS. ("Ch. IV.
Our conductor afterwards made his appearance, and told us his
mission was at an end ; he was now to return to Giansu. This
surprised us ; we expected he was to go with us to Lhasa. I gave
him a small gratuity, for which he was very thankful, and went
away. But now I found I had been too hasty in my donation ;
yet it was with the concurrence of my prudent Munshi. I should
have deferred it untU he had delivered us and our luggage into the
hands of some other conductor ; for we soon found that we were
left destitute ; nobody to provide us horses and cattle. My Munshi
and I consulted together, and agreed that it was best for him to go
to the Chinaman's house, show him our pass, explain our case, and
ask his assistance. Upon going into the street, Munshi found our
old conductor surrounded by the townspeople, who clamorously
pressed upon him, and seemed almost to be coming to blows with
him. He was representing our case and trying to serve us ; but
these townspeople, it seems, had no inclination to forward us on to
Lhasa. Whether it was that they thought their cattle better
employed for other purposes, or that they wished us to honour their
town with our residence, I cannot say. I suspect the former.
However, Munshi went to the Chinaman, who came and presently
settled the matter for us. He sat down in one of our chairs, and
affecting all the decisive gravity and authority of a magistrate,
determined what horses we wanted, and provided us a con
ductor, to whose care we entrusted all our goods and chattels.
I had no suitable present at hand to give the Chinaman for his
good services, and money might have offended his worship ; so we
wrapped up two or three pieces of sUver in paper, and Munshi
went again to his house and presented it to his wife. This was
gratefully received as'a full recompense for his trouble, and ensured
his future services, in case anything further should happen to
annoy us. We ate our suppers, hung up an old cloth over part of
the room to keep out a little of the wind during the night, spread
our beds, and went to sleep.
Our people came very late the next morning, and were a long
while in getting our things off; and we had not gone six nriles
along the lake before we changed horses. We stopped at a
respectable farmhouse, where the family had, I thought, very
pleasant faces, and great kindness of manner. They were the
Ch. IV.] TRAVELLING ALONG THE SHORES OF LAKE PALTI. 247
first Tibet people I had seen that I at all wished to be ac
quainted with. As the weather was rather cold, the old man of
the house ordered a pan of coals into our room, for us to warm our
fingers and noses. I was sorry I could not talk with him. As for
using the medium of my servant, who spoke bad Tibetan fluently
enough, it would have been to no purpose. His impertinent,
insolent manner did not at aU harmonize with ours. I was vexed
and pained to see him encroach upon their kindness, and imperiously
demand their services, as it were, keeping the attendants waiting
with the broth-pot, after he had enjoyed a plentiful repast, and had
as much remaining in his cup as he meant to eat ; when with a
single word he might have let them go and finish the pot by them
selves, whUe it was warm and good. Though I could not speak, I
tried to express by my manners and countenance that then: kindness
was not thrown away upon me ; and as in these cases there is un
doubtedly a great sympathy, I trust they partly understood my
sentiments. We now wound round the lake to a village on the other
side, where we changed again. Here the people were miserably
poor. The scholar of the viUage read our pass, and found that
they were bound to provide us meat; but they pleaded their
poverty, and begged us to be contented with che-broth and
parched flour. Their plea was not in vain. I knew it to be no
fiction ; the whole country had been afflicted with bad crops for
successive years, and this year a cruel, lolling, latter frost, with
hail, desolated their fields, and blighted a great portion of their
corn. We travelled on, still winding round the lake, in a narrow,
stony path between that and the mountains, and in the afternoon
I found we were exactly opposite to the town we had set off from
in the morning, at no great distance, separated from us only by the
width of the lake. I could not help thinking that a ferry-boat
might very advantageously be added to this town's appurtenances.
But it seems no boats whatever are used on this lake ; and though it
is stored with fish, which are a great relief to the poor in the
summer time, when they come into the shallows and towards the
shore, and suffer themselves to be caught, yet they have no nets,
I was told, or method of taking them out of the deeps ; so that it is
only during a few months of the year that they avail themselves of
248 PLAYFUL RAVENS. [Ch. IV.
the ample provision Nature had laid before them. The water of
this lake is said to be very unwholesome ; it is not drank by the
inhabitants of the surrounding villages,1 though I found they per
mitted their cattle to water at it. I was told they have a custom
of throwing their dead into it, which I have no reason to disbelieve.
The number of wild fowl in the lake is very inconsiderable. From
what I saw and heard of Tibet, from its barrenness, and from the
nature of the soil, if soU it may be called, I should judge that it
cannot possibly support large flocks of birds. I do not know from
what data or what observations Mr. Turner drew a contrary con
clusion. Turning my head back towards the west, I had a noble
view of a set of snowy mountains collected into a focus, as it were ;
their summits empurpled with the evening sun, and their majestic,
graceful forms ever varying as I advanced 'into new positions.
Though I kept a long, long lingering eye upon them, yet I heartily
wished that I might never see them again, My lips almost spon
taneously pronounced this wish repeatedly, as I apostrophized them
in my mind. Fruitless wish !
Our resting place was a smaU town2 on the borders of the
lake, embellished and rendered conspicuous by a lofty, massive
castle, the residence of the magistrate, who, they said, was a
woman, and of whom they complained as capricious and tyran
nical.3 I was amazed for a long time with observing the
numerous ravens that were playing about the castle and floating
over the lake. I did not know that they were so social, so frolic
some, and so joyous. They wantoned about in a thousand different
manners and postures, sometimes pursuing each other, and making
a mock fight ; sometimes separately ; sometimes rising ; sometimes
falling with closed wings ; sometimes floating awhile in the air on
their backs ; sometimes lying edgewise ; sometimes whirling round
the building with vast rapidity; and aU with an eagerness and
joyousness of motions and cries and screams that showed the over
flowings of happy sensations too plainly to be mistaken. Many of
1 If the water is so brackish there is 3 This, doubtless, is the female in-
no reason for doubting the report of carnation of Giorgi, whose acquaint-
the Pundit of 18G6, that the lake has ance Mr. Bogle and Dr. Hamilton
no outlet. made. (See -pp. 108, 109, and the
2 Probably the Demalung of the foregoing note on the Palti Lake.)
Pundit of 1866,
Ch. IV.] THE MUNSHI GRUMBLING. 249
the ravens about this lake, and many in Lhasa, emit a peculiar and
extraordinary sound, which I call metallic.1 It is as if their throat
was a metal tube, with a stiff metal elastic musical spring fixed in
it, which, pulled aside and let go, should give a vibrating note,
sounding like the pronunciation of the word poing, or scroong, with
the lips protruded, and with a certain musical accent. The other is
similar to that of the ravens in Europe, yet still has something of
the metaUic sound in it. Whether there be two species of ravens
here, or whether it be that the male and female of the same species
have each their peculiar note, I cannot say.
Munshi, who had been to the postmaster's to consult and talk
with him, came in and informed me that there was no meat to be had
in this place ; that we must make shift with what we had with us.
This gave me no concern ; it scarcely made any impression on me ;
but somehow at supper he fancied I was discontented, and opened
with cross speeches, saying we were not great mandarins, he could
not command things. I laughed, and assured him (which was
really true) that I did not perceive any deficiency in our supper.
It was as good as usual, was it not ? What had we at other times
superior to it ? Thus, as I was provoked to it, obliquely hinting
my contempt for our servant's cookery. In fact, we this night had
some of the General's excellent bacon simply fried ; we had eggs,
we had flour food, butter, and, if I recollect right, there was a little
bit of mutton. A very little satisfies me. I am not at all anxious
about my meals, but my palate is very discriminating with respect
to the qualities of things, whether wheat, or rice, or meat, and
also with respect to the cookery ; and I prefer a boiled egg and
salt to an Ul-dressed ragout.
We had still six or eight miles more along the margin of the
lake, after which we were to leave it to the right, and cross over a
mountain. We sauntered along to the village at the foot of this moun
tain. Our servant came slowly after us : he was miserably mounted,
and always impatient and brutal with his horse. He had thrown
him down and broken our China cups. We found no horses ready for
us at the village ; they were to seek and fetch up from a considerable
distance. The consequence was we were obliged to wait a long
time, and set forward a full hour later than we ought. The height
1 The raven of the Arctic regions (Corvus corax) also gives out a bell-like croak,
250 ON THE BANKS OF THE TSANPU. [Ch, IV.
of the mountain was trifling. After a mile and a half or two
mUes easy ascent we were at the top ; but the level of the vaUey
on the other side was considerably lower than the one we departed
from. The descent was long, tedious, and in many places trouble
some.1 It was dark and sUent night before we reached the
village we were to lodge at.2 Our conductor was far, far behind,
with the baggage. Our servant rode about from house to house
vainly endeavouring to find a place for us. After about half an
hour the Chinese postmaster came out and escorted us to our desti
nation. Whether it was that my Munshi, tired of the servant's
folly, had applied to him, or whether it was that he heard us
tramping and talking in the streets, I did not inquire. Being
warmly clothed I had a perfect nonchalance on these occasions, and
if we had stayed two hours in the street I should not have been
impatient or discomposed. We were ushered into a sort of open
gallery. The night was fine and calm, though frosty ; the house
was full of smoke, and I was glad we were not invited into it.
The master of the house took our passport in hand, which consisted
of about ten lines. Our servant held one of our candles to it.
With an audible voice the good man hammered through it again
and again, and in the course of about half an hour he seemed to
have spelt out and acquired some notion of its general purpose,
and gave it back into our hands. At one end of the gaUery I
found a lofty-walled, square chamber, open at top, in which was
pUed plenty of clean straw. I made myself a nest and lay down
and took a nap whUe supper was preparing. I intended passing
the night there, but after lying about an hour, I found a certain
damp and chilliness descending from the sky above, which,
together with the remonstrances of my servant, who was more used
to the climate than I, dissuaded me from it. We chose a spot
under cover, where there was a wall behind, and on one side, and
the house in front, which, though not absolutely contiguous, formed
a sort of third wall. The fourth side was partly sheltered by
beams and rails. I ordered plenty of straw to be brought, pulled
my red woollen nightcap over my ears, lay down in my clothes,
and slept as usual. Though I felt no immediate ill consequences
1 The Pundit of 1866 calls this the Khamba-la Mountain, and says it is the
boundary between the provinces of U and Tsang.
2 Probably the Khamba Barchi of the Pundit of 1806.
Oh. IV.] CROSSING THE TSANPU. 251
from thus sleeping exposed to the frosty night air, I believe it to
be injurious to a European, who cannot endure to entirely cover
up his face and head. I afterwards, at Lhasa, had a pretty severe
attack of the acute rheumatism, which— though it might partly be
occasioned by frequent alternations from heat to cold, from broiling
sunshine to frosty shade, and by the exposure to early morning
cold, to which I was subjected during the first part of my residence
at Lhasa — I cannot but partly attribute to these partial and im
perfect night shelters.
We were now in the valley in which the town of Lhasa stands,
distant from it about fifty or sixty miles.1 No part of Tibet that I
have seen is so pleasant as the part we passed through in our next
morning's ride. The valley was wide, a lively stream flowed through
it, houses and villages were scattered about, and under the
shelter of mountains, on the iarther side, was a large white town,
pleasantly situated, and affording an agreeable prospect. The
place was not destitute of trees nor of arable land, and an air of
gaiety was spread over the whole, and, I thought, on the faces of
the people. We stopped while horses were preparing under a
shed in a large, clean, pleasant paved yard, like an inn yard in
England. We had good cushions set out for us, and were
served with suchi, with a cheerfulness and alacrity I had not
before witnessed. They also brought us a joint of good mutton to
put in our wallet. We trotted on until we came to a town standing
on the bank of the river.2 From this town we descended down to
the sandy shore, and found a large and good ferry-boat ready to
waft us over the stream,3 whose width here was considerable. We
all went over together, men, cattle, and baggage. The reminis
cences occasioned by the motion of the boat brought on a fit of
European activity. I could not sit still, but must climb about,
seat myself in various postures on the parapet, and lean over.
The master of the boat was alarmed, and sent a steady man to
hold me tight. I pointed to the ornamented prow of the boat, and
assured them that I could sit there with perfect safety, and to prove
to them how commodiously I was seated, bent my head and body
down the outside of the boat to the water's edge ; but finding, by
1 The valley of the Tsanp'i, or Brahmaputra.
" Probably Chaksam Chori of the Pundit of 1866.
3 The great river Tsanpu, or Brahmaputra.
252 A DAWDLING COOK. [Ch. IV.
their renewed instances for me to desist, that I made them uneasy,
I went back to my place and seated myself quietly. As the boat
drew near shore I meditated jumping out, but was puUed back by
the immense weight of my clothes and clumsiness of my boots. I
was afraid of jumping short and having the laugh against me.
Our conductor trotted forward to a village standing at some
distance from the road, and ordered out fresh cattle for us. We
changed expeditiously ; after which I cantered away with the con
ductor, who did not pull up till we arrived at the end of our day's
journey.1 The house was occupied by Tibet military going to Lhasa,
to be examined for promotion, but there was a vacant upper room
for us, from the terrace of which I inspected what was going
forward in the yard. I saw the soldiers, their bows and their clumsy
muskets. The principal officer had a strong horse, sumptuously
furnished, which soon after our arrival was led out for him ; and
he and his escort set forward. Upon this we went down to a
lower room, more convenient, and near the cooking place. The
postmaster of this village or town came to visit us, and proved to
be of the same province as my Munshi, who, upon that score, invited
him to dine with us. He was a grave, well-behaved man, but his
company was not very entertaining. At night, after I was in bed,
I heard our servant chopping away and preparing things for our
next morning's breakfast until a very late hour. To answer the
preparations he made he ought to have served us up a sumptuous
repast. I could not help laughing, upon seeing provided next
morning nothing but one dish of minced meat and some wheat-
flour biscuits. He was extraordinarily slow in his operations. I
have afterwards, at Lhasa, seen him the whole day in preparing two
common dishes for the evening; and when we hired another
servant, who was to go on errands and go out with us, and give
the cook time to get through his vast operations, he absorbed him,
too, into the kitchen, and the day was not long enough for both
working conjointly. I am persuaded if we had hired four servants
he would have employed them all from morning till night in the
kitchen, preparing his two or three nothings.
The following day's journey was rather long. It was divided
1 Probably Chabonang village of the Pundit of 1866.
Ch. IV.] THE RIDE TO LHASA. 253
into four stages. At the end of the first stage, I was struck with
the sight of a child lying neglected and apparently in convulsions.
Going up to it, I found that the sunbeams had now entered the
shed where it lay, and were shining fiercely upon its face and
eyes. I brought my cushion, and placed myself so as to intercept
the rays, when the convulsive motion ceased, and the little face
assumed a serene smile. At the end of the next stage I do not
recollect that anything remarkable occurred. I saw a fat country
fellow standing before a magistrate telling his story, or making
some complaint: he held his hat in his hand, and was scratch
ing his head as naturally as countrymen do in like situations in
England. The third stage was short. My Munshi begged of the
conductor to let him proceed on to Litong, the close of a day's
journey, without changing his horse. To this the conductor
assented ; upon which he and the servant trotted off. He was
desirous to get in, in time to see after horses for our early
departure next morning, as he was particularly anxious to be in
Lhasa the next day before noon. Indeed, he seemed to consider
that absolutely necessary, and that if we did not appear before the
great mandarins before noon, we should be guUty of a fault which
they would hardly forgive. I rallied the notion in various ways,
but in vain. The Chinese, certainly, have a pernicious dread of
their mandarins : it occasionally upsets their senses.
As I was in no hurry, I determined to wait for the conductor,
with which he seemed pleased. After Munshi was off, I went
into the house, and was served with some excellent suchi and
parched flour. This seemed to be a sort of religious house. I saw
no family, but a great masculine woman made her appearance now
and then before the door, whom I took to be a nun. She might
be the lady abbess for aught I know. There were whirligigs set
up in the house,1 which the conductor piously twirled as he passed
1 These whirligigs are cylinders turn- about with them, and are almost con
ing freely on an axis, within-side are stantly turning ; the other a fixed
sentences and prayers. Turning the whirligig, moving on a vertical axis.
whirligig is equivalent to reciting the These are of various sizes, some as big
sentence, and is a substitute for it, for as a clock-case, some about the size of
the use of those who are so ignorant as a quarter peck. In the avenues of the
not to be able to recite. They are of temples there are hundreds of them in
two kinds : one a hand whirligig, which a row, which good souls twirl one after
the pious vulgar perpetually carry the other as they pass along. Those
2-54 THE RIDE TO LHASA. [Ch. IV.
them. I do not know whether it was expected of me to twirl these
machines. I certainly never did all the time I was in Tibet ; for
though I am a great conformist in certain ways, take me in
another line and I am a most obstinate non-conformist, and would
sooner die than swerve a tittle.
As soon as our horses were ready, and the baggage was adjusted
to the cattle, my guide and I set forward briskly. We tinkled 1
over the stony plain, and through the broad and shallow streams of
water, untU we came to a sort of rocky hill, which we must ascend
and descend. Here the guide dismounted, and seemed to expect
that I should do the same ; but my boots had hurt my heels, and I
was determined, if possible, to ride over this hill. Upon coming to
bad places, he two or three times looked back, and intimated to me
that I had better lead my horse. I sfciU persisted, but at last, in
the descending part, we came to an absolute staircase. The guide
looked at me, and smiled. I smiled and shook my head, con
fessed myself foiled, and dismounted. When we had gained the
level plain, we again pushed on; but the sun was set, and the
shades of night coming on before we could reach Litong. Here
1 found Munshi in dole and wrath. He had sent out the servant,
as soon as they arrived, to seek for the man whose business it
was to provide and take care of us. He had been out above an
hour, and he was not yet returned. I had none but the old receipt
for him — patience. He came back shortly after, and informed us
that the said man happened at this time to be so drunk that he
could neither stand nor go. This was a great mortification to my
Munshi. He feared we should be off late the next morning, and,
in truth, the sun was up long before we set off.
We had not gone many miles before we were met by a respectable
person on horseback, who dismounted and saluted me ; then, mount
ing again, rode on with our guide. Upon inquiry, I found this was
a person sent out by the Grand Lama or his people, or by the Tibet
who use the band whirligigs acquire the adopt the rosary, as it would be a
habit of twirling them meohanically. means of procuring me respect and
It is the same with the chaplets of beads. good treatment in Bhutan and Tibet.
I have seen a man with his hands be- But this was one of the points in which
hind him regularly shoving on his beads I could not conform. — T. M.
with his thumb, and all the while talk- > The guide's horse has a bell at his
ing about other matters, or even dis- neck, which when he moves keeps up
puting. I was advised in Bengal to a perpetual tinkling.— T. M.
Ch. IV] THE PALACE OF POTALA. 255
magistrate of Lhasa, to welcome and honour me, and conduct me to
the metropolis. We hurried into the town where we were to change
horses, but our haste was fruitless. There we were obliged to wait
until our baggage came up long, long after us, and until it was
adjusted upon fresh cattle. If we now had galloped all the way to
Lhasa the sun would have been in the south before we could have
been in the august presence of the Tagin.1 This was exceeding
discomfort to my Munshi, but great comfort to me. I much dis
liked the idea of hurrying to Lhasa, and without any kind of
refreshment going before the mandarins, sweltering and heated, my
boots hurting me every step I set; and I could not comprehend
what crime it was for travellers like us who could not command
prompt attendance, arriving an hour sooner or an hour later.
As there was no use in hurrying now, we proceeded calmly on.
As soon as we were clear of the town, the palace of the Grand
Lama presented itself to our view. It seemed close at hand, but
taking an eye observation upon the change of certain angles
as I advanced eighty or one hundred paces, I sagaciously informed
my Munshi that it was still four or five miles off. As we
approached, I perceived that under the palace on one side lay a
considerable extent of marshy land. This brought to my mind
the Pope, Eome, and what I had read of the Pontine Marshes. We
passed under a large gateway whose gilded ornaments at top were
so Ul fixed that some leaned one way and some another, and
reduced the whole to the rock appearance of castles and turrets in
pastry work.2 The road here, as it winds past the palace, is royally
broad; it is level and free from stones, and combined with the
1 Tagin means great man. It is an When the mass is very great and
appellation given to high mandarins compact, whatever defects there may
of a certain rank in China. At Lhasa be in the detail, the effect of the whole
there were at this time actually in office is always, I believe, grand and imposing.
only two Tagins. — T. M. This is the case with the palace of the
2 The least deviation from symmetry Grand Lama, which has no beauties or
and correctness in certain parts of archi- symmetry in detail, but as a whole has
tecture, and where the mass of building a striking and grand effect. Even the
is not enormous, soon destroys the effect Tuilleries, than which when examined
of the most magnificent plans, and re- part by part nothing can be more ugly
duces them to mere gingerbread build- or misshapen, yet viewed as a whole
ings. That severe and correct accuracy strikes the eye as a majestic mass. —
which we Europeans inherit from the T. M.
Greeks is unknown, I believe, in Asia.
25G
ARRIVAL AT LHASA.
[Ch. IV.
view of the lofty towering palace, which forms a majestic mountain
of building, has a magnificent effect. The road about the palace
swarmed with monks ; its nooks and angles with beggars lounging
and basking in the sun. This again reminded me of what I have
heard of Eome. My eye was almost perpetuaUy fixed on the
palace, and roving over its parts, the disposition of which being
irregular, eluded my attempts at analysis. As a whole, it seemed
Potala. The Palace of the Dalai Lama.
(From Kircher 's ' China Illustrata/)
perfect enough ; but I could not comprehend its plan in detail.
Fifteen or twenty minutes now brought us to the entrance of the
town of Lhasa.
If the palace had exceeded my expectations, the town as far
fell short of them. There is nothing striking, nothing pleasing
in its appearance. The habitations are begrimed with smut
and dirt. The avenues are full of dogs, some growling and
gnawing bits of hide which lie about in profusion, and emit a
charnel-house smell; others limping and looking livid; others
ulcerated ; others starved and dying, and pecked at by the ravens ;
some dead and preyed upon. In short, everything seems mean and
gloomy, and excites the idea of something unreal. Even the mirth
and laughter of the inhabitants I thought dreamy and ghostly.
The dreaminess no doubt was in my mind, but I never could get
Ch. IV.] ARRIVAL AT LHASA. 257
rid of the idea ; it strengthened upon me afterwards. A few turns
through the town brought us into a narrow by-lane, and to the
gate of a courtyard, where we dismounted, and, passing through
that yard, entered another smaller one surrounded by apartments.
We mounted a ladder, and were shown into the room provided
for us.
258 VISIT TO THE MANDARINS. [Ch. V.
CHAPTEE V.
LHASA.1
Our first care was to provide ourselves with proper hats. The
General, indeed, had given us a handsome light one, but his was a
small Ciceronian head (in shape, I mean), and neither I nor my
Munshi could get his hat on, and the Munshi informed me that
if it was enlarged the marks of alteration would render it unfit to
wear. I, indeed, as a foreigner might wear it so, but he as a
Chinaman among his countrymen would not, except in the house.
Notwithstanding this, he afterwards had it altered into an exceUent
hat for himself, and wore it perpetuaUy. The hatter took our
measures and lent us two hats for the interim. We learnt that
this was the time of reviewing the Chinese troops. There was a
small encampment by the side of the town, where the mandarins daUy
inspected the exercises. The great men were stiU in their tents and
would not return to their tribunals and be at leisure to see us before
the evening. Thus the load of "guilt which pressed so heavy on
my Munshi's conscience was washed away with a single word.
I was sorely afraid lest the Tatar mandarin should recoUect
having seen my face at Canton, or should recollect my name, or
remember having heard of an Englishman of my description,
strangely residing at Canton, and suspected of wanting to get into
the country. Besides, he had Canton servants with him, who were
stiU more likely to have seen and heard of me. I put on my
China spectacles to disguise my eyes as much as I could, and away
we went to the tribunals. It was a long way to walk with a sore
heel. I was very much heated. I inwardly grumbled. Coming
into their presence I, for the first time in my life, performed the
ceremony of ketese. My Munshi was afraid I should dislike the
1 The Pundit of 1866 reached Lhasa surrounded by mountains. It is in
on January 12, and remained until 29° 39' 17" N., and 11,700 feet above
April 21. He says that city is two and the sea, according to the Pundit.
a half miles in oircumference, in a plain,
Ch. V.] UNCOMFORTABLE LODGINGS. 259
ceremony ; he knew how averse the Europeans are to bending, but
I had no objection whatever, insomuch that, on the contrary, I was
always asking when I could ketese or kneel ; and if there was an
option between one ketese and three, I generally chose to give three.
To the Tibet mandarins I sometimes knelt down, or made as if I
knelt, though this was displeasing to my Munshi. He wished this
mark of respect to be paid only to Chinamen. In fact, the com
mon Chinese use no ceremony with the Tibet mandarins. They
are not to pay them the due reverence, and to offer them an inferior
kind would be a sort of insult. I being indifferent towards either
side was desirous of treating both as equally as possible.
There was no danger of the Tatar mandarin recognizing my
person. The old dog was purblind, and could not see many inches
beyond his nose. They asked a few questions, made polite inquiries
after my health, and accommodations on the road, and intimated it
was they who had provided my lodgings. I wish they had omitted
this intimation : it meant nothing, being mere empty words, as
they had no concern whatever with my lodging nor with the meat
and rice which were offered me upon my arrival. All these things
were provided by the people under the Grand Lama or by the
Tibet mandarins. But afterwards, when I found our room exces
sively cold and inconvenient, and was unwell, and wished to change
and have some other room, which could have been done without any
difficulty, my Munshi thwarted me and absolutely refused. The
great mandarins had given us this ; to change would offend them ;
whereas they did not care one farthing where I lodged, provided I
paid for what I hired ; but such is the superstitious dread the
Chinese have of their mandarins. Our room was large ; had two
smaU unpapered windows to the north and west; no sunshine
entered at them : in the middle of the roof was a very large
aperture (four feet square or more) through which the freezing
wind came eddying day and night. I was obliged to spread my thin
bedding on a rough, stony, uneven floor — ground, for I cannot call
it a floor. There were, indeed, two stout cushions given us, but
they were of unequal thickness. I did not know how to adjust
them. My Munshi, who was expert at these little operations, had
not the complaisance to teach me or assist me, but took them on my
first rejection for his own bed, though his bedding was much
s 2
260 DIFFICULTIES IN TALKING CHINESE. [Ch. V.
thicker than mine; and besides that, he spread it on his large
smooth box, helped out and lengthened with a chair or other con
trivance. Neither did he quickly comply with my request of
having proper cushions made for me, but suffered me to lie in this
uneasy manner many, many nights. Every order, every transaction
necessarily passed through him. He begged me not to speak
much Chinese, or to seem to know the characters ; it might bring
him into great trouble. I thought this reasonable, and agreed to
it. Consequently from the first everybody addressed themselves to
me through him ; and if at any time I did try to act indepen
dently I was referred to my Munshi, and begged to explain to
him. I certainly spoke Chinese very imperfectly, nor was it hkely
I should improve if nobody would converse with me. I was
accustomed only to the Peking pronunciation. I very well under
stood what the mandarins said, but the common vulgar Chinese at
Lhasa, speaking the Szechuen dialect, using frequent cant phrases,
provincialisms, and idiomatic expressions, pronouncing rapidly and
slovenly, how could I possibly understand them readily ? A French
man or other European wUl accommodate himself to a foreigner ;
wUl repeat a phrase, give an equivalent, or, according to his
abilities, explain a word. Not so a Chinaman ; if you misunder
stand a single word the sentence is lost : he wUl neither alter it nor
explain it. It is not for want of urbanity : he has not that
custom : he immediately concludes that there is an invincible bar
to your conversing with him. To this unaccommodating way was
joined the unfounded prepossession that I was almost entirely
ignorant of the Chinese language, so that with respect to speaking
Chinese I laboured under great disadvantages at Lhasa.
My Munshi had at first, in a peevish manner, declared that he
could not, and would not continue to teach me at Lhasa : he was
afraid. I took him at his word, and though afterwards we had good
and perfectly safe opportunities, and I believe that he was desirous of
using them in order to improve himself in English ; yet, as he made
no overtures, I made none, and during the whole time we were at
Lhasa we scarcely exchanged a single word in Chinese, or conversed
on the subject of that language. He was so cross and unaccommo
dating and ill behaved, that I avoided all conversation with him as
much as possible, in order that no quarrel might ensue. When we
Ch. V.] VISIT TO THE TIBETAN MINISTERS. 261
changed our lodging, and I had a room to myself, as I was at first
Ul of a rheumatic fever, and ate nothing scarcely, we were separate
the whole day, and I afterwards continued the custom of taking
our meals separately. We lived on good terms. He used every
evening after my supper to come into my room and sit awhile with
me, and ask me to explain a few English phrases to him, which I
always did with the greatest readiness. I read Chinese by myself.
He saw me sometimes turning over one of their inconvenient
dictionaries, and labouring hard for what he could have furnished
me with in an instant. I could see that he thoroughly understood
our relative situation, my reserve and alienation ; but how could I
subject myself to the humihation of a refusal or improper answer to
a request that I had moraUy a right to put to him authoritatively ?
He should have asked me whether I wished to continue my studies
with him. The smallest concession on his part would have brought
me to amicable terms. I had lent a little Chinese novel to a China
man at Giansu, who took care to forget to return it ; and though
my Munshi wrote to him, and we knew that the letters reached
him, he had the incivility to keep it, and not answer the letters.
This was a great vexation to me, as it was a book which had been
recommended to me. I brought it with me on purpose to read it
at Lhasa. It would have amused me, and improved me in the
Chinese idiom. I had no other famihar work with me but what I
had read over and over again.
We went the following morning to pay our respects to the two
head Thalungs x in their tents. We sat down on cushions and
drank suchi. They asked me whether our lodging was convenient.
This was a good opportunity of intimating that it was rather cold,
and that I wished to hire another. They made some civil answer
in words, of course, which neither bound them nor me to anything,
saying I had better rest a little whUe ; that they would provide me
another, and pay for it. I wished to be explicit on that point, and
to let them know that I intended to pay for whatever I had ; but
somehow my Chinaman was backward in explaining my wishes,
and now seemed to be famished with a new dread of changing
without consulting the mandarins and magistrates, though I am
1 The four principal Tibet magistrates at Lhasa have the title of Thalung.
This word is used both by the natives and by the Chinese.— T. M.
262 THE MILITARY MANDARINS. [Ch. V.
sure, from the Thalung's manner, that he would have had no objec
tion to my hiring a lodging ; only thought himself bound to make
a faint offer of publicly providing everything for me I wanted.
I inquired of the Thalung when it would be proper for me to
salute the Grand Lama. He said I had better first rest and refresh
myself a few days. This was very agreeable to me. I was muddled
and dirty. My face and forehead, having been exposed to the scorch
ing sun during our eight days' journey from Giansu, were fiery red,
particularly on the right side, so as greatly to disfigure me. Besides,
I wanted a little time to prepare and brush up my presents. We
employed part of the interim in presenting ourselves before various
mandarins and magistrates.
At two or three miles' distance from the town were stationed
soldiers and three military mandarins. The highest of them
asked the question whether I had ever been at Canton. I said
to my Munshi, "What shaU I say?" He answered for me,
No ; I had never been there. I was inclined to speak the whole
truth from the first, and declare myself an Englishman, for I
had been guilty of no offence; but Munshi earnestly dissuaded
me from it. Perhaps he was right. The second of these said mili
tary mandarins was of the same rank as the general at Giansu,
and was a relation of his. He was very civil and polite : he invited
me to sit down, and ordered tea to be brought me. My Munshi
seemed mad as the devil that I should be invited to sit down and
he not. The mandarin was inclined to converse and ask ques
tions. Munshi gave such snappish monosyllabic answers as reaUy
alarmed me. I could not have thought that his ill temper could
so entirely get the better of him. If he had gone there alone he
would not have sat down. I was a foreigner, appeared as a respect
able character ; was his superior in age ; was entitled 4o respect
from my beard. I cannot see that he had any plausible grounds of
offence and discontent. I only presume that his sudden fit of rusti-
ness and ill humour was occasioned by the circumstance I mention,
as it came on the moment I was seated. I took no notice of it to
him then nor afterwards, nor he to me. He recovered by degrees
while riding home.
Ch. VI.] PRESENTS FOR THE DALAI LAMA. 263
CHAPTEE VI.
VISIT TO THE GRAND LAMA.
On the 17th of December, 1811, in the morning, I ascended the
mountain, as they phrase it, to salute the Grand Lama and make
my offering. I had but a trifle to present him with, not
much more than a third part of the fine broadcloth I had destined
for him, and that portion I had with the utmost difficulty, and
by conveying it secretly into my Munshi's box, saved from the
rapaciousness of the Bhutanese. Two pair of china ewers that
I meant to decorate with (artificial) flowers, and present him,
were unfortimately left behind at Giansu. I had a pair of good
brass candlesticks which I had cleaned and furbished up, and
into them I put two wax candles to make a show. To speak
the truth, these candlesticks belonged to the East India Com
pany. They were what were lent me for my use at Canton, and
upon leaving that place I had honestly left them to be returned
to the stores. But afterwards my faithful old China servant, taking
the opportunity of a parcel that was sent me from Canton to Cal
cutta, stowed them into the box with other things that he thought
might be useful to me, and I, finding they were thus forced upon
me, carried them off with me to Lhasa without scruple, and I am
persuaded that after this my acknowledgment, the Honourable
Company will not only acquit me of fraudulent practices, but will
be very weU pleased with what has befallen their candlesticks, and
with the high and honourable use I made of them. I had intended
to offer the Grand Lama a sum of silver in the coin of Tibet, but
was told that the smaU sum I could offer him, unless it was in
foreign coin, would not make a handsome appearance. Luckily, I
had with me thirty new bright doUars which, with as many pieces
of zinc, I carried about with me for the purpose .of showing galvanic
experiments. Upon showing these at Giansu the Chinamen were
eager to buy them as belt ornaments, and I found that a few of
264 THE PALACE OF POTALA. [Ch. VI.
them would be considered as a handsome offering to the Grand Lama.
Accordingly I allotted twenty for that purpose, and six for the
Ti-mu-fu, or Hu-lu-tu, which are names given to the head magis
trate, or king, as he is sometimes called, of Tibet.1 This Ti-mu-fu
is a Lama: he ranks above the Tajin or head Chinese manda
rins, though they take every opportunity of encroaching upon his
dignity, and in fact treat him as an equal. Besides these, I had
some genuine Smith's lavender water, with which I filled two large
handsome phials for the Grand Lama and one for the Ti-mu-fu.
I had also a good store of Nankin tea, which is a rarity and a
delicacy at Lhasa, and not to be bought there.
We rode to the foot of the mountain on which the palace2 is buUt,
or out of which, rather, it seems to grow ; but having ascended a few
paces to a platform, were obliged to dismount. From here to the
hall where the Grand Lama receives is a long and tedious ascent.
It consists of about four hundred steps, partly stone steps in the rocky
mountain, and the rest ladder steps from story to story in the palace.
Besides this, from interval to interval along the mountain, wherever
the ascent is easy, there are stretches interspersed, where the path
continues for several paces together without steps. At length we
arrived at the large platform roof, off which is built the house, or
haU of reception. There we rested awhile, arranged the presents,
and conferred with the Lama's Chinese interpreter. This inter
preter was not an absolute stranger to us ; he had been to visit us at
our lodging. He was a Chinaman by the father's side and a Tibe
tan by the mother's. He had resided many years at Peking and in
Chinese Tatary. He spoke many languages, but having never
learned to read or write in any one, was utterly unlearned. He
was a strange, melancholy man, severe in his manner, and extraor
dinarily sparing in his words, except when he made a narration or
continued speech, and then he was equally profuse. Whether it
was avarice or poverty I do not know, but notwithstanding he had a
1 This is the Gesub Rimboehe' of Tankyaling, Chumuling, and Chuchu-
Bogle and Turner, and the Nomen- ling ; but that now he is chosen from
khan of Hue. The Pundit of 1866 says the Dibong monastery only. (See note
that this dignitary was formerly chosen at p. 130.)
from among the Lamas of four monas- 2 Potala.
teries round Lhasa, called Kontyaling,
Ch. VI.] AUDIENCE OF THE DALAI LAMA. 265
good^place, he seemed straitened in his circumstances. They say
he lavished his money on women; for though he had the title of
Lama and wore the lama dress, he was not bound to celibacy. He
had a wife and son.
The Ti-mu-fu was in the haU with the Grand Lama. I was
not informed of this untU I entered, which occasioned me some
confusion. I did not know how much ceremony to go through
with one before I began with the other. I made the due obeisance,
touching the ground three times with my head to the Grand
Lama, and once to the Ti-mu-fu. I presented my gifts,
delivering the coin with a handsome silk scarf with my own hands
into the hands of the Grand Lama and the Ti-mu-fu. WhUe I
was ketesing, the awkward servants contrived to let fall and break
the bottle of lavender water intended for the Tl-mu-fu. Of course,
I seemed not to observe it, though the odoriferous stream flowed
close to me, and I could not help seeing it with the corner of my
eye as I bowed down my head. Having delivered the scarf to the
Grand Lama, I took off my hat, and humbly gave him my clean-
shaved head to lay his hands upon. The ceremony of presentation
being over, Munshi and I sat down on two cushions not far from the
Lama's throne, and had suchi brought us. It was most excellent,
and I meant to have mended my draught and emptied the cup, but
it was whipped away suddenly, before I was aware of it. The Lama's
beautiful and interesting face and manner engrossed almost aU my
attention. He was at that time about seven years old : had the
simple and unaffected manners of a well-educated princely child.
His face was, I thought, poetically and affectingly beautiful. He
was of a gay and cheerful disposition ; his beautiful mouth perpetu
ally unbending into a graceful smile, which illuminated his whole
countenance. Sometimes, particularly when he had looked at me,
his smUe almost approached to a gentle laugh. No doubt my grim
beard and spectacles somewhat excited his risibUity, though I have
afterwards, at the New Year's festival, seen him smUe and unbend
freely, while sitting myself unobserved in a corner, and watching
his reception of various persons, and the notice he took of the strange
variety of surrounding objects. We had not been seated long before
he put questions to us which we rose to receive and answer. He
266 AUDIENCE OF THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. VI.
addressed himself in the Tibet tongue to the Chinese interpreter ; the
Chinese interpreter to my Munshi ; my Munshi to me in Latin.
I gave answer in Latin, which was converted and conveyed back in
the same manner. I had been long accustomed to speak Latin with
my Munshi. There was no sentiment or shade of sentiment we could
not exchange. Thus, though the route was circuitous, the communi
cation was quick, and the questions and answers delivered with an
accuracy which I have reason to believe seldom happens in Asia
when interpreters are employed. The Lama put the usual questions
of urbanity. He inquired whether I had not met with molesta
tions and difficulties on the road ; to which I promptly returned the
proper answer. I said I had had troubles, but now that I had the
happiness of being in his presence, they were amply compensated.
I thought of them no more. I could see that this answer pleased
both the Lama and his household people. They thus found that I
was not a mere rustic, but had some tincture of civiHty in me. A
small present of dried fruits was brought and set before me. They
motioned to my servant to take it off, and we withdrew. For
withdrawing it is not the custom to use any ceremony, other than
not turning the back upon the prince untU after two or three steps,
and even this is not essential, I believe. Upon going out of the
hall into the area the interpreter bid us sit down a moment under
the gallery while he went back to speak to the Grand Lama. He
returned, and asked me if I had anything particular to say to the
Lama. I answered, I had a request to make. I begged of the
Grand Lama to give me books respecting his religion and ancient his
tory, and lo allow one of his learned lamas who understood Chinese
to assist and instruct me. Whether my Munshi was not earnest
enough, or whether it was the fault of the interpreter, or whether
it was that the Lama or his people did not like to comply with this
request, I know not ; but the Lama afterwards presented me with
what he told me was the most essential part of their prayers and
meditations. I could get no other books, nor anyone to explain to
me and instruct me. The answer the Lama sent me was rather
indefinite. At present he had no proper copy of what books he
wished to give me. He would have one prepared and delivered to
me afterwards. I was extremely affected by this interview with the
Lama. I could have wept through strangeness of sensation. I was
Ch. VI.] VISIT TO A MAD MANDARIN. 267
absqjbed in reflections when I got home. I wrote this memoran
dum (see great book).1
I strove to draw the Lama ; and though very inexpert with the
pencil, I produced a beautiful face, but it did not satisfy me. I
drew another which I could not make handsome, yet there was in
some respects a likeness in it which the other wanted. From the
two together, and instructions from me, a skilful painter might
make a good picture of him.
I had now a great many applications made to me as a phy
sician. As I took no fee, people came with the most trifling com
plaints, and some invented a complaint, perhaps merely to have a
lounge and see me. It was great trouble. I was obliged to give
every one something, and the making up of so much physic was a
heavy burden upon me. There was a great mandarin who had been*
long unwell, and unable to discharge the duties of his office. He
was a little insane, his servants said. They wished me to see him.
I found him not a little insane, but good humoured. He was un
combed, unwashed, besHmed with his own spittle and dirt, storming
and scolding, and almost intractable. I was very ready to attend him
as physician. If I could make a cure of him, my Munshi said, it
would be nothing to ask him to get me admitted to Peking : he was
of a great and rich family. His servants also said, if I could cure
him I might have whatever I asked for, and a grand Chinese title
bestowed upon me; but first it was necessary to ask the Tatar
mandarin whether he approved of my being called in. Now, the
Tatar dog and the crackbrained mandarin were bitter enemies.
The Tatar wished for nothing better than the death of the other.
He was applied to. He said, as I did not profess myself certain of
curing him, it was better not to make the attempt. He neither
gave his consent nor refused it, I believe; so the mandarin's
servants begged of me to visit their master by night. They would
send me a horse and guide. The mad mandarin seemed rather to
take a liking to me ; he had me sit down, ordered tea for me, told
me long unintelligible stories, and when I offered to go was uneasy,
1 From great book: 1st Dec, 17th Very happy to have seen him and his
of tenth Moon. This day I saluted the blessed smile. Hope often to see him
Grand Lama ! Beautiful youth. Face again.— T. M.
poetically affecting; could have wept.
268 ATTENDANCE ON A MAD MANDARIN. [Ch. VI.
and bid me sit awhile. Sometimes he broke out into exclamations
against his servants, and ordered them out of the room. They
treated him very ill, I thought ; they laughed at him in his hear
ing, and made various irritating speeches to him for the pleasure,
it seemed, of hearing him storm. Sometimes he broke out into
invectives and abuse against the Tatar, and ordered his imaginary
attendants to take him and kiU him. I found he had not a single
trusty servant or attendant about him. His nearest friends were
foolish young serving men. It was difficult to give him physic ;
and the ignorance and stupidity of these men made it the more so.
If he had had an old woman about him I could have managed
better. After I had attended him two or three times, his people
thought him better. I thought so too : he was more composed, and
his eyes were less wild. I gave him then a few grains of calomel,
but I could not make out from his stupid people whether he had
taken it or not. They said he had, but as no effect ensued, I did
not believe them. I gave him another small dose, and upon that
his mouth was affected. To see what might be the cause, I made
them give him physic in my presence, and found that they suffered
him to retain a part in his mouth and leave the rest at the bottom
of the cup. A few grains of calomel rubbed against the palate
with the tongue will quickly excite soreness of the gums. His
gums swelled and bled a little, and he had a shght salivation. He
was cast down, and much quieter than before. His servants were
now afraid of giving him more physic. I did not press it. I
stiU continued to visit him — by stealth, if in the daytime — stepping
into another near house first, and sending to inquire if any of the
Tatar's spies were about the premises, waiting till they were gone,
when an accident put an end to my attendance.
A Chinaman under confirmed dropsy had applied to me. I
administered calomel, and two or three small doses of digitalis.
The swelling somewhat subsided; his health and spirits were
better. One morning his boy came to our lodging, just as we were going
out, and said something to our servant, who did not explain it to
me. I thought he came to inquire whether there was any physic
for his master, as he was an idle lad, frequently moving backwards
and forwards between my lodging and his master's. I was that
Ch. VI. J DEATH OF A PATIENT. 269
day^going out to the mUitary show I have before mentioned, to see
plays acted. There was a large temple at the station, dedicated
to the God of War ; and after the Chinese exercises were over, it
was customary to make certain thank-offerings in this temple, and
act plays before it. It was also considered as a sort of farewell to
that portion of Chinese soldiers whose time of foreign service was
expired, and who were in a few days to leave Lhasa in order to
return to their native country. Here I stayed all day, some of the
minor mandarins inviting me and my Munshi to partake of their
dinner, which was excellent. When I came home in the evening I
was taken unwell. I was feverish, and had pain in my limbs.
I had been too much exposed to the cold, and had sat with my ears
uncovered the whole day. I was obliged to go to bed. Presently
after comes the sick man's boy again, begging me to go to his
master. Now I heard what I ought to have been told in the morning.
The sick man had that morning found himself much better, and
had indulged himself in eating an enormous quantity of beef. This
beef disagreed with him, and he was in great pain and uneasiness.
This was the story of the morning. If the case had been stated
to me I should have gone to him immediately. Now I was in
bed, Ul. It was night and cold. The very action of rising and
dressing myself in my cold exposed room would be hazardous for
me. What to do I did not know. To go to him was impossible ; to
give him anything strong without first seeing him I dared not. I
considered that above twelve hours had elapsed since he had
eaten this beef. I thought a moderate dose of calomel was the
best thing I could send him. I had no rhubarb by me. The next
mornmg, as the barber was shaving my Munshi, I being stiU in
bed, he informed us the man was dead. I was very much vexed,
though I had nothing on my conscience. I did not inquire into
particulars. I believe he had risen in the night and the exertion
was too great for his strength.
When I got up I went, by appointment, to visit the .crazy
mandarin, calling first at the house of rendezvous. The master
of it, who was one of my patients, said nothing about his com
plaints. I understood him at once. He did not wish to have
any more of my physic. This was very weU. He was above sixty,
paralytic, growing blind, and, in short, having all the infirmities
270 CONFESSIONS OF THE MAD MANDARIN. [Ch. VI.
of age coming on. Such a patient could do me no credit, nor
could I do him much service. This man had a beard of about an
inch and a half long, consisting of about twenty or thirty hairs.
He was never a minute without feeling and adjusting this trifling
appendage to his chin. He had a comb perpetuaUy suspended at
his breast, which every now and then he appHed and drew through
the spare hairs without any resistance. These short hairs would
no more entangle than the five fingers of his hand ; but this was
his constant occupation. He must have thought me very neglectful
of my long tangling beard. He never saw me touch it, except by
accident ; and as for comb, I did not carry one about me. After I
had sat here a little while, one of the crazy mandarin's servants came,
and said I could not see his master that morning ; the head servant
was out, and the others dared not act without his being present.
This again I understood, and was glad to find an opportunity of
discontinuing my visits. Though 1 was afterwards sent for when
the effects of the calomel in his mouth were over, and they found he
was not hurt, yet I never would go again. He needed physic;
but he had no friend, no good attendant. They neither knew
what to give him to eat nor drink, nor how to administer the
most trifling medicine. About a month after I heard he gradually
grew worse and worse, came to the last stage of derangement, and
not long after died. His guilty conscience accused him during
his illness. In his mad fits he confessed the bribes he had taken,
mentioned the sum, and offered to restore it. As the story of
these bribes is rather curious, and the events connected with
them had considerable influence at Lhasa, I shall relate the whole
according to the best information I could obtain.
Ch, VII.] AN UPRIGHT MAGISTRATE.
271
CHAPTEE VII.
STORY OF THE RIOT — EXECUTION OF A GOOD MANDARIN.
The year before I visited Lhasa, a Chinese soldier had a dispute
with a lama about the right to pass the bridge without paying
toll. The lama was the bridge-keeper, and refused to let him pass
— pushed him back, perhaps. A scuffle ensued. The Chinaman drew
his sword and stabbed the lama, so that he died of his wounds.
Now, to kill a lama is heinous in Tibet. Murmurs and dis
content arose ; and one evening a very large body of lamas
(who were joined by others) proceeded to a street where lived
a number of Chinese shopkeepers, broke down and dismantled
about forty shops, and laying hold of one unfortunate Chinaman,
who for some cause or another had neglected to get out of the way,
stoned him to death. The matter was now serious indeed. The
murder of a Chinaman by a Tibetan might call down heavy
vengeance from the Chinese government. The Tibet mandarins
dreaded having the affair represented to the Emperor. They
exerted themselves to bribe the great mandarins to hush it up.
They succeeded with the three principal ones — with the Tatar, with
the afterwards crazy mandarin, and with another since deposed and
degraded — but faded with the fourth. This fourth, according to the
Chinamen, had an excellent character ; was the only upright man
darin in Lhasa. He was, they say, a really learned man, and was
raised to his rank solely by his merit. This mandarin declared that
a riot of this nature could not be passed over unrepresented to the
Emperor in other than its true colours. The Tibet magistrates had
hired or trepanned a poor fellow to have his head shaved and
assume the dress of a lama, and to be given up as the culprit who
had occasioned the death of the Chinaman. When this supposi
tious culprit was brought before the upright mandarin, he declared
it was a mockery, and refused to go through the business. He
would not sign his name to the papers that the other three sent to
272 A JUDICIAL MURDER. [Ch. VII
Peking, but declared that he would stand alone and himself represent
the matter faithfully to the Emperor. What was to be done ? This
was dangerous to the others. Would they come over to the side
of truth ? No ; the bribes prevaUed, and they conspired against the
life of this upright magistrate. They suborned some wretched
Chinaman to depose that he lent out the public money at interest.
He was treasurer. They accused him to the Emperor in the most
aggravating manner, as if he was the occasion of discontents at
Lhasa, and they stopped and suppressed the letters he sent to
Peking. It is said the Tatar was the chief instigator, and per
suaded the other two to lend their names. The Emperor in wrath
sent an order for his immediate execution. The soldiery and the
Chinamen were in consternation. He was beloved, they say, and
universaUy esteemed. They petitioned for him in a body, but in
vain : he fell a sacrifice by the hands of the executioner to intrigue
and revenge. At Lhasa these scandalous proceedings of the man
darins greatly alienated the reverence of the Tibet people for the
Chinese and Chinese government. It is said they were much more
humble in presence of the Chinese a year or two ago than now.
This humility and reverence may be brought back again, I suppose ;
no doubt it fluctuates, and depends on the character of the resident
mandarin. The Emperor was soon informed of his error. The
Szechuen Tsinto delivered in memorials on the subject. The
Lhasa mandarins were accused. One was soon deposed and ordered
to Peking, where he was utterly disgraced and stripped of his
honours and titles, and reduced to the level of a common China
man. The Tatar was under continual apprehensions of being
served the same. He had other charges against him besides this of
disguising the riot and falsifying the character of the beheaded
mandarin. He often bewailed his fate, and his apprehensions were
not groundless ; for the second or third month of my residence at
Lhasa came the decree ordering him to give up his seals of office as
soon as the mandarin should arrive who was to supersede him, and
then to go immediately to Peking. The Chinese did not conceal
their satisfaction at this decree ; they hope and expect he will be
disgraced and degraded as soon as he appears before the Emperor.
The above is the account given by the Chinese and collected by
my Munshi. The story was related to me somewhat differently
Ch. VIL] BAD CHARACTER OF CHINESE AT LHASA. 273
by Tibetans, of whom I afterwards made inquiries. They stated the
dispute not to be about a bridge, but about something else that the
Chinese soldier demanded, and for which he could show no licence.
They said that it was notoriously true that the executed mandarin
lent out the pubHc money, and they believed that the after depo
sition of the second mandarin was not occasioned by the steps they
had taken to get him condemned. Both these accounts may be
true in the essentials. The executed mandarin very likely lent out
the public money at interest, and yet his fault was aggravated to
the Emperor, because he would not sign his name to their fictitious
account of the riot. The Tibetans speak less unfavourably of the
Tatar than the Chinese do. He is impartial, they say, in Httle
causes and disputes between a Chinaman and a Tibetan. This
conduct would naturally gain him the iU-will of the Chinese — who,
being the master nation, no doubt wish to be on the right side in
all appeals — and the good-will of the Tibetans. The Chinese say,
he is severe and harsh with them, and favours the Tibetans, and
there are stories that justify this accusation of excessive severity,
whether Chinese or Tibetan. I never heard anyone speak posi
tively weU of him, or deny that he was a bad man. From every
thing I heard I could safely draw this conclusion : that the great
mandarins at Lhasa were generally rogues and scoundrels.
Some say it was these transactions that first unsettled the senses
of the mandarin, who afterwards grew crazy. He alluded to them
in his illness, and was at bitter enmity with the Tatar. He abused
him to his face when officially visited by him, and behind his back
also. I have myself heard him more than once. I have mentioned
before that he stated the sum he had received in silver : " I had but
300 taels ; here, take them back," he frequently exclaimed. His
share of the hush money, they say, was 300 taels, and three
valuable cap-button jewels. Lhasa being a miserable place to live
in, for a great mandarin to be sent there is considered a sort of
banishment, and there seldom come any except culprits. The
Tatar was a culprit at Canton. His successor, I hear, is likewise
from Canton, and has there been guilty of some fault, though the
Chinese give him a good general character. The crazy mandarin
was a culprit. After he became insane, and grew worse and worse,
the others advised the Emperor of it, and asked leave for him to go
274 CHINESE OFFICIALS AT LHASA. [Ch. VII.
home. The Emperor answered, it was sham madness: he only
was uneasy at being separated so long from his famUy, and anxious
to get home ; that he had not yet expiated his offence, and should
stay three years longer. The answer arrived a few days after the
poor man was dead.
It is very bad policy thus perpetually to send men of bad
character to govern Tibet. It no doubt displeases the Grand Lama
and Tibetans in general, and tends to prevent their affections from
setthng in favour of the Chinese government. I cannot help
thinking, from what I have seen and heard, that they would view
the Chinese influence in Tibet overthrown without many emotions
of regret ; especially if the rulers under the new influence were to
treat the Grand Lama with respect, for this is a point in which
these haughty mandarins are somewhat deficient, to the no smaU
dissatisfaction of the good people of Lhasa. I myself have heard
Lhasa men inveigh against them for their disrespectful deportment
before him.
The Tatar mandarin, hearing that a great many Chinamen
came to me for medical advice, signified his displeasure to
his people; and though he did not forbid anyone to come,
many were thus deterred, to my great relief; for now only
such came as had any real complaint sufficient to justify them.
My Tibet patients increased, and I was very successful, particularly
in coughs, indigestion, and slight disorders of the eyes. Numbers
of the monks are afflicted with indigestion and disorders of the
alimentary canal, occasioned, as they themselves know, by feeding
principally on parched barley flour. This parched barley flour they
moisten in their cups with suchi, make up into a dough cake, and
thus eat it in its crude state. A large quantity of it, I know by
experience, is difficult to digest ; besides, what the poor people get
is often made of bad and blighted barley, and is doubly injurious.
Disorders in the eyes are very frequent in Lhasa. Some attribute
them to the cold winds, and to remaining too long in the temples.
I think there is some other cause : something in the water or in
the salt they use.
Ch. VIII.] VISITED BY SPIES. 275
CHAPTEE VIII.
RESIDENCE AT LHASA.
We were not many days in Lhasa before I found we had spies about
us. One day came several Chinamen from the tribunals, and among
them a Httle mandarin. He was vastly civil, vastly inquisitive.
One begged me to write a sentence for him in my character, which
I willingly did. They made Munshi go over the whole story ;
where he came from, and what places he had passed through. As
soon as they were gone I said they were spies ; and the next day
the little mandarin came again, and put more questions to
Munshi, and confessed he was sent by the Tatar. Afterwards
there used to come people, one man at a time, of evenings.
Munshi received them in his room, while I sat quiet in mine.
They would stay a most unreasonable time, and at coming and
going, as if by mistake, open my door, and take a survey, to see if
I conspired with anyone of nights. They never found anyone in
my room ; my patients I always bid come by day, and nobody else
at that time visited me. I always knew by the opening of my
door what sort of man Munshi had with him. Certainly my bile
used to rise when the hounds looked into my room. Sarcastic
speeches in English and Latin came to my tongue's end, but I was
not sufficiently master of Chinese to turn them, without being
gross. It was better for me, perhaps, to say nothing. When I
observed to my Munshi, " You have had a spy with you this evening,"
he generally aUowed it was true ; but some of them, he said, came
with friendly intentions, or simply to chat. I begged of him to
beware of aU night friends that stayed an unreasonable time. I
believe he was very cautious.
The Tatar mandarin detested the Europeans. They were the
cause, he said, of all his misfortunes. He frequently betrayed his
apprehensions of me. Sometimes he said I was a missionary, and
at other times a spy. " These Europeans are very formidable ; now
t 2
276 SUBJECTED TO INTERROGATORIES. [Ch. VIII.
one man has come to spy the country he wiU inform others.
Numbers will come, and at last they wiU be for taking the country
from us." Though I passed for a Calcutta man, we could not
conceal that Calcutta (in Bengal) was under the English. Inge-
likus (English kingdom) was a detestable sound in his ears. The
bright comet which had appeared for so many months was con
nected with my coming, and foreboded something bad, he thought.
He inquired of the Lhasa astronomers whether it was visible in
my country ; they, either from ignorance or designedly, answered
it was not. This information, I suppose, took a little weight off
his mind. A story got about, and came to our ears more than
once, that we were both of us to be examined by torture. Though
I never for a moment apprehended being put to the question, yet
the word was unpleasant, and it proved with what ill-wiU and
jealousy we were viewed by one, at least, of the great mandarins.
The other Tajin, we were told, sometimes joined with the Tatar in
his invectives against the Europeans, and his suspicions of us, and
sometimes softened his observations. The Tatar would have seen
me executed with the greatest pleasure, I be ieve; and the other
would have looked on without objection or remorse. The third
mandarin (a great rogue) declared his opinion, sometimes, that we
were not weU treated to be thus examined and cross-examined ; for
my Munshi had been several times before the Tajin to be interro
gated, though always with the appearance of civihty; and after
some days a paper was brought and shown him for his approval,
containing the substance of his answers, his declaration of who he
was, and where he had been. This was to be sent to the Emperor.
I being a foreigner the interrogations did not come directly to
me, but my name and declaration of myself were included in them.
Thus we were announced to the Emperor. Various were the
reports as to the wording of this communication ; some said it was
a simple statement ; others without aggravation ; others said that
Munshi was denounced as having left his country and fled to
foreigners, and conspired with them. The fault they could lay
hold of was his having left Canton, and gone to a foreign kingdom
without leave. This in strictness is an offence, but the magnitude
of it depends upon the good or ill-wiU of the mandarins who take
cognizance of it. It is committed by thousands yearly, and the
Ch. VIIL] HOPES OF CONTINUING THE JOURNEY. 277
mandarins wink at it ; but they have a rod in their hands, which
they can use if they think fit. The mandarin at Giansu spoke of
this emigration as a thing of course, and that could not be avoided.
China was overstocked with men; employment full, and people
would go where they could get a livelihood. If the mandarins at
Lhasa had been good-natured, this flying the kingdom would not
have been brought into question. Munshi might have been
suffered to go back with me, with orders to return to Canton, or we
might both have had our routes assigned, through Szechuen to
Canton, for me to proceed from Canton to Calcutta. The second
Tajin mentioned this sometimes in his conversations with Munshi.
He said, "You had better not go back by Calcutta, and over the sea."
Munshi confessed he had great horror of the sea, and should
prefer going immediately to his own country through Tibet ; but
he had promised the Lama (meaning me) to come and return with
him. These were the conditions : how could he leave the Lama to
go back alone ? The mandarin said, the Lama might go by
Canton likewise. " But," says Munshi, " he is a foreigner ; I
thought it was contrary to by x (custom) for a foreigner to enter
China." "Oh," says the mandarin, "that is nothing; that can
easily be got over." 2
Thus I had hopes of being invited (or ordered) to return by
China ; their jealousy, I hoped, might lead them to wish me not
again to visit the passes of Bhutan, nor return by Nepal. I was
asked sometimes by Chinamen whether I should return by Szechuen,
and my Munshi had that question often put to him. Some
thought I should return that way; others the way I came. I
always answered cautiously : " Szechuen ! oh, that is a long way
about, and I am a foreigner ! " For we could not always tell
who were spies and who not; nor was it easy to penetrate into
what the mandarins' real intentions and wishes were. They might
have information from Canton, from the missionaries or others,
that I had been there, for the purpose of entering China; and their
civU speeches might be a snare laid for me. And here I must
observe how unfortunately things turned out for me. To proceed
1 By, approved usage, rites, &c. — enough. It is only the Europeans that
T. M. are strictly barred out. — T. M.
2 The Asiatics enter China easily
278 APPREHENSIONS OF DANGER. [Ch. VIII.
to Lhasa with design of getting into China was not altogether a
hopeless errand. If there were many chances against me, there were
some for me. Good-natured mandarins ; success in administering
medicine to some great personage ; the introduction of the vaccine ;
favour with the Grand Lama; a douceur to some merchant or
petty officer, and permission to travel with the Tibet merchants to
SeHng x — manoeuvres, may be imagined, which would have favoured
my design, and which, though not very probable, were possible. I
was never confident of success. I had sufficient hopes to make the
journey seem not unreasonable, and I ventured the trial.
The reports of the manner in which he was mentioned to the
Emperor, though uncertain, made my Munshi very uneasy. He tried
to get a sight of the recorded copy of the letter, but was unable. If
he really was represented as a runaway, associating himself with
foreigners, a decree might come ordering, or, at least, authorizing,
his execution. Nor did he think it at aU impossible that I might
have the same fate. It would be strange for a foreigner to come to
a place by permission, and afterwards, without having committed
any offence, to be punished in that manner. But the Tatar was a
strange man ; had already at Lhasa done strange things ; not only
the persecution and execution of the upright mandarin, but many
other unreasonable actions. He hated the English and all that were
in any way connected with them. If he had the power put into
his hands, who could say that he would not use it ; and what
resource could I have? All this was very true, and very un
pleasant. I never could, even in idea, make up my mind to submit
to an execution with firmness and manliness. The sight of the
despotic pomp of mandarins at Canton, where I was perfectly
secure, has almost turned me sick. What I read of their absolute
power, not only in China, but in various Asiatic countries, has
always appalled me. I put myself in imagination into the situation
of the prisoner accused ; I suppose myself innocent ; I look round ;
I have no resource, no refuge ; instruments of torture, instruments
of execution are brought by florid, high-cheeked, busy, grinning,
dull-hearted men ; no plea avails ; no kind judge to take my part,
as in England, but, on the contrary, because I am accused (and
' Sining.
Ch. VIII.] APPREHENSIONS OF DANGER. 279
perhaps by my judge) I am presumed guilty. They harshly and
inevitably examine, not to discover whether I be guilty or not,
but in order to force out the conclusion that I am guilty. I am
before evU-minded men, void of conscience, who proceed according
to the forms, and violate the spirit of justice — no honest jury, who
wiU incline to mercy when the man's character is good, and when
the imputed crime is not heinous in its own nature, but only by
the accidental regulations of society. If one is before a generous-
minded man, who is wantonly exercising his power, one may
appeal to what is noble in his nature, and excite a flame that will
dissipate his malice and dark suspicions ; but these evil-minded men,
who outwardly are perfect politeness, and inwardly are perfect
selfishness, have no touchwood in their heart ; nothing for the spark
to catch hold of; one may as well strike fire against the barren sand
as appeal to their hearts. This friendlessness, this nothingness of
the prisoner is what sickens me to think of.1 I had rather be
eaten up by a tiger than fall into such a situation and be con
demned. I own I push this dread too far. Death is death ; the
form ought not to make so great an impression; but this super
stition, to which, perhaps, my mind is by its natural texture prone,
has grown upon me by reading and meditation. I have often striven
to rectify my sensations, often, often, at Lhasa ; but the associations
are too strong to be thoroughly disengaged, though I hope and
believe I can so far master them as to be able to submit to any fate
without acting like a coward. I mention my weakness in order to
point out that the occurrences at Lhasa, those which I have already
1 There are two other ideas which his hand against the child's breast. At
aggravate tlie uneasiness. First, the another time he is absolutely on the
idea of possible loopholes to escape at, threshold, almost free— he is pulled
which, when tried, all fail, and yet can- back by the coats. As often as he
not be given up, but still present them- tries to escape, so often are his hopes
selves to the mind as possible ; as when dashed, and still the fictitious security
a child is detained by an ill-natured, and carelessness of the other delude
grown-up person in order to be terrified, him. Secondly, the idea of the apparent
in a place with many outlets ; he sees folly of losing his life in this manner
the way to escape and cannot give up may have been no folly. Balancing
the idea He creeps to a door ; the the object against the probable danger,
other is looking out of a window, or it may have been a fair venture ; but
pretending not to think of the child; those who regret his loss will never
but in a moment with his long legs think so. This he knows, and the idea
stalks up to him, and bars his exit with is very pamful.-T. M.
280
ALTERCATION WITH "A PATIENT. [Ch. VIII.
mentioned, and others which will hereafter appear in this narrative,
were sufficient causes of uneasiness to me. I did not enter upon
my journey without some apprehensions of danger. Bhutan was
dangerous. Those who ought to know declared they would not,
upon any account, trust themselves into the hands of the Bhutanese
in the manner I was going to trust myself. These declarations
made an impression on me. I balanced, I examined in my mind
over and over again what the danger was. I concluded there was
some, but not sufficient to justify me in abandoning my object,
which was a moral view of China ; its manners ; the actual degree
of happiness the people enjoy ; their sentiments and opinions, so far
as they influence life ; their literature ; their history ; the causes of
their stabUity and vast population ; their minor arts and con
trivances ; what there might be in China worthy to serve as a
model for imitation, and what to serve as a beacon to avoid.
The unpleasant reports and consequent uneasiness I have been
describing belong to aU that period of our residence at Lhasa, from
a few days after our arrival, to the receipt of the Emperor's answer
to the mandarins' report of us. I shaU now go back and narrate in
order such other events as occurred worthy of notice.
I had at my first coming signified that I gave my advice and
medicines gratis in aU cases except for certain specified diseases ;
for these I would be paid twenty coins. This I let them suppose
was on account of the dearness of the medicines to be used in
these cases. I had but my sitting, sleeping, and eating room
to receive my patients in, and they came at all times in the
morning. Some applied with whom I began a course. They
did not pay me the first day. I supposed they had not the
money ready in their pockets. But after two or three days,
finding nothing forthcoming, upon my explicitly declaring that
I had not changed my plan, they dropped off. One man, after
three or four days, brought me three coins wrapped up in a
piece of paper. This I refused, tellmg him he knew it was not
accordmg to my conditions. He remonstrated, saying he would pay
me as his case proceeded ; that it was very hard to pay before-hand.
I said I did not take money for the cure. I would have twenty
coins first ; cured or not cured, it was the same. He asked me if I
was certain I could cure him. I said I was not. Then he continued
Ch. VIIL] ALTERCATION WITH A PATIENT. 281
his remonstrance in a tone of murmur and dissatisfaction which
began to be very disagreeable. I told him I had no ways injured
him ; if he thought fit to be off he was welcome to the physic he
had taken. I should not receive anything for it. I did not at all
wish for patients of that sort. He might go to some other
physician, and act as if I was not at Lhasa. No : he wished to go
on with my medicines ; but I was very hard. The more gentle
and forbearing I was, the more impertinent he grew. He began to
thump the table and push the money towards me, appealing to
other Chinamen who were now come in, and who were listening
to the dialogue. My Munshi was growing angry. So was I.
At last he struck or pushed the table with a violence that endangered
the oversetting a box containing phials of medicine, and various
pUls. I could bear it no longer. I snatched up his dirty paper
of money, flung it out of the door, and bid him go after it. He
turned pale with anger; he advanced towards me in a menacing
manner. I was on my legs in a moment and fronted him firmly.
I told him if he came near me with his insolence, by heaven ! I would
knock him down. I believe I spoke English or Latin in my anger;
but he pretty well understood me ; he faltered, and was glad, I
beheve, to have the other Chinamen interfere. One laid hold of
him, another fetched him the money. The most respectable among
them came to me, begged me to be pacified and to sit down, which
I did. The man poured out a torrent of abuse against me and my
Munshi, very little of which I understood. They soon had him
out of the room. As he passed my window he renewed his abuse,
and dropped a word or two about going to the mandarin. But in
this my Munshi, who was now completely angry, meant to be
beforehand with him.
I afterwards found that my conduct was considered as very
bold ; to fling a Chinaman's money out of the door : I not being
a Chinaman. My Munshi did not blame me : he said it was
going too far. I said I had borne him with the greatest patience
and good humour, but the more I forbore the more insolen the
grew. It was not in a European's nature to forbear further
than I did. I do not think that my boldness (if boldness it was,
for. really I saw none in it) did me any harm. The story was
soon known to all the Chinamen in Lhasa, I suppose ; and I
282 NEW LODGINGS. [Ch. VIII.
have heard one teU it to another adverting to me with marks of
respect. Those who were eye-witnesses clearly saw that I was not
afraid of the man, but should give him as good as he brought, if he
had the insolence to touch me ; and they certainly did not think
the less handsomely of me for that. I never afterwards had any
fracas at Lhasa with any man, Chinese or not.
The next morning my Munshi went to complain of him at the
tribunal. The sub-mandarin said it was too small an offence to be
punished; that he would admonish the man privately, and order him
to come and ask our pardons. Whether ordered or not the man
never came, nor was I at all desirous that he should. I saw no
more of him.
A soldier and his wife occupied two rooms contiguous to ours ;
his time was expired, and he was one of the party about to return
to China. We agreed to take these two rooms as soon as he went,
and after some altercation with the woman of the house (who was
a cross-patch), and a reference to the Thalung, we hired them at
the same easy rent as the soldier lived under, viz. four coins
(2s. 8d.) per month. The whole building, in fact, belonged to the
magistrates, only the woman who had the care and management of
it had the privilege of taking a smaU rent. We continued on our
great room as hitherto, and which we afterwards exchanged for a
smaller one, close to the two others, to the mutual accommodation
of the woman of the house and ourselves. My Munshi and I had
now each of us a room to ourselves, but I was obHged for a long
time still to lie on the hobbly floor, as my bedstead, though boarded
in the middle, was now built up with mud, which dried very slowly,
and I was afraid to He in it while any dampness remained. I
opened a window to the south, which my predecessor, from some
superstitious motive, had blocked up. The sun now for a month or
two shone in upon me good part of the day ; but afterwards, as
the spring advanced, coming into the south higher and higher, his
rays fell shorter and shorter on my floor ; and before April arrived,
as the waU was thick and the window had a small penthouse over
it, he entirely ceased to appear for a single moment in my room.
I was unwell during the time our new rooms were getting ready.
Munshi and the servant were very busy for two or three days, plaster
ing and papering up the rents and bad places. As they prepared
the room for me so I took it, never afterwards making any altera-
Ch. VIII.] UNABLE TO TAKE OBSERVATIONS. 283
tions or adorning it, though it was still in a miserable, tattered con
dition. Not so my Munshi : he embellished his in various ways,
until it reminded me of a Httle milliner's back parlour. A glass here,
something suspended by a ribbon there ; over all a watch, seal, and
ribbon hung gracefully on a little peg. The Chinese are very fond
of little decorations, and very dexterous in disposing them nattily.
I had a smaU sextant with me, and an excellent timepiece watch,
and I much wished, now the sky remained clear and cloudless,
to take a few observations ; but the aperture of my window was
too smaU, and I was too subject to interruption. Our lodging
had indeed a commodious flat roof, where I could have taken
them easily enough; but it would have been madness in me to
suffer anyone to see me looking at the heavens through an astro
nomical instrument. I might perhaps in the night time have
observed some of the stars without being observed myself, but it
was hazardous, besides I was now very ill with the acute rheu
matism, fits of which came on every evening, and lasted until towards
morning. There was nothing I could do for geography that would
compensate the risk I must run. It was not for the sake of finding
the latitude and longitude of Lhasa that I wished to take observa
tions, for they are pretty well ascertained ; but for the sake of regu
lating my watch, and having a point to set off from, in case I
should go towards Szechuen, whereby I might determine nearly the
situation of some of the principal towns on the road.
In the daytime, when these rheumatic fits had subsided, my
general health seemed pretty good, and I trusted for many, many
days that my constitution would of itself shake off the complaint ;
but I was forced at last to have recourse to medicine. Camphor
and opium pills seemed greatly to relieve me. Antimony I thought
serviceable. I took a dose of Dover's powders, after which I was
much better; yet, I. do not know whether to attribute my amend
ment to the medicine, as it operated under circumstances peculiarly
unfavourable. It is highly proper after taking Dover's powders to
drink plentifuUy of diluting liquor. I took my dose before the fit
came on, and after a short time went to bed. I ordered my half-
caste Tibet lad to bring me rice gruel. He brought me two or
three small basins full ; after which he absolutely and obstinately
refused to obey my caUs. I repeated these calls twenty or thirty
times, raising my voice until I could be heard over all the neigh-
284 TROUBLES WITH SERVANTS. [Ch. VIII.
bourhood. I began now to be in a perspiration; partly from anger
I believe, and partly from the medicine. My Munshi thrusts his
head in at my door with a cross and discontented countenance, and
teUs me, with a peevish accent, that the servant said I had had
enough ! I told him I had taken medicine, and judged I had. not
drank enough ; that I was in a perspiration, and loath to get up ;
but, if I was forced to it, I would give the feUow a good beating.
" You can't strike anyone here in Lhasa." " Can't ? Oh, we wiU
see." — " You can't," with angry accent. " But I will beat him." —
" You can't." x These words we bandied about for a minute or two.
I sometimes singing or chanting my responses, and he mocking
me as closely as his choking anger would permit him. What a
kind friend I had in my illness ! After he was gone, I continued
for some time to caU the servant ; but finding it in vain, I slipped on
my robe, and walked out into the kitchen. There were both the
servants cowering over a pan of embers : not gone to bed. I stepped
up to the Tibet lad who ought to have answered my call, and
fetched him a box on the ear that roused him presently. He
started up and ran away. It was too cold, and I too unweU to
run after him. I addressed myself to the Chinese, and sharply
remonstrated with him for his brutality. I told him if he did not
immediately make me something warm I would turn him away
the next morning ; that I knew what I was saying, and he might
depend upon it I would be as good as my word. Then I went
back to bed. I heard them afterwards unbar the gate, and go out,
so I suppose they were short of water. They soon brought me tea
in plenty. I took no notice to Munshi of his beastly, muhsh behaviour.
Long, long after I had occasion to say something in praise of
the Tibet fellow. I observed that he was not sulky ; that after
receiving a scolding he was more attentive and well behaved.
After I gave him that box on the ear, he was remarkably sub
missive next day, and ready to serve me. "When did you ever
strike him ! " exclaimed my Munshi, in great surprise. " Why,"
said I (affecting great coolness, and speaking in a tone as if I was
telling him a story he was unacquainted with), "one night I had
1 In Latin, he used the words " non potes." He ought to have said, " non
licet." My response was, " at verberabo." — T. M.
Ch. VIII.] A LADY PATIENT. 285
taken physic, and wanted something to drink. I caUed him over
and over again. He would not come near me. I got up, went to
the kitchen, and fetched him a swinging box on the ear." Munshi
did not answer a word. The servants, I suppose, had never men
tioned the blow to him, and he had thought I had not dared to put
in execution the threat I had repeated so often and so positively.
Now at once he saw the whole in its true Hght ; his own miserable
peevishness no doubt came to his mind — for he was aware his
temper was none of the sweetest — and he was .ashamed. I turned
the discourse to something else.
The season was now come when the Grand Lama annually
retires from the world for a month or more, and devotes himself
to religious exercises. The interpreter gave me notice, in order
that I might see him before he withdrew from the public; but
upon my telling him I should stay at Lhasa until the cold weather
was over, he said I had better defer it until the Lama came out
again. In the meantime I recover my health perfectly, and became
rather happy, strong, and weU. One of the Thalungs about this
time wished me to see his mother, who had an ailment in her eyes.
I went with my Munshi. We were received into a handsome
room, where I sat vis-a-vis with the dame for half an hour. She
was still young, plump, and rather handsome, and her face was
washed clean. She had a profusion of pearls on her head. Munshi
said they were real pearls. I thought from their multitude they
must some of them be artificial. Her female attendant stood titter
ing and giggling about, turning away the pretty faces when I
looked at them with a smUe, and again looking on giggling when
I closely inspected the dame's eyes. She had a slight speck
gathering in one of them, and the other was a little clouded. She
attributed it to staying too long at her devotions in the temple
with the cold wind blowing about her ; for she was very devout,
and was about to withdraw the very nex-t day, and retire to her
chamber for a month's praying, recitation, and mortification. I
told her I would send her a piU to take that evening, preparatory
to a lotion for the eyes, which she might use during her retire
ment. She seemed to think it would be a breach of the rules
of mortification to use medicine during that time. I tried to per
suade her to the contrary. After I had drank my suchi, as she
286 A VISIT FROM PRETTY GIRLS. [Ch. VIII.
had presented me with two or three little baskets of dried fruits, I
took my leave. I sent her the pill and the lotion, but I found
afterwards that she never took them. I had not promised that I
would cure her, and many of Lhasa, both Chinese and Tibetans,
are unwilling to take medicine unless they are assured of receiving
benefit from it. She satisfied her curiosity, if that was partly
her motive for sending for me, and I was very well pleased with
my visit. Just before this, I had two handsome, weU-dressed,
clean-washed lasses come to my lodging with their mother to
consult me. I could not find out that there was anything the
matter with them, except superabundance of health and spirits.
It was so long since I had seen female charms of this order that
feeling their pulses rather disordered my own. I asked them
many questions — not troublesome ones. They laughed and giggled.
What they answered I do not know. My Chinese servant was
interpreter, and though he spoke fluently, and never hesitated at
explaining anything that was put to him, he in fact understood
very little of the Tibet language. I gave them all something very
innocent, and after a few days they came again, and brought me
a present of some excellent mutton. They were welcome to come
as often as they Hked, without bringing mutton or anything but
their own pretty faces. I understood they were the family of
a rich Tibet merchant.
One of the Dalai Lama's physicians requested me to see to him.
He had an apartment in the palace. He sent a horse for me and an
other for my Munshi. We were conducted up the back of the moun
tain by a road, defended by a parapet waU, which winds up to the
palace, and thus were saved the fatigue of ascending the mountain
on foot. I found the physician in bed, supported by pillows. He
had a stiff neck and back, which he could not straighten, a swelling
in his knee, and general debUity of body and mind. I found he
had used fire for his neck. I gave him a Spanish-fly blister, which
he praised, and said was of benefit. I gave him an oily mixture for
an inward complaint, which speedily relieved him. But I found
afterwards that he had taken only half of it, and that other medi
cines I sent him he absolutely refused to take, in spite of the
remonstrances of his servants. He was childish, they said ; he did
not like the taste or the smell. I had used mint water : he did not Hke
Ch. VIIL] THE LAMA'S PHYSICIAN.
287
that. I advised him to drink a small quantity of wine every day.
That advice he consented to comply with. I visited him three or
four times. I had hopes of relieving him, and afterwards strengthen
ing 'him with bark, of which I had a good store by me ; but it was
impossible in his case to make him up medicines that had no taste.
I was compeUed to leave him to himself. He said, he would try
what prayers and recitations of the Lama would do for him, and
afterwards send for me again. I saw no more of him. I sometimes
inquired how he did, and was told he continued in the same weak,
lingering way. Long afterwards, upon seeing one of his acquaint
ances, he occurred to my mind. " How is that physician ? " He
held out four fingers, and signified that he had been dead so many
days. As it was perfectly well known that he did not take any of
my medicines after the first dose, which was of real service to him,
not the slightest blame was attached to me : it was lamented that he
had been so chUdish as to see me and not trust himself to my care.
I found that my patients often took the liberty of swerving from my
directions. If there were two pills, they would take one perhaps,
though they were utterly ignorant whether it was a strong or a weak
dose. As for a course of alteratives, I scarcely ever could get any
one to continue it above two or three days. Cases of complaints came
before me, some of which would no doubt have yielded to vitriolic acid
or to mercury, but I could not cure them with a single pill. A few
who had the sense to submit themselves entirely to my directions
were completely cured, and acknowledged it with gratitude and
thanks. My money now was getting very low. I had written to Eang
piir for a supply, but so long a time had elapsed without an answer
that I gave up all hopes from that quarter. I found it necessary to
seU such articles of apparel and other things as I could spare. I sold
some silk and crape I had brought with me, and which had escaped
the hands of the Bhutanese. I sold some sheets, a piece of cotton
cloth, gauze gowns, a belt with stone clasp, a large tea box, hand
kerchiefs, which I at first meant to have kept ; a few empty bottles ;
two or three bottles of cherry brandy, which I had offered to the
mandarins on my arrival and again on their birthdays, but which had
not been accepted ; a handsome opera -glass; a fan ; in short, every
thing I could muster up, except the clothes I should probably want
288 SECOND VISIT TO THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. VIII
to use, and a few keepsake trinkets1 that I was unwilling to part
with. Thus I raised a reasonable supply of money, and reduced my
baggage into a very smaU compass. I had informed the mandarins
and others that I expected money from Calcutta. As it did not
come, they knew I was rather straitened in my circumstances, and
if at last I should be forced to borrow it would not seem strange.
I managed so as to keep up a certain respectability ; and though I was
not invited anywhere to dinner (I do not know that it is the custom
in Lhasa, besides I was considered as a Lama), wherever I went
I was treated as a gentleman. I was glad to part with my foolish
dawdle of a Chinese servant, who ate up four taels of sUver for
me per month besides his food, and this without being of any
use. As he saw me selling off my things, and knew that my
finances were low, he could not be dissatisfied or think that I
treated the General's recommendation shghtingly. I lent him a
smaU sum of money, and he set up as a butcher, but he had neither
sense nor diligence enough to thrive in any line. He spent the
money idly and loosely, and soon gave up his new profession. Then
he sold cakes and sweetmeats; but that did not answer. When all
his money was gone, and his clothes becoming ragged, he took some
opportunity of returning to his dear Szechuen, which he extolled
as a paradise.
As soon as the Grand Lama came out from his retirement, I
went again to salute him. He was pale and worse in health,
I thought, for his seclusion. Nothing particular passed at this
interview. I took care this time to drink of his exceUent suchi as
nearly to the bottom of the cup as propriety would allow. He
made me a little present of rice and dried fruits. From his palace
I proceeded to that of the Ti-mu-fu. The Ti-mu-fu received me
very kindly, asked me many questions, and bid me come often. He
has nothing of the prince in his manner, being I think rather
vulgar, and laughing too often and too familiarly. He bears a good
character, and I should judge him to be a very good-natured kind-
hearted man. He gave me a bag of rice, and excused himself for
having nothing better to offer me.
1 1 afterwards gave them to the Grand loath to go empty handed, and was
Lama and Ti-mu-fu as a New Year's forced to sacrifice them. — T. M.
offering. I had nothing else. I was
Ch' VIII.] VISIT TO THE TEMPLES.
289
Iliave not yet visited the temples. I was very desirous of doing
it, but could find no person to go with me who could properly
explain things. My Munshi, too, was desirous that I should go,
and obliquely asked me several times whether I intended it. I could
not at first understand what his motive was ; but upon my declaring
my positive intention of going, he told me that the mandarins
and one of the Thalungs and their understrappers had several times
inquired of him whether I had yet paid my respects to -1
The mandarins, he said, were aware that the Catholics refused to
pay these respects ; consequently, if I went it would wipe off their
suspicions of my being a missionary. He could not go with me ;
he would not pay reverence to their saints if they were to kill him
for refusing. This speech had quite a contrary effect on me to
what he intended. I told him I did not know whether I should
or should not ; if it was expected of me, and if there were ceremonies
to go through with the image, I certainly should not go, unless I
found that they were considered as matters of course, and practised
by the mandarins and others who professedly were non-believers in
the religion of Tibet ; that the respect I had always professed for
their reHgion was sincere ; that I had never by any word or action
pledged myself to anything further, neither would I. I was very
glad, after inquiring, to find that this reverence to the image was
practised by the mandarins as a matter of course and pledged them
to nothing. Accordingly, one day I declared my intention of going next
morning, and that I would take my Tibetan servant with me, having
nobody better to attend me. No sooner was I ready and had stepped
out of my room, but out popped my Munshi from his with a
bunch of incense, which he whipped into the servant's hand.
I had half a mind to go back, but conquered my disgust, and
seemed not to see it. Then he asks me, " Have you got a scarf
with you ? "— " For what ? " " To offer to the saint."—" Pooh ! "
says I ; "I shaU give no scarf nor anything else. I know nothing
about it. I am a foreigner, and curious to see and learn everything.
1 This is the name of their great manuscript. The great religious law-
saint, or religious lawgiver. I never giver of the Yellow Cap sect, to which
could rightly make out his story .— T.M. the Dalai Lama belongs, was Tson-
The word is not clearly legible in the khapa. U
290 VISIT TO THE TEMPLES. [Ch. VIII.
Any form and ceremony that is required I shall go through, and
nothing further." I went to the temple; but it little answered
either my purpose or my Munshi's. My servant, who from his
childhood had been a neglected orphan, was ignorant as a beast. He
was nominally a Muhamrnadan, but utterly ignorant even of his
own religion. He so spleened me with his brutish ignorance and
hoggish answers, that I could not help speaking crossly, and this
before the images of the saints. There were hundreds of people in
the temple ; some gathered about me and seemed astounded at
my irreverent manner. There were two large figures of women
before the principal image. After I had made my salute to
him, which consisted of one ketese, I asked about these figures.
He returned the same general answer as for all the rest : he said
they were saint images. I again exclaimed against his ignorance
in a manner that did not befit the place. Some idle people laughed,
and others stared. I was really angry and vexed to think how
fruitless was all the trouble I took, and how impossible it was to
get anything explained. I took no notice of the incense ; my
servant stuck it where he liked. I meant to have told my Munshi
that the saint thanked him for his offering and hoped soon to see
him in person, as he was better pleased with his attentions than
with mine ; but Munshi on my return never asked me a single
question nor opened his lips on the subject. I heard him question
ing the servant. I dare say he was not at all pleased with the
account he heard.
In my way home I called in at a little Chinese temple, and also
made the shrine a Chinese salute, for I was determined to show
myself impartial to the saints. My servant seemed surprised. I
asked a few questions of the Chinese sexton, but learned nothing
curious. He offered to open other doors and show me aU that was
to be seen. I said I had no offering with me at present, and
that I would defer it till another opportunity.
The next day I visited another large temple, but made no salutes
or reverences. This was reported to Munshi by some Chinamen.
They said what a strange thing it was that the Lama (meaning me)
went to the temple without an offering, and without performing
ceremony. No doubt my Munshi made out the best account he
could for me to the Mandarin's people, and told them I had wor-
Ch. VIIL] TOLERATION. 291
shipped the saint in proper form. How delicate his conscience was !
So anxious to damn my soul in order to shelter his own carcass !
I had no more objection to bowing to the image than he had to a
paper, a roll, or other missive coming from the Emperor. When I
entered the temples in Bengal, if there were natives about, I always
made a salam. All religions as they are established have a mixture
in them of good and evil, and upon the whole they all perhaps tend to
civihze and ameliorate mankind : as such I respect them. As for
the common idea that the founders of all religions except our own
were impostors, I consider it as a vulgar error. I have expressed
this opinion long long before I had any thoughts of visiting Lhasa.
But my Munshi, being a Eoman Catholic, of course was utterly
intolerant to aU saints not in his own calendar. We are apt to
think the Muhamrnadan reHgion eminently intolerant ; but if it be
fairly examined it will be found much less so than the Eoman
Catholic, both in practice and in principle.
The new year approached: the season of congratulations, pomps,
and shows. If there was any Httle present I could make to the
Grand Lama and the Ti-mu-fu on New Year's day I was told it
would be acceptable.
Thus far written at Lhasa. The remainder from short notes
taken at Lhasa and from memory.
292 ANOTHER VISIT TO THE DALAI LAMA. [Ch. IX.
CHAPTEE IX.
FRAGMENTARY NOTES — RETURN JOURNEY.
The Tibetans do not use the Chinese kalends : they, have
astronomers and a calendar of their own. Their year commences
at the same time as the Chinese year, viz. the February new moon.
Their astronomical tables and precepts come from Chaking, they
say. If this be true, they are very old.1
Jan. 8 = 16th of twelfth moon. I visited the Lama and after
wards the Ti-mu-fu. He promised me books.
10th = 29th of twelfth moon. I visited the Lama unex
pectedly, and he gave me sacred leaves wrapped up in yeUow silk.
Feb. 12 = Chiz. New year.
As I wrote at the time, I have made observations which are in
correct, having been deceived. Example : I say, my servant took
an opportunity of returning to Szechuen. He told me he was
going, and mentioned some particulars. I afterwards found he
had deceived me, and stiU loitered in Lhasa. Perhaps his coming
to take leave of me was for the sake of a farewell present.
New year. I visited the Grand Lama on the last day of the
year and on New Year's day, and gave him a telescope.
I determined to ask leave to go back with Munshi and to
change our route, hoping to be asked to go by Canton.
1 The Tibetans have derived their as
tronomical knowledge both from Indian
and Chinese sources. The system formed
on the Indian principle is called Karsis, T , , ,, ,
and the mode of reckoning years in the In books they ™ke "^e of a cycle of
Chinese manner is called Naksis. The *?* 1™™ i **£. M & 1UnM ^
common mode of reckoning time among TlU\ mtercalary montlls for P««^ °f
the people is by the cycle of twelve mlffn years' onf month beinS in"
years, in which each year is denominated ferted eTeLy *** ^ The year
from an animal, in the following order : begmS '"Jf1™*7 Wlth the appeal"
ance of the full moon. The months
7. Horse year.
10. Bird year.
8. Sheep „
11. Dog „
9. Ape „
32. Hog „
1. Mouse year.
2. Ox
3. Tiger „
4. Hare year. are called the first, second, third, &c,
5. Dragon „ months ; each of thirty days. — ' Csoma
6. Serpent „ de Koros.'
Oh. IX.] LAST DAYS AT LHASA. 293
But there are reasons why I must not expect to be asked that.
I went to ask leave.
Decree arrived.
Munshi goes again to see whether anything can be done to
day. Comes back in chains. I anxious.1
Grand Lama's kindness.
Glad when Munshi goes. Why ? Because he writes to me.
He comes again to see me. I give him note upon Elphinstone.
Mandarins send for me, and give me letters opened. "Are
these yours ? " Civil. Promise good news. Advised me to stay
awhile. Dread another decree ! Dread missionaries at Peking. Dread
something coming to light : that I have been at Canton. I am
told the Thalungs say I am to go in a few days.
Visit a magistrate. He thinks I do his eyes good.
Apply again on the 19th. Strangely put off.
SeU my empty bottles.
Get my things in order, to be ready to set off.
Great cold again.
Strange fever and cough : think I am poisoned.
Visited by an Armenian, who wants to go with me. How can I ?
12th, or 25th of second month. Ching Ti-mu-fu bids me stay
until new Mandarin comes. Why ? Uneasy.
2nd of third month. Very cold. Frost. Clear sky.
3rd. Visit the Lama. Ask to go. Go to Ti-mu-fu. Told I
shall have good news in a few days. Snow.
4th. Snow remaining in the morning. Fine day.
5th. Go to temple. See three Thalungs, who give me silk and
tea. Munshi bribes the treasurer. Called upon by Chinamen after
Munshi is gone.
Bhutan men would have the Pari-jong magistrate brought to
Lhasa. Bhutanese at Lhasa show violence. Surrounded by
soldiers. Obliged to lay down their knives.
1 The Munshi was detained as a Moorcroft having been at Lhasa (p. 202)
Chinese subject, while Mr. Manning can scarcely refer to Manning's visit.
was dismissed by the route he came. It is, I suspect, a pure invention,
The story of the Abbe' Hue about
294 RETURN TO BENGAL. [Ch. IX.
April 6. I took leave of the Grand Lama with a sorrowful
heart. I said I would tell my king (Governor of Bengal) that I
was well treated. His heart rejoices. I thank the Grand Lama,
and promise that if afterwards a Lhasa man comes to Bengal it
shall not be forgotten. I take leave of Ti-mu-fu. Sorrowful.
Eeceive presents. Go to Tajin and Tay-Ye, but do not see them.
Second Tajin gives me a scarf and a piece of stuff for a saddle
carpet. Make up things. Eather sorrowful.
7th. Put off by the mandarins until after to-morrow. .
Left Lhasa on the 9th of third moon (19th of April). Arrived
at Pari-jong the 1st of May.
May 3. Attendants from Pari-jong left me. I then visited the
magistrates. May 22. Conference. Do they think I am a tradesman?
How should I know the prices of things at Calcutta, or whether
this cloth be prime or second ?
23rd. My coUar to be slipped to-morrow.
24th = fourth moon, Off about sunset, after another foolish
conference. Four miles.
25th. Eapasay.
26th. Bida-Balk.
27th. Chazi (two kos).
28th. To Matakah.
29th. Dumgong.
31st. Tazigong.
June 1. Village. Palm trees.
2nd. Open viUage.
3rd. Kantalbari.
5th. Linger on. I declare I wUl positively go to-morrow, even
if on foot.
6th. I threatened to walk, and took up my bundle. They gave
me a horse.
June 10, 1812. Beached Euch Bahar.1
' He seems to have returned by the same way that he came— that of the
Lakhi Diiar.
Fold out
" ( 295 )
APPENDIX.
i.
Account of Tbavels or Johann Gruebeb, Jesuit.1
The Missioner set out for China, as we conjecture, in the year 1656.
According to the first letter, he went from Venice to Smyrna by sea ;
from thence to Ormuz by land in five months ; from Ormnz by sea in
seven months to Makau.2 There landing, he passed through China
partly by water, partly by land, to Peking in three months. He
stayed in China three years : in one of which, viz. 1660, he says the
fifty-six Jesuits who were then in that empire baptized more than
fifty thousand men.
In his return he took a road never perhaps attempted by any
European before. Grueber left Peking in the month of June, 1661,
. in company with Albert Dorville, of the same society. In thirty
days he came to Singan-fu,3 and in thirty more to' Sining-fu, cross
ing the Hoang-ho, or Yellow Eiver, twice in the way.
Sining 4 is a great and populous city, built at the vast Wall of
China, through the gate of which the merchants from India enter
Katay or China. Here they stay till they have licence from the
Emperor to proceed forward. The Wall at this place is so broad that
six horsemen may run abreast on it without embarrassing each other.
Here the citizens of Sining take the air (which is very healthful,
coming from the desert), and recreate themselves with the prospect
as well as other diversions. There are stairs to go a-top of the
Wall, and many travel on it from the gate at Sining to the next at
Sochew, which is eighteen days' journey. This they do by the
Governor's licence, out of curiosity, having a delightful prospect all
the way from the Wall, as from a high tower, of the innumerable habi-
1 From Astley's ' Collection of Voy- maps also place the Great Wall at a
ages ' vol. iv. distance of 15 geographical miles from
2 Macao. Sining, and its continuation to Suchau
a The capital of Shensi, once capital in Kansuh appears to be broken by
of China. palisades. Besides, there is no evidence
4 On the western frontier of Kansuh, on the maps that the Wall runs south-
towards Kokonor. It is difficult to ac- wards from Sining to Quangsi, Yunnan,
count for the crossing of the Hoang-ho and Tibet.
twice, between Singan and Sining. The
296 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [Apt.
tations on one side, and the various kinds of wild beasts which range
the desert on the other side. Besides wild bulls, here are tigers,
lions, elephants, rhinoceroses, and monoceroses, which are a kind of
horned asses. Thus the merchants view the beasts free from danger,
especially from that part of the Wall which, running southward,
approaches the more inhabited provinces of Quang-si, Yunnan, and
Tibet, for at certain times of the year they betake themselves to the
Yellow River and parts near the Wall, which abound with thickets, in
order to get pasture and seek their prey.
This desert is partly mountainous and partly level, all over sandy
and barren, excepting that in some places you meet with little rivulets
whose banks yield good pasture. It begins in the middle part of
India, and extends from south to north, but nobody ever yet hath dis
covered its bounds, which may stretch to the Frozen Ocean. Marco
Polo calls this desert Lop, and speaks of its being haunted with
spirits. But Grueber says nothing of them. The Tatars formerly
called it Beljan, now Samo ; the Chinese Kalmuk, others Kara-
kathay. The Tatars, accustomed to deserts, dwell here in tents,
removing with their cattle wherever they can find a river or place
fit for pasture.1
The road from Sining as far as Lhasa is somewhat differently
described in different letters. In the first we are told that Grueber,
passing out of China, entered the sands of desert Tatary, which he
crossed in three days. Afterwards he came to the banks of the Koko-
nor, which signifies the Great Sea,2 being a great lake or sea like the
Caspian, where the Yellow River has its source.
Leaving this sea behind him, he entered into the country of Tok-
tokay,3 which is almost desert and so barren that it need fear no in
vasion. One meets with nothing but some tents of Tatars. It is
watered by the Toktokay, a very fine river, whence it takes the name.
It is as large as the Danube, but so shallow that it may be forded
everywhere. Thence, having crossed the country of Tangut,4 he came to
1 The beginning of the Desert of 2 Kokonor does not signify Great Sea,
Lop, Gobi, or Shnmo, in the middle but Blue Sea, and it is not the source
part of India, is also unintelligible. of, nor connected with, the Yellow
The Chinese call this Desert Ko-pih, River, which rises in a distinct system
or Ta Ko-pih; also Sha-moh, and of lakes.
Han-bai, or Sea of Sand. Beljan > The Toktonai oulan mouren is one
(so called by Hayton the Armenian, of the superior affluents or sources of
see Yule's ' Cathay,' cxcvi.) may be a the Yang tse kiang, or Mouroui oussou
lurkmameforit. Kalmuk is derived (' Mag. Asiatique,' ii. 246 282)
from the Mongol tribe of that name. < Tangut is here applied to the high
Kara Kathay is Blaek Kathay, the old plateau of Tibet, north of Lhasa. (See
name for Mongolia. Yule's ' Marco Polo, i. pp. 184, 1S6 )
App.J TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 297
Retink,1 a very populous province belonging to the kingdom of Baran-
tolaj2 whose capital is Lhasa, where at length he arrived.
According to the fifth letter, or Kircher's abstract, we are told
that presently, after they had passed the Great Wall, they found a
river stored with fish, on which they supped in an open tent. Then,
crossing the Yellow River, they immediately entered that vast and
barren desert of Kalmuk, inhabited by the Kalmuk Tatars (the
Eluths or Tatars of Koko-nor), who rove up and down it to rob the
caravans, and at certain seasons settle with their portable cities on the
banks of the rivers. The Jesuits often met with their habitations in
the road, and drew their figures, viz. a Kalmuk man, clothed with a
leathern garment and yellow cap ; a Kalmuk woman in a habit made
of a certain skin of a green or red colour, each with a charm about
their necks to preserve them from dangers ; a Lama, that is one of
their Tatar priests or bishops. They wear a white coat or cloak cast
backwards, with a red girdle, and a yellow coat, from the girdle of
which hangeth down a purse ; their cap or hat is painted red.
Their habitations are tents made with small sticks twisted or plaited
together, and covered with a coarse woollen stuff bound together
with cords.
From Sining they, in three months, entered the kingdom of Lhasa,
which the Tatars call Barantola. The King is styled Deva,3 or Teva,
descended from an ancient race of the Tangut Tatars, resides at
Butala, a castle built on a high mountain, after the European fashion,
where he has a numerous court. The great priest of this country is
called Lama Konju, and adored as a god. He resides at Barantola,
and is the Pope of the Chinese and Tatars, called by them God the
Father, whose religion in all essential points tallies with the Romish,
although, says the author, no Christian ever was in the country
before. Here they stayed a month, and might have converted many of the
natives, but for that devilish God the Father (as the author calls
him), who puts to death such as refuse to adore him. However, they
1 Retink ; perhaps the district of the is in accord with the Mongolian Dic-
Jang Raiting Monastery, about 45 miles tionary of Kovalensky.
north of Lhasa. (See map of route to 3 See Klaproth, " Description du Si
Tengri Nor.) Dzang ou Tubet," ' Mag. Asiatique,'
2 Barantola. Bourhan is a synonym ii. 212 : " On nomme a present le pays
of Buddba, according to Hue, ii. 115. du Dalai lama, indistinctement Tubet
Hence perhaps the name may mean ou Tangut ; . . . le roy du pays est
" country of Buddha." Klaproth, in his nomme' Diba " The Tepa Lama,
notes to ' Della Penna,' asserts that who conducts the civil affairs for the
Barontala in Mongolian means the Dalai Lama, appears to be the same as
right side, referring to Tibet. (See the Deva or Diba.
.Yule's ' Marco Polo,' i. 193.) This also
298 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [App.
were kindly treated by the people and King, who was the brother of
that God the Father.
In the Court of Deva, King of Tangut, they saw a woman, born
in Hami,1 in Northern Tatary, dressed in an unusual habit. She wore
hair like knotted cords, her head and girdle adorned with cockle
shells. They saw likewise some women no less strangely dressed,
who came from the neighbouring kingdom of Koin.2 The ladies braid
or curl their hair in the manner of hair laces or small bands, and
twist it behind them. On their foreheads they wear a red fillet beset
with pearls, and on the top of their heads a silver crown, bedecked
with turquoises and pearls.
Grueber drew the pictures of the Grand Lama 3 (taken from one
hung at the palace gate) and of Han, late King of Tangut. This
last, who had fourteen sons, was, for his goodness and justice,
reverenced as a god. He was of a dark complexion, his beard of a
chestnut colour mixed with grey, and his eyes protuberant.
From Lhasa, or Barantola, they came in four days to the foot of the
mountain Langur,4 which being exceedingly high, travellers can hardly
breathe at top, the air is so very thin ; neither is it to be crossed in
summer without great danger from the exhalations of certain poisonous
herbs. Besides, as no waggons or beasts can pass it for the rocks and
precipices, they must proceed on foot almost a month till they come
to Kuthi,5 one of the two chief cities of the kingdom of Nekbal.6 This
mountainous tract is plentifully furnished with springs both hot and
cold, which issue from all parts of the mountain, affording store of
1 Hami is one of the Muhamrnadan general name for a mountain pass,
cities of Kansuh, beyond the Great equivalent to La in Tibetan, and Shan
Wall, at the eastern end of the Tian in Chinese; Tagh in Turki, and Via in
Shan mountains. The roads along Mongolian.
both sides of the range meet at this b This place was visited by No. 9,
point. whose route seems to have been iden-
2 This may be Kam, the eastern tical with the missionary's. It is also
division of Tibet. called Nilam.
3 The Dalai Lama in Grueber's time 6 This form of Nepal is unaccount-
was the fifth since the establishment of able. Perhaps it is a misprint for
the Yellow sect by Tsong-khapa, and Nehpal. The Chinese name is Palpou
bore the name of Ngawang lobdzang (see D'Anville's maps). According to
ghinmdzo. (See 'Mug. Asiatique,' ii. Brian Hodgson, the name is derived
2l*-) from Ne, the sender to Paradise, who
4 This is the range crossed by the is Swayambhu Adi-Buddha ; and pala,
Laghulung-la (pass) and the Dango- cherished. It is Naipala in Sanscrit.
la. (See the map of the routes in The Brahmans assert that Ne' is the
Eastern Nepal, by explorer No. 9 proper name of the Saint or Muni who
under Colonel Montgomerie.) Accord- first settled the country.
ing to Brian Hodgson, Langur is a
App.] TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 299
fish and pasture. From Kuthi, in five days, they came to the city
NesfT,1 still in Nekbal, where provisions are so plentiful that thirty or
forty hens are sold for one crown.
From Nesti they came, in five days' journey, to Kadmendu,2 the
metropolis of Nekbal, where reigns a potent king. From Kadmendu,
in half a day's time, they came to the city Nekbal,3 called also Baddan
by the natives, the regal city of the whole kingdom.
The first letter relates that Nekbal is a month's journey in extent,
and has two capital cities, Katmandir and Patan, separated only by a
river. The King, called Partasmal,4 resides in the first, and his brother,
Nevasmal (a young handsome prince), in the latter. He had the
command of all the troops in the country, and while Grueber was
there had a great army in the field to oppose a petty king, named
Varkam, who made frequent incursions into his dominions.
The Jesuit presented this prince with a telescope, wherewith
having discovered a place where Varkam had fortified himself, he
desired the prince to look that way, which he did, and seeing the
enemy so near, cried, " Let us march against them ! " not considering
that the seeming approach was the effect of the glass. It is not easy
to express how pleased he was with this present. He likewise gave
the King other curious mathematical instruments, with which he was
so taken that he determined not to let them go, but that they promised
him faithfully to return. In that case, he promised both to erect a
house for their use, endowed with ample revenues, and grant them full
power to introduce the Christian law into his kingdom.
In this country, when a man drinks to a woman, the company pour
in the liquor cha or the wine three times for the parties, and while
they are drinking affix three pieces of butter to the brim of the cup,
which those who pledge them take off and stick on their fore
heads. They have a most cruel custom in these kingdoms ; for when they
judge their sick people to be past hopes of recovery, they carry them
1 This is the Listi of No. 9, at the the favourite residence of the Brahman
southern entrance of the remarkable priesthood, still the Baddan of the mis-
gorge by which the summit of the sionary is Lalita Patan, another con-
Southem Himalaya is crossed in com- siderable city in the same valley as
ing from Kuti. Kathmandu.
2 Kathmandu. 4 Pratap malla, king of Kathmandu,
3 Nekbal city, or Baddan, "the regal and Yoga Narendra malla, king of
city of the whole kingdom." Although Patan, 1689. (See Prinsep's Tables of
Kathmandu has become the residence the Rajas of Nepal, p. 116.) There is
of the Gorkha conquerors of Nepal, and no account of the petty king Varkam,
Bhatgaon is described by Kirkpatrick probably Vikrama.
as a superior place, the old capital, and
300 TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. [Apr.
into the fields, and casting them into deep ditches full of dead
corpses, there leave them to perish, and their bodies, when dead, to be
devoured by birds and beasts of prey, esteeming it an honour to have
living creatures for their tombs.
The women, out of a religious whim, never wash, but daub them
selves with a nasty kind of oil, which not only causes them to stink
intolerably, but renders them extremely ugly and deformed.
From Nekbal in a journey of five days you meet with the city
Hedonda,1 a colony of the kingdom of Moranga,2 inclosed in Tibet.
From the names of Dominic, Francis, and Antony, still in use with
the natives, it appeared that Christianity had been planted there in
times past.
In the first letter we are told that in Moranga he saw no towns,
but only houses, or rather huts, made of straw, and among them a
custom-house. The King pays yearly to the Great Moghul a tribute of
250,000 rix dollars and seven elephants. From Hedonda (crossing
the kingdom of Maranga), in eight days they came to Mutgari,3 the
first city of the Moghul's empire. From Mutgari is a journey of ten
days to Batana,4 or Patan, which is a city of Bengal, on the Ganges.
From Batana, in eight days they came to Benares, a populous city on
the Ganges, famous for an academy of the Brahmans, where persons
are instructed in their religion and sciences. From Benares, in eleven
days they came to Katampur,5 and from thence in seven more to Agra.
So that from Peking thither was a journey of 214 days, but reckoning
the time which the caravans rest, it will come to about fourteen
months. Here Dorville, the companion of Grueber in his travels,
died. The author's travels from Moranga are related, with some
variation, in the first letter. It is there said that from thence he
entered India and came to Minapor,6 the metropolis of the country,
where he crossed the Ganges, twice as broad as the Danube. Thence
1 Hitounda of Brian Hodgson, a Moranga, the reference may be to
town at the foot of the mountains, Rohtut, a district of the Nepalese
44 kos from Kesriah, a port on the government of the Terai, the principal
Gandak, and 19J kos from Kathmandu. place of which now appears to be Kut-
Merchandise is conveyed by bullocks tioul. (See ' Kirkpatrick's Nepal,' 40,
from the river to Hitounda, whence it 41, and the map of Nepaul, 1855.)
is carried over the mountains by ath- 3 Mutgari, "the first 'city of the
letic porters (' Bengal Selections,' No. Moghul's empire " (reached by the
xxvii. p. 22. 1857). missionaries). This is Motihari, in the
2 Probably the Murung or Terai, the district of Sarun.
swampy region between the mountains * The city of Patna, on the Ganges.
and the plains. If there is no dis- s ^0 p]ace more iike]y t],an Cawn.
crepancy in connection with Radok, pore.
which is said to be the capital of « Dinapiir.
Apt.] TRAVELS OF GRUEBER. 301
he travelled to the city Patna, and from Patna in twenty-five days to
Agra, the chief royal seat of the Moghul's empire, eleven months after
he had left China.
This first letter furnishes us also with an account of his travels
from Agra to Europe, and several other particulars not to be met with
in Kircher's Memoirs. From Agra he got in six days to Delhi, and
from Delhi in fourteen to Lahore, on the Ravi, which is as broad as
the Danube, and falls into the Indus, near Multan. At this last place
he embarked on the Indus, and in forty days journeyed down to Tata,
the last city of Hindustan, and residence of a Viceroy called
Laskarkan. Here he found many English and Dutch merchants.
From thence, sailing to Ormuz, he landed, and passing through Persia,
Armenia, and Asia Minor, came to Smyrna, where, putting again to
sea, he arrived first at Messina, and then at Rome, fourteen months
after he had left Agra.
He had not been long at Rome before he received orders to return
to China. Accordingly he went into Germany, and from thence to
Poland, with a design to cut out another new road through Russia,
having, by the Emperor's means, obtained passports from the Dukes
of Curland and Muscovy. But when he arrived on the borders of
Russia, news came that the King of Poland, in conjunction with the
Tatars, had invaded the Grand Duke's dominions. Fearing, therefore,
that it would be difficult to get to Moscow, called by the Tatars
Stoliza, he thought it best to return to Venice, which he did just at
the time the Emperor was sending Count Lesly on an embassy to the
Porte. In the train of this lord he travelled to Constantinople,
designing to take his way through Natolia, Persia, and the Indies ;
but on his arrival he was seized with a violent flux and pains in the
stomach, so that, being unable to proceed, he returned by sea to
Leghorn, and thence to Florence. Here his disorder abating, he
repaired to Venice, in order to pass through Frhili to Vienna, and so
to Constantinople, once more to attempt getting to China by that
road. But how he succeeded we do not find.
The author, in 1665, when he set out on his return to China, was
about forty-five years of age, of an affable temper and extremely civil,
joining to other good qualities the German sincerity, which rendered
his conversation perfectly agreeable. The variations found in the
letters seem to be owing to the defects of the author's memory, and
mistakes of those who took the relation from his mouth. With regard
to the Chinese and Tatars, he has explained some things more fully
than other authors have done, as well as related others in a different
manner.
302 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App.
Table op Latitudes observed on the Joubney.'
Sining 36
Lhasa, or Barantola 29
Khatmandu 27
Hedonda 26
Batana, on Ganges 24
Benares, on Ganges 24
10
0
6
0
5
0
36
0
44
0
50
0
II.
A Letter from Fatlter Ippolito Desideri, Missionary of the Society of
Jesus, to Father Ildebrando Grassi, a Missionary of the same Society,
in the Kingdom of Mysore. (Translated from a French translation
by Du Halde in the ' Lettres Edifiantes,' vol. xv. p. 184.)
Lhasa, April 10, 1716:
Reveeend Fathee, — The peace of our Lord be with you. Having
been appointed to the Tibetan mission, I left Goa on the 20th of
November, 1713, and arrived at Surat on the 4th of January, 1714.
Being compelled to sojourn here awhile, I took advantage of my
leisure to learn Persian. On the 26th of March I set out for Delhi,
whither I arrived on the 11th of May, and where I joined company
with Father Manuel Freyre, who had been appointed to the same
mission as myself. On the 23rd of September we together began our
journey towards Tibet. We went by way of Lahore, which we
reached on the 10th of October, and where we had the pious satisfac
tion of administering the sacraments of repentance and the Eucharist
to some Christians, who were bereft of any spiritual pastor. We left
Lahore on the 19th of October, and in the course of a few days
reached the foot of the Caucasus.
The Caucasus is a long range, consisting of remarkably steep and
lofty mountains. After crossing one mountain you encounter a second
still higher ; this is in turn succeeded by a third, higher than either
of the two former ones ; and the farther you go the higher you climb,
till you reach the highest of all, named Per-Pangial.2
1 These latitudes, according to the latest authorities, should be as follows :—
36
39
20
Jesuit surveys.
27 26
0
Pundit.
29
39
17
Pundit.
25 35
0
Indian survey.
27
41
'28
i,
25 17
0
2 Pir Punjal, a pass on the first range of the Himalaya, which is crossed in
going to Kashmir.
App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 303
The Gentiles hold this mountain in great awe ; they bring
offerings to it, and in their superstition worship a venerable old man,
whom they believe to be guardian of the region. Herein is doubtless
contained a reminiscence of the fable of Prometheus, who, according
to the poets, was bound in chains to the Caucasus.
The summits of the highest mountains are always covered with
snow and ice. We took twelve days to traverse these mountains on
foot, crossing at times, with incredible difficulty, impetuous torrents,
which, formed by the melting of the snow, dash down with extreme
violence amid rocks and boulders. The torrents which we had ever
and anon to stem, and the rocks, made it an extremely difficult business
to get across, and often was I compelled to hang on by the tail of a
bullock to avoid being carried away by the force of the stream. I do
not speak of the extreme cold I had to suffer, through not having
taken the precaution to obtain clothing suitable for so rude a climate.
This country of mountains, though in other respects so inhos
pitable, is pleasing through the number and variety of its trees, the
fertility of the soil, and the different races which inhabit it. Some
petty States here are dependent on the Moghul. The roads are
nowhere impracticable for a horseman or for a jampan, a sort of
palanquin. On the 10th of March l we arrived at Kashmir. The enormous
quantity of snow which falls during winter, and which absolutely
closes up the passes, obliged us to remain there for six months. An
illness, apparently caused by the first hardships I had undergone,
reduced me to the last extremity. I did not fail in continuing my
study of Persian, and in making inquiries respecting Tibet ; but
though I took every pains, I could only learn about two Tibets. One
extends from the north to the west, and is called Little Tibet, or
Baltistan. It is a few days' journey from Kashmir, and its inhabi
tants and its princes are Muhammadans and tributaries of the Moghul.
However fertile this country may be in other respects, it is sure to be
barren as far as preachers of the Gospel are concerned ; for a long
experience has taught us only too surely to expect but little fruit in
countries where rules the impious Muhamrnadan race.
The other Tibet, which is called Great Tibet, or Bhutan, extends
from the north to the east, and is rather more distant from Kashmir.
The route thither is pretty well frequented by caravans, which go
every year in quest of wool, and as a rule runs through defiles. The
first six or seven days' journey are not very trying ; but as one goes
on travelling becomes very difficult, through the wind, the snow, and
the excessive rigour of the biting frosts, to which must be added
1 March appears to be written in mistake for November.
304 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App.
having to rest at night on the bare ground, and at times on snow
and ice.
Great Tibet begins at the summit of an enormous snow-clad
mountain, called Kantel.1 One side of the mountain belongs to
Kashmir, and the other to Tibet. We had left Kashmir on the 17th of
May, 1715, and on the 30th, the festival of our Lord's Ascension, we
crossed the mountain and entered Tibet. Much snow had fallen on
the path, which winds between mountains as far as Leh, or Ladak, the
fortress where the King resides, which are the very picture of desola
tion, horror, and death itself. They are piled one atop of another,
and so close as scarcely to leave room for the torrents which course
impetuously from their heights, and dash with such deafening noise
against the rocks as to appal the stoutest traveller. Above and
at their foot the mountains are equally impassable ; you are there
fore forced to make your way about half way down the slope, and
the path, as a rule, is so narrow as barely to leave room for you to
set down your feet ; this obliges yon to pick your way with extreme
care. A false step, and you are precipitated down the abyss with
the loss of your life, or at the least with broken limbs, as befel some
of our fellow-travellers. Were there bushes you might cling by
them, but these mountains are so barren that neither plants nor even
a blade of grass grows thereon. Would you wish to cross from one
mountain to another, you must pass over the foaming torrents between,
and there is no bridge, save some narrow, unsteady planks, or some
ropes stretched across and interwoven with green branches. Often
you are obliged to take off your shoes in order to get a better foot
hold. I assure you that I shudder now at the bare remembrance
of these dreadful episodes in our journey.
Trying as the climate is, there is no food save the flour made
from battu2 which is a kind of barley. The people of the country eat
it unprepared ; but we generally made a broth of it, and it was no
small thing for us to get enough wood to cook it.
One's eyes are terribly tired with the reflection of the sun's rays
from the snow, which dazzles and nearly blinds them. I was obliged
to bandage mine, and admit only just enough light to see my way.
Then, every other day or so, we encountered customs officers, who,
1 According to Vigne, the summit of quinua of Peru. It is cultivated at
Bultul (Zoji la pass) is the Mount heights of more than 5000 feet, chiefly
Kantul of the old maps. It is north- for its grain, but the leaves are also
east of Srinagar (Kashmir), on the road used as a pot-herb. (See ' Punjab
to Baltistan (Little Tibet). Plants,' by J. L. Stewart, M.D., Lahore,
2 A chenopndium, something like the 1869, p. 179.)
App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 305
not content with demanding the usual dues, exacted all they pleased
by aay right they fancied.
In these mountainous regions there are no large towns. There is
no particular coinage, that of the Moghul being chiefly used ; each
piece of money is worth five Roman Giuglii. Trading is usually
carried on by exchange of goods. The journey from Kashmir to
Ladak we made on foot, and it lasted forty days, so that we reached
the last-named place on the 25th of June. The kingdom of the
second Tibet begins, as I have already remarked, at Mount Kantel,1
and extends north-eastwards. There is only one Gyampo, or sove
reign ruler ; the present one is called Nima Nangial, and he has a
tributary king below him. The first races one meets are Muham
madans ; afterwards they are Gentiles, but less superstitious than
idolatrous nations usually are.
Here is what I learnt of the Tibetan religion. They call God
Konciok ; and they appear to have some notion of the Holy Trinity,
for at times they call him Konchok-chik (one God), and at other times
Konchok-sum (three Gods). They use a kind of chaplet, over which
they repeat these words : Om, ha, hum. This they explain by saying
that Om signifies knowledge or an arm, that is, power ; ha is the
word, and hum is the heart or love, and that these* three words mean
God.2 They also worship a being called Urghien, who, so they say,
was born seven hundred years ago. When asked if he be God or man,
some reply that he is both God and man, that he has neither father
nor mother, but that he was born of a flower. Nevertheless they have
statues representing a woman with a flower in her hand, and her they
call the mother of Urghien. Many other personages do they worship
and treat as saints. In their churches you may see an altar covered
with a cloth and ornaments ; in the middle of the altar is a kind of
tabernacle, wherein, as they say, Urghien dwells, though there are
some who assert he is in heaven.
The Tibetans have priests, called lamas. They are clad in a
uniform different from laymen; they neither plait their hair nor
carry earrings, as other men, but wear a tonsure like our eccle
siastics, and have to observe perpetual celibacy. Their occupation is
to study the books of the law, which are written in a tongue and in
characters differing from those ordinarily in use. They recite certain
prayers in chorus; and theirs it is to celebrate rites, to present
offerings in the temple, and to light the sacred lamps there. They
offer up wheat, barley, paste and water, in little vessels of scrupulous
cleanliness. Where an offering has been made, the remainder of the
1 See ante, p. 304. 2 Om mani padmi bum. (See pp. 1, 29, 32, 337.)
X
306 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App.
food is eaten as if it were consecrated. The lamas are greatly
respected ; as a rule, they live together, shut out from all profane
intercourse ; they have local superiors, and also a general superior,
whom the King himself treats with great veneration.
The King and many of his court look upon us as lamas of the
faith of Jesus Christ, who have come from Europe. When he saw us
reciting our prayers, he was curious to see what books we were
reading, and he eagerly inquired the meaning of the various figures
therein depicted. After having carefully examined them, some of them
said among themselves, " Nuru," that is, very good. They remarked
two things : firstly, that their book was very like ours. This simi
larity I failed to perceive ; but one thing I am certain of is, that
though many may know how to read their mysterious books, not one
can explain them. The second observation they made was : " Oh ! if
you knew our language, or if we understood yours, what pleasure it
would give us to hear you expound your religion." This proves that
this people is well disposed to taste of Christian truths.
The Tibetans are naturally gentle, but uncultivated and coarse.
There are neither arts nor sciences among them, though they are not
wanting in intelligence. They have no communications with other
nations ; no sort of meat is forbidden to them ; they do not hold the
doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and do not practise polygamy ;
three points in which they differ widely from the idolatrous natives
of India. As you may have learnt from what I have said, the climate is
very severe, and winter prevails nearly all the year round. The
mountain tops are always covered with snow ; the soil yields only
wheat and barley; trees, fruits, and vegetables being rarely seen.
The houses are small, narrow, and built of stones piled in rude
fashion one above the other. They use nothing but woollen stuffs for
their clothes. While we were at Ladak we had no other lodging but
the hut of a poor Kashmirian who lived on charity.
Two days after our arrival we went to call on the Lompo, who is
next in rank to the King, and commonly called his right arm. On
the 2nd of July we had our first audience of the King himself, who
received us seated on his throne. On the 4th and 8th we were again
summoned to his presence, and he then treated us more familiarly.
On the 6th we paid our respects to the Grand Lama. He was accom
panied by several other Lamas, one of whom was a son of Lompo, and
another a near relative of the King. They received us most honour
ably, and presented us with some refreshments, as is the custom of
the country.
App.] JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. 307
These honours and tokens of friendship did not, however, drive all
anxiety from us. The wool trade serves to draw many Muhammadans
from Kashmir to Ladak. Some of these, prompted either by jealousy
or hatred of the very name of Christians, told the King and his
ministers that we were in reality rich merchants, with pearls,
diamonds, rubies, jewels of various sorts, and other valuable com
modities in our possession. An officer of the court came to our
lodgings ; everything was opened before him, and the report he made
thereon excited the King's curiosity. His Majesty ordered to be
brought unto him a basket and a leather bag, in which we carried our
smaller effects, such as linen, books, writings, some instruments for
self-mortification, chaplets, and medals. The King examined every
thing, and then openly declared that it gave him greater pleasure to
inspect goods of this sort than to see pearls and rubies.
Affairs were in this state, and I was thinking of tarrying in a
country where I had resolved to suffer whatever it might please
Providence to inflict upon me; I was in the highest degree over
joyed at having found a settled State, where I could labour towards
the salvation of men's souls ; I was already beginning to learn the
language, with the hope of seeing some of my teaching bring forth,
even among these barren rocks, fruit acceptable in the sight of Him,
when we learnt that there was a third Tibet. After several consulta
tions, it was decided, against my wish, that we should go thither and
discover it. The journey takes usually from about six to seven
months, and the route lies through countries of deserted aspect, and
scantily peopled. This third Tibet is more exposed to the incursions
of the border Tatars than the other two Tibets.
We left Ladak on the 17th of August, 1715, and we arrived at
Lhasa, whence I have the honour to address you, on the 18th of
March, 1716. I leave you to imagine what I had to suffer during
this journey, what with snow, ice, and the excessive cold of these
mountains. Shortly after our arrival, certain tribunals of the country
occasioned us a good deal of annoyance. Thanks to God, this storm
was appeased in the following manner. I was passing by the palace
to attend one of the tribunals, when the King, who was seated in a
balcony with one of his ministers, happened to be informed who I was.
Our case had been made known to this minister, who is a thoroughly
just and equitable man, and he took occasion to represent to the
prince the wrong that was being done to us. The King immediately
summoned me to his presence, and gave orders that we should be
no more troubled.
A few days after I called upon the minister referred to, and he
x 2
308 JOURNEY OF DESIDERI. [App.
good-naturedly rebuked me for not having yet presented myself to
the King. I excused myself on the ground that the custom of the
country did not allow people to approach those in authority without
making them some present, and that I had nothing worthy of so
great a monarch's acceptance. My excuse, though genuine, was riot
listened to. I was obliged to obey, and repaired to the palace. More
than a hundred people of consequence were awaiting audience in the
hall. Two officers took down their names, according to custom, and
carried the paper in to the King, who immediately gave orders for my
admittance together with a Grand Lama. The Lama's present was a
handsome one, while mine was quite insignificant ; but nevertheless
that of the Lama was deposited at the entrance, according to custom,
while the King ordered mine to be brought to him, and to show how
pleased he was with it, kept it by him. This in the court is con
sidered an exceptional mark of favour. He made me sit down opposite
to him and quite close, and for the space of two hours plied me with
innumerable questions, without speaking a word to the others present.
At last, having made my final compliments, he bade me good-bye.
On several occasions after my first visit I strove to take advantage of
the King's kindly disposition and to discourse of our holy religion,
and of the mission I wished to undertake in his kingdom, but un
fortunately I had no opportunity of doing this. This monarch is of
Tatar race, and some years ago he conquered this country, which is
¦ not very far from China, for it takes only four months to travel hence
to Peking. Not long since an envoy came thence, and he has since
returned to Peking.
Having given you, Reverend Father, this brief account of my
travels, and of what has happened since my arrival in the capital of
the third (province of) Tibet, it only remains for me to entreat the
aid of your prayers. After undergoing so much suffering, I need
them sorely to sustain me in the labours of the ministration to which
by Divine favour I have been called, all unworthy though I be. In
the hope of sharing the blessings of your holy offices, I subscribe
myself, &c, Ippolito Desideei.
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 309
III.
BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE KINGDOM OF TIBET,
BY
Fea Fbancesoo Oeazio della Penna di Billi,1
1730.2
The word Tibet is a Tatar corruption, the proper term being Thobot,
or Tangut katzar. Tangut means dwellers in houses, and katzar
country or kingdom ; so the whole expression signifies " the kingdom
of dwellers in houses," the Tatars dwelling in tents of felt, or of a
coarse material woven from the hair of the yak or hairy ox, and the
Tibetans in houses. Tibet, in the language of the country, is called
Poot, and the inhabitants Poot ba, while in the language of Nekpal it
is called Seen, and a Tibetan, Seena. In Hindustani, Tibet is called
Butant, and a Tibetan Butia. The capital of Tibet is called Baron-
thala in the Tatar tongue. Baron signifies right, iha towards, and la
south ; so the whole means, on the right hand, southward. In the
Tibetan tongue it is called Lha-sa, which means Land of God.
According to the royal ministers, who are expressly charged with
the duty of keeping count of the numbers of the population of the
whole kingdom, the total amounts to thirty-three millions,3 of whom
690,000 are soldiers. The families of those provinces which have
to furnish youths to be monks are exempt from supplying soldiers.
The provinces of U and Tzang together contribute 130,000 soldiers,
at the rate of one for every three families. The state of Kham
contributes 360,000 soldiers at the same rate, while those of Ngari
and Chang maintain 100,000 each, at the rate of one for each family.
From the states of Hor and Amdoa no soldiers are taken, from
motives of mistrust, as the first are adherents of the Tatar rather
than the Tibetan cause, and usually speak the Tatar language, while
the second dwell on the confines of China beyond the Great Wall, and
speak more Tibetan than Tatar and Chinese. The provinces of
7 Francis Horace were the author's in a different position, twenty miles
baptismal names. Penna di Billi is W.N.W. of Urbino.
the name of the district where he was 2 Published by Klaproth, from the
born. It is situated in the march of An- autograph manuscript of the author.
cona, about twenty miles from Macerata. 3 Klaproth thinks this an exaggera-
Keith Johnston's 'Gazetteer' places it tion, and wouldfixitatfivemillionsonly.
310 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
Kombo and Takpo furnish soldiers in the same way as the other states.
The figures I have omitted to notice, and must give them conjec-
turally. I think that together they may supply 140,000 soldiers,
one from every three families. The kingdoms of Brukpa1 (in Hin
dustani, Laltopivala), Lata or Ladak, and Nekpal are now subject to
and have voluntarily made themselves tributary to Tibet, after the
Emperor of China had made himself master of it.
The following are the kingdoms and provinces of Tibet : the
kingdom of Lata or Ladak, which to the west abuts on Kashmir, to
the south the Mogol, to the east Ngari, and to the north Tatary and
(I believe) the Usbek Tartars.
Ngari is divided into three provinces, Ngari Sankar, Ngari Purang,
and Ngari Tamo. Ngari Sankar is bounded on the west by Lata, on
the north by Tatary, and (I believe) by Gaskar or Kaskar, on the
east by Ngari Purang, and on the south by the Mogol. Ngari
Purang is bounded by Ngari Sankar on the north, and for two points
on the west, on the north by Tatary, on the east by Ngari Tamo, and
on the south by the Mogol. Ngari Tamo is bounded on the west by
Ngari Purang, on the north by Tatary, on the east by the province of
Tzang, and on the south by the Mogol. The province of Tzang
is bounded by Nekpal on the west, on the north by Ngari Tamo,
on the south by Lho ten ke and Bregion,2 and on the east by
the province of U. Towards the west the furthermost town of
Tzang is called in Hindustani Kuti or bitch, and in Tibetan
Gnialam and Tzongtu, which means the place whither the merchants
resort to bargain with one another. The easternmost place is
called Kambala, which is the name of a great mountain, on the
slopes of which are many (inhabited) places, and in the plain at
the foot to the south is a great lake called Iandro,3.which is eighteen
days' journey round, according to those who have made the circuit,
but within are some hilly islands. The same lake has no outlet
that I know of, and during a day and half's march round it, I
can vouch that I saw none ; w hile. as regards the remaining portion
I have the authority of those who have made its circuit. To pass
1 Bhutan. (C. R. M.) inhabited by some men who pasture
2 Sikkim. (Klaproth.) herds of yaks. Many fishermen also
3 Probably the correct spelling is live there : their boats are of leather.
Yang dhro, warm and extensive. The The lake is very full of fish, but its
Tibet name is Phal dhi yu mthso, or waters are salt and bitter. See the
the lake of the turquoises of Phal-dhi, " Description of Tibet," in the second
a town or village to the north of the vol. of my ' Magasin Asiatique ' (Paris,
lake. In the middle of the lake are 1826, 8vo.), p. 285, and ' Nouveaii Jour-
three mountainous islands, named Mi- nal Asiatique,' vol. iv. p. 295. (Kl.)
naba, Sangri, aud Yabotu, which arc
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 311
Mount Kambala one has to ascend certainly for half a mile, and then
to descend for five good miles, after which one comes upon a very
large river called Chasum, Tzampo, or Tzangchu,1 which rises in
Ngari. It passes three days' journey distant from Lhasa, and con
tinues its course under the fortress of Sgikakungar,2 and before
arriving at Takpo Cini it loses itself, during a whole day's journey, in
Lhoga ; 3 they say also that it flows under a mountain, because after
passing this mountain one comes upon the river again ; from Takpo it
passes by Kombo, and they say that it joins the Ganges towards Ragmati
or Shategang. The capital of this province (Tzang) is called Sgigatze.4
The kingdom of Bregion, or Bramashon,5 is bounded on the north
by the province of Tzang, to the south by Mon Altibari and Brukpa,
or Laltopivala, to the east and south by Lhoba, to the east by Kako
and Kombo, and to the west by Maronga and Nekpal.
The province of U is bounded on the west by Tzang, on the east
by Sharbigonti, on the south by Ialha and Takpo, on the north by
Chang, while its extreme points are Kambala, Sharbigonti, Talung,
and Ratren, in the west, east, and north respectively. The capital of
U is Lhasa, and near this city flows the river Tsangchu, which rises
in Sharbigonti, and joins the river Chasum, near Chuchur, three
days' journey from Lhasa. U signifies " middle," as this province is
in the middle of Tibet ; and Lhasa, which is situated in the middle
of the province, is called the navel of the wealthy kingdom of Tibet.
The province of Chang is bounded on the west by Ngari, on the
north by Kokonor, on the east by Kham, on the south by U. In the
province of Chang is situated the duchy of Dam, which is eight days
distant from Lhasa, and in Dam there is nothing else but the palace
belonging to the King and his court, the remainder of the inhabitants
(which are mostly Tatars and the other Tibetans) dwelling in tents
of felt and of cloth woven out of hair. Two days distant from Dam is
Nak chu ka, where is the last fortress of Tibet, but no other dwellings
except tents, as before mentioned. In this place there flows a large
1 This river is generally called Tsang name of some cannibal mountain tribes
po tsin, or the pure water. (Kl.) north and north-east of Assam. (Kl.)
2 A fortress on the right of the 4 One of the largest towns of Tibet,
Tsangchu and to the north-east of situated about one kos north-east of
Lake Yang mtso. Robbers are gene- Tashi- lumbo. The river Churerku,
rally drowned in the river, but some- which is very deep and about three
times as an act of favour they are sent hundred paces wide, flows two or three
to Sgikakungar, or Ji-ka-ghong-kar, hundred yards distant. It is crossed
where the unhealthiness of the spot by an iron bridge on eight arches, called
usually kills them within a year. (Kl.) Sambachur, or the eastern bridge. (Kl.)
3 L'ho ka, or L'ho k'ha pha, is the 5 Sikkim. (C. R. M.)
312 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
river called Nak chu,1 which means black water, and has given the name
to the place. For about forty days' journey there are no more houses to
be seen, but only tents and numerous herds of yaks or hairy oxen, flocks,
and horses ; travellers can buy nothing to eat but meat and butter,
and are obliged to carry everything else with them. After traversing
this country one reaches a very large river called Bichu,2 which, as
Signor Samuel Van der,3 a native of Fleshingh, in the province of
Zeland, in Holland, has written of it, is so large, that to cross it in
boats of skins he embarked in the morning, and landed on an island
in the evening, and could not complete the passage across till the
middle of the following day. In the vicinity of the river there is a
large population, which live in tents. At the distance of about a
month's journey hence one comes to Zoloma,4 the people of which
also live in tents, and after five days' journey more one reaches
Kokonor, which is the northernmost limit of Tibet in this direction.
The province of Takpo is pretty extensive, and is divided into
seven districts, among which are Takpo Chini, where the Capuchin
missionaries have a hospice, and Takpo Chara, which is bounded on
the north by U, on the south by Kombo, on the east by Kham, and
on the west by Tzang.
The province of Kombo is bounded on the north by Takpo, on the
east by Kham, on the west by Bregion and Lhobei, and on the south
by Lho k'haptra, Lho meaning south, k'ha mouth, and ptrd cut, because
in infancy the lips of the children are cut and coloured red, yellow,
blue, and otherwise in the incisions.
Kham is bounded on the west by Bikum, Takpo, and Kombo, on
the north by Kokonor and Chang, on the east by Tarchenton, China,
and Amdoa, and towards the south by Bengal, Siam, or Pegu and
Tonquin. The state of Kham is divided into the following twelve
provinces: (1) Tzava Kham, which is bounded on the west by
Bikum and Takpo, on the east by Pombor Kham, and on the south
by Lho k'haptra. (2) Pombor Kham, which is bounded on the west
by Tzava Kham, on the east by Mingara Kham, on the south by
Bengal, and on the north by Bichu. (3) Mingara Kham, which is
bounded on the west by Pombor Kham, on the east by China, and, it
is believed, by the province of Chentofu and Amdoa, on the south,
as far as it is believed, by Pegu, and on the north by Kokonor.
(4) Ketong Kham, which is bounded on the west by Kombo, on the
east by Tzava Kham, to the south, as far as is known, by Pegu or
1 The upper Lu-kiang. (Kl.) * "The junction of three rivers,"
2 The Murui-ussu, or Upper Yang- where the road from Sining to Lhasa
tbe-kumg (Kl.) crosses the upper Hoaitg-ho. (Kl.)
3 Van de Putte. Sec p. lxii of In- '
reduction.
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 313
Siam, and on the north by Kokonor. (5) Chungbu Kham, which on
the ^est is bounded by Talung, on the east by Chamto, on the south
by Shopado, and on the north by Chang. (6) Konchuduru Kham
which on the east is bounded by Kemorang, on the west by Chang,
in the direction of Dam, on the north by Kokonor, on the south by
Bha,1 which, whether it belong to Pegu or Tonquin, is unknown.
(7) Chamto Kham, (8) Kemorong Kham are provinces, of which
not only the boundaries, as in the case of the other four provinces,
but even the names of places are uncertain, as information could not
be procured from those who knew, and, through the jealousy of the
Tibetans, it has been found impossible to copy a map in the palace of
Varanga (?) or Lhaprang.
The King of Tibet is also ruler over the state of Amdoa, men
tioned above, which is bounded on the east by China, on the north by
Kokonor and Chang, on the west by Kham, and on the south by
Tonquin, Pegu, or Siam, as far as is known ; but this is not known for
certain, as the Tibetans have very little knowledge of those countries
and the states neighbouring them. Amdoa is divided into the follow
ing provinces, Chenisgungba, Iarba, Ara, Margniu, Tzator, Tariong,
Tebo, Ngaba, Sunggiu, Korlung, Chusang, Samblo, Tongor, Kung-
bung, and they say that there are others, but there was no opportunity
afforded us of ascertaining these matters, owing to the necessity for
not awakening suspicions.
In all these provinces there are cities, estates, castles built of
stone and other durable materials. The native tongue is Tibetan, but
they speak also Tatar and Chinese, and possess a high class of
intellect. In my time nearly all the lecturers and lamas of the
university, masters of the Supreme Lama, and the Grand Lamas who
have been born again, came from Amdoa, a province from which they
do not draft soldiers, as mentioned above.
Between Tatary and the provinces of Chang and Ngari are the
people of Hor,2 who are of mean intellect, wear their hair in tresses
and dress in the Tatar fashion ; they live in tents, and speak both
Tatar and Tibetan, but the former with greater facility. In the pro
vince of Tzang there are two large and several small rivers. One
rises in the Langur mountain and flows as far as Sekia, and then
turning south traverses the state of Bregion or Bramashon, and
Bengal, where it joins the Ganges under the name of Ponchu.3 The
other river, called Sanchu, comes from the north, it is believed from
1 Bha is the country of Bha, or Bha- Tibetans to the people of the Turk
tang (plain of cows). (Kl.) race in Central Asia. (Kl.)
2 Hor, according to M. Csoma de 3 The Tista, which however does not
Koros, is the name applied by the rise in Mount Langur, but in some
mountains to the north. (Kl.)
314 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
Chang larzi, flows to the south of Sgigatze, passes Giantze and Pari,
leaving Bregion on the west, and joins the Ganges in Bengal.1
The boundaries of Tibet on the east meet those of China and
Tarchenton.2 This state or province, I believe, joins China beyond
the Great Wall. In ancient times, when the Grand Lama was both the
spiritual and temporal ruler in Tibet, the Emperor of China always
gave him supreme authority over it, but when the Emperor gained
possession of Tibet, in 1720, he reserved the chief power for himself.
This country produces abundantly several species of tea, with which
it supplies the whole of Tibet, which on the south is bounded by
Bengal, Lho ten ke, Altibari, Mon, Brukpa, Lhoba, Lh6 k'haptra,
Shapado, Bha (to whom this belongs is not known), and, as far as
can be told, with Pegu, Siam, and Tonquin ; on the west by
Kashmir, a part of the Mogol, Nekpal, and Moronga ; on the north
by Usbek, Gaskar,3 and Giongar4 Tatary, and it is believed by
Varkand and Kokonor. Giongar is derived from Qion, left, and
kar, hand ; and Kokonor from Koleo, blue, and nor, lake ; these
being Tatar words. In the Tibetan tongue Kokonor is called Tzoka,
which is derived from Tzo, lake, and lea, dwellers. Kokonor is
also called Tzo ngonbo, which means blue lake, the water being
blue. The Tibetans pretend that this lake belongs to them, and that
the limits of Tibet adjoin those of the town of Shilin or Shilingh.
From this lake there issues no river. The five rivers which the old
maps show as issuing from a lake, whether it be the above-named
Iandro or Iantzo, which is three days' journey west of Lhasa, or
Kokonor lake, which is about one day's journey from Shilin, on the
confines of Tibet, these being the only two lakes in that country, are
absolutely imaginary, as no river at all issues from those lakes ; but
there are other large rivers, as mentioned above, viz. Tzangchu, in the
province of Tzang, and Nakchu and Bichu, in the state of Chang, as
well as two others which I have forgotten. These facts are derived
from well-informed persons, who also state that the Ganges rises
in Ngari towards Tatary.
It appears fitting here to record what has been told to me by
those who have travelled through and beyond Tibet.
The river Erchis divides Muscovy from the whole of Tatary.
Towards the confines of the latter, between the west and south,
dwell the Turkut 5 Tatars, who voluntarily became subjects of Mus-
1 Klaproth says there is some con- 4 Dzungar. (Kl.)
fusion here. ° These are the Torgod Kalmaks
2 A large fortified town not in the who left Russian territory to place
maPs- themselves in subjection to China.
3 Kiiskar or Kashgar. (Kl.) (Kl.)
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 315
covy, on condition of being provided with the means of sustenance,
th^rr own country being barren. They profess the same religion as
the Tibetans, a fact which I know from this, that in 1730 their king
died, and his queen and son sent some nobles with an escort of 300
men and plenty of money and other gifts to Lhasa, to make prayers
and offerings to the Grand Lamas and convents for the benefit of
the late king's soul. They went by sea, landed in China,1 and
from thence journeyed to Lhasa, which they reached in October,
1731, and where I had several conversations with their chiefs, car
ried on by means of Tibetan interpreters, their own language being
Tatar and a little Muscovite, while they are not entirely ignorant
of Christianity. In the map Kabul is inserted, but the name is called Kamul.
About a month's journey from it is Turfan. Kaskar is a kingdom,
the capital of which is called Kaskar, and is distant three days'
journey on horseback south from Yarkand. Andigen is a city and
kingdom, distant from Kaskar a month's journey southward.
Yarkand is the name of the kingdom, and the capital is called Yark
and. The people of Yarkand, Kaskar, and Usbek are for the most
part of the Muhamrnadan religion, and speak Turki. Samarkand,
Bokara, and Balak are nearly wholly Muhamrnadan, and speak Per
sian, while the people of Turfan, between Yarkand and Kamul, are
mostly Muhammadans, and speak Turki. Turfan belongs to Giongari,
and Kamul to China. The people of Andigen, Turfan, and Kamul
profess Muhammadanism, but those of Andigen speak Tatar, and the
other two, Turfan and Kamul, Turki and Tatar. From Shilin or
Shilingh to Kamul, the merchants with their caravans take forty days
on the road, and twelve from Kamul to Turfan, whence their route
runs in a north-west direction. Tarsy, a district of Amdoa, is a good
day's journey from Shilin.
Regarding the situation of onr five religious houses, I may
mention that the first is at Chandernagor, in Bengal, in latitude
22° 20' north, where the sun is in the zenith on the 3rd June and 9th
July. The second is that of Patna, in the kingdom of Behar, twenty
days distant from Chandernagor, and in latitude 26° 30' north. The
third is in Nekpal, at Kadmandu or Batgao, in latitude 27° 30'.
The fourth in the capital of Tibet, in Lhasa, in latitude 30° 20'. The
fifth at Trongnge, in Takpo, about 30° north latitude.
1 Evidently an error. The Embassy traversed Mongolia. The Kalmak king,
who was called Ayuka Khan, died in 1731. (Kl.)
316 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
A Short Account of the Great Kingdom of Tibet, as far as regards the
Position of the Country and its Products ; the Food and Drink of
its People; its Commerce; the Manners, Politics, and Temporal
Rule of the People ; the Administration of Justice ; and a Succinct
Abstract of the Great Chaos of Tibetan Laws.
The Kingdom of Tibet and its Products. — The kingdom of Tibet is
mountainous throughout, and between the mountains there are plains,
where are built cities and castles in the southern parts, and groves
of willows and stunted trees have been planted, the mountains being
destitute of everything except shrubs.
Towards the south, in the provinces of Takpo, Kombo, and Kham,
there are forests, but in all the mountains in the provinces of Ngari,
Tzang, U, and Chang, there are no shrubs, but only a few trees,
too few indeed to supply beams for building houses, so that they only
take the branches of the trees for fuel, and sell them at an extremely
high price, as their usual practice is to burn the dung of horses, oxen,
and other animals. The climate is extremely cold, and the summits
of the mountains are covered with snow all through the year. Owing
to the great altitude and the rudeness of the bleak winds which
there prevail, the ground for six months is hard as rock, and the
climate and soil being alike inhospitable, no poisonous animal is to
be found. Sowing takes place in the beginning of May; they gather little
wheat, little being sown, much barley, and some peas which they
bruise (as they do not cook them), and give to horses and cattle, the
latter crop being gathered in September. These harvests, as well
as that of rape (from the seeds of which oil is made), yield sixty-
fold, and in good seasons eightyfold. The people sow nothing else,
except some small red turnips, radishes, garlic in large quantity, and a
few very small onions. In the southern parts nothing else is found,
with the exception of a few nuts, some small peaches, and wild apples
(in Trongnge there are some wild vines which yield a few grapes), and
a few different sorts of flowers, make up the total of the fruits of the
earth. For clothing purposes they have only cloth of wool, serge, or yarn,
blankets, which are at the most a palm and a half wide, and skins
with the hair on. There are many gold mines in the provinces of U,
Tzang, Chang, Takpo, Kombo, and Kham, and silver (as far as is
known) in the province of Kham. There are also mines of iron
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 817
copper, and another mineral, of a white colour, like tin, which is
calldfl tikza, and is worked into a sort of brass by being mixed with
copper ; of sulphur, vitriol, cinnabar, cobalt, turquoise stones, a yellow
substance called paula, borax, rock-salt, a white mineral earth, used
in the houses instead of lime ; another species of earth, bright and
corrosive, used instead of soap, to eradicate stains and cook food
quickly ; square stones of three kinds, the colour of iron ; of silver and
of gold ; mountain crystals, which are used for flints, and alabaster ;
rhubarb and other medicines are to be found. There are numerous
mineral springs, and medicinal springs, both hot and cold, which,
however, are not good for drinking purposes, owing to their being
mixed with the aforesaid minerals.
There are horses, a few oxen like ours, but extremely small, oxen
peculiar to the country with long hair, which are used as beasts of
labour, mules, sheep in abundance, goats, cows, which yield plenty
of milk, from which butter is obtained in large quantities, but not
cheese, which they know not how to make, small pigs, whose flesh is
not nnlike the other flesh they eat, a great number of very large dogs,
and a few fowls. As regards wild animals, there are a few hares, a
large quantity of musk rats, marmots, a few stags and goats, and hairy
oxen. The birds comprise sparrows, a few larks, ravens, falcons, eagles
and other birds of prey, wild ducks and geese in abundance. There
is also plenty of fish, but from the first day of the year to the end of
the seventh month all fishing is prohibited, while the killing of birds
is always prohibited.
Food. — The Tibetans drink a quantity of tea, made with milk,
butter, and salt, and leave a little tea in the cup, in which they make
a paste with barley meal, and afterwards eat it. For dinner and
supper they make the barley-meal paste with tea or water, and eat it
with meat or fish, which they eat raw, or with dried meat without
salt. Well-to-do people, however, live rather better.
Commerce. — The above-mentioned minerals, woollen cloth, yarn,
woollen blankets, musk, and the foregoing animals, paper made in
Takpo and Pari, in the south of the province of Tzang, are all, as far
as Tibet is concerned. From other kingdoms, as well as from China,
come porcelain, glass in small quantities, fabrics of raw and prepared
silk, brocades, white and coloured cotton fabrics, sewing silk and
thread, tea in small quantities (the greater part coming from the state
of Tarchenton), and other things. From Nekpal come cotton cloths,
wrought brass, and copper. From Mogol come white and figured
cloths, silk, and embroidered stuffs, brocades, scarlet, corals and
amber (these last three articles from Europe), small diamonds, and
318 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
other things. From other kingdoms come other goods ; and I believe
that the merchants must make great gains, as they will borrow money
at interest from 120 to 140 per cent., and give a pledge in addition,
in order to secure their loan.
Morality. — The Tibetans, speaking as a rule, are inclined to
vindictiveness ; but they know well how to dissemble, and when
opportunity offers, will not fail to revenge themselves. They are
timid, and greatly fear justice ; so that when they commit some
crime, through timidity and dread of justice they know neither how
to apply a remedy nor to take to flight, and if taken before a judge,
at the first or second examination they confess ; and if they do not
make open confession, they nevertheless betray their guilt by the
confusion in which they involve themselves. If, however, they are
protected by some great lord, they lay aside all fear, and become
arrogant and proud. They are greedy of money ; and yet they show
admiration for those who are independent thereof and disinterested.
They are also somewhat given to lust ; but this is more owing to their
atrocious laws than to any real inclination thereto. They are addicted
to habits of intoxication and to drinking barley beer, and a kind of
brandy (mixed with the beer referred to), which does not differ greatly
from the beer which the Tatars make from the milk of mares, and
which is like water in appearance and taste, but is of considerable
strength. They are but slightly loyal to their chiefs, and are fond of
new forms of government and revolutions, as it would appear from
the Tibetan histories ; but the causes of the most recent disturbances
were the monks. They are also dirty and nasty, and without refine
ment ; but from their intercourse with the Chinese in 1720 they have
begun to be a little more cleanly and civilized.
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned objectionable qualities and
blameable habits of the Tibetans, they have some good points, among
which, being generally intelligent (although not equal to the people
of the state of Amdoa, who are extremely quick), they are gentle and
humane and amenable to reason, the laymen submitting to the precepts
of the land more readily than the monks, who are most obstinate in
defence of their sect, but who, when convinced, abandon their opposi
tion and even their former tenets ; as, when convinced by the argu
ments brought by the Capuchin missionaries against magic, they ceased
to practise it any further. They (more especially the laymen) are
much given to piety and devotion and to almsgiving, and in these
pious works they take no count of money or riches, more especially
when they wish to pray for the souls of the dead ; while in almsgiving
they are not less generous, but even institute solemn prayers and many
App.]
HORACE DELLA PENNA.
319
sacrifices, calling together many monks for those spiritual duties,
and^they consider it a great crime to keep back the smallest coin be
longing to the deceased. The monks also do not fail to give alms and
do other works of charity to the deceased.
As far as I have seen and heard, and judging from my knowledge
of the country, there is great modesty observed in the dress and
behaviour of women, in their appearance in public, and in their own
houses in private throughout the kingdom, Lhasa and some other com
mercial towns being excepted, as the variety of the nations which there
meet has brought about rather more liberty. At dances women dance
with women, and men with men, and it would be considered a great
scandal were a man and a woman to dance together.
The Political and Temporal Government. — Before 1706 the Grand
and Supreme Lama1 was master of all Tibet, but in order that he
might be able better to attend to the spiritual rule, he kept as
protector of the kingdom a Tatar, of the family of the chief of the
thirty-two petty rulers of Kokonor, Talakuchy,2 to whom he gave the
name of King, a dignity which descended from father to son, while in
1 Lama means that there is no one
higher, and it is applied to the superior
of a convent. These lamas are of
various kinds. Some are called lamas
born anew, and these are supposed
at death to pass from one body into
another. The Grand Lamas belong to
this category, and are many in number,
each of them having several monas
teries under him, the superiors of which
are elected by the Grand Lama, either
for their virtues or as a mark of
favour; and from this post they are
not removed during lifetime, except for
very grave offences, albeit sometimes
they are transferred from an inferior
convent to a higher one, from which
cause they are called elected lamas,
and not lamas born anew. The Supreme
Grand Lama cannot exercise authority
over the monks of the convents, who
depend on the other Grand Lamas to
create them lamas of the university.
The Grand Lamas, however, are not
subject to the supreme one, although
he and (at the present time) his de
puty take precedence of them, and in
differences between them the Supreme
Lama or his deputy is he who decides.
These people hold and believe that
the bodies of these lamas are in
structed by the soul of one of the
Chanchub, which are numerous, as
mentioned above. (Della Penna.)
Lama, or bLama as it is written in
Tibetan, signifies priest or superior
priest. In the term Talai lama, talai is
a Mongol word meaning sea or ocean,
and is a translation of the Tibetan
rGhia mtso of the same meaning, a
title which has long been adopted by
the upper members of the Buddhist
hierarchy. (Kl.)
2 The celebrated Guchi Khan turu
baikhu. He was the first of all the
Dzungarian chiefs who received a title
at the hands of the Manchu dynasty of
China. Under the Dalai Lama of the
fifth generation, great troubles arose in
Tibet. Tsang-pa Khan, chief of the
nomad tribes in the country, endea
voured to do away with Buddhism. The
diba or viceroy of the kingdom invoked
the aid of Guchi Khan, who came, and
having beaten Tsang-pa Khan, placed
his own son Dayan Khan on the throne
of Tibet. (Kl.)
320 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
default of male issue, the Supreme Grand Lama elected some other
member of the same family, giving him as appanage the whole of the
province of Chang both for revenue and rule. This king resided
during the summer at Dam, and the winter at Lhasa, in the palace of
Kaden khang sar, and it was his duty to defend the kingdom, with his
own Tatar and the Tibetan soldiery of the kingdom, from the invasion
of foes, extending his political rule only over the above-named Tatars,
but for military purposes and in times of war over the Tibetan
soldiers as well.
The Supreme Grand Lama had also another Tibetan of great rank,
chosen for his ability, nobility, intelligence, and wisdom, to whom he
gave the name of Tisri ; and the authority conferred on him by the
same Supreme Grand Lama in the political rule of the whole kingdom
was so great, that the same Tatar king had to give way and place in
public meetings to the Tisri, without, however, being subject to him.
This Tisri, in public meetings and on the occasion of visits from the
Supreme Grand Lama, had to dress in the garb of a monk. The
Tisri alone had the right of electing the four Khalongs, or ministers
of state, on whom he conferred the power of electing the governors
subordinate to the governors-general of provinces, and of chief towns
throughout the kingdom, these being elected by the Tisri alone,
similarly with all the other principal ministers and upper officers of
the whole kingdom, while he reserved to himself the power of life
and death, and other matters of great import, which he could not
entrust to the authority of the ministers of state or governors-general,
or other chief officers. By this organization of the ministry and
temporal offices, the Supreme Grand Lama managed to avoid being
burthened with any political matters, except appeals to him against
the decision of the Tisri, and to devote increased attention to spiritual
matters and laws.
The last Supreme Grand Lama, absolute ruler of Tibet, by name,
Loszang-rincen-tzang-yang-gMamtzho, which means " great and best
heart and sea of the musical or concerted song of Tzang" (which is a
place of the Lha1 or gods), although he was possessed of great and
conspicuous abilities, was liberal almost to prodigality, and a lover of
1 Lha, gods, those who receive the perform meritorious actions, and in pro-
reward of their good deeds by trans- portion to their sins, past or present,
migration into other bodies in places they then transmigrate into beasts, or
of delight, which number in all thirty- into Tantali, or into hell ; and if they
two, and to one of which (according to have no sin they become men again.
the amount of their good deeds) the The Lha in places of delight, are in-
passage is effected. The books of their voked and revered. (Delia Penna.)
laws say that they can sin, but not
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA.
321
magnificence, nevertheless lived in very dissolute fashion, and neither
the 3!isri, whose name was Sangkie Ghiamtzho, nor the Tatar king,
Ginkir Khan, nor the Emperor of China, nor the King of Gionkar,
nor the Chiefs of Kokonor, through their ambassadors, could prevail
on him to abandon his wicked ways. In this year 1706 there were
great dissensions between the king, Ginkir Khan, and the Tisri Sangkie
Ghiamtzho, which finally resulted in the king, Ginkir Khan, causing
the Tisri to be assassinated. After the event the above-named Su
preme Grand Lama still continued his dissolute life, and the king,
Ginkir Khan, being unable to endure it any longer, determined, with
the consent of the Emperor of China, to depose him. Wherefore,'
pretending that the Emperor of China had summoned him to his pre
sence, for the sake of honouring him, from the convent of Brepung or
Brebon, whither the monks, being all armed and numbering above
60,000, had forcibly conducted him for safety, the valour of the King's
arms tore him from the hands of the priests and led him to Dam, where
(as is commonly reported) the King caused him to be decapitated.
But the historical work, called Naue c'iu len i k'hyk' hun lea sgiuso, in
referring to it says that in order to attend very carefully and hear
with joyful heart the registration of events (that is in this book), he
was sent to China, and on the road died of dropsy, and this happened
towards the end of the year 1707, in which year, on the 12th June,
our first Capuchin missionaries from the march of Ancona, forming
the Tibetan mission, arrived.
After these events the king, Ginkir Khan, made as Supreme Grand
Lama the lama of the monastery of Chapohri,1 named Ngawang yi shie
ghiamtzo, into whom, as the Chokhiongs pretended, not the soul but
the breath of the former one had passed.
In the year 1709 there arrived five ambassadors from the Emperor
of China, who bore his commands to all the Tibetans to recognize the
above-named lama as the true Supreme Lama, and the King Ginkir
Khan as the true and lawful King of Tibet, which was done by all.
It must be mentioned that the soul of the deceased Supreme Lama,
according to the foolish notion of the Tibetans, had passed into
the body of a child, son of a Tibetan monk who had been driven out
of the monastery of Brepung or Brebon, in the city of Lithang,
province of Kham, and who, they say, was thus born again. He
was born in 1706, and the report then spread that the Grand Lama
was born again, so that a great number of monks and scholars came
to recognize him ; but as the Emperor of China wished the one nomi-
1 Id est, " iron mountain." (Kl.)
322 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
nated by the Tatar king, and whose appointment had been confirmed
by him, to hold the spiritual power, he caused the child and all his
family te be taken and guarded, and this was done with the aid of
5000 soldiers. He was placed in the fortress of Shilin or Shilingh,
and kept there till 1720, in which year the Chinese army, com
posed of 107,000 Chinese soldiers and 30,000 Tatars, retook the
metropolis of Lhasa, and made themselves masters of the whole of
the kingdom of Tibet, on the 20th September, and overthrew com
pletely the Gionkar Tatars, who had treacherously invaded Tibet,
and with the connivance of a great part of its people, had plundered
the country, and taken Lhasa, in November and December, 1717.
The Chinese having thus retaken Tibet and Lhasa from the
Gionkar Tatars, replaced in possession on the 6th of October, 1720,
the said newly-born Lama, in whom alone the Emperor of China
vested the spiritual rule, and appointed to the temporal and political
rule, as subordinate to the Grand Lama, the king, Telchin bathur, in
place of Ginkir Khan, who had been slain in the defeat of all the
family of Gionkars.
In 1727, by order of the Grand Lama, of his father, of the three
ministers of state, and of many nobles of the kingdom, the king, Tel
chin bathur, was assassinated in the royal hall on the 5th of August.
In 1728 the Emperor of China sent another army of over 40,000
soldiers, ordered all those implicated in the crime to be arrested, and
on the 1st of November caused seventeen of the ringleaders to be
executed most cruelly, and many others who could not fly, and were
concerned in the murder, were sent into China. On the 23rd of
December in the same year, 1728, the Grand Lama and his father
were led away, with their respective retinues, and placed in a fortress
near Chen-to-fu ; and the same Emperor selected as spiritual ruler
instead the much-respected and powerful Lama of the monastery of
Chotin, in the same province of U, four days' journey from Lhasa.
His name was Kiesri-riboche, and he resided in the palace of Putala,1
or at Brepung, as all the other Grand Lamas used to do. In 1729
the Emperor of China appointed as king of the said Tibet, and
1 Putala is the name of the palatial to his feet and touches heads when the
residence of the Grand Lama, an ex- King] Grand Lamas who have been
tremely high edifice. Putala is built born again, ambassadors from other
on a little hill, on the slopes of, and kings, and similar personages visit him.
around which, there are monasteries. The late Grand Lama had 400 monks,
The Grand Lama never sits on the elected by himself; this one has 200,
altar, but close to it, whether in church but they are monks, not lamas, and
or in the palace, where there is a chapel from these are chosen the lamas of
with an altar. The Grand Lama rises monasteries. (Delia P.)
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 323
tributary to him, the present ruler Mi-vang, whom God prosper and
rentier happy, so that he may embrace the holy Catholic faith, to
which he, as well as all his family and subjects, are well disposed.
The same Emperor of China, in appointing king the above-men
tioned Mi-vang, entrusted to him also the temporal, judicial, and
political authority, as he had done with his predecessor Telchin
bathur, thus depriving the Grand Lama entirely of all the temporal
sway, so that at the present time the king auctoritate propria elects
the four Khalongs, or ministers of state, the Tela, or Deba chinbo,
which is the title given to the governors-general of the provinces and
chief towns, as well as all the other ministers and upper officers and
chiefs, giving them all authority in political and criminal matters,
and in all military causes which are neither capital nor grave.
In the selection of these governors-general, ministers, and upper
officials, he consults the said four ministers of state, with whom and
the other ministers the king holds counsel three times a week.
In the absence of the king the first minister of state presides,
but he takes no action on the deliberations without the approval of
the king. The latter does not decide any case of importance or in
volving life and death without taking the advice and counsel of these
ministers of state, the nobles of his court, and a secret council. The
ministers, too, with the other councillors meet together every other
day to discuss other causes of an ordinary character. It devolves on
the ministers of state to choose the other governors, ministers, and
subordinate officers, the subalterns and dependents of the governors
of provinces, and of the chief ministers and officers, so that at the
present day the Supreme Grand Lama has nothing left to him but the
spiritual rule. As regards the monks, if they are professed monks,
and for grave offences are expelled their monasteries, they are punished
by the same tribunal which punishes those who are not professed ; if
however they are not guilty of a grave offence, the priests are punished
by the chief lama of the monastery, or the Deputy Supreme Grand
Lama, who at the present day rules instead of the Supreme Grand
Lama, who is confined in the fortress near Chen-fu, as mentioned
elsewhere. Administration of justice.— The Tibetan judges, who are three,
award the punishments prescribed in their books, which may be
called law books, and which assign penalties for misdemeanors in
criminal matters as well as in civil disputes. There are besides other
books which treat of similar matters, in the shape of glosses upon
them, but the commentators have taken no heed of others which treat
of religion. J 2
324 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
There is a right of appeal from the chiefs,1 who are ordinary
judges, to other officials who review causes, from the reviewers
of causes to the ministers of state, and from these (at the present
day) to the king ; and when the Supreme Lama was absolute in tem
poral matters, and appointed the Tisri to discharge these duties, they
had recourse to him, and then in case of need to the Grand Lama him
self; but with this caution from the ministers or chamberlains, not to
refer the criminal cases of those condemned to bodily punishment,
whether by flogging, cutting off the hand, or death, unless they wished
the culprits to be pardoned, as they were sure of receiving pardon.
They accordingly brought them before him only when they wished to
pardon them, the Grand Lama being the fountain of mercy. The
above-named three judges meet together in their courts at fixed hours,
both in the morning and evening. In the morning neither merchant
nor tradesman can sell anything until the said judges open the
greater bar of their palace, which remains open by the market-place ;
towards midday they shut it up, and all shopmen must shut up their
goods and return after dinner, in the same manner as in the morning,
provided only that there is at least one judge in the palace.
I have not read many books of justice, and will only mention what
little I have read and seen practised.
In civil causes it is necessary to produce writings, proofs, or testi
monies, and according to these sentence is given ; thus, if they deposit
their writings, proofs, and testimonies to-day (unless the writings be
long and require much deliberation) to-morrow they give judgment,
and they first decide the case which is first brought before them, there
being no need of feeing the judges or other officials, as they are all
salaried by the royal chamber ; and if a pecuniary fine be adjudged,
they set it apart to be handed over to the ministers of state at the end
of the year, as shall be told hereafter ; if, however, there be neither
writings nor proofs nor testimonies, in small cases, such as, for
instance, in the case of a disputed loan, the judges cause dice to be
produced in their presence, and he who scores highest is considered to
have the right on his side. In matters of importance they give judg
ment in two ways : one is by placing two stones, one white and the
other black, in a vessel of boiling oil, and, without seeing, by causing
one of the stones to be taken out by the hand. If the stone be white
and the hand uninjured, that man is in the right, without the other
party having to dip his hand ; if on the other hand he first encounters
1 Chiefs, who are the judges of the their own residence, as mentioned in
common men, and who dispense justice the other paper on the administration
in cases that come before them. In of justice. (Della P.)
Lhasa there are three, who meet in
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 325
the black stone, even if he does not injure his hand (for this ordeal they
make use of a certain secret or magical art), he is adjudged liar, and
the other must insert his hand likewise. The other method of giving
judgment is to heat a long round bar of iron, and when red hot to
cause the hand to be drawn along the whole of the bar, and if the
hand be not injured the right is on his side.
In criminal cases of a different character, abuse, blows, and the
like, a fine and a beating are inflicted ; and if the Culprits have no
money, they double the number of blows, the same practice being
observed in the case of the women. The practice in flogging the
men and women is to place them on their faces on the ground, and to
inflict the requisite number of blows with long sticks on the bare
buttocks. But if the accused was drunk at the time, there is no
penalty. If he has struck a blow and the blow be not fatal, impri
sonment and a certain number of blows are adjudged, the penalty being
lessened if the accused was intoxicated ; if the blow proves mortal
and the injured party dies after a certain number of days, the accused is
shot to death with arrows, or thrown into the river with a great stone
round his neck. If the death is immediate on the quarrel, they pre
serve the corpse and take and bind the murderer to it, and after twenty-
four hours bury both the dead and the living together. In quarrels
where spectators see weapons of offence drawn, they are bound to
interfere, and should they fail in doing so, they are liable to fine as
well as those who take part in the same. If masters, either in their
senses or when intoxicated, strike their subordinates or servants, even
if they should kill them, there is no penalty attached thereto ; they
are merely held in bad repute and lose their good name, so that they
cannot be promoted to any dignities.
At the end of the year the three judges of Lhasa present the
account and proceeds of all fines, and by order of the king those for
civil cases are placed in the royal chamber, and those derived from
criminal cases are set apart as presents to the monks for the sacri
fices and prayers offered up by them. The judges under the governors-
general observe the same practice, and submit their account to the
king direct.
In cases of rape, if one be a monk and the other a nun employed
outside of a convent as servant to those within and to beg alms for
them, or if it be a nun of a convent which has not a clausura,
such nun is expelled the service of the convent and sent home,
which is reckoned a great dishonour. If she be a professed nun, the
dishonour is very great, and she cannot marry even though she
might find a suitable match. If the monk has taken the vows, he is
326 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
expelled his cloth, and for some years he is sent into the mountains
among wild animals ; if neither he nor the nun be professed, and if
they are willing to marry, there is no penalty ; but if they do not
marry, the monk is expelled, and bastinadoed in public, and banished
from that part ; and if the ravisher of a nun be a layman, he is
branded on the forehead and banished from the kingdom.
Regarding adultery, the same penalty is awarded to the adulterer
that the husband exacts from the adnltress ; and if he should refuse
to take her back she returns to her home dishonoured, but if he
consents, she returns to live with him. And concerning divorce, if
they go before the judge, the judge examines both sides, and if the
woman be in the right, the husband is bound to restore to her all her
dowry, and to give her besides four analy of barley (every analy
weighs about two Roman pounds, 24 ounces French weight) for- every
day of their married life up to the date of divorce ; if the man be in
the right, the woman forfeits all her dowry and returns to her former
home. As regards other offences against the Sixth Commandment,
there are penalties attached to them, but I have neither read nor have
I been informed concerning them.
With regard to theft, when the thief is caught he is cast into
prison, and when he has confessed his crime, if the property be
recovered it is handed over to the owner; if the goods have been
sold, the receiver thereof forfeits both the goods and the money, the
property being handed over to the rightful owner ; if the money be
recovered from the thief, the judge claims it for the royal chamber ;
if he has spent it, he who has received it is bound to restore it and
hand it back in the same way for the royal chamber ; if the thief
has stolen money in coin, it is restored to its owner, and the judge
inflicts a fine on the thief for the chamber, and if he be poor the corporal
punishment is doubled. If the thief has stolen but little, and it is
his first offence, they imprison him and give him a flogging ; if he has
stolen much, and from private individuals, the flogging and imprison
ment are doubled. If on the occasion of his first offence he has stolen
much or little from the royal chamber, or in the royal palace, or
in the monasteries or temples, he is thrown into the river, but often
as an act of mercy they cut off both his hands ; if he has stolen for
the second time they cut off his left hand, if for the third time both
the hands, and then cast him into the river ; and if they do not cast
him into the river, as an act of mercy they send him alive to the
fortress of Sgikakungar, four days south of Lhasa, where, through
bad treatment and fatigue, they do not often live beyond a year at
the most, while there are few that even reach the place.
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 327
If the thief be a monk and the theft be committed in his own
monastery, for small thefts the superior of the monastery inflicts
punishment, and for great thefts, the Supreme Grand Lama, or in his
absence the Deputy ; but at the present time for a theft of conse
quence, or for other crimes committed by monks, the king tries the
cause. If a monk steals from laymen, from temples, or from other
people of consequence, and to a considerable amount, he is first
expelled the monastery, and then the judges cast him into prison, and
when the property is recovered they send him to tend wild cattle on
the mountains, either for life or for a period, or else he is flogged and
sent into banishment. It is, however, wrong that the buyer of the stolen
property, although he may not know that it is stolen, and may have
paid a proper price for it according as the thief may ask, from whom
it is impossible to ascertain whether it be stolen or not, should lose
all the money he has paid ; and still worse that they should believe
the thief, who may say that he has sold the property to such an one,
although it may be untrue, and ("as has happened several times to
my knowledge) an innocent man is compelled to give np the property
or its money's worth.
There are many other penalties for divers other crimes, but
I do not recollect them, and I have not brought with me the book
which treats of the administration of justice and the penalties awarded
to criminals. In the case of strangers they considerably diminish the
penalties. The tortures they inflict as a mark of disgrace or other
wise are flogging, dipping them naked up to the head in cold water,
and then drawing them out and beating them with thongs of leather,
and then plunging them in again and repeating the process several
times ; wounding them slightly with knives, and smearing the wounds
with salt ; binding them naked to a post in the public square, and
leaving them there all day; or else fixing them naked in a frame
or gibbet of wood. They also inflict other tortures which I do not
remember, until they extort a confession of their crimes from the
criminals. It is also the custom, if as a special favour the corporal punish
ment is commuted into a fine, and the culprit through his poverty be
unable to discharge it, for five or six principal folk who are charged
with the duty of begging alms, to collect all sorts of goods, till the
desired amount is reached, and the judges take the same goods until
they are sufficient to satisfy them completely, and set free the
culprit. Another custom is for twelve other people of consequence, who
are appointed for the purpose, and charged with the duty, to go to the
328 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
king, and beg off as a favour some criminal condemned to die or to
suffer some severe bodily punishment, and if the king he disposed to
show mercy he grants an audience to these gentlemen, and when he is
unwilling to show mercy, he refuses them audience, on some pretext or
other. The above-named gentlemen of rank, when anyone is con
demned to death, go with many persons of consequence and many
people to make the circuit of the temple many times, and also when
the condemned man is led to suffer punishment, the ministers of
justice, together with the culprit, make the circuit of the temple,
followed by many people.
Tibetan Laws. — The books of Tibetan laws, which they' look
upon as gospel, consist of eight hundred large volumes, called
K'hagiur, which means translated precepts, that is, precepts translated
from the Hindustani into the Tibetan tongue. This K'hagiur has
its commentaries, which consist of more than four hundred books,
and they have many other books of history and philosophy, in
which are many things which the teachers of religion and the
people hold as articles of faith. In this very voluminous law of
the K'hagiur they are told that there are eight millions of worlds
actually existing besides our own visible and palpable one. This
last and another world only owe their creation to the agency of
the inhabitants of the other invisible worlds ; but the manner in
which these two worlds were created being a lengthy matter, and
it being desirable to follow the same brevity as previously observed,
I omit recording it. All the other worlds are ab mterno a parte ante,
and one a parte post, as shall be mentioned. The souls of all living
beings are eternal a parte ante et a parte post, the law is ab ceterno
and a parte ante, but not a parte post, because when all transmigra
tions are at an end, and the living conveyed into paradise, as shall be
told presently, all law is at an end.
This law teaches that in some of the fabled worlds there is no
law, and in all the other worlds, where there is law there is also
paradise, which they believe to be etiam a parte ante, et a parte post, as
they believe all the souls of the living beings to be, excepting, how
ever, this visible world of ours, where they do not admit of a para
dise, but instead, thirty-two places of bliss, to some of which are
conveyed those who have attained the position of saints in this world,
where there are Lha, who are like gods. They imagine these places
to be in the air above that great mountain about 160,000 leagues
high (the Tibetan league consists of five miles), and 32,000 leagues in
circuit, which is made up of four parts, being of crystal to the east,
of the red precious stone called peimaraca 1 (which I believe is ruby)
1 Sanscrit, padmardga, ruby. (Kl.)
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 329
to the west, of gold to the north, and of the green precious stone
called bendruie ' to the south. In these abodes of bliss they remain
as long as they please, and then pass to the paradise of other
worlds. According to their law, in the west of this world there is an
eternal world, a parte ante and a parte post, where there is a paradise,
and in it a saint called Ho pahme, which means saint of splen
dour and infinite light. This saint has many disciples, who are all
Chang chub.2 These Chang chub have not yet become saints, but they
possess in the highest degree five virtues, called Chinba, Tzultrim,
Szopa, Tzontru, and Samden, which mean great charity, both temporal
and spiritual, perfect observance of laws, great patience in whatever
event may occur, great diligence in working to perfection, and the
most sublime contemplation. These Chang chub have finished their
course, and are exempt from further transmigrations, passing only
from the body of one Lama to that of another ; but the Lama is
always endowed with the soul of the same Chang chub, although he
may be in other bodies for the benefit of the living to teach them
the law, which is the object of their not wishing to become saints,
because then they would not be able to instruct them. Being moved
by compassion and pity they wish to remain Chang chub to instruct
the living in the law, so as to make them finish quickly the laborious
course of their transmigrations. Moreover, if these Chang chub wish,
they are at liberty to transmigrate into this or other worlds, and at
the same time they transmigrate into other places with the same
object. The transmigration of the soul of any living being from one body
to another, as remarked already, is a point of primary importance in
the Tibetan laws, and for these transmigrations there are six places
assigned. Firstly, those of the Lha or of gods. These places are almost in
numerable, although they only assign them here thirty-two ; just as they
forget the shape of the Tibetan world in the description of the great
mountain in the middle of the said world. Besides these places, the
same law says that there are places of transmigration for the Lha in
1 Sanscrit, vaiduryya, or lapis lazuli. and put an end to their numerous trans-
(KL) migrations, as can better be seen in
2 Chang chub means the spirit of the other written abstract of their law.
those who, on account of their perfec- (Della P.)
tion, do not care to become saints, and The word is written, in Tibetan,
train and instruct the bodies of the re- Byang tsiub, and means " accomplished."
born lamas, as for instance, the Chen- It is the name given to those beings
retzi, Sembachenbo, Isetrung rimboehe, who have attained the highest degree
&c, so that they may help the living, of perfection next to Buddha. (Kl.)
330 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
the seven planets, and in all the stars, where the souls transmigrated
into the Lha will receive the reward of their good works for a fixed
time, in proportion to their good deeds ; after which happy existence
the Lha go to receive the punishment due to them for their sins,
committed either before passing into the places of the Lha or during
their sojourn in those places, for they admit the possibility of sinning
in the place of bliss of the Lha, just as these same Lha can sin and
not do meritorious actions. To receive their punishment they pass in
the shape of other bodies into places of punishment, as shall be told
anon; but if they have not sinned since enjoying their reward, they
transmigrate into bodies of men.
The second place is that of the Lha ma in, or of demigods, and it
is the only one where the souls pass with other bodies to receive the
reward of their good works. They do not, however, have here as
many pleasures as in the other places of the Lha, which have been
described, but much fewer.
The third place is Tudro, which is the place of all sorts of
animals and beasts, where souls are transmigrated for venial sins and
mortal offences.
The fourth place is that of the Ita or Tantalus, whither they
migrate with other bodies to receive the punishment of sins of a less
venial character, and of graver mortal offences.
The fifth place is that of Gnielva, or hell, whither the souls with
other bodies go to receive the punishment for mortal sins which have
not been expiated by pain. There, in proportion to the greatness of
the men, they receive torments ; in process of time, which is of ex
ceeding length, though not infinite, on completing their punishment,
they transmigrate, if they have committed no crime, into men, and if
they have committed fresh sins, they either increase their punishment
in hell or pass into beasts and Tantali.
In all the above-mentioned places every soul must take a fresh
body, because, as they say, the soul separated from the body can
receive neither reward nor punishment.
The sixth place, Gikthen, is this world, or rather mankind in it,
and this is the best transmigration of all, since here they can do
good and work deserving actions, and cancel sins by pain and resolu
tions ; while in the other places they cannot do this. The blind,
deaf, lame, and crippled, are thus afflicted on account of some small
mortal sin of other transmigrations unexpiated by pain, while the
poor, menials, labourers, peasants, and others who are occupied in
manual labour, servants, and slaves, are thus transmigrated for the same
reason. Property, riches, nobility, the authority of great people,
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 331
of princes, of the king, as taught in their law, is due to the good
works done in other transmigrations for the good of others. They
wish to be saints, as said above, and even the Chang chub, according
to their legends, change many times into kings.
It is an article of their faith that anyone observing all laws
during the period of five hundred transmigrations, without commit
ting any sin, becomes a saint ; but if he commits sins they increase
proportionately the transmigrations until, by good works, they become
saints. But before becoming a saint, a man must become Chang chub,
and in order to become Chang chub it is necessary that in the last
transmigration he at least be a monk, because scholars of whatever
condition, rank, and eminence, although they may live correctly,
cannot become Chang chub without first becoming monks in their
last transmigration, as mentioned above. In order that the Chang
chub may become saint, it is necessary that first he should have been
a monk either in this world or in some other world, where law exists ;
and to know those who have become saints since the restoration
of law, it is not necessary that it should be declared by some action,
but he is recognized as such, when, in the last transmigration he has
thirty-two signs in his own body and eighty qualities, and by these he
is recognized as saint and adored. The signs are as follows : The mark
of a wheel in the palms of the hands and feet, a soft skin of gold
colour, a small twisted mark like a ring in the forehead, the fingers
and toes webbed as in ducks, &C.1 The qualities comprise walking
like an elephant, flying like a bird, walking as upright as a pole,
and walking always with the right foot first.
From all these saints united there proceeds one being, and this is
the god which the Tibetans worship ; by increasing the saints the being
becomes greater, and when all mankind have become saints, the being
will not be able to grow any greater. Its name is Sankia K'honchoa,2
which signifies " the best of all," or, " god proceeding from saints,"
and it comes to be considered as the first person by them, distinguish
ing as they do the people who are really distinct one from the other,
and all three constitute one being, or best and perfect substance.
The second person they call Cho K'honchoa,3 God of Law, because
these saints had restored the law to its pristine state ; and as they
had given the law, and it came from god, it has thus become god.
The third person is called Kedun-K'honchoa,4 which signifies the
1 In the Mongol history of Sanang 2 " The very precious Buddha." (Kl.)
setsen the same thing is said of the 3 " The very precious law." (Kl.)
hands and feet of the first king of Tibet, 4 " The very precious assemblage of
who came from Hindustan. (Kl.) the virtuous," i. e. the clergy. (Kl.)
332 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
assemblage of all the monks, which is god, because the saints, having
restored the law, have consequently restored the laws and rules of the
monks, and as all these saints were monks, and have as it were the
very essence of the same monks, they call it Kedun-K'honchoa.
The law teaches that all these three persons are really distinct,
but that the essence is one. The essence of this, their god, is united
to a body, and this body is made of a precious stone like crystal or
diamond, and they add this body because, as said above, the mind
alone can neither enjoy nor suffer.
To this god of theirs alone they attribute pity, sympathy, and
all other perfections joined to the highest degree of piety, but not
justice or punishment, because they consider those to be opposed to
pity. These acts of compassion on the part of their god do not
operate extra se upon human beings, but only within him, because, al
though they do not believe him to be a punisher of evil, they do not
look upon him as a rewarder of good, holding as they do that good and
evil proceed from the good and bad actions of human beings, and in
consequence that this power is the cause of all actions which really
proceed from men's hearts, and not from god, who has within himself
compassion only for the troublous and lengthy course of the trans
migrations referred to.
The Tibetan law admits the presence of god, but through multi-
plicationem corporum et animarum, so that when one invokes him, or
prays to him, or offers sacrifices, he is immediately present, though
invisible, and seen only of those who have become Chang chub, and if
he reveals himself to anyone else, it is because of the goodness of
that man's heart, being, as he is, omniscient and knowing the hearts
of all. All the good which this god can do is to impart good inspi
rations to the heart, through which men can do good if they will,
unless they be hindered by the force of evil done in other trans
migrations. This law teaches that the essential part of the beatitude of para
dise (and paradise they call Teva chenbo,1 or, Teva tzeme, which
would mean, place of greatest or immeasurable peace) consists in
being free from the slightest trouble, and in having all imaginable
joys, and in being ever in amplexibus et illecebris absque consumatione.
To the place of purgatory (to call it by our own term), the law
consigns those animals and Tantali into which men have been trans
formed, and who are suffering punishment, by which, so they say, they
purge their venial sins and mortal offences, believing, however, that
during that period they can sin, but do no good. If they do not
1 " The highest beatitude." (Kl.)
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 333
commit fresh sins in this purgatory the punishment is at an end, and
the^eturn again into men.
They believe also in a hell, reserved for mortal sins, for the expia
tion of which they assign eight places of torment by fire, and eight
other places of cold and other torments. The judge of hell is a
Chang chub, called Chenrezi, but as judge of hell he is called Shinche
chio kiel, which means most upright and just king of law. This
judge of their hell holds in his hands a very smooth mirror, in
which he sees all the works and sins, according to which he judges.
Each man has a Lha as guardian and as his advocate to repre
sent to the judge the good actions of the culprit. The Lha at such
times places in the balance the white balls, while on the other side
there is a Dre (which is a sort of demon), who shows the wicked
actions, and according to the number of the mortal sins he places in
the other scale of the balance black balls ; and according as the sins
or the good works prevail he is judged. Of these kinds of demons
there are two sorts.
The first are called Dre, who are no other than men and women,
who from too great love of this world, or of riches, or corruptible
beauty, or the like, do not on death experience any transmigration,
but remain in Parto, which is the separation of the soul from the
body for seven days, this being also an article of their faith ; as,
according to their law, when men and women die, the soul remains
separated from the body for seven days before transmigration, and on
the conclusion of those seven days the soul transmigrates according
to its good or bad actions.
The above-named souls of the men and women remain in Parto,
or are separated from the body, on account of the worldly lusts re
ferred to above, not for seven days, but for a long series of years,
wandering through the air enraged and disconsolate, and happy only
when they can injure men, after which their satisfaction is turned into
madness at not having inflicted greater injury, and on all mankind.
When their term is expired they migrate to the hell called Narme,1 and
become a sort of demon called Dre, as has been said, being appointed
ministers of justice in hell, and as they torment the condemned souls,
so the more are they tormented by the others.
The other sort of demon is called Tu, which are also men and
women who migrate to the place of the Lha, called Dokham or Dope
kham, and who have no other object than perpetually to injure others.
When these return to transmigrate into men they become very wicked,
and always work mischief to others. The chief of this place, Dok-
1 " The fire of suffering." (Kl.)
334 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
ham, is called Karob vang chu, and every day he shoots five arrows
throughout the world, which are Ngarkiel, pride; Dochia, luxury;
Shetang, wrath ; Pratoa, envy ; and Thimu, sloth ; and those who are
struck by these weapons are enrolled under his rule, and become
wicked men. If this chief should transmigrate into the world or into
others in the person of some king, in that time the kingdom will
always be troubled, whether by war, or famine, or pestilence, and
such a king will always oppress greatly his subjects. This kind of
demon called Tu, as well as its children, is a tempting demon, and
tempts men in the world to sin.
The last saint that restored the Tibetan law is called Shakia
Thupba, which means the powerful one of the Shakias, which is the
name of his family. In Hindustani he is called Shakia Muni, son of
King Sezang Shakia, of the, city of Serkiasgy, in the kingdom of
Bengal, born through an enormous aperture in the right side of his
mother Lha mo tzu prul,1 a prodigious goddess, and brought up by a
Lha called Kiachin.2 He was washed in tepid water from heaven,
and soon became a gold colour ; and according to a story told to me in
1730, he first came into the world 959 years before Christ, or 2696
years ago. This Shakia Thupba restored the laws, which they say
had then decayed, and which consist now, as said elsewhere, of 106
volumes, in which volumes the disciples of Shakia Thupba wrote all
the contents of these books after the death of their master, just as
they had heard it from his mouth. They say that there were first
300 volumes, but that the heretics (who were the Bracmans and their
followers, of whom they say they converted many to their laws)
burned 192.
In this kingdom of Bengal and its confines, and some other places,
Shakia Thupba propagated his law. These volumes divide them
selves into two kinds of laws, one of which comprises 60 books, which
are called laws of Dote, and the other, which consists of 38 volumes,
are called Khiute.
In the first 60 volumes, called Dote, the life of Shakia Thupba is
recorded, with all his titles, and the deeds and miracles done through
out his life, which lasted 161 years, how his death occurred, and all
that is here briefly referred to is told, as well as what the rule of the
monk is, together with the different grades of dignity, the offices and
functions of the monk. For novices, a stage which is of some years'
duration, there are five commandments ; and for those who have finished
their novitiate, and up to the time of their profession, which every
monk is at liberty to take or not, there are ten commandments ; and
1 The goddess of illusion. (Kl.) » The Indra of the Hindus. (Kl.)
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 335
for those who have made their profession there are 254 command
ment* beside three vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty ; but
poverty as among the monks, whose possessions, if any, go to the monas
tery on their death. The rule is the same for the nuns ; and it is
recorded in the said books that Shakia Thupba did not wish to lay
them down, as he said that these nuns had prejudiced greatly the pure
rites of the monks, as afterwards happened, as their writers say, which
they extol as .a truthful prophecy of this saint of theirs, who, however,
to please his disciples, who were importuned by the women, instituted
the rule as mentioned. Of the monks there are some who have no clau-
sura, and can go out, but into whose monasteries no woman may enter.
These monks have also monasteries with a clausura, so that women
cannot enter without the licence of the superiors ; and the monasteries
of the nuns have also a clausura, so that neither scholars nor monks
may enter, excepting he who has the special care of the monastery by
order of the superior to whom the care of it properly belongs.
There are also the three ways of perfection of the beginners, the
proficients, and the perfected, which comprise as it were methods of
purging oneself, repentance for sins, because they recognize contrition
and a resolve to correct one's ways, and a kind of confession almost
like that of St. Augustine. All the monks, and nearly all the scholars,
choose for themselves a lama or monk for spiritual father, and the
penitent acknowledges having sinned before his spiritual father, and
his spiritual father offers up a prayer for the remission of the sin
which he has confessed. The spiritual father is called Shialcpabo at
that time, which means one who pardons ; he who confesses is called
Shiakiul, which means penitent ; and the act is caUed Tholshia, or con
fession. The second grade after this is to attend to the acquisition of
the moral virtues ; and third, to take part in the contemplation of the
delights of a future life, free from all the affairs of this present life,
pitying the innumerable miseries of men, and being subject to a
laborious course of transmigrations.
There are also common commandments for all monks as well as
scholars, but for a monk to transgress them is a much more serious
affair than for a scholar. They are, firstly, not to kill (that is,
either man or any sort of animal) ; secondly, not to commit fornica
tion ; thirdly, not to steal ; fourthly, not to complain ; fifthly, not to
lie ; sixthly, to love one's father and mother ; and besides these six
precepts, one is enjoined to watch the three doors, of the heart, the
tongue, and the body, which would mean thoughts, words, and works.
To husbands there is enjoined another obligatory precept, which is,
that they shall not approach their wives in the daytime, but only at
336 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
night, and only as often as the law allows, and not more. Having fixed
the duties of married folk, it is fit to explain the rest. The law of the
Dote ordains that those about to marry shall not take blood relations
or connections unless the seventh degree be passed, and yet it is true
that these great lords and nobles do not observe this ; and in the mar
riage tie among people of no great means there is a very bad abuse not
ordained by the law, but introduced by the abuse of it, that as many
brothers as live in one house take one wife for all, and 'attribute the
offspring to him by whom the woman says she was with child ; but this
seldom occurs with noble folk or those in easy circumstances, who take
one wife alone, and sometimes, but rarely, more. The nuptials are cele
brated thus : after having made the matrimonial contract, and arranged
a day for the wedding, the bridegroom goes with his own relations to
the house of the bride, where he will find the relations of the bride, and
the father or the nearest relation of the bridegroom asks her whether
she will take his son or relation for husband, and if she says yes, he
places a piece of butter on the head of the bride ; the father or nearest
relation of the bride asks the same question of the bridegroom, and
having both their consents he places a piece of butter on his forehead,
as in the case of the bride. These rites having been performed the
marriage is completed, after which they all go to visit the temple
and go round it, and return to the bride's house, where, for fifteen
days, they remain feasting, go about the city in company with the rela
tions and friends, engage in conversation, and congratulate each other.
At the end of the fifteen days the bridegroom conducts the bride to
his home.
In this law of Dote there are prayers and methods of praying
which the monks use, and modes of sacrificing, which consist in
making pyramids of barley paste and rosettes of butter, white, yellow,
red, blue, green, or other colours, and fastening them to that part of the
pyramid which is seen. They then place them on the altars, if held
in the temple, or on the little altars, which, as well as chapels, all the
scholars and monks have in their own houses and rooms with their
idols. These sacrifices are offered up every day with some prayers,
both in the temples and houses, but only by monks appointed to the
office of sacrificial duties. On other solemn occasions they sacrifice
with songs and music, and the instruments are of several kinds.
Some are like a sort of large flute, others like trumpets, being
twisted and excessively long. There are also great conch shells,
rattles, drums, tambourines, &c. The songs are figured and with notes,
and the above-named instruments harmonise with them. There is
also the sacrifice done by fire, and many things are thrown into it.
App.] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 337
This is a long rite, and it is celebrated with songs and music and
mucji solemnity, but not often. They also make many other offerings
every day, both in the temples and houses of monks and laymen,
such as plain water and water coloured with flowers, beer, and other
things (beer they always place on the heads of men), all the first
fruits, and, before meals, a little of what is served up. The pyramids,
when offered up, are given to the poor, the beer to the monks and
scholars, and the water, flowers, &c, are throwri away on the following
day, and renewed if it is desired. There are many prayers, but the
commonest among monks and scholars is this: Horn mani peh me
hum1 which is a summary of magic prayer, having a great meaning
attached to each letter. The meaning would take too long to explain,
and is therefore omitted.
The monks and laymen have, if they please, two sorts of fasts,
called Niunne and Nienne, meaning a rigorous and a plain fast
respectively. The first they observe rigorously for four-and-twenty
hours, neither allowing themselves to spit nor to smoke ; and if any
one wishes to observe it for three days consecutively (as many do), they
take every four-and-twenty hours, in the morning, only three cups of
plain tea, in the Tibetan fashion. The other sort of fast, Nienne, is
not so strict, as in the evening, if they do not eat, they may drink.
But these fasts are held more for the scholars than the monks. The
professed monks are enjoined during their lives to eat nothing after
dinner, though they may drink, beer alone being excepted, and even
this is forbidden to all monks to drink unless it be offered up or sacri
ficed. They are advised by their law, the monks more especially, to ob
serve every year a period of spiritual seclusion, for ten or fifteen days,
one month, or more, according to their wish. The well-to-do scholars
and the great lords keep it in the monks' monasteries, and the King
sometimes in the monasteries and sometimes in the principal palace ;
and at the time of seclusion no one does business with them, except
when absolutely necessary. Another monk has the duty of supplying
the wants of those in seclusion, without, however, speaking to them,
except by signs ; and if they are in their rooms, except for such brief
time as they confer, they attend to the reading of their books, to
prayers, and meditations on the miseries of human existence; and
whoever wishes to confer with them must first obtain permission.
In the processions which they make during the year the priests
carry a sort of surplice, little differing from ours, and the Supreme
Lama, as well as all the Grand Lamas and re-born Lamas, and all the
superior Lamas of the monasteries, carry priests' capes, just like ours,
i " Om mani padmi hum." (See pp. 1, 29, 32, 305.)
* Z
338 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
worn simply over the religious dress. They have a sort of cross
which they hold in veneration.
This is a very brief account of the law called Dote, by observing
which they think they proceed more surely, though more slowly, on
account of the number of transmigrations which they have to expe
rience before becoming saint.
The other part of the thirty-six volumes of the law Khiute gives
precepts for practising magic, and other foul matters of luxury and
lust ; and the monks and followers of this Khiute have monasteries
and a temple, and rooms for the Lama or superior of the convent, but
the monks eat and drink in common in the said temple. I have not
read this infamous and filthy law of Khiute, so as not to stain my
mind, and because it is unnecessary. For to confute it one must
know in the abstract of what it treats, and there is little good or
indifferent that is not mixed up with much more witchcraft, magic
incantations, and obscenity. For the monks of this unworthy law it
is enough that they learn by heart twenty-five papers to attain
the doctor's degree : but for the other monks of the Dote to become
doctors they must study philosophy for twelve years, and for six
months in every year they have daily discussions. After the twelve
years have passed they are examined and attain their doctor ship.
This law of Khiute is the shortest road to holiness, but it is uncertain
and rough, because those who observe well the precepts of this law,
and practise that which it teaches, can become saint in one life with
out any other transmigrations, but if they do not observe them well
they increase their transmigrations, and very often go to the hell
Narme, where they must remain longer than all the others, or are
tormented more than all the others.
There is also in Tibet another law, called Urkien, which is worse
than wicked, and consists entirely of magic and obscenities. Its
lawgiver has also instituted monks and nuns, but different from those
of Shakia Thupba, as the nuns of this Urkien are the wives of the
monks, who have more than one. In this law of Urkien, as well as
in the other two of Shakia Thupba, they teach you to make crowns
of human bones, to use human skulls for magic goblets, as also out
of the shin and arm bones to make pipes, or trifles with which to
carry on incantations, sorceries, and every sort of magic.
If the monks are asked they visit the sick, being treated and fed
with great liberality by the laymen. If the sick man is expiring or
has breathed his last, one of the monks appointed to the task is called
to extract the soul from the body by the top, by removing some hairs
from the summit of the head, as it is an article of their faith that the
App-] HORACE DELLA PENNA. 339
soul does not issue from the top of the head for a good transmigration
unless it be extracted by one of the appointed monks, in the manner
described, because if it were not extracted so it would issue from the
lower part of the body, and would take an evil transmigration.
This rite being performed, and divers prayers having been re
cited by the said monk, with the assistance of the friends and
relations of the deceased, they consult the Chokhiong1 as to what
hour the dead man must be carried to one of the places set apart
for the remaining rites, and take him thither with the above-men
tioned people accompanying, and many others reciting divers things ;
and when they have arrived they celebrate other rites, placing
the naked corpse on a great stone. Then a professed scholar,
taking for himself all the clothes, breaks the corpse to pieces with
a great bar of iron, and distributes it among the dogs in presence
of all the company. After the mastiffs are satisfied, the relations
of the deceased gather up the most clean-picked and the largest
bones, and make a bundle of them, throwing all that is left by
the dogs into the neighbouring river, near which are the places set
apart for this inhuman rite. The men during the time of mourning
never dress in silk, but only in wool ; and the women take from their
hats, and from every other part of their dress, the pearls and other
precious ornaments, which according to the fashion of the country
they are accustomed to carry at other times. They let down their
hair and bind it upon their hats for six months, and for another six
months they wear it dishevelled below the hat. If the deceased is of
the first degree, for a year, and if of an inferior rank, for less. The
relations carry the above-mentioned bundles of bones home. They
1 i. e. defender of the law. This costume peculiar to himself, with a
ofHcial is elected by the people by order retinue of servants, who carry stand-
of the Supreme Grand Lama, whom he ards, knives, and arrows ; and walking
assists, with the concurrence of the proudly, poising himself on the tips of
King, ministers of state, great lords, his toes, while from time to time he
and many people, in the temple, on the hurls knives and arrows, according as
occasion of a festival. He is chosen he is more or less possessed, and he
for his great experience in art magic. who is struck goes and throws himself
After being elected by the above-men- at his feet and places them on his own
tioned personages, and acknowledged head. The said Kora having been
by the people, he is consulted by the made, he returns to his house and puts
people in all private matters, and for on the dress of a monk, if he be a
his oracular replies in questions re- churchman, and that of a layman if be
lating to the future. At the four be such. They elect many of these
seasons of the moon he goes out in Chang chub in other cities and inha-
public to make the Kora, or circuit of bited places. (Della P.)
the great temple, being dressed in a * z 2
340 HORACE DELLA PENNA. [App.
hang them up in the room where the deceased was, and there for
many days they employ monks to pray and sacrifice for the departed,
that he may not suffer in his transmigration, distributing largely
according to their means to the monks and the poor such goods and
money as the deceased possessed.
On the anniversary of the death, the relations and friends, with
the monks who were invited, grind to powder the above-mentioned
bones, and carry them to the river, and for some days afterwards
the monks offer up prayers and sacrifices as before, in the house of
the deceased.
The corpses of some nobles, with the permission of the Supreme,
or Vice-Grand Lama, are burned.
Those of the Kings, the Supreme or Vice-Grand Lamas, are burned
with sandal wood, as well as the other Grand Lamas. Those of the
monks and nuns are carried to the mountain tops as food for the
birds of prey. The giving of the corpses to the dogs is done as an
act of charity, so that after death they may be useful to the living.
Those of the monks are given to birds, because they believe that the
monks transmigrate into birds and other flying creatures, on whom
they confer acts of charity by giving them the flesh of their own
bodies. And this is all that can be told briefly respecting so prolix
and intricate a subject as that contained in the confused chaos of
Tibetan law. Fba Feanoesoo Orazio Della Penna di Billi,
Capuchin Missionary of the March of Ancona, now Prefect
of the Mission of Tibet.
App.] TRANSLATION OE TWO DOCUMENTS. 341
TKANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS
BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. GEORGE BOGLE.1
i.
Revebenoe to Lama ! Reverence to God ! Reverence to Sastra !
(scripture). Reverence to ascetics ! The people of Bhot (Tibet) by
the exercise of faith and devoted worship have acquired felicity and
happiness. This scripture containing the faith and worship has been
taught by Pundits from Kasi (Benares). When the divine Sake Sinha
went to Kasi this country of Bhot was an expanse of water. About
one hundred years after this divine personage left his kingdom, the
water ran out through Bengal and the land was left dry. After this
a monkey and a Rakshasi (a female fiend) met and their issue con
sisted of six children, male and female. These multiplied into the
people of Bhot. The plains were cultivated in fields and grain seeds
sown in them. Then came a Raja of Bhot, by name Nyatichen-bo.
He built houses and established villages, peopled the country, and
built forts.
His son was Muthichen-bo.
Whose son was Tithichen-bo.
„ „ Sothiohen-bo.
Whose son was Methichen-bo.
„ „ Dhakhatichen-bo.
„ „ Siptichen-bo.
These seven Rajas are called the seven " gaddis" (cushions or
thrones). The son of the last of the seven Rajas was Tithumachen-bo,
and his son was Kunghyal Pute Raja, whose Mantri (Minister) was
Eurake. In the time of this Raja and his Minister, iron, copper, and
silver ores were found, and gold, silver, and iron were discovered.
Whose son was Srenolpodhe'.
His son was Esyolhek.
Whose son was Jesyoklhe.
„ Thisyolhek,
Gurulhek.
Doorgsyorlhe'k. Syarlbek. Sanamasindhe.Dhethulnamherucheh.
Srenolnamheruchen.
Dhenolnam.
Dhenolpo. Dheghyalpo. Dhetinchen. Terelongche'n.
Thitenram.
Thita, lichen.
Thithok jhethokchen.
• These translations were made at intendence of the British Resident.
Kathmandu in Nepal, under the super- See note in the Introduction at p. In.
342 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App.
In the time of these Rajas there was no Sastra (or scripture) in
Bhot. When once upon a time the Raja, son of Thithok jhethokehen,
was sitting in his " Nenchen " palace of Yonglhakang, which was
built on the top of a high mountain named Ra ale, the time arrived
when Bhot was to be supplied with scripture, there were rained from
the sky like hail on the top of the palace, and with an illumination
like that of the sun, a crystal chaitya or Banddha mound one cubit in
length, enclosed in a pan-shaped (Karahi) charm-case set with jewels ;
Bhot letters written with jewel water on gold leaves or plates,
through the auspices of the ten creeds or commandments, and em
bellished with the twelve qualities or attributes, and all the Sastras.
A loud voice at the same time came from the sky saying — "Let every
one know that all the scriptures or Sastras have been imparted through
the sound of the 'Ugya' (a musical instrument), which is in the Raja's
room of worship." The Raja looked towards the sky. There were
no letters in Bhot at that time, and the people of Bhot, although not
knowing that they were Sastras, with great faith and devotion named
them " Tenbosangwa,'' and placing them on a throne set with rubies and
other jewels, the Raja, Minister, Officers of the State, and the people
at large prostrated themselves before them. They offered light at
night, and during the day worshipped them to the best of their ability.
The Raja was old and infirm, but in consequence of his devotion and
worship, and his faith in the Sastras he became young and strong, and
his age was extended to one hundred and twenty years, and the people
of Bhot, as the consequence of their offerings of light and their devo
tions and prostrations, became happy. The Raja ordered that whether
productive of happiness or distress the people of the whole country in
the Himalayas should offer their daily or periodical " pujas " and
prayers to the Sastras, and the Raja had fixed in his mind and said
that by this means the people would obtain the desires of their hearts.
In this Raja's time everyone was content with the " Dharma Sastra "
or holy scripture. This Raja, " FaMkuntusangwa " by name, was an
incarnation. His son was Thinen-sunna-chen, the son of the latter
Dongnadherii, and his son was called Takari-ngen-jhik. He was so
called from his being blind, but by his worship, devotion, and offerings
of light to the scripture and prostrating himself before it he regained
his eyesight. Then from his having been able to see the beasts and
birds in the forest of Kisyotak he became known by the name
Tarinenjhi. His son was Namri-song-chen. Two thousand years
after the divine Sake Sinha had left Kasi came the Raja Negati-chen.
After him during five hundred years twenty-seven Rajas reigned.
After Raja Namri-song-chen had reigned one hundred and one years,
App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 343
Sastra worshipped and prayed, and thus the Raja and the people
of ^5hot acquired fortune and glory. Everyone's attention was en
grossed by the Sastra.
At this time the god Iswara Chyang-chhu-sempa-phapa-Chyangresi-
wangchhii sought the asylum of the parent of all beings, the divine
Nawa-thaya, and promised that he would promote the welfare of the
people in this world as well as in the next, and prayed that they
might have happiness in every birth. The god knowing that the
proper time had come for the Sastra to be known, said that from the
womb of the Rani of the Newar Raja of Nipal (Dewalhaha-Maho-
ye-ser) would be born a princess Palmosathi-chun, who would be a
glorious incarnation, and who would be full of brilliancy and good
qualities. That another brilliant princess full of excellent qualities
would be born from the womb of the Queen of Raja Ghyalethaijhung
of China, and would be called Ghyamosa-kong-chyo, and that the
divine Iswara Phapa-Chyahgresi would be incarnated from the womb
of the Rani Durisatho-yekar of Raja Namri-song-chen of Bhot.
For this reason every part of Bhot being marked with good qualities
was happy. And in the Bhot Samvat or the year Melhyolang a
prince full of auspicious marks and splendour was born to Raja
Namri-song-chen by his Rani Durisatho - yekar in his palace of
Chyangbami-ghyuling. The face of this prince, who was the deity
in human shape, was like that of Iswara Nawathaya. On his hands
and the soles of his feet were the marks of Sri-baksha ; the colour of
his hair was that of indigo. Everything in the newly-born prince
was singular and beautiful. At the time of the birth the Iswaras
or gods consulted together and made rejoicings. The gods showered
flowers from the sky. On looking at the sky it appeared marvellous
and wonderful. The Raja in consideration of the promise of the
divine Chyang-chhu-sempa-phapa-Chyangresi to the Iswaras, or gods
of the ten quarters, to the effect that Sastra would be perfected in
Bhot-Himalaya, and that the people of the country would obtain
welfare and happiness both in this world and the next, named the
Prince Sung-Cheng. As the prince had the knowledge of all the
Sastras, sciences, and mantras or prayers from his childhood, the
mantris or adepts in mantras named him Song-chen-ghampo. The
prince when thirteen years of age, in regard to his promise to
Bhagwan Nawathaya that he would perfect the Sastras and sciences in
Bhot-Himalaya, asked his parents to have Rajyabhishesh or the
ceremony of installing him as Raja performed. His parents were
much pleased at this proposal, and with the consent of the people put
the people of Bhot-Himalaya having associated themselves with the
344 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App.
the prince on the gaddi (throne) and had the abhishesh ceremony
performed. This Raja ruled over Bhot and the whole of the Hima-
ayas. Thereupon Bhagwan Chyang-chhu-sempa appeared in the sky
above the Raja, and gave him instructions in sight of all the people.
Whereupon it flashed through the mind of this learned-in-the-Sastra,
Raja Song-chen-ghamp6, that as his father and grandfather, the in
carnations of Iswara Nen-chen-phapa-Kunatu-song-bo, had, during
their reigns, lived on the top of the high Lai Mountain at Lhasa, it
was also necessary that he should, for the welfare of the people, live
on the same ground which had acquired auspicious marks from having
been trodden by the feet of his ancestors. Having thus determined
he built a palace on the top of the Lai Mountain and lived there.
Thereupon the Raja feeling the want of letters for propagating
the ten creeds in the administration of justice according to kingly
polity, after judging a case in five lights, " panch khat," sent his
intelligent and all-travelled minister, Sambola, attended by sixteen
servants, to Kasi or Benares to learn letters. The Minister went to
Kasi and learned the letters and Sastras and many sciences, and
having altered the letters to suit the Bhotea (Tibetan) pronunciation,
he formed the Bhotea characters. The Minister taught the people
the letters and rendered many Sanskrit Sastras into the Bhotea
language. Raja Song-chen-ghamp6, in order to enforce the Sastras in Bhot,
administered justice in obedience to the ten creeds (das dharma). In
former times in the reigns of the twelve kings no justice used to be
meted out, and there was no happiness in Bhot. Raja Song-chen-
ghampd gave forth that he himself would abide by the Dharma Sastra
or holy scripture ; that he would make the whole country conform to
the dharma or faith ; that unless justice were administered in con
formity with the Dharma Sastra there would be sin, and the people
would fall into the channel of distress, and would be born into eighty-
four hells, and that the people under his rule must avoid infringing
the ten creeds, that is to say, they were not to commit murder, not to
take what had not been given to them, not to think of doing evil, not
to tell lies, not to cheat, not to make use of angry or abusive language,
not to conduct themselves with arrogance, not to entertain sinful
thoughts, not to think of doing evil to others, and not to be guilty of
ingratitude or faithlessness. He made the four following laws: a
murderer should be made to pay one thousand (word missing); a
thief nine times the value of the stolen property ; an ungrateful man
or a traitor should be made to suffer imprisonment and torture for
life ; and a liar subjected to swear or take oath (whenever he had to
App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 345
make any statement). He further ordered that those under his rule
sbfluld attentively pay devotion and worship God and meditate ; that
they should pray and observe austerities after searching into the holy
scripture ; that they should repay to their parents the good they have
done to them ; that they should respect the intelligent and the skilful ;
that they should respect high-caste and old age ; that they should
respect their relatives and friends ; that they should do good to their
neighbours ; that they should obey orders with submission ; that they
should respect the great and their posterity ; that they should be
content with what they possess in the shape of wealth and riches ;
that they should never displease (the Raja) their saviour ; that they
should pay off their debts faithfully ; that they should not use short
weights and measures ; that they should not quarrel but live in peace ;
that they should not misbehave in their friend's house ; that they
should regard others as themselves ; that their speech should be
sweet and lowly ; that their minds should be as spacious and com
prehensive as the great earth.
Thus the sixteen Sastras and the four laws form the whole juris
prudence of Bhot which the Raja enforced. In case of murder, the
relatives of the murdered party, high and low, should be assembled,
and the statements of both sides should be well weighed as to their
truth or otherwise, and after taking into consideration the serious
ness or otherwise of the circumstances, either a heavy or a light
punishment should be awarded. If compensation is to be paid, the
murderer's relation should be made to pay money to the family of
the deceased. This compensation money is called " Ros." The
judge of both the small and great causes should truly try the case
and award capital punishment, or the payment of compensation in
accordance with the decision he should come to, after considering the
truth or otherwise of the statements on both sides, and the rank of
the parties concerned. In case of theft, the thief should be identified
and proved to be such, and if he confessed his guilt, the place of the
theft and the rank of the party whose property had been stolen should
be considered. It should also be taken into consideration whether
the thief belonged to some place close by or at a distance, and
whether he were in want of food. Taking these circumstances into
consideration a heavy or light punishment should be awarded. The
thief should be made to pay back the value, or more or less than
the value of the property stolen to its owner. If the property has
been stolen from one low in rank, the crime is petty, but if from
one high in rank, the crime is grave. If the thief is of a place in the
neighbourhood, the crime is greater than if he belonged to some
146 TRANSLATION OF TWO DOCUMENTS [App.
place far away, for in the latter case it might be attributed to
ignorance, and the crime should he considered a petty one. The
robbery of dacoits is a greater crime than simple theft without
violence. In case of adultery, the seducer should pay to the injured
husband the value of " Tongjyu," or the expenses of marriage. But
the punishment should be awarded after considering whether the
woman had on any former occasion committed the same crime ; and
the rank of the previous and present seducers should also be taken
into consideration. In case of lying and cheating the culprit should
be made to make his statement on oath, putting his hand on the feet
of the omniscient deity.
The following persons should be tried and punished : one who
speaks such words as others do not believe and insists on their
correctness ; one who uses disagreeable and indecent language ; he
who maliciously rejoices in the possession of anything which is want
ing to his neighbours ; he who acts in any way contrary to public
custom and the Sastras ; he who affirms things impossible to be
possible, and things possible to be impossible ; he who affirms as non
existent things that are existing, and as existent those that are non
existent. To him who is not in the Bauddh (Buddhist) religion and
who holds untrue matters that are true, punishment must be great.
Those who disobey the ten creeds or commandments and the six
teen pure Dharma Sastras which have been made for the people
should be regarded as doing harm to the creatures of God while
the holy Raja Song-chen-ghampo is living, and therefore wicked and
recusant according to the laws of Bhot (Tibet), and they should
be punished. Those who possessed the essence of incarnation
received punishment from on high. By this means the people of
Bhot being afraid of consequences could not disobey the laws of
Bhot. II.
To the ocean of intelligence, wisdom, and wealth and incarnation
of God, Mr. Bogo (Bogle), this letter.
When you returned in all happiness from your visit to the Kyap-
gon-pen-ring-porchhe Lama, you told me to write in a letter every
thing that happened. When you were here you had forwarded a
letter of mine together with one from yourself to the Great Saheb
of Calcutta, who has now favoured me with an answer bearing his
seal. With it is a letter for you which I have returned. The
contents of my letter may be the same as yours, you will be able
to know. Last year on account of the misunderstanding and quarrel
App.] BROUGHT FROM TIBET BY MR. BOGLE. 347
a large payment of mohurs was to be made to Palong (? Peling —
Englishman), the officer of your troops. We managed to collect a
sum here and there and paid him. As for the small balance still due,
we have collected from our subjects one-half of it in kind and money,
and paid it. Whether the remaining half be remitted or not I shall
be equally satisfied. Last rainy season when you were at Kisichhoy-
jhoong, you expressed your assent to the remission of the debt, and
said that you had submitted your letter to the Great Saheb of
Calcutta, and that you had a hope of a part of the money still due
being remitted. But the Palong has sent his man named Lala to
Paksyang-ghyatong to demand this sum. If according to what took
place between us this sum can be remitted, it will be a kindness
on your part. If it be not remitted, I will certainly pay you on
your return ; until you return it will be better if you will send me by
post a Persian letter with your seal to the address of the Palong
Relali, or of any other person with directions not to be importunate,
but to let the money lie over. Be like the ocean of admonition
and knowledge, and be now even worthy of yourself like the Ganges.
The mark of the letter Ragi Khatta,1 dated the 6 th Magh-Sudi from
the Durbar " Punsandhe-chhen " of Dewa Dharma.
1 This is a piece of satin in which the letter is wrapped.
[Index.
( 349 )
INDEX.
Agriculture in Bhutan, 64; in Tibet,
74, 316 ; machine for cutting straw, 77.
Alexander, Claud, of Ballochmyle, cxxxv ;
executor of A. Elliot, cl (n) ; and of G.
Bogle, clvii.
Amba, Chinese residents, at Lhasa, xlviii,
165, 175, 195 (see Keshen).
Ambari Fala-kottah, lxx, Ixxii, c.
Amdoa, State of, 309, 313, 318.
Amiat, Father, his account of the death
of the Teshu Lama, 209 (n).
Amitabha, a Dhyani Buddha, incarnate
in Tsong-khapa, xlvi.
Am-machu river, in the Chumbi valley,
xxxv, xxxvii (see Chumbi).
Anderson, David, friend of Warren
Hastings and G. Bogle, cxxxv, cliii,
clvii.
Andes, comparison with the Himalaya,
xli, 12.
Andrada, Antonio, a Jesuit, his journey
from India to China, lvi.
Annf, a Buddhist nun, 1, 121 (see Nun).
Antelope, 72.
Ari.Western Tibet, xxvi (n), 309 (seeNari).
Ari-jong, ex.
Arrowsmith, Aaron, his map of Tibet,
exxvi.
Arun river, xxv, xxxii, xxxvi, lxxvii, cxv.
Asoka, Buddhist king, xliii.
Ass, wild, 72.
Assam, annexation of, lead to increased
connection with Bhutan, lxxxi, c ; trade
with Tibet, exxiii, 58, 59 ; description,
routes, 59 ; suggested expedition to,
68 ; a vakfl from, refused admission
at Lhasa, 165.
Austen, Major Godwin, accompanied Mr.
Edea's mission, c ; his survey and map
of Bhutan, exxxiii.
Avalokiteswara, a Buddhisatwa, incarnate
in the Dalai Lama, xlvii.
Bagmatti river, xxxvii.
Bahadar Sah, Regent of Nepal, lxxvi,
lxxviii.
Bahar (see Kuch Bahar).
Baidak river, 55.
Baisi rajahs in Nepal, xxxv.
Banks, Sir Joseph, K.B., introduces Mr.
Manning to the Chairman E. I. C, clx.
Banners of Buddhists, 20, 70.
Barantola, 297 (n), 297, 309.
Barwell, Mr., his loyal support of Warren
Hastings, cxlvii ; leaves India, cliii.
Battu, xli, 304.
Bees in Bhutan, 66.
Beggars, 87.
Behri river, xxxv.
Bell, Dr., the first Englishman at Peking,
167 (n).
Benares, lxxviii ; Mr. Markham, resident
at, cxxxv (n) ; Jonathan Duncan, resi
dent, cxxxv (n) ; trade route from, 128,
142 (see Cheyt Sing).
Bengalis, comparison with Bhutanese,
18 ; astonishment at sight of snow, 64
(see Servants).
Berghaus' map of Central Asia, exxix.
Bhatgaon, liv, 126, 299 (»).
Bhim Sen Thappa, minister in Nepal,
lxxx, Ixxxvii.
Bhotia Kosi, xxv, xxxvi.
Bhutan, correspondence opened with
rulers of, xxi ; rivers of, xxxv, xxxviii ;
extent of, xxxvii ; tribes of, Hi ; tradi
tions as to origin, lv ; missions sent by
Warren Hastings to, lxviii, lxx, lxxii ;
frontier disturbances, lxxxi ; mission
of Kishen Kant Bose to, lxxxii ; Pem-
berton's mission, lxxxiii ; history of our
connection with, xcix ; Eden's mission,
c; war with, ci ; treaty, ci, 4 (n) ;
maps of, exxxii ; confusion in the name,
6 (n) ; history of, 33, 192 ; provincial
governors, 36 ; taxes, 36 ; change of
government, 39 ; titles of councillors,
43 («) ; advantages to, of opening com
munications, 50 ; Diiars naturally sub
ject to, 55 ; recommendations in event
of war with, 56, 57; trade with Assam,
58 ; soldiers of, 62 ; their arms, 63 ;
boundary of, and Tibet, 67; Teshu
Lama on, 135. Books on, see Turner,
Pemberton, Eden, Rennie, MacGregor
(see Brukpa).
350
INDEX.
Bhutanese, war in Kuch Babar, 1 (n),
comparison with Bengalis, 18, 25 ; ac
count of, 34, 192 ; position of women,
30, 64, 65 ; classes of, 35 ; character,
37, 193 ; favourable account of, 51 ; in
creased desire to trade, 52 ; permit to
trade at Rangpiir, 53; trade with people
of Diiars, 55; will adhere to the treaty,
58 ; their singing, 63 ; robust and well-
built, 75 ; monopoly of trade by offi
cials, 183 ; negotiations with, 184-186 ;
position of their country, 193.
Bichu river, 312.
Bijapiir, xxxvi ; seized by the Gorkha
Rajah, 141, 149, 161, 165, 183.
Black, Charles E. D., Esq., acknowledg
ment of assistance from, viii.
Blake, Ensign, accompanied Captain Pem
berton to Bhutan, lxxxiii.
Blanford, W. T., Esq., exploration of Sifc-
kim, ciii.
Bod, native name of Tibet, xxvi, 6, 10,
15 (n) (or Bhot).
Boddam, Mr., a creditor of China, 207.
Bod-la, pass into Tibet, 15.
Bogle, Anne, sister of George Bogle,
cxxxvii, cxl ; death of, civ (n).
, Elizabeth, cxlii.
, John, brother of, cxxxvii ; a mer
chant in Virginia, cxxxviii.
, George (elder) of Daldowie, cxxxvi ;
grateful letter to his son, cliii.
, George, mission to Tibet, iii, v, lxvii,
cxxiv ; materials for a narrative of his
mission, v, xxii ; birth and parentage,
cxxxiv ; early recollections, cxxxvii ;
education, cxxxviii ; goes to India,
account of the Bengal famine, cxxxix ;
in the Revenue Board, cxl ; his cha
racter of Warren Hastings, cxli; letters
from Tibet, cxliii ; necklace presented
to, by the Teshu Lama, cxliii ; full
approval of his proceedings, cxlv ; de
prived of his appointments by the
Francis clique, cxlvii ; loyalty to War
ren Hastings, cxlvii, cxlviii ; appointed
on a Revenue Settlement Commission,
cxlix ; his grief at the death of A. Elliot,
cl ; collector at Rangpur, cli ; venera
tion for Warren Hastings, cli ; gene
rosity, clii ; death and character, cliv ;
intentions to publish his papers, clvii ;
selected as Envoy to Tibet, 4, 5 ; in
structions to, 6 ; sets out from Calcutta,
14 ; journey to Tassisudon, 14-22 ;
plants potatoes at each station in
Bhutan, 19 ; arrives at Tassisudon, 23 ;
interviews with the Deb Rajah, 2-1, 42 ;
difficulties ms to his proceeding to Tibet,
48, 49 ; advice in the event of another
Bhutan war, oQ : leaves Tassisudon, 61 ;
reaches Paro, 63 ; arrival at Pari-jong,
67 ; journey through Tibet, 70-77 ;
crosses the Tsanpu, 79 ; rides a race
with Purungir, 79 ; arrival at Desherip
gay, 81 ; first audience of the Teshu
Lama, 83 ; adopts a Tibetan dress, 88 ;
departure from Desheripgay, 90 ; badly
lodged, 92 ; acquaintance with the Pyn
Cushos, 92 ; his tent, 94 ; arrival at
Teshu Lumbo, 95 ; his rooms, 96 ;
visited by gylongs, 98 ; plays at chess
with a general, 101 ; his monastic life
at Teshu Lumbo, 103 ; amusements and
employment, 104 ; his constant church-
going, 105; his pleasant intercourse with
the Pyn Cushos,106; visits and is blessed
by an abbess, 109 ; writes an account
of Europe for the Lama, 110 ; visited
by nuns, 111 ; his visit to the country
seat of the Pyn Cushos, 112-118 ; takes
leave of the Lama and his relations, 118;
Gesub Rimboehe raised obstacles to his
joui'ney, 131 ; reason for not going to
Lhasa, 132-154; conversations with
the Lama, 135-160; interview with the
Lhasa Deputies, 147 ; letter to Gesub
Rimboehe, 153 ; restrains curiosity to
prevent suspicion, 155, 156 ; interview
with merchants, 161-163 ; receives a
paper of memoranda from the Lama,
164; takes leave of the Lama, 165, 173,
177; recites English poetry for the Lama,
168 ; leaves Teshu Lumbo, 177 ; nego
tiations in Bhutan, 184, 190, 200, 202 ;
project of going to Peking, 208, 209.
Bogle, Martha (Mrs. Brown), cxxxvii, civ ;
death of, civ (n).
, Mary, cxxxvii.
, Robert, of Daldowie, cxxxvii ; of
the firm of Bogle and Scott, cxxxviii ;
commercial loss sustained by, cxli; at
Daldowie, cxliii ; a sugar planter in
Grenada, cxliii (?i) ; letter to, cxlvii ;
succeeds his father at Daldowie, cl ; in
tention of publishing his brother's
papers, clvii.
Borax trade, cxvi, cxvii, cxxiv.
Bouchier, Mr., a creditor of China, 207.
Bowani Ganj fort, 15.
Brahmaputra river, xxiii : tributaries,
xxvii ; upper valley of, xxix ; identity
with the Tsanpu of Tibet, xxx ; ques
tion of the course of, 9, 191 ; affluents
of, 55 ; mart for Assam trade on the,
58 ; route to Assam by, 59 (see Tsanpu).
Bramashon, a name of Sikkim, lxiv, 311,
313.
Bridge at Chuka, 20 ; description, 21 ; at
Phuncholing, over the Tsanpu, cxi.
Brown, Mrs. (see Bogle, Martha).
, Thomas, Esq., of Laufine, civ.
INDEX.
351
Brown, Miss, of Lanfine, kindness in pre
senting the Bogle MSS., v, clviii ;
pifesessor of part of the Teshu Lama's
necklace, cxliii.
Bruce, Colonel, negotiator of peace with
Bhutan, cii.
Brukpa, a name for Bhutan, lxiv, 311.
Buddha (Dhyani), xlvi, 11 (see Sakya).
Buddhism in India, xliii, 72, 143 ; pilgrims
from China, xliv ; Tibetan form of, xlv,
328; sects, xlvii, 24 (n), 179 ; sacerdotal
orders, 1 ; monasteries, 1 ; services, li ;
literature, li ; services in Bhutan, 27 ;
invocation of " Om mani padmi hum,"
29, 32 ; erection of a temple in India,
138, 164, 165, 168.
Buddhisatwas, xlv, xlvii, xlviii, xcix.
Bul-cho lake, cxvii.
Bulrampur, 56.
Burial (see Interment).
Buria-Gandak river, xxv, xxxv.
Buri-Rangit river, xxxvii.
Buri Gumah Duar, occupation by English,
lxxxii.
Burlton,Captain, explores the Dihong, xxx.
Buxa-Diiar, lxix, lxxii, lxxxiii ; seized and
occupied, ci ; Bhutanese driven up to,
1 («), 2 (n) ; Mr. Bogle arrives at, 16,
17 ; Deb Judhur's flight from, 38 ; sug
gestion as to occupation of, 56 ; route
from, 62 ; under government of Paro
Penlo, 65, 66 ; trade, 183, 201 ; return
to, 190.
Caloashuk village, 73.
Calo-chu lake, 73, 222.
Campbell, Dr. Archibald, notice of, lxxxix ;
his residence at Darjiling, xc ; his writ
ings, xcii (h); his opinion respecting
Bhutan, c.
Campbell, Sir George, interview with the
Sikkim Rajah, civ, cxxvii.
Cantalbary, 213, 294 (see Kantalbari).
Canton, 167.
Capuchins in Tibet, lix, lxv, 315, 321.
Celibacy in Bhutan, 37.
Central Chain of the Himalaya, xxxi, 243
(n) ; crossed by Bogle, 74 ; crossed by
Manning, 224.
Chaitya, 27 (n), 32 (n).
Chamnamring, xxix, 78, 80, 82, 91, 155,
182 ; cold at, 193 (see Namling).
Chamurchi Duar, annexed, c ; pass of,
56, 65.
Chang, a fermented liquor, 106, 108.
, province of, 182 (see Tsang).
Changay Lama, xlix, 130, 146, 199, 207.
Changchenmo pass, xxiii.
Changzed Rabu, Dewan of Sikkim, civ.
Chanon, 66.
Chanzo Cusho, brother of the Teshu Lama,
lxxiii, 91 (»), 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 103,
104, 106, 139 (n), 171.
Charta Tsanpu river, ex.
Chaubisi Rajah, country in Nepal, xxxvi.
Chauduri visits Mr. Bogle, 102, 168, 170,
172 ; intrigues of, 172-176.
Chayanpur, xxxvi.
Chepang tribe, in Nepal, Iii.
Chess, 92, 101, 104.
Cheyt Sing's vakil, 91, 102 ; conduct of,
139.
Chichakotta, night attack of Bhutanese
on, 1 (n), 2 (n) ; Mr. Bogle arrives at,
15 ; suggested occupation of, 56.
Chidzun Tamba, 134.
China, Manchu dynasty of, lv ; survey of,
by the Jesuits, lxi ; trade with Tibet,
exxii, 125 ; necessity for negotiation
with, to remove obstructions to enter
ing Tibet, cv, cxxiv, 208, 209 ; seal of
the Emperor circulated in Bhutan, 38 ;
policy of keeping out Europeans, lxxxiii,
xcvii, ev, 45, 46, 48, 148, 151, 164;
sovereignty over Tibet, xlviii, 130, 322 ;
wars of the Emperor Kien-lung, 134
(»), 135, 207 ; rebellions against, 159 ;
threatened war with Russia, 160, 166;
fear of, in Bhutan, 188; influence of
Teshu Lama with Emperor of, 196 ;
creditors of, 207.
Chinese, Buddhist pilgrims, xliv; invasion
of Nepal by, lxxvi, lxxvii ; defeat of
invaders from Ladak by, xcv ; troops
in Tibet, xcix ; merchants at Teshu
Lumbo, 117; at Lhasa, 195; general
at Pari-jong, 217, 230 ; advice of, 223 ;
concert given by, 237 ; soldiers cured
by Mr. Manning, 218 ; obliging conduct
of, 227 ; jokes with, 241 ; character of,
241 (n).
Chinchu river, xxxviii, 24 ; ceremony of
bathing in, 28 ; route along course of,
62 ; junction with the Pachu, 63.
Cochuling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi,
cxiii.
Cho-la pass, xxxvii, xciii, civ.
Cholamii lake, xciii.
Chom, cxvi, 77.
Chomorang-la pass, cxiv.
Chomtodong lake, xxxii, cxv.
Chronology, Chinese, 166.
Chua, cxvi.
Chiika, suspension bridge at, 20.
Chum Cusho, the Teshu Lama's sister, 105;
cured by Dr. Hamilton, 106 ; account
of, 108 ; takes leave of Mr. Bogle, 118.
Chumalhari peak, xxviii, xxxi, xxxvii,
xcii, 70, 72.
Chumbi valley, xxxvii, ci, civ, cxxvii.
Chumuling monastery, near Lhasa, 1,
xevi, cxiii.
352
INDEX.
Chupka (see Kepta).
Churchill, the poet, 71 (and n), 95 (n).
Chusul-jong, cxii.
Clevland, Augustus, civilizer of the
Santhals, notice of, cxxxv (n).
Clothing (see Dress).
Coinage (see Currency).
Comets, application to the Lama, for a list
of, 166.
Condamine, M. de la, xli, 12.
Cornwallis, Lord, Government of, policy
as to Nepal and Tibet, lxxvi.
Crawford, Major, his geographical work
in Nepal, cxxx.
Cumming, Colonel, 13.
Currency, cxxiii (re), 128, 129.
Cusho Debo, 192 (see Deb Rajah).
Pat, at Lama, succession founded, xlvii ;
an incarnate Buddhisatwa, xlvii ; Lob
sang Kalsang installed, xlviii ; his
death, xcv ; Dalai Lama pacifies the
Khalkas, xlix ; letter to Lord Corn
wallis, lxxviii ; to Mr. Hodgson, lxxxvi ;
sudden deaths of, xcv ; lists of, xcviii
(n) ; rumoured death of, xcviii ; visit
of the Pundit to, cxiii, 49 ; illumi
nations on birthday of, 87 ; vakils
from, 94, 102, 103, 105; notes on,
130, 131 ; suggested embassy to, 159,
164, 165, 169 ; at the head of the Yel
low sect, 179 ; invite intervention of
China, 194, 195 ; interview of Mr.
Manning with, 265, 288, 292 ; Horace
della Penna's account of, 320.
Daldowie, cxxxvi ; early days of G. Bogle
at, cxxxvii ; projects for improvements
at, cxli ; G. Bogle pays off debt on,
cxli, clii, cliii.
Dalgu-cho lake, xxxii.
Dalim-kotta, occupied by the English, ci,
1 (n), 2 (re) ; under the Paro Penlo, 65 ;
trade by, 183, 201.
Dalrymple, Alexander, proposal to edit
Bogle's MSS., clvii ; notice of, clvii (n).
Damniargan-la pass, cxvii.
Dancing in Tibet, 92.
Dango-la pass, xxxii.
D'Anville, opinion as to course of Brah
maputra, xxx ; maps^of, xxxi, lxi, cxxviii.
Darjiling, formation of hill station at,
lxxxix; Dr. Campbell at, xc ; Dr .[Hooker
on, xc ; deputy commissioners of, cii ;
a centre of trade, cxxiv.
Davis, Sir John, acknowledgment of as
sistance from, vii ; reminiscences of Mr.
Manning, clix.
Davis, Captain Samuel, with Turner's
mission ; his sketches, lxxi ; notice of,
lxxi (n).
Dawala-giri peak, xxxv.
Dayabung peak, xxxv..
Deb Rajah of Bhutan, Iv, Ixxxii, lxxxiii ;
missions to, Ixviii, lxxii ; treaty with,
cii, cii (re) ; passport from, 17 ; return
of, to Tassisudon, 24 ; interview with
Mr. Bogle, 24, 42; election of, 35, 192 ;
opposes intrigues of Deb Judhur, 40 ;
suspicions of, 47 ; obstructive conduct
of, 49, 50, 200; trading of, 51, 133,
161, 198, 201 ; letters to, 53 ; tribute
paid to, by the Paro Penlo, 65, 69.
Deb Gylong returns with Mr. Bogle, 178.
Deb Judhur, of Bhutan, invasion of Kuch
Bahar, 1 (re) ; his career, 37, 192 ; de
position, 38 ; intrigues, 40, 50, 61, 62,
69 ; confined at Giansu, 78, 131, 135,
141, 144; dread of, in Bhutan, 184, 202.
Deb Seklu, reign of, 24, 61.
Debo Tangu, Mr. Bogle's host at Giansu,
181.
Debang monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi.
Debo Dinji Sampu, 101 ; attends on Mr.
Bogle, 111 ; made Governor of Jong-
lache, 117.
Debo Patza, a Tibetan general, plays at
chess with Mr. Bogle, 101 ; his retreat
from Sikkim, 164; meets Mr. Bogle on
the road, 178.
Demalung, a village on the Palti lake,
244 (re), 248 (re).
Demo Jong (or Sikkim), 71, 101, 128,
149, 151, 157, 179, 197; invaded by
the Gorkhas, 144.
Desgodins, Abbe, account of Tibetan trade,
exxii.
Desheripgay, palace of the Teshu Lama,
81, 82 ; departure of Mr. Bogle from,
90, 96, 145 ; interviews with the Lama
at, 135, 163.
Desideri, Hippolito, Jesuit, journey to
Lhasa, vii ; notice of, lviii ; discovery of
manuscript journals of, lix ; travels
of, 302-308.
Dewangiri, lxxxiii ; guns captured at, ci ;
centre of trade, cxix.
Dharma Rajah (see Lama Rimboehe').
Dhiins, xxxiv.
Dhyani Buddhas, xlv, xlvi.
Dihong river, xxix ; explored by Captain
Burlton, xxx.
Dickinson, Lieut., attacked at Chichakotta,
1 (»), 2 (re).
Dinajpur, Mr. Bogle passes through, 14,
48 ; Paro Penlo desires to send a trad
ing agent to, 52 ; peak seen from, 71,
301 (n).
Dingri Maidan, xxxii, Ixxvii, cxv (see
Tengri Maidan).
Dogs of Tibet, 68, 114, 116, 224, 339.
Dogras, invasion of Tibet, by an army of,
INDEX.
353
Dokpas, cxvi.
Dongdot-la pass, cxvi.
Doneia pass, xxvi, xxxvii, cii.
Donnai, title of head Dewan in Bhutan,
62, 66.
Dorville, Father, companion of Grueber,
lvi, 295 ; death of, 300.
Dospa country, 78.
Dress, Tibetan, 88,120,228,316; prejudices
respecting, 229 (re); warm clothing, 240.
Dsungarians, army of, invades Tibet,
xlviii, 319 (re).
Diiars, xxxiv ; description of, xxxvii, 55 ;
names of the, xxxviii, cii (n) ; occupa
tion of, Ixxxii, c, cii ; cession of, cii ;
maps of, cxxxiii, 16 (re); trade with
Bhutan, 55 ; suggestion respecting, 56 ;
chief source of revenue to the Paro
Penlo, 66 (see Buxa, Repu, Chamurchi,
Lakhi).
Ducks, cxiii, 72, 121, 222, 317.
Dud Kosi river, xxxvi.
Dudukpai in Tibet, a happy family at,
74, 121.
Du Halde, editor of the ' Lettres Edifi
antes,' lviii (n), lxii (n) ; maps, cxxv.
Duko-jong, 6Q.
Dukpa, Red Cap sect in Tibet (which see).
Dumgong, 214, 294.
Dune, orDuna-jong, 214.
Duncan, Jonathan, treaty with Nepal,
lxxvi ; notice of, cxxxv (n).
Dupgain Sheptiin, first Lama Rimboehe
of Bhutan, lv.
Durjay, Paumo, Abbess of a convent near
the Palti lake, 105, 106 ; visit of Mr.
Bogle to, 108, 109; frequent visits of
Dr. Hamilton to, 109.
Duties on merchandise passing through
Nepal, lxxvi (n), xcix, 126, 127 ; none
levied in Tibet, 124 ; abolished at
pur fair, 184.
Eden, Honourable Ashley, in Sikkim,
xci ; his mission to Bhutan, c ; inso
lence of Bhutan Durbar to, ci ; report,
ci (re).
Edgar, J. Ware, Esq., C.S.I., Deputy-
Commissioner at, Darjiling, ciii ; visit
to the Rajah of Sikkim, civ ; conversa
tion with Tibetan officials, cv, cvi,
cxxv ; views on Tibetan trade, cxxiv.
Eleuths (see Dsungarians).
Elliot, Alexander, friend of Warren Hast
ings, cxxxv, cxiii ; visit to England,
cxiii ; return to India, cxlv ; death,
lines by Warren Hastings on, cl.
Elwes, Captain, exploration of Sikkim
by, ciii.
Essana, a Bhutan village, harvest at, 64.
Everest, Mount, xxxvi.
Fa-Hian, xliv.
Fitch, Ralph, his notice of trade between
India and Tibet, liv.
Flags (see Banners).
Francis, Philip, factious conduct of, cxlvi,
cxlvii ; his character, cxlix ; duel of,
with the Governor-General, cliii (re).
Freyre, Manoel, companion of Desideri,
lviii.
Fuel, stored, in Tibet, 71, 316.
Funeral rites at Tassisudon, 29; in Tibet,
122, 339.
Gairdner, Mr., of Kilmarnock, arranged
the Bogle manuscripts, vii, clviii.
Gaissar, 67 ; Gaissar Lama in Bhutan,
192.
Ga-la pass, ex.
Galdan monastery, near Lhasa, founded,
xlvi, xlvii, 1 ; abbot of, xcviii ; visited
by the Pundit, cxii.
Gandak river, xxxv; Saft Gandaki, xxxv.
Gangri mountain (or Kailas), xxv.
Gardner, Honourable E., resident at Kath
mandu, lxxxiv.
Gassa-tu (see Gaissar).
Gawler, Colonel, operations in Sikkim,
xci.
Gaya, 45, 134, 142.
Gedun monks, 1.
Tubpa, Tibetan reformer, founder of
Teshu Lumbo, xlvii ; incarnate Budd
hisatwa, xlvii.
Geese, 72, 121, 317.
Gelupka sect, 24 (re), 179 (see Yellow
Caps).
Gesub Rimboehe, Regent at Lhasa, xlviii,
Ixv, cxiii, 102, 195 ; his opposition to
English missions, lxix, 131 ; Si-fan's
long tenure and deposition, xcv, xevi ;
rise to power, 130, 131 ; written to by
the Teshu Lama, as to trade with
Bengal, 133, 148, 152 ; letter to, from
Mr. Bogle, 153 ; offended at aggres
sions of Gorkhas, 159 ; jealousy of
foreigners, 131, 165, 169 ; intrigue
with the Chauduri, 172-176 (see
Nomen-Khan).
Getshul, a Buddhist neophyte, 1.
Ghagra river, xxxv.
Ghattong, 78.
Ghoraghat, 54.
Giansu (Giangze), xxviii, cxi, 74, 76, 155,
181 ; castle of, 76-78 ; Deb Judhur
confined at, 78 ; landlord at, 181 ; Mr.
Manning's residence at, 226-242 ; de
scription of, 227, 314.
Gillespie, General, killed in Nepal war,
lxxxi.
Ginseng, 8.
Giorgi, author of ' Alphabetum Tibet-
2 A
354
INDEX.
anum,' xliii (n) ; notice of, lx (re) ; his
account of Lake Palti, 244 (re).
Gogra river (see Ghagra).
Gold, remarks of Tibetan merchants on
trade in, 164.
mines, 316 (see Thok-Jalung).
Gonpas, Tibetan monasteries, 1 (see Monas
teries).
Gordon, Mr., agent of the creditors of
China, 207.
Gorkhas, liii (re); conquest of Nepal, lxvi;
invade Tibet, lxxvi, xcvii ; defeated by
Chinese, Ixxvii ; as soldiers, lxxxvi ;
¦ Gorkha Rajah, 58 ; invasion of Sikkim,
101; subdued Nepal, 126; duties levied
by, 127; coinage, 129; Teshu Lama
writes to, for encouragement of trade,
133, 197; seizes Bijapiir, 141; aggres
sions of, 144, 149, 157 ; letter to the
Teshu Lama, 158; death of, 159; ob
structs trade, 161 ; contemplated pro
posals to, for encouraging trade, 162 ;
called upon by the Teshu Lama to re
store Bijapiir to Bhutan, 165; vakil of,
107, 190 (see Nepal, Prithi Narayan,
Ran Bahadar, Bahadar Sah).
Gosain's trading pilgrims of India, 124,
125, 204; driven out of Nepal, 127,
163 (see Purungir Gosain).
Griffith, Dr., accompanies Pemberton on
his mission to Bhutan, lxxxiii.
Grueber, Father, visits Lhasa, his narra
tive, vii, 295-302 ; account of, lvi.
Guatiula pass, civ.
Guge, occupied by Zorawar Sing, xcv.
Guggun Sing, Minister in Nepal, lxxxvii.
Guiseppe, Father, narrative of the Gorkha
conquest, lxvi.
Guison Tamba, Hue's name for the Tara
nath Lama (whom see).
Gulab Sing, conquest of Ladak, xcv.
Gurung tribe, hi.
Gutzlaff, Dr., notice of, xciv.
Gyalba Rimboehe, a title of the Dalai
Lama, xlvii.
Gyalpo, title of kings of Tibet (see Gesub
Rimboehe).
Gylongs, or monks, 1 ; in Bhutan, 27 ;
Mr. Bogle's conversation with a, in
Tibet, 80, 85; crowds of, visit Mr.
Bogle, 98 ; crowds in church, 103 ;
masquerading at the new year, 106 ;
chastisement of a young gylong, 110;
position and numbers, 121 ; to go to
Calcutta and visit religious place, 169.
Halliday, Sir Frederick, proposal re
specting Bhutan aggressions, c.
Hamilton, Dr. Alexander, correspondence
with Mr. Bogle, v; mission to Bhutan,
lxix ; to accompany Mr. Bogle's mission,
6, 7, 14; alarm of Buddhists at his
offer to kill a fly, 26 ; applied to for
medicine, 74, 76 ; gives snuff to a
gylong, 80 ; interview with the Lama,
83 ; cures a Kashmiri, 87 ; lodging at
Teshu Lumbo, 96, 97 ; rooms visited by
the Teshu Lama, 101 ; cures the Lama's
relatives, 106, 244 (re) ; asked by
Kalmuks to tell their fortunes, 107 ;
last visit, to the Lama, 168 ; leaves
Teshu Lumbo, 177.
Hamilton, Dr. Buchanan, his work on
Nepal, lxxix (re); map of Nepal by,
exxxi.
Hares, 72,73, 121.
Harland, Sir Robert, a creditor of China,
207.
Harvests in Bhutan, 64 (see Agriculture).
Hastings, Marquis, declares war upon
Nepal, lxxxi.
Hastings, Warren, iii ; his missions to
Tibet, v ; his policy with regard to
Tibet, xxi, lxviii, lxxv, cxxv ; corre
spondence with Bogle, v, ciii ; in
quiries of, respecting the source of the
Tsanpu, xxx, 9 ; his encouragement of
surveys, xl (n) ; school of adminis
trators created by, cxxxv; Bogle's
character of, cxli ; full approval of
Bogle's proceedings in Tibet, cxlv ; his
position during the supremacy of the
Francis clique, cxlvii ; magnanimity of,
cxlviii ; duel with Francis, cliii (n) ;
letter to Dr. Johnson on Bogle's
journal, civ; letter of the Teshu Lama
to, 1 ; resolves to drive back the Bhu
tanese 1 (re) ; his minute proposing an
embassy to Tibet, 3 ; his appointment
of Mr. Bogle, 6 ; commissions to Mr.
Bogle, 8 ; his memorandum on Tibet,
9 ; instructions to Mr. Bogle to plant
potatoes in Bhutan, 19 (re) ; letter to
the Deb Rajah for the encouragement
of trade, 53 ; complies with the Lama's
request for a temple near Calcutta,
146 (re) ; desire to procure strange
animals, 166; instructions to Mr. Bogle
to negotiate for free trade in Bhutan,
186.
Hatia pass, xxxvi.
Haughton, Colonel, acknowledgment of
assistance from, vii ; Commissioner of
Kuch Bahar, ciii.
Heeley, Mr. Wilfred, his article on Tibet,
xl (re), cvii (re).
Himalayan region, general description,
xxiii, xxxix ; Northern Chain, xxiv ;
Central Chain, xxv, xxxi ; Southern
Chain, xxxiv ; comparison with the
Andes, xli ; zones of elevation, xxxiv.
Hitounda, 300 (n).
INDEX.
355
Hiuen Thsang, xliv.
Hodjjpon, Mr. Brian, acknowledgment of
assistance from, vii ; his description of
the Himalaya, xxxiv ; on the hydro
graphy of Nepal, xxxix ; on the cis-
nivean Himalayan races, Hi ; his opinion
of Gorkha soldiers, liii ; services to
Buddhistic literature, lxxxv ; marvel
lous industry, lxxxvi ; political ser
vices, lxxxvii ; his physical map of
Nepal, cxxxi.
Holdich, Captain, R.E., surveys of part of
the Bhutan frontier, cxxix.
Hooker, Dr. J. D., acknowledgment of
assistance from, vii ; his view from the
Donkia pass, xxxiii ; his travels in
Nepal and Sikkim, lxxxvi, xcii ; his
journals, xciii ; his map of Sikkim,
cxxxi.
Hor tribes in the north of Tibet, xxiv,
309, 313.
Horses in Tibet, 121 ; trade in, 183 (see
Tanguns).
Horsok, xxiv.
Hot springs, cxvi, 181, 182, 224.
Hrondzain Cambo, king of Tibet, 166.
Hue, Abbe, his description of Tibetans,
xlii ; account of the Guison Tamba,
xlviii ; his account of Urga, xlix ; visit
to Lhasa, xciv, xevi ; expelled from
Lhasa, xcvii ; his works, xcvii (re).
Iandro lake, 310 (re) (see Palti).
Impey, Sir Elijah, correspondence with
G. Bogle, v, cxlviii.
Incarnations (see Buddhisatwas, Lamas,
Tsong - khapa, Padma Pani, Gedun
Tubpa, Amitabha, Avalokiteswara) ;
female incarnation, 1.
Interment, custom in Tibet, 67, 122, 339,
340.
Jaigugu, 19.
Jalpaish, lxxii, c.
Jang Bahadar, of Nepal, lxxxviii, xcix,
exxvi.
Janglache, xxvii, cxi, 117, 155.
Jammu, Gulab Sing of, conquest of Ladak,
xcv.
Jansen, Commodore, of the Hague, ac
knowledgment of assistance from, vii.
Jaschke, Mr., Moravian missionary, cvii ;
his works on the Tibetan language,
cviii (re).
Jeffrey, Lord, sister married to Dr. Brown
of Lanfine, cli.
Jelep-la pass, iv, xxxvii ; visit of Mr.
Edgar to, civ, cvi, cxxv.
Jesuits' travels in Tibet, lvi, lvii, lviii,
295-308 ; their survey of China, lxi.
Jetsum tampa (see Guison-tamba).
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, letter to, from
Warren Hastings, on Bogle's journal,
cli.
, Mr. E. J. S., survey of Sikkim,
exxviii.
Jones, Captain John, in command in the
Bhutan war, 1 (re), 31.
Jonka-jong, important Chinese post,
lxxix, ex,
Jumla, xxxv.
Kahlons, ministers at Lhasa, xcv, 320,
323.
Kailas peak, xxiv.
Ka-la pass, cxi.
Kala Panday, minister in Nepal, lxxxvii.
Kali river, xxv, xxxv, Iii, lxxxi.
Kalling, secretary to the Deb Rajah, 62.
Kalmuks, their offerings to the Teshu
Lama, 97, 137 ; play at chess with Mr.
Bogle, 104 ; visit Dr. Hamilton, 107 ;
trade carried on by, 125; veneration
for the Teshu Lama, 132 ; conquered
by the Chinese, 138 ; manner of fight
ing on horseback, 155; business with
the Teshu Lama, 160, 314 (re).
Kam, or Eastern Tibet, xxvi (re), 309, 312.
Kambachen pass. xcii.
Kamba-jong, xciii.
Kambala mountain, 310 (see Khamba-la).
Kambu, 135.
Kampas arrive at Desheripgay, 83 ; chief's
suicide, 159.
Kangchan peak, xxxvi.
Kanglachan pass, xxxvi.
Kanmur in Tibet, 74.
Kantel peak, 304.
Kantalbari, 213, 294.
Karakorum Range, xxiii.
Karnali river, xxv, xxxv.
Kashmir, visited by Desideri, 303.
Kashmiri merchants, liv, lv, ex, 8, 48,
61, 86, 94, 117, 119, 204; establish-
mentTin Tibet, 124; carry on trade be
tween Tibet and China, 125, 126 ;
settled at Lhasa, 127 ; their praise of
the Teshu Lama, 132 ; willing to trade
with Bengal, 133 ; visit to Mr. Bogle,
160 ; their trade obstructed by tlie
Gorkha Rajah, 161 ; take leave of Mr.
Bogle, 178, 181.
Kathmandu, xxxvi, liv; reached by
Grueber, lvii ; approach of Chinese
army to, Ixxvii ; British residents at,
Ixxxiv (see Nepal), 126, 129 (n), 299.
Kien Lung, Emperor of China, long
reign, lvi, 134, 207 (re), 209 (re).
Kepta, 20, 64.
Kerantis (see Kirantis).
Keshen, Chinese resident at Lhasa, xevi, cv.
Khalka Lama (see Taranath).
356
INDEX.
Khalkas, xlix.
Khalamba-la pass, xxviii, cxvi.
Khalongs (see Kahlons).
Kham (see Kam).
Khamba-la mountain, cxii, 250 (re), 310.
barchi, cxii.
Khas tribe of Nepal, liii.
Khatong district, xxxvi.
Khoro-la pass, cxii.
Khotan, journey of Mr. Johnson to, xxiv,
xliv.
Ki-chan (see Keshen).
Ki-chu river, xxix, cxii.
Kiepert, maps of Central Asia, cxxix.
Killadars of Teshu-tzay, 92; of Shigatze,
94, 98 ; on the Bengal frontier to assist
merchants, 163.
Kinloch, Captain, march towards Nepal,
lxvi.
Kirati, country in East Nepal, xxxvi, Iii,
157, 158.
Kircher, author of 'China Illustrata,'
notice of, lvii.
Kirong, Ixxvii ; pass, cix.
Kishen Kant Bose, mission to Bhutan,
lxxxii, ciii.
Kisu, birth-place of Teshu Lama, Ixxiii.
Klaproth, M., opinion as to the course of
the Brahmaputra, xxx ; on Van de
Putte, lxiii (n) ; notice of, xciii ; map
of Central Asia, cxxxiii.
Knox, Colonel, mission to Nepal, lxxviii.
Kokonor lake, xlvi, 296 (re), 311 ; mean
ing of the word, 314.
Kongra-lama pass, xxxvii.
Kontyaling monastery, near Lhasa, 1, xevi,
cxiii.
Koros, Csoma de, on Tibetan literature, li;
account of, lxxxviii; works, lxxxix (n).
Kosi river, xxxv, xxxvi, lxxxi, xcii.
Kuch Bahar, lv ; commissioners, ciii ; in
vasion of, by Bhutanese, 1 (re), 31, 38,
192; treaty for the affairs of, 4 (n);
the arrival of Mr. Bogle at, 14, 45, 56, 58.
Kuen-lun mountains, xxiv.
Kumaon, xcv.
Kushu, Debu, 33 (see Deb Rajah).
Kusunda, tribe of Nepal, Hi.
Kuti pass, xxxvi, liv, lvii, lxxvi, cix, cxv,
155 (re), 158, 159, 298, 310.
Kutuktus, 1, 11.
Kyang, a wild ass, 72.
Kyli (see Kisu).
Lachen river, xxxvii, xciii.
Lachung river, xxxvii, xciii.
Ladak, conquest by Gulab Sing, liv, xcv ;
rajahs of, related to the Teshu Lama,
84, 110, 119 ; flight of Tibetan nobles
to, 194 ; subject to Tibet, 310.
Laguluug-la pass, xxxii, cxv.
Lahaul, Moravian mission in, cvii.
Lakes (see Chomtodong, Bulcho, Dalgu-
chu, Calo-chu, Shamtso Felling, Ten-
grinor, Kokonor, Mansarowar, Palti).
Lakhi Duar, lxxx, 65, 66, 183, 201.
Lalita Patan (see Patan).
Lamadong, cxv.
Lama, survey of Tibet, xxiv.
Lamas, 1 ; arts of, Iii ; in Tibet, 11, 194,
196, 305 ; in Bhutan, 33, 192 ; mean
ing of the word, 319.
Lama Rimboehe, or Dharma Rajah, in
Bhutan, lv, lxxxiii ; his reception of
Mr. Bogle, 26, 27 ; regains his influence,
38, 41, 192.
Lama Shabdong in Bhutan, 39, 192 (see
Dalai, Teshu, Taranath, Changay).
Lambert, Mr., at Dinajpur, 48.
Lance, Captain, accompanies Eden's mission
to Bhutan, c.
Latter, Major, in the Nepal war, his
treaty with Sikkim, lxxxi.
Lha, Tibetan gods, 320 (re), 329, 330.
Lhasa, v, vi, xxii, xxvii, lxxx, 6, 7, 8, 9,
10, 12, 49, 58, 74, 83, 97, 102, 124,
155, 169, 173, 176, 181, 200; situa
tion, xxix ; foundation of, xlv ; monas
teries in the neighbourhood, 1, cxiii ;
visit of Friar Odoric to, xlvi ; visit of
Grueber, lvi ; of Desideri, lviii ; of the
Capuchins, lix ; of Van de Putte, lxii;
of Hue and Gabet, xciv ; of Mr. Man
ning, lxxx, 255 ; the Pundit's account of,
cxii, cxvii; merchants at, cxii; popula
tion, cxiv; trade, 48, 127, 143; de
puties from, having an interview with
Mr. Bogle, 147, 152 ; tumult at, 195 ;
Chinese at, 195 ; Mr. Manning's re
sidence at, 258-293; Grueber at, 298;
Desideri at, 307 ; meaning of the word,
309, 311.
Lhopa, natives of Bhutan, Hi.
Likhu river, xxxvi.
Limbu tribe, Hi.
Lindsay, Sir John, a creditor of China, 207.
Lingtsi plain, xxiv.
Literature, Tibetan, li, 328.
Litong, near Lhasa, 253.
Lob-nor, inland system of, xxiii.
Lobsang Champal, Dalai Lama, xcv; death
of, xcv, xcviii (re), 130 (n).
Lobsang Kalsang, Dalai Lama, xlviii,
xcviii (re), 130 (re).
Lohit river (see Subanshiri).
Lopra-cachu river, xxv, xxxv, xxxvii.
Lova Ghat, where the Gandah river system
converges, xxxv.
Lowther, Lady, possessor of part of the
Teshu Lama's necklace, cxliii.
Lukhi Diiar (see Lakhi), 65, 66, 183, 201.
Lumbolong, 22, 63.
INDEX.
357
Macao, Bengal expedition to, 238.
MacGregor, Colonel, Military Report on
Bhutan, ci (re).
Machu river, xxxviii.
Maddock, Sir H., Resident of Kathmandu,
lxxxiv.
Magar tribe, Hi.
Mahendra-malli, money in Tibet and
Nepal, 129, 174, 181.
Major, R. H., Esq., acknowledgment of
assistance from, vii.
Mai dynasty of Nepal, liii.
Manehu dynasty in China, lv.
Manning, Rev. C. R., Rector of Diss, his
kindness in lending his uncle's journal,
vi, clxi.
Manning, Thomas, journey to Lhasa, v,
lxxx, clxii ; his journal, vi, xxii ;
birth and education, clix : letters to,
from Charles Lamb, cix, clxiii ; goes
to China, clxi ; joins Lord Amherst's
mission, clxiii; eccentric life and death,
clxv ; set out on his journey to Tibet,
213; practising as a doctor at Pari-
jong, 218 ; allowed to travel with the
Chinese General, 219 ; describes a
night scene in a Tibetan post-house,
220 ; ran away with, 221 ; dines with
the Chinese General, his beard, 200 ;
success as a doctor, 231 ; remarks on
dress, 229 (re), 233, 240 ; engages a
new servant, 234; dines with a patient,
235 ; jokes with Chinese soldiers, 241 ;
leaves Giansu, 242; crosses the Tsanpu,
251 ; describes Potala, 255 ; reaches
Lhasa, 256 ; his uncomfortable lodgings,
259 ; difficulties in talking Chinese,
260 ; audiences of the Dalai Lama,
265, 288 ; visits to patients, 267, 268,
285, 287; visited by spies, 275; fear of
death, 278; altercation with a patient,
280; unable to take observations, 283 ;
troubles with his servant, 214, 215,
238, 239, 248, 249, 284; visited by
pretty girls, 286 ; visits the temples,
289 ; leaves Lhasa, 294.
Mansarowar lake, lvi, cix.
Manshi river, 55.
Mantang, xxxvi, cxvii.
Maps of D'Anville, lxi, cxxix ; of Samuel
Van de Putte, lxiv ; Dr. Hooker's, of
Sikkim, xciii, cxxxii ; early maps of
Tibet, cxxviii ; of Nepal, cxxx ; of
Sikkim, cxxxii ; of Bhutan, cxxxii.
Mariam-la, xxv, xxvii, xcv, cxiv.
Markham, William, of Becca Hall, Re
sident of Benares, cxxxv ; secretary to
Warren Hastings, clvi; copy of part of
Bogle's Journal in his library, clvii ;
notice of, clvii (re).
Markham, General Frederick, C.B., cxxxv
(re) ; his description of the musk deer,
115 (re).
Marley, General, in the Nepal war, lxxxi.
Marsyanghi river, xxxv.
Mastiff of Tibet, 68 (re).
Mataber Sing, of Nepal, lxxxvii.
Matkah, 214.
Matichu river, xxxix.
Mendicants in Tibet, 87, 88.
Mei'chants(seeTrade,Kashmiris,Tibetans). Mewan Cusho, 194.
Milamchi river, xxxvi.
Mills in Tibet, 73.
Minagaon river, xxxv, xxxviii.
Minerals in Tibet, 317.
Minto, Lord, clxi (see Elliot, Sir G.).
Mirza, Settar, a native of Kashmir, ac
companies Mr. Bogle, his extraordinary
conduct, 86 ; returns with Mr. Bogle,
177.
Mirzapiir, trade route from, 128.
Missionaries, Jesuit, lvi ; Capuchin, lix,
315 ; Moravians, cvii.
Moing river, xxxvii.
Monass river, xxv, xxxv, xxxix, Hi.
Monasteries round Lhasa, 1, cxiii (re), (see
Teshu Lumbo, Potala, Sakya-jong).
Monastic order, consecration of children
to, 85, 335.
Monk, 1 (see Gylong).
Montgomerie, Lieut.-Colonel, F.R.S., vii ;
explorers employed by, xxiv, xxxi, lxii,
xevi, cvii, cxiv, cxvii, cxxxii.
Moravian mission in Lahaul, cvii.
Morehead, Mr., correspondence with G.
Bogle, vii.
Morton, Major, Deputy Commissioner in
British Sikkim, ciii.
Muhammad Taki, 48.
Muktinath pass, xxxvi, cix, cxvii, 128 (re).
Mukwanpiir, map of Sir D. Ochterlony's
advance towards, cxxx.
Munga silk, 55, 126.
Munjit (madder), 6, 126, 183.
Munshi, Mr. Manning's Chinese servant,
his illness, 214 ; dishonesty, 215 ;
Chinese General's opinion of, 230; ill
humour, 238, 239 ; want of apprecia
tion of scenery, 245 ; grumbling, 249,
284 ; put in irons at Lhasa, 293.
Murijong, 19.
Murmi tribe, Hi.
Murshidabad, 14.
Murung, xxxvi, lxxvi, 65, 65 (re) ; trade
route through, 128 ; conquered by
Gorkhas, 149, 158, 161, 191.
Muru monastery, near Lhasa, 1, cxiii.
Musk, trade in, cxix, 6, 115 (re), 183.
Musk deer, 52, 73, 114, 115 (re), 119, 166.
Mustang country, 128.
Mutton, 86, 104, 112.
358
INDEX.
Nagracut, note on, 15 (re).
Nain Sing (see Pundits).
Nakchu river, 312.
Namling, cxvi, 80 (re) (see Chamnamring).
Nanda-deri peak, xxxv.
Nari, province of Tibet, 309, 310 (see Ari).
Naricha river, xxvii (re).
Nayakot, xxv, xxxv, lxxxvi.
Narayani river, xxv, xxxv.
Navang Lobsang, first Dalai Lama, xlvii.
Necklace of the Teshu Lama, presented to
Mr. Bogle, cxliii.
Nepal, rivers, xxxv ; valley of, xxxvi ;
trade under the Newars, liv ; war with
Tibet, xcvii; hydrography, xxxix ; tribes
of, Hi; British residents in, lxxxiv; in
vasion of, lxxvi, Ixxvii ; treaties, lxxviii,
lxxix ; war with, lxxxi ; peace with
China, Ixxvii, lxxxi ; present state, xcix,
cxxv ; explored by Pundits, cix, cxv,
cxvii ; maps of, cxxx, cxxxi ; subject
to Tibet, 310 (see Gorkha).
Newar tribe of Nepal, Hi, lv, 159.
Nilam pass, xxxvi, cxv (see Kuti).
Ninjinthangla peak, cxvii (seeNyenchhen-
tang-la).
Noanumgay, first Lama in Bhutan, 191.
No-la pass, xxxii, xxxvi, ex.
Nomen Khan, title of Regent of Tibet,
xlviii (see Gesub Rimboehe).
Northern Chain of the Himalaya, xxiv.
Nuns (anni), 1, 85, 91, 98, 105, 111, 118.
Nurugay, Dewan of Sikkim, expelled, xci,
cv.
Nyanginapa, sect (Red Caps), 24, 32 (n).
Nyenchhen-tang-la mountains, xxiv, xxv,
cxvii.
Ochterlony, Sir David, campaign against
Nepal, lxxxi ; map of his routes, cxxx.
Odoric, friar of Pordenone, the first
European to visit Lhasa, xlvi, lv.
Pachu river, junction with the Chinchu,
63 ; course, 65, 66, 67.
Pachu-Chinchu river, xxxviii, 19, 20.
Padma Pani, a Buddhisatwa incarnate in
Gedun-tubpa, xlvii.
Paima, a Tibetan, sent to Calcutta by the
Teshu Lama, 1 (n), 51 ; accompanies
Mr. Bogle to Tibet, 62 ; holds levees at
Pari-jong, 69 ; conducts a service in
honour of the Chumalhari peak, 70 ;
objecting to shooting, 72 ; dress, 120 ;
returns with Mr. Bogle, 178.
Painam (Pena-jong), xxviii, lxxiii, cxi, 78,
155, 178, 180.
Paku, 63.
Palpa in Nepal, lxxxi, 102, 108, 172.
Palti lake, xxxi, 1, cxii, 106 (re), 244 (re),
247 (see Iandro).
Panchen Rimboehe, title of the Teshu
Lama, xlvii, cxi.
Paper, Tibetan, li (re).
Parbatiyas of Nepal, liii.
Pari-jong, xxxvii, lxxix ; conversation of
Mr. Edgar with Governors of, cv, 67, 68,
69, 141, 201 ; threatened by Gorkhas,
149 ; trade of, 183, 189; Mr. Manning
at, 216, 314.
Paro, Mr. Eden at, ci ; route to, 62 ; Mr.
Bogle at, 65, 182 ; trade route by,
201 ; Mr. Manning at, lxxx, 215.
Paro-gaund (see Paro).
Paro Penlo, lv, lxxxiii, c, cii (re), 52 ;
jurisdiction, 65.
Partridges, 72, 114, 116, 121.
Patan, in the Nepal valley, liv ; death of
Horace della Penna at, Ix ; conquest by
Gorkhas, lxvi, 126 ; currency of, 129 ;
Italians at, 167, 299 (re).
Patna, liv, 45, 59.
Passes (see Changchenmo, Chomorang-
la, Cho-la, Damniargan-la, Dango-la,
Donkia, Ga-la, Guatin-la, Hatia, Jelep-
la, Ka-la, Kambachen, Kanglachen,
Kirong, Kongra-lama, Khalamba-la,
Kuti, Lagulung-la, Mariam-la, Mukti
nath, Nilam, No-la, Photu-la, Taku-la,
Tinki-la, Tipta-la, Taklakhar, Tankra-
la, Walangcbun, Yak-la, Yangmachen),
in Bhutan, xxxix.
Peaks, K 2, xxiii (re) (see Chumalhari,
Dawalagiri, Nanda - deri, Dayabung,
Mount Everest, Kangchan, Ninjin
thangla).
Pechi, Regent of Tibet, xevi ; death of,
xcvii.
Pegu, 135 ; King of, 170, 171.
Peking, 125, 159, 165, 168; great Lama
of, 165, 166, 167, 194, 207; Lama
promises to ask leave for English to go
to, 168, 198 ; proposed visit of Mr.
Bogle to, 209.
Pelong handkerchiefs, 16 (re), 51, 83, 85.
Pemberton, Captain, xxxix ; mission to
Bhutan, lxxxiii ; his map of Bhutan,
exxviii.
Penna, Horace della, vii ; notice of, lix ;
death of, lx ; narrative by, 309 et seq.
Peting, cxvi.
Pertab Sing of Nepal, 159, 162, 165.
Phillimore, Charles B., Esq., acknow
ledgment of assistance from, vii.
Photu-la pass, xxxii.
Phuncholing, bridge over the Tsanpu at,
cxi.
Pichakonum mountain, 17.
Polyandry, 4 (re), 17, 32 ; in Tibet, 79,
336.
Pon religion, xliii.
Ponies, 4 (re), 17, 32 ; in Tibet, 79.
INDEX.
359
Postmen in Tibet, 242.
Potala palace, near Lhasa, xlviii, 1, cxiii ;
slretch of, lvii, 82, 255, 256 ; visit of
Mr. Manning to, 264, 322 (re).
Potatoes at Lhasa, cxiv (re) ; planted bv
Mr. Bogle, 19 (re).
Prayer wheels, li, 32 (re), 253 (re), 297.
Prithi Narayan, Gorkha conqueror of
Nepal, his vakils, 107, 190 ; conquests,
126, 141 ; death, 197, 205 (see Gorkha,
Nepal).
Priyadarsi inscriptions, xliii.
Puini, Carlo, discovery of Desideri manu
scripts by, lix.
Punakha, winter capital of Bhutan,
xxxviii, lxxii, lxxxiii, c, 51, 182.
Pundits, explorer of 1866, xevi, cviii ;
his account of Lhasa, cxii ; visit to gold
mines, cxiv ; journey through Tibet
in 1874-75, cxviii; exploration of
No. 9, cxv ; of Pundit D round Tengri-
nor, cxvi ; in Nepal, cxvii ; through
Tawang, exxiii ; their maps, exxxiv.
Purling, Mr., 1 (re), 2 (re).
Purungir, Gosain, embassy to Tibet, lxxii,
lxxv, 1 (re) ; race with Mr. Bogle, 79,
90, 165 ; with Captain Turner, lxxii.
Putala (see Potala).
Pyn Cushos, nephews of the Teshu Lama,
visit Mr. Bogle, 92; take leave, 94;
arrive at Teshu Lumbo, 105, 106 ;
their entertainment at Mr. Bogle's,
106, 108, 110, 113-118; friendship be
tween Mr. Bogle and, 118; news of
their death, 116 (re).
Quito, analogy of Tibet to province of, 12.
Quoits, game of, in Bhutan, 28.
Raka-tsanpu, cx, cxi.
Ralung, cx.
Ramoche' monastery, near Lhasa, 1, cxiii.
Rangchu river, xxxvii.
Rangit river (see Buri Rangit).
Rangpiir, fair at, xxi, lxix, lxx, cxlix, 50,
51, 53, 141, 184, 202 ; Mr. Bogle at,
cxlvii, 14, 48, 56, 61.
Rapti river, xxxv.
Rating Lama, xevi ; retires to Peking,
xcvii.
Ravens, gambols of, 248, 317.
Red Cap sect (Dukpa or Shammar),
monastery of, xxviii, xlvi; in Nepal
and Bhutan, Hi, lxi ; Sikkim, lxxxn,
24, 179.
Regis, Father, surveyor in China, lxi.
Rennell, Major, opinion as to the course
of the Brahmaputra, xxx, xl (re) ; his
atlas of Bengal, exxix.
Rennie, Dr., book on Bhutan, cii (re),
exxix.
Repu Dual", 56.
Ribdyen Gyripo, a rebel against China,
159.
Rimboehe (see Lama, Panchen, Gesub).
Rinjaitzay, country seat of the Pyn
Cushos, 113; night alarm at, 116,
158.
Rinjipu (see Paro), 65, 182, 183, 201.
Rivers, see
Am-machu.Arun. Bagmatti.Baidak.Bhei. Bhotia Kosi.
Bichu.Brahmaputra.Buria Gandak.
Buri Ranjit.
Charta-tsanpu.Chinchu. Dihong.Dud Kosi.
Ghagra. Kali.Karnali.Kichu, Kosi.
Lachen. Lachung.
Likhu.Lohit, Lopra-cachu.Machu. Manshi.
Marsyanghi.
Matichu. Milanchi.Minagoan. Moing.Monass. Nakchu.
Narichu. Narayani.Pachu. Pachu-chinchu. Rangit.Rapti.Sankos.Sarda. Sarju.Seti Gandak.
Shiang-chu.Subanshiri.Tambur.TirsuH Gandak.
Tista.Tongchu. Tsanpu.Tursa. Wang-chu.
Ronson, Mr. W., acknowledgment of as
sistance from, viii.
Rudock, xxiv.
Run Bahadar of Nepal, lxxviii ; murdered,
lxxxi.
Russians, Consul at Urga, xlix (re), exxvi
(re) ; threatened war with China, 160,
166, 168 ; embassy to Peking, 167.
Sadak dance, 99 (n).
Sakya, xliii ; name of Buddha, 25; image
of, 100 ; birth of, 334.
Sakia-jong, xxviii, xlvi, Hi, cxv.
Salt trade, cxvi, exxiii, 78.
Sankos river, xxxv.
Sanson, Nicolas, maps of, cxxx.
Sara, monastery near Lhasa, 1, cxii.
Sarda river (see Kali).
Sarju river, xxxv.
Saunders, Mr. Trelawney, acknowledg
ment of assistance from, vii; on Hima
layan nomenclature, xxv; maps, xxxix,
exxxiv.
Saunders, Dr., in Turner's mission to
Tibet, notice of, lxxi.
Sawe' on the Tsanpu, cxiii.
360
INDEX.
Schlagintweit, Emil, on Tibetan Budd
hism, li (re).
Scott, Mr. David, judge at Rangpur ;
sends Kishen Kant Bose on a mission to
Bhutan, lxxxii, ciii.
Sects (see Red and Yellow Caps).
Seling (see Sining).
Sera (see Sara).
Servants, troubles with, 31, 71 (see Mun
shi).
Seti-Gandak river, xxxv.
Shabdong Lama in Tibet, 192.
Shambul, 168.
Shammar, Red Cap sect (which see).
Sham-chu Pelling lake, 71, 73.
Sheep, as beasts of burden, cxvi, 66, 78 ;
dried carcasses of, 86; wool of, 121 (re).
Shervvill, Captain, surveys in Sikkim,
cxxxii.
Shiang-chu river, xxviii, cxvi, 80.
Shigatze, xxviii, cxi, cxv, cxvi, 67, 73, 78 ;
killadars of, 94, 98 ; castle, 95 ; posi
tion, 96 (re), 155, 178, 311.
Shiptoka (see Simptoka).
Shishmaroff, M., Russian Consul at Urga,
xlix, cxxvi.
Shotang, cxiii.
Shun-che, founder of Manchu dynasty,
lv.
Siberia, 8, 104 ; trade, 105.
Sienwar tribe, Iii.
Si-fan (see Gesub Rimboehe).
Sikkim, xxxv, xxxvii, lxxvi, lxxxi ; Ra
jah's residence at Chumbi, xxxvii ;
lepchas of, lv, lxxxii ; Rajahs, lxxxii ;
Dr. Campbell on, xc, civ, cvi ; war in,
xci ; exploration, ciii ; maps, exxviii,
71 (re), 101 (see Demo-jong and Bra-
mashon).
Simpson, Dr., accompanies Mr. Eden's
mission to Bhutan, c.
Simptoka, c ; occupied by adherents of
Deb Judhur, 40, 61, 62 (or Shiptoka).
Sining, liv, lvi, lxi, 124, 125.
Sing Pertab of Nepal, 159, 162, 165, 197
(see Gorkha Rajah).
Sirtipiir, siege of, by the Gorkhas, lxvi.
Smallpox, 78, 89.
Sok tribe in North Tibet, xxiv.
Sokpo, 110 (re).
Soldiers of Bhutan, 62 ; their arms, 63
(see Gorkhas) ; at Shigatze^ cxi ; at
Giansu, cxii ; at Lhasa, cxiv ; Chinese,
in Tibet, xcix, 241 (n).
Sopon Chumbo, Teshu Lama's cupbearer,
lxxiii, 83, 84, 90, 98, 117, 137, 140
(re), 172.
Southern Chain of the Himalaya, xxxiv.
Stewart, John, Esq., F R.S., paper by, on
Mr. Bogle's mission, clvi.
Strahan, Lieut , survey of Bhutan, exxxiii.
Streams, mineral, 72 (see Hot).
Subanshiri river, xxv, xxxv.
Suk-Debu, 165.
Sumhur Lama, a Tibetan traitor in
Nepal, lxxvi.
Sund F6, Chinese General who invaded
Nepal, lxxvi.
Surveys of Tibet by lamas, xxiv, xxix,
xxxi ; account of, lxi.
Sweti-ganga river, xxxv.
Szechuen trade with Tibet, exxii.
Tadum monastery, cx.
Taklakhar pass, xxxiii, xcv.
Takpo province, 312.
Taku-la pass, xxxii, xxxvi.
Tamba-Kosi river, xxxvi.
Tambur river, xxxvi, xcii.
Tankra-la pass, cv.
Tangun ponies, tribute of, 4 (re) ; expe
rience of, 17, 32, 79.
Tangut, a name of Tibet, xxvi, 296, 309.
Tankyaling monastery, near Lhasa, 1,
xevi, cxiii.
Taranath Lama, history of, xlviii, xlix,
exx, 98 (re), 110 (re).
Tashirak, cxv.
Tassisudon, xxxviii, lxix, lxxii, c, 14 (re),
19 ; stages to, 22 ; arrival of Mr.
Bogle at, 23 ; palace, 26, 28 ; palace
burnt and rebuilt, 38 ; attempt on by
Deb Judhm-'s party, 61 ; Mr. Bogle
leaves, 61 ; mode of harvesting near,
64 ; return of Mr. Bogle, negotiations
at, 200, 201.
Tawang State, xxxvii ; friendly relations
with,eii; journey of a Pundit through,
exxiii ; trade, cxxiv.
Tazigong, 213.
Tchanglase (see Janglache).
Tea, trade in, cxix ; plantations, lxxxvi,
xci ; Mr. Edgar's report on, ciii ; uni
versally drunk in Tibet, 119, 317.
Temples in Tibet, 1 ; at Lhasa, cxii, 289 ;
in Bhutan, 32 ; on the Ganges (see
Buddhism).
Teugri Maidan, defeat of Nepalese at,
Ixxvii (see Dingri).
Tengri-nor lake, xxiv, cxvi, cxvii.
Tents of the Lama, 91, 93 ; of Mr. Bogle,
94.
Terai, xxxiv (re) (see Murung).
Terpaling monastery, lxxiii.
Teshu Lama, succession of, founded, xlvii ;
Turner's interview with, lxxiii ; aid of,
in deposing a usurper at Lhasa, xevi ;
installation, lxxv ; flight of, lxxvi ;
Hue's account of, xevi ; visits of the
Pundits to, cxi, cxv ; presents a neck
lace to Mr. Bogle, cxliii ; letter to
Warren Hastings interceding for Bhu-
INDEX.
361
tan, 1, 41 ; embassy to, 6 ; letter from,
to stop Mr. Bogle, 45, 48 ; disposed to
enT!ourage trade, 50, 51, 54; absent
from his capital, owing to smallpox,
78 ; reception of Mr. Bogle at De
sheripgay, 135; description of, 132;
character, 84, 182 ; his parentage, 84 ;
reception of the people, 85, 93 ; his
charity, 87 ; leaves Desheripgay, 90 ;
crosses the Tsanpu, 94 ; arrival at
Teshu Lumbo, 95 ; his reception, 95,
97 ; ceremony of blessing the people,
98 ; visits Mr. Bogle's room, 100 ; re
ception of the Dalai Lama's vakil,
103 ; his religious services, 105, 106 ;
arrival of his relations, 106 ; political
influence, 130 ; friendliness, 132, 1 99 ;
his exertions to open trade between
Tibet and Bengal, 133, 134, 198 ; his
desire to erect a Buddhist temple in
India, 138, 146, 164, 165, 168, 169;
farewell to Mr. Bogle, 118, 165, 171,
177; cordiality, 140; discussions with,
relating to trade, 142 ; conversations
on religion, 143, 167 ; desire to medi
ate between China and Russia, 166 ;
his promise to ask for permission for
English to go to Peking, 168, 198,
208; visits Emperor of China, 207;
death, 208 (re) ; letter to the Gorkha
Rajah, 197 ; head of the Yellow Cap
sect, 179.
Teshu Lumbo, xxvii ; founded, xlvii ; de
scribed by Turner, lxxiii ; sacked by
the Gorkhas, lxxvi; Pundit at, cxi, 82;
arrival of Mr. Bogle at, 95 ; descrip
tion of, 96 ; position, 96 (re) ; Mr.
Bogle's rooms in the palace, 97 ; de
scription of gallery in the palace, 100,
164; view of, 178.
Tzay, birth-place of the Teshu Lama,
80; arrival at, 91, 92; Killadar, or
Debo of, 92, 106, 107, 118.
Thevenot, Mel chisedek, notice of, lvii (re).
Thok-Jalung gold mine, xxiv, cxiv.
Tibet, policy of opening communications
with, xxi; northern boundary of, xxiv;
survey of, by the Lamas, xxiv, lxi ;
name, xxvi, 6 (re), 309 ; divisions, xxvi,
309-313 ; the physical aspect, xxvii,
316 ; comparison with Peru, xli ; inha
bitants, xlii ; ancient religion, xliii ;
language, xliii ; Buddhism in, xlv ;
Chinese supremacy established, xlviii,
lvi ; government, 319 ; literature, li ;
passes to, closed by the Chinese, lxxix ;
invasion of, by Dogras, xcv ; embassies
to lxviii, lxix, lxxii ; former trade with
India and Nepal, liv, lx ; war with
Nepal, xcvii ; recent history of, xcvii,
194- Mr. Edgar's report, cv; works on
the language of, cvii (re) ; trade with
Kashmir, cx ; trade, cxxii, 50, 51,
124-129, 184, 317; a memorandum on,
by Warren Hastings, 9 ; face of the
country, 119; productions, 119; Mr.
Bogle's farewell to, 117; climate, 193;
agriculture, 316; minerals, 317 ; mo
rality, 318; administration of justice,
323 ; laws of, 328 ; funeral rites, 339 ;
two documents brought from, bv Borie
341. » J 6 .
Tibetans, dress, 88, 120; compared with
Bhutanese, 75 ; position of women, 75,
319 ; curiosity, 77, 85 ; dancing, 92 ;
ceremonies, 106 ; veneration for the
Teshu Lama, 132 ; merchants, 163 ;
sects, 179 ; character, 318.
Tinki-la pass, cxv.
Tinki-jong, cxv.
Tipta-la pass, xxxvi, cxv.
Tirsuli-Gandak river, xxv, xxxv.
Tisri, Minister in Tibet, 320.
Tista river, xxxv, xxxvii, 55, 313 (re).
Tonchu river, xxxix.
Tongso, xxxix.
Pinlo, capture of guns by, c.
Torcepano, goddess of the Palti lake,
244 (re).
Trade of Tibet, cxxii, 50, 124, 125, 127,
128, 133, 141, 161-163, 197, 203, 317
between Nepal and Tibet, under thi
Newars, liv ; with Bhutan, lxix ; be
tween Rangpur and Bhutan, 51, 52, 55.
58 ; use of sheep, 66, 78 ; salt trade]
cxvi, cxix, 78 ; injured by the Gorkha
Rajah, 127, 161, 162; routes for, 128;
causes of decline, between Bengal and
Tibet, 141 ; discussions with the Teshu
Lama as to, 142 ; discussions of Mr.
Bogle with Kashmiri and Tibetan mer
chants, 161, 163 ; Chinese jealousy of,
164 ; Mr. Bogle's suggestions to secure
freedom of transit through Bhutan,
184-190.
Treaties with Nepal, of 1792, lxxvi ; of
1802, lxxix ; of 1816, after the war,
lxxxi ; of 1855, xcix ; of 1860, xcix ;
terms of treaty between Nepal and
China, Ixxvii ; between Nepal and Tibet,
xcvii ; with Bhutan in 1774, 4 (re) ;
treaty of 1866 with Bhutan, ci ; cession
of Darjiling by Sikkim, xc ; treaty
with Sikkim of 1861, xci ; treaty of
1860 between Russia and China, cxxii
(»)•
Tsang, province of, xxvi, xxxiii, 309.
Tsanpu river, valley of, xxvii ; Pundit's
journey down valley of, cix, cx, cxii,
73 ; first view of, by Mr. Bogle, 78 ;
ferry, 79 ; crossed by the Teshu Lama,
94; by Mr. Bogle, 79, 94, 113 ; crossed
2 B
302
INDEX.
by Mr. Manning, 251 ; by Della Penna,
311 (see Brahmaputra).
Tsong-khapa, the great Tibetan reformer,
xlvi, lix, cxii.
Tumlung, capital of Sikkim, civ.
Turner, Captain Samuel, mission to Tibet,
lxxi ; account of, lxxi (re) ; his work,
lxxiv ; his remark on the Teshu Lama's
letter, 1 (re) ; his account of Buxa-
Diiar, 15 in) ; his report on the abun
dance of birds in Tibet, 248.
Tursa river, xxxv, 55.
Tiis, 8.
Tushkhind, 78.
Typa Lama, 10.
U, province of, in Tibet, xxvi, xxxiii, 309,
311.
Uchong, a Bhutanese, his gratitude, 31.
Udalgiri, Assam, trade mart, cxxiv.
Urga Kuren, residence of the Taranath
Lama, xlix ; Russian Consul at, cxxvi.
Vakils (see Cheyt Sing, Dalai Lama,
&c).
Van de Putte, Samuel, Dutch traveller
in Tibet, account of, Ixii ; his premature
death, lxiii ; his map, lxiv ; authorities
for the account of, lxv, 312 (re).
Veth, Professor, of Leyden, acknowledg
ment of assistance from, vii.
Wake, Mr. V. C, Deputy-Commissioner
of British Sikkim, ciii.
Waldegrave, Lady, portrait of, at Tas
sisudon, 26, 43.
Walker, Colonel, superintendent of the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India,
system of exploring, cviii, cxxii.
Wallanchiin pass, xxxvi, xcii, cxv.
Wandipore, lxxii.
Wang Cusho, Tibetan king, murdered by
Chinese, 102, 194.
Wangchu river, xxxviii.
Wharai, 215.
Whitehead, poet laureate, 95.
Wilcox, Captain, his opinion as to the
course of the Brahmaputra, xxx.
Wolf, night alarm caused by, 116.
Women, their position in Bhutan, 30, 64,
65; in Tibet, 11, 75; polyandry, 12,
122, 123.
Wood, General, in Nepal war, lxxxi.
Wool, staple of Tibet, cxxiv.
Yak-la pass, xxxvii, civ.
Yaks, laden, cx, cxi, 8, 32, 67 (re).
Yamdok-chu lake (see Palti).
Yangma valley, xxxvi, xcii.
Yangmachen pass, xcii.
Yarkand river, xxiii.
, occupied by Chinese, 135.
Yellow Cap sect (Gelupka), xlvii, xlix,
Hi, lxi, 24 (re), 179.
Yule, Colonel, C.B., acknowledgment of
assistance from, vii ; explanation of the
name Tangut, xxvi ; on the Pon re
ligion, xliii (n) ; on Odoric of Porde
none, xlvi.
Yumilla, xxxv.
Yunan, 135, 170.
Yung-ching, Emperor of China, Ixii.
Zanskar, Csoma de Koros in, lxxxviii.
Zorawar Sing, invasion of Tibet, defeat by
the Chinese, xcv.
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