YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of the

Class of 1342

THE TRIAL

CHARLES SOUTHWELL,
(@tittor of " OTje ©racle of Reason ") ;
FOR BLASPHEMY.

SIR CHARLES WETHERALL,

nECOHDP.R OF THE CITV OF BRISTOL,

JANUARY THE 14th, 1843.

SPECIALLY REPORTED

BY WILLIAM CARPENTER,

LONDON :
HETHERINGTON, WINE OFFICE COURT,
FLEET STREET.
1842.

PREFACE.

The Cointaittee who undertook the Defence of Mr. Charles Southwell,
Editor of the Oracle of Reason, charged with the imaginary crime of blas
phemy, have now, by the publication of this report, perfected one portion of
their proposed duty.
The following narrative of Mr. Southwell's arrest, and imprisonment
previously to the Trial, are extracted from a small hand-bill printed and dis
tributed by his partners in Bristol: "On the 6th November, 1841, appeared
the first number of a periodical, entitled the Oracle of Reason ; or, Philo-
sophy Vindicated, published by Field, Southwell, and Co., Narrow Wine Street,
Bristol, and edited by Charles Southwell, who, in his opening address,
declared his willingness to ' bear the brunt of the battle, and champion what
he conceives to be truth, in defiance of all opposition ;' it being a course, as
he was well aware, full of legal and social danger.
"The fourth number contained some bold comments upon the Bible, which
the writer sailed the ' Jew Book,' and treated with a severity never perhaps
previously equalled ; but, at the same time, in language which only conveyed
his feelings in respect to it. For this he was arrested on Saturday afternoon,
November 27th, about four o'clock, and, in default of bail, summarily com
mitted to gaol, charged with ' having unlawfully and wickedly composed,
printed, and published a certain scandalous, blasphemous, and profane libel,
of and concerning the Holy Scriptures and the Christian Religion.' Owing
to the lateness of the hour, bail could not be procured before the business at
the Council House was closed ; but on Monday two persons presented them
selves as securities, when twenty-four hours where taken by the authorities to
make inquiries as to their qualifications. The course pursued upon this occa
sion was to ask the neighbours of the individuals whether they thought them
worth £100, &c, and the result was, through the ignorance or misrepresenta
tion of the parties to whom the policemen applied, that one of them was
refused, though he has an interest in freehold property worth to him consider
ably more than the sum named. Subsequently other bail was offered, and (he
same course was again pursued by the officials, when it was discovered — that
this person had not paid his taxes ! The taxes were paid the next day (their
nonpayment previously resulted from an error), and then twenty-four hours'
further time was required — when he was also rejected ; Mr. Harmar, the
solicitor for the prosecution, saying he had made inquries, and the replies were
not satisfactory. Both individuals offered to make oath that they were worth
£100 each, after all their debts were paid." After seventeen days' imprison
ment, the magistrates accepted the same bail which they had refused ten days
previously. The Committee, aware of the fears and prejudices of the press generally,
and it being a special wish on their parts to give the utmost publicity to the
entire proceedings, engaged Mr. William Carpenter, to give a full and
faithful report of the Trial. Mr. Hetherington's presence and valuable
assistance was secured; and every step was taken under the advice of eminent
legal counsel.
By giving the plain unvarnished facts in connection with the Trial, they
hope to arouse the public mind to a consideration of the gross injustice of such
proceedings, and of the necessity, if we are to enjoy real liberty of conscience,
of removing every incentive to bad and bigoted men to interfere with this
liberty in its widest application, that is to say, in the expression of opinion
upon any and every subject. "This," says Publicola, "is an imaginary,
impossible, and totally fictitious offence, invented for the most direful political
and church purposes in days of gross ignorance and superstition ; but be it a
real or imaginary offence ; be it of great magnitude, or small importance, the
effect of a verdict is to invade the sacred rights of conscience, and to deprive
the citizen of his freedom."

IV PREFACE.
The truth of the assertion contained in the Oracle of Reason, that "Trial by
jury means, in nine cases out of ten, trial by bigotry, " this Trial, the Trial of Mr.
He'therixgton, Carlile, and others, may be fearlessly adduced as proots.
The authorities, chiefly orthodox, quoted by the talented defendant, were
sufficient in themselves, without comments, to convince intelligent men of the
defendant's innocence, and a verdict of " guilty" is a national disgrace, proving
as it does the immense amountof ignorance which must exist, when twelve " duly
qualified householders" could be found in one city to pronounce such an award.
" No nation (says " Publicola"*) has ever had such immensely great ad
vantages of being wise and good, on the subject of religious liberty, and yet
other nations that have had no advantages whatever, by far outstrip her ;
and, even taking the most degraded, ignorant, and enslaved people from one
extreme of Europe to another, there is not a country so bigoted, and super
stitious, and fanatical as our own. Our vice and degradation most exemplified
in that which ought to be the emblem and palladium of English spirit and
liberty — the Jury-box."
If it were asked how the charge of injustice could be proved, we would
simply refer to the 22nd page, where the defendant, upon the case closing for
the prosecution, asked of the judge and jury, " whether or not it has been
proved by the evidence that has been offered," that he had published blasphemy?
To this reasonable query the judge replied, " blasphemy is not a matter of proof
by witnesses ; that is a question which the jury is to deduce from the publication
itself." Although, be it remembered, the jury were sworn to deliver a
true verdict, according to the evidence, and the only evidence, of course,
was that which was elicited from the witnesses, and sworn to by them.
If blasphemy does not admit of proof, how is it known to exist? And jf
purely imaginary, a mere matter of opinion, as the judge intimated, is
there any justice in fining and imprisoning men for simply holding and
expressing different opinions to their fellows ? The principle of interference
with speculative opinions, if true, should admit of •universal application.
But if carried out the result would be the depopulation of the world, for
every man's hand would be against his brother. It is not to conserve the
general happiness of society, but from motives of individual interest with some,
and to protect the prejudices of others from the scrutinizing search of inquiry
that many of our noblest spirits have been sacrificed in their efforts to advance
true moral and intellectual progress.
Obtain a repeal of the laws under which these atrocities are committed, and
y< -in immediately destroy the power, if not the wish, to act as formerly.
Many inquiries having been made respecting the reasons for not moving the
Trial to Lpndon, where there was every reason to believe the defendant would
hive met with more enlightened treatment, the Committee beg leave to say,
the Trial was not moved, because it could not have been brought within
metropolitan jurisdiction ; and it was not deemed advisable to change the venue
to a neighbouring county. Every step was taken by the Committee under
the best legal advice.
The Committee cannot but state what it becomes the most pleasing part of
their duty to make known — the prompt, zealous, and energetic reponse of
various valued friends in some of the chief towns in the kingdom, viz. : Bristol,
Birmingham, Sheffield (where G. J. Holyoake has exerted himself in a manner
which calls for especial notice), Glasgow, Edinburgh, Maidstone, and other
places. The press cannot be passed over without gratefully acknowledging the kind
and manly assistance of some of the enlightened journals, amongst which the
Dispatch, through its valued correspondent "Publicola" stands foremost.*
On behalf of the Committee,
3, North Place, Lambeth, London. M. RYALL, Secretary.
* "Another prosecution for Blasphemy," Weekly Dispatch, Jan. 23, 1842.
* See Dispatch, Dec. 19, Jan. 23, and 30.

THE TRIAL

OF

CHARLES SOUTHWELL.

Upon the name of the defendant being called in court, by the Clerk of the
Peace, on the morning of the 14th, Mr. Southwell presented himself
in the midst of the crowd, which filled every corner of the floor and of
the galleries of the, Guildhall, and was desired by the learned Eecorder to
take his place at the table allotted to the counsel and attorneys. Mr.
Southwell, however, stated that he should find it more convenient, as
he had a large number of books to refer to, in the course of his defence,
to stand in the prisoners' dock, provided his lordship would allow him the
use of a table.
Sir Charles Wetherall. Certainly.
It was then arranged that a case or two, which had not previously
been tried, should be disposed of, before the defendant was called upon
to plead to the indictment. In the mean time, orders were given to
have a table and chair placed in the dock, for the accommodation of the
defendant, who shortly afterwards brought in, with the assistance of Mr.
Hetherlngton arid Mr. Ryall, a large number of books. The cases
referred to having been disposed of, the defendant was again called, and
took his place at the bar of the dock allotted to prisoners, when upon
their trial. Addressing the Court, he said he had another request to
prefer to his lordship ; namely, that Mr. Hetherington might be per
mitted to assist him in turning to his books, and otherwise ; an(j|^]so that
a chair might be allowed for that gentleman.
Sir Charles Wetherall. Certainly.
The necessary arrangements having been made, the case was formally
called on. The case for the prosecution had been entrusted to Mr.
Harmar, solicitor ; and it was conducted by Mr. Grace Smith, assisted
by Mr. Skinner.
As the names of the jurymen in the panel were called over, the defen
dant challenged the seventh name read, that of John Harris ; and then
the solicitor for the prosecution challenged the next read, namely, that
of John Thomas Fisher.
The defendant wished to know whether he might insist upon a reason
being given for the other side challenging a juryman? He was quite-
ready to assign a reason for any challenge he himself might make ; and
he thought that it was but fair that both parties should do so.
A conversation was thereupon held between the Recorder and the
Clerk of the peace, who ultimately stated, that although there was pot, in
B

this case, any light of peremptory challenge, it would be more convenient
not to assign any reason for challenging a juryman, whose name might
be read over. This having been acquiesced in by the defendant, the
calling of the jurymen was resumed ; and after the defendant had chal
lenged another, and the solicitor for the prosecution three others, the
following were sworn as of the jury : John Jones, William Hodges,
Henry Hicks, Isaac Hill, Henry Harvey, William Hobbs, Samuel
Hassell, John Gunning, Thomas Flynn, Isaac F alder [(a quaker),
William Hadden, and Thomas Gulley.
The defendant was then informed by the recorder, that he might have
the indictment read over at full length, if he so desired ; and having
expressed his wish to have it so read,
The Clerk op the Peace proceeded to read it. It was of great length,
and charged the defendant in six counts, varying the nature of the
offence, with having, as an evil-minded and wickedly-disposed person,
published a scandalous and blasphemous hbel on the Old Testament, the
Christian religion, and the Being and Providence of Almighty God ; and
the following passages from the " Oracle of Reason" were set forth, to
sustain these several allegations. From No. 2, (pp. 7, 8,) the following
passage was taken from " symbol worship" :
" According to Monsieur Maurey, ' Ganesa is the name of that divi
nity worshipped by the Hindoos as the God of Wisdom. The name is
composed of two words, Isa signifying chief; and </ana, meaning com-
%n< i ion of the gods, doubtless because of the important part played by
luni among his brothers of the Indian Olympus.
" ' The mother of Ganesa was Dourga, a great goddess of the Brahmic
religion, a strangely compounded divinity, mounted upon a tiger, and
furnished with four arms.
" ' The father of Ganesa was called Shiva, and third member of the
Indian Trinity (answering to our Holy Ghost, if it may be said he was a
father), for Dourga (not unlike the Virgin Mary) was in a bath, and all
of a sudden she was seized with a violent desire to have a son ; a cold
swi-at covered her body, and when she dried herself she found a young
child in her hands : it was Ganesa. Astonished at that singular con
ception, Shiva cried with a loud voice, " what is that infant?" The birth
of Ganes^jlike that of Christ) was a cause of great joy to all the gods',
and the wise men surrounded his cradle, offering him their homage with
joy and gladness. Shani, or Shiva, (like Joseph) remained in the back
ground in discontented silence, with his eyes cast upon the earth.
Dourga, much offended at seeing such a face, and considering it as a
mark of the pride of Deva, who refused to honour the young Ganesa,
she ordered Shani to raise his head, and to join his companions. Shani
remained immovable ; but yielding at last to her lively entreaties, he
raised his eyes, being constrained to obey the orders of a goddess, but
from his countenance issued flame which speedily consumed the head of
Ganesa. The poor virgin mother had forgotten (forgetfulness certainly
unpardonable in a divinity) the sad knowledge of the eyes of Shani ; she
grew desperate, and bitterly reproached herself for her obstinacy.
Brahma, the great god, wished to console the afflicted mother, and as
a mark of his favour, " Go, (said he to Shiva) and the first creature you
meet with sleepmg towards the north, cut off its head, and carry it to
Ganesa." The genius obeyed, an elephant was the first animal he found

sleeping; he then cut off its head, which since that period has been
firmly fixed upon the shoulders of Ganesa.'
" The reader will, of course, believe as much or as little of this fine
tale as he pleases ; but we presume Ganesa will find very few adorers in
this country. The thing is not in fashion, and nothing whatever to do
with the legacy of wisdom left us by our ancestors, else we should
believe by hereditary right. But be this as it may, such is the history
of Ganesa, the Hindoo symbol of wisdom ; which is to the full as
reasonable as that of Tom Thumb, Baron Munchausen, or Jesus Christ."
From No. 3, the following passage was quoted from the article on
"Religion" (pp. 17, 18):
" The truth is, we are giants in science and mere babies in religion ;
priding ourselves in philosophy, yet disgracefully revelling in every
species of fiction. Stupendous works of art, and results all but mira
culous of science, are the glory of the nation — its religion is its shame/
for by its accursed influence the multitude are kept in gross ignorance,
fit victims for the vampires of society, men who have but to breathe
upon them, and they become corrupt masses of brutalism and sensuality.
What has been said of America applies equally to England, it is a home
for genius of hand, but a desert for genius of head. All is show, lies,
delusion, and imposture : religion dragging at her golden car the noble
energies, the liberty, and happiness of humanity. Religion is a leprosy
which insinuates itself into the veins and arteries of our moral, political,
and social being, poisoning the very source of that pure, enlightened, and
well-regulated reason, which will, in time to come, be the delight and glory
of mankind. What has been falsely charged upon philosophy is admirably
illustrative of religion; for religion may be compared to powders of so
corrosive a nature, that they not only eat away the proud flesh of a wound,
but the sound also, rot the bones, and pierce to the very marrow."
And from the same article, the following passages were also quoted
(p. 18):
" All religions are of equal value, that is, there is none of them of any
value, unless we look upon them in the light of crutches for moral
cripples. The cripple, when restored to the full use of his limbs, throws
away his crutches ; when society shall be cured of its moral paralysis it
will throw away religions."
" Not having the fear of a god, a devil, temporal or spiritual powers,
before our eyes, we venture to declare that all religions are but super
stitions respectableised, differing only in degree of mischievousness and
absurdity. All the religions of the world, as Mr. Robert Owen once
boldly declared, are founded upon falsehood; and he might have added,
all the religions that ever will be founded or established, whether they
be called rational or irrational : for a rational religionist would undoubt
edly be as curious a being as one calmly violent, rationally absurd, or
reasonably lunatic."
From No. 4, the following passages were taken (pp. 25, 26) :
" the ' JEW BOOK.'
" ' The stupid cant, " He went too far,'' despise ;
And know that to be bold is to he wise."
" That revoltingly odious Jew production, called BIBLE, has been for

ages the idol of all sorts of blockheads, the glory of knaves, and the
disgust of wise men. It is a history of lust, sodomies, wholesale
slaughtering, and horrible depravity, that the vilest parts of all other
histories, collected into one monstrous book, could not parallel ! ^ries»
tell us that this concentration of abominations was written by a god ; all
the world believe priests, or they would rather have thought it the out
pourings of some devil ! , .
" As in these times even Atheists may write without fear of belnS
roasted, we will briefly expose this choice morceau. To our minds the
Bible is one of the most contemptible and brutalizing books that ever
was penned ! From Genesis to Revelations we have one string ot
blunders. Its heroines are strumpets, an account of whose debaucheries
is fit only for the hell of human imagination ; assasinating Jezebels, the
tale of whose lewdness and infamy would put Fanny Plill or Harriet
Wilson to the blush. It is a book which contains passages so outrage
ously disgusting and scandalously indecent, that were it not called the
word of a god, no modest woman would suffer it to be read in her house.
Its heroes are cruel, unscrupulous, and (from Moses, the king of the
conjurors, to Peter and Paul, the last of the gang) — canting, impudent
impostors ; slaughtering fanatics, plundering judges, and abominable
kings, who if they were to start from their graves and play their villain
ous0 pranks in these times, would be strung up to the first lamp-post.
The prophets were impudent mouthers, who vomited forth their sublime
balderdash, prophesyiug and humbugging, with a shameful disregard to
personal covering, that would be deemed scandalous among decent
people ; frantic bedlamites, that the Jews,f had they not been senseless
idiots, would have fastened in the stocks or clapped in a pillory. In
short, the character of the ' Jew Book' may be summed up in ' the
base, bloody, and brutal' of Daniel O'Connell, and needs but to be
read to be held in abhorrence. Of course the better -to-be-safe 'true
believers,' will call this blasphemy, in which they have our full permis
sion ; while infidels who don't like to go too far, and have by a little
diligence and manoeuvring acquired a sort of shabby-genteel character
with the orthodox, will shake their crotchety /heads, and talk about
'respecting prejudices,' 'public mind not_prgpaTSd,' &c. or 'doing
the grand,' tell of the splendid diction Kind overpowering eloquence of
the vile thing : probably referring to th*e"*fine passages of the ranting
Isaiah, who talks of eating his own dung ; or the sublime Hosea, of
infants being dashed in pieces, and women with child ripped rip ; or
perhaps to the extraordinary language of the old drunken Lot/before
and after his incestuous intercourse with his own daughters ;| or the
expose of Absalom, with the concubines of his ' holy' fathcT^pon the
housetop, before all Israel."
" The god of the Jews, could such a being exist, would be a devil —
that is, a monster made up of every conceivable enormity. If we can
imagine a demon god, then we can suppose the bible was written through
his inspiration."
" As an apology for this shockingly immoral book, it has been urged,
that there are some good things in it. Heaven help the brains of such
apologists ! Nothing short of moral disease could make any one suppose
it possible that any book, containing such a mass of matter as is to be found
from Genesis to Revelations could be written by a multitude of writers
all so utterly depraved as to set down nothing but obscenity and absur-

dity.- There is unquestionably some philosophy, and some reason in this
heap of immoral rubbish, called sacred ; but like ' the few grains of
wheat in the two bushels of chaff, we may search long ere we find them,
and when we have found them, they are not worth the search.' Those
who love the employment may satisfy their affection."
Also from " Is there a God ?" same No. (pp. 28) :
" 'Metaphysics (says an anonymous writer) teach us that god is&pure
spirit ; but herein is modern theology superior to that of the savages ?
The savages acknowledge a great spirit for the master of the world; The
savages, hke all ignorant people, attribute to spirits all the effects of
which their experience cannot discover the true causes. Ask a savage
what moves your watch. He will answer, it is a spirit. Ask our divines
what moves the universe. They answer, it is a spirit.'' As it is with
those who call god a great spirit, so it is with the equally sage mystics
who call their ideal god a great space — great space being two terms quite
unintelligible. Space is something or nothing, a reality or a fiction, that
which really exists, or a negation of aU existence ; if the former, it cannot
be a god that Christians will accept, for that which is real must be
corporeal : but they reject a matter-god and will not agree with the
Stoics, that god is a divine animal; if the latter, that is, if those who will
have it that space islgod, are driven to admit, as they necessarily must,
that space"rsjthe negation or absence of matter, an absolute nothing, why,
then, we" fall upon the ex nihilo nihil fit ,- Englished — out of nothing-
nothing can come. As plain a truth as any to be found in Euclid.
Which makes the question stand thus — In the first place, space cannot
be a god ; if space is an actually existing something, it must be matter ;
but that a matter god is no god at all, is aUowed by the Christian world.
In the second place, space cannot be a god ; if it signifies pure emptiness
or absence of matter, because the absence of matter, could it be con
ceived, is a nothing; and to refine god into nothing, is to destroy the
idea of such an existence, and to proclaim that Atheism we are labouring
to teach."
And from " Symbol Worship," (pp. 30) :
" Moses, according to scripture, was skilled in all the learning of the
Egyptians; if so, he made very bad use of it. Our own opinion is, that
Moses, or whoever wrote the books bearing his name, was an ignorant
blockhead, and he who would stuff the heads of the people with his
nonsensical trash, more blockish still. No Jew ever was skilled in all the
learning of the Egyptians : this is fully proved by the Jews' book, and
the history of their diabolic religion."
From No. 5, the following passage was taken, from the article, " Is
there a God ?" —
" In Europe, an intelligence-god is Christian ; in Turkey, Moham
medan ; in India, Brahmin ; in China, a worshipper of Fo's thumb; and
so we might run round the globe, and find this intelligence-god playing
the most singular pranks we can well conceive — sometimes praying,
sometimes cursing, sometimes affirming, sometimes denying his own
existence ; calling that blasphemy here, which he proclaims to be pure
religion somewhere else ; promising heaven at the equator for that very

conduct and opinion that at the poles he pronounces worthy of hell.
Such a god would be everything by turns, and nothing long ; at one
moment the sanctified sinner, ' who plunders widows' houses, and for a
pretence makes long prayers,' and at the very same moment a mocker
and a scorner of all prayer, as thrice double ass-ism ; a god filling up the
knowledge-box of the sentimental Deist, who feels that an intelligence-
god exists, and urges on obstinate Atheists, like ourselves, who deny that
such a god exists. As intelligence is very fond of praying to god, here
we have a god praying to himself, which would be comical enough were
it true. Certainly, nothing can be so terribly ludicrous as this notion of
a mind or intelligence-god ; for as many men, whom Mandeville confesses
are studious peaceable men, and, all the world knows, with a tolerable
share of some sort of intelligence, who are Atheists and, like ourselves,
think all that has been written about a god or gods is the veriest twaddle
that ever abused and bemuddled the human intellect ; here we have a
god denying his own existence, and spitefully abusing those who have
scribbled so much in his glorification, which would prove the intelli
gence-deity not only comical, but very ungrateful. But as though, to
use the cant phrase, divine providence had determined, for some cause
to us unknown, to make such goddites the laughing-stock of the world ;
this same intelligence-god must, if there be virtue in their divinty, be a
tenant at will in the heads of calves, frogs, toads, asses, and certain
insects, useful no doubt, but rather too dirty to mention. That even
bugs have intelligence and strong affections for each other, and for us,
we have sometimes intolerable proof. So that here we have a pretty
kettle of fish — the supreme intelligence, or a piece of him, snugly housed
in the tail of a louse, the snout of a hog, the hind-quarters of a frog, or
the head of an ass."
In addition to the passages thus taken from the Oracle of Reason
itself, the following, as constituting a separate publication, was also set
out :
COPY OF THE WARRANT FOR THE ARREST OF CHARLES
SOUTHWELL FOR BLASPHEMY.
ertni Mia^To the Constables of the City and County of Bristol, and
fcS? t°o i t0 tJte Govcrnor °f the Common Gaol in the City and
„(.' ) County. arenas CHARLES SOUTHWELL is now brought be
fore me the undersigned one of Her Majesty's Justices of the
Peace in and for the said City and County of Bristol, and
charged before me the said Justice, on the oath of STEPHEN
ROGERS, for that the said CHARLES SOUTHWELL, on
the twenty-seventh day of November instant, at the Parish of
Saint Peter, in the said City and County, did unlawfully and
wickedly compose, print, and publish and cause and procure to
be composed, printed, and published a certain scandalous,
impious, blasphemous, and profane Libel of and concerning the
Holy Scriptures and the Christian Religion, in one part of
which there are and were contained, amongst other thino-s,
certain scandalous, impious, blasphemous profane matters and
things of and concerning the Holy Scriptures and the Christian

Religion, according to the tenor and effect following, that is to
say —
" THE ' JEW BOOK.'
" The stupid cant, ' He went too far,' despise ;
And know that to be bold is to be wise.
" That revoltingly odious Jew production, called BIBLE,
has been for ages the idol of all sorts of blockheads., the glory
of knaves, and the disgust of wise men. It is a history of
lust, sodomies, wholesale slaughtering, and horrible depravity ,-
that the vilest parts of all other histories, collected into one
monstrous booh, could not parallel ! Priests tell us that this
concentration of abominations was written by a god ; all the
world believe priests, or they would rather have thought it the
outpourings of some devil.'" —
To the evil example &c, and against the peace, &c. And
whereas I did thereupon adjudge and order the said CHARLES
SOUTHWELL to enter into his own Recognizance in the sum
of One Hundred Pounds, with two sufficient sureties in the
sum of Fifty Pounds each, to appear at the next General Quar
ter Sessions of the Peace, to be holden in and for the said City
and County, to answer the said offence. And whereas the said
CHARLES SOUTHWELL hath omitted and neglected to
enter into such recognizance with sureties as aforesaid,
©fjeae are therefore in Her Majesty's name to command you the
said Constables, or some one of you, to convey the said
CHARLES SOUTHWELL to the said Gaol and him to deliver
to the said Governor together with this warrant, and you the
said Governor are hereby required to receive and safely to keep
the said CHARLES SOUTHWELL in your said Gaol until he
shall enter into such recognizance with such sureties as afore
said, or shall be sooner thence discharged by due course of law,
and for so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant.
flHuen under my hand and seal this twenty-seventh day
of November, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-One.
(Signed) JAMES WOOD.
[Commitment.] The reading of the indictment having been finished, the defendant
pleaded " not guilty."
Mr. Skinner then stated the case to the jury ; and
Mr. Grace Smith addressed the jury as follows :
Gentlemen of the jury — The defendant at the bar stands there to answer
for the offence of publishing a series of blasphemous libels, with the
intent and tendencies stated in the different counts of the indictment
which you have heard read ; and you will have to decide whether he is
or is not guilty of that offence, as it is there charged. Who Mr. South
well is, I am unable to say, except in so far as his own writings furnish
information, and describe him. He appears by the indictment, to be the
editor and one of the joint-printers and publishers of the series of publi
cations of which those set forth in the indictment form part ; and in one
of the publications put forth as part of the series since the indictment

8
was preferred, he has given some account of his intentions and motives
in their publication, as well as of the nature of the defence he intends to
make, and of the course he has determined to pursue. His defence is
not to be a denial of the facts charged, nor a denial that they contain
blasphemy of the nature described in the indictment. On the contrary,
it is to be much of the nature of the libels themselves— an attempt to
call in question the law to which he has become amenable — to assail it
as an unjust law — as a law intended to injure and destroy liberty in
general, and especially the hberty of the press. It is in this way that he
is to attempt to prejudice your minds, and to produce an effect upon his
auditors that shall be favourable, as he imagines, to the object which he
has in view. If what he has published as such, is to be taken as a
sketch of the outline of the defence which he is now about to fill up, he
does not intend to show that he is not guilty under this indictment, but
to throw disgrace and obloquy on the law itself. He has already put
forward, for the information of the public, what he thinks of the judge,
of the jury, and of the court generally ; and I will read a few passages
from this part of his writings, for your information and guidance. He
says :
"From Mr. Owen I received the first strong ray of light in my
benighted intellects, and from the Social body the Promethean touch
that first wanned me into public life. As our enemies would say, I was
but the cockatrice's egg, you hatched it into the serpent; so that forme,
because the policy of your society is not my policy, to shower abuse and
invective upon it, would, as I declared in my farewell lecture, be playing
the serpent that stung the hand which warmed it into life. My judgment
condemns the abandonment of principle of which the Social representa
tives have been guilty ; my judgment heartily despises the hesitating,
shuffling, equivocating, white-feather policy, that has been pursued for
NQiae time past, but more especially since the period when the Bishop of
Exeter attacked you in the House of Lords ; my judgment condemns the
taking of oaths by your missionaries, as a miserable, truckling, unprinci
pled policy, that had nothing in its favour but its immediate convenience,
no sort of apology but the wretched one, that those who took it were
rescued for a season from the fangs of a vile law."
The defendant, it appears, is restrained by no such motives or influ
ences, for he goes on to say :
" All this, and much more, of which you, the Social body, have been
purposely kept in utter ignorance, my deliberate judgment despises and
condemns ; so that while feeling tugs at my heart-strings with complain
ing cries to talk me from my purpose ; honour and right reason demand
that, at all hazards, and any personal sacrifices, the whole truth should
be told, ' without mystery, mixture of error, or fear of man.' "
That, gentlemen, is assuming to himself somewhat of an arduous task
— that of publishing the whole truth, without mystery, mixture of error,
or fear of man. It is what most men would be diffident in undertaking ;
but the defendant has set forth his qualifications for the task ; that is, so
far as talking is concerned, for he does not consider writing to be his
forte. You, gentlemen, will by and by have an opportunity of hearing
him exhibit his power in this way. He says :

" I am no logician, and fear I never shall be, for the character of my
mind is precisely that of my writings — hasty, irregular, bold, and enthu
siastic; I write as I speak, and speak exactly as I think, so that my
writings and speeches have always one grand merit, they are the fac-
similies of my mind. My style is to have no style ; and, as a writer in
the Odd Fellow shrewdly hinted, being far more apt with my tongue
than with my pen, there is in all I have written the vice of oratorship,
not close and connected, but rambling and discursive ; less likely to
please logicians than honest men."
The defendant, gentlemen, writes to please honest men.- all who
believe that there is a God and a future state — all who think that man
does not close his existence when he descends into the grave, are, in his
estimation, dishonest men — tyrants and oppressors, who deserve the
execration of mankind. His honest men are Atheists in opinion, who
throw contempt and calumny on those things which mankind have ever
been accustomed to hold sacred and reverence. He proceeds to say :
" The pen is not my forte, I am more happy with the tongue ; writing
clogs my impatient thoughts, which, whatever may be their value, are
always in a hurry to display themselves, generally rushing pell-mell,
helter-skelter, without regard to order, precision, and the decencies of
logic. Therefore it is that I have always loved speaking better than
writing, as being less troublesome, and more in harmony with my temper
and feelings. I never wrote half-a-dozen lectures in my life, though I
have delivered some hundreds, upon a great variety of subjects : the
most successful, and decidedly the best, of which cost least in prepara
tion. To be a close reasoner I never intended, still less to the character
of a first-rate logician. I do not despise those who have this happy
talent, no one can more admire them, but I admire only, and do not aim
at rivalry, or hope to reach the same degree of excellence."
This description, gentlemen, he gives of himself, after having assumed
to be the man, of all men, to teach truth, without mystery, mixture of
error, or fear of man. He goes on to state what his particular vocation
is ; he says :
" My department in the work of reform, and my competency to fill it,
is not fairly estimated at present, and how should it be, when those who
criticise neither know the materials with which I have to deal, nor the
great objects I have in view."
It is material for the court and for you, gentlemen of the jury, to
ascertain, if you can do so, what are the defendant's objects, and with
what intent he puts before the public, from week to week, and in a cheap
form, these publications. Let us see whether he has explained these,
in any of the numbers he has put forth. In No. 6, he says :
" One triumph, my bitterest enemies cannot rob me of; I am free
once more ; unshackled in body and mind, prepared to wage a fiercer
war than ever against bigotry under all its forms ; whether it assume
the form of liberality, hypocrisy, or audacious and open cruelty. The
Oracle will speak, shake orthodoxy's rotten bones, and make priests
tremble. This I say is one of my triumphs ; and even though I never
Irave another, it will amply repay me for all I have or may endure.
Yes, through the columns of this paper I can now do what in my gloomy

10
cell most occupied my thoughts, and the hope of effecting which made
an otherwise valueless life sweet and desirable."
There is another passage in the same number, to the following
effect :
" The above remarks refer to a weekly paper, styled the Atheist and
Republican, the first number of which appeared without date ; but as
everybody knows, and the paper itself carries internal evidence of it,
after some three or four numbers of the Oracle of Reason were pub
lished. When it was announced through the press, that a paper pro
claiming the truth, consistency, and moral grandeur of Atheism, with
the superiority of Republicanism over every or any other form of
government ..was about to appear, I was greatly delighted ; for my
vanity led me to consider it one of the first-fruits of my labours ; for
who could doubt that the Oracle of Reason opened, paved, and showed
the way for the Atheist and Republican ? "
These, gentlemen, are the objects to which the defendant directs his
efforts ; and in the next number of his publication, we find the following
words :
"Beligious fanatics will dare all in the cause of folly; I should like
to :,ec a few more of the same stamp among the teachers of wisdom.
A glorious band of thinkers, whose strong thoughts would only be the
prelude to strong acts; and whose courage would not require every now
and I lien to be screwed up to the sticking place; or like that of Bob
Acre*, be in danger of oozing out at their fingers' ends."
Religious people, gentlemen, are not unused to the phrase, " religious
fanaticism," by which they characterise that state of the mind in which
the feelings predominate over the judgment ; whereas the defendant
applies the phrase to all believers in the Christian religion. He asserts,
that religious fanatics will dare everything for the cause of folly, and he
expresses his desire to see a few such persons in the ranks of Atheism.
Gentlemen, this man has taken the position, in the course of his writings,
which is ordinarily taken by those who resemble him in opinions. He
asserts the right of all men to discuss and publish their opinions, upon
all conceivable subjects, without restraint or responsibility. But there is
a great fallacy in the assumption of such a right. Is it not plain, from
his own expressions, that his intents are mischievous— that he contem
plates the inculcation of sentiments which would produce deeds of
violence, and bring about universal confusion and every evil work ? And
if that be his avowed intention, in writing and publishing, what folly and
absurdity in any man pretending to the possession and exercise of reason,
to impute to the law which restrains him, injustice or impropriety of any
sort. Gentlemen, these sort of people are very much in the habit of
appealing to the principles of liberty, and especially to the principles of
religious liberty. But, gentlemen, what are his principles ? He insists
upon the right of having no religion himself. That right he may have
if he keeps his opinions within his own bosom. The law objects not to
his opinions, but only to the publication of them, when that publication
is mischievous to society. Gentlemen, how is the name of liberty abused
by men who, like the defendant, stand forward as the advocates of ab
solute hberty,— of unrestrained independence? Gentlemen, absolute

I n
Independence is wholly inconsistent with, and destructive of, all the pur
poses for which civil government exists. There can be no such thing in
'society as absolute independence. Is a man to be permitted to go into the
street and to strike down the first man he meets with ? Or is he to be permit
ted, on the plea of absolute liberty or independence, to force his way into
another's house, whenever his caprice or his will may impel him so to
do ? Surely, that would not be liberty, but licentiousness. No, gentle
men, if he claims rights, he must at the same time respect the rights of
others. Such acts of absolute independence as I have referred to,
cannot be allowed ; in society, men's liberty is restrained within certain
limits and bounds, and the moment a man breaks these bounds, he
becomes a pest to society. What is there to limit the application of the
principles and opinions of liberty entertained by the defendant? Is
there no injury to be done to society, but by the employment of physical
force ? Surely, there is ; and amongst the means that may be employed
in effecting such injury, what is more powerful than the press ? Gentle
men, what is it that educates the mind and forms the character of the
young ? What regulates the conduct of society ? What inspires men
with those relative virtues which are essential to social happiness ? The
press. But may not the press be also used for the basest of purposes — ¦
for disseminating error — for breaking down all the safeguards of virtue —
for inducing and inciting the young and inexperienced to throw off all
restraint, and to follow the bent of their own passions, instead of
acting upon those motives and principles which would constitute them
valuable members of society, as well as of their own families ? May
not the press be made the instrument of introducing and scatter
ing all kinds of error, and of inducing a species of conduct which
will make men a disgrace to themselves, and a pest to society at
large ? And will any man say, that that law is a complete law,
which fails to exercise some power of control over so powerful an
instrument, for good or for evil, as the press decidedly is ? Certainly
not. If anything requires to be kept within proper limits, it is
the press. But, gentlemen, let me not be misunderstood : no man
regards the press with a more sacred veneration — that is not too strong
a phrase — than I do. But, at the same time, I cannot doubt that, if the
press is not to be subject to regulation and responsibility, then, instead
of being anything that deserves the epithet of liberty, it would be an
instrument of mischief of the worst description. Gentlemen, we shall
see what kind of sentiments they are that the defendant claims the right
of promulgating through the press. You will hear it asserted by him; that
he has the unqualified right to insert in letter-press, and to promulgate,
anything he thinks fit to say. He has published a libel upon the Bible,
the most offensive, perhaps, that was ever written ; and he stands upon
his right to continue the publication of such libels, for he maintains that
he has the unquestionable liberty of putting into print whatever he thinks
fit. He intends, it seems, to bring to the test, to day, the principle upon
which he rests ; namely, the unrestrained, unqualified right, without
responsibility, to write and publish and circulate, whatever he chooses to
write and publish and circulate. Gentlemen, the law denies him that
right, but in such a way that you will be of opinion, that it leaves the
press as free as it ought to be — free enough for alj the purposes of
the legitimate communication of knowledge ; and also for all fair and

12
reasonable discussion. There is no censorship of the press ill thij
country ; every man is at liberty to write what he thinks fit ; and to put ll
into print, but he is subject to that responsibility which is necessary t(J
all true liberty. He may write what he thinks fit, but if he writes thai
which is likely to do mischief to society ; the law holds him responsible
for it. If a man writes that which the magistrate and a grand jury deem
to be injurious to the public interests, he will be put upon his defence
for what he has done, and will be held responsible by the verdict of an
honest and independent jury, assisted in their inquiry by a learned and
independent judge. What right, gentlemen, has the defendant to
complain of such a responsibility as that ? He is not brought before a
secret tribunal, or put at the mercy of a single individual. Pie is
charged with the offence in a formal and legal way, before a magistrate ;!
the charge is then laid before a grand jury, who say whether it ought or
ought not to be made the subject of judicial inquiry ; if they think thatj
it should be so inquired into, then the indictment is brought into court,
and read, if the defendant choose to have it so, at full length ; and these
important preliminaries having been gone through, the defendant is tried :
by twelve independent men, each of whose rights are as much involved
in the question as those of the defendant himself. But, more than this,
gentlemen, the defendant has a right to try and persuade the jury that
he has acted properly — that he had done nothing which he ought not to
ii'ive done — that in asserting his own rights, he has not violated the
rights of others. And, should he succeed in this, then the jury will
return a verdict of acquittal. Should the jury, however, be of another
opinion — should they think that he has been guilty of an offence against
the law, as charged in the indictment, and come unanimously to a con
clusion that he is thus guilty, then, I ask any man, whether there is not
thrown around all those who choose to appear before the public in the
character of writers, every sort of defence and protection to which they
me entitled? The law gives to every such man, by the legal process
which I have described, the chance of an acquittal, if even he be not
quite innocent ; but it ensures his acquittal, if he be not in point of law,
and of truth, and of justice, really guilty. But, gentlemen, the senti
ments of the defendant would shield the guilty, not the innocent.
Another guarantee, gentlemen, against any oppression on the part of the
law, is found in the influence of public opinion, for the disapprobation
of society, as well as that of the learned judges, would be levelled
against any prosecution which was not a reasonable one on the face of it.
What pretence, then, is there against the law ? What pretence is there for
asserting that the freedom of the press is improperly restricted ; or, that
the liberty which the defendant claims is essential to the existence of
civil and religious liberty ? Gentlemen, it is to be feared that many
hold the same sentiments as this man. Public meetings are held, at
which these sentiments are declared. I ask, is it reasonable that there
should be such a right ? The due and proper liberty of the press is no
such liberty as that which the defendant claims. Gentlemen, the next
question to be considered is, is the offence on the face of the indictment
an indictable offence, or is it not ? I shall upon this point quote two or
three authorities for your information and guidance. The truth is, that
it has in all civilised countries been deemed necessary that some reason
able limits should be prescribed for the freedom of the press. I believe

13
ihat there is no civilised country in which such limits have not been pre
scribed by the law. The first authority from which I shall quote is
afloLT, on The Law of Libel. In page 64, he says —
« " The offences of slander, as we have above shown, are many, and
'various in kind ; as many, indeed, as there are modes of speech and
Action, to which they run parallel ; they are accordingly, distinguished,
by the objects which they respect ; some are committed against God,
'and are offences against piety and moral duty, and become, as it were,
trespasses against the light of reason and the light of nature. The first
'grand offence of speech and writing is speaking blasphemously against
God, or reproachfully concerning religion, with an intent to subvert
men's faith in God, and to impair their reverence for him. A reverence
for God, and a conscientious regard for religion are the main supports of
honesty, and therein of society and civil government; the sole curbs
effectually restraining men from fraud and violence ; and the strongest
principles leading to the performance of those actions by which common
life is adorned, and public order and peace maintained."
In page 65, it is stated by the same authority, that —
" Offences against religion, by the common law of England, which are
the subjects of speech and writing, and as such, within the marked path
of our inquiry are (I) all blasphemies against God, as maligning his
Being or Providence, and all contumelious reproaches of our Saviour
Jesus Christ. 1 Vent. 293 ; 2 Str. 834 ; 4 Bl. Comm. 59. (2) All pro
fane scoffing of the Holy Scriptures, or exposing any part of them to
ridicule and contempt. 11 Mod. 112; Str. 416, 788; Fitz. 65.
(3) Seditious words in derogation of the established religion are indict
able, as tending to a breach of the peace, which in this sense implies
amity, quiet, and confidence of the whole family of the state in the hope
of future rewards. 2 Roll. Abr. 183 ; Cro. Jac. 24, 421.
" Offences of this nature, says Hawkins, (PI. cr., cap. 5) because they
tend to subvert all religion and morality, which are the foundations of
government, are punishable by the temporal judges with fine and im
prisonment ; they are offences at common law, and the prime abuse of
speech and writing."
In a subsequent page of the same book, the writer, to whom I refer
as an authority upon this matter, lays down very clearly the distinction
between legal and illegal publication upon these grave topics; and,
gentlemen of the jury, I wish particularly to call your attention to
this point, because it meets, very fully and completely, much of the
assumption and argument of the defendant. In page 70, Mr. Holt
says —
" The law does not prohibit reasonable controversy, even upon
fundamental subjects, as long as it is conducted with a tone of modera
tion, which shows that argument is the only purpose ; the writer abstain
ing from language and terms which are abusive and virulent, and, therein,
indecorous, towards the establishment, and offensive to the consciences
of individuals. What is argumentative may be very properly left to be
replied to by argument ; what is passionate, and, therein, a disturbance
of the proper harmony of the state, cannot be so safely passed over to a
defence by similar weapons. Such a sufferance would be the endurance

14
of brawls. When the law is moved against such writers, it is not perse
cution, it is a defence of the public tranquillity and decency."
Gentlemen, this writer quotes what has ever since been held to be an
authority in cases of this kind,— the remarks of one of the most learned
and able judges that ever sat upon the bench, Mr. Justice Ashurst ; this
learned judge, in passing sentence upon Williams, who was tried in the
year 1797, for having published a blasphemous libel in Paine's Age of
Reason, delivered himself in the following manner :
" Although the Almighty does not stand in need of the feeble aid of
mortals, to vindicate his honour and law, it is, nevertheless, highly fit
that courts of judicature show their abhorrence and detestation of people
capable of sending into the world such infamous and wicked books.
Indeed, all offences of this kind are not only offences to God, but, crimes
against the law of the land, and are punishable as such, inasmuch as
they tend to destroy those obligations whereby civil society is bound
together. And it is upon this ground that the Christian religion consti
tutes part of the law of England. But that law, without the means of
enforcing its precepts, would be but the dead letter. Whenever these
infamous works appear, they are the proper subjects of prosecution, for
if the name of our Redeemer were suffered to be traduced, and his
holy religion treated with contempt, the solemnity of an oath, on which the
due administration of justice depends, would be destroyed, and the law be
stripped of one of its principal sanctions, the dread of future punishment."
Gentlemen of the jury, if this man's opinions are true, what becomes
of the sanction under which law and justice are administered ? That
sanction consists of a solemn appeal to the omniscient and almighty
Being, through the medium of an oath, taken upon the sacred Scriptures.
If you destroy men's belief in the authority of that divine book, you at
once break down all the safeguards and guarantees of justice, between
man and man. Gentlemen, it is true, that there is one of you sitting in
that box who did not take an oath ; but that was not because he
disbelieved in the existence of God, but because he has such a profound
reverence for the holy Scriptures, which, in his opinion, prohibit the
taking of oaths, that he could not bring his mind to the performance of
that solemnity. The very fact, then, of that gentleman's refusing to take
an oath, in consequence of his deep veneration of the holy Scriptures, is
in itself a complete condemnation of the opinions of the defendant. The
whole scope and meaning of the law of the land, is, that it is based on a
religious sanction ; and the man who seeks to subvert that sanction tends
to destroy all respect for those courts in which the law is administered,
and to which we are all amenable ; and also to overturn society itself.
The criminal law of England, corrected as it has been, from time to time,
and administered as it is, by learned, upright, and independent judges,
and by honest and intelligent juries, is, I verily believe, the very nearest
approach to perfection ever yet known in the world, for the purpose of
dispensing justice between man and man. But the defendant is of a
different opinion. He claims a liberty for himself which is not consistent
with the liberty of others. Gentlemen, see how he treats this very subject
in one of his publications, issued since the publication of the libellous
matter charged in the indictment. See how he seeks to influence your
verdict. After giving utterance to calumnies of the grossest kind upon

15
the magistrates before whom the informations were originally laid, he
proceeds to say, —
" All that should be said, therefore, it may be wise to say before trial ;
for trial by jury means, in nine cases out of ten, trial by bigotry. When
some noble spirits were carried before the French revolutionary tribunal,
they opened their vests and laid bare their necks, as signifying that they
came to execution, not to trial ; and those who go before a British jury,
charged with sedition or blasphemy, should go prepared for the appear
ance, not the reality, of justice ; with a body and mind trained to suffer
that torture of which the solemn mockeries of courts are but the prelude.
A trial by jury for the impossible crime of blasphemy is, in fact, little
more than a sort of judicial prologue to what I have before called the
serio-comic -farce of " Killing no murder." If then it should happen
that a jury of Englishmen can now be found so lost to all sense of what
is due to decency, the rights of conscience, and the liberty of the press
— so inexpressibly foolish and wicked as to find me guilty of an impossi
ble offence, why the judge may — for it is rather difficult to say what
judges may or may not do — shut me up in the cold cell of a felon's
prison, denying me the sight of friends, the use of speech, or even the
poor solitary satisfaction of wielding my pen, either in my own defence
or in furtherance of the great principles of Civil and Religious Liberty."
Gentlemen, what does this man mean by asserting his regard for truth,
candour, and liberty, and at the same time addressing, on the very eve
of his trial, such language as this to the public, and to the jury before
which he is to be tried ? Gentlemen, I only quote this passage to show
you the fallacy of the principle upon which the defendant professes to
rest. Why, he himself everywhere violates that principle, without
scruple or remorse. He has divested himself of all moral responsibility ;
and, consequently, if he, and those whom he teaches, can but escape
human observation, and the detection of their crimes, what may they
not do ? What security have you against anything which men, pro
fessing these sentiments, may desire to do to gratify their inclinations or
bad passions ? What hold can you have upon them ? What is to pre
vent them from doing just what they like, so long as they have reason to
think that they can escape the penalties of human laws ? Gentlemen,
the defendant asserts his right to do as he pleases, for he avers that he
fears neither God nor devil. What is it that gives the criminal code, for
the punishment and prevention of crime, its great sanction in the minds
of men ? What, but the power of conscience, and the sense of respon
sibility — not to our fellow-men, but to a superior power — to an omni
scient eye ? The law, gentlemen, has its sanction in men's consciences,
founded upon a belief that there will be a future reckoning — that man
will be held responsible for what he thinks and what he does. If you
once banish from the minds of men a belief in the existence of God, of
a future state, and of their responsibility to an omniscient being, who
sees the heart, and knows every motive by which the mind is influenced,
then you at once overturn the very foundations of society. There is
nothing to bind a man, holding the opinions which this man holds, to a
regard for the law. He will not be checked by the reproof's of con
science ; for he laughs at the idea of conscience. Such men will
take into account only the probable advantages they may derive
from a certain course of action, and if these advantages are deemed

1G
to outweigh the chances of detection and punishment, that course
of action will be adopted. Gentlemen, we know, and you know, that
even now, with all the aids of conscience and responsibility added to
the solemn sanctions of the law, it is exceedingly difficult to restrain
crime. It is well known that thieves, of every class and degree, calculate,
with great nicety, the chances for an impunity of crime ; but do we
know how many are deterred from the commission of crime, where the
letter of the law never comes in question, and simply by the power of
their consciences ? Gentlemen, suppose that the children in our schools
and families were brought to a belief that there was no god, and that
their teachers and parents were monsters and tyrants, or fools and dolts,
because they were attempting to inculcate the precepts of Christianity —
what sort of children should we have — what kind of schools — what
description of clerks, apprentices, and shopmen ? What would become
of all Christian teaching, and the observance of the sabbath ? Gentle- ¦
men, such a belief would be the introduction of the grossest delusions,
and of the most abominable errors. It would tend to the destruction of
everything which constitutes the internal feeling of happiness amongst
mankind. Gentlemen, such doctrines would be destructive, too, of all
moral restraint. Could you trust a man who held the sentiments which
this man holds ? Prudential motives might sometimes be a restraint
upon him, but could you place any reliance in such a man? Could you
have any confidence in his integrity, or repose in him any one of those
affections which adorn society ? Gentlemen, it is impossible to condemn
too strongly the deplorable and ruinous consequences which would flow
from the prevalence^ of such sentiments as those which the prisoner has
adopted, and has been diffusing. Would there be anything of the virtue
and liberty of which he speaks ? Would not society, on the contrary,
become one mass of confusion and crime ? Yes, gentlemen, if the
opinions of the defendant were once to become prevalent, men would
become hateful and hating one another, as some are described to be in
that very book which he holds up to ridicule and contempt.
Gentlemen, you have heard the libels read ; the defendant will pre-
.seatly have an opportunity of addressing you. It has been my painful
duty, in discharging the task which devolves upon me, to wade through
those libels, and I cannot help saying, that I deeply regret to see talents
of such an order, and acquirements of such an extent, so greatly abused
and perverted. Gentlemen, it is in vain to deny, that that man has
talents which would have laid the fair field of life open to him, in any
efforts which he might have made ; and with the industry which he can
bring to such papers as these, from week to week, if he had followed any
course of life that was calculated to benefit society, he might have made
himself an honourable, a respectable, and a useful man. He has chosen
his path, however, and that not without premeditation. He has adopted
a deliberate and systematic course of proceeding ; and now he has made
the desperate declaration, that he will still continue to pursue it.
" This number" (6) he says, " the reader will please to consider as
supplementary ; and in future the Priest of the Oracle will speak as
usual, and proceed with the consideration of those subjects he had pro
posed to treat, before honoured by a notice from the authorities. Should
it happen that my mouth is stopped, the paper will be edited and
conducted by friends whose principles are my principles and upon whose
integrity and talent I have the fullest reliance. So that whether I am

17
in or out of prison, the Oracle will still boldly pronounce nature's '
decrees, in spite of human decrees, and proclaim philosophy without
asking the license of folly."
It is proper, gentlemen, that these statements should be known to the >
court and the jury, and I would say, that after you, gentlemen of the
jury, shall have returned your verdict of guilty, which I urge ygu_byi
your reverence for everything that is sacred_Jo do — I would say that'
after your verdict of guilty is pronounced, everything that the law can!
do should be done, to suppress such publications as this man expresses
his determination to continue to publish. God forbid that I or are, o\i8
else should persecute this man! No, if he could be stopped in the publi
cation of these villanies, consistently with such a course of procv. Jin£,,
I should be glad to send him back to a comfortable home ; L'i if '^t
cannot be done in any other way than by sending him to a prison, then,
in the name of public justice, in the name of everything sacred, inthe]
name of God himself, I say let everything be done that can be <^*Kr^a»
effect this object. ,/o
Gentlemen, I shall not outrage your feelings, by reading to you trie
whole of the revolting passages which are charged against the defendant
in this indictment : you have heard, and you may, if you shall think
proper to do so, read it for yourselves before you return your verdict ;
but I must trouble you by reading two or three passages, for the purpose
of pointing out the fallacies and the gross folly of this man's reasonings.
In one of his Atheistic papers, he puts forth the following reasoning, —
" Metaphysics (says an anonymous writer) teach us that god is a, pure
spirit ; but herein is modern theology superior to that of the savages ?
The savages acknowledge a great spirit for the master of the world.
The savages, like all ignorant people, attribute to spirits all the effects of
which their experience cannot discover the true causes. Ask a savage
what moves your watch. He will answer, It is a spirit."
Let the savage rebuke the philosopher. The savage sees a work of art
exhibiting clear marks of intelligence and design, and he infers from that,
that it was made by an intelligent agent. That is what he means by say
ing, it was made by a spirit. And it was made by a spirit, for the
hands of the artificer were only the instruments of his mind. The savage
therefore justly attributes the production of the watch to some intel
ligent agent who was capable of designing it ; and in the same way the
philosopher may infer from the marks of design in the universe, that it
must be the production of an infinite, a wise, and a good mind.
The defendant thus proceeds :—
" Ask our divines what moves the universe. They answer, it is a
spirit. As it is with those who call god a great spirit, so it is with the
equally sage mystics who call their ideal god a great space — great space
being two terms unintelligible. Space is something or nothing, a reality
or a fiction, that which really exists, or a negation of all existence : if the
former, it cannot be the god that Christians will accept, for that which is
real must be corporeal ; but they reject a matter god and will not agree
with the Stoics, that god is a divine animal : if the latter, that is, if those
who will have it that space is god, are driven to admit as they necessarily
must, that space is the negation or absence of matter, an absolute noth
ing, why, then, we fall upon the e.v nihilo nihil fit .• Englished — out of
c

18
nothing nothing can come. As plain a truth as any to be found in
Euclid. Which makes the question stand thus — In the first place, space
cannot be a god ; if space is an actually existing something, it must be
matter ; but that a matter god is no god at all, is allowed by the Chris
tian world. In the second place, space cannot be a god, if it signifies
pure emptiness or absence of matter, because the absence of matter,
could it be conceived, is a nothing ; and to refine god into nothing, is
to destroy the idea of such an existence, and to proclaim that Atheism
we are labouring to teach."
So that, he asserts that there is nothing but what is material — that
solid gross matter is the only thing that exists ; and yet he elsewhere
affirms that the world is an " effect," not an effect produced by an infinite
and intelligent mind, but a "known effect from an unknown cause."
Was ever folly carried further than that, in order to get rid of the idea
~^^x> existence of a pure spirit, an intelligent Creator ? When he says,
there is nothing but what is material, might I venture to ask him,
whether memory, or perception, or reasoning is material ; or whether,
what he is so fond of talking of — our civil and political rights, are
material? No, gentleman, the fact is, that although such men as these
may impose upon uninformed minds, no man of reflection can fail to see
that grosser absurdities never were uttered, to revile the Holy God, and
his revelation, and everything sacred to the mind.
But, gentlemen, the defendant assumes to himself perfect sincerity
and integrity of purpose. Now, the last count but one in the indictment
is founded on a sort of postscript to No. 5 of this Oracle of Reason,
which postscript is entitled, " helping the lord ;" and at the head of
this there is a line which purports to be quoted from Hosea, 12th
chapter, 7th verse, and which is made to read thus : " He (God) loveth
to oppress." Now, gentleman, Mr. Southwell is a grammarian, and
you will see with what honesty and integrity he has made this pretended
quotation from the Bible. In the passage, as it stands in the prophet,
Ephraim, who is introduced there as the representative of one, or per
haps of more than one, of the tribes of Israel is being reproved for his
perverseness and wickedness ; and the whole of the context shows that
it is Ephraim who is described by the prophet as loving to oppress.
But, as the defendant was enabled, by a little ingenuity, to make the
word God, the antecedent, he has, by so doing, perverted the passage as
I have read it to you; and has made the prophet declare, that " God
loveth to oppress." Now, gentlemen, what of his honesty and sincerity
of purpose, in a case like that ? He must take refuge in either ignorance
or dishonesty.
Defendant. — My Lord, I am sorry to interrupt the learned gentle
man, but perhaps your lordship will allow me to state a fact, in reference
to this particular passage. The truth is, my lord, that that article was
not written by me — that it was written while I was shut up in prison by
whom I know not, and that I was not aware of its having been written
until some time after it had appeared in print. '
Mr. Smith.— Gentlemen of the jury, I am glad to hear that declaration
from the defendant; for, although, as the bookseller and publisher of
this work, he is liable for all that appeared in it, during the course of its
puljkjjsitkra, I will cheerfully give him the benefit of his disavowal and
withdraw the accusation I have made against him.

19
Gentlemen of the jury, you will have to consider, simply, are
these blasphemous libels, as they are described to be in the indict
ment, and were they published by the defendant ? If so, there can be
but one result ; that is, a verdict of guilty ; and whatever the defendant
may now say, allow me to say, that not only will such a verdict meet
with the full approbation of every man competent to form an opinion
upon such a subject, but that I think also, that the time will come, when
the defendant's own conscience will approve and confirm that verdict.
Gentlemen, with the fullest confidence that there can be no other result
than the verdict I have anticipated, I leave the question for your
decision. The learned counsel then called Stephen Rogers, a junior clerk to the
magistrates' clerks, to prove the purchase of six numbers of the Oracle
of Reason. Having proved the purchase of these numbers, at the office
of publication, in Wine Street, he was cross-examined by the defendant. ,
Dependant. — When did you go into my shop ?
Witness. — On the 27th of November last.
Dependant. — Did I manifest any disinclination to serve you with
these numbers ?
Witness.1 — No.
Dependant. — There was some conversation, I believe, between us;
was there not ?
Witness. — I don't recollect any conversation.
Defendant. — No ! Try if you can't recollect what passed between
us, when I sold you the numbers that you have now produced.
Witness. — I don't recollect, particularly, what passed upon the occasion.
Defendant. — Well, well ; never mind. Now, will you permit me to
ask you, if you have read the numbers ?
Witness. — Read them?
Defendant. — Yes ; have you read the numbers which you produced
to the magistrates, and swore were blasphemous libels ?
Witness. — No.
Dependant. — No ! What, did you swear that what those numbers
contained constituted a blasphemous libel, when, in point of fact, you had
never read it ?
Witness. — I read the passage.
Defendant. — Oh ! You read the passage. Well, you swore in the
information, that the passage contained a blasphemous libel on the Chris
tian religion ?
Witness. — Yes.
Defendant. — But did you find anything about the Christian religion
in the passage which you read ?
The witness appeared to be very much confused, and muttered some
thing that was inaudible in the court.
Defendant. — Well, never mind ; I'll not press you any more upon
that point. But as you swore that this passage constituted a blasphemous
libel, will you permit me to ask you, what your opinion of a libel is ?
Witness.— Of— a— 1-1-1-libel ?
Defendant. — Yes ; be good enough to tell me what you mean by a
libel. Witness.— Why — I mean — I mean — anything — eh — that's not true.
Defendant.— Oh ! then you don't consider anything that's true to be
ft libel?
c 2

20
The Recorder said, that if any fact rested upon this inquiry, he would
not stop it. If the defendant by his mode of cross-examination, thought
that he could achieve any practical object, as to his defence, he would
not prevent him from pursuing this course.
The Defendant said his object had a practical operation on the pro
ceedings of the day. He wanted to get at this young man's amount of
knowledge, and he thought it necessary that the jury should attend to
his replies. He should ask the witness how he knew that he, defendant,
had published, as he, witness, had sworn that he had done, a wicked and
blasphemous libel ?
The Recorder said he could not see how this tended in any way to
the defence. The question the defendant now raised was altogether
immaterial for the purposes of a defence, as against this indictment. It
was not what the amount of this young man's knowledge was ; his
opinion one way or the other could not form matter of defence. It was
the opinion of the jury that was to be looked for, and not the opinion
of the witness.
The Defendant said, that in deference to his lordship's opinion, he
would not further pursue the inquiry, and the witness left the box,
evidently well pleased to escape the ordeal through which it seemed he
had been about to pass.
William Reynolds, a policeman, proved the purchase of six copies
of a " copy of the warrant for the arrest of Charles Southwell for
blasphemy," at the shop of Field, Southwell, & Co., in Narrow Wine
Street. Defendant. — Did you obtain these copies of me ?
Witness. — No, but you were standing by when I was served with
them. Defendant. — Did you know, at the time you purchased them, that I
had been but twenty-four hours out of prison ?
Witness. — I knew nothing about it.
Dependant.— Did you not understand that the magistrates intended
to proceed against me, for the publication of this copy of the warrant,
while I was in prison?
Witness. — 1 don't know anything about it.
Dependant.— You say you did not buy these copies of me. Whom did
you buy them of?
Witness. — Ah, that's what I want to know.
Defendant.— Oh, you want to know, do you? Well, now, but vou
do know, don't you ? J
Witness.— Why, I want to know him a little better than I do now *
(Laughter.) Defendant.— I suppose you know all about the magistrates refusing
Recorder.— I really cannot see what relevancy this has to the defence
DEFENDANT.-Well, my lord, I'll not pursue it. But the truth is!
that this copy of the warrant, as well as the article referred to by the
earned counsel, was published while I was in prison, and without my
knowledge, although, had I known it, I should not have known its publi
cation to be illegal. 1
*, The witness here discloses that he had been unsuccessful in executing his instruc
tions to entrap .-mother of the parties concerned. mstruc

21
Harry Burgess, an ex-policeman, proved the purchase of three
numbers of the Oracle of Reason, of Mr. John Field, at the office of
publication, in Narrow Wine Street, after which he was cross-examined
by the defendant.
, Defendant. — Who employed you to purchase these numbers of the
Oracle of Reason?
Witness. — I was employed by Mr. Harmar.
Defendant. — Oh ! what, did Mr. Harmar instruct you to purchase
these three numbers ?
Witness. — No, he instructed me to go and buy a dozen copies of the
Oracle of Reason.
Defendant. — Well, when you had purchased these numbers did you
read them?
Witness. — No — not particularly.
Defendant. — Not particularly ? Well, but did you read them ?
Witness. — I read some parts of them.
Defendant. — Oh! only some parts of them. You didn't read them
through, then ?
Witness. — No.
Defendant. — Well, will you permit me to ask you, what impression
the parts you did read, made upon your mind ?
[The witness seemed to be sadly posed by this question, either not
knowing what answer to make, for fear of committing himself, in some
way, or not comprehending the question. After sideling about in the
witness-box, stammering, and scratching his head, for some seconds, he
drawled out, in a sort of half-smothered tone — I don't know.]
Defendant. — Why, surely they must have made some impression
upon your mind, if you read them?
Witness. — No, they didn't make any particular impression.
Dependant. — Well, then, what did you think of them ?
Witness. — Oh — I — don't know, I'm sure. I thought they brought a
scandal on the religion of the magistrates. (Great laughter, during
which the witness was ordered to withdraw.) I
Mr. Smith having stated that he had no other witnesses to call, the
Clerk of the Peace suggested to Mr. Southwell, that he had a right to
see, if he liked to do so, that the passages from the several publications
were correctly set out in the indictment. Mr. Southwell having ex
pressed a wish to do so, the indictment was then handed up to him,
and the clerk of the peace proceeded to read from the publications
themselves, the several passages charged as libellous in the indictment.
This reading being completed, and the defendant taking no exception to
the accuracy of the indictment, Mr. Smith stated, that that completed
the case for the prosecution.
The Defendant then addressed the jury as follows. Gentlemen of the
jury, I was not a little astonished when I heard that the case for the prose
cution was at an end ; and, if I mistake not, if there be not better evidence
brought forward to make out the case than that you have already heard,
the prosecution must be at an end also. Gentlemen, I submit that you
have sworn that you would a true verdict give according to the evidence,
and I will presently, if it be necessary, show that Xgu_are clothed with
exclusive authority — that as jurymen you hay^jjEeT. right, and that
it is your duty to do so. I repeat, that youTia^e^swonT that you will

QO

ti

give a true verdict according to the evidence; and I further submit, that
there is not, at this stage of the proceedings, one particle of evidence
proving that I have published a wicked and blasphemous libel. Gentle
men, what does the evidence that you have heard amount to ? It is that
some parties went to a shop in Wine Street and purchased certain papers,
called the Oracle of Reason. What else has been shown ? The contents
have not been yet examined ; it has not been shown that they contain a
tittle of blasphemy. It may be said, perhaps, that, in the opinion of
Stephen Rogers, those papers do contain blasphemy ; but, gentlemen,
you will not send me to a .dungeon, because that happens to be the
opinion of Stephen Rogers. I, therefore, venture to submit to you at
this early stage of the proceedings, that up to the present moment there
has not been a tittle of evidence given to convict me of having written or
published a blasphemous libel. Gentlemen, the truth is, that this offence
of blasphemy has not been defined ; and further, it cannot be defined ;
tnd, therefore, whatever may be said as to the purchase of the publica-
ign, that cannot affect the question as to whether I have published a
wicked and blasphemous libel. I will, therefore, submit now to his
lordship and the jury, the question, whether or not it has been proved by
tb,e evidence that has been offered that I have published blasphemy ?
Recorder. — The proof of blasphemy is not a matter of proof by
witnesses ; that is a question which the jury is to deduce from the publi
cation itself. The objection, therefore, is disallowed.
Defendant. — My lord, and gentlemen of the jury, I thought it my
duty to make this objection at the commencement, because if I had made
it at a later stage of the proceedings, I might have been told that it was
quite out of order. But I bow to the decision of the court, and shall
now proceed to defend myself, as well as I am able, from the charge
that has been brought against me. Gentlemen, I agree with the learned
counsel for the prosecution, that we live in an age of comparative light
and civilization. I agree with him, and I rejoice to agree with him, that
we have no secret tribunals — that it is the privilege of every man to have
an open, fair, and honourable trial. I feel much pleasure in saying this,
because from what has been said by the learned counsel, in the course of
his speech you might be led to infer that I do not prize, as I do, the trial
by jury, and the privilege of defending myself against charges such as
those with which I now stand accused. Gentlemen, I fear it will be
perceived, that although long used to speak upon a rostrum, I labour
under great disadvantages when addressing a jury ; and, gentlemen, bear
this in mind, that if you went into that box, as I believe you did, with
the intention of doing me full justice, you can only do that by the exer
cise of your reason ; and I maintain that it is your business to discard
mere passion and prejudice, so that your decision may be, as far as is
possible, a pure deduction from the arguments advanced by the counsel
for the prosecution on the one side, and those advanced by me on the
other. Gentlemen, it is the common custom, and I regret that the learned
counsel did not step out of custom's road more fully than he has done 
it is the common custom in proceedings of this description, to appeal to
vulgar passions and prejudices ; but when these are excited, then it is
that reason is engulphed, as it were, and men are tempted to commit those
acts which in their cooler moments they would shudder at the idea of
performing. Gentlemen, enough has been already urged to remind you

23
that it is your duty to discard all preconceived notions, and to do me full
justice, by hearing me patiently, and then, coolly weighing my motives,
reasons, and general conduct. And, gentlemen, if you do this, I am
sure you will see that it is necessary, and that it will be useful to the
fullest extent, honourably to acquit me of the charge which I stand here
to answer to.
Gentlemen, it will be well before I proceed further, to notice some of
the steps that have been taken to prejudice your minds against me.
When I speak of prejudice, I wish it to be understood that men may pre
judge truly as well as falsely. To prejudge is simply to make up one's
mind beforehand ; and there may he a making up of the mind before
hand to that which is true as well as to that which is false. But, never
theless, this prejudice or prejudgment is extremely hurtful to truth ; that
is, it stands in many cases between the mind and the truth. Well has it
been said, that prejudice is the spider of the mind ; and I may add, that
prejudice, if compared to the spider, like the spider, always weaves ite
web in desolate and ruinous habitations. I hope, therefore, gentlemen!"
that you will do me full justice, and as I shall avoid, as far as possible,
everything that can give offence to even the most sensitive mind, I trust
that you will bear with me. I know that you are not of that class who
would rather " hang the guiltless than eat their mutton cold."
Before I proceed to consider the opening speech of the learned counsel,
I must give you some authorities touching your duties as jurymen ; and,
I do this, not so much in reference to you, gentlemen, as because juries
do not always know their duties.
Mr. Smith interrupted the defendant, and, addressing the recorder,
said, he thought it but fair to give the defendant notice, that if he adduced
anything like evidence in the course of his defence, he, Mr. Smith, should
claim, and would have the right of, a reply.
The Defendant said he was not well schooled in legal matters, but he had
learned so much as this, that unless this were a government prosecution
and the learned gentleman represented the Attorney-General, he would
have no right of reply, unless he, defendant, called witnesses, which he
had no intention of doing. But if he was wrong in this, he was quite
sure that his lordship would set him right and do him justice.
The Recorder said he could not decide the question a priori.
The Defendant then resumed as follows : Gentlemen of the jury, I
am anxious to call your attention to a portion of a pamphlet which I
hold in my hand. It is in the form of a letter addressed to Jeremy
Bentham, and it treats of the question of juries, their rights and duties.
From this pamphlet I shall read a passage or two, and comment upon
them, perhaps, as I proceed. The first passage to which I beg your
attention is the following :
" Of matter of law, as well as of matter of fact, by express written
law, the jury are the sole judges in trials for libel, in whatever shape
brought before them, by means of criminal process, as information, in
dictment, or by means of civil process, as an action at law for damages."
Next, gentlemen, let me request your attention to the following :
" For the commission of injustice, the law assumes guiltiness — why
should not the jury assume non-guiltiness, to serve the ends of justice,
until the right means be accorded, to enable them to administer justice ?

24
To arrive at a just decision, equally fair to the accuser, and to the
accused, there ought to be no anticipations, either of guilt or of inno
cence. The law assumes guiltiness without proof; let juries, by way ot
counterpoise, assume non-guiltiness without proof— by such an assump
tion they simply avoid anticipation, and put themselves in the way ot
arriving at truth, and doing justice, which cannot be done, unless non-
guiltiness of facts without proof be assumed, as without proof they are
charged to be criminal."
" A juryman is bound to do justice, and in cases of libel, being at
once judge of both law and fact, legislator and administrator, making,
in one capacity, the law he administers in the other, both capacities
being united in his person ; it is in a great measure within his own power
to arrive at justice, by aiming at truth."
These passages, gentlemen, are of great importance ; they carry with
them their own proofs, but I shall back them up by the authorities of
those great men, Erskine, Pitt, and Fox. I shall show by these authori
ties, as by the one I have read from, that you have to decide both as
to the law and the fact. But before I do that, I would read to you
one or two more passages from this same pamphlet.
The defendant then read the following passages :
" In point of fact, discussion being, indirectly, the law-made crime,
the aiming too openly to suppress it, was the cause of judge-made libel
law being altered. Mr. Justice Buller, whose4 intemperance and violence
have outlived the reputation of his learning, in the trial of the Dean of
St. Asaph for libel, by stretching the reins too tightly caused them to
snap. He threatened to commit Erskine, the defendant's counsel, for in
sisting that the verdict of publishing only should be recorded. That
trial, the conduct of the presiding judge, and that of his brethren of the
King's Bench, were the immediate causes of the statute being passed,
declaratory of what the common law had been, until altered by judicial'
authority ; and the common law was, that in matters of libel, juries were
judges both of the law and the fact; the statute not, indeed, conferring
on juries any new power, but re-investing them with that legal power of
which they had been deprived, by judicial chicanery and corruption, in
as well as out of courts of Star-chamber.
" By law, jurymen, in matters of libel, do not, they ought not, at
least, to take the law from, but they ought to give the law to, the judge.
In actions of libel, the jurymen are the judges ; for them it is to
decide, respecting no man's opinion, libel or no libel, and there is an
end ; for after such decision, the judge and his brethren of the superior
court are then powerless. In the matter of the judge's opinion, it is
competent to the jury to pronounce libel or no libel. If, in accordance
with the statute, the judge, in delivering his opinion, should say, ' I am
of opinion this is a libel,' (and excepting for the purposes of power,
when, indeed, is a judge of any other opinion ?) by their verdict the
jury may say, ' We are of opinion that it is no libel ;' and such a ver
dict is impregnable, although in direct contradiction to, or in contempt
and derision of, the opinion of the presiding judge, or of the opinion of
any, and of all the judges, because the judicial opinion, unless adopted
by the jury, in law has no force — is an absolute nullity.
" Hence, then, in despite of the judge by law the jury are the sole
arbitrators of what is and what is not hbel ; and although the judre is

25
bound by statute to deliver his opinion, the jury are bound to pay no
attention to it ; and to his judicial opinion, in ninety-nine cases in the
hundred — and in the hundreth the propriety of following that opinion is
so doubtful — they will do wisely and well to value it at less than
nothing, turning a deaf ear to the voice of the charmer, charm he
never so wisely, and trusting to their own plain sense and moral per
ceptions of right and wrong, for guiding them to a just conclusion.
" Notwithstanding the air, or, it may be, the menaces of authority, it
(the judge's opinion) has been made to assume, the jury are free to act
— for in authority they are above the judge, by express enactment, with
them is lodged the absolute and sole power of making and giving effect
to whatever law they determine to be applicable to the case before them ;
it rests with themselves only to condemn or absolve ; it is for them, and
them only, to say what is, and what is not libel."
I have now read to you a sufficient number of paragraphs to illus
trate my position. I proceed, therefore, with the authorities I have just
named to you. During the discussion, in the House of Commons, on
Mr. Fox's hbel bill, of 1791, that gentleman entered into a long argu
mentative speech, on the doctrine of libels, in which he contended that
the jury ought not only to find the publication and the inuendo, but to
decide upon the intention ; that they were judges as well of law as of
fact. — Mr. Erskine, who seconded the motion, said, that to diminish the
privileges of juries, was in his idea to throw away the only security
which the people possessed against the overwhelming prerogatives of the
crown. In civil cases, he remarked, it was the undoubted province of
the judge to decide upon the question of law, matters of property being
too intricate for the decision of a jury ; but this rule ought never to
obtain in criminal cases, where the guilt, consisting in the intention,
seemed a point peculiarly adapted to the consideration of a jury, and
could only be properly ascertained by their verdict. — Mr. Pitt supported
the same argument. He declared, that although he should with great
diffidence set up his own opinions against the established practice of the
judges, yet, he could not but confess, that it went directly against that
practice ; for he saw no reason why, on the trial of a crime, the whole
consideration of the case might not precisely go to the unfettered judg
ment of twelve men who were sworn to give their verdict honestly and
conscientiously. Gentlemen, continued the defendant, as that libel-bill, which is now
the law of the land, is very short, I beg your attention while I proceed
to read it. This is it :
r " Whereas doubts have arisen whether, on the trial of an indictment
or information for the making or publishing any libel, when an issue or
issues are joined between the king and defendant or defendants, on the
plea of not guilty pleaded, it be competent to the jury empanneled to try
the same, to give their verdict upon the whole matter in issue ; be it
therefore declared and enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, by
and with the consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons,
in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same,
that on every such trial, the jury sworn to try the issue may give a
general verdict of guilty or not guilty, upon the whole matter here in
issue upon each indictment or information, and shall not be required or
directed, by the court or judge before whom such indictment or informa-

26
tion shall be tried, to find the defendant or defendants guilty, merely on
the proof of the publication, by such defendant or defendants, ot trie
paper charged to be a libel, and of the sense ascribed to the same on
such indictment or information."
Gentlemen, I need say but little in addition, continued the defendant,
for it must be clear to all of you, that the doctrine laid down by the
authorities I have cited, is not only rational, but just and necessary. .It
must be obvious to every man, that civilization itself would be checked,
and that we should have nothing but a mental despotism, if trial by jury
did not involve all that it is said to involve by these_ authorities. And,
gentlemen, I am sure that you will consider, when reviewing my conduct,
what was my object, and what were my intentions. These, I am sure,
will weigh with you, and if you should be of opinion that my objects are
even injurious to society, yet, if you believe my motives to have been
good, you will give me the benefit of your verdict ; nay, gentlemen, if
you should believe my teaching to be ever so false, and my motives to
be ever so questionable, I hope you will think that the best way to meet
ray false teaching, is by better teaching ; and that you will, upon this
occasion, set an example to all succeeding juries.
Gentlemen, I spoke of the prejudice that had been excited against me.
It is well known to most pf you, that some weeks since, a gentleman
who has rendered himself very notorious in this city, issued large placards-
announcing that the Rev. Mr. Bromley would deliver a course of
lectures on the blasphemies of Charles Southwell. I know not
whether the Rev. Mr. Bromley is a religious man, but sure I am that no
moral man would have done that, while I lay in a dungeon. It was, to
say the least of it, exceedingly cruel, to try to influence the public mind
to my prejudice. Even the law assumes a man to be innocent until he
is found guilty ; but not so this reverend gentleman. He, no doubt,
had a double object in view, the one was to excite prejudice against me,
and the other to fill his own pockets.
.. And, gentlemen, there is another person, equally notorious with the'
Rev. Mr. Bromley, who has used his puny efforts to increase the preju
dice against me ; and he has even taken the liberty to address a letter;
to his lordship on the bench.
Recorder. — What is that you say ; a letter addressed to me relative
to this trial ? I have seen no such letter.
Defendant.— No, my lord, I felt certain that your lordship had not.
It was printed in that person's publication, the Anti-Social Gazette;
anti-social it is, indeed !
Recorder. — Oh, I supposed you to mean that some person had taken
the liberty to send me a letter upon the subject of this trial. Had any
one done so, I can only say, that I should not have read it, but should
have thrown it behind the fire. I have never seen such letter, nor did I
know of the existence of such a publication as the one you have named.
Defendant. — I could not for a moment suppose that your lordship
would have taken any other course than that you have spoken of. The
letter, gentlemen, and my lord, is addressed, "To Sir Charles Wether
all, Bart., Recorder of the city of Bristol, on the approaching trial of
Southwell, for blasphemy," and is to the following effect :
" Sir, — As it is a privilege in the English law^ that every man charged

27
with crime, be accounted innocent until found guilty by a jury, I shall
not do more than respectfully call your attention to the extent to which
Infidelity and Atheism have already spread their mischievous influences
under the banners of Socialism. The letter to Sir Robert Peel, at page
57, the Report of the Socialist movements at page 62, and the article
detailing the present proceedings in Hampshire, at page 66, will con
vince you of the frightful character of the Socialist principles. The
very decided terms in which the Bible is attacked, places it beyond all
doubt that blasphemy is contained in Southwell's publication. It there
fore will be a matter of the highest importance to consider under what
circumstances it was put forth. It is one thing for an obscure indi
vidual to put forth privately dangerous sentiments ; and it is another
and a very different thing for a man who has forced himself into
pubUcity as the disciple and advocate of a wide-spread society, to utter
those sentiments in open deftanee of the law, and to publish those to
the world. If Southwell is found guity of blasphemy, Socialism is found
guilty of blasphemy. And Socialism is an organized society, using
every energy to diffuse its principles throughout the length and breadth
of the land. As the mischief therefore is great, so should the promoter
of it be met with proportionate reprobation. It is one thing to injure
an individual ; it is another thing to endanger the peace and good order
of society at large. You have, therefore, to regard this unhappy man
in the capacity of a public teacher of an organized system of evil, and
not in his individual capacity of a private defamer. I would not have it
thought, however, that I wish to call down heavy punishments on the
man ; I desire rather to see the matter taken up as one of deep public
interest, so that the system meet with the most unqualified condemna
tion. For if the principles are allowed to be openly inculcated, how
can we expect but that some, through ignorance or depravity, will be
drawn into the snare ? It will be of little use, and indeed scarcely com
mon justice, to punish individuals for the expression of sentiments we
have openly permitted them to imbibe.
" The country, sir, will look with deep interest to the manner in which
the forthcoming case is regarded. I doubt not but your experience and
Christian duty will dictate a course consistent with justice, and adequate
to meet the case in question."
Gentlemen, this person thought to kill two birds with one stone —
to strike me down, and while doing that, to make a stab at a society, the
principles of which he is as ignorant of as any sucking dove. It gene
rally happens that men are malicious in the ratio of their ignorance.
You will perceive that this letter meant mischief to me, and I am com
pelled, in order to do justice to myself and to the society with which
I have been connected, to trouble you with a few remarks upon it. In
the first place, my case should stand upon its own merits. Because it
happens that I was formerly a member of a certain society, that is no
reason why you should punish me, in order that you may disgrace and
punish that society. Gentlemen, I was once proud to be a member of
that society, of which Mr. Owen is the founder and leader ; for, what
ever may be said of Mr. Owen's religious opinions, it is to him that I
am indebted for the little knowledge I possess, and I never can think
of him without feelings of gratitude. I never learned from him
anything of immorality ; I learned from him to abhor falsehood, and !

28
to love truth. This I say at the risk of exciting in your minds feelings
that should not be excited. But I would say here what I would say
elsewhere ; my principle being a straightforward and honest course ot
action. Gentlemen, if 1 cannot get your verdict by honest means 1
cannot get it by dishonest ones. But, this attempt to excite every kind
of prejudice against me, by connecting me with the Socialist body,
renders it necessary that I should lay before you, as shortly and suc
cinctly as possible, what Mr. Owen's opinions really are.
From an address delivered by him at an adjourned meeting, held at
the City of London Tavern, in 1817, I shall quote what may be re
garded as exhibiting his two fundamental principles. He asks,
"Why should so many countless millions of our fellow-creatures,.
through each successive generation, have been the victims of ignorance,
superstition, of mental degradation, and of wretchedness ? 
My friends, I tell you, that hitherto you have been prevented from even
knowing what happiness really is, solely in consequence of the errors —
gross errors — that have been combined with the fundemental notions of
every religion that has hitherto been taught to man. And, in conse
quence, they have made man the most inconsistent and the most miser
able being in existence. By the errors of these systems, he has been
made a weak, imbecile animal ; a furious bigot and fanatic ; or a miser
able hypocrite ; and should these qualities be carried not only into the
projected villages, but into paradise itself, a paradise would be no longer
found. That is his first principle ; the second is thus stated :
"The improvement I now advocate, will remove many evils from all,
and not introduce one to any. The change contemplated has no
tendency, even in the slightest degree, to remove those who enjoy any
supposed advantages in eminent stations they have attained. No one
will envy those privileges, whatever they may be, and every hair of their
heads will be securely guarded, by the rapidly improving condition of
the great mass of the people. This gradual and well-prepared change,
now advocated, has no tendency whatever to drag down from their
stations those whom a course of events, far, far, beyond their control,
has placed there. It has solely for its object to raise from abject poverty,
misery, and degradation, those whom the same course of events has now
sunk to the depths of wretchedness. If the principles for which I con
tend be true, then there can be no permanent and beneficial change in
human society, that does not enable every one among the working classes
to produce his own subsistence ; to improve his bodily and mental powers ;
and to secure to himself the natural comforts of life ; and which, by his
own labour properly directed, will be very easily attainable. I hastily
notice these particulars, in order that you may understand, that a mere
change of sufferers, whether it be from one part of a class to another 
from one entire class to another — or from one nation to another is no
remedy for the great and increasing evils from which the world now
suffers. But this is the dilemma to which the systems that have hitherto
regulated the conduct of men have reduced them ; and while these svstems
shall be acted upon, the choice of severe evils only lies before them."
Gentlemen, I have read these passages, to show that Mr. Owen, was
in 1817, discontented with the present management of society, and that

29
he proposed a plan by the adoption of which he believed it would be
improved ; and I may observe to you, that the last passage, particularly,
exhibits the moral animus — the humane and just intentions, as well as
the benevolent feelings, of that gentleman.
I am sure, gentlemen, you will excuse me for having read these para
graphs. I am not a favourer of authority, nevertheless, it is my habit
to give to authority what is due to authority. It will be seen that
unless, on this occasion, I can show from those of repute that my posi
tion is a good one, and that some of the greatest men that ever lived
have acted as I have acted (but much better) — I know I shall be
accused of vanity, for it is the vice of little minds to impute vanity to
all who aspire to go beyond themselves — I say, then, that unless I can
show you, that some of the greatest and best men that ever lived, acted
as I have acted, I shall fail in making out such a case as is likely to
satisfy you I am right. But, gentlemen, I shall only quote such
authorities as are absolutely necessary to support the position I desire
to maintain. Before I do this, however, I shall proceed to consider the
remarks that have been addressed to you by the learned counsel who
opened the case. I shall take them seriatim, excepting the first two
on the Christian religion, as I shall have abundant opportunities of
remarking upon them, before I come to a close.
Gentlemen, let me first advert to the assertions which the learned
counsel made, to the effect, that I held all men who were opposed to me
in opinion, to be dishonest men. Gentlemen, I repudiate that charge ;
and I deny that there is a single line in any one of my pamphlets, or
that I ever uttered a single word, that will bear such an interpretation.
On the contrary, there are many men of all parties in the Christian
world whom I highly honour, for their talents and their sincerity.
There is only one class whom I can sincerely say I heartily abhor, (I
mean their conduct) that is, the class of hypocrites, who go about, from
town to town, and from village to village, thrusting themselves into
places where they are not wished for, and introducing discord and
misery wherever they appear — a class of fanatics, whom Jesus Christ
compared to poisonous and loathsome vipers. These are the men I
despise. I despise no man who is honourable in his feelings and his
conduct — I care not what his creed may be, whether he is of one reli
gion, or of no religion. If he be but a good man and a lover of truth,
I'll take him by the right hand of fellowship ; for an honest man — if
there be a work of God — is the noblest work of God. It is not true,
therefore, gentlemen, that I set down all men as dishonest, who happen
to disagree with me. Not only do I not think them dishonest, but
I have the highest veneration for the talents of many of them. For
example, there's the Edinburgh Review, and Blackwood's Magazine,
and I hold it to be impossible, whatever a man's political or religious
opinions may be, for him to read those publications without being greatly
delighted, and having his admiration excited for the writers who pro
duced them. I repeat, that I admire virtue and talent wherever I find
it ; and I wish to rub from your minds the impression which the learned
counsel, in all probability, produced there, when he told you that I set
all men down as dishonest, if they did not agree with me in opinion.
Gentlemen, the learned counsel told you, that I think myself a first
rate philosopher. I think myself no such thing ; but I will tell you what
I am — an honest man ; and I agree with that ancient, philosopher who

30
said, that that commonwealth was happy, which minded the law more than
the lawyer. Gentlemen, I call upon you to attend more to the law tnan
to what that learned gentleman has addressed to you. Gentlemen, 1 do
not wish to destroy your happiness, whatever it may consist in, or to
persecute men for their opinions ; and if I make you to see that, 1 am
sure you will act in accordance with your convictions.
The learned gentleman spoke of my objects in the publication of these
pamphlets. I will state to you what those objects were and are. In the
first place, my object is to destroy superstition. And here it may be
said, that I not only destroy superstition, but that I give a vital stab to
religion itself. Gentlemen, let me remark here on the difficulty in which
I am placed. There are twelve of you in that box ; and I dare say
there are no two of you who are of precisely the same opinion, as to
what true religion is. There can be no two true religions; suppose
that a thousand religions are taught in the world, it is plain that nine
hundred and ninety-nine of them must be false; and the thousandth
may be false also. When men speak of true religion, they speak of their
own religion ; and when I published the Oracle of Reason I only
declared for the common right of man, the right to publish my opinion.
Gentlemen, I contend for that right, as the Unitarian, the Jew, the
Quaker, the Puritan, and others, did in times past. I support that right
for others, to the same extent that I claim it for myself.
But, gentlemen, you have been told, by the learned counsel, that we
do enjoy freedom of discussion — that we are as free as the air ; but that
we must not complain, if, when we exercise that freedom, the law
pounces upon us, and drags us to a dungeon. Gentlemen, I don't com
plain in this instance ; the conduct of the learned judge, and your own
conduct, leaves me no room to complain ; and before I took a single
step in the course I am pursuing, I had prepared myself for the worst.
I believed that my course of conduct would tend to the welfare of the
whole of society ; and I said, if this course, which is morally right, is
proved to be legally wrong, I will give authorities which shall bear me
out in this course of conduct — authorities about which there can be no
mistake or disputation, and which declare that the highest duty of every
man — that the particular and most imperative duty of every man — is to
examine the grounds of his religion ; and further, that no man can be a
true Christian, who has not examined the grounds of his religion, and
determined it by the exercise of his reason.
Gentlemen, the learned counsel told you that I wished to reduce man
to a level with the brutes. No : I wish to elevate man from what is
very little better than the condition of the brutes, to his own proper
place in the scale of being ; for as it is said — " What a piece of work is
man ! How noble in reason ! how infinite in faculty ! in form and
moving, how express and admirable ! in action, how like an angel ! in
apprehension, how like a god ! the beauty of the world ; the paragon of
animals !" Yes, gentlemen, this is what man ought to be, but what he
never yet has been ; and I tell the learned gentleman who opened this
case, that if he thinks that knowledge or reason can brutify men then
do I wish to brutify them— not otherwise. What does the history of
the world prove ? That the more fanatical the people, the more miser
able the people. Show me a fanatical people, and I will show you a
miserable and an enslaved people. But show me a nation where the

31
people are good, because it is their interest to be good, and I will show
you a state of society like the Paradise of Adam.
When the learned counsel quoted from the Oracle of Reason, he, of
course, as it was his business to do, quoted some of the worst passages —
that is, the best for his own case. Gentlemen, you know how much
dealing with the law acts upon the moral feelings of men. You know
how these gentlemen tiy to make the worse appear the better reason. I
do not say that, in derogation of the learned gentleman, for I think him
the best I ever heard ; but he did, nevertheless, give me some unpleasant
stabs, because not just ones ; in fact, the weapon he employed was a foul
one. He said I wanted religious fanaticism put down, and had recom
mended another species of fanaticism in its stead — one that did not base
itself on the good of mankind, but which, on the contrary, undermined
the very foundations of social order. Pie said that I wished to overturn
society ; and, at the same time, he hinted, that as I wished to do that, I
should probably take advantage of the confusion I created, and not only
help myself but induce others to do the same. You recollect, gentle
men, that he talked about men who hold the opinions I hold, helping
themselves to the property of others, and bringing about those scenes of
violence which bewildered and confounded the minds of men during
the first French revolution. Gentlemen, I say these things to induce
you to see what has moved me to sacrifice home, and friendships, and
everything which men hold most dear, and to stand before you in the
character of a criminal. The learned counsel cannot understand
me, or he would not have spoken of me as he has done to-day.
His understanding is so " cabin'd, cribb'd, confin'd," that he does
not see that another may be equally as honest as himself, although
he happens to differ from him in opinion. If he thinks religion
is a benefit t6 society, I think philosophy is a benefit to society;
if he thinks religion necessary to society, I think morality necessary
to society. He cannot understand how I should thus differ from
him; and, because he cannot understand it, he would send me to a
dungeon. Gentlemen, there may be a race, compared with which the
present race are mere dwarfs ; there may be a race spring up who shall
be induced to do good, because they love the good. Is there no pain in
vice ? Do you never feel remorse, or what the learned gentleman calls
conscience, when you have done the thing that is wrong? Do you
abstain from crime — from injuring others — from injuring society — from
overturning authority — from violating the law — merely from fear of
hell-fire ? What ! does the learned counsel so far debase human nature
as to say there can be no love of virtue — no respect for morality-— no
regard for propriety — no observance of decency — no hatred of oppres
sion — without the hope of heaven, or the fear of hell ? Who would not
serve his friend ? Who would not aid the oppressed ? Who would not
save the wife of his bosom, without hope of reward, or fear of punish
ment ? Gentlemen, the time may come, when we shall be better edu
cated than we now are, and when there shall be a state of society essen
tially different from what now exists. As, in short, all social and political
arrangements are consequences of human intellect, so, as this advances,
will human institutions progress to perfection.
The learned counsel would have you particularly guard yourselves
against misunderstanding him on the subject of the press. He has a great
veneration for the press, it seems. He says he is most anxious to

32
preserve the hberty of the press; he would have a free press ; but then it
must be under some restraint or limitation. Who ever heard ot a tree
press placed under restraint ? Wrhy, gentlemen, the idea is absurd ; it u
a contradiction in terms. The learned gentleman is mighty liberal. He
says he would not restrain us from thinking. Oh, no ; we may think;
but we must keep our thinkings to ourselves. We must take care not to
let any one know how we think, or what wc think about ; or, if we
do, we must lay our account with prosecution and imprisonment.
The truth is, that he is like the bigots and fanatics have been in all ages
— he is willing to allow men to express their opinions, so long as those
opinions are not hostile to his. And that is what he calls liberty and free
discussion !
It is, indeed, matter of astonishment, that the learned counsel should
have supposed that, because I have none of the fears belonging to reli
gions people, I can be under no inducement to perform moral actions,
Gentlemen, I can find scores who will vouch for my morality : some of
the first gentlemen in this land would come forward, if it were necessary,
and give me a character for sterling honesty and purity of conduct. But
that is not the question ; the question is, whether I was not actuated by
as pure and laudable motives, in the writing and publication of these
pamphlets, as the learned gentleman can be, in the prosecution of them!
Gentlemen, most of you have heard of the celebrated Shelley; he is
now acknowledged, by the literati of this country, to rank among the
very first of its poets ; and what says he ?
There needeth not the hell that Ingots frame
To punish those who err : earth in itself
Contains at once the evil aud the cure ;
And all-sufficing nature can chastise
Those who transgress her law ; she only knows
How justly to proportion to the fault
The punishment it merits.
But do not misunderstand me, or suppose that because I contend that
Nature is the best instructress, I am not as tremblingly alive to the
necessity of laws for the protection of society, in our present state, as
the learned counsel himself is. Gentlemen, the man who would strike at
themajesty of thelaw must be mad. I know, as well as he does, that society,
in its present state, cannot exist without law ; that there must be law to
restrain and punish evil, until men are so far advanced in knowledge
and morality as to become a law unto themselves. But it is one thing to
have laws, and another to have good laws. I contend that the laws of a
nation should be the expression of the will of a nation. I know that
society is necessary for human happiness, and that the necessity for laws
springs out of that association. I agree that every individual, when he
becomes a member of society, merges his individual right in 'the great
stream of public right. I understand how the laws should be respected,
as long as they are useful in subserving the ends of society -but 1
understand, also, that while we respect good laws and those that' admin
ister them, there is another, and an equally sacred duty— that of resisting]
bad laws. Gentlemen, this is a duty which we owe alike to ourselves,!
to society, and to civilization itself. Suppose that Luther Calvin
Knox, and other great reformers, both in modern and in ancient times'
had acted upon the principle, that it was bad to resist the law whatever
the law might be— that it was bad to put forward opinions that shook

33
other men's notions ; — every man must see that if they had acted upon
that principle, society could not have progressed as it has done. Why, if
Luther had not been bold enough to resist the authority of Rome, where
would have been our boasted Reformation ? Gentlemen, if he had not
stood forward, and in his single person withstood the power of the
Roman pontiff, you, in all probability, would not have been here to-day,
professing the religion in which you now believe. Nay, I may go
further, and say, there was a time when Christianity itself did not exist ;
and that, subsequently, there was a time when Christians were in as bad
odour as I am in now — when they were called the professors of a de
structive superstition — the professors of Atheism. There was a time
when, because of their opinions, and of their giving utterance to those
opinions, they were tortured in body and mind, thrown to wild beasts in
the amphitheatre at Rome ; when, in a word, they were persecuted and
tortured by every conceivable mode of torture, that the most diabolical
ingenuity could invent. There was a time when, to be known as a
Christian, was to be known as « bad man. There was a time, and not
long since, when, what you now believe to be divine, and essential to the
very existence of society, was believed to be false and pernicious to the
best interests of society. ]
Gentlemen, a charge has been made — a charge quite irrelevant to that
which ought to have occupied your attention. I did expect that the
learned counsel would confine himself to the matter which is charged to
be libellous ; but as he has run here, and there, and everywhere, I am
forced into an attempt to follow him. Gentlemen, I had expected, that
when I expressed myself opposed to the opinions of the majority of the
people of this country, I should be looked upon as a pest to society, and
that an attempt would be made to put me down by persecution. I thus
speak, tecause you have no more right to hurt my little finger, than you
have to burn my whole body. If you confine me, for but twenty-four
hours, or for a single hour, you act upon precisely the same principle as
that upon which your cruel forefathers acted, when they sacrificed at the
stake, and in the dungeon, whole hecatombs of human victims, because
those victims opposed the prevailing religious opinions. Those who thus
persecuted and put to death the persons who opposed the prevailing
opinions, did it for the good of society; nay, they believed that they did
God service by sweeping the heretics from the face of the earth. Gen
tlemen, therefore it is, that I think it necessary to show you, that some
of the purest-minded men that ever lived— that some of the best men
the world has ever known — entertained the same opinions that I enter
tain, and acted as I am acting, though not men who spouted about
" true religion." They were men who acted religiously, however ; if by
that we are to understand men who acted righteously and well. Yes,
gentlemen, what we want is a nation of good men and women, who have
been taught to love truth, as the pearl above all price ; and who, there
fore, hate insincerity, and disdain to practise it. And unless you give
liberty to thought and expression, you fetter the mind, and destroy
that which alone can give moral health to society. The learned counsel
said, that no nation had ever allowed the full liberty of the press. I
know it ; and I contend that, whatever they may have professed to do,
no nation ever yet allowed men to speak sincerely what they thought
and meant ; and I further contend, that, unless men are sincere, they
cannot be happy; and that, unless they be allowed to express their
D

34
opinions, they cannot be sincere. I say it is the proper business of
government to protect all opinions, but to dictate none ; because it is
the duty of government to protect all men m their rights of citizenship,
but not to interfere with their feelings, thoughts, or opinions. Is rt not
clear that, although you may prevent me from expressing my opinions,
you cannot change my sentiments ? It must be ; and I tell you further,
that the more you persecute me, the more tenaciously do you make me
cling to my opinions. Gentlemen, when you call upon the law to put.
down that which it cannot put down, the only effect is, to make men
hypocrites. Those who set these persecutions on foot should understand
thus much — that persecuted opinions always gather strength; and that, if
you want men to fall in love with new doctrines, you need only persecute
the men who promulgate them. Gentlemen, it would be well for those;*
who are for maintaining the Christian religion, as by law established, to
understand that the way to maintain it, is not to persecute the authors of
books written against it, but to write better than they have written, and
to act better than they have acted. If the professors of religion would
but thus let their light shine before men, we could not long sit in dark
ness. If they did this, as they say they are enjoined to do, we should
never more hear of Infidelity. But the tree is to be known by its fruits f
and the fruits of all these trees are bitter.
It has been said by the learned counsel, that it is impossible for a man,
who is not of one of the religions, as now taught — who has not said to
reason, " Get thee behind me, Satan !" — to be honest, moral, or just-
He entertains a notion, that such people could not live in harmony or
peace. Gentlemen, I dare say you have all heard of the ancients — of the
noble Romans, and the noble Greeks — and if I can show you that those
men who gave laws to Grecian and Roman learning, who shine conspicu
ously on the page of history, whose eloquence thrills our souls, and
whose actions we cannot read of, without thinking that they were rather
gods than men ; if I can show you that some of the best of these men
were disbelievers in all the religions then taught ; and, further, that they
believed in no religion at all, that many of them were put to death for
their opinions, and that their example is now looked up to, as among the
most glorious of the world ; if I can make all this appear, I trust I
shall make it out that I am as good a man, and one as little disposed to
do evil, as any cf you sitting in that box.
Gentlemen, I shall read to you something of the opinions of these
men from a book, known as Stanley's " History of Philosophy ;" and I
shall show you, from this, that such men as Thales, Epicurus, Zeno,
Aristotle, and Socrates, who did not know anything of the Christian
religion, because it was not then in existence ; and who, moreover knew
nothing, or cared nothing, about the Jewish religion — for the Jews were
an insignificant and a despised race : I shall show you, I say, that these
men, notwithstanding that they were thus destitute of what you deem to
be the true religion, were, nevertheless, most moral, patriotic, and excel
lent men.
The ancient philosophers, gentlemen, had one philosophy for them
selves, and another for the vulgar. Gibbon, speaking in reference to
this, said that the ancient religions were thought, by the vulgar to be
equally true ; by the philosophers, to be equally false ; and by the magisi-
trates, to be equally useful. Nor do we want modern authority upon
this subject. Lord Brougham said, in the course of his inauguration

35
Speech at the university of Glasgow, some years since, that the time had
at length arrived, when it had gone forth throughout the land, that it
would be as absurd to persecute men for the form of their creed, as for
the height of their stature, or for the colour of their hair. Gentlemen,
let me now proceed to the review of these ancient philosophers.
" Thales being demanded what God was," says Clemens Alexandrinus,
" gave an equivocal reply." It would have been safer for him to chime
in with the vulgar opinion. Being demanded what was most strong, that
same philosopher answered, " Necessity, for it rules all the world."
Aristotle, who was dignified with the title of Prince of Philosophers,
and who gave laws to modern learning, was acknowledged to be one of
the finest intellects whom Greece produced — a man to whom all the
world looks up with reverence. Gentlemen, you will be anxious to know
whether this Aristotle dared to entertain the doctrine of the eternity of
matter. Aristotle taught publicly, and was at last banished from
Greece, or was obliged to leave it, and travel about from place to place,
in order to avoid the consequences of what they, in his days, called his
impiety; for he was then considered, what /am now considered — an
impious man ; he was, in short, an Atheist, for all men who contend for
the eternity of matter, are Atheists. Aristotle maintained that the world
is eternal; and further, that,
The race of gods and man is one,
From nature both alike begun.
You see, therefore, that a man may be a good man, and extensively
useful to society, although he dissent from all the rest of the world in
his religious opinions. In point of fact, gentlemen, it is seen from all
past history, that in almost all countries, the common people have been,
as they now are, plunged in error, Look at Spain, in the present day,
for example, and what do you there see ? You see, only in a grosser
and more striking form, a specimen of the popular mind almost every
where, as superstition has prevailed. And do you not ^so see, that the
philosophers amongst them are compelled, by the force of popular
opinion, to hide behind the thick veil of hypocrisy, the opinions they
really hold ? Let me read to you a few sentiments from the founder of
the Stoic sect. Zeno, speaking of Fate, says, " Jupiter is Fate, for
Jupiter is first, next Nature, then Fate. They call Fate a concatenation
of causes ; that is, an order and connexion which cannot be transgressed,
Fate is a cause depending on laws, an ordering by laws, or a reason by
which the world is ordered." Fate is, according to Zeno, " the motive
power of matter, disposing so and so, not much differing from Nature
and Providence." He means, that matter acts in some way of which we
know nothing, only seeing its effects. And that he calls Fate. Else-
'where he says, " The substance of God is the whole world and hea-
Jven  God is an operative, artificial fire, methodically ordering
'and effecting the generation of the world, comprehending in himself all
prolific reason, by which everything is produced according to Fate."
'' Gentlemen, the learned counsel said, in reference to a passage in the
^Oracle of Reason, that I had spoken of the universe being an effect.
\t is a great pity, that when the learned gentleman wandered so far from
''lis legitimate object, he did not wander to some purpose. But he did
wander ; and he laid to my charge a false opinion. In fact, I would
"lay, of what he imnuted to tnP wonoraiw +^«+ »™ "--'Jnent would have
D 2

36
been very well, if it had but been true. The learned ^ gentleman _ said
that I had stated the universe to be an effect. I stated no such thing,
I merely put forward what Zeno, Aristotle, and others had put lortn
namely, that there must be something not produced ; and that that
something was the universe. I never said that the universe was an
effect; ifwas other people who said that. What I said was, that there
must be something not produced; and that that something was
the universe. If I ever uttered the nonsense which the learned counsel
has thought fit to impute to me, there is good reason for you to think
me a fool, whether you punish me or not.
Gentlemen, that same Zeno, who speaks of Fate moving everything,
taught admirable moral precepts. Zeno belonged to a sect remarkable
for its austerity ; a sect which taught that virtue was to be attained only
by resisting temptations to evil, and by sustaining all sorts of sufferings"
with patience. So far, in fact, did they carry this doctrine, as to main-
tain that men, by a patient submission to suffering, might become
lovers of pain. One or two of this philosopher's moral precepts I will
read : —
" Stretching out the fingers of his right hand, he said, such is
phantasy; then contracting them a little, such is assent ; then closing
them quite, and shutting his fist, such is comprehension .• then putting
to it his left hand, and shutting it close and hard, such (saith he) M
science, of which none is capable but a wise man."
You perceive that he spoke of science last, and with his clenched
fists; and said, at the same time, that none but wise men were capable
of science.
Gentlemen, I must now read to you a few of the moral principles pro
mulgated by Thales, whose religious opinions I have already stated,
His moral precepts are thus delivered by Demetrius Fhalereus. " If
thou art a surety, loss is nigh. Be equally mindful of friends, present
and absent. Study not to beautify thy face, but thy mind. Enrich not
thyself by unjust means. Let not any words fall from thee which may
accuse thee to him who hath committed anything in trust to thee.
Cherish thy parents. Entertain not evil. What thou bestowest on thy
parents thou shalt receive from thy children in thy old age. It is hard
to un3erstand well; The sweetest thing is to enjoy our desire. Idleness
is troublesome, intemperance hurtful ; ignorance intolerable. Learn,
and teach better things. Be not idle, though rich. To avoid envy, be
n6t pitiable. Use moderation. Believe not all. If a governor, rule
thyself." Gentlemen, I wish to show you that these men, although Atheists, pro
mulgated great moral principles — principles equally useful to individuals
and society. The sentiments I have now read to you are of great value;
and they will be received by you, I have no doubt, as being of such.
In like manner, Solon — Solon the wise — who is said to have been skil
ful in that kind of learning that establishes a state — said many fine
moral things. Of his apothegms, Laertius recites thus :
" Speech is the image of action. He is a king who has power. Lawi
are like cobwebs which entangle the lesser sort; the greater break
through. Those who are in favour with princes resemble counters usd
in casting accounts, which sometimes stand for a great number somel

37
times for a lesser; so those are sometimes honoured, sometimes cast
down." Solon defined the happy to be those " who are competently
furnished with outwards things, act honestly, and live temperately."
" Cherish thy friend," he observes, "jreycrerice thy parents. Make
reason thy guide." ~
Epicurus, Gentleman, wrote the following sentences, amongst others,
on the being and providence of God. He said, " I think it may not be
ill argued thus : Either God would take away ills, and cannot : or he
can and will not ; or he neither will nor can ; or he both will and can.
If he could and cannot, he is impotent, and consequently not God ; if he
can and will not, envious, which is equally contrary to God's nature ; if
he neither will nor can, he is both envious and impotent, and conse
quently not God ; if he both will and can, which only agrees with God,
whence then are the ills ? Or, why does he not take them away ?"
But, listen to the moral teaching of this same Epicurus. Observe,
gentlemen, what valuable and salutary principles he promulgates and
inculcates on society. He says,
" It is, therefore, worth our pains, by the benefit of this philosophy,
(which treats of the End and of Felicity,) to cleanse and mend our
heart, that it may be satisfied with a little, and be pleased in the enjoy
ing ; we must philosophise not for show, but seriously ; for it is requi
site, not that we seem sound, but that we be sound. We must philoso
phise forthwith, and not defer it to the morrow ; for even to-day it
concerns us to live happily, and it is a mischief of folly that it always
begins to live, or defers to begin, but in the mean time it liveth never.
A strange thing it is ! W"e have been born once, we cannot be born
twice, and Age must have an end ,• yet thou, O man, though the mor
row be not in thy power, in confidence of living to-morrow, puttest
thyself off to the future, and losest the present. So men's lives waste
with delay ; and hence it is, that some of us die in the midst of busi
ness. Every man leaves the world as if he had but newly entered it ;
and, therefore, old men are upbraided with infancy, because, as if
employed in business that concerns them not, they do not take notice
that they live ; and so their whole life passeth away without the benefit
of life. Let us endeavour so to live, that we may not repent of the
time past ; and so enjoy the present, as if the morrow nothing concerned
us. He most sweetly attains the morrow, who least needs or desires the
morrow ; and that hour overtakes a man most welcohie, whereof he had
framed to himself the least hope. And since it is troublesome to begin
life, let life be always to us, as it were, perfect and absolute, and as if
there wanted nothing to its measure. The life of a fool is unpleasant —
it is timorous — it is wholly carried on to the future ; let us endeavour
that ours be pleasant, secure, not only present, but even now settled in
safety." The philosophers of old, gentlemen, as I have already intimated to
you, held the religions of Greece and Rome to have been phantasies ; as
we know them to have been ; though it was sometimes very dangerous
to express that opinion.
In consideration for you, gentlemen of the jury, and his lordship, I
will not proceed further in this argument ; suffice it to say, that I could
cite a score of the most gigantic intellects, who, if ever men were, were

38
a law unto themselves, who held that men could be happy, only by acting
virtuously and promoting the happiness of others.
Is it not madness, gentlemen, to be persecuting each other, on account
of opinions, when our true business is to be assisting each other— to
love mercy do justly, and to make on earth that Paradise which religion
teaches is to come after death? Surely, a knowledge of truth cannot
diminish our reward after death. If there be a God in heaven, he must,
assuredly, love truth and sincerity ; and if I were called to his bar at
this hour, I could conscientiously lay my hand upon my heart, and saft
that I never wilfully inflicted pain upon a human creature— told a de
liberate falsehood— or did anything that could be injurious to a fellow4
being. Therefore, when I am appealed to, to consider the consequences
of my opinions, I cannot fail to notice that the appeal is generally made"
by half-witted people. Gentlemen, you will generally find that those
who talk about the bad consequences of certain opinions, like the light
well enough for themselves ; the darkness they want is darkness for the
people. But, as the late William Cobbett said, " what is sauce for the
goose is sauce for the gander;" and I will prove to you, before I corw
elude, that it is your highest interest to protect me, and all other men,
in the free exercise and expression of opinion. My opinions may be
bad, but if you persecute me, the remedy is worse than the disease;
and if you consign me to a dungeon, I shall speak far more eloquently
from my dungeon walls than I ever did from a rostrum. The people of
this country now begin to read. Knowledge is no longer locked up in
the cabinets of princes ; it takes the road of itself; and, gentlemen, we
should not now legislate, or otherwise act, as if we were living in the
fifth or the tenth century of the Christian era. The time has come when
opinions should be freely expressed ; if wrong, they should be refuted ;
and, surely, there are enough to answer every objection that maybe
devised against the Christian religion. We pay a clergy, and in no
niggardly way ; and for what do we pay them, if not to keep men's
minds from being contaminated with error, by a full and convincing
exhibition of the truth ? What moral right have you to dictate what my
opinions shall be ? I say, what moral right, for I cannot but distinguish
between brute power and moral influence.
Gentlemen, the learned counsel said, that there was no such thing as
absolute independence. I agree with him. A man might as well expect
to be independent of the wind that blows, of the food he eats, or of
the ground he walks upon, as of his fellow-creatures. We are all com
pelled, from our very nature, to be dependent upon each other, and
upon social arrangements. But this is the very best reason why you
should not persecute me. How do you educate your children? By
locking them up, and keeping them as ignorant as brutes ; or, by en
lightening their minds? But, gentlemen, how do you enlighten their:
minds, but by exercising their reason ? And if they should chance to
entertain different opinions from your own, after you have taught them
to think and to reason, would you for thaUiand them over to the strong
arm of thelaw ?  '
I, gentlemen, like yourselves, was born in this Protestant country, and
my first notions were the prevailing ones. Gentlemen, if I am at
present in error, it is involuntary error, as you will see when I state
to you the simple fact that operated a change in my opinions. In the
neighbourhood in which I resided when a youth, there lived an 'excellent

39
gentleman, who, finding me'to be fond of reading, and given to thinking,
was in the habit of lending me books. Upon one occasion, he lent me a
volume of the works of a man with whose name you are, no doubt, all
familiar — a man of great learning, and more than common eloquence — I
mean the great writer Timothy Dwight. This gentleman, as I have
said before, lent me a volume of Dwight' 's Theology, a great storehouse
of divinity, equally popular in this country and America. I read it with
deep interest ; and this very book, which was intended to explain, to
illustrate, and to enforce the Christian religion, was the book that made
me an Atheist. In that book I found a powerfully written passage on
the awful sin of blaspheming God ; and, in order to impress the heinous
nature of the sin more strongly upon the minds of his readers, the theolo
gian reminded the blasphemer, that he received from, and was dependent
upon the Almighty for the very power by which hej committed the sin.
I read this, and a feeling, like an electric shock, struck through my
frame ; all my thoughts and feelings underwent a change, and I became,
involuntarily and without any choice of my own, what I now am — an
Atheist. Gentlemen, I ask you, after this, whether you have any right
to send me to a dungeon for holding those opinions which were thus
forced upon me ? " How vain," said Dwight " must be all resistance
to God, for the very desire and power to resist him must all proceed from
Him." That was the assertion that first led me to scepticism, and ulti
mately to the settling down into those opinions which I now believe to
be true, and necessary to be known by the bulk of mankind, in order
that they may be made moral and, consequently, happy.
The other points touched upon by the learned counsel will come under
review as I proceed with my own defence. I shall endeavour to show
that the opinions heAis desirous of spreading, with regard to my views,
although they may/serve his present purpose, are not accordant with
common sense or vommon justice. But, gentlemen, I will now call
your attention to principles ; and I do this because every man has
principles of some kind or other, as every nation has principles of some
kind or other. By principles, I mean conclusions of the niihd. For
example, you are of opinion that the Christian religion is a pure and a
divine [religion, and that it is necessary to be believed in by individuals, in
order that they may enjoy immortal bliss. This is a conclusion of your
reason. I also have my principles, which are these ; that if we could
show to men that they would get more happiness by doing good than by
doing evil — as all men love pleasure, and abhor pain — they would do
good, and avoid evil. No one of you can love pain, or abhor pleasure,
and therefore, if you were convinced of the truth of what I say, and took
a wrong course, yoii would take it from ignorance, and not from design-
Gentlemen, it is the principle of most engaged in trade, that
They should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can.
That is the general principle upon which such men act; and it can
scarcely be otherwise, in our present state of antagonism ; and while I
agree with the prosecutors, that in dealing with such a state of society,
it is impossible to deal with it as if it were a perfect state, I, neverthe
less, maintain, that, with the increase of knowledge, there will be an
increase of the means of human happiness. Well, then, you have prin
ciples, and I have principles, and I feel much pleasure in being able|;

40
to read, from some publications which have recently made a great noise
in the world— -I mean Tracts for the Times— a. passage on the force ot
principle. It is in page 77, and is to the following effect :
" The effect of a principle is, for the most part, subtle and imper
ceptible in its operations1; but exceedingly powerful. A proof of this
may be seen in the circumstance, that in times of any great excitement,
-when systems are broken up and principles set afloat, the animosity and
zeal on behalf of opinions becomes such as to counterbalance any other
consideration whatever ; and forms bonds of union or causes of differ-;.
ence the most violent, from an instinctive sense which nature has given
us of the power and value of principle. Slight and unimportant as the
point in dispute may be, it is often of more might than the choicest
external connections or apparent advantages."
Gentlemen, the history of the last half century, more especially, has
proved to us how dangerous it is for a people to be without principle —
how dangerous it is to suddenly emancipate a people from the yoke and
curse of superstition — how dangerous it is to give to a people who are
without principle, and who have long been bowed down under the yokej
of superstition, political power, without a previous preparation for its
exercise. The fact is, that governments have not done their duty in
times past, and the consequence is, that the people have been induced, at
various times, and in various countries, to rise in a mass to overthrow ,
the government, and cover the country with devastation and ruin. Let
it never be forgotten, however, that all this is the consequence of
governments having neglected to perform their duty.
Gentlemen, I hold in my hand a book, written by a Roman Catholic —
the Rev. Dr. Wiseman; and I may say, that if any book could have
convinced me of the necessity for an authority to preside over the notions
of men, this is that book. The argument is so lucidly set forth, and the
charity with which he treafs the subjeict is so obvious, that but few who
are not well grounded in reason, can resist his conclusions. I say this
the more freely, gentlemen, because it has been said, that I cannot
endure anything that is opposed to my own opinions. The introductory
paragraph of this book states, that,
" The fundamental principle of protestantism is this, that the word of
God alone is the true standard and rule of faith. But, to arrive at this,
there is a long course of complicated and severe inquiry. You must,
step by step, have satisfied yourselves, not merely of the existence of a
revelation ; but, that that revelation is really confided to man in these
very books ; that these books have been handed down with such testi
monials of their authority, that it is impossible for you to doubt that
they are the word of God ; that they have been given to you in such a
state, that the originals have been so preserved, that the translations have
been so made, that you are confident, that in reading them, you are
reading those words which the Spirit of God dictated to prophets and
apostles; that you have acquired, or that you possess, some particular
lights which are necessary to you, to be able to understand these books ;
you must be satisfied, not merely that it (the Bible) has been given as
the word of God ; but you must meet the innumerable and complicated
difficulties which are brought by others against the inspiration of parti
cular books, or individual passages : so that you can say, that you are of

41
yourselves, of your own knowledge and experience, internally convinced,
that you have in that book the inspired word of God, in the first place ;
and, in the second, that you are not only authorised, but competent, to
understand it  For, you will observe, that the grounds on
which a great many — I will say, almost the quarter part of those who
differ from us — profess their religion, are grounds, as I have said before,
rather of adherence, than of conviction. It will be observed, that those
which lead to the first, do not necessarily, lead to the latter ; that is to
say, that a person may be all his life a member of a protestant church,
without once taking the pains to examine, in the serious, and minute,
and difficult method which is required, all the doctrines which he
believes ; he may possess, therefore, those principles which keep him in
communion with that church, without his ever being led by them to the
adoption of that course which they imply, as fundamental to his religion.
Not only so ; but I will say, that the first is contradictory to the second ;
for, if any man tells me, that he remains a protestant, simply because he
has been so born and educated ; that, because of the account \. hich he
has heard in sermons, or which he has read in books, he is satisfied that
no other sect of Christianity has any grounds to go upon — I reply to
him at once, that he is acting in direct contradiction to the principles
whereby alone his religion allows him to be convinced ; for conviction,
according to that, must be based upon individual research, upon indi
vidual inquiry ; and not merely, therefore, upon having been born in it,
or having been educated in it by others ; not in having heard certain
doctrines delivered from pulpits, by men as fallible as himself; and, cer
tainly, still more, not by having heard the doctrines of others represented
in a manner which, I have no hesitation in saying, is almost always
incorrect, and often such as to deserve perhaps a harsher name."
Here, then, we have the protestant rule of faith, which is, that the
Bible is the true and only word of God. Protestants do not admit that
there are traditions — they do not believe that anything has been added
to the bible — they do not believe that the Romish church, or any other
church, is the depository of interpretation. But mark what Dr. Wise
man states, and that truly, that to have our rule of faith, or, in order to
be true protestants, we must examine the Bible — search into it — ask
what is really God's word — how much of it is Apocryphal, and how
much of it truly sacred ; and, gentlemen, I should like to ask you, how
you can do that, without the free use of your reason ? You may say,
that we should examine the Bible in the true spirit ; that is, examine it,
fully impressed with a conviction, that the Bible, and the Bible only, is the
true word of God. But, gentlemen, you must not deceive yourselves.
When we examine the Bible, we must use our reason, and that will
bring us to this conclusion, that it is our reason that must determine our
faith. When a man says " I have founded my faith on the Bible," I
say that he ought to say, if indeed he has founded his faith on anything,
that he has founded his faith on reason. Nay, the advocates of popery them
selves argued that Romanism, when looked into, was reasonable enough ;
and that if men thought it to be wrong, it was only because their reason
was wrong. They said that a man had no right to set up his individual
reason against the aggregate reason of the chureh ; which reason, more
over, had been given to the church by Jesus Christ himself. So it
appears, that every protestant is expected to inquire what the Bible

42
contains— to separate the wheat from the chaff ; for, gentiemen, a while-
ago there was a great deal of chaff— a great many books allowed by the
church to be forgeries— a great many mistranslations— a great many
false readings,— a great many errors, in fact, of almost every conceivJ
able kind. And, gentlemen, let me remind you of this fact, that it what
I have now stated, had been stated some time ago, the man stating; it,
would have been prosecuted for so doing. Now, however, the fact is
acknowledged by the church itself.
Gentlemen, I have given you catholic authority, but I do not want pro
testant authority for the argument I am now addressing to you. I have
the authority of Bishop Beveridge, a most learned and orthodox
minister of the Church of England, who, in his Private Thoughts,
writes as follows :
" The reason of this my inquiry is, not that I am in the least dis
satisfied with that religion I have already embraced ; but, because it is
natural for all men to have an over-bearing opinion and esteem for that
particular religion they are born and bred up in. That, therefore, I may
not seem biassed by the prejudice of education, I am resolved to prote
and examine them all, that I may see and hold fast that which is best.
For, though I do not in the least question, but that I shall, upon inquiry,
find the Christian religion to be the only true religion in the world, yet \
I cannot say it is, unless 1 find it, upon good grounds, to be so indeed*
For, to profess myself a Christian, and believe that Christians are onlyijgt-
the right, because my forefathers were so, is no more than the heathens
and Mahometans have to say for themselves. To be a Christian, only
upon the grounds of birth and education, is all one, as if I were a Turk
or a heathen ; for, if I had been born amongst them, I should have had-
the same reason for their religion as now I have for my own ; the pre
mises are the same, though the conclusion be never so different. It is
still upon the same grounds that I profess religion, though it be another
religion which I profess upon these grounds. So that I can see but
very little difference between a Turk by profession, and a Christian only
by education ; which commonly is the means and occasion, but ought by
no means, to be the ground of any religion."
It is properly said, by Dr. Wiseman, that the ground upon which you,
supposing you to be Protestants, adhere to your religion, and the grounds
upon which you adopted your religion, are two distinct things. Suppose
a man to be born at Constantinople ; he is a Turk in all essentials, by
birth. He never examined into the grounds of his religion, but took it
upon trust, as thousands in this country have always done. They have
never taken the pains to search into the grounds of their religion ; never,
hi fact, had good reason for professing Christianity, any more than they
had for professing Heathenism, or Mahommedanism. In short, they
have taken their opinions, as I said, upon trust, and they think jt
criminal to examine into the grounds, or reasons, upon which they rest.
And, further, if they find others who are not so indolent, or irrational, as
they are, they fall to persecuting them. Gentlemen, I trust that your
verdict upon this occasion, will, at once and for ever, put an end to this ¦
for it wants but one honest jury to do so. Dr. Wiseman has asked this
question —
„ "Now my brethren, allow me to ask you, how many of those who

43
profess the Protestant religion, have made this examination? How many
can say, that they have satisfied themselves, in the first place, that the
canon of Scripture put into their hands, or the collection of sacred truths
which we call the Bible, the Old and New Testaments, really consists of
genuine authentic works ; that it is completed, and excludes none which
have a claim to an equal position ?"
There is another passage, which T will trouble you with. He says
" We are to suppose, then, that God gave his holy word to be the only
rule of faith to all men ; it must be a rule, therefore, easy to be procured,
easy to be understood. God himself must have made the necessary
provisions, that all men should have the rule, that they should be able to
apply it. And what then does he do ? He gives us a large volume,
written chiefly in two languages — one known to a small limited portion of
the world only ; he allows that language to become a dead tongue, so
that innumerable difficulties and obscurities shall spring up regarding the
meaning of almost every word used in it ; he gives the other, also, in a
tongue peculiar to a larger portion of the world, but a very small
fragnlent of it, compared with the extent of those to whom the blessings
of Christianity were intended to be communicated. And he gives it us,
then, as the satisfactory and sufficient rule. He expects, therefore, in
the first place, that it must be translated into all languages, that all men
inay have access to it ; he means, in the second place, that it should be
so distributed, that all men should have possession of it ; and, in the
third place, that it should be so easy that all men can use it. Are these
the characteristics of that rule ? Do you suppose that it is to be the rule
to all men who believe in Christ ; that consequently it has to be trans
lated into every language ? Now, perhaps, you are not aware of the
difficulties Of this undertaking; you are not aware, that wherever the
attempt, almost, has been made, it has, in the first instance, failed ; that,
after repeated attempts, it still has proved unsatisfactory. Had I time,
or were it at all necessary, to enter into detail, I couhTshowyou, from the
very Reports of the Bible Society, from the acknowledgment of its mem
bers, that many versions, after having been diffused and extended to a
certain degree among a number of the community intended to be con
verted to the faith, have been obliged to be withdrawn, on account of
the absurdities, on account of the impieties, and on account of the
innumerable inaccuracies which they contain."
If this had been written by an Infidel, it could not have had the force
it must have, in coming from one who is acknowledged to be a learned
man, and a shining ornament of the Catholic church. His authority is
good authority, whether Catholic or Protestant, because he has paid
special attention to all that relates to the Bible. The object of his book
is to show that the Protestant principle, for which our forefathers fought
and bled, is bad ; his object is to prove that the Protestant church is
based upon a false principle ; none of you would think of going to him
with the attorney-general, and of putting him down by force ; although
he attacks all you hold to be sacred. He maintains that the right of
private judgment is fruitful of all sorts of errors, and vices, and miseries;
and, further, that unless you are inducted into the Catholic church, there
is no salvation for you here or hereafter. You cannot agree with that,
and you say that you would rather lay down your lives in defence of your

44
religion, than surrender up your reason and judgment in the way he ^
demands. You believe that as Protestants you have a right, individually,
to examine the Scriptures ; Dr. Wiseman, however, ridicules the idea.
He says that, in former times, it was held by philosophers that man was
a microcosm ; he adds that our modern teachers would make man a little
church in himself; and he maintains that both are wrong. He asks, how
should a chair-maker, a carpenter, a tailor, or such like persons, be able
to understand these matters ? He asserts that what is called the Bible,
teems with inaccuracies — spurious readings, interpolations, false trans
lations, and similar errors. He says, that we had it in two languages
which are unknown to most men ; and if so, how, he asks, shall they be
able to compare the translation with the originals ? You see, then, my
friends, that you, after all, are obliged to base your faith on the trans
lations of others, which translations, as Dr. Wiseman asserts, teem with
inaccuracies. But he also insists upon what I insist ; namely, that if God
has given a rule of faith to man, it seems only reasonable to suppose that
that rule of faith should be clear and obvious. To suppose it otherwise,
is to attribute to God a notion that will be repudiated by all present.
Dr. Wiseman's remarks are the pivot, therefore, upon which all turns.
You are Protestants ; you maintain that you have a right to examine the
Bible. But have not I an equal right ? And if I examine the Bible,
have I not the same right that you have, to get my rule of faith there ?
But you say, I reject the Bible altogether. Well ; but I take all I find
to be true there, as I do from every other book — as I should from the
Koran. I would seize upon truth wherever I found it, whether upon
Christian or upon Heathen ground. I- should separate the wheat from
the chaff, the reasonable from the unreasonable, the useful from the
useless. Gentlemen, there is another thing I wish to impress upon your minds;
it is this. Suppose that you twelve were to go to Constantinople, and
preach to the Turks, impressed with a conviction that it was good, and
also your duty, to teach the Christian religion, as the Jesuits of oldj
prepared to lay down your lives for the gospel. You must think, as I
think, that it would be grossly unjust for the Turkish goverment to thrust
you into dungeons, in consequence of what you did. You may say, that
Christians have a right to go there or any where else to expound their
opinions ; but, gentlemen, this question of right must be looked at, in all
points of view. History proves, that attempting to put down opinions by
force, tends only to strengthen and invigorate opinions. If left to itself
error will fall, from its own intrinsic weakness. Depend upon it, that the
best way to fortify the mind against error is to give it a good education ;
as the best way to guard against sedition is to make the people happy.
If, then, you demand the right to examine the Scriptures, and to express
your opinions thereupon, upon what principle of justice can you deny to
me the same right ?
I spoke of the necessity of giving to authority that which belongs to
authority ; but I would not give to it one tittle more ; and I would much
rather have appealed to the authority of common sense than tp the
authority of any man's opinion. But you will see it necessary that I
should refer to authorities, from which you will not dissent, to show you
that the position I take is the position that they, also, take. I do not
mean, gentlemen, to set myself up as a great reformer, but I mean to say
that the persons to whom I now refer, acted upon precisely the same

45
principles that I am acting upon, and that in persecuting them, your fore
fathers acted only the same part that you will act, if you consent to perse
cute me. If you do not understand that, you do not understand your
own principle — that is, the principle of Protestantism ; or, understanding
it, you will fail to act upon it.
The first extract upon this point, that I wish to read, is from the
Christian Reformer, and it is to the following effect :
','In all but religion, men know their true interests, and use their own
understandings. Nobody takes anything on trust at market; nor would
anybody do so at church, if there' was but a hundredth part the care for
, truth which there is for money."
That, my friends, is a pithy extract, and I will say, with the writer,
that if men, generally cared as much for truth as for money, there would
be no prosecutions for blasphemy. Gentlemen, all these prosecutions
have their origin in the spirit fostered in a false state of society ; they
are instituted that certain opinions may be bolstered up, for the profit of
men who are more long-sighted than their neighbours.
Gentlemen, I will give you a passage from Bishop Porteus, who says,
" Always observe this rule : stick to common sense against the world ;
and whenever a man would persuade you of anything evidently contrary
to it, never be moved by his tricks and fetches of sophistry, let him use
ever so many."
The next authority, gentlemen, is Dr. Belsham, who was a most
eloquent and learned minister of the Unitarians. Some of you may
not think this authority very high authority ; but you should not fail to
bear in mind, that the Unitarians are now a respectable sect. There
was a time when men holding Unitarian opinions were persecuted, as
Dr. Priestly, to wit ; but it is no longer so, and Unitarian authority is
now considered to be of great weight. Belsham, gentlemen, undoubtedly
stands in the first class of Unitarian writers, and now, listen to what he
says. —
" Let us begin with the Old Testament. Is the canon, or exact num
ber of books, which constitute this inspired volume, clearly ascertained?
It is on the authority of the Jews that we receive it ; but even they are
not unanimous. The Samaritan Jews, like the ancient Sadducees,
reject all but the Pentateuch. The Apocrypha is received by the
Catholics, but is rejected by the Protestants. The Canticles also have
been rejected by Whiston, and Jonah and Daniel by Eickhorn, Aikin,
&c, as 'legends and romances.' Ten entire books are excluded by the
Swedenborgians ; and, in the laws of Moses, ' what is genuine bears but
a small proportion to what is spurious.' "
Campbell says,
" So negligent have the Jews been in the preservation of their sacred
books, that many of them are irrecoverably lost."
This is, indeed, matter for grave reflection. We are told that some
Christian sects reject ten entire books ; and you will perceive that this is
one consequence of admitting the principle of the right of private judg
ment. Yes, gentlemen, and I shall have to show you, that you will have
to choose between Puseyism and Romanism, and Complete Religious

46
Liberty. It is laid down as a principle by these authorities, that certain
•persons are entrusted with the sacred books, to explain them for us ;
and that we are not allowed to do this for ourselves. " What de*
pendence," it is asked, " can be placed upon the Old Testament? But
little indeed," says the orthodox Bellamy, " if our Hebrew ScripturesT
are not now as pure as when they were given to the inspired writers."
But where are the inspired originals to be seen ? Nowhere ! They have
all been lost, nobody knows when, " but it is supposed," says Hartwell
Horne, " in the destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar."
The difficulties, you see, which beset the examination of the subject
are great, indeed ; and you perceive that all these authorities agree that
there are these many and complicated difficulties to overcome. But, my
friends, although there are these difficulties, which, to overcome, call for
inquiry, examination, and comparison, that is no reason, say those who
adopt the Protestant principle, why we should not attempt it — that is no
reason why we should surrender up our judgment to others, and not
think for ourselves at all. A Protestant will say, we should use the
reason that God has given us. This is the language of orthodox Pro
testantism; and although I might not use the same language, 1 would
promulgate the same opinipn. Man's superiority lies in his power of
grasping truth, and in acting upon it. If he has not this to boast of,
he has little to boast of above the inferior creatures.
I must read one or two more authorities to show on what a slender
thread your faith in particular books depends. If you take but one tithe
the pains that I have taken, at the sacrifice of what the world calls happi
ness — as recreation, sleep, and so forth — in reading these books, you will
agree with me, that all the truth is not to be found in them, and that all
is not truth, moreover, that is found in them ; and, further, that if you
want all the truth, you must go to nature, from whence truth springs, as
from an inexhaustible fountain. Truth itself is eternal ; and each suc
cessive age gets more truth than preceding ages could have. — But let
me proceed :
" Of the author of the Pentateuch, nothing positive is known. Sir
Isaac Newton, and Lord Barrington, conjecture that it was compiled by
Samuel; Dr. Geddes, by Solomon; and others, by Ezra, after the
Babylonish captivity. In the books of the Old Testament, we have
abundant proofs that it was written in an age posterior to that of Moses."
" That the early part of Genesis is a compilation of ancient documents,
and not the writing of Moses, has been the opinion of some of the most
able divines and sincere believers," says the Rev. W. J. Fox. — (June.
1819.) Yet it is on this part, that the doctrine of the fall of man, (and!
consequently, the whole scheme of redemption, are founded. Recent
geological discoveries prove that the Mosaic account of the flood, and
of all that preceded it, as the seven days' creation, must be false, or else
an allegory or parable. What then is to become of the fall of man,
there recorded ? " a figurative fall, requiring a figurative redemption," 
says the Rev. H. Home.
That, gentlemen, was written by a Christian critic, in his closet  not
for party purposes, or to excite the multitude, but for the purpose of
edification. Yet, we are here told, that the account of the fall of man
is an allegory—that is, a fable; and he legitimately says, that a figurative

47
fall requires a figurative redemption. And, my friends, some of the early
' saints' have written to show that the greater part of what is written in
the Bible is allegorical — that we must look for a hidden sense, and not
take the mere words, as they stand in the book. And, gentlemen, many
reasons might be adduced to show that Christ himself (supposing that
what is written of him is true,) spoke in parables — and you all know
that parables are dark sayings — that is, he used words that were under
stood by the wise, but which were incomprehensible by the common
people; acting upon the principle he himself laid down — "Cast not
your pearls before swine." He conveyed wisdom to the wise ; but he
so enveloped it in an outer covering, that while it was perfectly trans
parent to those who could see, it was undiscernible to those who could
not. If I err, therefore, I err on the Protestant principle. That is my
opinion. No man is infallible. Show me a man who so sets himself up,
and I will show yoiva man who is not in his right senses, upon one point,
at all events, for all history shows that men have been wrong, upon some
point or other. All I contend for, is that you should combat opinion
with opinion. Make your laws as strong as you please to restrain acts;
make them good, and they will be respected." The only way to make men
truly m°ral is to make them reasonable. If you do this, they will be
well founded in the principles of morality ; and they will never depart
from them in their practice.
Gentlemen, I will next call your attention to a short paragraph in the
Rev. George Hamilton's Introduction to the Hebrew Scriptures :
" We know that the Jews never were, and indeed, never could be,
accounted historians, as their frequent dispensions and prosecutions must
have destroyed all authentic documents, and prevented their preserving
any faithful tradition of even the most remarkable events."
The following occurs in Dr. John Taylor's Tracts. —
P "Every dispensation of God must be consistent with what he has
actually discovered to us in the nature of things, and the certain deduc
tions of reason from them."
So, you perceive, that there can be nothing in that which is divine,
that contradicts your reason. One truth never can oppose another
truth. Truth must_ever be consistent, not only with itself, but with
every oJhezlruth./~Tell me a truth in mathematics, and I can bring no
other trutnTJeitheriTom the heavens above, or the earth beneath, that
will be trTopposition to it. Well, then, enlightened reason can never
bring down divine revelation — if there be such a thing.
Morris says, " It is impossible that anything should be theologically
true which is philosophically false."
If you admit that, you admit everything. If you admit that what is
philosophically true, cannot be theologically false, then you must admit
that true religion cannot suffer by the promulgation of philosophy. And
here I would take the liberty to call your attention to what fell from the
Rev. Francis Close, at a meeting held at Cheltenham, not long since.!
He said, that " the more a man is advanced in human knowledge, thejl
more is he opposed to religion, and the more deadly enemy he is to the;
truth of God." Gentlemen, I cannot conceive of anything more viciousi
than that— anything tending to give such a stab to every kind of religion,

48
as that assertion. For if it is to be believed, that we must give up all
knowledge, in order to become religious, there are very few, I hope and
believe, who will be willing to do it. Knowledge may be a bad anchoji
of safety ; but it is our only one ; and it is to that we owe our science
and arts — our social and political advancement. I repeat, therefore, that]
those who affirm, that the more we advance in knowledge, the more !
opposed we are to religion, do more to injure the church and the catM
of religion, than all the infidels in the world could effect. And "this
reminds me of what was once said by a well known minister, — that if
the church should ever be destroyed, it would be, not by infidels, butty
those connected with her. Yes, gentlemen, you will find that the
church suffers more from its injudicious friends, that from its woist
enemies. Well may it exclaim — " Save me from my friends!" What:
ever judges may decree, or parliaments enact, it is clear that no power
on earth can keep back knowledge. Knowledge will sweep on as
civilisation will progress. The arts and sciences are of that character,
that it is impossible for any human fiat to say, " Thus far shalt thou go,
and no farther." Truly may it be said, " The dove has gone forth from
the ark, never to return." ,
Gentlemen, I will read to you another passage from the Rev. Francis
Close. He says, " I know I tread on tender ground ; but I am sorry^to
see a sort of coquetting on the part of the church with human know
ledge and philosophy. It is a leprosy infecting true religion, and pollutes
the garb of the church." When Berkeley mentioned at a public meeting
what Close had said, it was received with hissing and groaning. The
good sense of the people saw at once its fallaciousness.
Some two or three more pithy extracts remain, gentlemen, in this
little book I am quoting from — an excellent little book, the title- of
which is Theology Displayed; and I must trouble you with them : '
" In the Hebrew Scriptures," says Dr. Geddes, " are many beauties'
and excellent precepts ; but there are many things in great abundance,
which I can neither admire nor admit, without renouncing common sense<
and superseding reason— & sacrifice which I am not disposed to make lor
any writing in the world."
Bishop Van Mildert says, " Reason is not a competent judge of the
wisdom and fitness of what is revealed. What God reveals must 'be
consistent with rectitude and fitness; and reason has henceforth*
nothing to do, but to believe and obey." ' ,'J
I say that we deceive ourselves if we pretend that we receive any
book as "revealed," without exercising our reason upon it. What
would you think of a man who said he believed in the Bible ' without
having ever read a single line of it? What would you say of a man
who said the same thing, without having ever heard of the Bible before'
Why, gentlemen, you would say to him—" Either you are a madman or
a hypocrite." Before a man can believe, he must' have reasons for his
belief. He must first believe that the Bible is a revelation; and he must
have some good reason for that, or his belief is not worth thehavin*.
Can you believe that God, who watches over the welfare of his created,
is better pleased with the sacrifices of an ignorant people than with the
sincere convictions of those who do not believe in the Bible ? If there
be a power .that brought me into existence— that caused the grass to
grow— that placed the planets in the heavens— and that orders all otherl

49
things in the universe — it must be a power having wisdom and intelli
gence ; and if it have real intelligence, it can never find fault with me,
for exercising the intelligence which itself has given me. Our believing
or not believing necessarily depends upon things which are wholly beyond
our control. "We are certain," says Bishop Williams, "that if a
revelation fails in a consonancy to the principles of nature, or to the
true and certain notions of mankind concerning good and evil, it is false,
and not of divine inspiration. For, these things are from God ; and to
suppose a revelation to be opposite to them, is to make him contradict
himself." Gentlemen, my next quotation is from Locke, whose work on the
Pluman Understanding has done more than almost any other book for the
advancement of moral philosophy. The following is from that great
authority :
" I find that every sect, as far as reason will help them, gladly use it ;
but when it fails them, they cry out, it is matter of faith and abovel
reason." ••
So that he is of opinion, that men of all sects and creeds will use
reason, as far as it is necessary for their purpose, that when it is not .
necessary for their purpose to use reason, they then take refuge in faith; '
and in this sense, faith may be called the refuge for the destitute — that
is, for men who are destitute of real knowledge. You don't say, " I be
lieve the candle is burning." You know it; and you only say I believe,
when you do not know it. And yet it is lamentable, that you are more angry
when that is called in question which you only believe, than you are when
that is called in question which you know. Gentlemen, if any one of
you, who is acquainted with the matter, should describe to a person the
component parts of flame, he would, in all probability, exhibit much
scepticism upon the subject ; and although you might laugh at him, you
would not cast him into prison. You might pity him, as you do a
cripple, whether of mind or body ; and, gentlemen, you act upon this
principle, that where Nature has done little, you will do more ; but if
you do this in regard to the body, should you not do it in regard to the
mind ? If it be a misfortune to have a crooked body, is it not a greater
misfortune to have a crooked mind ? But then, a man can no more help
the one than the other. I contend, therefore, that there should be no
such thing as prosecutions of this nature ; and I repeat what I have
already said, that by prosecuting opinions, be they what they may, you
succeed only in giving them greater currency. If you were Christians, you
would act upon the principle of Jesus ; you would remember his saying,
that " whoso taketh the sword, shall perish by the sword ;" you would
remember that Christianity first sprung up and flourished under persecu
tion ; you would remember, in the history of all the sects down to our
own times, that each of them flourished as it was persecuted, while
many others, not subjected to the same treatment, perished.
Gentlemen, I hold in my hand a work of great repute ; the Lectures
on Rhetoric and Belles-lettres, by Dr. Hugh Blair, a great authority in the
church and the universities, and, indeed, with most men, even with those
called Infidels. Dr. Blair, gentlemen, points out some of the difficulties
which Protestants have in carrying out their principle, and shows very
clearly that those difficulties are to be overcome only by severe study,
and the exercise of reason. The extracts, to which I am about to call
E

50
your attention, treat of the formation of language, and they show thati
the Bible abounds in the language of passion and imagination ; in other
words that it abounds in poetry, which he has defined to be the language,
of passion and imagination, in contradistinction to prose, which is the)
language of reason and judgment. That you may have a clear view of
the argument, let me begin with the following passage :
" Supposing language to have a divine original, we cannot, however,
suppose that a perfect system of it was all at once given to man. It is
much more natural to think that God taught our first parents only such
language as suited their present occasion ; leaving them, as he did in
other things, to enlarge and improve it, as their future necessities should
require. Consequently, those first rudiments of speech must have been
poor and narrow ; and we are at full liberty to inquire in what manner;
and by what steps, language advanced to the state in which we now
find it."
You perceive that Dr. Blair does not suppose, as many have supposed,
that God gave to man the gift of speech in perfection, as it is stated in
the book of Genesis. For my part, as I am led to think, and really"
believe, it must have been as Dr. Blair assumes. It seems to me, from?
the very nature of man, and his connection with other things, that the
power of speech was the result of exercise. Perhaps it was many ages
before human beings could speak distinctly. We gradually learn to.
speak, and hear, and feel; we know with what difficulty infants and
foreigners get hold of a language. It is therefore but reasonable to think
that human language must, at first, have been exceedingly imperfect, •
little better, perhaps, than the snorting of a horse, or the chattering of a
monkey. Language, as we now find it, is the consequence of human asso
ciation, only. To a considerable extent, no doubt, the first language
must have been a language of signs, in fact, if you refer to the history of
savage nations, even in modern times, you will find it to be their pracy
tice to express themselves, in very many cases, in the language of signs,
It is the utility of language that developes its capabilities, in the same
way as the utility of the arts and sciences so admirably developes the
gWiius of this country.
Gentlemen, Dr. Blair, this high authority that I am now quoting to
you, thus speaks upon this point :
" Language in its infancy, must have been extremely barren ; and
there certainly was a period, among all nations, when conversation was
carried on by very few words, intermixed with many exclamations and
earnest gestures."
" The style of all the most early languages, among nations who arc in
the first and rude period of society, is found, without exception, to be
full of figures ; hyperbolical and picturesque in a high degree. We have :
a striking instance of this in the American languages, which are known
by the most authentic accounts to be figurative to excess."
Again, he says,
"Another remarkable instance is, the style of the Old Testament1 :
which is carried on by allusions to sensible objects. Iniquity, or guilt'
is expressed by ' a spotted garment ;' misery, by ' drinking the cup of
astonishment ;' vain pursuits, by < feeding on ashes ;' a sinful life by ' a

51
crooked path ;' prosperity, by < the candle of the Lord shining on our
head ;' and the like, in innumerable instances. Hence we have been
accustomed to call this style, the Oriental Style ; as fancying it to be
peculiar to the nations of the East ; whereas, from the American style,
and from many other instances, it plainly appears not to have been pecu
liar to any one region or climate ; but to have been common to all
nations, in certain periods of society and language."
Elsewhere he says,
t " It is, generally speaking, among the'most ancient authors, that we are j
to look for the most striking instances of the sublime. I am inclined to
jthink that the early ages of the world, and the rude unimproved state of |
.society, are peculiarly favourable to the strong emotions of sublimity. •
The genius of" men is then much turned to admiration and astonishment.
Meeting with many objects, to them new and strange, their imagination
s kept glowing, and their passions are often raised to the utmost. They
yhink, and express themselves boldly, and without restraint. In the pro
gress of society, the genius and manners of men undergo a change more
favourable to accuracy, than to strength or sublimity."
. Gentlemen, I have a right to apply that reasoning to the Bible. I
know that the Catholic church would stop me short, and say, " you have
no right to reason ; your reason is to be founded on the church ; you
haye no right to dictate to the church, but to learn from the church."
But, gentlemen, we are Protestants, and it is our duty to act as Dr. Blair
icted. I say that according to this reasoning, it must appear that the
jBible, even among such men as Dr. Blair, cannot be above all criticism.
ft is criticism that caused many of the passages to be expunged ; it is
sriticism that led to the better translation of other passages.
' Gentlemen, you have heard that Dr. Blair speaks of the imperfection
bf language, and that, supposing it to have had a divine original, it was
nevertheless imperfect ; that it grew with civilization, and strengthened
With its strength ; for " language in its infancy must have been extremely
barren." And here I would say, that it would not be a bad thing, if we
had less of language and more of good s&nise. The North American
Indians say that we are " much book and little knowledge ;" and I think, .
"ithat if we had more knowledge and less book, we should be happier than
we are. In that case, we should be less likely to be distracted by a
(multiplicity of opinions. There is great force in what Dr. Pusey says,
that if the Bible is conceived of as the word of the great Jehovah, then
Ewe must act upon the principle of reserve, and not throw_ it into the
hands of common people. One of two things is necessary in reference
'to the Bible ; either it ought not to be read at all, or it should be read
by men of intelligent minds — by those who can undertake a critical
•analysis of what they read, and not by those who are likely to be cor
rupted by what they may read. The Bible contains many things that
should be read only by an instructed mind. To be read with profit,
it should be read by a philosophic mind— a mind divested of those feel
ings which are engendered by a corrupt state of society. If we read the
iCBible as a book of splendid diction and of sublime language— if we read
land inwardly digest such things, and cast aside that which is not pure,
land calculated to mislead weak minds, then I say that we should do well.
iThe truth is. that Pusev and those who think with him have never been
E 2

52
answered on that point. The people must be better educated than the;
have been, or it will be dangerous to let them seek their rule of faith in
the scriptures.
Dr. Blair, gentlemen, further says,
" It was not necessity alone that gave rise to this figurative style.
Other circumstances also, at the commencement of language, contributed
to it. In the infancy of all societies, men are much under the dominion
of imagination and passion. They are unacquainted with the course of
things; they are, every day, meeting with men and strange objects,
Fear and surprise, wonder and astonishment, are their most frequent
passions. Their language will necessarily partake of this character of
their minds. They will be prone to exaggeration and hyperbole. They
will be given to describe everything with the strongest colours and most
vehement expressions ; infinitely more than men living in the advance^
and cultivated periods of society, when their imagination is more
chastened, and their passions are more tamed, and a wider experience
has rendered the objects of life more familiar to them. Even the man
ner in which I before showed that the first tribes of men uttered theii
words, would have considerable influence on their style. Wherever
strong exclamations," tones, and gestures, enter much into conversation,
the imagination is always more exercised ; a greater effort of fancy and
passion is excited. Consequently, the fancy, kept awake and rendered
more sprightly by this mode of utterance, operates upon style, and
enlivens it more."
As an instance of the singular slyle of the North American nations,
Blair gives the following conversation which occurred between the chiefs
of the five nations of Canada, and the representatives of Great Britain;!
when a treaty of peace was agreed upon between them : —
" We are happy in having buried under ground the red axe, that
has so often been dyed with the blood of our brethren. Now, in
this fort, we inter the axe, and plant the tree of peace. We plant a
tree, whose top will reach the sun ; and its branches spread abroad,
so that it shall be seen afar off. May its growth never be stifled and
choked ; but may it shade both your country and our's with it leaves!
Let us make fast it roots, and extend them to the utmost of your colo.
nies. If the French should come to shake this tree, we should know
it by the motion of its roots reaching into our country. May the
Great Spirit allow us to rest in tranquility upon our mats, and never
again dig up the axe to cut down the tree of peace ! Let the earth
be trod hard over it, where it is buried. Let a strong stream run
under the pit, to wash the evil away out of our sight and remem
brance. The fire that had long burned in Albany is extinguished.
The bloody bed is washed clean, and the tears are wiped frpm ouv
eyes. We now renew the covenant chain of friendship. Let it he
kept bright and clean as silver, and not suffered to contract any rust.
Let not any one pull away his arm from it."
r Such is the specimen furnished of the North American Indian;
style of speech; and, in many points, it may be said to resemble the
style of the Jewish scriptures. There is in the Bible a constant use
of tropes, metaphors, and other figurative modes of speech • and thrt
is what characterises all infant languages. '

53
Gentlemen, I have written very harshly about the Bible, which I
have called " The Jew Book." It is enough, that at present you under
stand that this book has been reviewed and criticised by men of the
church, and has been stated by them to abound in figures of speech,
tropes, and similes ; and to be in great part, moreover, the language
of passion and imagination. And I need not remark, that the language
of passion and imagination is not that which should direct us in the
sober matters of life ; for, as Dr. Blair says, after speaking on the
character of the languages of Judea:
" So strong is that impression of life which is made upon us, by
the more magnificent and striking objects of nature especially, that I
doubt not, in the least, of this having been one cause of the multipli
cation of divinities in the heathen world. The belief of dryads and
naiads, of the genius of the wood, and the god of the river, among
men of lively imaginations, in the early ages of the world, easily arose
from this turn of mind. When their favourite aural objects had often
been animated in their fancy, it was an an easy transition, to attribute
to them some real divinity, some unseen power or genius which inhabited
them, or in some peculiar manner belonged to them. Imagination was
highly gratified, by thus gaining somewhat to rest upon with more
stability; and when belief coincided so much with imagination, very
slight causes, would be sufficient to establish it."
This leads us to infer, that when the imagination is excited and the
passion is strong, men are not by any means in so good a condition to
establish truth, or to establish systems of religion, as when the mind is
more sober. Indeed, we have the best proof that the Jews were a highly
imaginative people, in the denunciations of their prophets, in their pre
dictions of the coming of Christ, and in the denunciations of Christ
himself. All must be aware that the Jews, especially after the Baby
lonian captivity, fell into every conceivable species of enormity ; and
that, as a consequence of this, they were doomed to be scattered, and to
wander and be persecuted amongst men. I shall presently have to give
you my conceptions — my honest convictions — as to what the Bible is ;
and also my reason for writing " the Jew Book" article. But I wish to
prepare the way, and the jury to understand me, before I proceed
to a matter of so much importance. I wish you to understand that, as
Dr. Blair says, a great part of the language of the Old Testament is the
language of passion and imagination. In fact, gentlemen, Dr. Blair
makes a comparison between Milton and Shakspere, and the writers of
the Old Testament. He says :
"Among the ancients, we find higher conceptions, greater simplicity,
more original fancy. Among the moderns, sometimes more art and
correctness, but feebler exertions of genius. But, though this be a
general mark of distinction between the ancients and moderns, yet, like
all general observations, it must be understood with some exceptions ;
for, in point of poetical and original genius, Milton and Shakspere are
inferior to no poets in any age."
Now, if that which is divine is in no way superior to that which is
human, how are we to distinguish between them ? If a high authority
tells me that there is often poetry in the Bible, but higher poetry in
Milton and Shakspere, that staggers my faith. I should have supposed

54
that a divine work Mould have been perfection, incomparable, unimprov.
able. If it be the language of divinity, it must surely excel all human
language, and cannot be improved by human means. - Dr. Blair says,
that " amongst the ancients, we find higher conceptions, greater sim
plicity more original fancy ; among the moderns, sometimes more art
and correctness, but feebler exertions of genius."
Gentlemen, you have as much right to run a tilt at Dr. Blair, for
thus criticising the Bible, as you have to run a tilt at me.
I will now read to you a passage from a profane poet ; and I do not
think that you can find, from Genesis to Revelation, a more beautiful or
sublime composition ; I say a more beautiful or sublime composition, for
I acknowledge that there is much that is beautiful and sublime in the Bible,
It is a translation from the Iliad, and is made by Pope> This is it :
Now, through the trembling- shores Minerva calls,
And now she thunders from the Grecian walls,
Mars hov'ring o'er his Troy, his terror shrouds
In gloomy tempests, and a night of clouds ;
Now through each Trojan heart he fury pours,
With vclce divine, from Ilion's topmost towers —
Above, the sire of gods his thunder rolls,
And peals on peals redoubled rend the poles.
Beneath, stern Neptune shakes the solid ground.
The forests wave, the mountains nod around ;
Through all her summits tremble Ida's woods,
And from their sources boil her hundred floods.
Troy's turrets totter on the rocking plain,
And the toss'd navies beat the heaving main.
Deep in the dismal region of the dead,
Th' infernal monarch rear'd his horrid head.
Leapt from his throne, lest Neptune's arms should lay
His dark dominions open to the day ;
And pour in light on Pluto's drear abodes,
Abhorr'd by men, and dreadful ev'n to gods :
Such wars th' immortals wage ; such horrors rend
The world's vast concave, when the gods contend.
I said, thatvas' a specimen of truly poetic composition, there is no
sing e passage that can be said to excel that. But this, as a poetic com-
position, is innoxious; it is perfectly harmless, to read it as poetry!
but suppose you put the book out of which it is to be taken into the'
hands of your children, and teach them that these gods and gd
desses literally existed, and were occupied as they are here represented
to be; that Mmerva, Neptune, and Pfuto were, one shoutinfout n
other shaking the earth, and the third, leaping from his throne wilh
affright, lest Neptune should lay his dark dominions open t moTl
eye. If these things were taught, then, you perceive, tha^a very differ
ent result would be produced. To read it as poetry, I git Jleasur
from it ; but not so, if I read it as prose. I know that Plain iT^t
wise men have maintained that it would be bette. -if there w! ^
at all ; but that is not what I am arguing " Were n° P06^
Mr. Smith rose and said, he thought it rio-ht after fo„v i, 3
half argument of this description, to interfere and ask \f ^ '?
was to be put to the scope wU 'the defendant t ookf He ^okta

55
The Recokdek agreed with the learned counsel. He could not see
what a dissertation oil poetry had to do with the defence of the defendant.
Mr. Southwell said he would not willingly trespass upon the time of
the court, and he would not have taken this course, if he had not
believed that it had an immediate or remote bearing on his defence. He
could easily understand why the learned counsel for the prosecution
should be in a hurry.
The Recorder said he begged to remark, that he did not think the
learned counsel had been in any hurry ; nor had the court been. It was
the duty of counsel, where a diffusive subject was entered upon, which
had no apparent relation to the question before the court, to interfere, as
the learned couusel had done here. '
Defendant.— I thank you, my lord : I am always glad to be set right.
I was endeavouring to show what I conceived to be a valuable fact ;
namely, that Dr. Blair, a very high authority among Christians, has
critically examined the Scriptures, and has declared that which I have
read to you, and which strongly bears upon my case. And if what he
has stated be correct, I am justified in proceeding, on the ground that
the Bible is a fair subject for criticism. If I can show that, then I have
as much right to criticise the Bible as he has ; and I think I am not wast
ing the time of the jury or of the court, in attempting to show that. I
shall, however, be as brief as possible, consistently with making an
efficient defence. , Dr. Blair says,
" I need not spend many words in showing, that among the books of
the Old Testament there is such an apparent diversity in style as suffi
ciently discovers, which of them are to be considered as poetical, and
which as prose, compositions. While the historical books, and legislative
writings of Moses, are evidently prosaic in the composition, the book of
Job, the Psalms of David, the Song of Solomon, the Lamentations of
Jeremiah, a great part of the prophetical writings, and several passages
scattered occasionally through the historical books, carry most plain and
distinguishing marks of poetic writing."
So much, gentlemen, by way of authority in support of the proposition
I have laid down as, to the character of the Old Testament books. You
will find them to be of much importance as we proceed.
I am very anxious to dissipate, what I hope to prove, a prejudice
which is now hanging over the public mind, with regard to the manner
in which I seem to have treated the Jewish people, in the article set forth
in the indictment. I have spoken of them as a nation of vagabonds. I
have treated them as murderers ; and in the Scripture history I am fully
borne out. It will there be found that the Jews were literally a wander
ing people. But I wish to call your attention to the fact, that I have not
the slightest hostility to Jew or Gentile ; and in speaking of the Jews as
I did, I did it to enlighten the public mind ; I did it to teach them that
the Jewish people was but a people, although they always supposed that
they were the peculiar people of a God ; and that their books were but
books, although they always supposed them to be divine books — books
written by the finger of a God. It almost always happens that each
nation thinks itself the wisest of all nations. The Jews did this in com
mon with almost all other people. I do not put forward this opinion
rashly, or without examination, as to the results which might be produced.
I believe that no course of conduct is warrantable, which is taken without

56
regard to the happiness of society, and I wish you to understand that I
am armed with authorities to show that learned men who have travelled
in the East, believed the Jews to be a comparatively modern race, and
not the most ancient people on the earth. It has been shown that they
obtained the bulk of their knowledge from the Egyptians ; and these,
again, from the Assyrians. Gentlemen, I would shake no man's preju
dices, if I did not believe that to do so was for the good of all. Let me
now read to you a passage from Volney : " According to Manetho,j' the
ancestors of the Jewish people were a mixture of men of different easts,
even of those of the Egyptian priests, who for impurity, for canonical
pollutions, and especially for the leprosy, were, by order of an oracle,
expelled from Egypt by a king named Amenoph.' The Jewish books are
not in contradiction with this account, when they say (in Exodus) that
many of the common people and strangers followed the house of Israel ;
the reiterated ordinances of Leviticus against the leprosy, prove that all
these diseases prevailed. Another reproach of impurity from an
Egyptian, is the pastoral life ; and the Jews avow that they were pastors :
Manetho values their number at eighty thousand, who, from the environs*'
of Pelusium, went into Judea to Hierusalem."
In another place, he says,
" It is probable that the Jewish nation owes its origin to a first little
tribe of Chaldean origin, since the Chaldean idiom continued to be its
language. As to the positive dates, since the Jews themselves were
unable to give them ; since they show themselves, on the contrary, totally
ignorant of the whole period of their stay, and of the state of Egypt at
their departure, we must content ourselves by those pointed out to us
by reasoning ; but let us not neglect remarking before we end this article,
that it will be always very extraordinary to see the author of Genesis,
whoever he was, affecting to be so well informed of so many minutious
details concerning Abram, Jacob, and Joseph, while he is so ignorant of
all that concerns the residence in Egypt, the emigration under Moses, and
the wandering life of the desert, until the moment of crossing the
Jordan : this is contrary to any probable state of monuments : and this
confirms us in the opinion already expressed, to wit, that the materials of
Genesis are entirely foreign to the Jews, and are an artificial compound
of Chaldean legends, in which the allegorical genius of the Arabs repre
sented the history of the astronomical personages of the calendar under
anthropomorphical forms."
_ That Volney is not orthodox, I know ; but that fact cannot impeach
his learning, nor affect the agency of his reasoning upon these historical
matters. The same writer says, when speaking critically of the books of
the Jews,
" Nov.-, we repeat it, any impartial reader who attentively peruses these
different narrations, vague, unconnected, and having no date, will acknow
ledge them to be the work of different authors ; who very probably were
neither witnesses of, nor contemporary with, the events, but compiled
them afterwards, from popular traditions ; that at a later period a com
piler, equally unknown, selected these scraps, and composed the confused
mass called the Book of Judges  The general results
presented by the writer, of the state of the nation during all the period
of the Judges, are an additional proof of his having written late, conse-

57
quently more than four hundred years after Joshua, and at least one
hundred after the confused events that preceded the judicature of Eli.
Now, we ask on what documents, after, what monuments, could he have
written ? what archives, what annals, could he possess ? If he had any,
why is everything so vague and so confused ? To answer these questions,
we must consider that all the space of time, called the period of the
Judges, was spent in a stormy and violent anarchy, during which the
Plebrews, as ferocious and superstitious as the Wahabees, never ceased
to be agitated by civil or foreign wars ; we must consider that this small
nation, divided into independent and jealous tribes, subdivided into
families equally independent, was a turbulent democracy of armed
peasants, stirred up rather than governed by ambitious Brahmins and
inspired fanatics : that in those times of perpetual wars and ignorance
resulting from them, the art of writing unencouraged, unesteemed, was
difficult and rare, and that the little instruction that existed was concen
trated in the families of the Levites ; that on account of this stormy,
precarious life, no one had either leisure or an interest to investigate the
past or futurity ; that, therefore, no historical works could be composed :
that, for want of a central government, there could exist no other public
archives than the succession of the pontiffs. We must consider that it
was not until David's reign that a system more regular, more tranquil,
more fit for the culture of the mind, began to be formed : that then they
had a chancery and archives, and could • apply themselves to history:
that then, and better under Solomon, inquiries might be made of the
past ; and that, as at that time, nothing could be found or imagined
better than what we have in the two works entitled Joshua and the
Judges, we have a right to conclude — first, that no authentic and regular
record had been composed ; secondly, that the books of Joshua and
the Judges are, solely the literary productions of unknown writers,
without any public authority, like the chronicles of our monks in the
eighth, ninth, aiid tenth centuries, in which they inserted relations
entirely fabulous, amidst many historical facts."
I have now said enough of the origin of the Jews. My opinion is,
that they were a sort of compound or middle race or nation. In North
America, we find that some of the tribes are sworn to exterminate all
other tribes. But it is not always so ; and we find that there has been a
sort of mixing up of various people — a sort of hotch-potch. That is my
opinion of the Jews.
I will now read to you a catalogue of books, at one time or other held
to be —
Recorder. — The jury has now been here nearly ten hours, and this
trial has occupied six or seven hours ; and I can see no chance of the
defence being concluded at any part of the night at which I could call
upon the jury to consider of their verdict. Nor should it go on without
the full attention of the jury and of myself being given to it. There is
another thing which I have to attend to; namely, the defence of the
defendant, for although I may think that many parts of what he has
said have no connection with the defence, yet, whatever my private
judgment may be, it does not belong to my office to lay down an arbi
trary rule. On these grounds I feel myself authorised to suggest to the
jury, whether they do not, in the exercise of their duty, think that the
time has arrived when they should ask the defendant's permission to

58
retire to rest, so that they may be able to come in the morning, with
minds unfatigued to attend to the rest of this very long defence.
The jury having expressed their concurrence in his lordship s sugges-
tion, and the defendant offering no opposition, the recorder dismissed
the jury for the night, reminding them of their duty to abstain from all
discussion with other persons, upon the issue which they had to try;
and, at the same time, giving the defendant permission to retire from the
bar, upon condition of his bail entering into fresh securities for his
appearance on the following morning.
The court was then cleared.

SECOND DAY,
Saturday, January \bth.
At ten o'clock, the Recorder took his seat ; and the names of the jury
were called over, and they were re-sworn. The court, as on the previous
day, was much crowded. Several of the city magistrates also were
present. Silence having been obtained, the recorder called upon Mr.
Southwell to proceed with his defence.
The Defendant said, I shall seize upon the present opportunity to
observe, that I am not insensible to the kind consideration of his lordship
and the jury, during the proceedings of yesterday ; and further, that I
wish his lordship not to be offended at any expression which may have
escaped from me ; for whatever my speculative opinions may be—
whether good or bad — I am not insensible to integrity, whether it be
found in a peasant's hut, or on the judgment-seat. I was not prepared
for any such consideration, and this has induced me to overlook my
books, and see if I could not study the convenience of the court, by
making my defence briefer, if possible.
I will now proceed ; and to put the matter in a fair train, I will state
that, yesterday, I commenced by referring to what was stated in the
opening address of the learned counsel. I stated then, that at that stage'
of the proceedings I would merely glance at a few of the leading points
which he advanced, and reserve myself for a fuller consideration of some
of his remarks. I then passed on to a consideration of the rights and
duties of jurymen ; and I am satisfied that matter so important as that
was, cannot have escaped your recollection. I subsequently spoke on
"principle," and I showed, by argument and by authority drawn from
men well known in the religious world, and respected for their unfeigned
piety (and I include both Catholic and Protestant in the remark), that
as Protestants you have to find your rule of faith in the scriptures ; but
that, as Catholics, you have to find your rule of faith in the church, said
to have been established by Christ; and I said, as plainly as I could, that'
there was this distinction : that whereas the Catholic believes, and has
full faith, that the church can do no wrong— that the church is ' infallible]
— and that, at the sacrament of baptism there was a grace infused into him,
so that when the truth is placed before him, by the church, he is enable^

59
by that grace or faith, to believe whatever that church may teach ; —
representing this as the condition of the Catholic, I passed on, to place
in juxta-position with it the principle of the Protestant, who prides him
self on the right of private judgment. If you are sincere Protestants,
you will be ready to lay down your lives in defence of that which
appears to you, and which appears to me, to be the only sacred principle
of action.
I am now about to proceed with the main body of the argument. It
is necessary here, as in agriculture, to turn up the ground before we sow
the seed ; and, having accomplished that, I shall now go on to put in the
seed which I think necessary for my purpose.
You will remember that, upon the high authority of Doctor Blair, I
showed that the Bible is an ancient book, and that it has faults — very
great faults — in common with all other ancient books ; that it was written
at a period when language was narrow or confined, because men's ideas
were narrow or confined. Ideas give birth to language, not language
to ideas ; language is invented because men want to give expression to
their ideas. It is, therefore, obvious that Dr. Blair will justify me in my
conclusion ; for I sustain it by his authority, as well as by my own
reasonings. In fact, gentlemen, I could bring authorities by the score ;
but it is not necessary : the common sense of every gentleman in that
box will make it clear to him, that if Dr. Blair put forward such a
theory, as to the formation, growth, and imperfection of language, as I
have shown you that he did, I have as much right to pass my opinion
upon the subject, and to apply that opinion to the Bible, as he had.
Your lorship was kind enough to adjourn the court yesterday, just as
I was about to read a catalogue that I have transcribed from Du Pin, on
the Canon — a very scarce work, which I could not bring into court, but
which I have faithfully copied — showing
A TABLE OF THE CANONICAL AND APOCRYPHAL BOOKS WHICH BELONG TO
THE OLD TESTAMENT.
Books now considered Canonical by Jews and Christians.
The five Books of Moses. The Book of Joshua. The Book of
Judges. The Book of Samuel, or the first and second Books of Kings.
The third and fourth Books of Kings. Isaiah. Jeremiah. Ezekiel.
The Twelve Minor Prophets. The Book of Job. The Hundred and
Eifty Psalms. The Proverbs of Solomon. The Ecclesiastes. The Can
ticles. Daniel. The Chronicles. Esdras, divided into two Books.
Books received as Canonical by some Jems, and rejected by others.
Esther. Ruth.
Books excluded the Jewish Canon, and reckoned as Apocryphal by
some of the ancient Christians, but allowed as Canonical, of late, by the
Church of Rome.
Bariich. Tobit. Judith. The Book of Wisdom. Ecclesiasticus.
The Two Books of the Maccabees. The Song of the three Children in
the fiery furnace. The History of Susanna. The History of Bell and
the Dragon. Books lost, cited in the Old Testament.
The Book of the AVars of the Lord, Numbers and. Wi The Book of

GO
the Covenant, Exodus xxiv. 7. The Book of Jasher or the Upright,
Joshua x. 13; 2 Samuel i. 18. The Books of Nathan, Gad, Shemaiah,
Iddo, Ahijah, and Jehu, Chronicles. The Chronicles of the Acts of the
Kings of Judah and Israel, cited in the Book of Kings. The History of
the Kings of Judah and Israel, cited in the Chronicles. The Book of
Samuel, cited in Chronicles xxix. 29. The Acts of Uzziah, mentioned
in 2 Chronicles xxvi. 22. Three thousand Proverbs of Solomon, men
tioned 1 Kings iv. 32. A Thousand and Five Songs, mentioned ibid.
Several other volumes, by the same author, mentioned ibid. The Pro
phecy of Jeremiah, torn in pieces by Jehoiakim, cited Jeremiah xxxvi.
Another Prophecy of his upon the city of Babylon, mentioned Jeremiah
li. Memoirs or Descriptions of the same author, mentioned 1 Macca
bees ii. The Prophecy of Jonah, mentioned in the Book of Jonah.
The Memoirs of Hircanus, mentioned 1 Maccabees. The Books of
Jason, mentioned 2 Maccabees ii.
Books that are excluded the Canon; though not apparently bad.
The Prayer of Manasseh, inserted in the Apocrypha. The third and
fourth Book of Esdras, ibid. The third and fourth Book of Maccabees,
in the Septuagint Bible. The Genealogy of Job, and his wife's Speech,
at the end of the Greek text of the Book of Job. The One Hundred
and Fifty-First Psalm, at the end of the Greek Psalms. A Discourse
of King Solomon, at the end of the Book of Wisdom. The Preface
before the Lamentations of Jeremiah, in the vulgar Latin and Greek
text. Oilier Apocryphal Books of the same nature, which are lost.
The Book of Enoch. The Book of Assumption of the Moses. The
Assumption, Apocalypse or Secrets of Elias. The Secrets of Jeremiah.
Books full of fables and errors, which are lost.
The Generations, or the Creation of Adam. The Revelation of
Adam. Of the Genealogy, or the Sons and Daughters of Adam.
Cham's Book of Magic. A Treatise entitled Seth. The Assumption of
Abraham. Jetsirah, or concerning the creation, ascribed to Abraham.
The Book of the twelve Patriarchs. The Discourses of Jacob and
Joseph. The Prophecy of Habbakkuk. A Collection of Prophecies of
Ezekiel. The Prophecy of Eldad and Medad. The Treatise of Jannes
and Jambres. The Book of King Og. Jacob's Ladder, and several
other Tracts.
A TABLE OF THE BOOKS WHICH BELONG TO THE NEW TESTAMENT.
Books owned as Canonical at all times, and by all Christians.
The Four Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The Acts of
the Apostles. Thirteen Epistles of St. Paul. The First Epistle of St
Peter. The First Epistle of St. John.
Books questioned, but afterwards admitted by tlie Church as Canonical.
The Epistle to the Hebrews. The Epistle of St. James. The Second
Epistle of St. Peter. The Second and Third Epistles of St. John. The
Epistle of St. Jude. The Apocalypse or Revelations of St. John, Which
was a long time:- before it was admitted as Canonical. The end of tbP

61
last chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel. The History of the Angel and
the agony of our Saviour related, Luke xxii. The History of the wo
man taken in adultery, related in the 8th chapter of St. John's Gospel.
The end of St. John's Gospel. The passage concerning the Trinity,
taken out of the 5th chapter of the First Epistle of St. John.
Apocryphal writings which are not full of errors.
The Letter of Jesus Christ to Abgarus. The Letter of the Blessed
Virgin. The Gospel according to the Egyptians. The Gospel according
to the Hebrews. Additions to the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke,
in the Cambridge manuscript. The Proto-Evangelium of St. James.
The /Tjrjspel of Nicodemus. The ancient acts of Paul and Thecla.
The'-SplStle of the Laodiceans. The Epistles of St. Paul to Seneca.
The Epistle to St. Barnabas. The Liturgies of St. Peter. The Liturgies
of St. Mark. The Liturgies of St. James. The Liturgies of St. Mat
thew. The Canons and Constitutions of the Apostles. The Treatise of
Prochorus. The Books of St. Linus. The Treatise of Abdias. The
Acts of the Passion of St. Andrew.
Books full of errors, almost all of them lost.
The Gospel of St. Peter. The Gospel of St. Thomas. The Gospel
of St. Matthias. The Gospel of St. Bartholomew. The Gospel of St.
Philip. The Gospel of Judas Iscariot. The Gospel of Thaddeus.
The Gospel of Barnabas. The Gospel of Truth by the Valentinians.
The Gospel of Perfection by the Gnosticks. The Gospel of Eve by the
Gnosticks. A Book concerning the infancy of Jesus Christ. A Treatise
concerning the birth of our Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and her Midwife.
A Treatise concerning the Virgin's lying-in, and the questions she asked.
A Treatise of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, cited by St. Jerome.
The Apocryphal Treatise of the life of the Virgin, cited by St. Gregory
Nyssene. Another Apocryphal Book on the Virgin, cited by Faustus.
The writings of Jesus Christ about -Miracles. The Acts of St. Peter.
The Acts of St. Paul. The Acts of St. Andrew. The Acts of St. John.
The Acts of the Apostles. The Acts of St. Philip. The Acts of St.
Thomas. The Doctrine, Preachings, and Itinerary of St. Peter. The
Rapture of St. Paul. The Memoirs of the Apostles. The Lots of the
Apostles. The Itinerary of the Apostles. The Treatise concerning the
Priesthood of Jesus Christ. The Apostolical Tract. The Treatise of
the Death and Assumption of the Virgin. The Apocalypses or Reve
lations of St. Peter. The Revelations of St. Paul. The Revelations of
St. Thomas. The Revelations of St. Stephen. The Revelations of the
Great Apostle. The Revelations of Abraham;! The Revelations of
Seth. The Revelations of Noriah.
I have thus read to you a list of books which, at one time or other,
were deemed sacred by a very large number of Christians : and you will
perceive from that list, that we have now only a portion — only a smal
portion — of the books that were some years ago considered to be divine.
So that if we assume, for the sake of argument, that the -books received
as divine at the periods alluded to, were really divine, b^ cutting them
off, we have cut off what has been properly called a moiety of inspira
tion. Now, it must appear to you to be something more than ludicrous,
that God's word could be thus cut and hacked about by human beings.

62
This shows to you how necessary it is, to be wary and cautious, lest we
fall into error by relying upon any kind of books too implicitely. It lj
evident that books which in times past were held to be sacred and
divine, and for the defence of which thousands would have died, are
now cast aside by us, as absurd, and worthy only of contempt. I will
not dwell further on this, but proceed to other considerations, more
especially those which were suggested to my mind in consequence of the
course taken by the learned counsel ; and here allow me to say, that
after a calm review of yesterday's proceedings, and weighing all the
circumstances of the case, it gives me much pleasure to say, that' he
acted more the part of a man than of a mere lawyer. I ifeel much
pleasure in saying this. What I mean to say, is, that when he proceeded
to consider this question, he did not, to the same extent as others might
have done, seek to inflame your passions and prejudices ; although I am
also compelled to say, that he did that to some extent. He took, upon
the whole, what may be called a philosophical review of my views ; at
all events, he took a common sense view of many of the questions in the
Oracle of Reason ; and I shall proceed now to expose what I conceive ;
to be the errors into which he has fallen ; and if I can clearly and
explicitly show that upon the topics he treated of, he did not understand
the questions involved, and that he came to the conclusions of one but half
informed ; if I can show to you, in short, that what he stated is not true
— that is, that he did not convey to you just ideas — I shall then cut the
ground from under him, and you will honourably acquit me.
Gentlemen, you may remember that he stated, amongst other things^
or rather reiterated what I had stated in one of the Oracles ; namely.
that it was from the body of men called Socialists that I received what I
called the Promethean touch that warmed me into public life. But he
proceeded to say something not perfecly true ; namely, that I left that
body because the members of it did not wish to go the same lengths that
I did. Now, I will proceed to show you that this is not true ; that is,
that in saying that, he did not convey to your minds an accurate idea. It
is known to almost all of you, that the Socialists have certain definite
objects ; whether right or wrong, is not the question — I am not here to
defend or to repudiate them. I am here simply to state the fact. What
they call the fundamentals of their philosophy are these : that it is in the
power of society, if it had the knowledge requisite thereto, greatly to
improve its moral and physical condition ; that the character of every
individual is a result, and that if we take judicious measures — in short,
if we educate the people — we may improve them ; that, to make a nation
happy, we should well employ and well educate its population. These
they call their fundamental principles ; and they hold the position; that
it is far better for men to co-operate together to" do good to each other
than, as now, all over the globe, to oppose and injure each other. I was
a social missionary. It is a principle with them, that every individual
should be free — that no one should dictate to another. That is the great
and healthy principle on which all of them act. But, as a missionary, as
an accredited agent of that society, I had many considerations which
occupied my mind, for their purpose being to effect practical objects I
had to reflect whether I, who held certain speculative opinions which
were not fashionable, and which it was dangerous to propose, but which
I felt to be useful to society ; this being the case, I had to reflect that
if I remained a member of the social body, I had no right to' give

63
utterence to my speculations, if they tended to injure the body.
My opinions are "antagonist to all religions, and I think that mere
morality is all-sufficient for human purposes ; but there are many
conscientious Socialists who think otherwise. To use parliamentary
language,"the question of religion is, with the Socialists, an open question ;
and, as I would not compromise their interests, I resigned my mission,
and took the course which has led me here. Therefore it is not because
the Socialists did not go, or did not wish to go, the length I go ; but
because I did not wish them to go those lengths, thati ceased to 'be a
member of their body. So that, be it understood, the step that I took,
I took with their concurrence, and that previously to that, they knew no
more of my private speculations than you knew, and therefore they
ought not to be held responsible for them. The learned counsel then
proceeded to say, that my assumption has been shown in the description
which I have given of myself in the Oracle of Reason ; in which I have
stated that I was not as ready with my pen as with my tongue — that I
was more accustomed to speaking than to writing, and so forth. But the
learned gentleman mistakes altogether the tenor of that passage. I
agree, that of all prides which are abominable, that which apes humility
is the worst. But I did not, in that passage, as any one who will take
the text with the context will see, exhibit one particle of that assumption
or presumption with which he charges me. And then you will remember,
he proceeded to say, that although I gave so bad a character of myself,
I went on to promise that I would teach the truth without mystery,
mixture of error, or fear of man. Gentlemen, I always promised to
teach as much truth as I knew ; I never pretended that I had all the
truth ; but all that I did know I spoke, and all I do know I will continue
to speak, without mystery, or mixture of error • — and I think I have
not displayed much fear of man.
The learned counsel next proceeded to say, that the world — that is, the
religious world distinguishes fanaticism from reasonable belief. Here it is
necessary to say, that no one thinks himself a fanatic (at least there are
but few, if any, who do so), although I called myself such, in the cause
of philosophy. But it is necessary for you to know what I mean by the
term fanatic, I mean simply this, a man who is an enthusiast; 'without
adequate knowledge. Gentlemen, I am an enthusiast; I have hot a
thousandth or a millionth part of the knowledge I wish to have, or which
is necessary to carry out the object I have in view. But the knowledge
I have, I will always employ honestly, and never, if I know it, will I
speak an untruth. And the chaplain of your jail here, will bear me
testimony, that, when in a cold cell he asked me my opinions, I told him
honestly what they were. I challenge the whole world to say that I ever
wantonly or wilfully deceived any one.
But, gentlemen, there is another view to be taken of this part of the
subject. It is this — all religionists call other religionists fanatics, if they
are not of the same religion as they are. That is the common vice, as
experience proves ; men condemn all other men who do not think as
they do ; and, as some French author has said, all men believe them
selves to be the wisest in the world, and that if we could search well
into ourselves, we should come to the conclusion, that we think, as far
as we go, we are the wisest of human beings ; that is, we think we have
the whole truth. The error lies in not admitting that other men have
even a little truth. I am prepared to say, that in all sects and parties,

64
political and rehgious, there are what are called truths ; and I will give a
specimen of what I mean. I am not in politics a Tory, yet I believe
that the Tories have a great truth in their keeping. The Tories— the
educated Tories — hold that the minority are morally superior to the majo.
rity — they hold that to be a principle. I may not agree with them in the
deductions they draw from their principle ; but my way is to take the
principle or truth from every party — to collect all the mites or atoms
together, and make, as it were, one great mountain of truth that may
defy all opposition. And, my friends, if we could do this, we should
collect a great mass of happiness, also.
The learned gentleman proceeded to say, that he advocates the entire
right of opinion, and also the free expression of it, when it is not in
jurious or mischievous to society. But that is really laughable, for it
amounts to this, that he advocates perfect liberty of opinion, so long as
he thinks the opinions expressed are not injurious. Pie thinks what he
pleases ; and he says, I'll give you the same liberty, so long as your
opinions are not what I deem to be injurious to society. Why, do you
not know that when martyrs were burnt in Smithfield, those who tor
tured and destroyed them, always spoke of the necessity of curbing the
licentiousness of opinion ? Yes, necessity is always the tyrant's plea;
so that the learned gentleman is liberal enough, but only after the tyrant's
fashion. He says he will let us express our opinions, so long as he does
not think them injurious to society. Why, gentlemen, the very question
to settle is this, why is he to set himself up as the judge — the infallible
judge — of what is good or injurious to society? I deny that he has
any right or authority to do so ; and, I for one, will not submit to his
dictum. The learned counsel then proceeded to say that my intentions shoidd
be looked to, in the expression of my opinions ; and he asked, were they
not subversive of all social order ? That is a great question ; and you
are, it seems, to determine it. But who is thus to search men's hearts'
— who, in the opinion of the Christian, but the great searcher of all
hearts ? Who is to dive into the consciences of man ? Who is to pluck
out the very heart of their mystery ? Who is to sit in judgment upon
motives, and say, " This man is honest ; that man is dishonest ?" Why,
gentlemen, that is the way in which all the inquisitors of Spain and Italy
proceeded. They used their own weights and scales to determine what'
the purity of men's motives was. But how would you like that mode
of proceeding, if applied to yourselves ? How would you like, if a
change should take place — and it may be even in your times, for the
elements of the storm are gathering— to be placed as 1 am now, only
because you held to your present opinions ? Gentlemen, are you safe;
do you think? Might there not be a junction formed between two
parties in the state, which would throw power into the hands of those
who would bear down every species of religious liberty ? If you consign
me to a dungeon, with what face could you condemn those who might
gain authority, and use their power as you do now ? How could you say
to them — " I ought not to violate my conscience ?" They might turn
round and say—" What right had you to condemn Charles Southwell?
As you administered the law then, so do we now."
And then, with regard to what was said aboutmy opinions being
noxious, mischievous, and injurious to society ; why, that is the common
cant indulged in by all counsellors since prosecution began. They tali

65
about opinions injurious to society, and then try to alarm you about your
property ; but they never tell you how dangerous and terrible it is to
have an ignorant population. No, this they keep in the back ground ;
they have but one song, and that is to the tune of " Danger ! Danger !
Beware of Innovation !" This, I repeat, is the common cant indulged
in by all those men who have, in all times past, resorted to the law to
put down freedom of opinion. When we hear of these opinions being
dangerous, and those opinions being dangerous, we cannot help thinking
that if some of those now in local authority had their way, there would
be very little sedition or blasphemy. No, gentlemen, they would cram
your dungeons with victims, and your scaffolds would be again stream
ing with blood. Yes, there are men in authority; or who, if not in
authority, would stand by those who are, and attempt to crush by brute
force the rising spirit of liberty. If any of you happen to be Chartists,
do you not know that the governing powers are opposed to all proceed
ings tending to enlighten the people, and that, if they could, they would
put down every Chartist in existence ? This bears upon«-my case, for
depend upon it — without any consideration as to the goodness or badness
of the opinion — that unless you put a bit in Tyranny's mouth it will
devour you all.
The learned counsel said, that if a man asserts his owii rights, he
should respect the rights of others. When did I ever, by word or deed,
violate the rights of others ? If he says, I write that which shocks' his
feelings, I say he writes that which shocks my feelings. If you say, I
put my opinions forward in an objectionable style, I say the same thing
of you ; and who is to decide between us ? I am sure that you, by your
verdict, will give the proper answer to that question, and teach the
learned gentleman, and those that are engaged with him, in an attempt to
put down opinion, that though they may, for the time, profit by ignorance,
this is a most dangerous game for them to play.
It was asked, by the learned counsel, whether we are to limit the injury
that may be done to society, to the employment of physical force ? I say,
no ; and I say, that if it could be clearly shown that it is better to stifle
inquiry and to crush opinion than permit them, then, I should say you
would be justified, on the principle of utility, in consigning me to a dun
geon. But there is not yet a particle of evidence that I have propounded
any opinions that are dangerous or injurious to society ; and you are to
give a verdict according to the evidence. It yet remains for the learned
gentleman to show that it would be better for society, that you should
consign me to a dungeon, than to leave me to the enjoyment cf that
liberty which is my right. I repeat what I before said, that if you have
a clergy receiving six millions a-year, it is the clergy's business so to
act upon the public mind, as to render it impregnable to error — so to
fortify it with truth, that error cannot enter it. Where is the fear ? As
Milton eloquently expresses himself :
"Though all the winds of doctrine were . let loose to play upon the
earth, so that Truth be in the field, we do injuriously by licensing and pro
hibiting to misdoubt her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple. Who
ever knew Truth put to the worst in a free and open encounter ? Her
refuting is the best and surest prohibiting." AVhy do you not act in the
spirit of wisdom which dictated this fine thought to the mind of Milton ?
Because you fear that your system will not stand the test of examination,
and think that the best way of arguing the question, is to send those
F

66
who differ from you to the fagot or the prison. If you say that putting
me in prison is not so bad as putting me on the fagot, I say that the
man who would send me to prison, because I differ from him in opinion,
acts upon the same principle as Bonner did, when, in Mary's reign, he
consigned men to the fagot, because they were not true Protestants.
The learned gentleman spoke of thieves and vagabonds — those poor
creatures who are made thieves and vagabonds by a bad system, and are
then punished by it, because they are thieves and vagabonds — he spoke
of those poor creatures as not capable of being kept in order without
the fear of hell being always before their eyes. But what would become
of society, if its order rested upon the fear of hell-fire ? Why, gentle-
men, it is the fear of the immediate punishment which the law denounces,
that represses crime, and not the fear of an hereafter. It may be an ele
ment, but it must be an unimportant one, in the consideration of those'
who abstain from violating the laws of society, that there is some place
of punishment to which men are amenable in the world to come. Yes;
we owe our safety to the efficacy of laws which, being rendered lesi
cruel, day by day, and hour by hour, command, more and more, the
moral feelings of society. The civilisation of nations may, always bg
known by the condition or character of their laws. If a nation's laws are
written in blood, be sure that the people are vicious and unhappy. If its
laws are mild and merciful, then its people are comparatively happy. I
need not add, that where law begins, liberty ends ; nevertheless, therl
must always be laws, unless, indeed, we may look forward to the period
when men shall be a law unto themselves.
The learned gentleman stated that the press required a curb, lest;(
should be made an instrument of wide-spread mischief. I have alreadi
alluded to the fallacy of this position ; it is just the sort of reason that
can be urged by any man, when he wants to do a glaring wrong. He)
says, let the press be perfectly free ; but let it have a curb. Why,
gentlemen, who ever heard of a free press with a curb ? No, gentle.;
men, if the learned counsel wishes to put down a corrupt press, it must
be by means of a free press. This should weigh with you ; that if you
want to put down bad opinions, it must be by the promulgation of good
opinions. This is the difference between us : he is not content with his right
to designate my opinions as bad, blasphemous, and wicked ; no, he must
have me here, and not content, even with that, he now insists upon your!
sending me to prison. He says, "respect my right:" I do; but he
does not respect mine. Suppose this— suppose that a sufficient number^*
(and I have a right to suppose it, for there is nothing like the argu-
menlum ad hominem, that is, bringing the matter home to ourselves,),'
suppose that a sufficient number of persons entertained the opinions that
I entertain, to give them a preponderance of power in society, and that
you were placed in this dock, before twelve men agreeing with me in
opinion/would you suppose it just or a right application of power— a"
right action in principle— if those twelve men were to proceed to condemn^
you, and to punish you for then holding the opinions which you now
hold ? Do you feel that they would be justified, as moral men or upon
any other ground, in torturing you, because you could not believe as
they believed ? And, my friends, this might happen— the disbelieved
might get the power. Bear this in mind, and do unto others as you
would that they should do unto you. If you do this, I know what ver
dict you will give — an unanimous one oT not guilty.

. 67
;: The learned gentleman has made one great admission, and I would
icall your attention to it. He has said that God requires no human
tribunals to vindicate his cause. Agreed. And he has further said, that
although God requires no such vindication of his cause, we are, never
theless, justified in publicly expressing our abhorrence of these opinions.
(Agreed again. He has a right to express his abhorrence of these
sopinions. Let him express that abhorrence to his heart's content. He
Imay expatiate upon the evils which would result to society from the
^adoption of my opinions; but do not fail to bear this in mind, that ex-
tpression is one thing, and persecution another. He has a right to declare
:my opinions to be bad, but it is another thing to torture my body, be
cause I hold those opinions. Let him, then, consider, that while I grant
that he should to the full have — as every man should have — the right
(to express his abhorrence, or his acquiescence in any opinion, he has no
right to use carnal weapons, when he should use spiritual ones. If God
requires no human tribunal to vindicate his cause — surely, when the name
of God is thus introduced, it must amount to something like blasphemy, if
there can be such a thing ; for it is the name of God put forth to furnish
something like a rational reason for consigning me to a dungeon, and did
I, believe in a God, I could not believe that he loved to torture any one
of his creatures ; — but the learned counsel says, the almighty does not
irequire human tribunals to vindicate his cause —
, Recorder. — Defendant, it is my duty to stop you, and to state to you,
that the statement upon which you remark was not the statement of the
learned counsel, but of one of the most learned and exemplary judges
that ever sat upon the bench — Mr. Justice Ashurst. The learned gentle
man did not use the name of God as a basis on which any human judg
ment is to be built, and I will not allow you to go on with such an
argument. Defendant. — I thought, my lord, that the learned gentleman, having
adopted the argument, left me at full liberty to comment upon it.
Recorder. — What fell from him was an extract from the address of
Mr. Justice Ashurst.
Defendant. — Your lordship says it is not legitimate for me to pro
ceed in this course. I was not aware that there was anything wrong in
what I was saying. I spoke with emphasis, and perhaps with some
degree of warmth ; but I do not know that I said anything that was
derogatory either to the court, or to the character of Mr. Justice Ashurst.
As your lordship, however, has said that you cannot allow me to pursue
this argument, I will pass it over, for I am not desirous of saying any
thing that may outrage the feelings of any man.
The learned gentleman stated, that we spoke now — meaning the Chris
tian world — under the sanction of an oath, but that a denial of religion,
or of the existence of a God, would destroy this, that is, the sanction of
an oath. I will venture to assert that it will be a very excellent thing for
society, when fewer oaths are taken, and fewer violated, than at present.
My opinion is, that a man's word, without an oath, should be his bond.
A simple yea, or nay, should in all cases — and it would in a healthy state
of society — be as binding upon him who used it as an oath. It may be true,
therefore, that the prevalence of my opinions would tend to destroy the
sacredness of an oath ; but it would not tend to destroy the word of an
honest man. Gentlemen, I wilb venture to say that you are "acquainted
P 2

68
with men who, should they swear, even by all sorts of oaths, would not
obtain credit with you; whereas, you know other men of such a high sense
of morality, that, if they only said such a thing shall be, they would
induce you to repose upon it, with as much confidence as if it were done,
I have many friends, who, like myself, are without the fear of future
punishment ; yet, if they tell me anything, I always rely upon them
better than I can upon myself. If this be acknowledged, it leads to
very important considerations. If it be acknowledged that there are
good moral men, who are not moved by the principle of fear, but of
love— men who discharge the legitimate duties of humanity, then you
have to consider, that although religion may sometimes be important, it
is not essential in a commonwealth. Let me take an example, that of
the noble and truth-loving Regulus, who preferred truth and duty to liberty
and life. You recollect, no doubt, that while Regulus, after having been
taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, was lying in his dungeon, the Car.
thaginian authorities, wishing to establish peace with the Romans, set
him at liberty, and sent him on a mission to Rome, promising him that
if he prevailed upon the Roman people not to continue the war, his life
should be spared. Regulus went to Rome, but his love of truth, and
his love of country, impelled him to urge upon the Romans the necessity
of prosecuting the war with increased vigour ; and, having succeeded in
1 this, he returned to Carthage. He had tacitly accepted his liberty,
I upon a condition which was incompatible with the' love of his country,
and he preferred to die rather than forfeit his word. Thus perished
Regulus, not a Christian, but a moralist. He died,' rather than tell a lie,
I Would you take fifty oath-takers' words, rather than the wor& of
\ Regulus? ;
' The learned counsel, after stating that the sacredness of an oath would be
destroyed by allowing such opinions as mine to be freely circulated, seemed
suddenly to remember that there was a Quaker in the jury-box — a man
belonging to a sect which suffered much more than I can suffer for con
science-sake — who refused, conscientiously, to take aii oath. And there
is hot an enlightened Quaker in existence who does not know that the sys
tem of oath-taking is an abomination, and refuses to submit to it, because,
in addition to this, it is prohibited in Scripture. And, if I may say so
much, I would remind the jury of the men, aye, and of the women,
whom they have seen during the sitting of this court taking oaths in that
witness-box, and ask them, where is the sacredness of an oath ? You
have seen people jump up there, without even the external show of
decency, and swear that they would speak the truth, although they
immediately afterwards proceeded point-blank to contradict one another.
Every gentleman must be impressed with the conviction, that when we
become more moral than we are now, there will be no oaths taken in
society. The learned gentleman dwelt with great effect on attacks upon
religion destroying respect for the law, which, the more it is known, the
more it must be admired. The learned gentleman is a lawyer, and he is,
of course, much better able to judge than I am of what the law is ; but
I may be permitted to say, that it has been thought that law and law-
courts are only pit-falls, into which the unwary tumble. Who does not
know, that the payment of five guineas will make a criminal to-day, and
the like payment, an honest man to-morrow ? But while I admit that

69
the law may be very good, I do not admit that the more a man reflects
and inquires into religious opinions, the less likely he is to obey the law.
I will venture to say that the learned gentleman has not more respect
for the law or for those who administer it, than I have ; and I would
rather that my tongue should blister than wag disrespectfully of the
judge or of you. Why do I respect the law ? Because I feel, as you
must, that without law no society could exist. If I could suppose a
nation of perfect beings, then I can suppose a case in which there would
be no necessity for law; but perfection is a chimera. We may progress,
but to suppose that men will become something more than angels, is
absurd. Though not men of wisdom, there are very good men who
believe otherwise ; but, my friends, there is something in the very nature
of man that has a tendency to error. I say that I agree with the learned
gentleman that the law should be supported ;" and he misled you, when
he represented that I desired to violate • the law, or to withdraw from
society those influences which are necessary for its' preservation and im
provement. I must again call your attention to the conduct of juries. The learned
gentleman said, that I had spoken of trial by jury, in a case like this, as
of a farce, which might be called " Killing no Murder." Gentlemen, I
offer no disrespect to you, but my experience has taught me, that juries
have very often sacrificed the liberties of their country — that they have
often been led by bad judges, and have given way to motives that were
not good. You see that whatever may be said against my prudence, not
much can be said against my honesty. I knew well when I wrote that
sentence about trial by jury, that it would be read here ; so that if it is
to be taken as proof of anything, it is to be taken, I say, as proof of my
honesty. My convictions were, that seeing the prejudice which had
been excited against me, by fanatics and ill-disposed men, it was about a
hundred to one that you would be prejudiced, and find me guilty. And
had such been the case, I should not have been very wrong in speaking
of you in the terms which I then employed.
Allusion was made by the learned gentleman, to the passage in the
Oracle of Reason, and it was dwelt upon by him — to the effect, that
whether I was consigned to a dungeon or a tomb — the Oracle would
still continue to speak. And, gentlemen, I should deceive you, if I told
you anything else. The Oracle of Reason will be published, for I have
many friends, more determined, perhaps, than I am, who having put their
hand to the plough, will not look back. They think that the business of
authority is, not to crush error by law, but by well educating the
people, to put down false opinions.
I have thus run through the speech of the learned gentleman, omitting
only two points — that which he said with regard to the Bible and with
regard to the effects of Christianity ; and here I am fortified with very
excellent authority. I will just read to you a passage from a pamphlet
which I hold in my hand, written by AVilberforce — a name which,
when heard, must inspire feelings of the deepest respect ; for he was, if
there ever was one, a practical Christian. 1 feel assured that whatever
comes from such a man, will have great weight with you. The learned
gentleman spoke of the effects of Christianity. I am agreed with him,
that — to use scriptural language — the tree should be judged by its fruits.
And if Christianity is a tree which has produced what he says it has

70
produced, and will produce what he predicts, then, I would rather suffei
death than speak anything against it. But you will see what has besj
the practical results of Christianity, as shown in the conduct ot many of
its professors. The language of Mr. Wilberforce is very guarded ; but
it is on that account the more cutting. He says,
" It seems in our days to be the commonly "received opinion, that
provided a man admit in general terms the truth of Christianity, though
he neither know nor consider much concerning the particulars of the
system, and if he be not habitually guilty of any of the grosser vices
against his fellow-creatures, we have no great reason to be dissatisfie.|
with him, or to question the validity of his claim to the name and privi
leges of a Christian. The title implies no more than a sort of formal,
general, assent to Christianity in the gross, and a degree of morality in
practice, little, if at all, superior to that for which we look in a good
Deist, Mussulman, or Hindoo. Should any be disposed to deny that
this is a fair representation of the religion of the bulk of the Christian
world, they might be asked, whether, if it were proved to them beyond
dispute, that Christianity is a mere forgery, this would qccasion any
great change in their conduct or habit of mind? Would any alteration :
be made in consequence of tl}is discovery, except in a few of their.
speculative opinions, which, when distinct from practice, it is a part pf
their own system to think of little consequence ; and with regard iq
public worship (knowing the good effects of religion upon the loyitej;,
orders of people), they might still think it better to attend occasionally,
for example's sake ? Ayould not a regard for their character, their health,
their domestic and social comforts still continue to restrain them from
vicious excesses, and prompt them to persist in the discharge, according
to their present measure, of the various duties of their stations ? Wou,lfl|
they find themselves dispossessed of what had been to them, hitherto,,)
the repository of counsel and instruction, the rule of their conduct, the,
source of their peace, hope, and consolation ? It were needless t,p puj;
these. They are answered, in fact, by the lives of many known nube*.,
lievers, between whom and these professed Christians, even the familiar
associates of both, though men of discernment and observation, would
discover little difference, either in conduct of temper or of mind. How
little, then does Christianity deserve that title to novelty and superiority
which has been almost universally admitted — that pre-eminence as a
practical code, over all other systems of ethics ! How unmerited are
the praises which have been lavished upon, it by its friends — praises in
which even its enemies (not in general disposed to make concessions in
its favour) have so often been unwarily drawn in to acquiesce !"
I maintain, that nothing I could say, if I spoke till the next flood,
could show more clearly and completely, that Christianity, as a practical
code, does not deserve the praises that have been lavished upon it  that
have been lavished upon it, as he observes, even by its opponents. So
you perceive that Wilberforce, himself a practical Christian, states ex
plicitly, that Christianity is a very imperfect moral code. Again, he
says —
" As there is a sober sensuality, so there is a sober avarice, and a
sober ambition. The commercial and the professional world compose'

71
the chief sphere of .their influence. They are often recognised, and
openly avowed as just master-principles of action. But where this is not
the case, they assume such plausible shapes, are called by such specious
names, and urge such powerful pleas, that they are received with cordi
ality, and are suffered to gather strength without suspicion. The seducing
considerations of diligence in our callings, of success in our profession,
of making handsome provisions for our children, beguile our better
judgments. 'We rise early, and late take rest, and eat the bread of
carefulness.' In our few intervals of leisure, our exhausted spirits require
refreshments ; the serious concerns of our immortal souls are specula
tions too grave and gloomy to answer the purpose ; and we fly to some
thing that may better deserve the name of relaxation, till we are again
summoned to the daily labours of our employment."
Gentlemen, as it is a principle with me, that when the nail is driven
home, all after-blows tend only to loosen it, I shall say not a word more
upon this point. Let it be remembered, that Wilberforce was an
enlightened patriot, a great, and a good man, who desired that Christi
anity should be applauded.
I have now to call your attention to what you will conceive to be of
prime importance — what, indeed, may properly be called the leading
feature of this trial ; I allude to what you will call, and perhaps justly,
the rash manner — the absurd manner, perhaps I may say — in which I
have written the article headed, " The Jew Book." That article has been
found fault with, because its was conceived, that though it might be true,
it was not written in a right style — that the proper spirit was not manifest
in it; and there are many friends to free inquiry who were shocked to
see opinions, which, in themselves, might be true and useful, put forward
in so objectionable a manner. But, gentlemen, you have no more right to
persecute a man because his style is not proper, than you have to perse
cute a -man because his features are not in proper style ; and you will
admit, that to persecute a man because he is an ugly man, would be a
very ugly thing. Speaking of style, it is obvious to remark, that it is all
matter of taste, and I am sure you would say so, if you were to look into
our old English writers. It generally happens that the people who are
shocked with the style of a writer are men of corrupt ideas. In the old
English writers, you will find a roughness combined with their reasoning,
which makes it very pleasant. But I will not distract your attention by
too many subjects; I will come at once to an authority which you will
immediately recognise — an authority which you will deem all-sufficient
— for I am supposing you to be Protestants, and though you may differ
as to the character of the man whom I am going to quote, you will
agree with me, that he was a man of extraordinary character — I mean
Martin Luther ; and though he was not the man who first put the prin
ciple of the Reformation in motion, he has, nevertheless, great claims on
the admiration of the Protestant world. He was one of those powerful
spirits who seem born to regenerate society. What did Martin Luther
say ? What has he taught me to do ? Why, he has taught me to state
all the truth — to state it boldly, and to conceal nothing. He says,
"lam for tearing off every mask, for managing nothing, for extenu
ating nothing, for shutting the eyes to nothing, that truth may be
transparent and unadulterated, and may have a free course."

72
' Gentlemen, that is a splendid passage, and that is just my principle. 1
I am for tearing off every mask ; and I shall be borne out by the juage ]
on the bench, and by the jury, in saying, that there are passages in the
works of that great reformer, which it would not be consistent with the
rules of propriety for me to read in this court— that there are passages
which would be considered indecent ; and if I were to attempt to read
them, his lordship would, probably, stop me, and say they are not fit to
be read here, as they tend to shock public decency.
I shall now proceed to give you the language of the celebrated Burke,
in speaking of the Bible — a man who was the most extraordinary orator
of his own or of any other times — and when I speak of a great orator, I
speak of a man who writes in himself almost every species of learning,
as well as the highest order of intellect. Gentlemen, listen to the senti
ments of Burke, who knew the Bible well. He says,
" The Scripture is no one summary of doctrine regularly digested, in
which a man could not mistake his way. It is a most venerable, but
most multifarious, collection of the records of the divine economy— a
collection of an infinite variety of cosmogony, theology, history, prophecy,
psalmady, morality, apologues, allegory, legislation, ethics, carried.
through different books, by different authors, at different ages, for
different ends and purposes."
AA'hy, a more important extract could not be read. We here have it
on the authority of Burke, that the Bible is no summary of doctrine— j
that it is not regularly digested — that it is not a book in which a man
trying to search his way, could find his way — that it is a collection of an
infinite variety of cosmogony, theology, history, biography, doctrine,
morality; that it is. in one word, a merely human production, written
by different men, at different times, for different ends and purposes.
It will be observed, that, with the exception of one or two quotations,
all I have yet made, have been from men who were Christians, and who '
aided Christianity according to their ability. I have not drawn the
opinions I read to you from heterodox sources, but from the highest
authority on the religious side of the question ; so that no one can say I
have been dealing unfairly with the subject. I have here the opinion,
pithily set forth, of the present Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. WThately,
known to be a man of first-rate ability, and I do not know of the slightest
whisper against his orthodoxy. He is admitted to be, not only an elo-'
quent writer, but also a sound and learned divine. He says,
" God has not revealed to us a system of morality, such as would have
been needed for a being who had no other means of distinguishing right
and wrong. On the contrary, the inculcation of virtue and reprobation.
of vice, in Scripture, are in such a tone as seems to presuppose a natural
power, or a capacity for acquiring the power, to distinguish them. And
if a man, denying or renouncing all claims of natural conscience, should
practice without sample everything he did not find expressly forbidden in
Scripture, and think himself not bound to do anything that is not there
expressly enjoined, exclaiming, at every turn —
' Is it so nominated in the Bond V
he would be leading a life very unlike what a Christian's should be,
Since, then, we are bound to use our natural faculties in the search after

73
all truth, that is within the reach of those faculties, most especially ought
we to try, by their own proper evidence, questions which form no part
of revelation, properly so called, but which are incidentally alluded to in
the sacred writings. If we appeal to the Scriptures on any such points,
it should be merely as to an ancient book, not in reference to their sacred
character ; in short, not as Scripture."
•He is speaking of the Bible, and he says — " if we appeal to the Scrip
tures on any such points, it should be merely as to an ancient book." He
says, that our natural faculties are sufficient to discern the truth, and
that if we appeal to the Scripture, we should appeal to it as to an
ancient book. That is precisely the position I wish to prove. If you
are reasonable men — if you are Protestant Christians, then I say that in
looking into the book, the sacred book, as you consider it, you have a
right to use your reason — to consider it as a book made up, as Burke
says, of an infinite variety of cosmogony, theology, history, doctrine,
biography, and various other matters.
While upon this part of the question, I cannot forbear quoting from a
work written by the Rev. Adam Sedgwick, of the "University of Cam
bridge, who says,
" A Brahmin crushed with a stone the microscope that first showed
him living things among the vegetables of his daily food. The spirit of
the Brahmin lives in Christendom. The bad principles of our nature
are not bounded by caste or climate ; and men are still to be found, who,
if not restrained by the wise and humane laws of their country, would
try to stifle, by personal violence, and crush by brute force, every truth
not hatched among their own conceits, and confined within the narrow
fences of their own ignorance."
This shows to you how necessary it is that you should destroy those
bad Brahminical principles-:— that you should not be confined in your ideas,
and not be ready at all times and seasons to destroy that truth which may
happen not to be hatched in your own conceits. If this were the case,
we should hear no more of such prosecutions as these.
I have now to call your attention to the opinion of a man, not deemed
orthodox by you, but who was, in the estimation of Doctor Blair, one of
the most moral and philosophical of poets — Voltaire. It may be thought
strange that Voltaire, who has such a character for infidelity, shouldvbe
spoken of by Blair, as the most moral and religious of all tragic poets.
But so it is; and therefore you will deem his testimony to be of some
weight. Voltaire's opinion is quoted in the article on " the Jew Book,"
as it is called. I will read it to you, that you may judge whether
anything in that article is stronger, more powerful, or so strong and
powerful, as what he says in a pamphlet on the authenticity of the Scrip
tures. This is what Voltaire says,
" These tales have been written by fools" —
Mr. Smith here rose, and said he must really now interfere. The
defendant thought fit to meet the charge preferred against him, by
reading these exceptionable books. He was now going to read from
Voltaire, blasphemies, perhaps, very much like his own. He (Mr. Smith)
wished to know whether the court would permit this ?
The Recorder said, I have once interposed already, where the matter

74
the defendant was urging was obviously improper. If the passage in
Voltaire is an attack on the Bible, I shall certainly stop the reading ot it.
If it was even the passage of a writer m this countiy, I should stop it ;
and certainly we are not to have the opinions of Voltaire read, where
they are of a nature that would not be tolerated, if from an English
author. That would be making this trial a vehicle for diffusing the
Atheistical opinion of other men, and not of deciding upon the charge
before us. ¦
The Defendant said, my lord, I was about to quote a passage which I
deem to be of some importance to my defence. I wish to convince the
jury, that a man of undoubted talent— one like Voltaire— who, in poetry
and history, has taken so high a rank among the great men of the earth ;
I wanted to show the jury that men of undoubted talent had said quite
as strong things as I have said, or ever could say ; and though this may
not, perhaps, be admitted as any reason why I should say strong things,
yet you must acknowledge, that if some of the finest writers do give
vent to what the learned counsel has stated to be blasphemy, it becomes
necessary that you should consider more deeply than you have, perhaps,
been accustomed to do, what blasphemy is ; and whether it may not be
a good thing. You are to determine according to the evidence, and how
can you do so, if I am thus to be stopped by the learned counsel ?
Recorder. — Your argument is, that men of talent have been Atheists;
but I will not let you read the speeches of Atheists in the French conven
tion. I did not stop you in any argument, nor did the learned counseL
He stopped you, as it was his duty to do, when you were about to read
from an Atheistical writer, in defence of your own Atheistical publi
cations. Defendant. — I shall not persevere, my lord. But I have now an
authority which none here will object to — an authority of no less a per
sonage than Richard Lalor Sheil, an ex-vice-president of the board of
trade. Mr. Sheil is a Roman Catholic (for the Roman Catholics are nowf
permitted to hold office), I am about to read from his speech de
livered in Ireland, just before the discussion which took place on the
relative merits of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, between Pope
and Maguire. He says —
" The Bible contains tales of atrocity at which human nature shudders.
Part of the holy writings consists of history, and of the narration of facts
of a kind that cannot be mentioned in the presence of a virtuous woman,
without exciting horror. Should a woman be permitted to read in her
chamber, what she would tremble to hear at her domestic board?
Should she con over and resolve, what she would rather die than utter ?"
It is for you to say, whether a book which contains details of atrocity
at which human nature shudders, is a book that should be put into the
hands of your children. It is for you to say, whether you would allow
your daughters to read those passages in a book, which, after having read,
they would rather die than utter. It is for you to determine, not less
than this, whether a man is immoral, because he points out this fact.
Gentlemen, I will go so far as to say, that I do not believe there is a
single man connected with the church, or a dissenter, who would venture
to read to his own family, the tales that are to be found in the Bible.
But I have another authority on this subject — a catholic authority —
and one so much to the point, that I feel sure the reading of it will

75
effectually and for ever settle the question. During the fifth day's discus
sion between the Rev. Mr. Gregg and Mr. Maguire, the latter thus
appealed to the former,
" I beg of you not to continue such a practice ; it is disreputable. I
will ask the Rev. Mr. Gregg a question, and I beg of you, my brethren
of the Protestant church, to bear this in mind. I will ask him, if he dare
to take up the Bible, and read from the Book of Genesis, the fact of
Onias. I ask him, will he read that ? Will he read the fact relative to
Lot and his two daughters? Will he read those, and many other passages
which I can point out to him in the Holy Bible, which 1 would not
take one thousand guineas, nay, all the money in the world, and read
here to-day ?"
And, gentlemen, if a Christian — a Catholic Christian — says, at a public
meeting, that there are passages in the Bible of so indecent a nature — of
so outrageous a nature, as necessarily to wound the moral feelings of all
who hear them ; if there are passages of such a nature in that book,
that he would not, for all the money in the world, read them in an open
assembly, why am I placed here to-day, to answer to the charge of
having spoken of that book in depreciatory language ? If what I have
read to you could be stated by a Christian minister, at a public meeting,
I do say that it is both cruel and unjust for me to be placed here, for
having used language less strong than that is.
But it may be said, that I am not to be permitted to revile the Bible ;
that, although I may be permitted to use strong language, I cannot be
allowed to be witty at the expense of that which is held to be sacred. I
will grant, for the sake of argument, that it is not right to do this ; yet,
I will show you, that you, as Christians, ought not to persecute me on
that account. I will show you, that, in the early ages of the church, the
Christians were persecuted not so much on account of their own opinions
and practices, as because they openly reviled the religion of the Roman
empire ; and if I can show you that, I cannot see how you who admire'
the early Christians, can punish me for doing that which you admire in
them. Cecilius, the heathen, in Minutius Fcelix, accuses the Christians
of being " a desperate, undone,' and unlawful faction, which, by way of
contempt, did sniff and spit at the mention of their (the Roman) gods,
deride their worship, scoff at their priests, and despise their temples; as
no better than charnel-houses, and heaps of bones and ashes of the dead ;
for these, and such like reasons, the Christians were everywhere accounteii-
a pack of Atheists, aiid their religion the Atheism: seldom it is that:
Juliatt, the emperor, calls it by any other name."
" But if there are found some passages which excite laughter," says
Du Pin', " 'tis because the. very subject causes it. There are many things
which deserve to be jeered arid ridiculed at this rate, but if we should
confute them seriously, we should seem to lay too great stress upon them-
Nothing is more due to' vanity than laughter, and to laugh does properly
belong to the truth, because it is pleasant ; and to sport with its enemies,
because it is pertain of its victory."
Here, a great ecclesiastical writer says, that it is good to sport with the
opinions of cither irien, when those opinions1 are so absurd as to provoke
laughter. I am only stating that thede were the opinions held by the first
Chrislaansj and it is~ for'; you to judge whether you can be justified ip.

76
consigning me to a prison, for only doing, with regard to the present
religion, what the early Christians did with regard to the Roman religion !
It is in vain to tell me, that your's is the real religion, and that the Roman
religion was a false one, for that would be begging the whole question.
Mr. Smith rose and said, he regretted that he should again feel it
necessary to interfere with the course which the defendant was taking,
but he must do so, and appeal to the rules which govern the administra
tion of justice, to determine whether the defendant was to be allowed
to carry on a discussion, as to the truth or falsehood of the Christian
religion? The Recorder said, he could not at present decide whether the de
fendant was so doing : undoubtedly, he would stop him, if he attempted
to disprove the truth of Christianity.
The Defendant resumed — My lord, I was only intending to show the
jury, that the early Christians were accused of the very same offence as
that of which I am accused. I will now read from Mosheim ; and the
learned counsel cannot object to such authority as that, however much
it may tell against him. Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, is a work
referred to by the most eminent Christians, he being thought to be one
of the pillars of the church, and a writer who has contributed eminently
to the advancement of Christianity. He says,
" Before I proceed further in this part of the history, a very natural
curiosity calls us to inquire, how it happened that the Romans, who were
troublesome to no nation on account of their religion, and who suffered,
even the Jews to live under their own laws, and follow their own method
of religion, treated the Christians alone with such severity ? This im
portant question seems still more difficult to be solved, when we consider,
that the excellent nature of the Christian religion, and its admirable
tendency to promote both the public welfare of the state, and the private:;
felicity of the individual, entitled it in a singular manner to the favour
and protection of the reigning powers. One of the principal reasons of
the severity with which the Romans persecuted the Christians, notwith
standing these considerations, seems to have been, the abhorrence and
contempt with which the latter regarded the religion of the empire, which
was intimately connected with the form, and, indeed, with the very
essence of its political constitution. For, though the Romans gave an
unlimited toleration to all religions which had nothing in their tenets
dangerous to the commonwealth, yet they would not permit that of their
ancestors, which was established by the laws of the state, to be turned .
into derision, nor the people to be driven away from their attachment to
it. These, however, were the two things which the Christians were
charged with, and that justly, though to their honour. They dared to ,
ridicule the absurdities of the Pagan superstition, and they were ardent'
and assiduous in gaining proselytes to the truth. Nor did they only
attack the religion of Rome, but also all the different shapes and forms
under which superstition appeared in the various countries where they
exercised their ministry. From thence the Romans concluded, that the
Christian sect was not only unsupportably daring and arrogant; but,
moreover, an enemy to the public tranquility, and every , way proper to
excite civil wars and commotions in the empire.
" It is, probably, on this account, that Tacitus reproaches them with the
odious character of haters of mankind, and styles the religion of Jesus

77
a destructive SUPERSTITION ; and that Suetonius speaks of the Christians, 1
and their doctrine, in terms of the same kind." I
So you perceive that the Christians were charged with turning the
gods and systems of religion into ridicule ; and Mosheim says that they
were charged justly with this, though to their honour. That is, it was
honourable in them to scoff at the gods held sacred at Rome, and at
those institutions which were thought to be necessary to the well-being
of the commonwealth.
That is the only paragraph with which I will trouble you, by way of
authority, although I could have found fifty or sixty additional, which
would equally have served my cause. I shall now, after having shown
you, as far as the learned judge would permit me, the opinions of learned
men as to the Scriptures, proceed to show you, that putting the scriptures
into ignorant men's hands is the cause of many evils, and leads to
numerous crimes.
In past times we have seen men who played all sorts of pranks in the
name of religion ; so far so, that if any men should have been locked up
they should, because they were evidently mad. I will read to you an
account of one of these fanatics. The writer says,
" The authority of the apostles themselves could not prevent some
of the first Christians from ' wresting the Scriptures to their own
destruction.' The first centuries of the Christian era present to our
view the endless contentions of rival sects, professing to derive their
respective opinions from the sources of holy writ. These controversies
were maintained, both parties appealing to the Scriptures, with equal con
fidence, till papal Rome, in the plenitude of her power, produced an
apparent conformity of sentiment, by suppressing all discussion : but, after
the trumpet of Reformation sounded in the ear of Europe, and men reflect
ed with shame and surprise on the degrading servitude which had chained
"down their understandings for so many ages, the mind, recovering its
energies, and rallying its powers, dared once more to think and to reason.
The spirit of papal usurpation fled before the dawn of returning light —
the Bible re-appeared, and resumed its authority over the consciences of
Christians. In opposition to the church of Rome, the first reformers
loudly and justly asserted the right of private judgment, in expounding
the Scriptures. Duly understood, there is no right more certain than
this ; but anxious to emancipate the people from the authority of the
Roman pontiff, they proclaimed it without explanation or restriction, and
the consequences were dreadful.
" The private judgment of Munzer discovered in the Scriptures, that
titles of nobility and large estates were ' impious encroachments on the
natural equality of the faithful,' and invited his followers ' to examine
the Scriptures, whether these things were so.' They examined — praised
God — and proceeded with fire and sword to the extirpation of the
ungodly, and the seizure of their property. Private judgment, also,
thought it discovered in the Bible, that established laws were ' standing
restraints on Christian liberty ;' that the ' elect of God were incapable
of sinning,' and may innocently obey all the propensities of their
nature. " John of Leyden, laying down his thimble, and taking up his Bible,
surprised the city of Munster, at the head of a rabble of frantic
enthusiasts, proclaimed himself ' King of Zion,' and ran naked through

7fe
the streets, vociferating, that ' whatever was highest on earth should be
brought low, and whatever was lowest should be exalted.' To keep his V
word he made the common . executioner his minister of state, and the I
minister of state his common executioner. Improving on the example of
the patriarchs, he 'took unto him' fourteen wives at once, affirming,
that 'polygamy was Christian liberty, and the privilege of the saints.'
" But if the flagitious madness of foreign peasants, interpreting the
Bible for themselves, be afflicting to the friends of humanity and ratiohal
piety, the history of England, during a considerable part of the seven
teenth century, offers little to console them. In that place and period
countless enthusiasts sprung up successively and contemporaneously,
endued with extravagant doctrines and noxious propensities, in various
degrees, from the wild ravings of Fox to the methodical madness of
Barclay, from the formidable fanaticism of Cromwell to the drivelling
impiety of Praise-God-Barebones. Piety, reason, and common sense,
seemed to be driven from the world to make room for canting jargon
religious frenzy, and fiery zeal. All quoted Scripture, all made preten
sions to illuminations, visions, revelations, and illapses of the Spirit, and
the pretensions of all were equally well-founded.
" The expediency of abolishing the clerical and regal functions were
strenuously maintained ; ' priests being the servants of Satan, kings the
delegates of the whore of Babylon, and the offices of both inconsistent
with the kingdom of the Redeemer.' Convinced that intellectual im
provement is the greatest enemy to fanaticism and religious imposture,
the ruling zealots denounced learning as ' an heathenish invention,' and
the ' universities as seminaries of anti-Christian impiety.' The sanctity
of his office was no protection to the prelate ; the sacredness of majesty i
no defence to the king: both were scoffed at, denounced, and finally.
murdered by merciless fanatics, whose only book was the Bible, ' without
note or comment.'
" At this time prayer, and preaching, and reading the Scriptures, were
at their height : every man prayed : every man preached : every -man
read, and no man listened. In the religious drama, all were performers
— there was no audience. Scripture authority was pleaded for every
atrocity. The ordinary business of life was transacted in Scripture lan
guage. Words of high and sacred import were polluted by the vulgar
lips of ignorant enthusiasts. In Scripture phrase were discussed the
internal state of the nation, and its external relations. In the language
of Scripture, conspiracies were formed, proscriptions planned, treasons '
hatched, and by Scripture authorities they were not only justified, but
consecrated. ' To your tents, O Israel !' was the rebel war-whoop. The
rebel officer assured his men that, as 'dominion was founded in'grace,
the Lord would deliver the Philistines into their hands.' This harangue
was answered by the general shout — ' Let us follow our Joshua, and smite
the ungodly with the edge of the sword.' To make way for ' the king
dom of Christ,' the constitution was subverted, the church destroyed,
the throne overturned, and the whole frame and texture of society rent
and dissolved."
I hope, gentlemen, you will not consider that, upon the present occa
sion, I have wilfully trespassed upon your patience, or read one passage
more than I thought absolutely necessary for my defence ; and I should
wish you to bear in mind, that though it may tire your patience to sit

79
there an hour or two longer than usual, it will tire my patience still more
if you consign me to a dungeon. Therefore I wish you to be put into a
condition to judge — as I hope you will — by the consideration of all the
arguments I may employ, whether proceedings of this kind are not most
injurious to the cause of true religion and morality. I dare say I shall
be excused, if I mention that there is on the jury a quaker; and I rejoice
at it exceedingly, because I am satisfied that I shall show him, if I have
not already done so, that he cannot be a consistent quaker, and persecute
any living being for his opinion. I will show him what his forefathers
suffered for conscience sake. I will speak to him of times when non
conformists dare not, without risk of being hanged, come within five
miles of a corporation ; of a time when it was usual tp drag quakers,
jews, and others from their abodes!,' and to hang them up like dogs ; to
seize their property, and subject them to every description of suffering ;
and all this was done — all this persecution Set on foot — in order to pre
vent men from expressing their opinions. I will prove all this ; and I
would call that gentleman's attention more particularly to the opinions of
William'Howitt, who is a well known quaker of high repute, universally
respected for his talents, and who, from his youth up, has been one of
the most strenuous advocates for freedom of opinion. The passage I am
about to read, is from William Howitt's History of Priestcraft. He says,
" The history of the Society of Friends is full of the most singular
persecutions on the part of the clergy, and of the magistracy, incited by
them. The state clergy saw, that if this body succeeded, priestcraft was
gone for ever ; royalty, on its restoration, saw that it would lop off- the
right arm of despotism — a craft; paid to preach the divine right of kings/..
and passive obedience of the people. Seeing how a royal religion dis
turbed the church of Christ, and neutralised all its benign doctrines, they
determined, cost what it would, to hold no communion with it. They
would neither marry at its altars, nor bury in its soil ; and for this their
dead were torn out of their graves by the parish priests and their
minions ; and they were not only heavily fined and imprisoned for their
marrying, but their children were declared bastards. The whole, fury of
the executive power was let loose upon them. They were given. up a
prey to vindictive parsons, and ignorant, priest-ridden justices of the
peace ; and to the whole greedy race of informers, constables, and the
lowest of the rabble. In 1670, the king issued an order in council;
signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and thirteen others, command
ing Christopher Wren, Esq., to pull down their meeting-house at Horsley*
down, which was done, and the materials sold. The same was done to j
other meeting-houses. But the Friends still met on the ruins of thosej
places, where they were assailed by soldiers, who fell upon them with
the butt-end of their muskets, and maltreated them so dreadfully, that •
the blood lay in the streets, and several died in consequence. Old age\
was not spared ; the women in particular were treated with brutal inde
cency, and finally, all their places of worship were nailed up, and soldiers
set to keep them away. Nothing, however, could prevent them meeting ;
and often, especially all the hard winter of 1683, they collected in the
streets, and suffered incredible hardships from the cold, the-soldiers, and
the mob. They v*ere ruinously fined under Elizabeth's' statute of
£20 a month. Twenty-eight individuals alone paid £520 15s. 2d. Their
houses were broken open, without ceremony, with sledge-hammers and

80
screws, and their property plundered by wholesale, under the plea of
collecting tithes, church-rates, and fines for non-attendance at churcfl
One person declared, ' he would rather see all the Quakers hanged than
lose a sixpence by them.' For shillings they generally took pounds,
leaving, in many instances, not a tool or a piece of goods for a man to
work his farm with. This one specimen may serve as an illustration if
the general mode :
f The fines for non-attendance of church at Bristol, £8,360
f For 38 men, for eleven months - - - 220
j For two of their wives, for the same time - - 6,660
_- For 40 of their wives, for the same time - - 1 ;200 .„„
£16,440
" The amount of property taken from them for these fines, church.
rates, tithes, and some few military demands, but chiefly the former,
given in to the society, from 1655 to 1133, is £l, 192,820. Besides this,
a great quantity of property was given in with no value attached to it,
which, with the utter ruin of trade, and wanton destruction of the effects ;
of many families, cannot amount to less than one million and a half— it
sum which is still increasing, from distraints on this small society, at an
average of £14,000 a-year.
"These sufferings lasted for thirty years; and the simple, and mere
matter-of-fact recital of them, fills two thick folio volumes, containing
upwards of 1400 closely-printed pages. They consist of every imaging
able speeies of outrage and insult, petty vexation, and agonizing suffer,-;.
ing ; every species of legal and illegal plunder ; loss of estates, friends'"
liberty, and life itself; such as the same number of Englishmen scarcely
ever suffered, or suffered with such invincible firmness. In Londonf
they filled the prisons in suffocating crowds, where, in 1622, twenty
died, and seven more soon after their liberation, in consequence of their
treatment ; in 1664, twenty-five more, and in the following year fifty-
two others. Through the whole kingdom the same inhuman persecutions !
were practised ; and the number which perished under them was three^
hundred and sixty-nine." "<;
I will read another paragraph upon the same subject, from a report of
the discussion between Mr. Barker and Mr. Lloyd Jones. It is confir
matory of what is said by Howitt; but it relates to the Quakers of.
America. It is thus :
" In Boston, in 1656, the Puritans passed a law to banish from the
colony the followers of Penn, whereby it jvas enacted, that ' whosoever
of the inhabitants should, directly or indirectly, cause any of the
Quakers to come into that jurisdiction, he should forfeit £100 to the
country, and be committed to prison, there to remain till the penalty
should be satisfied; and whosoever should entertain them knowing
them to be so, should forfeit forty shillings to the country,' for every i
hour's entertainment, and be committed to prison till the forfeiture-
should be fully paid and satisfied. And, further, that all and every of
those people that .should arise amongst them there, should be dealt
withal and suffer the like punishment as the laws provided for those that
came m;viz.v that for the first offence, if a man, one of his ears should
be cut off, aruMie be kept at work in the house -of .correction as afore
said. If a. woman, then to be severely whipped, and kept as aforesaid

81
('well, for the first; and for the second offence, to be de dealt withall
'the first. And for the third, he or she should have their tongues bored
>ough with an hot iron, and be kept in the house of correction close at
!rk, till they be sent away at their own discharge."
I have now given you a plain and unvarnished account, not of my own,
t a plain and circumstantial account of the persecutions that have been
fered by the Quakers ; and there is not a gentleman present who will
t agree with me, that -the great reason why the Quakers are held to be
truly respectable, and have such influence in society is, that they
aiowledged principle, and held by i"t through good report, and through
1 report. I do no more than they did. I am just as honest as Fox or
jrin. Then how can a Quaker lay his hand on his heart, and consign
(i to a dungeon, for doing only that which his forefathers taught me to
,, so well ? He is no Quaker, or he will not do this.
f. have spoken of the persecutions as exhibited in various ages of the
;rld, but more especially as exemplified in the case of the Quakers ;
d might have spoken of the Unitarians, and of various classes of
(Ssenters, of the Jews and others, of the many atrocities committed on
jir persons by those who called themselves Christians, though not im-
,ed with the spirit of Jesus. I admit that they were but pretending
^practise Christianity, while they were practising the most enormous
A revolting cruelties on their fellow-creatures, because they did not
iee with them in opinion.
J will now read an extract from The Penny Magazine, under the
fiid Chubb, who was a Deistical writer, and an eminent critic :
if.' The Rev. W. Hoales., in his ' Memoirs of Mr. Chubb ; or a fuller and
#re faithful account of his Life, Writings, Character, and Death,' pub-
tlied in 1747, after asserting, without the slightest evidence, that Chubb
fs addicted to the most abominable, vices, declared that he would have
§ corpse, and that of every, similar sceptic, instead of being decently
dried, ' dragged by a halter round the neck to a gibbet, where the
ngman, after having cut out the heart, plucked out the tongue by the
Dts, and chopped off the right hand, should bum the whole in a fire
4de with the works which he wrote ; and his ashes being thrown into the
*, with execration and , contempt, would make all those who bow the
i.ee at the name of Jesus, lift up their hands with joy and great glad-\
88.'"
II •
,This spirit was manifested, by whom do you think ? By the Rev. Mr.
pales, a Christian minister of Winchester. He recommended that all
lis should be done, because Chubb did not agree with him in opinion.
pu will agree with me, that such a spirit as this is truly diabohcal, for if
{y thing can be said to be truly diabolic, it is the spirit of cruel perse -
ftion. As some wise men have said, there is no other devil than that
, the human heart ; and if there be one devil more ferocious than
;other, it is the spirit of, persecution. They thought they did God good
.rvice in persecuting their fellow-creatures ; forgetting that . other men
ive their rights ;as well as themselves ; that other men, may be,as sincere
(their opinions as they are. > I think I have now shown that' the, spirit
. persecution is .inimical. to the public weal, as well as to pubhcdibgrty.
;The learned counsel regretted that the, talents he credited mefor, should
j so misapplied, or perverted from their proper use ; for, said he, if the
G

82
defendant had rightly applied the talents he possesses, he might have
out a path for himself, much better for" his own interests than the one
has deliberately chosen. Gentlemen, how ought this to affect you?
it be true, it affords the clearest proof of my sincerity. It is the same
saying that I adhere to principle, above all things — that I proclaim wl
I deem to be great truths, not with a view to increase my fortune-^
to obtain the praises of the multitude — but with a view to the advaac
ment of the good and happiness of mankind. When you are consider
my intention, you will not consider merely whether I have put forwr
certain opinions, but whether I have put them forward with a wicked (
a good intention. And when you come to consider this, you will
overlook what the learned gentleman has said, as to what I might k
done for myself, had I preferred to do so. It is for you to look at tti|
Can you bring in a verdict, that I have published these opinions wittj
wicked intention, when I have, in so doing, sacrificed (according to til
learned gentleman's statement) such prospects in life ? It is stated I
the indictment that I published them scandalously, wickedly, and m
evil intent. That I utterly deny. I never did so. I never, in ll
whole course of my life, knowingly committed a wicked action : I therefore
with all the force I can, repudiate the charge. If, therefore, my pm
eutors could even define what blasphemy is, they would have a it
greater difficulty to achieve. They say that I have published blasphem
wickedly. Here, then, is the very gist or marrow of the question;!
you are bound to determine according to the evidence, whether I in
published anything wickedly, or with a view to injure society, and ova
turn the foundations of human morality.
I have not yet dwelt with any emphasis upon the obvious truth-
truth with which, if you are not yet acquainted, you have yet to be;
is, that all belief is the- result of human organism ; that a man cannot td
for example, when opening a book, for the first time, whether he sk
believe or disbelieve, agree or disagree, with the contents of it. K
man has power to believe at his will. No man can love at his will,
hate at his will. -These feelings are involuntary. Belief cannot
criminal, though it may be mistaken. If you do not understand this, jn
have not yet got to the a, b, c, of philosophy.
Though this may seem presumptuous, I trust it will be deemed a sufficia
excuse that, standing as I do here, and having thought, perhaps, moi
than others upon this subject, I may speak with more connaenfl
But, gentlemen, I am fortified by such men as Aristotle, Locke, Bara
and others. I am fortified by all these, not to speak of my own obsem
tion, that all human belief is a result, that man can no more regulate li
belief than he can the stars of heaven ; that man is obliged to beta
according to his organisation, and the circumstances by which he is a
rounded, from the time of his birth to the time he sinks into his gravi
What, then, do I find ? That a great sect is rising up in society, calk
Puseyites, who deplore, as many others do, that there should he «u
irreverence for the Scriptures, that there must be a great reform in tl
church ; that the teachers of religion must be much more reserved':
teaching of the Scriptures than they have been from the time of jl
Reformation. And if, from the revolution of 1688, you have been in ft
habit of thinking differently, you can scarce think that these are otta
than sincere men. They seem to me honestly to think that the M
being put into every man's hand, every man not being a competent judg

83
of jts contents, has been the cause of a great deal of evil. I will read to
you', from No .87 of Tracts for the Times, a very important passage :
" There is another point in which all dUe fear of God's awful presence
is lost, very far beyond what many are aware of, and that. is in iegaad for
the Holy Scripture. Some, indeed, who profess to uphold and value
them, in order to do so, depreciate the Apocryphal books, and all
others of less plenary inspiration, as if, by so doing, they were exalting
the Scriptures. But in, fact, they do but lower their own standard of
what is holy, and then lower the Scriptures also, to meet it. The effect,
also, of setting aside the Catholic Church, as the interpreter of Holy
Scripture, as if it needed none, is of the same kind; it, incalculably
lowers the reverence for Scripture, by making it subject to the individual
judgment." This is tolerably plain, and there are many alarmists amdhgst the
religionists, who hold that these views are exceedingly dangerous ; as it is
by no means impossible that the Puseyites will merge into the Roman
Catholic Church, seeing that they both agree in this, that it is not good
that the people should examine the Scriptures. Good Protestants think
otherwise. Here is, therefore, a bone of contention, which makes good my
observation as to the danger which you yourselves run, if you sacrifice me.
If the Puseyites and the Roman Catholics should join, and get into power,.
I do not expect the stars to fall, but this is possible ; and it there
fore becomes you to look about you. The principle of Catholicism and
the principle of Protestantism are irreconcileable. That I may not mis
represent these opinions, I would just; read to you what they say, very
lately (for though in a difficult position, wishing to run with the hare,,
and hold with the hounds, that is, not wishing to shock public prejudice,,
or what is called such, they have said some very striking things); I
would just read to you what they have said when speaking of the
Reformation. i " Not to adduce other proofs of this, we have the memorable one in this
country, when there broke in upon us an age, which has been well called
one of ' light, but not of love ;' when the knowledge of divine truths
was forced upon men of corrupt lives, and put forward without their
sacred reserve. The consequence of this indelicate exposure of religion
was the perpetration of crime, almost unequalled in the annals, of the
world." Elsewhere, speaking of the present time, they say,
" There seems also an impatience at any book being held back from'
any person, as too high and sacred for them; it is a thing not understood.
And so far from its being considered- necessary to keep persons from
church on account of irreligious lives, it is usually thought that every-- .
thing is done if they can' be brought to it. /There is also an inclination'.
to put aside the Old Testament, for the more" exclusive use of the gospel
itself, which is contained In"itT~^And, indeed, full statements of rehgious
truth have been thougJifc-so"Becessary, as to have produced ways of
thinking often unnatural."
They seem to understand very well that a great change has come over1'
the spirit of the national dream ; they seem to understand that the
school-master has been abroad, and not only so, but that he has again
e 2

84
come home ; they seem to think that the Bible should be protected from
those whose education will not enable them to exercise the right of
private judgment, with advantage to themselves and to the common
wealth. They say,
" When we lift up our eyes upon the present state of the world, an
extraordinary aspect of things meets our view. The knowledge of God,
hastening to cover the earth, as the waters cover the sea ; and a remark
able combination of circumstances at work, to produce effects the oppo-
site of what has been hitherto witnessed in the world. The art of
printing bringing home this knowledge to all ; the means which Provi
dence has formerly allowed to hide it, not only from the heathen and the
Jew, but from the Christian (by a mysterious economy which has been
long permitted in the Church of Rome), we see now removed ; men of
various creeds, opposed in principle and opposed in discipline, we might
almost say, Christians and unbelievers, combining together in the circu
lation of the Scriptures. Add to this, preachers and teachers of various
parties and from various motives, all busily engaged in imparting reli
gious instruction. Schools, moreover, and many on an extensive national
system. Churches and altars thrown open to all, from the loss of church
discipline ; and, what is worthy of notice, Christianity acknowledged as
true by persons of the worst principles."
Here is what is indeed worthy of notice — that Christianity is professed
by men of the very worst principles ; by men who, by their advocacy,
would disgrace any cause. Yes, Christianity is wounded in its vital parts
by those who pretend to protect it.
These are high authorities — as to their learning, at all events — and*
they are worthy; therefore, of your serious notice. They bear, more
over, very hard upon the present question ; for we are now in a position
when it is to be determined, perhaps for ever, in this country, whether
we should have the reality, or only the mockery of freedom — freedom of
conscience ; that is, the right of expression, for it is a miserable thing to
talk about freedom of opinion, if we have not freedom of expression.
But in the Tract, No. 87, the writer has some very curious observa
tions, on the " purpose of God to conceal himself from some, and to reveal
himself to others." This is the passage :
" It was the purpose of God to redeem mankind, and to extend salva
tion to those who will seek it. But men render themselves so unworthy
of it, that he is equitable in refusing to some, because of the hardness of
their hearts, that which he bestows on others, by a mercy to which they
have no claim. Had he chosen to overcome the obstinacy of the most
¦hardened, he could have done so, by revealing himself to them so dis
tinctly, that they could no longer doubt the truth of his existence. And
She will so appear at the last day, with such an awful storm, and such a
destruction of the frame of nature, that the most blind must see him. •
" He did not, however, choose thus to appear at the advent of grace,
•because, as so many men rendered themselves unworthy of his clemency,
he determined that they should remain strangers to the blessings which
they did not desire. It would not then have been just to appear in a -
mode manifestly divine, and such as absolutely to convince all men- nor
-would it have been just, on the other hand, to come in a mode so hidden,
*hat he could not have been recognised by those who sought him in

85
sincerity. It was his will to make himself perfectly cognizable to all
such : and hence, willing to be revealed to those who seek him with
their whole heart, and hidden from those wj^p as cordially fly from him,
he has so regulated the means of knowinghnn, as to give indications of
himself, which are plain to those who seekTami,! and shrouded to them
who seek him not. „ J~—- J
" There is light enough for those whose main wish it is to see ; and
darkness enough to confound those of an opposite disposition. There is
brightness enough to enlighten the elect ; and sufficient obscurity to
keep them humble. There is mystery enough to blind the reprobate ;
but light enough to 'condemn them, and to make them inexcusable."
These sentences are from Pascal, whose admirable letters against the
Jesuits are so well known. The writer evidently wishes to convey the
idea, that the purpose of God is to reveal himself to some, and to conceal
himself from others ; and, of course, if that was the purpose of God, and
Pascal, or any other, person, is acquainted with it, it follows, that those
who are organized to receive the truth, though they may be fortunate,
cannot be meritorious. A man born blind may be unfortunate because
he cannot perceive colours, but he is not to be blamed for that. Have
we not sometimes, in the course of our daily walks, met with an idiot,
who, standing in cold water, has found himself very cold, but who knew
not that it was the water that produced the coldness? When I have
looked on such an one, my heart has bled for him. What would you
think of me, if I had seized upon him by violence, and thrown him into
a madhouse? You would no doubt have said that such a course was
highly censurable. Well, then, if to take this authority, God intended
from the beginning that some should believe, and some not*; then, of
'course, there could be neither merit nor demerit in those who believed
'and who disbelieved. Pascal, therefore, says, " Let them not reproach
us any longer with the want of clearness in our evidence. We own the
fact as part of our system. But let them recognise the truth of our reli
gion, even in its obscurities, in the little light that we have, and in the
indifference respecting the drawing of it, which is generally manifested.
Had there been but one religion, God would have been too manifest.
The case were the same, if our religion only had its martyrs. . . . .
We can knowrh,o^biiig of the work of God, if we do not admit as a first
principle, that he blinds some, while he enlightens others."
So that, according to his meaning, if there had been but one religion,
God would have been too well known. I apprehend that all sincere
believers will say that God cannot be too well known ; but such is the
vagrant opinions of men, who are even right on some good things, that
they get from one quagmire of sophistry to another, until they have no
basis of common sense left whereon to repose. ;
These opinions are put forward by that new party which is now making (J
vei'y rapid strides in the church. Just now, in fact, there are two kinds
of truth ; high-church-truth, and low-church-truth ; so that truth is, in
the opinion at least of certain persons, divisible. It is clear that both
cannot be right ; one of them must be wrong. But I have now to do
with the tracts of this party, in reference only to my defence. The
following, in number 86, relates to the Bible. It is entitled, On
Reserve, in Communicating Religious Knowledge: —
" God- is ^apprehended, as he isjsel forth in Scriptures, as of infinite

86
holiness, but as a fiction of the imagination, as each man feigns the ides
of God according to his own heart, which was shown visibly in the idols
of old, and alluded to in the expression, ' Thou thoughest wickedly, that
God was such an one as thyself.' "
This is very strong language ; and if we dissect the human mind, we
shall discover, I think, that men in general do as the Romans and Greeks
did, and as the Hindoos do— attribute to the gods the very passionij
which animate themselves. They imagine the gods to be just as vicious
and as revengeful as they are themselves. They dress up their gods in
the very body of humanity. That is what is deprecated by these writers ;
and so it should be, by every sound-minded man. We should, my
friends, carefully distinguish between what belongs to reason, and what
to faith ; for, unless we do that, we have little of that philosophy which
is likely to be useful to the cause of truth and humanity. For this J, have
contended. I have said, Reason is' all in all, or, Faith is all in all. I
think knowledge good ; others say knowledge is comparatively useless, ana
that men should wholly follow faith. I say, that, without reason, life is
but a dreary waste, and that the grave swallows up all we vaunt of
humanity. I hold that it is by giving men knowledge, we fortify their
minds against all the vice and infamy by which they are surrounded, and
render them the instruments of reducing its amount.
The same writer states that " religion does not, under such circum.
stances, produce its genuine effect of humbling the natural man. To;
have a knowledge of God, without a knowledge of our own guilt and
misery, has (as Pascal mentions) the effect of puffing up. And there1!*)
a great deal in religion which the natural man may eagerly take hold oijj
in order to exalt himself."
That is, that when men unqualified for it, attempt to explore the Bible,
they only get to be made stiff-necked — that the Bible should be read
only by those who are competent to read it — and that the vulgar, oi
common people, should take it upon the ipse dixit of those. All our
teachers talk of men being puffed up ; and they say that men should be
very humble — though, by the way, they do not set them the example.
rceive, from what I have read, what is the general sc

You will perceive.
and object of these new lights in the church — these new Pusey-kghts.
They have set their candle on a hill ; it is no longer hid under a bushel;
but there it shines, to show the way in which we should be taught the
lessons of revelation. Gentlemen, I am one of those who love the truth,
and I hope they may succeed in their mission, for I am sure that what
ever is true — whether it agrees or not with human institutions as 'they"
now exist, or with any of the religions as now taught! — will ultimately'
work out human redemption from sin and misery. I agree with
Dr. Johnson, that " truth is the basis of all excellence ;" I shouldadd,it
is the basis of all morals. We have heard of nations very wise in their
own estimation, but we have never yet heard of a nation pre-eminently
wise and happy ; for, as it is said in Scripture, there are no nations,' or
men, who are truly good and virtuous ; that is, they know very little' of
philosophical principles. i
I hope your lordship will not consider, that in the paragraph I

87
e, that with the conduct of the learned judge on the bench I am more
[jan satisfied, and that, whatever the event of this trial may be, I can
e£ver lose my respect for him. I say this, lest any one should think that
jjhat I am about to read may be intended to apply to his lordship. I
lad it more particularly for the jury ; not so much for this jury as for
tries in general. The following is the passage :—
4 " There are fanatics in cool blood ; these are the judges who condemn
fc death those whose only crime is not thinking as they think ; and these
podges are so much the more culpable, so much the more worthy of the
iticecratioh of mankind, as, not being under the influence of fury, like the
elements, the Chatals, the Ravaillacs, the Gerards, the Damiens it seems
iat they might listen to reason."
i| " Fanaticism is to superstition, what transport is to fever, what rage is
i anger. He who has exfacies and visions, who takes dreams for reali-
lyes, and his imagination for prophecies, is an enthusiast ; he who main-
ullihs his folly by murder, is a fanatic."
'. "The most detestable example of fanaticism is that of the citizens of
laaris, who, on St. Bartholomew's night flew to. assassinate such of their
n'llow-oitizens as did not go to mass."
mi I have quoted this, because it is exceedingly powerful and to the ques-
lepn. This author has also some very sage and admirable reflections in
ference to extreme opinions, but more especially in reference to
cjtheism. You will at once perceive that he is no Atheist. He abuses
11(theists as men of shallow minds — as men who are buried in the depths
i' their own ignorance ; you will therefore perceive that he is an authority
jho, if at all in favour of those he opposes, must come with a crushing
opight. I will first read his denunciation of those who hold these
unions. He says,
el " Atheists are generally bold, learned, but misled, men, who reason
Hsely, and who, being unable to understand the creation, the origin of
Ml, and of other difficulties, have recourse to the hypothesis of the eter-
i!ty of things, and of necessity."
* " It is, then, absolutely necessary for princes and for the people, that
ijie idea of a supreme creator, governor, remunerator, and avenger, should
lie deeply graven in the mind."
i \ So that he is not at all in favour of Atheism. But he says, here, under
jie head Atheism ;
<' "But, with the Gentiles, many sects knew no bounds; the sceptics
'bubted everything ; the acadamiciens suspended their judgment upon
jVerything ; the Epicureans were pursuaded that the Divinity could not
'lix himself up with the affairs of men ; and at the bottom, they admitted
to divinity at all. They were convinced that the soul is not a substance,
hit a faculty which is born and perishes with the body ; consequently,
¦ley knew no obligation but that of morality and of honour. The Roman
isnators and knights were real Atheists ; for, the gods existed not to men
frho neither feared nor hoped anything from them. The Roman senate
/as really an assembly of Atheists in the time of Caesar and of Cicero.
'his great orator in his harangue for Cluentius, said to the assembled
enate, what harm does death do Mm ? We reject all those foolish fables
(bout hell; what, then, has death taken from Mffi? Nothing but the

88 V
remembrance of his sorrows. Did not Ceesar, the friend of Catali,,
endeavouring to save the life of his friend, against this same Cica,
object that to make a criminal suffer death was not punishing hmig
death is nothing, that it is only the end of our evils, that it is a momi
rather happy than fatal ? And did not Cicero and all the rest yield t
these arguments ? The conquerors and legislators of the known worll
then, evidently formed a society of men who feared nothing from ft
gods, who were truly Atheists."
I have read these passages, in order that your memory may be it
freshed with the fact, that there have been great men, in all times, ik
have held Atheistical opinions. And, if you compare Cicero, '
example, with any man of modern times, you will gain nothing
modern society by the comparison, for no modern writer can be coi
pared with him. Then, as for Ceesar, we have had our Napoleon, to
sure ; but Caesar was a man of far more extraordinary powers of mi
than Napoleon. Then, as to Cataline, though he committed acts whi
all must deplore, he was, beyond all doubt, a most extraordinary man,
Sufficient has now been said to show, that in Greece and Rome gn
men, and good men, and moral men, existed, although they were Athek]
Cicero was a moral man ; as for Ceesar, I can't say much for him, for
think a man who cuts throats by thousands cannot be a moral man.
You are all aware that there has sprung up in Germany, of 1
race of writers who have done great mischief to old opinions; andi
will agree with me, that the palm of critical acumen is to be ' gives)
the Germans. I hold in my hand the review of a new work latel
written by the celebrated Dr. Strauss, on the origin of Christianity. Il
title is, " The Christian Doctrines Illustrated — their Historical Develop
ment, and in Opposition with Modern Science." Most of you are ami
that this same Dr. Strauss published, some years ago, the Life of Jesus
which has subsequently been republished in England. I allude to this
because when Strauss published that work, he was accused of being I
Deist ; and certainly, the whole tendency of his writings was what would
have subjected him here to a prosecution for blasphemy. Nevertkeles
he is a great German doctor ; and I can vouch for his Life of Jesus, that
as a critical book, it is one of the best books that ever existed. If JJ
believe him, Jesus Christ was a mere mystic character —
Recorder. — Defendant, I shall stop anything of that sort. Yoi
might as well quote from the Age of Reason, or from any other bool
that has been pronounced to be blasphemous. I shall not permit you
go on.
Defendant. — I was going to read a passage, merely in confirmation
my position — that some of the greatest scholars that ever lived had be
charged with Atheism, for the Foreign Quarterly Review, in a criticiii
of Strauss' work, says :
" The work before us may be said to contain subtleties fully worth]"
of the reputation of the society of the Jesuits, Spinoza's absurdeii
vagaries and speculations, with all the beautiful dreaminess of mystinaj
tion, the heir-loom of the author's hand, a little heightened by every]
thing that the Sophists and riatonists could lend to make light darkneM
and the intelligible obscure. In it the author has at once and boldly
thrown off the mask, and from the Deist, which the "LebenJesul
demonstrated him to be, he has, by an easy mutation, passed into tb|

89
Atheist. Still, do we deeply regret that a mind of unquestionable power,
an ' esprit fort,' in two senses, assuredly widely different from most of
his class, to whom the term ' esprit foible' is more applicable, . should
be induced to propagate the desolating dogmas of his book. This
book, of course, is framed on the supposition that human reason is
adequate to discover anything, that man does not need any exterior aid,
expressly denies any such communication, and is, consequently, opposed
to all revelation, all systems of faith, all the world's hope in God."
I merely read this, to confirm, as I have said, my argument, that
many eminent men have propounded the. same opinions that I have pro
pounded. I come now to the most critical part of my task ; that is, to clear my
self in the estimation of all candid men — of all who dare inquire —
from the imputation of having published a libel on the Bible. That I
shall do, I think, unless it be held here, as laid down by some lawyer —
that the greater the truth the greater the libel. If it be acknowledged,
and I think it will be, by all moralists, that that which is true cannot be
a libel, although it sometimes may, by law courts, be tortured into a
libel, if it be acknowledged here, as I think it will be — for, as the-
learned gentleman said in a case in which he was engaged, some days
since, we should not follow bad rules — if it be acknowledged, then,
upon this occasion, that the truth is no hbel, then I have no doubt that
you will pronounce what I have said about the Bible to be no libel at all.
Gentlemen, I shall proceed to read from the Bible those passages which
I consider to be confirmatory of the views I take of the subject. I read
them that you may know I have not written the article in question,
without having examined the Bible — that you may know I have not
libelled it, in speaking of it as a book — that you may know that my
anxiety is not to find fault with any people or with any book, but to
protect society from having books thrust into the hands of people not
prepared to properly understand them. If I shall show you that the Bible,
however valuable in other respects, does contain immoral matter — that
it is a book which unaided ignorance should not be allowed to read —
that it is a book which should not be read with the bodily eyes, but with
the eyes of the understanding, which so few can properly use ; if you
agree with me in this, then I think you will come to the conclusion, that
I ought not to be pronounced guilty of having published a wicked and
blasphemous libel, for having said so.
I would observe, gentlemen, that I did not wish for this prosecution —
that I am not the cause of standing here to-day — that I have been ,
forced here— that I was taken from my home, and kept in a damp cell; ':
just as if I had been a thief or a murderer, for seventeen days— and ;
that this task, which to me is a most unpleasant one, has been, as I said,
forced upon me. My object was to establish the right of discussion,
and if those who say that we have not that right, will resort to the law
to prevent it, why, they must take all the consequences that follow there
upon. Gentlemen, I will now proceed to read from the Bible, the
several passages to which I have referred.
[Here the numerous females in the court withdrew.]
The first passage is the nineteenth chapter of Genesis, from the fifth to
the eighth verse :

90
r "And they called unto Lot, and said unto him, Where are the men
which came into thee" —
A Juryman (the Quaker) said, he wished the defendant to read from
the first verse.
Defendant.— Certainly ; I can have no objection : my only motive
was to avoid taking up your time unnecessarily. The defendant then
read the passages as follows : —
" And there came two angels to Sodom at even ; and Lot sat in the
gate of Sodom : and Lot seeing them rose up to meet them ; and he
bowed himself with his face toward the ground ; and he said, Behold now,
my lords, turn in, I pray you, into your servant's house, and tarry all
night, and wash your feet, and ye shall rise up early, and go on your
ways. And they said, Nay ; but we will abide in the street all night.
And he pressed upon them greatly ; and they turned in unto him, and
entered into his house ; and he made them a feast, and did bake un
leavened bread, and they did eat. But before they lay down, the men of
the city, even the men of Sodom, compassed the house round, both old
and young, all the people from every quarter : and they called unto Lotj
and said unto him, Where are the men which came in to thee this night ?
bring them out unto us, that we may know them. And Lot went out at
the door unto them, and shut the door after him, and said, I pray you,
brethren, do not so wickedly. Behold now, I have two daughters whicB
have not known man ; let me, I pray you, bring them out unto you, and
do ye to them as is good in your eyes : only unto these men do nothing ;
for therefore came they under the shadow of my roof."
In calling your attention to this passage, I would state, upon an autho
rity before quoted, that the very existence of angels, which is here stated,
has been doubted by some of the most learned men of ancient and modern
times. But, to confine myself to the present time, Dr. Strauss, speaking
of angels, says :
" Not only their appearance and intervention in the affairs of humanity,
but also their very existence, has been held as doubtful ; because that
the principle end of their existence ought to be arrived at in the functions
themselves. Relatively to the question of the reality of angels, the
criticism of Schleiermacher" —
Mr. Smith here rose and said, that this was not only obviously objec
tionable, from its total irrelevancy to the question to be tried ; but also,
from the direct tendency of the quotation to prove the non-existence of
angels, whose existence and office was one of the truths revealed in the
Bible. Recorder. — I agree with the learned counsel, that this is not only no
defence, but that it is also attacking one of the truths of our holy religion.
And that it is what I will not sit here and listen to.
Dependant.— My lord, I was not attempting to show that this writer
was not right in his opinion, I was only showing to the jury, that the
existence of angels had been denied by very learned and able men.
May I not, my lord, proceed to read to the end of the passage ?
Recorder. — Certainly not.
Defendant.— If this course is to be adopted, my lord, hi every case
where I make an extract that is not approved of, I may be stopped at
every step I take.

91
" Recorder. — I am to judge of the propriety, or non-propriety of any
extract you may make; and, I repeat it, I cannot allow you to attempt
to prove the non-existence of angels. Besides, it is utterly irrelevant, as
the learned counsel has observed, to the matter of your defence.
Defendant. — My lord, I repeat that I was not attempting to prove or
tp disprove the existence of angels.
\ Mr. Smith said he understood the extract to be introduced by the
defendant as a comment on the history which he had previously read
from the Bible ; and that he introduced it to throw a doubt on the very
existence of angels, their existence and acts being part of the Bible-
history. Recorder. — I so understood him to state it — I may err, but I so
understood him.
Defendant.— My lord, in reading that passage, my object, as I have
already said, was not to disprove the existence of angels, nor even to
call their existence into question, but only to show that learned men had
thought that such an idea could not take root in modern society.
Recorder. — That is the same thing, in other words.
Defendant. — As your lordship is of opinion that I should not pursue
that course, I shall bow before your decision; but I trust that before
the learned gentleman again pronounces a distinct opinion, as. to what I
mean, he will allow me to be heard, as I must know better what I rneah
than he does.*
£Ihe criticism of Schleiermacher may certainly be considered as
mating the discussion ; because he expresses exactly the result of
modern intelligence, in opposition to the ancient. In truth, says Schleier
macher; we cannot prove the impossibility of the existence of the
angels ; nevertheless, that conception is such that it can never rise again
in our time ; it belongs exclusively to the idea that antiquity conceived
of the world. We may presume, that the belief in angels has a double
source ; the one hi the desire natural to our minds to suppose in the
whole world more of spiritual substances than we commonly behold in
corporated in the human kind ; but that desire, says Schleiermacher, so
strong in us who now live, is satisfied when we represent to ourselves that
other celestial globes are peopled like this we inhabit, and by that thought
is dried up the first source of the belief in angels. The second source
is in the idea, men form to themselves of God — as of a monarch sur
rounded by his court ; that idea is no longer ours. We know now how
to explain the natural causes of the changes in the world, and in humanity,
that in former times were imagined to be the work of God himself, acting
by the ministry of angels. Thus, the belief in angels has not one single
point by which it may fix itself firmly and truly in the soil of modern
ideas ; and now it no longer exists than as a dead tradition."
The second passage which I shall read, relates the story of Lot and his
daughters. It is in the nineteenth chapter of Genesis, from the thirty-
first to the thirty-eighth verse.
" And the first-born said unto the younger, Our father is old, and there
is not a man in the earth to come in unto us after the manner of all the
earth : come let us make our father drink wine, and we will he with him,
that we may preserve the seed of our father. And they made their
* The following is the conclusion of the passage from Strauss.

92
father drink wine that night : and the firstborn went in, and lay with her
father; and he perceived not when she lay down, nor when she arose.
And it came to pass on the morrow, that the firstborn said to the
younger, Behold, I lay yesternight with my father : let us make him
drink wine this night also ; and go thou in and lie with him ; that we
may preserve the seed of our father. And they made their father drink
wine that night also : and the younger arose, and lay with him ; and he
perceived not when she lay down, nor when she arose. Thus were both
the daughters of Lot with child by their father. And the firstborn bare
a son, and called his name Moab : the same is the father of the Moabites
unto this day. And the younger, she also bare a son, and called his
name Ben-ammi : the same is the father of the children of Amnion unto
this day."
I shall make no observations, or but very few, upon this passage, for it
tells its own tale ; and if that does not justify me, as a moral man,
or as a man having reference to the moral condition of society, anything
that I might say would fail to convince you.
The next passage I shall read is in the thirty-eighth chapter of Genesis,
from the eighteenth to the thirtieth verse. — " And he said" —
Mr. Smith.— This man is now reading from the Bible those passages
which he has selected for the purpose of proving that what he has stated,
in a blasphemous libel, is true. Is that to be permitted ?
Recorder. — 1 do not think that I can object to the reading of the
passages. "w"'
Defendant then proceeded to read the passage as follows :
" And he said, What pledge shall I give thee ? And she said, Thy
signet, and thy bracelets, and thy staff that is in thine hand. And he
gave it her, and came in unto her, and she conceived by him. And she
arose, and went away, and laid by her vail from her, and put on the
garments of her widowhood. And Judah sent the kid by the hand of
his friend the Adullamite, to receive his pledge from the woman's hand:*
but he found her not. Then he asked the men of that place, saying,,'^
Where is the harlot, that was openly by the way side ? And they said,
There was no harlot in this place. And he returned to Judah, and said,
I cannot find her ; and also the men of the place said, that there was no
harlot in this place. And Judah said, Let her take it to her, lest we be
shamed : behold, I sent this kid, and thou hast not found her. And it
came to pass about three months after, that it was told Judah, saying,
Tamar thy daughter-in-law hath played the harlot; and also, she is'with
child by whoredom. And Judah said, bring her forth, and let her be
burnt. When she was brought forth, she sent to her father-in-law, say
ing, By the man whose these are, am I with child : and she said, Discern,
I pray thee, whose are these, the signet, and bracelets, and staff. And
Judah acknowledged them, and said, She hath been more righteous than
I ; because that I gave her not to Shelah my son. And he knew her
again no more. And it came to pass in the time of her travail, that,
behold, twins were in her womb. And it came to pass that when she
travailed, that one put out his hand : and the midwife took and bound
upon his hand a scarlet thread, saying, this came out first. And it came
to pass, as he drew back his hand, that, behold, his brother came out:!
and she said, How hast thou broken forth ? this breach be upon thee :
therefore his name was called Pharez. And afterward came out his

93
brother, that had the scarlet thread upon his hand : and his name was
called Zarah."

'¦'¦ The next passage is part of the second chapter of Exodus, the twelfth
i verse —
, " And he looked this way and that way and when he saw there was no
i( man, he slew the Egyptian, and hid him in the sand."
« In the thirty-first chapter of the same book, verses fifteen to eighteen,
i we read as follows :
J " Six days may work be done ; but in the seventh is the sabbath of
! rest, holy to the Lord : whosoever doeth any work on the. sabbath day,
he shall surely be put to death. Wherefore the children of Israel shall
j keep the sabbath, to observe the sabbath throughout their generations,
t for a perpetual covenant. It is a sign between me and the children of
j Israel for ever : for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, and on
the seventh day he rested and was refreshed."
< In the first book of Samuel, chapter nineteen, and the twenty-fourth
verse, we read thus :
, " And he stripped 'off his clothes also, and prophesied before Samuel
'in like manner, and lay down naked all that day and all that night.
, Wherefore they say, Is Saul among the prophets ?"
i| dnTSie second book of Samuel, chapter six, and the twentieth to the
twenty-second verse, we read a similar thing about David :
1 " Then David returned to bless his household. And Michal the
[daughter of Saul came out to meet David, and said, How glorious was ¦.
ithe king of Israel to day, who uncovered himself to day! in the eyes hR
ithe handmaids of his servants, as one of the vain fellows that uncovered!
Jhimself ! And David said unto Michal, It was before the Lord, which
: chose me before thy father, and before all his house, to appoint me
>ruler over the people of the Lord, over Israel: therefore will I. play
(before the Lord. And I will yet be more vile than thus, and will be base
iin mine own sight : and of the maidservants which thou hast spoken of,
lof them shall I be had in honour."
The passage lam now about to read, is from the thirteenth chapter of
the second book of Samuel, the eighth to the fourteenth verse :
"So Tamar went to her brother Amnon's house ; and he was laid
down. And she took flour, and kneaded it, and made cakes in his sight,
and did bake the cakes. And she took a pan, and poured them out
before him ; but he refused to eat. And Amnon said, Have out all men
from me, And they went out, every man from him. And Amnon said "
unto Tamar, Bring the meat into the chamber, that I may eat at thine
hand. And Tamar took the cakes which she had made, and brought
them into the chamber to Amnon her brother. And when she had brought
them unto, him to eat, he took hold of her, and said unto her, Come
lie with me, my sister. And she answered him, Nay, my brother, do
not force me ; for no such thing ought to be done in Israel : do not thou
this folly. And I, whither shall I cause my shame to go? and as for
thee, thou shalt be as one of the fools in Israel. Now, therefore, I pray
thee, speak unto the king ; for he will not withhold me from thee. How-

94
beit he would not hearken unto her voice : but being stronger than she,
forced her, and lay with her."
In the second book of Kings, chapter thirteen, and at the twentieth
and twenty-first verses, we have this account of Elisha's bones resusck
fating a dead man :
" And Elisha died, and they buried him. And the bands of the
Moabites invaded the land at the coming in of the year. And it to pass,
as they were burying a man, that, behold, they spied a band of men;
and they cast the man into the sepulchre of Elisha : and when the man
was let down, and touched the bones of Elisha, he revived, and stood
upon his feet."
I have read these few passages, and only a few, because I am not
at all desirous to lacerate your feelings by reading many such passage^ I
I have read these in order to show you, that it must be highly imprudeiat I
to put such a book into the hands of ili-instructed persons, whose-iminds
are not fortified by truth and virtue ; and also to show that I was fully
justified in speaking of that book in the terms which I employed in the j
article in question.
I shall now draw to a close. I have to thank you heartily for your
attention : it is much more than I could have calculated upon. I shall
consider only one great point ; that is, the nature and meaning of blas
phemy. It is what all attorney-generals, and all who set on foot such
prosecutions as these, carefully avoid explaining or defining. It is always
assumed that certain things, obnoxious to authority, are blasphembul! •
but the question for you to try is, first, whether what I have written and j
published is a blasphemous libel? and secondly, whether I published' it
with a wicked intention ? For if one of you say it may not have been j
wickedly pubhshed, or not published with a wicked intent, but that it ii I
wicked, inasmuch as it has a pernicious influence upon society, and
that the writer and publisher should be punished as an example to others
— if any one of you should thus reason, I beg to remind you that you
have no moral right to do so. Your duty is to abide by that you hare
sworn ; that is, to give a verdict according to the evidence. And what
are you to understand by evidence in a case like this, if not evidence in j
proof of the allegation, that I have published the article alleged to be ;
libellous, with a mischievous and wicked intent ? It is for you to com
pare the arguments I have advanced, and the authorities by which I have
supported them, with the arguments and authorities produced by the I
learned gentleman. You have to bear in mind, that the question is
simply this — have I pubhshed blasphemy ? and has blasphemy been de
fined ? Do we know as well what it is, as we know what murder, robbery,
arson, or other offences against society are? Certainly not. All men
who have pubhshed new opinions upon religious matters, have invariably
been called blasphemers. Were not Socrates and Aristides blasphemers?
Nay, was not Jesus Christ a blasphemer? That is, these great men
were called blasphemers, by those men in authority. They were called
blasphemers by the priests of those times, who acted as many priests act
in these times; that is, they cried out "Blasphemy ! Blasphemy !" when
ever any opinion was put forth at all likely to overturn the opinions upon
which they lived.
t I stated at the beginning, that I was no lawyer— that I was not accu*

95
tomed to special pleading; and now repeat it; and I will therefore
take a common sense view of the subject.
First, I have to state, that blasphemy was not a statuteable offence up
to the time of William the Third. Prior to that period, blasphemers
were punished by common-law, which is called, by Jeremy Bentham,
" Judge-made law." That is to say, common law is traditional law — the
law derived from precedent ; and its study is a very difficult and intricate
subject. In the time of William the Third, it was thought desirable by
those in authority to check certain opinions then taking root in the public
mind ; and certain severe laws were enacted against blasphemers. I shall
call your attention to this grand fact, that precisely as nations have been
in a state of darkness and ignorance, so the laws against blasphemers have
been stringent and cruel. Up to the time of William, the Third, as I
have said, blasphemers were, in this country, punished at common law.
It depended upon the caprice or discretion, or peculiar opinions, of the
judge, what the amount of punishment should be. Presently, however,
the TJhitarians became an important body ; they became rich, and com
paratively powerful ; and during the reign of George the Third, the
legislature saw the necessity of having a new law touching the crime of
blasphemy. I will just read to you, from the Penny Encyclopedia,
under the head of blasphemy,
" The common law on the subject of blasphemy, is thus laid down in
Hawkins' Pleas of the Crown, page 9 : — ' All blasphemies against God,
as denying his being or providence, and all contumelious reproaches of
Jesus Christ ; all profane scoffing at the holy scriptures, or exposing any
part thereof to contempt or ridicule; allimposters in religion, as falsely
pretending to extraordinary commissions from God, and terrifying or
abusing lie people with false denunciations of judgments' ; and all open
lewdness, grossly scandalous, inasmuch as they tend to subvert all
religion or morality, which are the foundation of government, are punish
able by the temporal judges with fine and imprisonment; and also such
corporeal infamous punishment as to the court in its discretion shall seem
meet, according to the heinousness of the crime.'
" In addition to this, by the 9th and 10th W. c. 32, it is enacted, that
if any person, having been educated in, or at any time having made
profession of the Christian religion in this realm, shall, by writing,
printing, teaching, or advised speaking, deny any one of tiie persons in
the holy trinity, to be God ; or shall assert or maintain there are more
fods than one ; or shall deny the Christian religion to be true, or the
oly scriptures of the Old and'New Testament, to be of divine authority;
and shall, upon indictment or information in any of his majesty's courts
of Westminster, or at the assises, be thereof lawfully convicted by the
oaths of two or more witnesses, he shall, for the first offence, be disabled
from having any office or employment, or any profit appertaining there
unto ; for the second offence, shall be disabled to prosecute any action or
information in any court of law or equity, or to be guardian of any child,
or executor or administrator of any person, or capable of any legacy or
deed of gift, or to bear any office for ever within this realm ; and shall
also suffer imprisonment for the space of three years from the time of
such conviction." j
So that, you perceive, although certain statutes were passed, they did
not, at least in their own opinion^ take away the discretionary power of

96
the judges ; and you have the anomaly of a judge, in most cases, having
the discretionary powe. of what the punishment should be. And the
judges, furthermore, have the power, if they have the inclination to
declare that certain opinions may be constructively blasphemous, a doc
trine too inimical to the liberty of the subject to be permitted to remain
long in fashion. . .
Here we are brought to an important consideration, which is this.
Suppose for the sake of argument, that the learned judge, is averse, upon
principle, to such prosecutions as these — that he has no wish to punish
me ; yet, if you bring me in guilty of the offence with which I stand
charp-ed, you force his lordship to thrust me into prison.
\'"'u are all acquainted, no doubt, with the case of my friend, Mr.
Hetherington, which occurred last December twelvemonths. He was
tried before Lord Denman and a special jury ; and all persons who were
present at that trial, more especially aU who knew Lord Denman's
jhara^ter, must have known that he, upon principle, was wholly averse to
prosecutions for opinion. He .has given proof that his mind is too com
prehensive to be amused by the dull twaddle talked about blasphemy;
but when Mr. Hetherington was tried, although he made a luminous
defence, and made it clear that it was absurd and unjust to hold him
answerable for the vending of any particular opinions, yet the jury
having brought in a verdict of guilty, Lord Denman, having no choice,
awarded a sentence of four months' imprisonment. He made the punish--
ment as light as possible, and his conduct upon that occasion reflects the
highest honour upon him. It was, however, a great disgrace to the
jury, who thus compelled his lordship to punish a man, against the con
viction of his own mind, for an imaginary offence.
It is for you to consider whether you will force on the judge here,
the necessity of acting in a similar way. If you deliver a verdict of
guilty, you will consign me to a prison.
I will now call your attention to a few facts of great value on this
subject of prosecution for blasphemy, which I find in the same work :
"As knowledge has increased, the severity of these punishments has
been mitigated ; though the principle is not yet conceded the practice is
less bitter, the punishment less severe than formerly ; and an attempt
has been made to amend the law, which failed only because the movers
were wanting, according to the judges, in legal depth. If, however, we
may anticipate the progress of the spirit of charity in the next century,
by its advances since the Reformation placed the scriptures in the hands
of the laity, and the spirit and character of Jesus before them, we may
reasonably believe, that another century will see all penal laws against
opinions or the expression of them repealed, and that men will be satis
fied of the impossibility of diffusing the spirit of benevolence, by fine
and imprisonment, branding, pilloring, and tongue-boring."
What I wish to convey to your minds is simply this, and it is a Valu
able fact that it is in ages of bloated ignorance, that these proceedings
take place — that some have been hanged — some burnt — some confined
until actually starved to death — in short, that every species of cruelty
has been inflicted to produce uniformity of opinion, but without effect I
trust you will, to-day, let it be seen by your verdict that you are con
vinced of the inutility as well as of the injustice of such prosecutions.
. I agree with the great Guizot, that if we cannot have spiritual unity,

97
W must be c6ritent with harm6ny and liberty. Youtfhave read 0f an
unperor who. tried, and tried in vain, to make, tworwatches go alike ;
tnd who, when he "could not succeed, discovered whap he had never dis
covered beforer^that. he ' could never make two menfthink. alike^ He
vas cured of his vain and cruel attempt, by two simple watches. No
>ains on earth can make men think alike on things not known ; and Up
*iower on earth" shbUldftfrevent them from thinking, or from speaking
fyhat they think ; and ifby your verdict to-day, you say, practically;
'hat men may think, but that they shall not speak — that religion must be
Wopped up by the strong arm of the law — then, I do say, you will do
hat which you will repent to the latest hour of your existence ; and I
"ay, further; that no one of you, if he has a heart worthy, of the name of
'.ie, can consign me to a dungeon, and not suffer the bitterness of re
morse, for the rest of his life. I protest I could not rest at night, if (I
fcas going to say) I was so infamous as to consign a, mail to punishment,
'ecause he did not .agree' with me in- opinion. Gentlemen, I trust you
*ill do your- duty. I .ask for no mercy. I never beg. I ask for simple
•istice. If you consign me to a dungeon, it shall be without a groan
torn me. I will suffer cheerfully, and without the slightest complaint'.^
bnly do not suppose that by putting me into prison you will put down
jie opinions which I believe to be true. No ; you will make men sym
pathise and inquire. , And you will do more for the advancement of
niaese opinions than I could do, if I lived for a thousand years. As it is
..dne of the bulwarks — nay, as the bulwark of English liberty, I look t6
tkat box for a verdict which shall for ever establish the right of man to
cosercise full freedom; of opinion. I appeal to you, to do an act that'shall
i remembered , m an. time, and, that .shall be greeted by all lips. - Let
hept the bigots, but the. liberal and enhghtened men, who look on this
stay's proceedings with intense anxiety, say that your verdict is one
hich at once does yourselves honour, and serves mankind. ", •
^The defendant having concluded his address, Mr. .Smith rose tp. reply,
i: it this was objected to by the defendant, who said; that as he had not
idled any witnesses, there was no right of reply on the part of the learned
jntleman. ¦ . : i .-:, ' •¦ .
"* Mr. Smith argued, that as the defendant had introduced aiithorities into
Is defence, that those authorities were to be regarded as evidence, and
*iat the decision in the King v. Carlile, and other cases, established the
"'"ght of reply, where documents had been introduced into the defence
Without having been put in evidence. ¦ -
r The Recorder said the defendant had not adduced anything equiva-
'"nt to the documents produced in the cases which the learned counsel
fid referred to. What he had introduced came rather under the der.
;**:ription of argument than of evidence.
)i Mr. Smith said the defendant had undoubtedly used various books as
lthorities to influence the jury in his defence. As he had used them
aiey were to be viewed not so much as. matter of argument as of
i|Jthority ; and it had been held, in the cases he had referred to, as well
S in others, that the mere reading of authorities or documents, which
%ght to be put in evidence, would not deprive the plaintiff of the right
j reply. But independently ofr that, the defendant had introduced new
fatter into his defence ; and that alone would give him (Mr. Smith) the
glit of reply. He should be glad enough to be relieved from the duty
k? replying, but he felt it to be his duty to insist upon it, as a matter of right.

98
' The Recorder said he did not think that the decisions referred
governed this case. If the defendant had cited any legal authority,
matter of legal authority, then the learned counsel would have a right to*
serveupon it, because it would, in that case,havebeen cited as matter ofk
Mr. Smith contended that the defendant had cited legal authority,
the pamphlet addressed to Jeremy Bentham.
The Recorder repeated his opinion, that if the defendant had quoti
legal authority, as legal authority, then the learned counsel would ui
doubtedly have a right to reply upon that ; but to reply to argumen
read from various writers, was, he thought, a very different thing. II
decisions, as far as he recollected them,- did not come up to the pfesei
case. Using a thing as matter of argument, and using it as matter,!
evidence, were very different. The quotations the defendant had madl
were made merely to the purposes of argument and opinions. Jj
should therefore say, unless some decision existed to the contrarygw
what had been read would not give the right of reply. - Where a lew
any other written document was introduced, as matter -of fact,' fill
woidd stand upon a very different footing.
Mr. Smith said he fully admitted the distinction, as laid down, -hut hi
thought that the authorities went to the extent of authorising -a reply ii
this case. The cases to be found in Dickinson's Guide to Quarter^
sions he thought sufficient ; but he relied most on the King versus Garlill
The Recorder said that letters were put in, in that case. 'If ii
defendant here had put in documents, which was a quasi production!)
evidence, then the counsel for the prosecution would have had thesa«
right of reply as if the documents had been put in evidence. • Thoiisl
the case might not actually have been proved by the documents, to
were, nevertheless, evidence. But no quotation here made, came^
that standard ; all was made as matter of theological opinion, or ft!
physical discussion, or as matter of history, and so on.
Mr. Smith contended that the matter adduced was not so confined i
its application, but that the defendant had read documents to the com
of the nature of evidence, which he was bound to tprove, or whieh-tl
court -should receive as quasi evidence. In either case, it gave hlM
right of reply. He referred particularly to the passages read from t|
Bible by the defendant, in order to show that the representations he hadgivi
of the Bible in the libels, was a correct representation. That, thereforeV«
strictly in the nature of evidence to support his defence.-' He had1
read authorities to throw light on the question, IFliat is blasplm
That was directly to the issue. If the defendant had adduced author
to show what is, and what is not, blasphemy, that, surely, was in
nature of evidence, and was used to influence the judgment of the col
and the. jury. 1
The Recorder said, if the defendant had quoted any authority, that?
any legal authority, to show what blasphemy was, then, that would gij
the learned counsel the right of reply. But was it so ? Then, as toll
quotations from the Bible, the learned counsel had no doubt the rightl
reply upon that point, by reading passages from the same holy book,!
show with what object the passages, read by the defendant, had \>®
therein introduced. Still, he thought, upon full consideration, that *
case would hardly come within the rule laid down. And hfe therefis
ruled that the passages read from the Bible would fall under the gene!
rule, and that there was no right of reply.

99
it!HJ. Mr. Smith said, he was quite satisfied with his lordship's decision,, but
i^hough he was not to reply, he must beg permission to say a word, in
j-eference to the letter that had been addressed to his lordship, relative
nj;o this prosecution, and to which the attention of the court had been
called by the defendant. He begged to say, that the prosecutors were
]^io parties to that letter, and that they knew nothing of it. - ¦"" "H
l The Recorder then proceeded to address the jury. He said, tb£>
defendant was 'prosecuted in this indictment, as a wicked and evil-dis
posed person, who had wickedly and with evil-intent written ¦and.
jpublished a blasphemous libel on the holy scriptures, the Christian reli
gion, and the being and providence of almighty God. That was the
general allegation which, with some trifling variations, constituted the
^everal passages of this indietment. The . general allegatipn was 'a little
^ltered, but not materially so. It. therefore divided itself into three
parts : first, the intention of wickedly vilifying the holy scriptures, the
MChr'itian religion, and the being and providence of almighty God;
secondly, the fact of publishing a book containing passages having that
effect ; and thirdly, whether the fact of printing and publishing such
matter, coupled with the effect, did not clearly exhibit the writing ?
^ . Such being the offence as alleged, proceeded his lordship, I shall trouble
you very shortly upon the subject of the law. By the common law of
*the land, blasphemous attacks upori the Christian religion, which is the
^established religion of the kingdom, is an indictable offence ; and it has
fbeen so held for many centuries, by the common law. In early times,
offences of this kind were probably punished in the ecclesiastical courts;
but, to use the words • of one of the most learned judges who ever sat
"iipon the bench, Lord Chief Justice Hale, Christianity being part and
"parcel of the law of the land — the very basis, in fact, of our ' constitution
'and government, the power of punishing persons guilty of this offence
was given to ordinary courts of law. That the crime, therefore, exists,
"It would be waste of time further to discuss. That the crime exists is so
*clear, that the courts will not allow it to be controverted. In a recent
'case, the Court of Queen's Bench laid down the same principle as that
laid down by Lord Chief Justice Hale, and said, it would not allow it to
1 be argued that this was not an offence punishable in the courts of law of
this kingdom. I thought it necessary to call your attention to this rule,
that is laid down and universally acted on in the courts.
The indictment is for intending blasphemously to attack the holy Bible
and the Christian religion, as well as the being and providence of
almighty God. It is not for differing from the church- or the government,
upon any particular tenet or doctrine ; it is not for wilfully or errone
ously calling into question particular doctrines, but for an attack in toto
on the Christian religion. It is not for differing from the established
forms of religion, or for attacking any particular text, or book, or part of
the holy Bible ; but for an attack upon the Christian religion and the
holy Bible, as a whole — for attacking them, as being false and of no
value. The prosecutors are, therefore, free from any imputation of
desiring to suppress any fair discussion on theological matters. For as I
have said, it is not even for a blasphemous attack on the holy Bible, but
for a wicked hbel on the holy Bible, the Christian religion, and the being
and providence of God.
I think it necessary, to call your attention again to the prosecution of
the Oracle of Reason, which propounded doctrines precisely similar to

100
what the defendant has insisted upon throughout his defence ; namely,
that Christianity is a fiction ; on which occasion Mr. Justice Ashurst laid
it down as a principle, that a blasphemous attack on Christianity is an
offence, not only against God, but against society also, as it tends to dij.
solve all the bonds and obligations of society, inasmuch as Christianity
runs through every part and department of the laws and the constitution
of the country.
There is another thing I feel it necessary to notice. The defendant
appealed to you as a jury — and he properly enough made that appeal. It
is my duty also to make the same appeal. There was only one point
in which I concur with him, and that is, that you are the judges to say
whether this is an attack on the Bible and on Christianity. If you should;
think, that although such an attack on the Bible and on the Christian:
religion is an offence punishable by law, yet that in this particular case it
is not proved, you will then, of course, return a verdict of not guilty. It
is my duty, however, to offer to you some remarks on the whole matter
of the case. ,. '
You know that it is your province to determine, in the first place,
whether this is a blasphemous libel or not. I shall call it a blasphemous
libel, and in justification of doing so, I shall select a few passages from it,
The first of these is from No. 4 of the Oracle of Reason, and I think it
fully sustains the allegation I have read to you from the indictment :—
"That revoltingly odious Jew production, called Bible, has been
for ages the idol of all sorts of blockheads, the glory of knaves, and the
disgust of wise men. It is a history of lusts, sodomies, wholesale
slaughtering, and horrible depravity, that the vilest parts of all other
histories, collected into one monstrous book, could scarcely parallel.1' ,
What I am now about to read is another passage from the same number,
in which, as my learned friend at the bar reminded me, Atheism is
promulgated ; I shall not read the whole of it ; but it ends thus :
" ' Metaphysics (says an annonymous writer) teach us that god is &pun
spirit ; but herein is modern theology superior to that of the savages!
The savages acknowledge a great spirit for the master of the world
The savages, like all ignorant people, attribute to spirits all the effects of !
which their experience cannot discover the true causes. Ask a savage j
what moves your watch. He will answer, it is a spirit. Ask our divines ;
what moves the universe. They answer, it is a spirit.' As it is with
those who call god a great spirit, so it is with the equally sage mystics
who call their ideal god a great space — great space being two terms quite
unintelligible. Space is something or nothing, a reality or fiction, that
which really exists, or a negation of all existence ; if the former, it cannot
be a god that Christians will accept, for that which is real must be
corpores1: but they reject a matter-god and will not agree with the
Stoics, that god is a divine animal; if the latter, that is, if those who will
have it that space is god, are driven to admit, as they necessarily must,
that space is the negation or absence of matter, an absolute nothing', why,
then, we fall upon the ex nihilo nihil fit ,- Englished— out of nothing
nothing can come. As plain a truth as any to be found in Euclid.
Which makes the question stand thus— In the first place, space cannot
be a god ; if space be an actually existing something, it must be matter;.
but that a matter god is no god at all, is allowed by the Christian worlds

101
In the second place, space cannot be a god ; if it signifies pure emptiness
or absence of matter, because the absence of matter, could it be con
ceived, is a nothing ; and to refine god into nothing, is to destroy the
idea of such an existence, and to proclaim that Atheism we are labouring
to teach."
So that Atheism is declared to be the result which the writer desires to
aim at.
Is it in the City of B-ristol alone that the question is to be raised,
whether that is a blasphemous attack upon the holy Bible, in which, in
the most offensive terms; that holy book is ascribed, not to a divine
origin, but to a diabolical origin — for that is the meaning of the passage,
" All the world believe priests, or they would rather have thought it the
outpourings of some devil?"
I shall not read another syllable out of the various passages which com
pose the matter of this indictment. They have been twice read already,
and therefore the judge is not obliged to travel through them a third
time. I have selected these passages as an example ; and if every other
line were out of the indictment, and it was founded alone on what I have
read, I should call the libel the concentration of everything scandalous,
blasphemous, and atrocious-^a wicked attack upon everything held sacred
in this country.
I have another reason also for not going through these passages ; that
is, that when I have selected that passage which is in language perhaps
the strongest, it is not necessary to follow out the same- ideas, in some
places more laboriously and in some more plausibly expressed. It* is
here put forward in all its features of wickedness and deformity. It is
here concentrated in language as abominable and execrable as is the *
principle inculcated. ' , *
These are my opinions, but if you are of opinion that it is not
blasphemy, it is your opinion that is to carry the verdict, not mine:
The performance of my duty, from obvious reasons, should be confined
within as narrow limits as possible, because, from the nature of. .the
subject, one's mind wishes to have some ease and repose and consolation,
after that state in which it has been kept throughout the whole course of
this long defence. I will therefore only say, in general, that if all tb.ev
passages which have been read from the indictment follow up those whicli
I have selected, as in my judgment the most odious in which these
doctrines are propounded — and which I hope you will concur wAh^rnje
in thinking — then you will admit that I am not required to travelShrofygh
them for the third time.
But, that you may not take my general assertion or general view of the
case, you are at liberty — and I should perhaps desire that you should
take into your hands these documents, and review them, if you think fit.
That is for you to do, if you please ; or if you doubt your own recollec
tion with reference to the other passages which have been read." If you
feel any doubt as to their import and meaning, you are at liberty to take
the indictment in your hands, and read over the passages to yourselves:
You may also call for the printed publications given in evidence, if you
think fit, and go from line to line, and from passage to passage, through
those infamous books, which I have abstained from, in deference to your
feelings, and to the feelings of every person in this court.
»¦ It is obvious that to the defence made I can have little to say. It

102
might have been a mercy to the prisoner if some friend had told him
that his defence was a confirmation of the crime imputed to him, in that
the whole of it, instead of ameliorating the character of the publication,
asserted the same proposition which forms the subject of his offence,
which is, that Christianity is to be overturned, to set up Reason, involving
a denial of the Deity, and the establishment of Atheism. What he has
written, he has endeavoured to sustain by arguing from what he calls
reason, to the utter subversion of Christianity, and the existence of the
Almighty Being whose existence, and power, and works, we are to learn
from that revelation.
These preliminary points being disposed of, and the crime being an
indictable one, it is for you, by your verdict, to state whether you are
prepared to go along with the writer of these publications, in the estab
lishment of Atheism. Though at liberty to comment, in his defence, on
the various topics which he has introduced, this is a point upon which I
feel it my duty to make a remark ; that is, the defendant's call upon you
to agree to go with him in his blasphemy, and in the destruction of that
from which alone comfort in this world and hope of another are to be
drawn. He calls upon you to declare, by your verdict, that this is riot a
blasphemous attack on Christianity and on the being and providence of
God. He urges you to proclaim, that there is no Almighty Being — that
Christianity is no truth, but the invention of the devil — that Atheism may
be established, and that an atheistical press may issue a course of the
most atrocious and execrable blasphemies. The verdict, gentlemen, is
with you, and it is for you, by that verdict, to say whether you will
become participators in the very wicked, blasphemous, and atrocious
objects of the defendant.
His lordship having closed his address, the jury requested permission
to retire, and after having been absent for ten minutes, returned into
court, and delivered a verdict of guilty.
The Recorder then addressed the defendant as follows : Prisoner at
the bar, you have been, after a full and long inquiry, convicted by a jury
of the city of Bristol of having Written, printed, and published a wicked
and blasphemous libel ; and you have only been convicted of that which '
would be deemed to be blasphemy in every city and town of the king
dom. The jury have declared by their verdict, their determination to
act in consonance with all those who in every other part of the country
will uphold the Christian religion, which is part and parcel of our law
and government. The sentence of the court upon you is (what you
anticipated, when you assured us that you had devoted yourself as a
martyr for religious liberty— you are at liberty, however, to entertain your
own sentiments upon that subject), the sentence of the court is, that you
be confined for 'twelve calendar months in the goal of the city and
county of Bristol, and, at the end of that time, that you pay a fine to
hex majesty of one hundred pounds and be further imprisoned until
that fine is paid.
Defendant.— May I; be' allowed to put a question to the judge? I
wish to know, my lord, whether I am to be treated as a felon or a thief,
as was the case when I was before carried to this prison?
Recorder.— I have already given directions that you should be placed
with the first-class prisoners. I can do nothing beyond that.
Dependant. — I am much obliged to your lordship.
The prisoner was then removed from the bar in custody.

THE EOlLOWINS EXTRACTS ARE FROM THE PEN OF THE TALENTED
"PUBLICOLA,"
Correspondent of the " Weekly Dispatch."

Common, or Judge-made, Law. — What with that disgrace and curse
of the country, called " Common Law," or Judge-made Law— what
with the immense number of old and barbarous laws on our statute
books— and what with the privilege that every spy and informer has of
setting himself up as a sort of attorney-general and commencing prose
cutions, the liberty of the subject is always in the most precarious state.
* * It is the boast of our constitution that no man can be amerced, or
fined, or imprisoned in the smallest degree, except by parliamentary law, of
course passed by the three states of the realm, and it is a doctrine with
law-writers that a man ought not to be punished in purse or person,
except by a law clear and so generally published as to be cognizable as a
warning against the offence. But in cases like these, we have known
men ruinously fined and severely punished under long imprisonments,
not by a law obselete, obscure, or disputed, in letter or spirit, but actually
by no law at all, for the worst of all social states of slavery that can
exist, is that in which an individual can substitute his dictum for law, espe
cially when the polity of the nation prescribest he only source from which
law can emanate — king, lords, and commons. * * With parliamentary
law, one session may repeal what the previous session had passed ; but if
a judge, even hi a temporary ebullition, makes a law, all future judges
consider themselves bound to adhere to it, and precluded from any right
or power to annul, or even modify it. Such an irrevocable, irresponsi
ble, and unauthorized system of law-making never before exisfed on
-earth, and never will again. If our juries were not the most craven,
sneaking, dastardly men that ever dishonoured the human form, they
would soon put a stop to such indictments, as ex-officio informations, fof*
directly the indictment or information was read, a juryman would thus
address the bench — " My lord, under what act of parliament is the ,
prisoner indicted ?" The judge would be obliged to answer, "under no
act of parliament whatever ; but under the ipse dixit, the sudden
ebullition of a single judge." An honest juryman would then rejoin —
" My lord, no Englishman can be imprisoned, except by an act of the
legislature, and I will not so violate my oath, and so betray public liberty,
as to inquire whether a man be guilty or not of any offence, when thereto
is no law whatever to punish him, except the mere self-made law of an
individual judge." Not all the judges of England are competent to
make a criminal law, according to the theory of our supposed constitu
tion ; and yet, here we have one of the most important laws that can
exist in society, passed by one solitary judge ; and he, moreover, per
sonally, a disgrace to the bench. Is this liberty ? Is this the liberty of
rational beings? The theory of juryism is beautiful, exalted, and in
valuable, the practice of it in such cases in England is a disgrace to
man. A fellow-citizen is to be tried under a law which has no existence,
and in a country that possesses the golden rule, that no man can be tried,
except by a law ; he is to be punished cruelly, under a suppositious law,
even the supposition of its existence being a crime against the crown :
an act of high treason. The judge that tries him is solemnly sworn to

104
administer the law, and nothing but the law ; and yet, in direct violation
of his oath, he administers his brother judge's dictum as a law, when
his brother judge, in substituting such a dictum for an act of parlia
ment, broke his oath, and became a traitor to his sovereign, and, after all
this long series of absurdities, contradictions, crimes, cruelties and per
juries, the judge defends, or justifies himself, on the plea that he is wading
through his career of guilt in defence of the Almighty, and in the vidi-
cation of religion. The only shield that reason, justice, and humanity,
and the law itself throws over the victim is, the juryman; and he, in
violation of his oath, in desertion of his duty, and in outrage against all
common sense, and in violation of mercy, betrays the object of per
secution, and delivers him over a victim to the sacrifice. If but six
jurymen would, consecutively, act like men, in six sequent trials for blas
phemous libels, they would establish religious liberty, and do by far more
service in the cause of freedom, than such measures as repealing the Test
and Corporation Acts, or even emancipating the Catholics,' great as these
measures were. — Dec. 19, 1841.
Respecting Prejudices. — All religions are contests of prejudices, and
unhappily it is of an extremely recent date, and still confined to a few
countries of Europe that men may contend about their prejudices, and
settle their own disputes, without the interference of magistrates and
criminal laws. A short illustration of this now occurs to me. The pre
sent King of Prussia, placed on the throne by English money, bayonets,
and blood, is a great saint, a sort of a Sir Andrew Agnew or Sir Robert
Inglis saint, and in appointing Dr. Niander, a saint likewise, to' the
Bishopric of Berlin, he immediately consulted the prelate upon prose
cuting the learned Dr. Strauss, who, in his " Life of Jesus," certainly
goes even beyond our justly celebrated Mr. Paine. The bishop, however,
was more just, rational, and humane, than the king ; and he replied that
^he would not prosecute, for criminal proceedings were not. a test of truth,
but a presumption of conscious weakness or guilt in those that instituted
them ; and he added to the king, that he differed conscientiously from
this great divine, Strauss, and would do his utmost to refute him by the
press. The learned coiltest arose between these eminent divines — the
one a palpable Deist, and the other a Prussian orthodox Christian, and
Dr. Strauss never condescended to reply to any other than this learned
antagonist, and had the manhood to retract many of his opinion's,
although he still retained his general Deism. In England we have no
idea of any such mode of seeking truth, and whenever the orthodox
side is beaten, or afraid of a contest, the resort is to a booby jury,
through the medium of an attorney-general, who, for a fee, would with
equal warmth attack or defend either side. This is a noble Englishman's
idea of searching after truth. * * All prejudices are successive. Our Epis
copal Church owes its religion to the destruction of Catholic prejudices,
which owed their existence to something antecedent. The Presbyterian
Church of Scotland owes its existence to its very laudable destruction of
Popery and English Episcopacy. Not a sect that exists in England, from
the Wesleyan Methodists to the Jumponians, the Skippites, and the Hop-
pites, and the innumerable ites and isites that are swarming, or beginning
to swarm, through our fanatical country, could have had the faintest
'breath of existence but by offending and attacking some pre-existing
prejudice. — Ibid.

REPORT OF THE TRIAL

FOR PUBLISHING, IN HIS SHOP,.TflE
WRITINGS AND CORRESPONDENCES OF
R. CARLILE;
BEFORE
CHIEF JUSTICE ABBOTT,
AND A SPECIAL JURY ;
IN THE
COURT OF KING'S BENCH, GUILDHALL,, LONDON,
ON MONDAY, JULY 8, 1822.
' INDICTMENT AT THE INSTANCE OF THE '. ¦¦;!'
g>omtp for tt)t Suppression of mitt.

 *¦ .
LONDON: /
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY R,' GARLILE, 55, FLEET STREET,

1822.

DEDICATION. TO THE
momm of m Jalanir of mm Britain;
THIS
SPECIMEN OF FEMALE PATRIOTISM,
LOVE OF LIBERTY,
BOLD' AND HONEST DARING
TO
TYRANTS AND HYPOCRISY,
AND
VIRTUOUS DISINTERESTEDNESS FOR ALL BUT VIRTUE,
AND
HUMAN AMELIORATION;
For their example, consideration, approbation, and remuneration, is respectfully in
scribed by the advocate of their emancipation from these worst of slaveries,
IGNORANCE AND IDOLATRY,
R. CARLILE.
DORCHESTER GAOL,
JULY 19, 1822.

COPY OF INDICTMENT,
FOUND AT THE OLD BAILEY, JULY 18, 1822,

Moved by a Writ of Certiorari into the Court of King's Bench in the fol
lowing Michaelmas Term, to, which the Defendant pleaded Not Guilty.
London (to wit). The Jurors for our Lord the King, upon their
Oath, present, that Susannah, the Wife of William Wright, late of
London, Bookseller, being an evil disposed and wicked person, and
disregarding- the Laws and Religion of this Realm, and wickedly
and profanely devising, and intending to bring the Christian Reli
gion into disbelief and contempt among the people of this Kingdom, on
the ninth day of May, in the second year of the reign of our Sovereign
Lord Geqrge the Fourth, by the Grace of God of the United King
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, at
London : (that is to say) at the Parish of Saint Dunstan in the West,
in the Ward of Farringdon Without, in London aforesaid, un
lawfully, and wickedly, did sell, utter, and publish, and caused to be
sold, uttered, and published, a certain scandalous, impious, blas
phemous and profane Libel, of and concerning the Christian Reli
gion, containing therein, amongst other things, certain scandalous,
mpious, blasphemous, and profane matters, and things, of and con
cerning the Christian Religion, in one part thereof, according to the
enor and effect following : (that is to say) " You are either an im-
jostor as a Priest, or an idolator as a believer and worshipper, in what
|j s called the Christian1 Religion, but which I deem to be a mythology
i is ridiculous in its present state, as it has been gross and cruel in its
nigin and progress." And in another part thereof, according to the
:enor and effect following: (that is to say) "Religion hasbeenfhechief
ourceofwar, and has vied with every other power and plague in inflict-
l ng misery and destruction on the human race. If you wish for uni-
ersal and constant peace in preference to all other objects, you -must
dvocate the Representative System of Government, the abolition of
teligion established by Law, or the Laws relating to it." And in
nother part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following :
that is to say) " Though I- admire men of a patriotic and bold spirit,
hat will dare to publish the truth, yet I would not, for my own part,
acrifice my comforts as you have done, for all the truth on all the sub-
:cts -in the world. I go to church every Sunday, and as loud as any
f my neighbours repeat the creed, that I believe in God the Father,

who manufactured all things, and in his Son Jesus Christ, who went
to Hell for three days, quite long enough to stop there, and also' in
the Holy Ghost, who  the Virgin Mary  who was a Virgin
before he visited her. I am not like the narrow-minded Unitarians
who only believe in one God, 1 acknowledge three Gods in one God,
and one great Devil." To the high displeasure of Almighty God, to
the great scandal and reproach of the Christian Keligion, to the evil
example of all-others, and against the peace of our said Lord the
King, his Crown and Dignity. And the Jurors aforesaid upon their
Oalh aforesaid, do further present that the said Susannah, the Wife of
William Wright, further impiously, and profanely devising, and in
tending- as aforesaid, afterwards (to wit) on the same day and year
aforesaid, at London aforesaid, in the Parish and Ward aforesaid,
unlawfully, and wickedly, did sell, utter, and publish, and cause to
be sold, uttered, and published, a certain other scandalous, impious,
blasphemous, and profane Libel, of and concerning the Christian Re-
ligion, containing therein, amongst other things, certain scandalous,
impious, blasphemous, and profane matters and things, of and con-
ceniiu" the Christian Keligion ; in one part thereof, according to the
tenor and effect following (that is to say) " You are either an impos
tor as a 1'iicst, or an idolator as a believer and worshipper in whatis
called the Christian Religion ; but which I deem to be a mythology
as ridiculous in its present state as it has been gross and cruel in ill
origin and progress." To the high displeasure of Almighty God; to
the great scandal and reproach of the Christian Religion; to the evil
example of all others, andagainst the peace of our said Lord the King, ;
his Crown and Dignity. And the Jurors aforesaid, upon their Oath '
aforesaid, do fuither present, that the said Susannah, the Wife of
William Wright, fuither impiously, and profanely devising, and in
tending as aforesaid afterwards (to wit) on the thirtieth day of May,
iii the year aforesaid, at London aforesaid, in the Parish and Ward
aforesaid, unlawfully, and wickedly, did sell, utter, and publish, and
cause to be sold, uttered, and published, a certain scandalous, impi
ous, blasphemous, and profane Libel, of and concerning the Holy
Scriptures and the Christian Keligion, containing therein amongst
other things certain scandalous, impious, blasphemous, and profane
matters, and things of and concerning the Holy Scriptures, and the
Christian Religion, in one part thereof, according to the tenor and
effect following: (that is to say) " A Representative System of Go
vernment, would soon see the propriety of turning our Churches and
Chapels into Temples of Science, and peifecting and cherishing the
Philosopher instead of the Priest. Kingcrat and Priestcraft I holdto
be the bane of Society, and to entail all those miseries which are no*
and have been constantly felt by the great body of mankind those tw
evils operate jointly against the welfare both of the body and mind,
and to palliate our miseries in this life, the latter endeavour to bam
boozle us with a hope of eternal happiness ! A frail and ridiculom
notion !" And in another part thereof, according to the tenorandef'
Ject following : (thai is to say) " I would not put' the Bible" (meaiiiij

the Holy Bible) " as a whole into the hands of my children, because
it abounds in fictions and obscenities. The Book of Proverbs is the
only Book in it that I could consider fit for them to read. With re
spect to your tracts, and 1 believe those printed at Bristol are of your
own composition, Mrs. Carlile and myself have amused ourselves in
reading them, and as they are Sacred. Scriptures I have put them into
the water-closet as an appropriate sacrifice to Jehovah. Do not call
me blasphemous ! I consider Jehovah no more allied to the God of
Nature than was Jupiter, Jehovah is the Jupiter of the Jews, whom
the Christians admit also as the chief Deity in their mythology, but to
whom, in imitation of the Pagans of old, they have given a wife"
(meaning the Virgin Mary) " and a son" (meaning our Lord and Sa
viour Jesus Christ) " and with whom they have allied a number of
inferior deities, snch as the Holy Ghost, and his army of angels, and
Satan with his host of Devils. All religion is in my eye paganism,
and such as Christians call the ' the offspring of heathen darkness.' "
To the high displeasure of Almighty God ; to the great scandal and
reproach of the Christian Religion ; to the evil example of all others,
and against the peace of our said Lord the King, his Crown and Dig
nity. And the Jurors aforesaid, upon their Oath aforesaid, do fur
ther present, that the said Susannah, the Wife of William Wright, fur
ther impiously, and profanely devising, and intending as aforesaid, af
terwards (to wit) on the same day and year last aforesaid, at London
aforesaid, in the Parish and Ward aforesaid, unlawfully and wickedly
did sell, utter, and publish, and cause to be sold, uttered, and pub
lished, a certain other scandalous, impious, blasphemous, and pro
fane Libel, of and concerning the Holy Scriptures and the Christian
-Religion, containing therein, amongst other things, certain scanda
lous, impious, blasphemous, and profane matters and things, of and
concerning the Holy Scriptures, and the Christian Religion, in one
part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following : (that is to
say) " I would not put the Bible as a whole into the hands of my
children because it abounds in fictions and obscenities." To the
high displeasure of Almighty God ; to the great scandal and reproach
of the Christian Religion ; to the evil example of all others, and
against the peace of our said Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity.

REPORT,

In consequence of Mrs. Wright having been first indicted in the
name of Jane Carlile, having invalidated the first Indictment by a
plea of misnomer, and having subsequently passed a state of preg
nancy and child-birth, this case has been pending upwards of four
teen months. The Defendant was fully prepared to defend herself
in the first sittings after Michaelmas Term, to which time many
dates and references in her prepared defence would have been more
suitable than at present. The Society did not think proper to press
the trial, evidently from the same motive as a second has now been
deferred, a fear of so great an excitement of the public mind against
them at one time.
As soon as the Lord Chief Justice had taken his seat, this case was
called on by Mr. Abbott. Eight special jurors answered to their
names, after which a tajes was prayed by Mr. Gasefee, who, in the
absence of Mr. Gitrriey, through indisposition, appeared for the pro
secution, and four common jurymen were sworn. While the officer
was swearing the jury, the Defendant, attended by several female
friends, entered the court. /
Mr. John Ellis stated, that the Defendant was indicted for publish
ing two blasphemous libels, tending to bring the Christian religion
inlo contempt.
Mr. Gaselee said, that as it wouid be his painful duty to bring the
paragraphs which were indicted under the notice of the jurv, his
learned friend had properly abstained from reading them in bis open
ing, that their ears might not be more than necessarily wounded. It
would not be his duty to address them at any considerable len°-th,
because the law of the case was completely established, and the ten
dency of the libels could not be mistaken. Christianity, as the Great
est authorities had holden, was part of the English law, which would
not permit any attempt to subvert or turn into ridicule the religion of
the country. Still he would not have sought for a verdict, if the De
fendant had only discussed particular doctrines of the Gospel with
temper and fairness ; but when a libel assailed religion with mere ca
lumny, and represented it as one entire system of fraud and delusion,
it became a duty to protect public morals by seeking the aid of the

laws against its publishers. It was a matter of notoriety, that a per
son named Carlile had been found guilty of a similar offence, and im
prisoned in Dorchester Gaol; but this punishment had failed of pro
ducing its legitimate effect — of removing the offender, or even of
warning others ; for the sale of similar works had, until lately, been
continued in the same shop by other members of the family. They,
too, had been visited with penalties ; but others had arisen to sup
ply the poison on the same scene ; and among these unhappy per
sons was the Defendant, who had no necessities to plead, for she was
the wife of a person engaged in trade, which enabled him to support
his family in comfort. In the first of the pamphlets in question,
dated, " Dorchester Gaol, March 3, second year of the Spanish
Revolution," and entitled, " An Address to the Reformers of Great
Britain," Mr. Carlile stated what the Jury would be glad to hear,
that the sale of his works had decreased, 'because persons were
afraid to sell them, but promising that individuals should be found
hardy enough to undertake the task. The passages complained of
in this pamphlet were part of a letter, purporting to be a reply from,
Mr. Carlile to admonitions addressed to him by the Rev. Mr. Wait
of Bristol. Whether this was a genuine correspondence, or only a
subtile means of conveying the venom to be diffused, was unimpor
tant ; for there could be no excuse for such a sentence as the follow
ing : — " I am bound to tell you, Sir, that you are either an impostor,
as a priest; or an idolator as a believer and worshipper of what is
called the Christian Religion ; but which 1 deem to be a mythology
as ridiculous in its present state, as it has been cruel in its origin and
progress." In another part of the same article, the writer, alluding
to the wish of his correspondent for universal peace, thus proceeded
in his calumnies: — " Religion has been the chief source of war,
and has vied with every other power and plague in inflicting misery
and destruction on the human race. If you wish for universal and
constant , peace, in preference to all other objects, you must advocate
the Representative System of Government, the. abolition of religion
established by law, or the laws relating to it, and the mutual tolera
tion of all opinions." There was one Hue, not included in the In
dictment, which would sufficiently show the spirit in which this
system of blasphemy was pursued. " All our motto is perseverance."
The next passage was an article purporting to be a-letter to Mr. Car
lile, signed " Amicus," of so revolting a description that he trusted
it would not find itsway into anyreport of the trial. "Thoughladmire
men of apatriotic andbold spirit that will dare to publish the truth, yet
I.would not, for my own part, sacrifice my comforts as you have
done, for all the truth on all the subjects in the world. I goto
church every Sunday, and as loud as any .of my neighbours repeat
the Creed, that I believe in God the Father, who manufactured all
things, and in his Son Jesus Christ, who went to Hell for three days,
quite long enough to stop there ; and also the Holy Ghost, who
 the Virgin Mary, who was a virgin before he visited her. 1

8
am not like the narrow-minded Unitarians, who only believe in one
God; I acknowledge three Gods in one God, and one great Devil."
The next libel was contained in another " Address to the Reform-
' ers," dated 23d of April, in the same year, and was in the form of a
j letter from Mr. Carlile to Mr. Abraham Taylor. Here, amidst some
| anticipations of a change in the system of Government now under
discussion, the writer thus continued his attacks on our faith : — " A
| Representative System of Government would soon see the propriety
of turning our churches and chapels into temples of science, and
I cherishing the philosopher instead of the priest. Kingcraft and
1 Priestcraft I hold to be the bane of society, and to entail all those
miseries which are now and have been constantly felt by the great
; body of mankind. These two evils operate jointly against the welfare
j of our mind and body; and to palliate our miseries in this life, the
j latter endeavours to bamboozle us with the hope of eternal happiness
} — a vain and ridiculous notion." The learned Counsel then pro-
l ceeded to read another paragraph from a letter again professing to
' be a correspondence with the Rev. Mr. Wait, as follows : — " I would
not put the Bible as a whole into the hands of my children, because
it abounds in fictions and obscenities. The Book of Proverbs is the
only book in it that I could consider fit for them to read. With re
spect to your Tracts, and 1 believe those printed at Bristol are of
your own composition, Mrs. Carlile and myself have amused our
selves in reading them, and as they are sacred Scriptures, I have put
them into the water-closet as an appropriate sacrifice to Jehovah.
Do not call me blasphemous ! I consider Jehovah no more allied to
the God of Nature than was Jupiter. Jehovah is the Jupiter of the
Jews, whom the Christians admit also as the chief Deity in their
mythology, but to whom, in imitation of the Pagans of old, they
have given a wife and a son ; and with whom they have allied' a
number of inferior deities, such as the Holy Ghost and his army of
angels, and Satan with his host of devils. All religion is in my eye
Paganism, and such as Christians call ' the offspring of heathen
darkness.' He then concluded by expressing his assurance, that if
any repetition of the crime should now be attempted under colour of
defence, it would be treated as it ought by the authority of the Court.
James Rignal proved that he purchased the two pamphlets in
question for ^d. each, at No. 55, Flett-Vtreet, and that they were
delivered to him by the hand of the Defendant. He was then cross-
examined by Mrs. Wright.
How do you get your living ?— I h,ave a pension from the Govern
ment, and am agent to the Society for the Suppression of Vice.
How have you obtained a pension from the. Government? — I was
thirty years in the service of the Customs.
Rut you was dismissed without a pension ?— I was dismissed with
seven! oth-is, but afterwards received a pension.
V, ere ycu not discharged for giving false evidence ?— No, I was
not. Why were you discharged ?—l cannot very well tell : seventeen

9
or eighteen of us were discharged at once ; but since that time the
Lords of the Treasury have taken our case into consideration, and
have allowed me a pension of seventy pounds a year.
When you were in the Customs what religion did you. profess ? —
No answer.
What is the ninth commandment ?
The Chief Justice interfered, and said such questions were im
proper. Defendant. — I do not think this man is to be believed upon his
oath ; if I had a little more time I could prove it.
Chief Justice. — You have had abundance of time to prepare
your defence'. It is for the Jury to say whether he is to be believed
on his oath.
Defendant. — I did not expect to see this" man here, I knew him,
and refused to sell him any thing ; and one day I went with another
female to put him out of the shop. I do not deny that I have sold
the publications before the Court, but not to this man.
The passages charged as libellous were then read by the officer.
At the request of Mrs. Wright, the whole of the articles from which
the passages indicted were selected were then read, and also the two
letters from Mr. Wait to Mr. Carlile. In these the writer, who ap
peared to be a clergyman, exhorted Mr. Carlile to abandon his De-
istical opinions, and proposed several Christian writers for his peru
sal. Mrs. Wright was called on for her defence.
DEFENCE.
Gentlemen of the Jury, I have anticipated all the stale
and common-place logic which you have heard from my
" opponent in wig and robes, and as I could have almost told
you to a letter what would have been urged against me from
that quarter, I shall not answer the nonsense of my very
mild, very tolerant, and very liberal accuser, but endeavour
to stifle it by a little plain truth and common sense. What
you have heard against me, Gentlemen, you ought to attend
to with ,as much gravity as you would if you had heard a
parrot repeat as much jargon: by discipline and lure a
parrot might be made to say as much and with justithe same
fueling, and gold is the lure which has purchased declama
tion against me, You must not imagine for a moment,
Gentlemen, that any thing that has been said against me
by my hired and well paid opponent, has proceeded from
any thing like conscientious feeling, or from any honester
source than the hypocrisy of that disposition which will
¦ support any side or opinions for a fee.
I challenge my accusers to shew, that I have any sinister
motives or lucrative ideas in this affair. No, Gentlemen, I

10
have not. I am a married woman and a mother. I live on
terms of affection and conjugal fidelity with my husband,
whose earnings are regular and fully competent to make us
comfortable; besides. this, I have myself been bred to a
genteel employ, as a lace-mender, and an embroiderer, at
which I could earn double the wages that I have received
from Mr. Carlile. I might almost say, that 1 have served
him gratuitously, for I have received no more than the ad
ditional expence which has accrued from my absence
from home/ and from my putting out my child to the
care of a nurse. I have stood forward in this righteous
cause, by and with the consent and advice of my hus
band. I am not related to Mr. Carlile in the most dis
tant degree. I am scarcely known to him further than as a
customer who has regularly called for his publications. I
have imbibed his principles, and I stand forward this day to
defend them, and to say to you, Gentlemen, that I am so far
proud of tjiem ; I am so far convinced they are virtuous, to
the very extreme of virtue, that with a better heart and
motives than the Christian Martyrs of old, who fell as igno
rant and fanatical victims to Pagan persecution, Ishall sub
mit with pleasure and with joy to any pains and penalties,
that may fall upon me from this worse than Pagan, persecu
tion. Worse, because it is hypocritical, and because, the
I pretended suppressors of vice are the actual suppressors of
(moral virtue!
' But'do not imagine, Gentlemen, that I anticipate a verdict
of Guilty. I do not. I know it is a matter of chance, and
not of law or justice, and as such my conscience makes me
careless aliout your verdict. I know well, that if there be
one honest, intelligent, and conscientious man among you,
Gentlemen of the Jury, and I hope you are all such, you
will never find me guilty of publishing, with a wicked inten
tion, the pamphlets which have given rise to this Indictment.
I know that all verdicts in such cases are regulated by the
previous opinions and prejudices of the persons called on the
Jury; and I know that the influence of my persecutors,*in
selecting a Jury of their own opinions, turns the chance of
acquittal ten to one against me. But I fear not; I know
my own heart, and I know that a dungeon cannot damp it.
I declare before God. and my country that I have no ma
licious motive in publishing these pamphlets. Malice or
wickedness never entered my bosom. I declare before God
and my country that my motive is not gain. My chief am
bition, and 1 glory in it, has been to serve and obtain the

It ' * •
esteem of Mr. Carlile, his family, and the honest part of the
public, and to annoy their robbers. '.-
Standing before you, Gentlemen, in this-state of mind, I
feel, that I have a claim on your peculiar attention; for
since I challenge my persecutors to shew, that my princi
ples and motives are any thing but honest, pure and consci
entious, I shall defend myself freely, and in the same spirit,
hoping that my defence may please all, but not caring
about whom it may offend.
I do not mean to deny that I did sell the two pamphlets
, which form the subject of this Indictment: I have no wish
to put in such a defence. I did sell them to all enquirers
whilst I was in Mr. Carlile's shop, and had it not been for
the risk of forfeiting my recognizances, I wrould have con
tinued the sale to this day: however, it has been continued
by others to my great joy and satisfaction. I have read
every thing that Mr. Carlile has written and published, and I
never read any of his publications but I woulddefetid, and if
furthermartyrdom be necessary for the propagation of princi*
pies, here I stand both ready and willing to fill the gap
made by persecution.
Having said thus' much, Gentlemen of the Jury.^that you
might have a full view of the disposition"' and character, as
well as>of the person before you, for I protest that I do not
wish to deceive you on any one point, nor to mate any
thing like a hypocritical defence, I shall proceed minutely
to examine the contents of my Indictment.
It first charges me with being an evil disposed and wicked
person, disregarding the Laws and Religion of this realm,
and wickedly and profanely devising and intending to bring
the Christian Religion into disbelief and contempt among the
people of this kingdom, and that I did sell and titter certain
impious, blasphemous, and profane pamphlets, of which this
Indictment sets forth extracts.
i Now, Gentlemen, I answer, that I have" no desire- either
to bring the religion or the laws of this country into con
tempt, although lam a believer inno kind of religion what
ever, nor do I like the laws under which- 1 live; but all I
wish for on the score of religion is, that it be brought to the
touchstone of free discussion, and that there shall be no
persecution for matters of opinion.
This certainly cannot be deemed a bringing it into con
tempt: but the conduct of my persecutors is that which_
brings their religion into contempt, by proclaiming to the
people of these realms, through these persecutions, that it

• - 12 - Tf
cannot.stand-the test of examination and free discussion. ^
it be founded in truth, I wish to get at it, to know it, and to
have a firm faith and belief in it, to have it exposed to all
the attacks and scrutinies of free discussion, that there
may be no longer doubt remaining about it, as is now the
case throughout what is called Christendom itself: but whilst
I see those who are well paid for it, interested only in sup
porting it by the strong arm of power and brute force, I am
reluctantly compelled to doubt its truth, I am an infidel to it
from a disagreeable necessity which I wish to see removed.
It is a moral impossibility that truth can be brought into con
tempt by ever so strict a scrutiny, or by sarcasm, or ridicule,
however poignant. The more you examine it^ the more
brilliant it appears. It has all the properties of the diamond,
and one more, fire cannot destroy it, nor the lapse of time
make it decay. It may be buried in falsehood, sophistry,
and ignorance, but it is indestructible and will be continu
ally rising to human view. It cannot be subverted by logic
or rhetoric, nor defaced by .declamation and abuse. It is
persecution by brute force alone that can impede its progress
upon the human mind: to that my persecutors resort to
shelter their religion from examination and free discussion,
and that strengthens my infidelity towards it. '*
So, Gentlemen, look which way you will, you will find
that it is my persecutors, and you, if you support them, 'who
will bring the religion of the country into contempt, and not
I, who wish to have its truth made apparent to every
min'd, if there be any connected With it.
As to my disregarding the laws, and wishing1 to bring them
into contempt: the charge is ridiculous! If they are just,
what could a female do' in regard to bringing them
.into contempt? I have said that I do not like" the laws
tinder which I live, and the reason why I do not like them
is, because, they are not made by the consent of the people,
through their representatives1; from whence, in my opinion,
all laws should emanate to be just and impartial. But,
however, I might dislike or have disregarded them, I will
shew you, Gentlemen, that! have violated no known law,
and I will call upon you to dismiss this Indictment on the
ground that it is founded upon no known law whatever. I
must however reserve this point until the last, as I know it will
not be a very pleasant one to the lawyers, and I have no
wish to be condemned unheard as was lately the case of
Mary-Ann Carlile.
The Indictment goes on to say, that I did sell a certain

13
scandalous, impious, blasphemous, and profane libel, of and
concerning the Christian Religion. Mark, Gentlemen, it
does not say a word about its being false, and all the other
charges amount to nothing, and admit of no other construc
tion than the prejudices of different persons might put upon
them. The word false has of late been purposely and most
corruptly omitted from these Indictments, because, it would
if inserted, authorize the defendant to shew the truth of a
publication, and our present lawyers and rulers look at
truth as the bigotted Catholic looks at heresy, they would,
burn its votaries without remorse and even with extacy.
But do not lend yourselves', Gentlemen, to the horrid prac
tice of the day, to pronounce truth a scandalous libel, and a
punishable crime: — Denounce this infamous practice, and
give the triumph to virtuous truth, in preference to vicious
falsehood. Shew yourselves moral men, and do not support
these corrupt and wicked purposes of the lawyers.
Scandalous, impious, blasphemous, and profane, are adjec
tives that mean nothing at all, in a legal point of view; and are
epithets adapted'solely to the vocabulary of violent scolds, in
their seldom ser tons quarrels. Is it true or false, ought to be
the questions for your consideration, for this alone can be
the criterion to decide upon matters of opinion.
Now, Gentlemen, we come to the pith of the Indictment.
It is necessary I should state to you, that it contains extracts
from two twopenny pamphlets, which are filled with cor
respondences between Mr. Carlile and his friends on the
one hand, and his opponent, the Rev. William Wait of
Bristol on the other. With two exceptions, and those ex
tracts from the letter of a friend to Mr. Carlile, and one from
him to a friend, the Indictment is filled with passages select
ed from Mr. Carlile's answers to this Rev. William Wait,
and I think it not a little disingenuous, that a clergyman,
wallowing in luxury, amidst the rich pastures of his flock,
is to pour forth his vituperations upon the motives and con
duct of Mr Carlile, and that whenever the latter attempts to
give him a becoming answer, he finds either his wife, or some
member of his family prosecuted and imprisoned for it. It
should be recollected too, that this Parson Wait was the first to
challenge this controversy ; both his person and his name
were alike strange to Mr. Carlile, and it becomes scandalous
indeed to shut the mouth of a man in prison, whilst a host of
interested and hypocritical priests are pouring forth their in
vectives upon htm, both from their pulpits and their
closets.

14
Our persecutors wish him to betirthe abuse of every hire
ling priest and scribe, and not to answer without incurring
further pains and penalties. But we will not. suffer these
dastards to pass unanswered. We will have free, discussion;
if on our side it leads to a dungeon; and ifit.be to be carried
on from a dungeon. These are ray feelings on this subject
and occasion, and this my motive for braving persecution.
It will be your duty,- Gentlemen, to examine the Letters
as a whole, both the challenges and the reply, and not to
rest on garbled extracts, some of which are but members of
sentences, taken out in the most unfair manner: it is my
duty to proceed to give you the best comment upon them I
am able.
The first sentence selected is thus, from Mr. Carlile's
reply to some invectives from Parson Wait, to him: "You
are either an impostor as a Priest, or an idolator as a believer
and worshipper in what is called the Christian Religion,
but which I deem to be a mythology, as ridiculous in its
present state, as it has been gross and cruel in its origin and
progress." Now, Gentlemen, what is to be made of this, or
how can a malicious motive be attributed tome in publish
ing such a sentence. It is notorious that Mr. Carlile is not
a Christian, and I wish it to be as notorious that I am hot.
This view of the case being taken, Gentlemen, the case is
seen in a very different light to what the Indictment alleges.
A Jew, a Mahometan, or a Brahmin, would support the
assertion of Mr. Carlile: but we view the matter^ in a dif
ferent light from any of them: We do not feel, see, and act
upon sectarian prejudices: we do not wish to set up one
sort of religion against another: we view the whole as a
mythology of the same character, only exhibited in various
ways, and after different customs and manners.
How, or in what manner, you will say do you call all re
ligion mythological? You shall have Mr. Carlile's explana
tion from the same letter whence the sentence is taken.
Chief Justice. — We do not want Mr. Carlile's explanation
here. I cannot admit it. (Mrs. Wright kept on not notic
ing him.)
He says, to this Parson Wait: " You, Sir, I verily believe,
have not for a moment contemplated the omnipotent power
which gives laws to nature. Whether we call this power
God, or not, is of very little consequence, we can no more
fathom it than the smallest animalcule, or even the vegetable
can fathom and be conscious of the cause and object of its
own existence." This, Gentlemen, is the ground upon which

15
Mr. Carlile calls the Priest an Idolator: " He looks through
Nature up to Nature's God," which no Priest has ever
done, and does not borrow his ideas of the Deity from books,
which paint him in, the most fantastic, and, I might add,
blasphemous shapes and characters; for really, Gentlemen,
if any person can claim a right to use the term blasphemous
when contemplating the Deity, it must be he who does it
upon scientific principles, and condemns as blasphemous
those descriptions of the Deity in antiquated books, compos
ed when the grossest superstition raged among the human
race, and when every species of science was either unknown
or condemned as the work of what was called the Devil!
The man of Science is the only man who can have just
pretence to speak of or to describe the Deity. He .who is
conversant in the sciences of Chemistry and Astronomy, and
who has taken a deep viejw of the operations and varieties
of nature, he alone, can justly pretend to speak of Deity or
to form an idea of omnipotence. Nearly all professors of
religion use the phrase Almighty God with just the same
feelings and ideas as they have when they call an earthly
monarch his most gracious Majesty.
It is in this view of the case that Mr. Carlile calls Parson
Wait an idolator, -or an impostor, because, in the letter
which he answered, he convicts the Parson of gross igno
rance in the science of Astronomy ; in referring to passages
in, the Apocalypse which represent stars falling to the earth,
as if they were but as ripe or blighted fruit falling from the
branches of a tree; whereas, Astronomy, by the aid of the
telescope, has taught us, thatthese stars are suns of stupenduous
magnitude, each forming the centre of a solar system, such
as that of which we are a portion, and in comparison to
which, the earth we inhabit, and on which this book called
the Bible says they are to fall, is but as a pebble.
Here then is proof that Mr. Carlile was justified in saying
this. Parson Wait was an idolator or an impostor. If his
ignorance in the science of.Astronomy,was as great as his
letter would seem to show, he was evidently an idolator from
that ignorant state of mind, and if he knew more on the sub
ject than his letter represented, he was evidenly a hypocrite
or an impostor, in endeavouring to give countenance to such
nonsense as that of stars falling to the earth like a fig-tree
casteth her untimely fruit! and about the heavens being
rolled, up like a scroll! The Parson may take which charac
ter he pleases, both he oannot avoid ; but you, Gentlemen,

16
cannot justly find me guilty of a malicious motive in pub
lishing such a sentence.
The next extract in the Indictment is taken from the con
clusion of the same letter, and if you are suprised at the im
propriety of indicting such a sentence as the last, that sur
prise will be increased when you hear the next; it is
thus: —
" Religion has been the chief source of war, and has vied
with every other power and plague in inflicting misery and
destruction on the human race. If you wish for universal
and constant peace in preference to all other objects, you
must advocate the Representative System of Government, the
abolition of religion established by law, or the laws relating
to it." This, Gentlemen, I have called a sentence, but it is only
a fragment of a sentence: to finish it should be added the
words "and the mutual toleration of all opinions." This
omission, Gentlemen, is the very pith of the sentence, for the
next says: " No other basis for universal and constant peace
can be found." But, methinks, I hear my persecutors of the
Vice Society saying: we must not have a word about the.
mutual toleration of opinions: such notions make no part of
our scheme."
What then I would ask, Gentlemen, can be deemed blas
phemous or profane in this sentence? The idea and expres
sion is strictly moral and humane, and breathes nothing but
a desire for universal and constant peace. Is it become a
blaspnemy and profaneness to wish for universal and con
stant peace among the human race, or to point out the
means of attaining it? Is it blasphemy and profaneness to
the sight and the hearing of my persecutors to recommend
that best of all charities, a mutual toleration of opinions?
Gentlemen, we are not the masters of our opinions any more
than we were of bringing ourselves into existence. The for
mer depends upon the organization of our frames as much as
the latter. We can neither controul or regulate them by any
standard, for their shades and differences are as infinite as
are the organizations of mankind ; and where shall we look
for two human beings who so nearly resemble each other
that we cannot distinguish them? I have met with none
such, and I do not think that either of you have, Gentlemen.
Then, I repeat it as an incontrovertible axiom, that there
must be a mutual toleration of all opinions before there can
be constant and universal peace.
But how, I may be asked, has religion been the chief
source of war; and how has it contributed towards the mi-

17
sery and destruction of the human race? I will answer,
Gentlemen, without speaking in disparagement of any par
ticular sect or people, or any particular religion; that it is
upon the pretence of supporting one kind of religion against
the innovation ofanother, that has been the chief excuse for
war. — Protect your . altars and your religions, has been
the cry of Priests in all ages and of all sects : for it is an
axiom that a Priest is a Priest all the world over: it mat
ters not to what religion he ministers, there is an universal
sameness in their motives; to live in splendour and luxury
without performing any productive labour: to demand the
homage, and even the worship of the labouring and cheated
multitude! Chief Justice. — I, cannot sit here to hear the Clergy
abused in this manner. (Mrs. Wright proceeded without
noticing this interruption.)
Can there be a question raised about this, fragment of a
sentence in the Indictment. Shall I call your attentions to
the persecutions of the present day, in which you are actually
engaged, and to which my persecutors call you to minister
for their gratification? Shall I lead you back to the proscrip
tion of the Dissenters from the present established Church
of this country, when to dissent was a crime, a crime which
'illed-the gaols of England, and actually depopulated many
parts of Scotland, a crime which has kept Ireland as a barren
desert and a howling waste, whilst her inhabitants have been
treated as beasts of prey ; but such a crime as persecution
could not, nor ever will put down, whilst, in this Island, it
is now considered meritorious to dissent, and almost the only
proof of the person being in reality a Christian ? Shall I call
attention to the -time when the present established Church
began to dissent from the then established Church of Rome,
to the burnings and the tortures practised upon those who
were fheli denominated heretics, for the same purpose as we
are now called blasphemers, because we differ in opinion?
Where is the town in this Island, that has not lighted the
faggot to burn the bodies and save (he souls of such heretics?
Think of this, Gentlemen. Look back and ask yourselves the
question, Whether, you could have given over the bodies of
those .abused heretics to the flames? You will say no : then
mark me well, the present persecution of persons falsely
called blasphemers, and the former persecution of heretics,
wil be viewed alike by the next generation. A few short
months will put a stop to these persecutions upon the pre
tence of blasphemy, the parties now suffering. persecution
2

18
see their triumph close at hand, they glory in their career,
and are full of bold determination to proceed.
Have I need to explain any further the evils of these per
secutions, and to shew how the wars among mankind have
been the wars of religion? Shall I shew yOu how the civil
wars in the time of the first Charles and of Cromwell were
strictly speaking religious wars? What shall we say of all
the wars, rebellions, and famines in Ireland for three centu
ries past? What has caused them but a difference in opinion
about matters of religion? It has been carried to such excess
in that oppressed country, that now, the peasantry from des
pair, are set against every thing that is termed religious, and
the torch of civil war and resistance to religious oppression
is again blazing forth, whilst they have the wishes of all but
tyrants, that their unity and courage may lead them, with
the similarly situated Greeks, to emancipation and to inde
pendence. Shall I take you back to the Crusades of the Christians
against the Mahometans, and shew you the alternate triumph
of the cross and the crescent, whilst millions of human
beings were its victims, and it became the mere turn of a
battle in France that prevented the Mahometans overrunning
the whole of Europe? Read your own Holy Bible, read the
History of the Jews, and say how far this indicted fragment is
consistent with truth. Read the history of the Courts of
Inquisition on the Continent, or the wars of the Hugonofs
and Papists in France. * What did the Christian Spaniards
and Portuguese in taking and keeping possession of South
America? What millions of human sacrifices have they
there made to the Christian Gods? But there is an end to
their power; and liberty, glorious liberty, shall pervade
that delightful Continent, in spite of the tyranny of Kings
and Priests combined.
I call upon my persecutors, or their Counsel, to show us,
to point out to us, the religion, that does not owe its power
and propagation to the sword. I know of none. History
shews us none such since the word religion has made
part of human language and human action: and we may
trace the word religion from place to place, and from time to
time, until we come to the conclusion that it is synonymous
with war, misery, and destruction.
The Christian Religion has been called the religion of
peace: but where shall we look for the practical part of the
assertion? In this persecution? Shall we look into Dorches
ter Gaol for it, and see a whole family immured for calling

19
it in question, and for wishing to have it examined ?— Where
--where is the peace among Christians? When, when was it'
or when shall it be? Let it begin now, Gentlemen. Dis
countenance this persecution. Tolerate the opinions which
may differ from yours, and you shall find peace. There
will be no peace until you do so, and experience teaches us
that .eyery persecuted opinion destroys its persecutors.
No-vv, Gentlemen, I presume we have found nothing like
blasphemy or profaneness yet; let us proceed further and
examine the next extract. It is not of Mr. Carlile's writing:
t it is from the letter of a friend to him, written from Man
chester, in which it is stated, that the writer admires the con
duct and opinions of Mr. Carlile, but to avoid persecution
he does -as his neighbours do, goes to Church and repeats
the Christian Creed, as loud as any of them. Such con
duct is by 110 means singular: it has long been the practice
of persons in office, and those we denominate the aristocracy.
It is a case in point that these persecutions are immoral and
mischievous: they make hypocrites from the terror they ex
cite in weak and fickle minds, but they never make consci
entious proselytes. <
It is notorious that those who are denominated the higher
class or the aristocracy throughout Europe, have boasted
of an 'infidelity towards all religion for more than a century
past, and it is only within these few years, since the labour
ing useful classes have begun to have their eyes opened
about the matter, that the clamour about blasphemy and pro
faneness has been raised by the hypocrites. Infidelity has
been viewed as a luxury by this pretended higher order of
beings, and which, like all other luxuries, they wish to
keep from the useful and productive class of mankind.
This, Gentlemen, is the comment I offer upon this extract;
you have heard it read, and as it contains nothing more than
a description of the Christian Creed, and as there is some
little indelicacy connected with that creed, I forbear to com
ment further upon it; but in the extract before you there is
nothing misstated, and if there be blasphemy and profane
ness connected with it, which T deny, the same terms must
be applied ta_your own creed. It is nothing more than a
plain recital of the Christian Creed.
This, Gentlemen, concludes my defence to the first count
and the first pamphlet, and I am sure that here you can see
nothing like blasphemy, profaneness, or impiety, and recol
lect, that this is the whole of the charge against me. I am
not charged with publishing. any thing seditious or false, the

20
charge is that of impiety, blasphemy and profaneness, pub
lished by me with a wicked intention, and you must see(i
Gentlemen, that the extracts in the first count of the indict
ment do not support the charge, but are the very reverse,.
The indictment is impious, blasphemous, and profane, be
cause it is false and founded in falsehood, but not the ex
tracts, frefui my publications, nor the publications altoge
ther. s
The second count of the indictment is a repetition of a
•portion of the first, consequently, does not require any ob-
servations'from me; but the third count opens with extract
from another pamphlet, and why it was thought necessary
to make the indictment embrace two pamphlets I am atVa
loss to conceive, because, if they are not separately 'blasphe*
mous and profane, they cannot be so jointly. Perhaps the
object was to deter Mr. Carlile from further publication of
his writings or correspondence, by showing him that the tw<?
Prosecuting Societies, the Bridge'Street Gang, .and the Essex
Street Gang, were determined between them to prosecute
every thing that he .writes and publishes from his sbop,
But I can tell the members of these societies, that it is Mr.
.Carhle's pride and pleasure to have' bis sentiments discussed
and examined, and he knows well it cannot be more effectu
ally done any where than'in this Court. These prosecu
tions can please or serve no one'more than Mr. Carlile, ttnd
therefore, as his agent here, I challenge his enemies to pror
coed and do, their worst. He will never want persons. ig_
stand ia this Court and defend his publications; therefc-JiB
no prosecutions, no fines, no imprisonments, will deter him, ¦
or make him shrink for" a moment, from a, straight forward
assertion of the right of free discus, ioa on all subjects. '*
The first extract' ia the third count of the indictment, ista- ;
ken. from a letter from Mr. Carlile to the i n habitants. of !
Glodwick, a village. near Manchester-, in answer to one writ- ,
ten to .him, which noticed the glorious progress of revoju- '
tion in both Am. rica and Europe, and the hourly decay, !
and the certain speedy dissolution, of the feudal system -of
government. In noticing the advantages arising from a Re
presentative System of Government, Mr. Carlile observes:
"A Representative System of Government would soon see
the propriety of turning our Churches and Chapels into,
Temples of Science, and in protecting (not perfecting, it is a
misprint) and .cherishing the Philosopher instead of the
Priest. Kingcraft and Priestcraft I hold to be the bane of
society and to entail all those miseries- which are now and

21
have been Constantly felt by the great body of mankind;
those two evils operate jointly against the welfare both of the
body and mind, and to palliate our miseries -in this life, the
. latter endeavours to bamboozle us with a hope of eternal
happiness ! A frail and ridiculous notion !"
Now, Gentlemen, it requires very different optics and.
ideas from mine to perceive any thing like blasphemy and
profaneness in this paragraph." No writer on political eco
nomy — no writer on polemics would excite the least interest,
or get the least attention "paid to him, if he took the other
side of this question. The case stands thus: The -great
body of the people are. removing the film from their eyes
w,hich has so long kept them in a state of darkness and mi
sery, and they will no longer be bamboozled with any fur
ther sophistry and delusion upon the points noticed in this
paragraph. The whole of them .are bcoome points of' gene
ral discussion throughout Europe and America; our oppo
nents can find no argument but brute force, no reason but
that such evils do exist, to meet the overwhelming attacks'
we make upon them ; therefore, vain will be all prosecu
tions, — .vain will be all verdicts against them, — vain will'be
all fines and imprisonments, for where it is possible to excite
discussjon., truth will triumph, and in this country discussion
cannot be stayed, neither by corrupt laws, nor a corrupt ad
ministration of laws — one single printing press that is free, is a
sufficient buttress for truth against the assaults of a thousand
that are hired and corrupt. The press is our weapon and our
defence; the verdicts of juries on matters of opinion are as
indifferent as they are preposterous in our sight.
^ The opinions we support by argument and fair discussion,
and to which our enemies give us no answer but in the shape
of brute-force persecution, are spreading throughoutthe semi
naries of literature in Europe, and even throughout despotic
Germany we find both professors of the arts and sciences
and students, are Republicans and Deists. Similar indica
tions begin to display themselves in Russia, and we hear of
professors removed because they inculcate what my perse
cutors, and all other despots, call dangerous opinions, but
which are spreading in a ratio with the violenceof the oppo
sition made to them. ",
If you, Gentlemen, to day, say, that I have published
-what is blasphemous and profane, you will be despised for it
to-morrow. Opinions must no longer be subject to persecu
tion. It will not do, Gentlemen, and if I am to be a victim.,
to such persecutions, I have no fear that I shall not survive

22
them, and live to reap a reward in the triumph of reason and
free discussion.
As to the assertion in the paragraph now under notice, that
it is a frail and ridiculous notion to hope for eternal life;
it is sufficient that I say, the sciences of Astronomy and Che
mistry have annihilated every hope of the kind with those
who have examined and who understand them.
I come now, Gentlemen, to the last extract, which is longer
than any of the former, but upon which I shall have but
very little to say, as it consists of private matter which pas
sed between the aforesaid Parson Wait and Mr. Carlile, and
forms part of an answer to one of the Parson's letters, and to
some of his denunciations and invectives.
Really, Gentlemen of the Jury, it is not to be borne, that
such a man as an interested priest should pour forth his de
nunciations and invectives against a man of opposite opi
nions, and that the latter cannot reply to him without doom
ing some member of his family to a dungeon. Is this fair
play? Call you this toleration ? Is this a land of liberty?
Or I would ask on which side does the licentiousness lie in
this case? Parson Wait began the .correspondence, by
challenging the opinions of Mr. Carlile, after he was con
fined in Dorchester Gaol, in the most domineering and inso
lent manner ; and what man of spirit would sit quietly under
such impudence and insult? Mrs. Carlile is now doomed
to two years imprisonment merely for selling one of her hus
band's letters to this old hypocrite, which was an answer
imperatively called for by the infamous insinuations in the
Parson's letter.
Chief Justice. I cannot suffer such language to be used
here. (Mrs. Wright still persisted as if he had not spoken.)
This is what is called hearing both sides of the question!
Go on, ye hypocrites of the Vice Society ! Go on, all ye '
public robbers of whatever gang! — We will brave and
defy your persecutions, and triumph over you at last! We
will have free discussion! We will brave the dungeon or
the faggot— the torture, or the scaffold, like the sturdy mar
tyrs of old, and vain shall be all your persecutions ! As the
blood of the Christian martyrs became the seed of the Chris
tian Church, so shall our sufferings become the seed of free
discussion and in those very sufferings we will triumph j
over you ! f, J
Let it not be thought, Gentlemen, there is any thing in
i A e ?£*?* that T Shnuk from defending. There is no
word of it that conveys an opinion but coincides with mine, !

23
and I only forbear quoting and invesitgating the whole of it,
because, Mr. Carlile has expressed his contempt for the Par
son's religious tracts by a figure, which though not proper
for me to notice to you, contains nothing that can bear out
the charge of~the indictment against me.
He says, in one part, he would not put the Bible as a whole
into the hands-of his children, because it abounds in fictions
and obscenities. He certainly, as a father, has a right to
preserve the morals of his children from every thing that
can contaminate them, and if the latter part of the sentence
was false, why was it not charged as a false libel? Why
has not the Counsel for the prosecution contradicted the
phrase ? There is a reason why, because, in truth, he could
not. Mr. Carlile says, he would put the Book of Proverbs into
the hands of his children, because every one knows, that,
with a few exceptions, it is an admirable compendium of
morality, which it would well become my persecutors to
study and to practise.
As to that part of the extract where Mr. Carlile says, he
considers the Jewish and Christian Religion to be a mytho
logy of the same description as the Paganism of old, it is,
only expressed as an opinion which he holds, and I will add
which I hol<L and which is held by millions in Europe. He
does not go out of the way to lug in any comparisons, but
says, Jehovah is the Jupiter of the Jews; and certain it is,
that the Jews never held such sublime notions of their Jeho-
1 vah, as the Grecians and Romans did of their Jupiter. If
1 the latter was worshipped in statues made of metal, wood,
or stone, the former was ever considered by the Jews, as a
local deity, and ever present in the ark, the tabernacle, or
the temple. The Jews had no idea of an omnipotent or an
' omnipresent God. A contemptible idol was all that ever they
1 worshipped. Of the God of Nature they had no concep
tion ; for it is evident that they attributed every kind of
whim, caprice, and passion to their Deity, such as they had
1 seen in the. character of different chieftains.
As to the charge of the Christian Religion being a mytho-
' logy, it is only necessary to define its elements to come to that
¦ conclusion. The wife of a carpenter is called the mother of
I a Christian God, but, although the woman is married, it is as-
1 serted, that the .husband is not the father of the child.
Surely this is the most ridiculous of all the mythologies that
i ever existed. If there be any thing harsh in these words,
Gentlemen, it is no fault of mine ; you all know that such is

24
the.import of the two Gospels of Matthew, and Luke. 1
have no wish to make any unpleasant remarks upon the sub
ject, and I am sure when you coolly weigh all the passages
selected into my indictment, and compare them with the con
text, and the correspondence which gave rise to them, yon
will find there is not a blasphemous or profane expression, but
such as-fairly and naturally grew out of the matter of discus^
sion ; and if that matter of discussion be improper, recollect,
Gentlemen, that it was the well-fed priest who first provoked it.
I have already said, that the' manner in which the indict
ment is drawn up is blasphemous and profane, because1,. it ap
plies epithets which are false, and allusions which are pro
fane ; at the conclusion of each count it repeats, that the ex
tracts selected into the indictment are to the high displeasure
of Almighty God. Now this is abominably blasphemous,
because it makes the Deity a party to these prosecutions, and
upon the same principle he has been made a party to all the
prosecutions for matters of religious opinions, for his namq
has been used in every indictment from the first burning of
heretics in this country, down to the' present prosecution.
This is blasphemy indeed ! here is a definable blasphemy,
which is not the case in the charge against me ; and, Gentle
men, if you are conscientious, and act conscientiously upon
the call of my opponent in wig and robes, you will express
your abhorrence of this blasphemous indictment,, and not of
my harmless and moral publications. It is making the al
mighty a puppet to support the wicked pretensions of my
persecutors, and to din your ears with some horrible expresr
sions for the sole purpose of exciting any latent prejudices
which they hope to find in your. bosoms. <-
Even to this day, in certain indictments, it-is still the prac
tice to say, that the accused has been instigated by thee Devil,
whilst throughout this Island, there is not one in ten who be
lieve any such nonsense, or in any such an animal as the De
vil is represented to be with his horns, his saucer-eyes, his
tail, and his cloven feet. It is shameful that such practices
should be tolerated in our courts of law, which, should ra
ther lead the public mind forward, to improvement than, at
tempt to foster and retain all the antiquated arid horrible
prejudices and ignorances of former generations, it bas
been well observed, that lawyers are like mile-stones,-i£hey
are stationary indexes, which denote the advanced distance of;
the public mind.
I shall beg leave, though without having obtained or even solicited
his permission, to avail myself of the assistance of a very able writer,

25 •*
whose exertions in the cause, in which I am engaged, ought not to
drop unnoticed into silence, but merit a conspicuous place in EVEinr
trial of this kind. This is a person of respectability as a private,
and celebrity, as a public man, he has not thought it unworthy of
himself to step forward in the sacred cause of liberty, in advocating
the propriety of a conscientious assertion, as well as profession of
sceptical principles, he maintaining the right of publishing as well as
of thinking, conceives probably, that, if an individual is punishable
for the former, he ought to be punishable for the latter. He is,
moreover, a minister of that very religion, which is attacked in
some of the works printed at Mr. Carlile's; and, he thinks, no
doubt, with Bishop Watson, that "The Bible, having withstood the
learning of Porphyry, and the power of Julian; having resisted the.
genius of Bolihgbroke, and the Wit of Voltaire, will not fall by the
force" of such publications. This gentleman is the Rev. Mr. Fox.
1 now beg leave to submit his observations to your serious attention,
Gentlemen of the Jury, and to read them publicly before you.

Tlie Duties of Christians towards Deists: a Sermon, preached at the Unita
rian Chapel, Parliament-Court, Artillery-Lane, Bishopsgate- Street, on
Sunday, October 24, 1819, on occasion of the recent Prosecution of
Mr. Carlile, for the Republication of Paine' s Age of Reason. By
W. J. Fox.
" Christianity stands in no need of prosecutions for its support."
Speech of the Attorney-General.
. PREFACE.
On the Sunday preceding the Trial of Mr. Carlile for the publication of
Paine's Age of Keason, having occasion to discourse on the account of
the persecution of Paul and Silas at Philippi, I made the following allu
sion to what I could not but consider as an imitation of the opposers of
Christianity in that transaction :
" And here I must be allowed to digress for a moment, to lament that
the Christian name should have been sullied, stained, bloodily stained,
with the foulest enormity of Paganism and Imposture; and that even
here, in this boasted land of liberty, and now, in the nineteenth century,
there should be Christian tribunals to whose bar the unbeliever may be
summoned to -expiate his want of faith, or even his opposition to the faith,
by pains and penalties, fine and imprisonment. The very fact is a libel on
Christianity, and founded on a principle against which every one who values
the character of his religion in the eyes of rational men should solemnly pro
test. If Deists will listen to you, persuade them; if they will reason,
argue with them; if they write and publish, reply to them; if they misre
present, expose them; but in the name o-f Christ, do not persecute them,
do riot abet or sanction their persecution. Fine and imprisonment I
What need has Christianity of such supports? What means could its'
bitterest enemies devise more foully to disgrace its name, more effec
tually to obscure its truth ? It will never prevail with such aid. O may

: 26
it soon have ' free course,' free not more from hostility than from such
fatal friendship, for then, and then only, will it be glorified.' "
Having thus freely expressed my opinion, it was my intention not to
have adverted again to the- subject, in the pulpit at least. During the
progress, and at the termination of the trials, I found strong inducements
to rescind this determination. The conviction of Mr. Carlile I had anti
cipated; but I had not anticipated the legal doctrines which were ad
vanced to aid in procuring that conviction ; and still more was I surprised
and grieved at the feeling manifested by that part of the public which was
allowed 10 be present during the trial, and by religious people generally.
The Hecorous silence of^i Court of Justice has sometimes given way to
sympathy with the accused, but rarely indeed has, there been a disposition
to violate that decorum by audible expressions of disapprobation, during
a defence, or of applause at a verdict of guilty. The common, language
of Christians after the trials, as far as I could observe and asceitain, and
with the exception of a liberal minority, was that of joyous congratulation,
as if a Waterloo victory had been gained over Infidelity. To correct, as
far as I can, this improper and unchristian feeling, as1 it appears to me,
and inculcate " the duties of Christians towards Deists," as those duties
are taught in the New Testament, is the design of the following Sermon, to
which, as I have rigidly restricted myself, it may be allowed me here to
make a few brief remarks upon the trial.
In the Sermon I have taken for granted the legal propriety qf the con
viction ; the pulpit was not the place for the discussion of that subject :
to doubt it may be deemed presumptuous, but doubts I have, and why
should they not be expressed? They may be resolved into the following
objections :
1. It virtually rescinds the protection granted by the Legislature to the
Unitarians. That'protection rests upon Mr. W. Smith's Bill, 53 Geo. III.
which certainly was not intended, either by the introducer or the Legisla
ture, to protect Unbelievers, according to Mr. Carlile's interpretation; but
by which it was clearly undeijstood that Unitarianism ceased to be an
offence. According to the legal doctrines by which this prosecution was
supported, and which are confirmed by the verdict of the Jury, who " are
Judges alike of the fact and the law," Unitarianism is still an offence, and
the liberal intentions of the Legislature in extending toleration to its pro
fessors are consequently defeated. Ij; was contended by the Attorney-
General, and allowed, and afterwards maintained by the Court, that the
Blasphemy Act, 9 and 10 William and Mary, made no new offences, but
only affixed statutary penalties to certain acts which were previously, and
still are, offences at Common Law. The denial of the doctrine of the
Trinity is consequently still an offence at Common Law, and punishable,
upon conviction, at the discretion of the Court. The Attorney-General
did not leave this to be inferred by others, but followed up his premises
with their legitimate conclusion, " that any contumelious attack on the
Trinity would even now be liable to prosecution." The word contumcliops
is here only a " word of surplusage," for the offenders described in the
Act on which the argument rested, and whom the Attorney-General was
describing as still offenders at Common Law, are those " who by writing
printing, teaching, or advised speaking, shall deny any one of the persons'
of the Holy Trinity to be God." It was also decided that to deny the
£ruth of a doctrine was reviling, which is much the same thing as con
tumely. Now if the, Legislature designed to secure to deniers of the Tri
nity, by Mr. Smith's Bill, " the most perfect toleration ; " and of this we
have the testimony of the Right Ueverend supporters of that Bill, we

27
must demur to the propriety of a conviction on principles which tend to
defeat that design, and to place us at the mercy of every bigot in the
country. We have the shield of public opinion, as we had before. The
prosecution of any sect of Christians is not a very probable event ; but it
should be understood that the principles of toleration which protect us,
extend also to others, with whom the public may have less sympathy.
2. That Christianity is part of the law of England, the common or un
written law, has been often said, but I am not aware of any satisfactory
evidence by which the assertion is supported. To try by a Jury, to hang
a felon, are parts of the Common Law, which we derive from trie customs
of our Gothic ancestors. But it was not a crime with them to revile Chris
tianity. Preaching it might perhaps have been treated as an offence. If the
Common Law be traced to a period anterior to Trinitarianism, Church-of-
Englandism, Protestantism, Popery, or Christianity in any shape; and to
such a period Trial by Jury and the punishment of felony may, I appre
hend, be traced, it is difficult to conceive how it should afford any more
protection to the believers than to the impugners of those systems.
3. If Christianity be part of the Common or unwritten Law of the
land, it is to be presumed that it has become so in a justifiable, lawful, and
honourable manner. The fact of its having become the law sanctifies the
means by which it became the law. It establishes as a principle of the
Common Law, that those means were not of a criminal character. Now
.the way in which Christianity gained this elevation was by free inquiry,
by discussing and disproving the truth and excellence of the former reli
gion of the country. Its success was therefore an establishment of the
right to attack the Religion of tue country. — This must be granted by the
Christian, or he pronounces the first preacher of the Gospel in England a
criminal, deserving fine and imprisonment. — It must be allowed by the
Church of England, or a similar condemnation is passed upon the Re
formers who procured its substitution for Popery. — Not only a general
right of religious discussion, subject to limitations, but a specific right to
attack the religion of the country, (whether the use of that right be an
evil or a good, on which, of course, the two parties will think differently,)
is implied in, and legitimated by, the fact that Christianity has become
the Law of the land in virtue of that right. To destroy it (and the. con
viction of Mr. Carlile for its exercise does destroy it) is to vitiate the title
of Christianity to be so considered.
4. Christianity is a vague term ; or rather it has been rendered vague
by the diversity of opinions held by those who claim that name in com
mon. What is the Christianity, to impugn which is a legal offence? To this.
question no definite reply has ever been given ; and the fact is, that the
reply depends upon the spirit of the times, and varies as that inclines to
bigotry or liberality. Nothing is more common than for bigots to deny
that name to those whose interpretations of the Scriptures differ materi
ally from their own. Let such men obtain even temporary influence, and
a law so indefinite will " Give ample room and verge enough
The characters of hell to trace."
On the other hand, when this indefiniteness is liberally construed, and
it could not be more liberally construed than by the Lord Chief Justice,
on Mr. Carlile's trial, it may easily be taken advantage of by the timor
ous, crafty, indirect enemy to Christianity, who is by far the most forrnj-
dable, and the vengeance of the law only falls upon him who goes openly,
bluntly, and argumentatively to his object: That is to say, it is not

28
Deism that is punished, but honesty. Not the insidious artifice_ that cor
rupts, but the open hostility that disgusts. Not Gibbon, but Paine. The1
liability of a Deist to punishment is in exact proportion to the openness
withvwhich he ayows and pursues his object, and in which proportion he-
may be considered as less culpable in himself, and more harmless to society.
This }s surely not consistent with laws which make evil intentions the
essence of criminality.
5. If Christianity be the law of the land, then the decision of Christi
anity is final and obligatory, as to whether any, and what punishment
should be inflicted on those by whom it is denied and reviled. If the
New Testament decides that they should be silenced, fined, imprisoned,
banished, burned, then the production of such authority indubitably le
galizes those inflictions. Its decision is the very reverse of all this, as I
have shewn in the following Sermon. If it be said that the directions
which I have endeavoured to illustrate, are for the guidance of private -in
dividuals, and not of pubhc functionaries, I ask where is its other code by
"which they are to be guided? There is no intimation of the repeal of the
general precepts, as to the particular' case of theirsitting in judgment upon
Deists. If it be objected that Christ did not contemplate the adoption of
his religion as law, I reply, 1st. The supposition falsifies the declarations of
the Scriptures that he foresaw and ,foretpld the future fortunes of his
church, and is therefore itself an offerice on the principles of the objector;
and, 2d. That if Christ only contemplated private duties, thenbis religion,
framed on that foundation, is incapable of becoming the law of this or of-
any country. The distinction, therefore, completely fails, from its incon
sistency with the original supposition. The argument upon that supposi-'
tion. I cannot state better than by quoting a letter from a most estimable-
friend: " We are told Christianity is the law of the land. Admitted.
This is the only concession we need; for then- the law of Christianity,
the law of charity, kindness, forbearance, forgiveness, rendering good for
evil, blessing for cursing, is the law of England; and then it follows, too,
that these prosecutions are illegal, because they are Antiehristian."
Should it be urged that former convictions arc a decisive proof of the
legality of punishing unbelief, and that the Common Law is to be inter
preted by precedents, it may be replied, in the words of Blackstone, that
" this rule admits of exception, where the former determination is most
evidently contrary to reason, and much more, if it be dearly contrary to the
Divine law."
While as an Englishman I deprecate any limitation of the right of^can--
vassing opinions, whatever those opinions may be, as a Christian I feel still
more deeply the injury done to religion. As a Unitarian and a Dissenter,
I regret that the first prosecution should have been conducted by one who
"has acknowledged the former title, and the second by one whostill claims the
latter. There are many, however, whose faith and practice are described
by those denominations, many also of the Church of England, who lament
with me the glaring inconsistency of publishing appeals to reason in behalf
of the divinity of the Gospel, to which the objector replies at the peril of
his liberty, and property. Deism has' spread widely in our country; no
inconsiderable proportion of the lower classes are honest .and open unbe
lievers ; and a larger proportion of the higher classes are, I fear, concealed
unbelievers, who, while they 'discard Christianity themselves, think it an
useful superstition to keep their inferiors in order. It is proper and nece's-
sary that Christians should exert themselves to reclaim both these classes,
but that very necessity and that propriety also require the unsparing rejec-

29
tion of all unhallowed means, of whatever may deepen prejudices, of
whatever is alien from the spirit of their religion.
It was not easy to ascertain from the language held during the trials,
whether Christianity was considered as entitled to legal protection from
attack because it was true, or only because it was established. Although
the accused was not allowed to enter into reasonings against its truth, yet
both the prosecutor and the Court advanced a variety of arguments in fa
vour of its truth, as if; notwithstanding their repeated. declarations to the
contrary, that were really the question at issue. The impropriety of try
ing such a question before such a tribunal is most glaring. If Christianity
be only protected because it is established, then to assail any established
religion is a crime also ; and instead of its being a duty to " preach the
Gospel to every creature," it is a duty to preach it to no creature whose
. ruler has taken Idolatry or Mohammedism, or any other unchristian sys
tem, under his patronage. If the protection of the established religion be
essential to the security of governments, then is a limit affixed to the diffusion
of Christianity, and societies whose list of members are graced with some
of the highest names in Church and State, are the enemies of social order
all over the world.
I lament that Mr. Carlile, by his defence, strengthened the prejudices
which before existed against himself, his faith, or want of faith, and his
associates. Had he excited greater sympathy, my feeble efforts to abate
those prejudices would have been unnecessary. Unitarians especially
have reason to complain, that although he derived from their writers the
most effective part of his defence, he was so continually guilty of the injustice
of confounding their opinions with his own. Deists tney certainly are, as
Deist is opposeo'to Atheist, and so are all Chiistians, and so are all reli-
g.unists. But though this may be the original and proper meaning of the
term, common usage has restricted it to deuiers of Christianity, which
Unitarians certainly are not. He may have learned this calumny trom our
reverend or mitred antagonist--, but this was no excuse for its repetition.
So far as our opinions coincide with his, no fear of obloquy prevents their
avowal. With a brief statement of what they agree in, and wherein they
differ, I conclude this preface.
Unitarians agree with Deists, and differ from the majority of Christians,
J. In rejecting the notion of a Triune God, and of a partial or inexora
ble Deity.
2. In reprobating the priestcraft which makes religion the instrument
either of public oppression or private cupidity.
3. In maintaining the right of discussing freely all opinions.
Unitarians differ from Deists, and agree with other Christians in be
lieving, 1. That, a series of revelations, confirmed by miracles, has been made
by God to mankind.
' 2. That the Old and New Testaments contain an authentic account of
those revelations.
3. That Jesus Christ had a divine commission, that he rose from the
dead, and that he will come again to judge the world.
There ate two points in which, generally speaking, the opinions of Uni
tarians are opposed to those both of other Christians and of Deists.
1. In asserting the importance of eoo.d works in their immediate con
nexion with our future destiny, wlvch is diminished on the one hand by a
supposed indifference in the Deity to the conduct of his creatures, or the
want of definite commands and authoritative sanctions, and on the other
by the substitution of faith alone as essential to salvation.

30
2 In resting the hope of future existence upon the doctrine of the In
surrection, and not upon the Orthodox and Deistical notion of the natural
Immortality of the ,~oul.
W. J. FOX.
Hackney Road,
November 1, 1819.
POSTCSRIPT TO THE SECOND EDITION.
A reply to the following Sermon has just appeared in the form of
" Four Letters" to the Author, " by an Inquirer." The writer has
not exerted himself to controvert my leading positions, but displays
some dexterity in carping upon detached sentences. A specimen of his
logic, of his correctness, and of his candour, will, with impartial readers,
exonerate me from the task of commenting at length on his remarks.
He reasons from the exercise of miraculous power in punishing with
temporary blindness a hypocrite, false prophet, and sorcerer, (Acts xiii. 6
— 12.) to the justifiableness of using political power for putting down
modem unbelievers; and is of opinion that if the Apostle Paul could rise
from the dead, and behold an agent of authority manacling, incarcerating,
and ruining them, he would say, " I set the example '." i
He asserts that the language sometimes employed by unbelievers, which
I have described as " vilifying Christ," " calumnious," wounding the feel
ings of pious Christians by insulting all they revere," and so " foul and re
volting" that even to palliate it by the abduction of precedents would be
a " loathsome task;" that this language I " can listen to with complacency."
His candour represents an admission that moral evidence leaves the bare
possibility of mistake, as an attempt to " lead the young, the artless, the
unwary, into the Temple of Deism ;" and brands a condemnatory allusion
to those who combine a hypocritical zeal against unbelief with an open
disregard of the injunctions of Scripture to command our passions, and
not to take the name of the Lord our God in vain, as " a railing accusa
tion against his erring brethren."
The "Inquirer" has not shewn that Deists are excepted from the
Christian law of doing to others as we would that they should do to us;
and of the necessity of enforcing its application to our conduct towards
them, his pamphlet is an additional and melancholy proof. How long will
there be occasion for the Saviour to offer, in heaven, for his disciples, the
prayer which he offered on the cross for his enemies, " Father, forgive
them, for they know not what they do "1
December, 24, 1819.
SERMON.
And as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.
— Luke vi. 31.
This maxim is the foundation of the morality of the New Testament.
We are bound, as Christians, to regulate our conduct by it; and my pre
sent purpose is to shew in what way it should affect our behaviour towards
those by whom the lehgion, which we esteem of divine authority, is disbe
lieved, attacked, and even reviled.
You will readily suppose that my attention has been directed to this
subject by the recent prosecutions of an individual for the republication of

31
Paine's Age of Reason, and of Palmer's Principles of Nature ; and such is
certainly the fact. If any ha\e come, however, with the expectation of
hearing remarks of a political or a personal nature, on the proceedings of
aCourt of Justice, or on those who presided over, or were parties in those
proceedings, they will be disappointed. I know too well the legitimate
boundaries of pulpit discussion to enter upon such a field, and shall con
sider the subject only in a general view, as it relates to the regulation of
your feelings, and the discharge of your duties towards unbelievers.
It has long appeared to me that the liberality which has unquestionably
advanced amongst Christians, and moderated the asperity of sectarianism
has by no means been proportionably extended towards Deists. Aliens
from the household of faith, they have been considered as without the pale
of charity. Their continued and almost solitary exclusion is not altoge
ther unaccountable. Liberality has been increased by various causes in
which they had no share. Missionary and Bible Societies, and a number
of similar institutions, by bringing partisans together upon common ground,
and uniting them cordially in the pursuit of a common object, have open
ed their eyes to each other's virtues, and removed a thousand prejudices
which were the food of bigotry. But prejudices have only been removed
as to the parties thus uniting and. co-operating. While they have drawn
closer to each other, the Deist has been left at his original distance. Un
concerned in the cause, or concerned only as an opponent, more or less
active, He has not been privileged to participate in the beneficial results.
While the once alienated children of the Christian family were re-united,
he, excluded from 'their social endearments, as unwelcome to their sight
as ever, shunned by all,, hated by some, stood far aloof, a solitary orphan.
Even Unitarians, outcasts as they themselves are from the fraternities
of reputed orthodoxy, and pledged by the character of their religious sys
tem to the most extensive liberality, have but too often been deficient in
the duties which I intend this evening to state and enforce. Goaded by
the calumny which would identify them with those who reject the Sa
viour, they have, in repelling so unjust an accusation, caught too much of
the tone of their opponents, and given the most undesirable proof of their
affinity to other Christians, by that unfairness towards the disbeliever
which does not become any Christian. However it be accounted for, I
have a painful conviction of the fact, that Christians, as a body, do not in
their writings, preaching, conversation, and behaviour on public occasions,
or in private life, treat Deists in that way which charity should prompt, or
even which is demanded by justice, to which, as fellow men, they have a
right, and which is by far the best calculated to win their attention, dis
arm their oppositipn, and correct the aberrations of their minds. This
conviction has been much increased by observing the manner in which re-
ligious people were affected by the late trials, and the emotion, which
would otherwise have been uppermost, of disgust at seeing Christianity
under the protection of law-officers, and its insults avenged by legal penal
ties, was lost in regret that Christians could witness fuch proceedings with
pleasure, applaud the verdict which pronounced open unbelief a crime,
and find, in the imprisonment of a Deist, matter for congratulation.
I anticipate the misconstruction, by some, of my motives for making
this effort, and am prepared to brave it. " Strike but hear!" The sub
ject is of importance, and never did I enter the pulpit under a more impe
rious sense of duty. I am no sceptic, as to the essentials of Christianity.
Its truth is my trust ; its evidences are, to my mind, most convincing ; its
moral loveliness charms my heart ; to its holy precepts I would yield un
reserved submission ; in the removal of its corruptions and the extension

32
of its infl- nee I would exert all my powers and spend .all my days ; and
its promises I regard as a sure foundation for the immortal hopes of man.
Why is so divine a religion, invulnerable to the darts of hostility, wound
ed in the house of its friends ? Why are not those friends more thorough
ly imbued with its just and liberal principles?
Were it possible to forget Christians, and look only1 at Christianity, the
astouishment wbich many-pious people feel at the fact that there are un
believers, would be fully justified, and the low estimate formed of their
minds or characters would be greatly palliated. If impartially weighed,
how can the evidences for the divine mission and resurrection of Jesus be
resisted ? They leave, indeed, the possibility of error, and so does all
moral evidence ; yet on that evidence man continually acts without hesi- .
tation, and must, if he acts at all; nor is it deemed a valid objection, in any
similar case, that we can not, arrive at. mathematical demonstration. The vari
ety, multiplicity, and cogency of the proofs of the divinity of the Christian
religion, place us on the highest ground of conviction which can be reached
by this species of evidence. It is possible, -but barely possible, that the
predictions of ancient prophets, who announced the calamities or prospe
rity of various countries ; who foretold the coming of the Messiah, the
place and time of his birth, his character and conduct, the brilliance of
his miracles, the purity of his doctrines, the severity of his sufferings, and
the triumphs of his cause, were words spoken at random, and that, not
withstanding the history forms so striking a counterpart to them, all is to
be accounted for by fortunate guesses and accidental coincidences : it is
possible, but barely possible,- that Jesus should form of himself a notion
of the oiiice of the Messiah completely unlike that which his countrymen
entertained, and act upon this fancy, though certain that his imposture
would bring neithe'r-wealtli, honour, nor enjoyment, but hatred, persecu
tion, and death; that his miracles, were nieiely delusions, though his acute
and bitter enemies did not attempt to deny or disprove the facts,-but fully
allowed them, and ascribed his powers to the agency of evil spirits : it is
possible, but barely possible, that a clan of ignorant deceivers should-
frame a religion with delineations of the character of God, and the duties and
prospects of man, infinitely superior to what the wisest and best philosophers
ever taught; should propagate it at the peril of every thing dear to man,
and succeed in establishing; it in the world, in defiance of the opposition of
priests and potentates, of the wise, the wealthy, and the powerful of that
. age : ;t is possible, but barely possible, that a system so framed and pro
pagated' should prevail over all hostility, and become the admiration of the
wiseet, the delight of the virtuous, the refuge of the afflicted, the source
of knowledge, holiness, and, joy, to the world. But if this bare possibility
be fact, how wretched is. our Condition ! Where shall we look for truth,
when accumulate sufficient proof, or, in the" moral world, what solid rest
ing place shall we ever find? It appears to me., that we must admit such
evidence, or we must, admit nothing; must own no proof whatever, except
that of our senses, if indeed that is to be excepted, and incarcerate our
selves in the dark dungeon-of eternal scepticism.
Christian-;! draw not too hastily the inference that, if the conclusive
ness of these arid other proofs be not seen, it can only be attributed to
the mental perception being dimmed' by the effluvia of a corrupted heart.
He to whose sight alone the heart is open, who knoweth our frame, and
rememberetb. that we are dust, can alone be qualified to pronounce such a
condemnation ; and to him much may be visible which you cannot per- "
ceive, productive of an effect so undesirable without inculpating the indi
viduals Nay, you may imagine various pleas which, in the judgment of

charity,, ought, to be admitted, for. the claims of an avowed and active
Deist not to be risked,- in sincerity and rectitude, materially below a-:
honest and active Christian. , \-
Is there not in some minds an inherent and cons'citutional'tendency to
scepticism, a tendency resulting from that physical organization Which
combines in som : unknown proportion, with early association to form cha
racter ? I would much rather believe that there is, than believe that every
Deist, in a Christian country, is made hostile to truth by the love of ini
quity, because it is not only more charitable, but more plausible. In
every department of science and history and where neither the love^of
virtue nor of -vice could' be gratified by the conclusion, there have bein
men who could not yield credence without a greater degree of evidence
than sufficed to produce conviction in .others. Amongst" those who alike
admit the authority of the Scriptures there is a gradation of creeds, indi
cative of the variety of estimates of the evidence requisite to prove a
doctrine scriptural. Even the most orthodox leave some few points on
which it is allowed to believe or disbelieve, without the imputation of mo
ral turpitude, and thus, in fact, admit the principle, that the conclusive
ness of evidence may be modified by causes-for which we are not respon
sible. To call this human frailty is saying nothing ; for who is frail, fie
who requires the greater, or the lesser quantum of proof?- Each, the
other being made a standard; both, compared with n third; all equally,
in the judgment of him who tracing variety in all the other works of Gbdj,
belieVes its natural existence in the mental constitution of man. This
diversity exists amongst the believers in Christianity, even as to the proofs
oh which they admit the divinity of their religion. Suppose those proofs
could be represented by a given number, say 50. That which produces
Conviction in'one may be represented by 10; another requires 20; a third
40 ; another, not satisfied with less than 60, remains an unbeliever. More
evidence would have included some who are unbelievers ; less would have
excluded some who are Christians. But whether Providence had seen fit
to give more or less, their moral characters would have been precisely the
same ; the Christian who, on the one supposition, would have been a
Deist, would not have been less meritorious ; the Deist who, on the other
supposition -would have been a Christian, would not have been less de
praved. I could -easily find amongst you two firm Christians, of whom
the one had required twice as much evidence for his faith as the other.
Does the latter attribute the total rejection of Christianity to depravity of
heart? He is equally liable to the same charge from the more facile be
liever. No man r-an indicate for another the mathematical point at which
culpable credulity ends, and culpable scepticism begins. He might as
well profess to tell the depth to which a ball, with any given momentum,
would penetrate into any substance, without knowing the power of resist
ance which nature has -imparted to that substance. Nor can it be' said
that Christianity has exactly that degree of proof which makes scepticism cri
minal; for the external proof of Christianity, arising as it does from pro
phecy, and history, must of necessity have been liable to considerable fluc
tuations, and is not in one generation or co - itry what it. is in another -ge
neration Or country. And if it be asserted, that in all times and places it
must have been powerful enough to overcome a constitutional tendency to
doubt, unless strengthened by a vicious disposition, the assertion cannot
be substaritiated without a knowledge of the human mind which belongs
only to its maker.
Amongst the most extensive causes of Deism are the corruptions of
Christianity, the diversity of opinions held by its professors, and the guilt

34
and mischief which, to so enormous an extent, are fairly chargeable upon
them. Here, it is true that the Deist bught to distinguish, but what
Christian shall condemn him for not distinguishing? Not the, advocates
of- these corruptions, for they deem them the genuine gospel.- Not the
actors of these enormities, for.^hey pretend to justify them by the Gospel.
The majority of nominal Christians are worshippers of the Virgin Mary,
and believers in transubstantiation, and a still greater majority believers
in the Trinity. The majority of nominal Christians for ages were perse
cutors in fact, and the majority are still, I fear, persecutors in principle.
Who is to be condemned for taking their account of their religion, rather
than that of an insignificant minority? But the books; he is wrong jn
not taking his notions of it from the sacred books. Be it so. I think in
that he is wrong ; but while millions reiterate the censure, I cannot help
saying, let him that is without sin cast tlie first stone. Is there no vilified' re
ligion to whose sacred books Christians have never appealed to do it jus
tice ? Are not cruelties and absurdities attributed to Mohammedism in
conversation, from the press, and in tbe pulpit, which a Koran from the
next bookseller's shop would shew to be mere calumnies ? Is not the
Hindoo religion daily stigmatized as a system of the grossest idolatry,
while an appeal to its sacred books is, in our language, proving that they
teach the purest Theism ? Nay, if nine Christians out of ten were asked
whether the book prosecuted the other day contained arguments for the
being and moral perfection of God, and a future state of existence for
man, would they not answer in the negative, and do they not talk .of, it ;ip
terms only justified by that assumption ? One fault cannot justify another,
I am not vindicating the Deist., But if the same or a ' similar error be
alike chargeable upon two classes, neither of them is entitled' to adduce it
as a proof of the depravity of the other. ',, , ,
That the great, diversity of interpretations of the Bible, by different
sects should distract the mind of a man who never received from edppa-
fion, or has lost by circumstances, a preference for any one of them,, .and
that he .should think that the book must needs want that clearness by
which truth is characterized, from which professedly almost. any thing jihd
every thing has been both proved and disproved, I can; very well conceive,
without ascribing to him eiiher stupidity or malignity. The consequent
rejection does not appear to me more strange than many of the interpreta
tions. The heretics who think Deists in a damnable error for rejection,
shpuld remember that the orthodox think them in a damnable error also
for false interpretation. A hundred voices cry to the Deist, " Be a Chris
tian, or you cannot be saved, and ought not to be tolerated." He asks,
" What is Christianity?" They give him a hundred different answers,
and each condemns the rest. Until we, Christians, shall approach some
what nearer to unanimity, our distractions will operate as a cause of, and
furnish a palliation for, infidelity.
, Eqelesiastical history is full of foul and bloody deeds, the crimes of the
corrupters of Christianity, of the men who have made its name the signal
for desolating wars, the means of temporal or spiritual usurpation, the de
fence of oppressions and extortions, and the pretext for furious persecu-
, tions. However these enormities may be mitigated, the Christian Church
has not yet disowned either the corrupters or the corruptions, but conti
nues, to a considerable extent, to fraternize with the one, and symbolize
with the other. While they do this, and yet allow the moral fruits of a
•religion to be its surest test, and appeal to that test on behalf of their
Lnristiamly, it cannot surprise us that those who look no further should
disbelieve it, should shudder at it as the source of incalculable evils.

35
Without going further into this part of the subject, I will only observe,
that the rejection of Christianity may be thrown into a series of proposi
tions, every one oi winch propositions is maintained by some sect of
Christians; and if each separately be not an evidence of moral depravity
neither can they m the aggregate, which will be only a sum of cypheis.
One Christian affirms that Scripture teaches the doctrine of the Trinity
and another that that doctrine is a, false doctrine. The combination
ot these assertions is the rejection of the Scriptures. Some affirm that
they claim plenary inspiration, and others allow that they contain reason
ings .to which we cannot assent, and assertions which we cannot reconcile.
Here, again, agreement with both is fatal to the authority which both ac
knowledge. Opposition to all Christian sects in one particular may thus
be analyzed into agreement with each sect in some other particular. Their
several contributions make up the sum of infidelity.
It is right that the tone of censure which Christians are apt to indulge
in should be moderated by the recollection of these inducements, furnished
by themselves, to doubt arid disbelief; and it would also be right for
Deists to remember that, aspiring to the character of reasoners and philo
sophers, it ill becomes them to be hurried away by appearances into the
prejudgment of so important a case. I would sav to them, Why do you
not distinguish? You confound persecution with Christianity; but it is
not more evident that Christians have persecuted, than that in so doing
they have been, not obeying, but grossly violating the precepts of their
master. You confound a superstitious, mysterious, oppressive, political re
ligion with Christianity.; but in the Christian Scriptures you will find the
delineation of that system presented, not for belief, but for condemnation,
coupled with expressions of wonder and abhorrence; its prevalence fore
told and lamented, and its destruction identified with the establishment of
the kingdom of heaven. You confound Christianity with the various books
relating to it, and when you have shewn, perhaps successfully, that some
contain historical errors, or others unsatisfactory reasonings, or that others
are deficient in evidences of their authenticity, you proclaim a triumph as
if you had destroyed Christianity : forgetting that Christianity existed be
fore any of the books of the New Testament ; that it is quite independent
of the perfect accuracy and demonstrated authenticity of those of the
Old Testament ; and, that the real question at issue is, Did Christ teach
the resurrection of man from the dead, and rise himself in confirmation of
his doctrine? Which unless you disprove you have done just nothing at all.
That he did rise, has always been asserted by Christians, from the time
that we can make out that there were Christians ; and for a long period
the assertion was made under circumstances which offered the most deci
sive guarantee for its truth, by men who had opportunities for knowing,
and who had every thing'earthly to lose, but nothing to gain by their perti
nacity. The calm discussion of their testimony is your proper task.
This is the reasoning of Deism, while all else, in- which, for effect, you
have more largely indulged, is only its prejudices. If you can disprove
this assertion to others, Christianity must fall, and ought to fall. If you
only disprove it to yourselves, still this fair and reasonable course will de
stroy the suspicions which some feel of your sincerity, hurl back with disr
grace the charges which others make against your characters, moderate
the antipathy which many have to your writings, and if unhappily you
must be persecuted, would strip persecution of the last flimsy veil which
hides the deformity of her countenance.
(Mr. Doinford, one of the Special Jurors, and a Common-Council-man
of the City of London, interfered, and asked if all this ought tobe heard

36
Chi»f Justice.— It does not seem to me to be relevant, but one is un
willing to prevent a defendantfrom urging all that she thinks may serve
Mr. Dornford.— The manoeuvre is quite evident, my Lord, to get all
' "chief Justice.— I shall stop her if she advances any thing which We
ought not to hear. . ., .' T , t
Mr. Dornford.— All this is an attack upon Christianity, my L,ora.
Chief Justice.— No, Sir, I understand the reverse; what she is now
reading is certainly inoffensive. "
(Mrs. Wright proceeded.) . . , .
Whatever be the conduct of unbelievers, let Christians discharge their
duty towards them, a duty most emphatically and beautifully expressed m
the text. " As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to; them
likewise." This noble and cbmprehensive precept is universal in it*' ob
jects, and definite in its injunction. It relates to our conduct towards
'man, be his statu n high or low, his colour white or blaclt, his character
virtuous or vicious, whether he be orthodox or heretic, Christian,, Pagan,
Jew, or Deist. Everyman wishes the conduct of others to be just and
kind' towards himself; every^man wishes not to be misrepresented, not to
be persecuted, and every Christian who acts up to his religion will make
these desires "the standard of his conduct to others. The application of
this maxim to the particular case of Deists, .comprises all I have to -ad
vance, either of censure or admonition.
Do justice to their opinions. You would have them more just to youjy
and complain, not without reason, of their identifying Christianity iwitli
various notions, some unessential andsome opposed to it, merely because
they have been advocated by men bearing ignorantly," hypocritically, or
-unworthily, the Christian name. How common to confound Deists and
Atheists, "although the very names indicate a direct opposition, and thew
is the immense difference between their creeds of a God and no God-; a-
difference surely not less important than that between a revelatioia and no
revelation. The great majority of them are also, I: apprehend, belieyenV
in a future state. To talk, therefore, of their opinions dissolving all the
bonds of society, destroying the. obligation of an oath, and annihilating the
distinction between vice and virtue is mere declamation. It is the lanr
guage of deception, of ignorance, or of bigotry. Even Atheismileavesthe
barriers of our natural sympathies, of habit, and present interest; and
what better defence, of what other, has virtue in the thousands of nominal
Christians, who, while they are noisily zealous for putting down Infidelity,
require aGod only to swear by, and a hell only, to consign to it the objects
s of their indignation ? v, , '*.
Bejust to their characters, and as you would not have them estimate Chris
tians by the ruffian conquerorsof Peru, or the merciless assassins of 5t*;Bw-
tholomew ; by the avaricious priest who makes religion the pretext of plunder,
or the crafty tyrant who perverts it into themachine of . oppression*} by/the
.- dreaming enthusiast, or the gloomy fanatic ; so pass not on them.the sweeping
-condemnation they may not deserve, which the notorious guilt of some will
not justify, and which the merit of others ought to avert. If the sincere
love of truth and ghodness> if just claims to the regard and gratitude of °fi
- ground, if friendship the most disinterested *and unvarying, if pious feetyng,/,
pure and elevated., towards the Author of nature, and philanthropy the mfftl'-
diffusive, can form a title to high esteem, then.Mve, I known, well. known, One
instance at least, in which it ¦was due to an Unbeliever, There may be many such. -
If we take characters of rare excellence to shew the influence of Christianity,

37
and reject the niijlion, why should they be decried from the opposite result of
-a different process '! As Unitarians, we should remember Andrew' Fullers':,
picture of our party; as Protestants, such tales as that of Luther's sale of
his soul to the Devil ; as Christians,, the debaucheries and cannibal feasts
ascribed by the Pagans to the early churehes.
Nor does it become us to hesitate in admitting, of grudgingly to praise
the good services which may have been rendered by Deists to the cause
of human improvetserit. As members of society they have often done
th'eir duty, and done it well. In relation to religion there are two things
.deserving notice. He who saves a human mind from the dreary abyss of
Atheism is entitled to the praise of Christians. Deists have written ably
and forcibly on this subjeet. They are more likely to; succeed in staying the
flow qf scepticism towards this wretched termination than we are, as their
reasonings will be regarded with l'ess suspicion, and may proceed on princi
ples less likely to be disputed ; nor do I see why we shouldnot both avail
ourselves of'their labours, and applaud their object. They have also done
much for Toleration and Religious Liberty. It may be doubted whether
there be a country in Europe where that cause has not been advanced by
, the writings of Voltaire alone. True, they needed that liberty, and what
religionist does not, in every land, with the exception of the single party
that happens to be dominant ?
Many of the objections urged by Deists against the books of Scripture,
though far enough from disproving the truth and divinity of Christianity,
are entitled to serious consideration, and merit a very different kind of
treatment from that supercilious dismission, or violent condemnation in
the gross, /which they often receive. By candid concession Christianity
would rather gain than lose in real strength. That the early part of the
book of Genesis is a compilation of ancient documents, and not the writing
of Moses, has been the opinion of some of the most able divines, and sin
cere believers. There are few whose hearts are not absolutely cased in
bigotry, who would not confess, did they speak out, that the extirpation of
the Canaanites presents an embarrassing difficulty. . Why should such
things be defended, as if men's salvation depended upon the belief of them;
or why should their exposure be sound criticism in the priest, and Blas
phemy in the Deist? Let them labour in this way, and I will thank them
for it ; for every exploded error leaves more stable the truth with which it
had been associated. Instead of trembling for the safety of every sentence,
fondly clinging to every forgery, or impudently vindicating every inconsis
tency, or worse still meeting argument by declamation, censoriousness, or
Vosecution, let us candidly admit where we cannot refute., calmly reply
where we cannot admit, and leave anger to the vanquished, and imputa
tion of bad motives to those who are deficient in good arguments.
Suppose a Deist to be a prejudiced man, and I think many of them
are prejudiced; is this such a crime as to alienate him from all the sympa
thies of society? We find palliations for the prejudices of our own associ
ates, and so we may for theirs. If a man opposes Christianity because he
- identifies it with mystery, superstition, hypocrisy, spiritual tyranny, bigotry,
avarice, persecution, I lament the want of more accurate attention, which
has confounded things so unlike, but. I, respect the feelings which inconse
quence of that mistake, make him its determined enemy. One ot their
number has justly said that, " though freedom from prejudice is one part
of liberality, yet to respect the' prejudices of others is a greater, and it is
certainly that part which most contributes to the peace, comfort, and
pleasure of societv." .
Even their language, foul and revolting as it sometimes is, may have

38
apologies whichChristians forget to make. For every abuse and misrepresen
tation a parallel may be easily found in theological controversy. They are
a foul blot, but a blot which has stained the pages of men whom all delight,
to honour. As to such failings, charity should deal impartially, nor alio*
a larger license to the defenders than to the impugners of our own
tenets *.
There is a sensitive apprehension about many good people, which ill
beseems the man of enlightened mind and steady principle. " The Deist
strikes at my religion :" Well, he is only breaking his weapon against a
rock. "He argues against the holiest doctrines of my faith :' does he?'
Listen to his arguments, and if they be valid, allow their force ; if not, re
joice in a faith which will stand the test of reason. " But he abuses and
reviles:" then he disgraces himself and injures his cause, and do you with
a better cause employ nobler weapons. " In this he breaks the laws :" so
it appears.— Ought a Christian to invoke the aid of such laws? I come
now to the consideration of this question, and have no hesitation in say
ing that he ought to have nothing to do with them, unless it be to raise his
voice for their repeal.
What is the effect of prosecuting Deism on the individual who is thereby
consigned to punishment? Youmake of him a hypocrite or a martyr. You
confirm his worst prejudices, and make him hate Christians and Christia
nity. Penalty and imprisonment were never yet the means of sincere con
version. Man clings to the faith for which he suffers; his enmity rises
with your inflictions. Is it a good deed thus to make the gospel hated?
Or suppose his spirit shrinks from the fiery trial . You have then made a
hypocrite. No triumph that, for a good man to glory in. How does it
affect his party? See, say they, how these Christians meet us; we argue,
and they prosecute ; we refute, and they imprison. What think impartial
lookers on, or what the young, the undecided, and the inquiring? In the
contest of force with opinion, we all know which way sympathy naturally
inclines, and you have to answer for giving them this bias towards in
fidelity. ',¦'','
Such prosecutions are a breach of the great principles of impartial juV
ticeand equal right, which are the foundation of civil society. The Chris
tian has no more natural right to punish the Deist, than the Deist to punish
the Christian. Persecuting laws, however small the number of persons in
a state who are exposed to their operation, are an invasion of the social
compact; at best, an usurpation of the majority over the minority, only
to be vindicated on the assumption that power is right. We unite for the
protection of life, liberty, and property, not for that of religious opinion. If
the power to prosecute be offered, you should have magnanimity enough
* Many expressions used by Mr. Carlile himself, or read by him from. Deisti-
cal works, evidently excited the strongest emotion of disgust in the Court, Jury
and spectators. Yet any one acquainted with the writing of controversialists, not
excepting even those of the present day, could not but be aware that, if the loathsome
task were undertaken, it might be accomplished, of shewing that every epithet of
reproach, contempt, or abhorrence, applied on that occasion to the Scripture!
themselves/ has also been applied by professed Christians to those whodiffere/j
from them in the interpretation of that volume, while they equally maintained
its authority. Nay, some of his " blasphemies," at which so many shuddered, were
the literal language of serious belief. Why should interruption, indignation and
horror be caused by his asserting that the Bible represented God the Father as
dining with Abraham, when one of our most illustrious critics (Lightfoot thus ex
plains a passage in Genesis ; •• Some three months after this, the three persons of
the Innity dine with Abraham— the Son and Holy Ghost go down to Sodom, but
the first fcrson in the Trinity staveth with Abraham?"

39
to decline the unrighteous boon. Had Christians done this from the first,
the Gospel might ere now, have been universal.
I would not have on record such a confession, a tacit and implied con
fession at least, of the weakness of Christianity, and its need of the aid
of the civil power. That itis so may be disclaimed in words; why should
it be proclaimed by facts? It is a libel on the GospeJ. That rock of ages-
needs no legal buttresses. If there be forms of Christianity which require S
that protection, let them be known for what they are, the reveries of men
and not the word of God, thetcreature's of the state, and not the offspiing
of heaven. Such churches are no stars in the firmament; their light is the
blaze of meteors, ominous and deadly; and rapid as that of meteors will
be their fall.
But it is urged that though the Gospel is above human aid, the poor and
ignorantvshould be protected from sophistical and demoralizing works. I
know of but one way of protecting the ignorant, and that is, by destroying
n ignorance, by the diffusion of information. , The best defence against so
phistry is not its suppression but its refutation. Danger from books implies
ability to read those books, and he who can read one book can read ano
ther; he who can read Paine can read the Bible. The New Testament,
originally addressed to the poor, is a continued appeal to the understand
ing; its character is changed, if you make it any thing else. It knows no
thing of implicit faith or blind obedience, and to make them its substitute
is gross imposition. By the toleration now allowed, the poor and ignorant,
as they are called, are legally recognized as judges of the Trinitarian con
troversy, the Arminian controversy, the Episcopalian controversy ; aud
surely not more ability is required for deciding on the merits of the Deisti-
cal controversy. Our Lord appealed to the poor on the divinity of his misr
sion, aud have, we a less enlightened commonality than Judea, suqk as it
then was in ignorance and bigotry and barbarism ? Men forget the pro
gress of society when they talk thus; they forget what the art of printing,
or even the diffusion of education and knowledge during the last twenty
years, has done for man. There are but two things which can infidelize
the poor of this country, and they are, the obstinate retention of the corrup
tions of Christianity, and the persecution of Deists. By those means per
haps it may be accomplished, for they and they alone, will rouse the best
feelings of human nature against the name of Christianity.
The feelings of pious Christians are doubtless wounded by insulting lan
guage offered to all they revere. Let them' meet it by a Christian spirit.
Nothing will shew so well the heavenliness of their religion. Let them im
bibe the spirit of the following beautiful remark of Robinson':— " Is God
dishonoured? Imitate his conduct then. Does he thunder, does he
lighten, does he afflict this poor man ? Behold his sun enlightens his habi
tation, his rain refreshes his fields, his gentle breeze fans and animates hun
every day, his revelation lies always open before him, his throne of mercy ,
is ever accessible to him, and will you, rash Christian, will you mark him
out for vengeance?" 1 fancv to myself a Christian, who has abetted a pro
secution for infidelity, reading such a passage as this. Does not his heart
sink within him at the incorrectness of the picture, an incorrectness pro
duced by his instrumentality ? " No," he may say, " the sun does not en
lighten his habitation ; I have consigned him to a dungeon. The ram does
not refresh his fields; I have invaded his property. His home does not
smile ; I have filled it with mourning. Revelation is not open before him ;.
I have made him loathe the book, and done the utmost ot a mortal to re
verse the benignity of God !" Miserable man ! .
The conduct of Christ affords no encouragement for the protection of re- _

4G
ligionby power.' Deists, to vilify Mm,, and persecuting Christians'to vin
dicate themsejves, ascribe his forbearance to the absence of the meansi It
is a calumny ! If he had not political power, he had miraculous power, and
had this been a righteous' use of it he would so have used.it, and called
down fire from heaven, instead of rebuking his disciples when they solicited
-.him thus to punish the Samaritans. All his actions and his discourses!
contradict the assumption. The Connection of the text, both in Mattiew
and Luke, is directly in point. '•' ' -; ¦''¦
In Matthew (vii. 11, ia) it follows a declaration of the comrjassion'of
God. "If ye then, being evil, know how to give good gifts unto youpsctiil- ¦
dren, how much more shall your Father in heaven give good things to them
that ask him? Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would thaf. men should
do urito you, do ye even so to them ; for this' is' ttoe law and the prophets."
Some consider the term '< therefore," as a mere expletive. I apprehend
not. Can there be a more legitimate inference from the paternity of God,
than the brotherhood of man>? We are told, that Christianity is part of the
law of England. However that may be, it certainly .contains a mbralda*
of superior obligation on the believer's conscience to all human enactments,
and by which he ought to be guided in using, or abstaining from the pow-i
ers which (hose enactments may give him to restrain or punish others.
For the case of Deists, "this is the to,1' the law of Moses, according to-the
interpretation of Christ, the law of Christ according to every interpreta
tion. No legislative authority can sanction or excuse the violation
of this law by a Christian. In Luke, (vi. 27 — 37,) the connection of
the text runs thus : " But I- say unto you which hear, Love your enemies,
do good to them which hate you, bless tihem that curse you, arid pray for
them-which despitefully use you. And unto him that smiteththee on the
one cheek offer also the other ; and him that taketh away thy . cloak forbid
not to take thy coat also. Give to every man that asketh of thee; and of
him that taketh aWay thy goods ask th'emnot again. And as ye would that
men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise. For if ye love them'
which love you, what thank have ye ? For sinners also love those that love
them. And if ye do good to tiiem which do good to you, what thank haVe
ye? For sinners also do even the same. And if ye lend to them of whom
ye hope to receive what thank have ye? For sinners also; lend to sinners;
to receive as much again. But love ye your enemies, and do good, and
lend, hoping for nothing again ; and your reward shall be great, and ye
shall be the children of the Highest : for he is kind untothe unthankful, and
to thejevil. Be ye therefore merciful, as your Father, also is merciful.
Judge not, arid ye shall not be judged : condemn not, and ye shall Aot be
condemned: forgive and ye shall be forgiven." Are these precepts be
come a dead letter? Has Christianity its obsolete laws ? Surely if there
be any direction in the New Testament for our behaviour ..towards openop-
pugners, revilers of our religion, we have it here. Can we obey this, and
institute or abet prosecutions of them? When T heard the disciple of
Fame, in imitation of him, renounce the obligation of loving our enemies; I
felt a, momentary glow of triumph for Christianity ; -it was but momentary.
1 felt where I was, and what was going on, and grieved at .the difference
between precept and practice.
Admit the principle of persecution, and where will it stop ? Allow it to
Atheism even, and it will advance to Deism, allow it to Deism, anSit will
advance to heresy-;' and what is heresy ? There is no medium in principle
between the hberty of all, and the tyranny of a particular sect. Chrfe-
tians, you kindle a flame in which yourselves may perish
v™, « fn -°. y°urown 'f°unders, your martyrs, your reformers ; what
you say of Deists was said of them ; what you do to Deists, was done to

41
them; they outraged the feelings of the society in which they lived; they
were condemned for the defence of the ignorant ; they were held blasphe
mers ; they were dragged as criminals to the bar. Are such recollections
favourable to your reacting these scenes? What would an apostle say,
risen from the dead, aud led into your courts ? Where would he naturally
look for his fellow-disciple, on the bench or at the bar? How would he
lament that all the sufferings of Christians by persecution, have not taught
its professors to sympathize with the persecuted, to abstain from persecu
tion! j
, I am not addressing Legislators ; but you have your share in public opi
nion,; let what influence you have beexerted for the promotion of uni
versal religious liberty. The same principle, as to legislative interference,
applies to religion as to trade. A celebrated minister of France consulted
soriie eminent merchants, to know how he could best protect and advance
the commerce of the country; their reply is worthy of adoption. It was
simply, ""Let it alone." -
There is a more excellent way than prosecutions to convert Deists- and
counteract their efforts. Christians, make your religion more defensible ;
not in itself, that cannot be, but as exhibited in your opinions and practices.
In your alpsurd creeds, in your rapacious claims, in your unholy alliance
with the state, in your bigotry and persecution, in your tenacity of what is
untenable, and in your want of practical conformity with the pure morality
of Christianity, lies all the strength of Unbelief. That mighty change ef
fected, which must come, when the reign of Antichrist is over, all hostility
will be disarmed, and the genuine Gospel, rising from the ruins of corrup
tion, like the fabled Phoenix in renewed youth from the funeral pile, shall
spread its wings for a glorious flight, and urge its resistless course around the
globe. The sword then broken, whether drawn for Christianity or against
it, more celestial weapons, mighty through God, shall achieve the victory
of truth, and "in the name of Jesus shall every knee bow, and every
tongue confess that he is Lord, to the glory of God the Father."
I have now read this Publication entire, and trust the arg-uments
of this sensibleand learned writer will have their intended effect upon
the minds of my Judges. t request you will bear in mind the
leading observations contained in this defence of the liberty of the
press, and 1 particularly call your attention to the remarks of Mr.
Fox on the real disabilities and inconveniences, to which the Unita
rian critic himself would be exposed, were his writings pursued with
the rigour, which is as legitimately due to them, as to sceptical
works. You will observe, that the Bishops of that age took an
active part in the repeal of the disabilities of the Unitarian; and you
will, I trust bear in your memory that judicious and unanswerable
observation of Mr. Fox, that Deists are a description of men, who
are of decided assistance to the doctrine of the existence of a first
great cause.
Gentlemen of the Jury, I now beg your attention to some detached
Pssages from Christian writers, who have written in defence of their
>e^ion, and have openly declared their disapprobation of the
melures, which are now taken by the Society for the Suppression of
Vice0 stop the progress of Deistical principles'. 1 shall first read
some assages selected by Mr. Collins iu a note to bis " Scheme bf
literal >10phssy." You will observe that one of them was written

42
by the great, the immortal Bentley; whose literary attainments are
known to be of the very first celebrity, and whose zeal for the
cause of Christianity was distinguished by a publication against a
discourse of Mr. Collins on Freethinking.
' Mr. Newcombe says, in his sermon above cited (p. 39.) " It may
be very acceptable to God and very honourable to ourselves to under
stand the prophetic language, and to search with modesty and dili
gence, into the full meaning of divine relations, which happy conse
quence be hopes, the pernicious book, viz. (Discourse of the Grounds)
&c. of our adversary will in some measure occasion. Providence '
permits disbelievers and heretics to arise, that believers may be
tried, and bear witness to the truth. We need not therefore be
much concerned, that infidels and apostates are openly allowed to
attack the religion of, Jesus Christ : for it will stand the test of all
ages, and shine thebrighter for being tried: The study of the pro
phecies, had been; perhaps, too much neglected: so that this^zealous
opposition may pr6vidently be of great service to the* Christian
Church, and promote a more accurate understanding of the prophe
tic writings." He also says, in (Conduct required in .matters of Faith)
p. 11, 12, " we of the Church of England declare for a free and
thorough examination; we invite Deists and Atheists, Arians and
Socinians, Papists and Dissenters, to produce their strong reasons.
We are willing to submit our doctrines, and even the Scriptures
themselves, to an impartial examination. We think freely and we
judge freely ; and desire them to do so in the best sense of the word."
-Mr. Bullock (in Preface to Seven Sermons, p. 3) says, that there are
many who are willing to lake Christianity upon trust, when it falls
in their way, is no advantage to true religion: the proselytes it gains
thereby, are but the creatures of chance,, the proselytes it is deprived
of thereby are innumerable." And he says, (Sermons p. '203) " we
hope, that Christianity will now, as it did at first, gain ground by
opposition, if it does put men upon examining more carefully the
grounds and reasons of their religion, we do not much questidn the
success of it, for it need not fear sifting; but the more it is '-tried' toe
more it will prevail." Mr. Chandler, in his (Vindication of Christia
nity, p. 152.) says, " that the cause of God and truth can never suffer
by fair debate, and the most strict and impartial inquiry. I' should,*'
adds he, (p. 153.) *' be sincerely pleased to see all objections to
Christianity staterLin their strongest light, that I might the better
understand, whether, or no my profession and hopes, as a Christian,
are built on any solid and reasonable foundation, if our modern Deists /
can fairly make Christianity appear to be an imposture, I shall/
readily part with it; if they cannot, all their objections against i/
¦will but the more firmly establish its divine authority." See mar/ ~a<e>

quicken them, the Christians might not in long tract of tiiu/"ave
¦grown ignorant in the doctrines of religion (perhaps before tH ''me

43
even some of the records of it might have perished by men's negli-^
gence, as the Jews had like to have lost their law, if divine Providence
had not preserved one copy of it in the Temple, it is while men sleep,
while they live in peace and security, and have no enemies to contest
with, that the great enemy comes and sows tares among the wheat."
1 shall terminate these extracts by citing a passage from the
Sermons of the Rev. Mr White; " Let not the freedom of enquiry,"
he says, " be shackled ; for if it multiplies contentions among the
wise and virtuous, it exercises the charity of those that contend. If
it shakes for a time the faith which is rested only on prejudice, it fi
nally settles it on the broader and more solid basis of conviction.
Truth, assuredly, has nothing to fear from the opposition of its ene
mies, and the children of wisdom are not to be seduced from their
persuasion of its excellence by the subtlety of the sophist, or the ca
lumnies of the scoffer. They know that its origin is from above,
and that an Almighty arm protects and secures it. They do indeed
deplore the malignity of heart, and that blindness of understanding
which too frequently appear in the designs of its various adversaries,
either to pervert its principles, or obstruct its genuine influence ;
yet they have too much respect for theit cause to disgrace it by the
base and unnatural aid of persecution, and they have too much con
fidence in their own strength to shrink from a contest in Which the
triumphs of error are precarious and transitory."
If you, my Judges, are convinced with Mr. White that it is base
and unnatural thus to attack a publisher of sceptical works; if you
are as confident, as he was of the immoveableness of the rock, on
which Christianity rests her foot, and from which believers say she
defies her enemies, and mocks their vain attempts; if they are pos
sessed of that respect for their religion, which Mr. White professed,
if they are assured, as he was, that the Almighty preserves it, and
guards it from the fury of the assailants. 1 doubt not of the issue
of this day's contest between the enemies and friends of a free dis
cussion of the merits of Christianity.
In mitigation of the punishment of Mary Ann Carlile, Mr. Cooper,
the otheT day, referred to the opinion expressed by Bishop Watson,
Bishop Porteus, Dr. Lardner, Qn this subject. I would beg you,
Gentlemen of the Jury, to observe the dignity of these characters; and
I trust, that their weight will overbalance in your estimation the
petty opinions of those individuals, who particularly direct the chan
nels of the Society which desires my ruin.
Supported by this mighty phalanx of advocates, some of whom
have been long consigned to the tomb, but who, being dead, yet
speak to us all, in arguments, which no wit of man, 1 am confident,
will ever be able to destroy; supported by this glorious phalanx, 1
shall now proceed to some arguments which appear to me to deserve
your attentive consideration. 1 shall first beg leave to make a few
observations on the late address of Judge Bayley to Mary Ann Car
lile, and of Mr. Gurney to their Lordships. I shall then request to
draw your attention to the arguments usually urged for the expe-

44
diency of prosecutions like the present, on the ground of their
utility to society, and for their agreement with the laws of this king
dom. I shall then address y.ou in a few words on the incottsisteut
conduct of the Society, under whose auspices this trial is conducted,
and,, lastly, I shall propose a few considerations to the candour and
gobd sense of you the Gentlemen of the Jury,
It is a painful thing fdr any one, even for a learned man, and one
ofr high ¦¦«*d honourable connections, to make remarks on. one so
high in the legal profession, so eminent for his legal abilities. How
much more painful must it be for one of obscure birth, and a female ¦•/
Yet justice to my own character forces away these distinctions, and
obliges me to trample under foot' considerations, which under otbelr
circumstances, would be sacred t<» niy heart. This learned lawyer
prejudges the question.
Chief Justice, (with great uneasiness) I cannot suffer you to pro
ceed upon such a subject.
• Defendant. — This is my defence, and I have no other.
Chief Justice. Then strike out as much as refers to the learned ,
Judge. Defendant. — 1 shall strike out nothing. (She then began the
sentence again, and exited the merriment of a crowded Court.)
This learned lawyer'prejudges the question,.declares that Christianity
is most unquestionably true, and goes to punish, an individual for
differing from him op this subject, a subject, which has never once
been proved to be true at any legal tribunal; so far from it, that the
bench repeatedly tells us, it is not a subject to be canvassed at these
trials, that it has long ago been proved to be true, though never
brought before any judicature, that persons who reject and calum
niate it, are to be imprisoned and ruined, though it has never been
decided, never can be decided, by any tribunal of roan. You may
observe here the force. of power : what is asserted by weak, by falli
ble man, is certainly and infallibly true, that which is decla
red to be true by man, is to be received with the same authority, as
if it was- revealed to us personally to be true by an angel from
Heaven. But tobe more particular, the reasons, which the learned' Judge
gave for his conduct was, that he was obliged to protect the pooi-
and the young from contamination. The poor cannot, th* young'
will not, examine whether infidels are right or wrong. This was
the purport of his expressions. I cannot conceive a greater libel
passed on Christianity than what is asserted in these words. What!
<can it be required, I say required, on pain of everlasting damns:*
tion, for a poor man to believe what he cannot prove? can that be a
4rue religion, of which a poor man cannot convince himself of the
truth? Is this not contradicting in the most„direct and explicit terms
the words of the Prophet, that the woid of God should be so largely
written that the runner might read, and so plain and easy of introduce
tion into the mind, that even the way-faring- man, though a fool,

45
should not enter therein ? The Rev. Mr. Cecil and others have taken
great pains to insist on the lexis of a similar description to the fol
lowing: " He that believeth hath the witness in himself:" and let
me ask this learned Judge whether, if it is true that God giveth us
to will and to do of his own good pleasure, any frail man can resist.
that will, and force God from giving that will and that zeW for sal
vation, which is his own gift, and that of no other " Who," says St.
Paul," has resisted God's will ?" and he calls him a fool, who
pretends such a thing. " Faith is the gift of God," says the same
Apostle. Is it not marvellous (hat persons should be found to
believe the Apostle generally, and yet should give up his authority,
when carried to its proper test?
Then as to the young, the reasoning is founded on this great error ;
of arguing against the use from the abuse. This is the argument
employed by the gloomy religionist against plays, against balls,
against every innocent amusement. It was employed by his sister
to the stupefaction of the great Paschal, who Was led by its force into
a convent. Does the learned Judge forget that this very fear led the
pious Catholic to refuse the Bible to the laity ? and the pious Jew to
refuse the Song of Solomon to the youthful Israelite? Think, I
beseech you, Gentlemen of the Jury, of this singular circumstance;
think how the Protestant religion made its way by, the subversion
of the very principle, for whicih the Judge contended ! Why .does
not his Lordship send a veto to OxfonLand Cambridge against all
wine, and books, and food ; wine, lest the young students should get'
tipsey; books, lest they should read what is improper; and food, lest
they should be led into excess of eating, and into luxury? Strange,
indeed, that a learned judge in the nineteenth century should urge so
old, and exploded an argument! an argument, which, if followed up
to its legitimate conclusions, would refuse us wjne that maketh glad
the heart of man, and oil that giveth hiin a cheerful countenance, and
bread that strengthens man's heart! Pause, pa,use, I beseech you! \
But, Gentlemen of the Jury, the subject is not yet exhausted.
Bishop Butler has taken particular pains to prove that doubts about
the Christian Religion maybe the particular, even the. only,
trial of some men's adhereuce to their God. If such is the case, and I
none, I doubt not, can be more fully persuaded than his Lordship of
the merits of this celebrated man, a man, whom Bishop Douglas as
serted had been above all others of the most distinguished advantage
to Christianity. If such is the case, I would ask whether it is right
for creatures to snatch from God what he has intended to be the chief
trial of some men, what, he, in his infinite wisdom, thinks the best
means to try particular persons? Will you dictate to God? — Will
you say " I am wiser than thou ?" Will you snatch from God's
right hand the objects of temptation, which he in so direct a manner
has appointed? Besides, the learned Judge said he had given the
subject deep consideration. I beg^to ask one question; would he
bave desired to have been deprived of writers who state objections
in, their full force, and who afford answers to those arguments which

4G
are insisted on by believers ? If lie would not, Why should I? Why
should any person ?
I am not speaking at random. Mr. Hume's History ot England
Hs already published, divested of his observations on Christianity J
-and the booksellers, I am informed, have had it in contemplation to
publish Mr. Gibbon's History of the Decline of Rome without his
two celebrated chapters on the Kise and Progress of the Christian
"Religion. Can truth, be arrived at in this amputating style? I
beseech ,you, observe the consequences of these things. You will
have the country pilfered in time of remarks made by writers who
stand in the fronts of fame, the columns and supports of the English
character for originality of genius, for depth of comprehension, for
elaborateness of investigation.
The Bereans were praised by St. Luke as being more noble thaii
those of Thessalonica; and why? because they examined whether
these things were so? bufhow yon take away this power of exami
nation from a Christian land, you leave all that is to be said for the
Christian Religion ; but you take away from the mind, eager for
knowledge, laden with doubt, and oppressed with difficulty, the
means of satisfying itself. Yon must be aware that that very humi
lity, which Christians demand, would rather send a man to the works
of others, than to his own crude and undigested considerations.
And their Lordships on the bench have too much sense, I am confi
dent, in any other matters of argument to trust to the statements' of
one side only. You desire, on other subjects, to sift matters;
and to examine the best and strongest writers ore both sides. Why
should you, then, in the name of common sense, resign this desire'on
works on the Christian Religion? or why should you wish the public
to resign it to your desire? i
One observation more about youth. It is only in youth that noble
aspirations after enquiry are encouraged by the mind.' When it has
become demure and immoveable, it is little desirous for investigatifig
whether early impressions are right or erroneous; the day of inqui-
sitiveness is past, and declining age leaves us liable to the irruptions
-of gloomy superstition. The case of Charles the Vth. will ever be a
memorable instance how easily fervid and aspiring minds lose the
¦zeal and fire of youth, and sink amid the helplessness and timidity Of.
age to the consecration of their last years in counting beads, in sing
ing Ave Marias, and in obtaining coffins for their bodies, before
their spirit has left its frail concomitant. Strange infatuation ! which
consumes its strength in devastating mankind, and then gives up Hs
useless and weak remains of life to the- 'service of God or rattier' to
the ceremonies of superstition.
The Judge acted, as it appeared to 'trie, 'in a manner devoid of
charity, devoid of equity. Is it agreeable to Christian charity, which
thinketh no evil', t6 think the worst possible evil of an individual, about
whose motives of action it knows not one atom ? Is it agreeable to
equity, to affirm without the slightest hesitation, that mercenary mo
tives were motives which influenced Mary Ann Carlile? The Judge,

47
I contend, ran counter to the dictates of humanity, and of right.
Had he known Mary Ann Carlile, he would have then been entitled
to an opinion on the subject. As it was, it was mere conjecture,
and yet he stated this conjecture, as if it had been the most abso
lute certainly. ' Besides, if money were the motive of the family,
what great harm in this ? Look at Mr. Reeves ; look at Mr. Strahan ;
look at the printers of the universities, whoever thinks of casting in
their teeth that they print Bibles and Prayer Books, merely to get
money? and if it be asserted that our intentions are mischievous, this,
I again contend, is a question of private judgment, a question,
which cannot be decided- by the most eminent lawyers in the world;
and for this plain reason, that many lawyers of great character are
known to hold opinions on this subject very different from those ex
pressed by his Lordship. Besides, Mr. Carlile does not go the way
to make money. A pretty receipt for making a fortune truly is that,
which ends in getting one individual fined £500 for following it,
and another individual £1500 ! A pretty receipt for happiness and
luxury, which leaves a man confined for three years in Dorchester
Gaol; and, as is most likely, (for Mr. Carlile will never resign the
contest, as long as he is in the country).
Ohiff Justice. What has Mr. Carlile to do with your defence?
which leaves a man in the jaws of a.tprison all his life-time, or if he
should come, out, which presents him with the lovely prospect of per
petual banishment from the country which gave him birth !
One consideration more on this subject, 1 must here introduce.
The learned Judge gives all men freedom of holding opinions on re
ligion, but denies them the right of publishing them. As to the
denial of publication, I request his Lordship to attend to an argu
ment I advanced formerly ; which is, that it is impossible our judg
ments can determine well, unless we read on both sides of the ques
tion ; how can men gain information, unless they read ? and how are
they to hold opinions, unless they have learnt first somethin'g about
them? Large public societies are allowed for disseminating Bibles,
Prnyer-Books, and religious Tracts; large funds are allowed by Go
vernment for the maintenance of a clergy to teach the Christian Reli
gion; the bell calls the people to the Church, the clergy have it in
their power to fulminate openly'every Sunday, and in all places in
the land, against unbelief: and yet if a single publication of more
than ordinary warmth appears against Christianity, if it is published
by an obscure individual in one part of London, the publisher of it is
stopped immediately, and inclosed within the walls of a prison.
Missionaries are suffered to go to other countries, to evangelize the
Pagans, the Jews, and the Mahometans, they are suffered to arraign
at pleasure the religions of other countries, and to my certain know
ledge, they have been known to scoff and to abuse the ceremonies of
other religions, even in the presence of the worshippers, even in the
very sight of temples and pagodas; and yet, in after ages, (if it were
possible that Christianity should be professed by all people and
nations, Christians will use this additional argument for Christianity;

48
that the lively images with which Jesus has represented. the dissemi
nation of the- Christian Religion are realized, and that thus his divine
mission is supported ; whereas any one, who attentively considers
how infinite the chances are in favour of Christianity, in a country
where all defences of it are spread with consummate alacrity, and.all
attacks on it are impeded by a paralyzing power, cannot but tliink
that Christ's Religion is more indebted to the arm of power, than Jo
the still gentle voice of deliberate conviction.
We may hold sceptical opinions, but we must not publish then}, !
the ancient Roman comedian observes, that a slavje has indeed eyes,
but is obliged to restrain his hands and tongue and yet, 2000 years
and upwards since his time, see slavery still flourishing in wild aiui
baneful luxuriance! We may have eyes, but must restrain onr hands
and tongues, then we are slaves. It is remarkab,le that a French
Editor of this Writer gives this note to the passage to which I allude:
" It is servility," says he, " not to speak what you think ;" and yet
this annotator wrote, for the instruction of the young French Prince.
Oh ! that my Couptry should be so backward in asserting the rights
of Liberty, and that it will hot allow with the great Dryden, that
" Of all the tyrannies which curse mankind
Those are the worst, which persecute the mind."
I pass on to make one or two observations on Mr. Gurney 's rea
sons for aggravation of her punishment; they are connected with
some of my last remarks, and will not detain you long.
Chief Justice. — Mrs. Wright I. must he under the necessity.
of stopping you. Really, Gentlemen of the Jury, I tyaye no wish to
stop the Defence of an accused person, but I cannot suffer a Court
of Justice to be made a channel for the purpose of defaming persons, v
who are not before the Court. (Mrs. Wright took no notice of what
the Chief Justice said, but persevered to the great amusement of the
Court.) The learned Gentleman asserted that Mary Ann Carlile's crime
was aggravated by her resolution, in proceeding in it. The only
question here is, whether her conduct was criminal or not, this is
tj»e great question; and had Mr. Gurney but the modesty to reflect
that, many of the, principal historians, political economists and lite
rati of his country have been of opinion that Christianity was not a
divine revelation, he, would have paused when he spoke- of viee and
'crime in subjects of this nature. As to Mary Ann Carlile's resolu-
1 tion, and t<? that of her family, this can never be a matter of aggra
vation of punishment, till the crime be made out to every body's
satisfaction. What, did Mr. Gurney forget the determined, resolur
tion of the primitive Christians? Did he forget that Mr. Gibbon
had termed it an. " inflexible and intolerant zeal." Did. he forget
the animating obstinacy of the Apostle Saint Paul, when with hideous
death before his view, he exclaimed that he was persuaded thaj nei
ther death, nor life, nor angels, uoi principalities, nor powers, nor things

40
present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, should be able to
separate him from the love of God in Christ Jesus? Did he forget
that an obstinate and determined spirit was the life and essence of
the character of one whose Lord had admonished him that the king
dom of Heaven suffereth violence, and that the violent take it by
force? 1 have said enough to shew that resolution is not criminal.
Prove to Mary Ann Carlile that her principles are wicked, and I
have no doubt that she will be obstinately determined to dissemi
nate the most contrary ones; and I must add, that in that case I
am convinced she will hear no more from Mr. Gurney of the crimi
nality of her boldness and resolution. As to Mr. Gurney's confi
dence that power shall trample upon what the Carfiles think to be
right, I wonder he was not ashamed to think of it. Is power the
weapon to be used by the Christian to stop the mouth of the scep
tic? Does he mean to say that it would be a proof of Mr. Carlile's
wickedness, were he put down by power? Does he mean to say
that his Saviour's cause was manifested to be bad by the power
which nailed him to the Cross, and crucified him? Does he mean
to say that his Saviour shewed himself to be an imposter, when he
made no use of the power with which he was confident he was en
trusted, when he gave himself over to the virulent rage and fury of
the Jews?
But after all, Mr. Carlile will not be intimidated. The use, I had
almost said abuse, of power in his case, only confirms him in his opi
nion that Christianity is weak and tottering, when left to itself; and
he will proceed to stem, the violence of power, till either he has lost
his strength, or till those who have the power, shall have the gene
rosity towield only the proper weapons of Christianity, which are,
declared to be not those of iron and steel, but those of the word and
Spirit of God. " Our weapons, "s,aid St. Paul, " are not carnal." To
obey is better than the blood of lams, and even than the blood and
bodies of men. But indeed power is sadly misused in this case. Ob
serve the violent expressions used by the " Courier" Newspaper about
Miss Carlile. " That wretchedwoman !" was the appellation it gave to
her. If he wouldspeak of " that wretched man," Mr. Canning, the
writer of blaspheinous parodies; that wretched man, the writer of
blasphemous ridicule; I should give the Editor more credit than I
do now for manliness of spirit and intrepidity of character.
T shall now request your attention to the alledged demands of
society and of law. One would suppose that the opinion of an emi
nent Philosopher, who is always held up as a glory to Christianity,
I mean Lord Bacon, should be received with respect. He is contrast
ing Atheism and Superstition, and he makes the following observa
tion : " Atheism leaves a man to sense, to philosophy, to natural
affection, to laws, to reputation: all which may be guides to an
outward moral virtue, though religion were not. Atheism did never
perturb states: for it makes men wary of themselves, as looking no
farther, ahd we see the times inclined to Atheism, as the times of
Augustus Caesar, were civil times." Lord Bacon is here speaking
4

50
of the effects of a very dema^f a God, and says the effects of that
ae not dangerous to society Thow. less can f that opinion be ^dange-
rous to society, which maintains the being of a God, and our duty
to love andseWe him? The celebrated Burnet, in his theory of the
earth, gives the highest possible praise to the Deistical system i as
contra-distinguished from Atheism: « The hypothesis of the Deist
says this writer, " reaches from the top to the bottom, both through
the intellectual and material world with a clear and distinct light
every where ; is genuine, comprehensive mid satisfactory ; has nothing
forced, nothing confused, nothing precarious." It is not faith, but
practice, which after all, must put our characters t6 tie-test, and the
loudest assertion of his faith, and claimer of the kingdom of Heaven,
if he does not act in his station worthily of that station, we are told,
shall be unknown to the-Saviour of mankind. " For modes of faith
then," what hinders us from exclaiming with the philosophic poet,
" For modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,
He can't be wrong, whose life is in the right." F
Could Deism throw citizens out of the reach of their Government,
were it in possession of a charm, which should free them from con
trol, and suffer them to act with impunity after the desires of their
eyes, then indeed the encouragement of Deism would be attended
with unspeakable evil; but Deists, as well as Christians, are subject^
to the same laws', and the same punishments for robbing from a
neighbour, or casting a foul spot on the fair character of another.
Observe the confessions of Bishop Beveridge in regard to the educa
tion of children: " To speak to them," says he, '•" of heaven and
eternal glory will not encourage them so much as to give them their
childish pleasures and desires: and the denouncing of a future hell
will not affright them so much as the inflicting a present smart."
If Christians would only consider that the Jewish legislator never
once spoke of a future state to his subjects, if they would observe
that his promises and his threats were all of a present interest, of
the interest of this world, they would observe how they are libelling
that legislator when they contend that there is no Government suit-,
,ed to persons who are led only by their present hopes and fears.
The great question here again, even if we lose sight of what I
have just now said, is whether Deism is true or false: and it cannot
be determined by particular individuals for the whole community.
There are high candidates for belief, and for scepticism. This society
however,, calls itself a Society for the Suppression of Vice, and' it
takes thequestion as proved, and calls Deism, Vice. What consider
ate men hesitate in asserting, this Society takes upon itself to assert
with confidence; they would have the impudence if they could
to stare Mr. Hume, Dr. Adam Smith, Lord Shaftesbury and Lord
Bolingbroke,in the face, and tell them they were men of vicious princi
ples, and deserving of fine and imprisonment, and I doubt not, of
^eternal punishment,: unparalled effrontery ! inexpressible impudence !
• But I ask who ought to- be bold enough to be sure he is right no

•51 ./
this subject ? That very Christian who laughs at the infallibility of
the Pope, claims it for himself, and injures the persons and property
of others by his confidence in his claims. How gross a contradic
tion is here ? " His weak unknowing hand presumes,
The bolts of God to throw,
And deals damnation round the land
On each he thinks his foe."
Is he so weak as to suppose that the almighty God of Heaven and
Earth is in need of his services? How long wilf it be before he asks
humbly with Eliphaz the Temauite: " Can a man be profitable unto
God, as he that is wise may be profitable to himself?" and how long
will he delay before he closes with the exhortation of St. Paul ; "Who
art thou, that judgest another man's servant? To his own master he
standeth or falleth."
But the best reason, which can be urged against the folly of such
a man is the confessions of the acknowledged champions of Chris
tianity. Bishop Butler has written a whole work to prove that re
ligion is a matter of probability, not of certainty. Bishop Watson
has the candour to acknowledge that the " History of the Old Testa
ment has without doubt some difficulties in it," and that " real dif
ficulties occur in it."
The celebrated and pious Dr. Watts himself, suffered extreme
misery in his investigations after Christian Doctrines, and was at
one time on the brink of Deism: observe his language, " Great God,
who seest all things, thou hast beheld what busy temptations have
been often fluttering about my heart, to call it off from these labo
rious and difficult enquiries, and to give up thy word and thy gospel
as au unintelligible book, and betake myself to the light of nature
and reason : but thou hast been pleased by thy divine power to scat
ter these temptations, and fix my heart and hope again (observe
again) on that Saviour, which thou hast revealed in thy word."
Again: in speaking about the attested Resurrection of Christ, Dr.
Paley has the following singular expressions: "I do not mean,"
he says, "that nothing can be more certain than that Christ rose from
the dead, but that nothing can be more certain, than that his apos
tles gave out. that he did so." But why need I go out of Court for
supports of my assertion, when a late address of the Judge to Mary
Ann Carlile gives me so powerful an instance of its truth. He says,
that he has himself given the subject a deep and attentive consider
ation; and, I have been informed, was formerly of a very opposite
opinion from that which he now professes, and besides this, he ex
presses himself confident that sooner or later (observe these words,
sooner or later) most persons will make up their- minds to the truth
of Christianity. How strongly does this shew what a great gulf is
fixed between the universally acknowledged guilt of fraud and mur
der! a guilt, which requires no time or study to investigate; a guilt,
which is allowed to be so even by the most hardy veteran in the

52'
trade, between that and the right or wrongness of , a question which
costs the. inquisitive mind so much labour and industry, which
is agreed to by those sceptical men, who at last, renounce their
doubts, after long toil and trouble; which the majority of 'thinking
men hesitate, all their life between believing and rejecting, and which
somanygreatanddistinguishedmenin all professions and ranks of life,
have at length absolutely renounced. Besides punishment for scep
tical publications has the very worst effect on society, on account of
the duplicity of character, which it forces sceptical writers to adopt-:
thus for instance at the end of an Essay, the intention of which is
to bring into doubt the Immortality of the Soul, Mr. Hume makes
the following subtle observation, in words to this effect; "Nothing
can so clearly point to us the infinite obligations we owe to Chris
tianity, since without it we have no means of proving a future state:"
and. at the beginning of it he praises Christianity for " bringing life
and immortality to light." I need.not point to you the duplicity ex
hibited in the termination of his " Essay on Miracles," nor that display
ed by Mr. Gibbon, in his two chapters on the Christian Religion. In
confirmation of what 1 am stating, I will read an observation of Dr.
Aikin in his "Biography;" " although," says he, "there can be'no
doubt that Gibbon was a real enemy to Revelation, under the mask of a
believer, yet while penal laws subsist against an open declaration of
opinion, the practice of a prudential disguise cannot be equitably
condemned." I would ask you is this spirit of disguise and dissimu
lation the spirit you think proper to encourage by a conviction of
a publisher of sceptical opinions ? Can any thing be more detrimen
tal to society than an encouragement of duplicity of character ? Yet
the open, honest, undisguised njan is punished; the crafty and insi
dious are left unpunished. Is the cause of this inequality ihe fol
lowing one, that it matters not what the learned think, but that it is
absolutely necessary the poor should be reduced to behef and ,to
faith ! If it is vice which is, intended to be' stopped, why are cer
tain shops allowed to exist which are the pest and;plague of London?
Why does the Government encourage Lotteries? Why does the
Chancellor of the Exchequer differ on this point from those, with
whom on all other points of religion and morality he agrees so closely?
Why are balls and card-parties allowed in the most fashionable circles
after an opera on a late hour on the Saturday night? Why is the
opening dawn of the, Sunday morning profaned by the voice of the
elegant swearer, and the accomplished drunkard ? Is it that the poor
are forced to obedience, and ithat the wealthy and the noble are pre
sented with a licence to act as they desire ? However, be the object
of these persecutions good, or be it bad, it appears to me that it
greatly fails in this respect, viz. that they encourage investigations
into religion, which would perhaps else never have engaged the at
tention of the public. Persecution enlists on its side the humane and
the benevolent; it gives an edge to ingenuity, and excites' the curio
sity, of the inquisitive. j.1 have reason to believe that in America,
where works on both sides of the subject of religion are tolerated
with the most undistinguishing liberality, an indifference to enquiry

is found to follow the licence to enquire. This is founded on a well
known principle of the human mind, that it neglects what is easy of
acquirement, and pursues with avidity what is difficult of, access;
and particularly what is anxiously and designedly kept from its grasp,
only one more argument shall be adduced on this part of my defence.
"No human tribunal," says the Author of Happiness, "ought to take
cognizance of an error in judgment, for it comprehends no offence
against the order or the happiness of society. A man is not master
of his own sentiments, to believe or disbelieve what is prescribed to
him or what he pleases. Can it be a crime for one not to be a logi
cian ? Conscience does not teach us to reason well but to act
rightly." The reflections I have made on the demands of society will facilitate
my enquiry into the demands of the law — laws are made to support
society; to do that which society demands — laws are necessary only
for this object. If society does not demand prosecutions of publish
ers of sceptical works; if even its interests are hurt by prosecuting
them, then it is useless to urge that laws exist against them. If they
exist they ought to be abolished. The laws against the Unitarians
were for a long time thought to be required by society, but they were
afterwards abrogated. " Blasphemy, in law," said Bailey in his dic
tionary, " by an act made in the ninth and fentb of William III., is,
when any one having been educated in, or having at any time made
profession of the Christian Religion, shall deny ar»y oiie of the per
sons of the Holy Trinity tp be God," &c. Observe how mutable are
the claims of society on subjects which are immutable ! Observe
how that in one age ceases to be blasphemy, which was punished for
blasphemy, in a former one ! How is religjon hurt hy these incon
stant definitions oLmattejs which are said (to be divine, and constant
asjlheir author ! The fact that the Reverend Mr. Emlyn was drag
ged round the streets of Dublin and exposed to the contempt and in
sults of the mob at the beginning of the last century for his Arian
publications is hardly credible in our age. How glaring is the incon
sistency ! Does it not show that barbarity and ignorance have had
a great deal to~do with the creation of the laws in regard to religious
persecutions ; and may we not hope that an enlighened age, like the
present, will on other subjects of theology, dp that justice to particu
lar individuals which has been done to Unitarian writers ? May we
not hope that enlightened men will be alive to the prepossessions and
opinions of others, allow enquiry to the curious, and no longer sink
the mind which is desirous to obtain and to give satisfaction on the
most important of all subjects, into despondency, by presenting it
with the prospect of the dark and unseemly corners of a Dorchester
Prison ? '
If it is said, that the common law demands these prosecutions, ob- I
serve that every country has its common law — and that, if libels on J
Christianity are to be punished in a Christian country, libels on Ma-j
hometanism deserve punishment in a Mahometan country. Observe, J
that the horrible law of the Turk, which strangles the Turkish convert!

54
to Christianity, is to be justified and applauded. Observe, that this
principle goes to persuade you that all religions are right, and that
they all equally come from heaven ! The absurdity of this plea is
too evident to need any further comment.
But if the plea is, that government must be supported by recipro
cally supporting the Christian Religion, be that religion true, or be
it false, I blush for that religion, which indeed would in this case re
quire the aid of the government; I blush for the government which
builds itself on so sandy and weak a foundation, but I blush, most of
all, for the man who can use so base an argument.
1 had intended to speak at large of the inconsistencies of the Society
which has brought me before you. But I have already trespassed so
much on your time, and this subject has been treated on so often be
fore, that I shall only observe, that if that Society would be undistin-
guishing in its attacks, if it would attack the high and the powerful,
as well as the low and the weak, if it would strip the writings of Sterne
and of Swift, two Christian divines ; of our old Comedians ; and of nu
merous other writers, — if it would strip these of matter, which is in-
contestibly prejudicial to the mind ; I should more willingly bear my
present situation, because, I should have at least, the satisfaction of
believing that its exertions were founded on pure, on honourable, and
on conscientious principles. It were more to be endured, if this So
ciety would imitate the conduct of their God, who is no respecter of
persons — if they would remember that the wealthy and the powerful
are really more in danger of contamination, and require to be placed
more out of the reach of temptation, on the principles of him who
assured them that " it is easier for a camel to pass through the eye
of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of Heaven."
I am here unconsciously led into an observation on a particular class
of the community. Booksellers, who effect to be scrupulous as to
the publications of Mr. Gibbon, and Mr. Hume, affect none as to
those I have now alluded to, and if they are too modest to attach
their names to some works, they are in no way too modest to exhibit
them to the public, and enrich themselves by the sale of them. The
principle of all is so plain that none can mistake it ; which is, that
men may glut themselves with books of acknowledged vice, if they
will but let alone books of enquiry into the grounds and reasons of
Christian belief.
Gentlemen of the Jury, I must now address myself to you in a
very particular manner. You are the Judges of this case; and, I
trust, you have given a faithful attention to the arguments which
have been adduced. I trust you have paid attention not only to some,
but to all of them : I trust you v/\\\ farther bestow on them some se
rious reflection, nor judge of this matter either passionately or pre
cipitately.
| Give me leave to warn you on one point against giving too much
| weight to the positive air, and to the " absolute musts" of the bench.
j I desire to respect the Judges of the realm : but I confess I have
|been too often struck by their dictatorial language to Juries ; " you

55
must bring in this person guilty ;" " you must find a true bill
against this person." Judge for yourselves. Judge, whether a fa-i
mily is to be ruined for opinions which it believes to be right,/
whether an obscure family is to be ruined, for doing that which J
persons at the head of his Majesty's government have beeri allowed!
to do with impunity. Judge, whether Christ ever gave the least|
sanction to a violent support of his religion, whether these persecu
tions do not really assimilate the conduct of Christians to that of the"
ferocious Mahomet ; and whether the present use of power in this
case does not lead to the conclusion that the first Christians would
have been as ferocious as Mahomet, had they the power to have been
so. Judge, whether it is not a maxim of determined truth in all
other subjects of investigation that both sides are to be heard,
whether Juries do not act day after day upon this maxim; and
whether therefore it is right that believers should have all the speaking
and the writing to themselves, all the power to calumniate in the
most contemptuous manner the unbelievers, while, if a strong and
energetic sentence is published by a sceptic on religion, he is im
prisoned and ruined. Judge, whether truth can possibly be arrived
at in this way. Judge, whether it is not forcing on the public mind
the idea that Christianity cannot stand alone without force. Lastly,
jddge, I seriously call on you to reflect and judge, whether you can
suppose yourselves wiser than the great Bacon, who tells you that
even Atheism is not prejudicial to states, whether you can claim to
be more correct in your conclusion, and better capable of coming to
a conclusion in this matter than Bentley, Paley, Lardner, and Chan
dler, the avowed and acknowledged champions of the Christian
Faith. Did the honourable Judge do away this argument, which was insist
ed on by Mr. Cooper; he never even attempted it. But,/ must
assert that it needed a distinct refutation. Let me ask you ; do
you think these persons, all of them believers in the Christian Reli
gion, four of them ministers of that religion, and of the highest emi
nence for respectability and innocence of character, would agree in
Objecting to prosecutions for acknowledged vice, as they did object
to prosecutions for sceptical works? Do you not see that they had
the discernment to discriminate between what is universally allowed
to be vice, and what is thought to be so by this or by that indivi
dual? They knew that they had been driven to and fro too much
themselves "by doubts and distractions not to feel for the situation of
others. They felt that the most pious Christians had their hours
and days of distrust, and they could not bring themselves to believe
that during these intervals they had changed their nature, and from
angels had become demons, because they sometimes doubted. They
knew that no angel had been commisioned to them from the blight
abodes to tell them they were right, and therefore they had the can
dour and integrity to assert that the determination of this question
should be taken from the petty tribunals of fallible and sometimes in
terested men, and left to the future judicature of that bar, where is

50
no error, even from innocent mistake, to the judicature of that eter
nal God, in whom is no darkness nor error, nor shadow of turning,
nor possibility of being misled by feelings of selfishness and inte
rest. Are you afraid that you will be acting against your oath, if you
acquit the accused on this occasion? Remember that very nume
rous are the cases, where a delinquent is fully acknowledged by ju
ries to be guilty ; but where mercy has conquered the laws, and
gained a victory over power ; where a verdict has been giveifnot in
deed agreeably to the strict truth of the cases, but, which is of far
more importance in laws framed in times of comparative ignorance
and barbarity, where a verdict has been given, not according to the
bare fact of innocence or guilt in regard to the imputed act, but ac
cording to the right and the equity of the matter. Remember that
it can never be expected that any Legislator shall so far take on him
self the odium of public opinion as to propose in Parliament the ab
rogation of the laws against unbelievers ; or that the government
will ever give up what has been held by all governments, Christian,
Jewish, Brahminical, Pagan, and Mahometan, to be the Palladium
of their power. And therefore it is your office, the office of all
juries, to take this into your own hands.
Mrs. Wright requested permission to retire and suckle her infant
child that was crying. This was granted, and she was absent from
Court twenty minutes, in passing to and from which, to the Castle
Coffee House she was applauded and loudly cheered, by assembled
thousands, all encouraging her to be of good cheer and to persevere.
I am come, lastly, Gentlemen, to speak of the law of the
case, and the first question is, by what statute am I to be
tried ? You will find there is none that can answer the vin
dictive purposes of my persecutors ; they appeal to no sta
tute whatever, but have most corruptly founded this indict
ment upon what is called common law, which I will explain
and prove to you to be nothing more than common abuse.
It is no law at all, as far as the word law denotes right and
justice. It is the law of whim, caprice, and tyranny. Itis
the law of discretion, and discretion in a Judge, or one who
administers law, is a horrible abuse and tyranny.
If there had been any such thing as the common law reli
gion, or if the religion of the country had been considered
part and parcel of the law in the time of Popish power in
this country, there would have been no need of getting a
statute to authorize the burning of heretics, as they were
called, but who in fact were persons of the same dispositions
as those who are now suffering for their opinions ; they
wished not to play the hypocrite, but to act conscientiously,
and to dissent from those matters and opinions which their

57
consciences warned them were not right and founded in
truth. . There is no just foundation whatever for saying, that the
religion of this country is part and parcel of the law. If it
be of any thing more than human origin, human laws are
unequal to protect or restrain it in any shape, and conse
quently such laws would be null and void to all intents
and purposes, to say nothing of their blasphemy and pro
faneness, but if the religion of the country be of human, ori
gin, then it is an imposition and a cheat upon the people,
and cannot be justly protected by law. Either way it is a
corrupt and an abominable practice to connect it with the
law of the land. So, Gentlemen, look at it which way you
please, you have no authority whatever on just ground but
to give me a verdict of Not Guilty. If you pronounce me
Guilty, you either blaspheme and insult the God of nature
by assuming that he needs your aid for punishment, or on
the other hand, yo'u make yourselves parties in supporting a
cheat upon your fellow countrymen. So reflect seriously,
Gentlemen,, upon the particulars of the case before you, and
beware both of clamour and sophistry. Do not lend your
selves to the wicked measures of a corrupt faction, whose.
first asnd last object is to' preserve their ill-gotten gains, of
which they know a free discussion would soon deprive
them. If, in any way, I had offended public morals, I Would
not have made a word; of defence, but would have pleaded
Guilty, askedfbrgiveness and mercy, and promised better
behaviour: but, I feel; the conscious pride that I have not,
offered an offence to public morals, but rather I have endea
voured to improve them by warring with the corruptions '
and delusions of the day.
Gentlemenof the Jury, T do not stand before you for having
committed a crime by'taking that which was not my own, or
by seducing others fifom the paths of virtue to the commis
sion of crime, but the whole substance of the charge against
me is, that, I have assisted in attacking the prejudices of
power and the power of prejudices. No person could hate
obtained the pamphlets before you, or copies of them, with
out first purchasing them with a given value, and it is cer
tain that, with the exception of the copies purchased for the
purpose of this prosecution, no person would purchase them
who did not feel the desire to examine and to reflect upon
their contents. The idle and the dissolute would not pur
chase such pamphlets. There is nothing in them calculated

58
to captivate the youthful or uureflecting portion of the com
munity. It is not they who resort to Mr. Carlile's Shop,
but the curious, the thinking, and the serious part of the
public. His publications are alone adapted to the disposi
tions of the sober and the grave, and I really think, and i
know that Mr. Carlile thinks the same, that these frequent
prosecutions constitute the greatest possible campliment
that can be paid to him; as they seem to say on the part
of the prosecutors, " this man will overturn all our money
tables and all our ill-gotten gains if we do not find some
means to destroy or to silence him."
I call upon you, Gentlemen, to discountenance this syste
matic persecution, and stay the disgrace which it leaves on
our Courts of Law and on the country at large. These per
secutions are approved by none but the bigoted, the tyran
nical, and the dishonest. 1 have no fear about me for any
thing that concerns myself. I should enjoy even a dungeon in
advocating such a cause as that in which I am now engaged.
But I am bold to tell these persecutors, they never can,
they never will, put down these publications; prosecutions
give life to them, and those which have occurred within
these last four or five years, have indeed been the seed of
free discussion. Our enemies act as madmen, they hasten
their own downfall; for if there were anything really objec
tionable in those publications, public opinion would have
put them down long since, but so powerful do we feel pub
lic opinion on our side, that, we feel assured we can combat
every obstacle our enemies can throw in our way.
If Juries were fairly and indiscriminately brought together,
in these cases, as they are in common cases, we should
never lose a verdict; but now it is notorious that every possi
ble scheme is tried by certain corrupt powers to bring toge
ther twelve men the most obstinate and the most opposite
in opinions to those on which they are called upon to decide,
and such men as are under the influence of the Prosecutors!
There is nothing like fair play in these cases : it is all scheme,
system, and stratagem. But in spite of influence, in spite of
prejudice, in spite of all Corruption's host, we will persevere
and triumph.
In my last words, I say to you, without the least improper
imputation, or the least improper reflection, to any one of
you twelve Gentlemen, for you are each and all perfect
strangers to me, that if there be one truly honest and con
scientious man amongst you, who values his character, his
oath, and his office, of which there were eight found on the

59
last trial of my. predecessor Mary-Ann Carlile, and I hope
now to find twelve, your verdict will be Not Guilty, or a
nolle prosequi will be entered on the case as its issue. Be
firm, and do your duty ; and believe me, when I conclude
by saying, that I scorn mercy and demand justice. '
' The Lord Chief Justice, after stating the substance of the
Indictment, observed that .the Defendant was not called on
to answer any reasonable or fair discussion on -the truth of
Christianity in general, or any of its particular tenets. The
law permitted that every subject, however sacred, should be
freely,'yet moderately and temperately discussed; but it
would not yield its protection to gross and scandalous ca
lumnies on the established faith. It would be a most extra
ordinary state of society in which the privilege of defaming
that religion on which all its institutions were built, should be
conceded. The publication had been clearly proved ; indeed,
it had been avowed and gloried in by the Defendant ; and there
fore, the only question would be, whether the passages bore
the Character imputed to them by the record. The learned
Judge then read the paragraphs set out in the indictment,
and left the Jury to say if they could doubt of their meaning.
Much had been urged, to which, if applied to a different
case, he should readily accede; he meant those arguments
which had been largely quoted to show the impolicy of at
tempting to support religion by the secular power ; and
these certainly would have great weight if a grave and serious
disquisition were indicted: but it would be hard to show
that every society had not a right to support it against
calumny and slander, and to protect the young and unin
formed from the influence'of mere contumelious abuse. If
the Jury thought these passages were only parts of a fair
and temperate discussion of the sacred topics to which they
had reference, they might acquit the Defendant ; but if they
considered them as gross and indecent attacks on religion,
they must find her guilty.
TheJury turned round in their box for about two minutes,
and then returned a verdict of GUILTY.

THE END.

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a visionary theory to advocate the preference of a Republican form of Go
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ment constitutes the only Real Republicanism, therefore, it is evident that
there can be no political honesty but in the advocacy of the Republican
form of Government.
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From all the facts we can gather from historical records it is evident, that
the majority of mankind have been the dupes of impostors, who, to their
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bers masked and robbers unmasked, prey upon the productive labour ofthe
multitude, and he will endeavour as far as in him lies to expose and des
troy the former, and enlighten and protect the latter.

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' Fellow Countrymen,- " :
There is one thing- as certain as ithe return of the seasons,
and that is, that we shall finally succeed in our pursuit of
effectual liberty. It'is'(clear and evident that we have made
lio small progress within' the last year, although, (hat yea*r
commenced with a variety of new restrictions to check us,
and to strengthen the1 power; of the' enemy with whom we
.contend. "Cir,cu'mstauce-t that ''have •¦ occurred both without
and w;i.thin this Island, have produced us material assistance.
The fifst'thing we heard of as a set-off -against the six new
restriction laws, was the revolution in Spain — the most -im
portant of all revolutions— a revolution from a state of das-
potism to a state of perfect liberty, and the first revolution
of the kind without bloodshed! la Spain it-was well begun'
and well ; finished, and as. this is' the anniversary of the day
on which Riego proclaimed the Constitution, as established
•in 1812, and- took possession of the isle de Leon,' Icelebrate
it as one worthy 'of- being observed, in remembrance of so
importaot a-n^event to the cause of - universal liberty^ by
writing to you this address. This is the only means 1 have
of celebrating it, as company I have none, and eating and
drinking are with roe but secondary objects. I look back
with real pleasure arid satisfaction' .on the good work per
formed 'in Spain in the past year: I hail with1 exultation the
steady;- uniform, and patriotic disposition of the Spanish
soldier and the Spanish citizen; the admirable ivnioli which
exists throughout the nation, and the wisdom and prudence
displayed by its legislature. The example is still more
grand and enticing than ever was that of the United Stages
-of America. -May it be universally followed! I have had
iome dread and suspicion of. a redaction in Spain, from the
direful state of Priestcraft aud Bigotry which has so long
darkened that country, but I am happy to see, that, after
several efforts, it' has proved powerless, ahd that truth and
reason- bid fair to triumph effectually over delusion. . I am
disposed to think thatthe first of January, on which Spain
struck an effectual.blow at despotism, will form a new era.
The' present, from which we date in Europe^ is growing old,
arid- on examination it will be1 found to have had but a ridi
culous foundation. An era signifies some important eveat:
the Jews da-ted from their- book of Genesis, and jf it were
Wue,.it would authorise <»th,e oircumstaj&ce: -the Grecians
computed time by their Olympic Games, which happened

once in four years: the Romans from the building of their
city, which, from its becoming the mistress of Europe, and
a great part of Asia and Africa, justified the practice: and
shall not we date from so important a period as the revolu
tion in Spain, which has been followed, already, by Naples,
and by Portugal, and which will make the Representative
System of Government universal? Mr. Hunt has begun to
compute time from the Manchester Massacre, but that can
never be adopted as general, as it is a circumstance to be
reflected upon with pain and regret: but, I understand, that
Mr. Hunt's object is chiefly to proclaim the shame of that cir
cumstance having passed without inquiry, and only to con
tinue that computation of time until the inquiry be made,
and the assassins brought to justice; which will happen as
soon as we have a Representative System of Government,
and not before. However, as it is desirable to make a com
putation of time as general as possible, I am inclined to
think that the Spanish Revolution will be found the most
important, and as it occurred on the first day of a year, ac
cording to our present reckoning, the time is well adapted
to evade confusion in the change.
Naples was the first to follow the example of Spain, but,
unfortunately in Sicily this revolution has not been blood
less: and from the contiguity of Naples to the Austrian
territories, it has roused a despot to war, who trembles for
the security of his despotism. It now appears, past doubt,
that Austria will open the present year with "a campaign
against the liberties of Europe; for the cause of Naples is
the cause of every honest and liberal minded man in
Europe. The first gun fired against the liberties of Europe,
shpuld be the proclamation of a general war on the Conti
nent between Liberty and Despotism: for if Naples be
overpowered, Spain and Portugal will not be safe. I heari-
tily hope that the Austrian army will find again the field of '
Gemappe on the borders of Naples; and this will be its fate,
if the Neapolitans possess that enthusiastic spirit of liberty,.
which ennobled the French nation at the commencement of
its revolution. Perish Despotism and let the standard of
Liberty triumph! Spain must make the cause of Naples her
own in self-defence, and 1 am now inclined to think that
the spirit of Liberty has so deeply pervaded the hearts of
Spaniards as to make Spain a second France for enthusiasm
and devotedness. If a gun be fired against the liberty of
Naples, immediately Spain ought to set about the rescue of
France from her present degradation. The, planting of the
tri-eoloured flag on the north-east side of the Pyrenees,
should be tie signal for war against Dt-^p-otigm tfeTQiiiEbeVlt
Europe.

3
Of Portugal we candot yet say much, the revolution has
been well begun, and as welt carried on, so 5'ar. Spain is the
safeguard of Portugal, and the closer the' union between
the two countries the better. These revolutions have been
go small assistance to our cause at home, as there is a class
of men on whom nothing but example can operate. It has
lowered the tone of the servile and abject creatures, who
decry all change as anarchy, to see the majestic progress of
the change in Spain. Their lies and calumnies are stifled
in utterance by pointing the finger to the Peninsula. Fac
tion trembles for her object when she sees so many revolu
tions effected by the union of the army and the people,
without bloodshed and even without confusion. The past
year has afforded us some fine specimens of patriotism,
which have had the effect of silencing the abuse, of that, vir
tue, by fixing its standard in art exemplary view, and by
proclaiming to the servile and corrupt part of society the
true definition of .the word. No material' change has oc
curred on the continent of South America, perhaps the
change in Spain might have retarded the' progress of inde
pendence in the colonies by making the parties less inimical
to each other. .St. Domingo promises a fine example to all
the West India Islands, in the abolition of monarchical des
potism, aud the establishment of the Representative System
of Government, with an elective presidency as the execu
tive. Thus the cheering- prospect of foreign affairs has
amply dispelled the gioom of our more- immediate interests
at home, and with the triumph of the Queen over the con-
i spiracy against her life and honoirr, have conjointly worked
ug half a revolution.
As far as the barrack system will admit, we should stu
diously seek to enlighten our army at home. Everything
ih the shape of a quarrel with the regular military should be
carefully avoided, as our rulers, and their dependants,. --stu
diously seek to foment those'quarrels between- the soldiers
Bod. the people. Their object is, as far as possible, to keep
alive provincial prejudices, by removing the soldiers from
their native provinpes, and interchanging them ; so that
Scotland is generally filled with Irish and English troops ;
England, with those of Scotland and Ireland; -and Ireland,
with those of England and Scotland, --Though we have
laws which make.it a capital offence to do, what is called
seducing a soldier or a sailor from his allegiance, yet it
might.be easily impressed on their minds that the welfare of
their country should be the object nearest their hearts; and
the success aud noble conduct of the armies of Spain, Na
ples, and Portugal, should be continually kept in their view1.
Useful and instructive tracts might be-easily put into their

4
hands- for it is a folly tohoard the political pamphlets of the
day; as soon as they are read by one they should be handed
to another, and so on, from hand to hand, until they become
illegible, aud worn out like a bank note. But few people read
such publications twice, and we should endeavour to meet
the restrictions on the press by this mode of circulation.
Whenever a corrupt government exists, the people have
the power of destroying it, if they set earnestly and reso
lutely to work, aud that in a quiet manuer. As every go
vernment must derive its support from the body of the
people; it follows, as a matter of course, that the people
must have the power in a great measure to withhold their
supplies. But here the very essence of virtue is required:
we must deny ourselves those little luxuries in which we
have long indulged. Why not? Who gains and who loses
by this denial? We do not rob ourselves: we only check
our passions, and in doing this, we strengthen both our
bodies and our purses. We go on to make ourselves still
more formidable to that which we wish to oppose, arid we
fight as if with a two-edged sword, free from the danger of
being either killed or wounded. I would appeal to those
who, for the last year, have had the dourage-and the virtue
to desist from the use of malt and spirituous liquors, foreign-'
tea and coffee, tobacco, snuff, &c. whether xhey do not feel
a real satisfaction from the change of habit, and whether
they are not better in health and pocket without the use of
those things? There are a variety of other things which are
heavily excised, the use of which might be prudently drop
ped, and which are not essential either to the health or the
comfort of mankind. Speaking for myself, I can say, that
] do not recommend more than I practise, and that my fare
for the last year has consisted chiefly of milk, bread, and
raw native fruits. I have been fatter and stronger than in
any former year of my life, and I feel as if I had obtained
a new system by the change. My natural disposition is
luxurious, and under a better system of government, or
where this rational warfare was not called for, I should at
all times live up to my income: but 1 feel that I should not
half do my duty were I to recommend what I did not prac
tise. The cost of my food has not more than averaged five
shillings per week for the last year, and what I should have
otlierv.-i^ spent I have now had the satisfaction to give
away. This system of abstinence from exciseablp articles
was well begun last year, but it must be continued, to be
effectual: six, twelve, or eighteen months will not suffice;
it must end only with the present system of government.
Persevere, Reformers; imcrea.se your fortitude and vour
virtues as yon proofed. \

5
For a considerable time last winter 1 made a liquor as a
substitute for tea from hay, and I found it very pleasant. I
would prefer it to the Breakfast Powder, or the British Herb
Tea, which are now selling in London in such large quanti
ties. In" London good milk is not to be obtained, therefore
some beverage is necessary as a substitute, and from univer
sal habit something warm in the shape of tea is looked for.
Nothing can be more wholesome than the Breakfast Pow
der or British Herb Tea, as the former I understand to be
manufactured from the best wheat, and this might as easily
be done by persons in country places as to fry a pancake or
bake a loaf on the hearth. A variety of substitutes have
been already pointed but for various' exciseable articles, so
that I need not- enumerate them here: my chief object is to
stimulate all Reformers to the further use of them, and not
to grow weary of so easy and so effectual a mode of war
fare. In this pursuit we do not punish ourselves, but the
common enemy. We aggravate not our own evils, but we
increase the difficulties of those who oppress us. Shrink not
then ye Male ahd Female Reformers from this virtuous mode
of warfare, for to conquer our injurious habits, and our enemy
at the same time, is a double conquest, to obtain which, both
man, woman, and child can very properly assist.
All our other efforts at home to obtain a Reform of the
Parliament seem td be wrapt up in the case of the Queen :
no other step has been made in the past year; but b}- in
volving our interest with that of her Majesty we have acted
most wisely, and have furthered our cause in a considerable
manner. She justly observes, that her- enemies are the ene
mies of the people, and the 'final triumph of the one will
probably be that of the other. I say probably, because I am
of opinion that a strong effort will be made by both Whig
and Tory to separate the Queen from the people, or, at
least, to patch up one of Lord John Russell's systems of
Reform. If the Whigs get into power they will concede no
more than their safety and support requires. I really doubt
whether they would willingly copcede the householder sys
tem of suffrage. If they do, it will be a great point gained ;
but we must travel further. Where any portion of the male
population of sound intellect, and arrived to the year's of
maturity, be excluded, the representation is incomplete, par
tial, and unjust. I shall be very glad to see any thing like
a move, for I do not believe the whole willever be obtained
at once, unless we could tread in the steps of Spain.
The best argument that could be advanced to those who
say the householder system ot suffrage is a sufficient repre
sentation would be thus:— ¦" Well, Gentlemen, if you think
that sufficient, let the representatives of the householders

make laws for the householder*, but let the lodgers be free
frpm tho-e laws. Let the householders pay the taxes — let
the householders compose the army and'navy, and fight all
the battles of the country ; and let the lodgers be exempt -
from service if they are not worthy tov be represented. If
you engross all the representation, you ought to pay all the
expences of the State, and perform all its duties. An ex
clusion on ths one hand should lead to an exclusion on the„
other. We are all born equal: the infant- that is born a
prince has not more intellect at his birth than the offspring of
the peasant: education makes all, the difference, and when
education be extended to all-we shall beequal in a political
point of view ; and none rise superior to the rest but by the
gift of superior 'talent, and the possession of superior vir
tues." Who can answer this argument, or vvho can decry
the scheme of Universal Suffrage as impracticable after what
has past in' Spain* for the last year? It might be prudent to
adopt the plan of the Spanish Constitution "¦- after a certain
period to exclude all who cannot write their names.- This
is. laudable, because its.object is to stimulate all, persons to
the acquisition of readjng and writing. It is not possible: to
bring a sound argument against the advocates of Universal
Suffrage. sThe exploded nonsense about anarchy and con
fusion has received a death-blow by the example of Spain.
Did we hear of a single-riot during "the elections in Spain:
a country much' larger than the Island of Great Britain?
More than any thing Annual Elections and Universal Suf
frage would prevent riot and anarchy. The djgnity which
it confers on man to give his vote for a Representative woTild
be the best guarantee for good conduct. It is by the present
degradation of mankind that riots and convulsions are so
frequent. Give every man bis natural rank in society, and ,
you will improve his'morals and civilize his manners: but
if you treat hi hi as a brute' you must expect that he will
act according. A slave will da more by civility and good1
treatment than by-coercion.
We have had to struggle against the ignorant, the' timid,
and the corrupt'; but we have now nearly enlightened the
first, and conquered the fears of the second ; but the last, '
will ever remain our eiiemy whilst in powen • We must con
quer what is corrupt by force and by numbers,' and shew
the interested in the present system of things' that they are
the weaker party, and 'as their usurpation is injurious to 'the
interests and welfare of the majority they must retire, into
-their fitting situation, after 'giving some account of their
stewardship. Nothing but our attitude can frighten the cor
rupt:' w:e may talk or threaten, but unless we put ourselves
into an attitude to execute' our 'threats, we shall but get-

laughed at. Under this head I would exhort the Reformers
of Great Britain to further efforts, to afl increased perse
verance: our advances amply repay us for the past; be they
our stimulus for the future. A slight incident might accom
plish our object, for we have made such a progress that ca
lumny hardly dares assail us. The Whigs confess that they
court our co-operatiou. We will co-operate with them, but
they must come to our terms, or help us on the road to our
final goal. VVe have co-operated with the Queeii~from a
sense of honour, and a sense of interest as well : and we will
journey with any individual or party if they are travelling
any portion of the same road with us. We will not be angry
even if they abuse us, as does the Times newspaper, pro
vided they will assist us in the least instance. Our object
is to get to the end of our journey, because we know the
distance, and .-when we once pass the ground we are safe, w#
shall have to travel no more.
Perseverance in a good cause will be sure to overcome
all obstacles: time, patience, and fortitude are the only re
quisites. In a noble pursuit, such as the obtaining a natural
System of government, and restoring civilization among our
fellow-countrymen, we (should nev^r tire or talk about being
weary. Slight defeats or retrograde movements should be
come but a stimulus to further exertion. In all the relations
of life genuine courage supported by fortitude is of great
.importance. Where this attainment is accompanied with &
cool calculating prudence, the man will rise superior to all
obstacles, and with bodies of men acting upon one object
the principle is the same. Unanimity is essential: and it- is
destructive to all joint interests where divisions exist among
the parties concerned. In looking at the accomplishment of
our object in reforming the Parliament, we should lose sight of
men as men, and view them only as a part of a whole which
is aiming at one object. Some men instead of putting a
shoulder to the wheel will content themselves with standing
by 'and applauding others for what they are doing'. This is
a flattery and extremely pernicious to the cause, because
flattery is a vice that will spoil the best of men, and is not
calculated to afford assistance towards the object in view :
far better would it be a>3 an assistance if the flatterer would
'be silent with bis tongue,' and give us his hand and heart.
This species of flattery is more than any thing calculated to
- create divisions among men who are prominent in a cause ;
it makes a weak-minded man assume a consequence to. which.
he is not entitled, which must naturally lead to disgust- :m
the minds of others. The truly brave and honest, wi^h no
further approbation than a fair exposition of conduct and
achievements, whilst the little mind will dwindle and wither

S':'
without applause and flattery. Momentary applause is too
cheap to be valued much, and for want of an extensive view
of circumstances and proper reflection, is, too often mis
placed. The man who is honest, bold, arid in earnest needs
not any species of applause or flattery to induce him to act ;
if he once fixes his mind on a good object his greatest .satis
faction will be in its accomplishment. It is thus I conceive-
it to be improper to bestow too^much applause on an indi
vidual, where many are in pursuit of one object. ¦ It has no
tendency to stimulate the good, but often discourages them
by seeing it improperly applied. To go on well, Reformers
should act with the union of " Freemasons, but not in Secret
societies. M°st, men are partial to little distinctions, but
they should be discouraged as a, species of aristocratical va
nity. Under a fairly constituted Representative System of
Government, nothing but superior talent and virtue can ob
tain distinctions. An individual might possibly get appointed
a representative without any just qualifications for the em
ployment ; but the moment he mingles with the collected
sense of the nation, he would be seen in hjs real character.
Here impudence or pompous pretension will avail him no^
thing, he onust shew himself by his works, or pass unnoticed.
There are a variety of ways by which approbation of con
duct can be conferred without putting it in the shape of
flattery. For myself I can say, that a private letter of ap
probation from a known good man, has given me more real
satisfaction than the plaudits of a multitude.
The foregoing Bints have fallen from me in consequence of
the too frequent bickering among men who wish to be con.-
sidered leaders in the cause of Reform ; and I would advise
those who see a man' whom they consider to be doing his
duty to imitate him as near as possible, and not content them
selves with merely applauding him. Applause is not ac
tion : neither can it become a stimulus to good intent and
correct principle, ; which will be sure to persevere both
through evil report and good report. My firm opinion is
that some. of the best aud truest friends of Reform are acting
in the back ground, and not yet. visible. I do not wish to
detract from the virtues of the many distinguished indivi
duals who have taken a conspicuous part, the whole conduct
of some of them 1 know to be perfectly unim peaceable, but
I would hot have it thought that those who are visible are
all' who are busily at work 'to effect a Representation of the
People. , We have those who are private and silent working
most powerfully with us, and who perhaps are effecting as1
mugh or more than some who make so« much noise. Most
public actors are prone to court the prejudices of mankind,
whilstrthe object of the philosopher in his closet is to remove

9
all prejudices,. Oliver Cromwell would have been a good
man if he had not been corrupted by flattery, and the sanio
might be said of Napoleon Buonaparte. We ought rather
to keep a jealous and scrutinizing eye upon public characters
than be so apt to applaud. \, The Way to keep men good and
honest is to let them understand that they must not expect
flattery or applause until they are dead. Whatever a man
doe#for his country, he does no more thati his duty ; and if
he finds.au acknowledgment from his fellow-countrymen
that he has done his duty, it is all that he has any fair reason
to require. If he be poor, a competency to make life com
fortable should-be afforded him, and no further. By ob
serving a conduct of this kind the Grecians raised up their
most able generalc, and it was under such men that they
destroyed the invading hosts of Persia by a mere handful of
men. The general, or the soldier, were neither paid for-ser-
ving their country nor rewarded with pensions alter they had
done it. It was held to be a great disgrace to accept either
pay or a present for any patriotic purpose. If any of those
hints be calculated to lessen the little bickerings and jea
lousies which exist among Reformers, my object'will be
gained. I wish not to wound, but to heal the many paltry
differences which have existed among us.
There is another point which operates much to our injury,
or retards our progress, and that is, the adoption of nick
names. Whoever confers a nickname on another, does it for
the purpose of bringing him into ridicule, and of exciting a
weak mind to think meanly of him ; and if he succeeds in
establishing such an improper name, he accomplishes his ob^-
ject and lessens the character of the individual in the
eye of the multitude. 1 never could look on the word Radi
cal, as applied to Reformers, but as a very foolish word,
although it be in itself quite harmless. It has been worked
upon in such a manner, that thousands of good and well in-
tentioned, but weak people, think it syDonymous with every
species of, villainy. , Far better would it be, in my opinion,
to assume a name which conveys a direct principle, and
which cannot be distorted, such as Republican. It was un
der this idea, that I adopted the term Republican for my
late publication. I have silenced many persons, wh'o had
thought to throw off a sneer upon me, in allusion to my ra
dical and infidel principles, by an open avowal of my opi
nions and principles. I have said, " I do not know what
you mean to cou,vey by the word Radical, but my political
principles are Republican. I would make the throne bend
to the interest and welfare of the people, or the will of their
Representatives. And as to my infidelity, I am an infidel to
every tiling whioh my mind conceives to be founded in false-

10
rlriod. I reiceive nothing as grjod but wbitt I conceive to &«
founded in truth. These are my principles, and you may
carp upon them as long aud as much as you please." An
explicit declaration of this kind, cannot fail to Silence the
igno-ant aud impudent sneer of any man; but if we talk
about an attachment to the Constitution, to monarchy; and
a variety of other spurious ahd ambiguous things, w'? are
sure to be, aud deservedly, suspected of bad intentions, and
- th'e possession of principles which we durst not avow. '! he
most effectual way to enlighten, and to make converts to a
cause, is to proceed upon an avowed and well understood
principle. Such was the ierm Reformer,. Connected with the
avowed principle of annual elections and universal suffrage;
and I verily believe the Reformers Wave not forwarded their.
cause- by adopting the word Radical as an appellative, but
have rather retarded it. We now frequently hear many weafe
and foolish persons cry out, " I am an advocate for Reform,
but not a Radical " This word, Radical has greatly tended
to widen the breach, where little divisions have existed, and'
, when we hear a talk about radical bats, radical thiSj tbat^
add the other thing, it becomes extremely ridiculous. The
principle it intends to Convey i approve, as Ho man wishes
for a Keform more radical than myself, but the wofd has
been grossly misused and abused, and much to the injury of
the cauSe it was meant to espouse. ]n speaking about the
Householder Suffrage, and Universal Suffrage, there Was
something intelligible, but when the words Moderate,
Thorough, and Radical, were applied to Reform, they
served as a mere evasion, meant nothing at all, and befiame
mere words of sound and'abuse. A man who wishes to be
honest, arid to be considered honest/should never make use
of 'words that, are ambiguous in their import. To talk
about the British Constitution, is, in my opinion, a Sure
proof of dishonesty. Hritain has no Constitution. If we
speak of the Spanish Constitution, we have something tan
gible; there is a substauce'and meaning as well as sound.
hi Britain there is nothing constituted, but corruption in the
system of Government. Our very laws are corrupt and
partial, both in themselves, and in their administration. ' In
fact, corruption, as notorious as the sun' at noon-day, is an
avowed part of the system, and is denominated the neces
sary oil for the wheels of the Government! It is a most
pernicious oil to, the interests of the people1.
We may very shortly expect to have a large accession to
¦the cause of Reform in the great body of Farmers, 'i hose
who hire farms can scarcely make the produce cover their
rent and taxes ; and if a Reform be delayed a year of two
tonger, this plass of the society will be swallowed up^ afid

ii
reduced to pauperism. Mic Pitt enabled them to litfe like
gentlemen for a time, and all at once he produced a wonder
ful change in the character of the British Farmer. But now
they begin to suffer most^severeiy from high tent, heavy
taxes,' and reduced prices by no means commensurate with
their expences. In the ensuing session of Parliament they
intend to petition for a Reform — of what? hot of the Par
liament, but of the Grain Importation Laws, and the pre
sent mode of taking the average price! But the silly crea
tures will soon be taught wisdom by experience. They will
soon be taught that the present System of Government-can-
not afford them relief, because it cannot, or will not, diminish
its expenditure. Money, say the Ministers, we must have,
and the Farmer's stock is tangible properly if he cannot paly
his taxes. In a few, months we shall have distresses among
our Farmecs as common as ever they were in Ireland, and
then,' when it be too late for themselves, the Farmers will be
all Parliamentary Reformers. This is a class of men who
have been bamboozled to tne last. Their isolated condition^
. and theirdeperidarice upon their landlords, has kept them in
a state of ignorance, as to the real state of the country.
Year after year, they have been promised an advanced price
for their produce; but each year reduces it, aud their dis^
tress increases, So that they are beginning- to make a stir, but
they are on the wrong scent. This is a class of men whom
nothing but experience can instruct, therefore, they are now
receiving some vgry useful and very necessary lessons.
We may further calculate in the present year, on the ac
cession of the whole body of Catholic Christians, unless the
present Ministers should, in their present distress, favour the
cmancipatipn, and admit them to the common rights of citi
zens. No intrigue,! should think, can keep the Catholics
aloof from the Reformers if ihey find themselves deluded in
ftnother session of the Parliament. Theirs is a case to which
we know the Ministers arevuot personally hostile, and would
readily accede to the Catholic request, Was it not from the
fear of losing the support of the bigoted part of the Pro
testants! The Catholics may gain their onject in the pre
sent dilemma of Ministers, if not.'they wiH be no longer at
a loss to perceive where their common interest lies. We-ho!d
out the hand of fellowship and mutual toleration to them,
and wish them to leaiu that their religious principles and in
terest cannot be secured to them inviolate, without entering
into a compact to harmonize aud render secure the political
interests of all sects and all parties. There must I e a -mi -
tual .toleration of all opinions on theological subjects, ami
all tests and penal laws relating thereto, must be abolished
by a Reformed Parliament. Without this,, we shall never

12
be free from interrmh commotions and disorder. The Legis
lature must only view the citizen in bis political character,
and leave his theological character to him whom he wor
ships. The Catholic must no longer oppress the Protestant,
nor the Protestant the Catholic, and the Jew or Mahometan,
the Deist or Atheist, must be as free and uncontrouled as
either of them. All citizens alike. Those persons, who in
the year 1817 decried the petitioners for Parliamentary Re
form as a set of wild mad men, who did not know what they
wanted,, are now become clamorous for the same object.
The Times Newspaper is daily, crying out, " Petition the
House of Commons, and not the King." I sincerely hope
that the million and a half of men who signed petitions in
1817, will not degrade themselves by meddling with any
thing of the kind again. Let those petition for, Reform who
have hitherto been its opponents, if they .like. I't may be
proper for them to petition, and to state at the same time,
their recent conviction of its necessity ; but it would ill be
come those to petition who have bad their petitions treated
with such scorn on a former occasion. Reform will be ob
tained when the existing authorities have no longer the
power to withhold it, and not before. We shall gain it as
early without petitioning as with it, and I would again put
forward my opinion, that something more than a petitioning
attitude is necessary. At this moment, I would not say a
word about insurrection, but I would strongly recommend
union, activity, and co-operation. Be ready and steady to
meet any concurrent circumstance. The Union Rooms of
Manchester and Stockport are admirable models for co-,
operation, and are more than any thing else calculated to
strengthen the body of Reformers. Here children are edu
cated, and adults instruct each other. Here there is, a conti
nual and frequent communication between all the Reformers
of those towns. Here espionage avails nothing,' because the
object of meeting is merely to inform, instruct, and assist
each other. It is a sort of corporation, or municipal govern
ment, and affords a proper channel for communication with
other towns. 1 believe that Leeds still retains its Union, but
it would be \vejl to see this system extended. It is not a
secret association, for I understand the books are open to
the inspection of any applicant. There-are no secret meet
ings that I am aware of, or at least, they are not necessary.
The principles of Reformers, where they are correct, should
be open to the strictest examination. They are founded in
truth and reason, and need but be fully known to be fob
lovyed and admired. There is one circumstance I consider
useful to be followed, and that is, the issuing a spirited De
claration. on the necessity of Reform. Petitions are lost as

13
soon as they get to their place of destination ; besides, there
is something degrading in the style of address, whilst well-
written and spirited declarations when in print, would be
echoed back from every corner of the Island. A Declara
tion might contain bold and manly sentiments, such as are
calculated to make an impression on the mind of the reader,
but a Petition must be couched in abject language, and is
calculated to degrade the Petitioner, aud if the party peti-
( tioned be of a tyrannical or oppressive disposition, that dis
position will be but hardened and aggravated. It is too
much like petitioning a rogue or a thief to hang himself, in
stead 'of putting the laws in execution against him. Ty
ranny is not to be conquered by any such means, nor by
any other means than a superior acting force. Whatever
withholds from us our just and natural rights, is tyraimy.
It matters not under what name it passes, or how it came
into existence, it is sufficient that it doth exist to call forth
our energies to destroy it. Whoever labours under op
pression feels a natural disposition and desire to rid himself
of that oppression. Independence is a principle that should
fill the bosom of every man, and he does not deserve the
name who can tacitly resign it, and bend unnecessarily to
the oppressive power of another. There may be such
things as slavish dispositions, but they are not natural ; they
must either be the effect of disease or education. Independ
ence can alone elevate the mind, and make man walk erect
in the sight of bis fellows. With this possession, he owes
no man any thing but civility aud urbanity of manners.
The spirited Addresses to the Queen, the manner of pre
senting them, and her still more spirited Answers, have
worked a powerful effect in the country. Every village has
had the desire of presenting an Address, bv way of possess
ing one of those noble and instructive Answers. Addresses
to the Queen have not been couched in those abject terms
which are necessary to insure them a reception in otlier
quarters; but the language has been sympathetic and decla
ratory of honest principle, such as does honour to the best
feelings of the.human heart. The manner of addressing her
Majesty has been well conducted , and is justly eiitit.ed to
the epithet of modern aud moral chivalry. Her 'Majesty
has no less than four or five million knights, who are ready
and willing to defend her from the gigantic tyranny which
has oppressed her, and if necessary, would risk their Jives in
pursuit of that object. Never was woman elevated to such
a height before! Never woman so well deserved it!
It is probable, that the chief part of the conduct required
from the Reformers, in the course of the present year, will
be a further defence of the Qneea. The present Ministers

fget? resatyed to persevere, and make their tools jn Parlia
ment' pronounce something like a 'degradation. This they
have the powertp do, by the majorities at their command;
. but this will avail them nothing. The composition of the
tprasent Parliament is too well understood to produce the
least impression on the public mind, contrary to the public
- opinion. It is copsidered to hold none, the least connection
with the people Or their interests. It cannot deceive, al
though it might annoy. If a scanty allowance be offered
Jier Majesty. I bflpe and trust that she will reject it alto
gether, and". throw herself-upon the bounty of the people for
support. , This would be treating ihe Parliament as it de
serves, and exhibiting it in its proper colours.The humblest
•labourer would willingly deny himself a meal in~a week, to
support her Majesty "against the tyranny of the party in
.power. But this would not be necessary if there was the
least spirit in the Aristocracy : for those>who have incomes
often and twenty thousand pounds per annum, might easily
throw down- a thousand for such an .object, and not feel the
want of it, but a pleasure in ihe»a.:t. Let the Addresses and
Answers be continued until her enemies be thrown down, as
this line of conduct has a mpch mor3 powerful effect in her
behalt, aud that of the people, than petitioning the consti
tuted authorities to observe a nood behaviour towards her.
The latter idea is ridiculous if righily considered and ana
lyzed. This is a wild and inchereut project indeed! The
oppressors of the Queen ouaht not to be noticed in any
other shape than by reprobation ; and- this eauuot be more
effectually done than by continual Addresses to her Majesty.
Monarchy certainly does entail some very ridiculous cusr
toms on society, but this is not one of the least anomalous,
to petition the. King to use his wife better! It is not dissi
milar to begging a Iroward 'child not tobe naughty, without
the least correction, whch .is a sure way to encourage a per
severance in the same conduct. >
1 have now, my liiends... tone fed upon till the topics which I
eon i it-r i ei'- sshi-i 10 lie pn ss< d u,inn mur attention at -the-corri-
, rue.iodie it of a ne.i \enr. At Mich ,a period- we are apt to look,
back through ihe past .ml e auiine our conduct, and we are' the
best ju I es of nu own aci ons nhen weinierrognte ourselves ear-
I'Cotlv and laithfullv. Thi- most iuipntaut point foY you to keep
in mind, is a war with the levenm-. I wouldidefend myself from
the -man Ifrl i robberies u» liy law established in the present day, as
I would a^amst tae highway -roi>b,-r: f ar or prudence might in
duce int- not to resist th>- 1 .iiter, l»iit I would endeavour to' secrete
arid withhold as much of my property as |>o:-.sible from him. A
double good u+iaes from an abstinence from 'excfeeable articles*
yen , promote your health by tetnperancjs, and by economy you
procure yourselves i^ore sj^bstftijfiu;' £}td more whote.eoiue ;fo<>d..

*5
When the gfe^t Dr. Franklin was a journeyman printer in London,
he, by his habits and example, made a great change in the man
ners of the men who worked in the same office with Irim. He
found them in the habit of drinking cold porter for their tmak-
fast, and very often without any solid food. He explained to them
that as the whole strength and nourishment of the porter, in addi
tion to the water, was derived fiom the barley with which it was
brewed, it followed, as a matter of course, that the' nourishment of
a pint of porter was not equivalent to that of a twopenny wbeateu
loaf and a pint of water, and that the latter was free from the hoi,)
and the uoxioos drugs which are used in porter, and consequently
more wholesome. The same thing might be said of all spirituous
liquors, they exhilarate for the moment, but there is nothing sub
stantial in the nourishmeuf. The same, money spent in bread
produces ten times the nourishment. The use of exhilarating
Jiquors are just the same as the use of tobacco aud snuff, they
form an excitement agreeable to the habit, by constant use, but
they are not only filthy, but of n mo^t pernicious tendency. Tl"?
man who is in the habit of continually thrusting snuff in 10. his,
nostrils, or tobacco into his month, is as filthy a creature in mv
eye,1 as the hog who wallows ,in the mire.- This system of tempe
rance and abstinence not only provides better for the health aud
the nourishment of the body, bu: it also enables the individual to
obtain the delicious repast of mental improvement. Had Dr.
Franklin followed the common habits, of his fellow-workmen, he
bad never made the brightest philosopher and one .of the most ac
complished and generally respected statesmen of his day. He
rescued hiros-elf from that vo.luntai'ily bodily aud mental slavery,
solely by gvat'rfying'his mind with useful acquirements, instead of
a filthy and destructive bodily appetite. I consider that 1 rescued
rnystlf from the perpetual, labour of a mechanic'* bench, solely by
temperate aud studious h.-.bits. 1 have denied unself many a
meal for the purchase of some instructive publica ion. It was a
common joke of my fellow-workmen to nut one of my books aud,
fume salt into the fire-pot as a cookery for my dinner. Never if
Negro slave obtained his freedom with moie joy than I quitted the
mechanic's bench for a situation In which I could better improve
my miiicf. My present situation has mt lessened that joy in the
least, for I made my calculation, that to gtt on well,- 1 n.ust ex
pose myseli to two or thiee years imprisonment. 1 heard my sen
tence in the Court of King's Bern h with us intr, h indiflerem e as
the Judge pronounced it, aid perhaps otf the two, I thought the"
least of it; although the seizure of all the property 1 had accu-
niulated was a^ shock, but even here, 1 was piepared, and not dis
appointed ; for so far 1 have baffled the legal robbers, in their at
tempt to crush me, and doubt not but 1 shall so continue, in spite
of their corrupt power and influence. The prison h ,s no terror
for me, and I find it that calm retreat, which my for m ' r want of
education, and situation in life, had rendered necessary for my
mental improvement.

16
Bv what I see of a gaol, I am enabled to feel for those whose
condftibn is different fro n mine, aud 1 would earnestly recommend
them to public notice aud support. AlmOst every county contains
liow its political - victims, and a small weekly contribution would
gladden their hearts, not only with- necessaries, but with- the satis
faction that trjey were not forgotten. For myself, Task nothing,
1 have never wantel since my 'confineilit'ilt, and -my prospects a,t
this moment, are better- than they were twelve mouths since. J"
flatter myself that I shall manage to struggle on by my own e^eri'
tions, but there are those confined who have not the means of turn
ing a penny. Such is the ease of Wed.leibimi in this priso'ri,~shut
up in soiitar\ confinement, aud has no tire but what lie purchases.-
1 have no means of co niuuuii-atioii with him, as the keeper, has
.told me that lie has an order mil toallo.v the least to pass between'
hnn and me, under'any circumstances whatever. I shim-times see
hi n at a distance, and as far as tile courage anil mind of the mini
can support him, I believe ie bears all wiih a becoming fortitude.
Amidst the multitude of prisoners in different parts of the coun
try, it-would be invidious to mention any by name; but now is
the seieie moment of trial in a prison. This is the winter of a
piisnuer indeed. It reflects no sin'all 'disgrace on the many men of
property who h e continually ba'ibling about the injustice of this,
that, an i the o her ne'son's case, to ^ee that they tlb not take the
least notice of an ind vidnal a tier tie asses the prison' door, and
becomes a prisoner. We see til. in f irnii,.g a' joint stock company
to est-iblsh a provident swiel \ , but thi- I as as much the, appear
ance of a desire for profit as public-good. |.t-t theiii vi-it our pri
sons — let them a-si-t those who si e disabled, -from their political
opinions only., Iron in, king a pio'v,sion for sic.-kui-s: — -and then
they shall have .the e,»ithet of philaiitinopisis "and patriots bestowed
upon them, wi ich they now, pouipously seek without merit or good
intention. I do not recommend the thi. f or felon to their notice.
No. Their pun shment rs due : liut th-ose- inen who are confined
for what aie called seditious or bias) henmu- libels, or seditious or
bias, iheinoUs expressions, are, 1 venture to" say, some of the best
and most honesi members of societi.
Congratulating you, my fellow Reformers,- on our present pros
pects, and exhorting you to perseverance,
I subscribe myself,
Your devoted servant, R. CARLILE.
Dorchester Gaol, Jan. 1st, Second year of the
Spanish Revolution fiom Despotism to Liberty. '

Printed by M. A.- CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street.

Price Two Pence.
TO THE
REFORMERS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Dorchester Gaol, April 23j
Fellow Countrymen, Year 2, of the Spanish Revolution^
Since I last addressed you the Italians of Naples and Pied
mont have proved themselves cowards, and undeserving of
that freedom to the possession of which they have made
pretensions. They can brandish the stiletto in the dark,
but coward and assassin-like, they dare not openly meet an
' enemy, even when every thing that is virtuous, honourable,
and deaf to man, is on their side, and every thing foul on
that of the enemy. The Neapolitans could attack and mur
der the unarmed- inhabitants of Palermo, but dared not face
an inferior number of Austrians". Slavery and death to such
men, or such wretches, the disgrace of their species. They
are unworthy the fertile soil on which they tread. Let the
present race perish in their chains, or from shame bury
themselves in their volcano, and let us hope for better con
duct from the next generation. *
But the Continent of Europe is not yet without interest:
the inhabitants of that spot which nurtured the brave, the
Virtuous, and the hardy Grecians, of old, are in arms again&t
the despotic government of Turkey. They too have hoisted
the tri-coloured flag ! let us hope they are not so degenerate
as the present inhabitants of that soil, which nurtured the
hardy Roman. Oh! what a glorious sound it would have
been to hear, that the modern Romans had expelled the
Goths and Vandals from Ita!^-, -and that the modern Grecians
had cleared their soil of the Tarks and Satacens. This
would have been a regeneration indeed! Still let us hope it
will come, and not only hope, but let us contemplate the
certainty. The Holy Allied Despots will soon find more work on the
Continent. The effluvia of Spanish and Portuguese freedom
must naturally infect their neighbours in France, and then
the ignorant barbarians, which rule the empires of Russia
and Austria, might pour forth their hordes in vain. Italian
cowardice might retard but cannot effectually frustrate the
event. At home, we are promised Castlereagh (for I shall keep
him to his old name) as Prime Minister, or First Lord of
the Treasury. We might rejoice at this, as the present sys
tem cannot be in better hands, and I further wish him as
many of his present colleagues, as are inclined to act under
him. The annual fooleries of St. Stephen's Chapel are again
near their close; all the usual parts have, been well perform-
Printed and Published by R. Carlile, 55, Fleet Street, London.

2
ed, and the nation has to enjoy its usual misery and distress
with some addition, agreeable to the will of this " Great
Council," this " Collected Wisdom," this Focus of Talents.
It has neither emancipated the Catholics, nor reformed
'itself, and I for one am heartily glad of it, as I think we
had better wait the opportunity of performing our duties,
and enforcing our rights, than to accept any thing as a boon
from the established or usurped authorities. The Roman
Catholics can no longer doubt the path they ought to fol
low. A reformed Parliament will not be alarmed ajt any
intercourse they can carry on with the Pope of Rome; as
any man whose eyes and ideas can extend to Italy, will
perceive, in a moment, that the Pope is quite a harmless
animal, and that a few years will extinguish instead of
strengthen him. His merchandise of bulls and indulgences,
of dispensations and absolutions, of comminations and ex
communications, are shut out of the markets of Spain and
Portugal, and the whole continent of America!! Austria is _
the last prop of the Pope of Rome, and that a very feeble
one. The Reformers of Great Britain will pledge to the
Catholics of Ireland something worthy of being called an
emancipation if they will but tread in the, right path, and
make their first object a representative system of govern
ment, where every man shall enjoy the elective franchise.
They shall have it in its fullest extent without any " solemn
debate?," or acts of parliament as a sreeui-ity. They shall
see that the Representatives of the People of Great Britain
and Ireland will not degrade themselves by legislating on
matters of opinion, but that all restraints shall be repealed,
with just the same feeling, as the bill now passing , the
Houses of Corruption to prevent any modern Sir Matthew
Hale from burning old women as witches and sorcerers.
The Whig motion for a committee to inquire into the
state of the representation, and the sudden conclusion of the
farce, whilst its promoters and supporters were gormandiz
ing at a tavern, cannot fail to excite the further contempt of
the Reformers towards that corrupt faction. Could not
Messrs. Lambton, and Hdbbouse, and Wilson, and the rest
have dined at four or at three o'clock, or have taken a crust
of bread and cheese in their pockets, so' as to sit and hear
what their friends on the other side had to offer against
their motjon? It appears that they have need to reform their
own appetites before they would become fit representatives
.for a reformed Parliament. Only forty-three Whigs to sup-
-port this long-boasted, this so much talk'ed ofimotion of Mr.
:Lambton! I have no hesitation to say, that, after the most
mature deliberation ; and the best consideration I can give
the subject, I am firmly of opinion that no bold aud honest
-man would sit in that assembly to assk-t iri that degraded

and mock system of legislation one moment further than he
could be holding it up to the contempt of the country. To
countenance its proceedings is to participate in its acts.
However, let the Reformers march on — let them look back
oti Whigs and Tories as their common enemies — but above
all things let them keep in one undeviating path, and wait
the majestic march of their grand ally, the debt called na
tional: and by all means let as many of them as can, and
have any, change their bank-notes for gold, in the next
month. Ten guineas with a reformed Parliament will be a
little fortune. R. CARLILE.

TO MR. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Mr. and Mrs. Carlile, Glodwick, March 13, 1821.
A few friends of Glodwick, near Oldham, Lancashire, are
anxious to offer you a small tribute of their esteem, for your
bold patriotic endeavours to rescue our country from the
grasp of despotism, and herewith send you a one pound
note. You are incarcerated for the expression of your sen
timents — We abhor all attempts to refute opinion by the
manacle and the dungeon. Those who oppose the march of
public opinion and light, will eventually perish in the at
tempt. Cheer up, for revolutions, founded on reason and
justice, break upon the astonished world almost daily. Ig
norance is driven from pillar to post, and the tottering
fabrics of feudalism are crumbling to dust. Sacrifices must
be made, and it is yours to glory in being considered the
worst enemy of corruption. That you may long live an
enemy to tyranny, is the wish of Yours, &c.
ABRAHAM TAYLOR,
Treasurer to the Glodwick Permanent Eeform Fund.
P. S. Your friends desire you to let them know whether
you have received the above named sum as soon as you can
conveniently.

TO MR. ABRAHAM TAYLOR,
Treasurer of the Glodwick Permanent Reform Fund.
Dkar Sir, Dorchester Gaol, April 5, 1821.
With pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your letter con
taining the sum of One Pound, as a subscription in support
'of my humble efforts in the cause of reform. Although your
letter was dated on the 13th ult. it did not reach me until
the 4th instant, and bore the London post mark of the 3d.
I beg to assure the Reformers of Glod/wick that both
Mrs. Carlile and myself are in good health and good spirits,
although persecution falls on us in every (shape from the

common enemy. My shop in London, seems to attract the
whole attention of the enemy, and no- less than four prosecu
tions are now pending against the persons in my employ:
two informations from the Attorney General against the
shopman for numbers of the Republican, the one, the letter
to the King, and the other, on some insignificant subject ;
and two indictments against my sister, Mary Ann Carlile,
the one from the Vice Society, for an Appendix to the The
ological Works of Thomas Paine, the other is from this new
association of robbers, called, " Tbe Constitution Associa
tion," for an address I wrote to the Reformers on New
Year's day last. I have no fear of being able to make a
complete and effectual stand against the common enemy, if
the friends of Reform will give me any thing like a fair
support in the way of business, as to the circulation of my
publications. I have now on sale a new and neat edition
of all the Political Works of Thomas Paine, either as a
whole, or in separate pamphlets, and most of the publica
tions which I have hitherto advertised, and which have not
been prosecuted. The works under prosecution I always
continue to sell until a verdict has been obtained against
them, and even then where I can do it without exposing any
individual to further prosecution. I beg Jeave most distinctly
to state, that my further progress does not depend upon my
will, I have never wavoured in mind, it depends entirely
on the encouragement my publications shall receive from -
the Reformers of Great Britain. Of late my business has
declined, and that most seriously ; for, in consequence of the
great expenses which have fallen upon me, I begin to feel
some pecuniary embarrassments, which prevent my sending
to the press many things which I have ready, and could
wish to print. I have a valuable stock in trade with very
little debt upon it, but for want of a quicker return of
money I am at a stand. In all trades money is the moving
power, and my situation denies me all movement without
ready cash. I ask not pecuniary assistance in the way of
subscription, I wish it entirely in the way of business," al
though I feel grateful to all those persons who. have sub
scribed their mites to my support.
I consider the prospects of the British Reformers, and the
representative system of government throughout the earth, to
be quite cheering. The base and cowardly submission of
the Neapolitans to the Austrians entitles the present genera
tion of men to their well merited chains. The conduct of the
Neapolitans towards the Palermitans excited my disgust,
and proved to my mind that they had accidentally acquired
a liberty which was foreign to their slavish and ignorant
minds. Let us, hope that the next generation of Neapolitans
will be more enlightened, and possess minds unshackled by

Kingcraft or Priestcraft. I never like to see any portion
of a royal family taking part in a revolution from slavery to
liberty. To me it appears a sure prelude to treachery,
baseness, and counter-revolution. Both Naples and Pied
mont have given us convincing proofs of this maxim. I
will repeat it again and again, that monarchy, in its present
acceptation, can never exist with a representative system of
government, without producing continual confusion and
trouble to the state. We might see a proof of this in Spain.
With this impression on my mind, I call myself a republi-
can, and think no more of a royal family, than of the poor
est family in Glodwick.- Such distinctions in society are
ridiculous, disgraceful, and unnatural.
I have been always suspicious of the present Prince Re
gent of Naples ; all bis addresses and proclamations have
appeared to my eye ambiguous, and bearing more than one
meaning. I wished success to the Neapolitan arms against
the Austriaas, because it was calculated to produce the
speedy emancipation of Europeans, and general triumph
over despotism, but the momentary success of the_Holy Al
liance, can not retard that triumph. I have no confidence
in the aristocracy of this or any other country, I would
rather see a weaver or a cotton spinner heading a revolu
tion, than a man with a title, and one who has been bom an
aristocrat. Whilst those creatures fancy themselves some
thing superior in nature to the mass of mankind, depend on
it, they will not earnestly take any steps to ameliorate the
condition of the gre«at body of the people, further than their
own luxuries might require. Away with the idea that such
men are our natural leaders: their money and possessions
give them an influence, but give me the bead and the heart
of the intelligent mechanic or labourer. There is a class of
men in this, and aH"societies, which I would beg to be un
derstood as not including in 'the sweeping term of aristocrats,
I mean those philosophers who devote their time, their
means, and their attention, to advance the arts and sciences.
The labourers themselves are not of more importance than
this class of men, as the studies and discoveries of the latter,
benefit the whole community. A representative system of
government would soon see the propriety of turning our
churches and chapels into temples of science, and perfecting
and cherishing the philosopher instead of the priest. KiDg-
craft and priestcraft I hold' to be the bane of society, and to
entail all those miseries, which are now and have been con
stantly felt by the great body of mankind. Those two evils
operate jointly against the welfare both of the body and
mind, and to palliate our miseries in this life, the latter en
deavour to bamboozle us with a hope. of eternal happiness!
A frail and ridiculous notion! Let us go on to enlighten. our

6
own minds, and listen no longer to the dogmas of priests.
Let our first object be the attainment of a representative
system of government, as alone calculated to ensure the
welfare and happiness of the great family of Britons, and if
those few individuals belonging to the families which are
ridiculously called royal, I cannot be content to amalgamate
with the whole, I say, let them secede, and live where they
like. I would not molest them, if they did not molest the
country and her laws. I am, Sir, your's, in civic affection,
R. CARLILE. .
-..ilfr.ll ..111
TO MR. R. CARLILE.
Sm, King's Square, Bristol, March 13, 1821.
With this you will receive " Gregory's Letters on the
Christian Religion," in two volumes ; the receipt of which I
will thank you to acknowledge, I am sorry I omitted to
acknowledge the receipt of your volumes and numbers
of the Republican, haviug only to plead, in excuse, ill
health, and absence from home. In your last letter are
some points to which I purpose replying very shortly.
I am your sincere well wisher, .
W. WAIT.

TO THE REV. W. WAIT, A. B. KING'S SQUARE,
BRISTOL.
Sir, Dorchester Gaol, March 16, 1821.
Agreeable to your request I acknowledge the receipt of
Gregory's Letters on the Christian Religion, in two volumes,
which reached me last evening.
Having Mrs. Carlile and our infant locked up in the
same room with me, I can steal but little time for reading
and writing, therefore I cannot promise to return the work
within any short or given' period.
I promise to make some brief observations upon it, and I
shall anxiously wait your notice of any points in my last
letter, ' I am, Sir, yours respectfully,
R. CARLILE.
TO MR. R. CARLILE.
Sir, King's Square, Bristol, March 28, 1821.
Agreeably to my late prpriiise, I shall now touch on some
points to -Which" you have requested my attention. I am not
at all surprised that you should have no respect for the
clergy; not only because you have no respect for the great
God whose servants they profess to be, but because I find
you consider them as a set of perjured persons. Your
ground for which, is an idea you have formed, that they
have taken an oath that they were moved by the Holy

Ghost to enter into their sacred office. In answer to this
serious charge, so rashly and ignorantly advanced against
the clergy, 1 have to say for myself, that I never took such
an oath, nor do I know any clergyman that ever did. After
this my assurance to you, I presume you will read with less
prejudice an extract enclosed, from the late Bishop Hall's
works,' who lived in the first king James's reign, and like
wise in his son Charles's, and suffered very cruel usage un
der that of Oliver Cromwell. I hope, from your expressed'
affecfioti to Mrs. Carlile, she may likewise have the advan
tage of a perusal of this short extract from his valuable
works, and likewise of Gregory's letters ; for, let me say,
true jaffection will prompt you to promote her real and per
manent happiness. You will perceive that;the bishop has
entered on the same sublime subject to which you have di
rected your thoughts, but he has turned the science to better
use; he thought, perhaps, as a poet iu after times did, " An
undevout astronomer is mad." I thank yoti for your kind
intention in communicating to me the knowledge which you
have acquired respecting astronomy. How great and glo
rious is the God of Nature, according to your representa
tion! How worthy is He of your homage and adoration!
I wish you could inspire all the clergy with larger concep
tions than they may now have, of the greatness of the Al
mighty from a view- of his stupendous works: they might
then possibly speak with more effect of Himt who, with-
great humility, left the glory which he had from all eternity,
to dwell on our little globe, clothed in mortal flesh : of Him,
who, we are assured, is the great Creator of the vast Uni
verse. The oracles of truth declare " All things were made
by Him," see the first chapter and third verse of the Gospel
according to St. John; in which chapter, Christ, the incar
nate God, is styled the Logos, or Word. This sacred histo
rian, and favoured disciple'of our Lord, you have dared to
compare with me! I consider him as too exalted a person
age to be compared to any of the present followers of his
beloved master. ,And why should an idea be assumed that
St. John, Moses, Joshua, and other sacred writers, were ig
norant of the motion of the earth from their mode of speak
ing? Sir Isaac Newton, 1 presume, spoke in the same style.
We should deem a man a pedant, who did. not speak on this
subject according to the apparent motion of the- sun, &e. I
apprehend, even Dr. Chalmers uses the common phrases of
the sun rises, the sun sets, &c. And our almanacks speak
the same language, by which no one is misled. Having
mentioned Dr. Chalmers, give me leave to recommend- to
your perusal, this inimitable astronomical sermons ; they
may enlarge even your conceptions on this great-subject. I
am not ashamed' to confess they had that effect on me. I

8
heard them read when they first came out, and I hope to
hear them read again. They might have the most happy
effect on you, that of leading you? mind to the real and
most important use of this noble science. In respect to the
passage in the Revelations to which I referred you, it foretells
the destruction of wicked men ; there is a metaphorical sense
of these expressions, very usual in the prophetical writings,
to shew the great changes which will precede the triumph
ant advent of our Lord.
You Say, Sir, that if I know any thing of astronomy, I
cannot believe that part of Scripture, to which I lately
called your attention: give me leave to say, that in thus
judging you are much mistaken. I now come to a part of
your letter which expresses some vague and crude notions of
Christianity, mixed with rash 'and blasphemous invectives
against that which might destroy your false peace, and af
ford you in return, solid happiness. As to your remarks
respecting assassination, to which you call my attention, I
confess I caunot think of them without horror and detesta
tion. Every Christian must know them to be repugnant to
the declared will of God : and not only S0j but must regard
them as contrary to the feelings of humanity, and to the in
terests of society. If I have not hitherto made auy re
marks on your avowed sentiments on the subject, it has been
because I aimed rather to strike ^at th * root, (namely, infi
delity) of so monstrous a perversion of the mind discoverat
ble in them. To effect this purpose, to eradicate this fatal
root of evil, I have pointed out to you the Scriptures of
truth, where you might have learned that which is more for
the glory of God, the gopd of mankind, and the comfort of
your own conscience, than the wretched, frantic sentiments
which yqu have unhappily adopted. These sacred oracles,
to the discerning eye, form a bright and blessed contrast to
the dark ajad horrible pseudo-philosophy from which the
creed of the fell assassin is derived. I flatter myself you
are profiting from a perusal of Gregory's Letters on the
Christian Religion, a work, which if you are pleased to ac
cept, is at your service. You talk of discovering truth by
the light of nature; but though the study of nature may
teach truths of a certain description, it cannot inform us how
man, who is a transgressor from his birth, (for an elucidation
of this doctrine consult Gregory) can be reconciled to his
offended God, or b.e assured of future happiness; this can
only be learned by searching the Scriptures, which in spite
of all the cavils of infidels, I hesitate not to call an indubi
table revelation from God: and the time wj 11 come when
the most determine*! unbeliever will be thoroughly con
vinced of the truth of this assertion.
. The Christian is far from being placed in the dilemma

r 9
you speak of; that of being obliged to declare himself an
impostor, or of making a vain boast of comprehending and
fathoming the God he worships. (On this subject please to
read the thoughts of the pious bishop, expressed in the ex
tract I have sent.)
The Christian bends his thoughts, in humble adoration, to
the great God who has condescended to make himself
known in the Scriptures, according to the'measure of our
finite minds: for what finite mind can comprehend an in
finite? It is the sceptic who places himself in a dilemma,
who acknowledging a supreme power, denies his superin
tending providence, and the revelation of his will. In this,
Sir, you have shewn great presumption, and 1 warn you
once more of the danger, you are in, if you persist in your
errors ; for it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the
living God. These solemn warnings I think it my duty to
repeat, lest a time should come, when you may exclaim in
the bitterest anguish, " No man cared for my soul!" Be
assured, Sir, that I cannot express a more benevolent, or
more important wish than this; Oh that you knew and pos
sessed genuine Christianity ! In this, I am
Your rincere Well-wisher,
W. WAIT.

ON THE INVISIBLE WORLD.
(Being an Extract from the late Bishop Hall's Works.)
Who can think other, but that the great God of Heaven loseth
much glory by our ignorance? For how can we give him
the honour due to his name whilst we conceive so narrowly of
him and his works ? To know Him as He is, is past the capa
city of our finite understandings : we must have other eyes to
discern that incomprehensible essence: but to see him in His
divine emanations and marvellous works which are the back
parts of that glorious Majesty, (See the 23d chapter of Gene
sis, from the 18th and following verses,) is that whereof we
may be capable, and should be ambitious. Neither is there
anything in this world that can so much import us: for
wherefore serves the eye of sense, but to view the goodly
frame and furniture of the creation? Wherefore serves the
eye of reason aud faith, but to see that lively and invisible
power which governs and comprehends it? Even this sen
sible and material world, if we could conceive aright of it,
is enough to amaze the most enlightened reason; for if this
globe of earth, in regard to the greatness of it, is wont not
unjustly to be accounted a world, what shall we say of so
many thousand stars, which are far bigger than it? How-
can we but admire so many thousand worlds of light, roll
ing continually over our heads, all made, by the omnipotent
power, all regularly guided by (he infinite providence of the

10
great God! How poorly must that man needs think of the
workmanship of the Almighty, who looks upon all these but
as so many torches, set up iu the firmament every evening,
only so big as they seem! and with what awful respect
must he needs be carried towards his Creator, who knows
the vastness, and perpetually-constant movings of those
lightsome bodies, ruled and upheld only by the mighty word
who made them !
There is store of wonders in the visible, but the spiritual
and intelligible world, is that which is more worthy to take
up our hearts; both as we are men endued with reason, and
as, regenerate and enlightened by faith ; being so much more
excellent than the other, by how much more it is removed
from all earthly means of apprehension. Brute creatures
may behold these visible things, perhaps with sharper eyes
than we; but spiritual objects are so utterly out of their
reach, as if they had no being. Nearest, therefore, to beasts
are those men who suffer themselves to be so altogether led
by their senses as to believe' nothing^ but what is suggested
by that purblind and unfaithful informer, bet such men
doubt whether they have a soul in their body because their ¦
eyes never met with it, or -that -there are any stars in the fir
mament at noon-day, because they appear not; or that there
is any air wherein they breathe, because nothing appears to
them but an insensible vacuity."
After this, the bishop speaks of God, the infinite and self-
existing essence, iu the most magnificent terms which could
possibly flow from his eloquent pen, expressing the love and
admiration of an exalted mind; and thus apostrophizes his
own soul: " O my soul! may thy thoughts ever dwell
where the more they are fixed, the more shall they find them
selves ravished' from the .regard of all sensible things, and
swallowed up with an admiration of that, which they are
still further from comprehending!"
P. S. I have enclosed a few tracts for the instruction and
amusement of your children. I should be obliged to you to
return an answer by post, to give me information as to the
safe arrival of the parcel.

TO THE REV. W. WAIT, A. B. KING'S SQUARE,
BRISTOL.
Sir, Dorchester Gaol, April 1st, 1821.
I readily acknowledge the receipt of a parcel containing
your communication and some tracts, comprising religious
fictions, which you recommend to the perusal aud amuse
ment of my children. I value'the mora! welfare of my
children much too high to place such trash in their hands.
I intend, to the utmost of my ability, to teach them the
value of moral virtue ; but the word religion, and all its eflia-

nations, I shallhold up to thenTas the pest of society, and
a labyrinth which they had better altogether avoid, than at
tempt to search its windings and to pass through it. I would
not put the Bible, as a whole, into the hands of my children.
because it abounds in fictions and obscenities. The book of
Proverbs is the only book in it that I could consider fit for
them to read. With respect to your tracts, and I believe those
printed at Bristol are of your own composition, Mrs. "Carlile
and myself have amused ourselves in reading them ; and, as
they are sacred Scriptures, I have put them into- the water-
closet as an appropriate sacrifice to Jehovah. Do not call
me blasphemous! I consider Jehovah no more allied to the
God of Nature than was Jupiter. Jehovah is the Jupiter of
the Jews, whom the Christians. admit also as the chief Deity
in their mythology, but to whom, in imitation of the Pagans
of old, they have given a wife and a son, and with whom
they have allied a number of inferior deities, such as the
Holy Ghost and his army of angels, and Satan with his
host of devils. All religion is, in my eye, Paganism, and
such as Christians call " the offspring of heathen darkness."
Enough, by way of gratitude for your compounds of lies
and fiction called religious tracts. 1 shall now reply to your
observations on some points of toy former letters, and I shall
shew you in a very tew words, or at least, any impartial
person who shall read this letter, that your observations are
nothing more than evasions, misconstructions, and misrepre
sentations of what I had written.
On the first point: In answer to my assertion, that every
Priest of the Established Church was a perjured man, be
cause he had sworn that the Holy Ghost and not filthy lu
cre called him to the workxif the rninistry, you evade it by
saying, that you have never taken any such oath, and that
you do not kuow any clergyman that ever did. Pray, Sir,
did not you, on being admitted into what is called holy or
ders, answer the question, as I have stated, to the bishop?
Ahd does not the bishop himself, in the form of his ordina
tion to a bishopric, repeat the same protestation ? Is not the
solemn and serious form of an ordination, or admittance to
holy orders, in the presence of a bishop and a congregation,
equivalent to an oath made before a magistrate ? My word is
my- oath, as I decry altogether the practice of otah-making.
I w:ould not believe any man more upon his oath than upon
a plain assertion. But you appear to make a distinction be
tween your word and your oath, as if lies were excusable
whilst they are not put to the test of a formal swearing.
With the honest man, an assertion is sufficient, and an oath
unnecessary; with a dishonest man, neither an assertion nor
an oath can be depended upon as truth, therefore oath-
making is nothing more than a vice in society. You, Sir,
doubtless would have as readily sworn before a magistrate,1

12
that the Holy Ghost made a . call upon you, as have
made the assertion before a bishop, had your admission to
the priesthood depended upon it. The conscience of the
priest is like the virtue of the prostitute,' it yields' to the
power of filthy lucre.
You have construed my remarks on the propriety of kill-'
ing tyrants to an advocacy of assassination in the fullest ex
tent of the word ! This is most foul ! I particularly con
fined myself to the destruction of tyrants, and then went no
further than approving that destruction by the individuals
who should have received distinct injury from them. I do
contend that the killing of tyrants in any way whatever, is
neither murder or assassination. The hired assassin, or he
who assassinates from rage, revenge, or jealousy, has my
abhorrence and detestation. I am the very opposite to such
a beiug. You have misconstrued my remarks because you
could npt refute their propriety. I will repeat the words as
in my second letter to you, and comment you upon them if
you dare. They are thus : " I will now come to the point
with you, and tell you more than you seem to ask, lest you
should say that I evade the question. In the first place, I
hold the destruction of tyrants, by putting them to death sud
denly and violently, orif you should think I am not sufficiently
explicit, by assassinating them, to be an act just, moral? vir
tuous, and legal, agreeable to the law of nature, which should
be the foundation of all other law. A tyrant is the common
destroyer of his species, and any member of that community
in which he d welis and plays the tyrant, that shall receive any
injury from him, may, in my opinion, meritoriously ptit him
to death. The moralist, or a man with the most humane
mind, will, stand aloof and ask himself the following ques
tion: which would have been the greatest outrage on the
laws, morals, and welfare of this society ; that this man,
who is an avowed and admitted tyrant, should fall by the
hand of one whom he has injured, or that he should have
lived to have made unhappy, miserable, and in continual
fear of their lives and properties every member of this so
ciety that should not feel disposed to flatter and applaud his
wicked measures?" — There is the paragraph ; Can you ven
ture to analyse it ?
You have attributed a prejudice to me in your last letter,
I beg most candidly to assure you that I have no individual or
personal prejudice. I am attached to truth, and prejudiced
towards falsehood as far as either is comprehensible to my
mind. I am not more prejudiced against Christianity than
Judaism, or Paganism, or Mahometanism. I view the whole
in the same light, and have a deep rooted conviction that
whatever is called religion, is mischievous to mankind.
There are many points in your last letter on which I could
animadvert, but which I shall pass by for the present, as

, 13
they will be fully embraced in my observations to you on
Gregory's letters. This work I have read, and when I have
leisure, I shall make some brief observations under the dif
ferent heads. It has benefited me nothing, as the arguments
were quite familiar. I am, Sir,
A Lover "of Truth persecuted by Christians,
R. CARLILE.
Notice. — In a few. days will be published, Brief Observations on Gregory's
Letters on the Evidences of the Christian Religion ; in a Letter to the Rev. W.
Wait, of King's Square, Bristol.
Also, the promised Address to Men of Science: Nothing but the little embar
rassments which might naturally be expected to fall upon the Author, in his pre
sent situation, could have so long delayed this Pamphlet.

TO RICHARD CARLILE,
The brave Republican arid Deist, now confined for the free
exercise of opinion, in the Baslile of Dorchester.
Citizen, Burke's Square, Manchester, April 9, 1821.
While the myrmidons of power still possess the means to incarcerate
and murder, it must be a consolation for you to think that the
friends to Liberty, and enemies to Bigotry and Superstition, dare
even yet venture to approach the brave Captive of the dungeon of
Dorchester, with sentiments of sympathy in his unmerited persecu
tion. Under a code bf arbitrary and unequal laws, you have been
compelled to submit to your fate, as an innocent man robbed and
bound, surrenders to an housebreaker, who with a pistol at his
breast, forces from him the discovery of his treasaie. We cannot,
however, but look forward to the day, when under the blessings of
a Commonwealth, you Mill behold the trammels of factious bigotry
held up to the scorn ofan enlightened world; and when under the
principles you advocate, as a Deist and a Republican, the blessings
and joy which they impart shall be every man's.
There is nothing more glorious and honourable to, you, Sir, than
the magnanimity you haveshewn in permittingthe nearest anddearest
tie you have on earth,' the lovely partner of your worldly and do
mestic joys, the wife of your bosom, to become a sacrifice to the
common weal ; hence we have proved thtitno power on earth could
corrupt your integrity, nor shake your firm and virtuous heart, and
that no personal consideration, not even the.highest under heaven,
could reconcile you to the will of a tyrant.
While the vilest of courtiers had for a time destroyed by the fag
got the Theological and Political Works of the immortal Paine, and
while they had proscribed them, or buried -them, as it were ip ob
livion, the English nation sunk to the most despicable condition of
slavery. After a lapse of more than twenty years, the auspicious
morn arrived, that gave life, and vigour, and animation, and iutei-
lect<and reason, and firitiuess, and courage to a Carlile— hence
sprung the Phoenix from the ashes of Paine — and hence may we
date the day when Superstition and Bigotry, were buried in the
vortex of universal reason, and when the love of glorious liberty
first glowed in our hearts; and it is with heartfelt satisfaction we
have to congratulate you, Sir, on the general progress which civil
and religious liberty is making amongst us. Since the bloody and

14
fatal day when you honoured us with your presence, the mind of
every man in this neighbourhood has bten on its march, and al
though you witnessed the controver.-y for freedom disputed iu the
field of lilood, and the advocates for Liberty vanquished in their
own vineyard, the Pyramid of Reason has been erected on the spot,
and tlie sword of the assassin must speedily be sheathed in his own
bosom. We invited you to Manchester, Sir, under auspices, where the
prowess and valour of every man, were likely to be tried — you
willingly and cheerfully obeyed our call— your words are yet fresh
in our remembrance: — you then said — " Where the post of danger,
is—there is the post of honour !" After the inhuman slaughter,
you urged us to a second and more prepared combat, and bravely
offered us your personal assistance; — this indeed proved your real
courage. The hour, however, must yet arrive when we hope to
avenge the unprovoked murders you then witnessed. We will ne
ver cease our efforts till the day of justice comes — at that day you,
will not fail to accelerate the struggle — a struggle when the watch
word — " Death or Liberty," shall echo in the streets, and victory
glorious and immortal, shall adorn the page of English history.
Notwithstanding the terrors of monarchical and priestly despotism
we fearlessly avow our religious and political sentiments, — pur re
ligion being that of unde.'iled DEISM — our politics those of un
sophisticated REPUBLICANISM. We are yet open to conviction
and cannot deny the truth of that passage in the Prophet Isaiah,
where it says that — " The Princes are rebellious, and the compa
nions of thieves," and we are moreover convinced, that the. sooner
the rebel and the thief expiate the crime of which they are charged,
the sooner will the golden prize of Freedom cheer the drooping
spirit of a debased nation.
We look forward with delight to the day of your liberation, for
be assured, Sir, you have our unalterable attachment, as well as the
-admiration of the enlightened and civilized world. We fear not
that the doors of your dungeon will speedily be opened, and you
be welcomed to the arms of a brave republican people resolved to
be free or die. I remain- vou.s, &c.
JAMES WHEELER.

TO JAS. WHEELER OF BURKE'S SQUARE, MANCHESTER.
Fellow Citizen, Dorchester Gaol, April, 20, 1821.
I have read with a glowing rapture your address, to me of the 9th
instant, which duly came to hand. I am happy to find that the
Reformers of Manchester are no longer to be bamboozled with the
snares and toils of kingcraft or priestcraft. Convinced as I am,
that those two crafts have formed the source of all the misery which
the inhabitants of this Island endure at this day, I cannot so far
succumb and play the hypocrite as to profess the least respect for
either. I am further assured that no body of men are qualified to
struggle effectually against tyranny unless they have minds un
shackled and purged from all attachment to either of those crafts.
Naples aud Piedmont have given us a proof sufficient of my asser
tion. Contrast the conduct of the inhabitants of Italy, to that of
the brave Republicans of France at the commencement of their re
volution, arid ask yourself whether the influence of kine-craft and

15
priestcraft hath not made all the difference. I have learnt with a
. very deep impression from Paine, that to reason with despots, is
tin owing reason away : and that the best of argument is a vigorous
preparation to resist. I perceive that many professed advocates for
a. representative system of government, preach" a tale about only re
storing the British Constitution, to its original purity, and -about
the beauty, of a mixed government, of King, Lords, and Common's.
I disclaim all participation in such sentiirtenls, and all connection
with such men, there is no period in the British history, nor in any
other history that I know, where the government existed for the
benefit of the whole community, and I fhall not say content until 1
behold every man, who supports himself by his own industry, en
titled to vote for a representative in parliament. Neither king or
, lords weigh a feather in my eye, when the interest of a nation is in
question. If they can exist with a, full representation, well and
good — if not, well and good, let us have a cdmplete representative
government in preference. I suspect the honesty of the man who
does not come up to this point, or who shrinks from a public advo
cacy of a similar sentiment. 1 am for trying the value of all exist
ing institutions or constitutions by the touchstone of a full, and
complete representation of the people, iri which word I embrace
every man who lives by his industry, or who has a competency to
live without labour. I would not say a word about the abolition
of this, that, or the other thing, or of any new institution or consti
tution until the government was composed of the representatives of
the people : then is the proper time for a deliberative reform. Of
course I except theoretic arguments, and now speak of practical at-
teihpts. Theoretic arguments are mere matters of opinion, and it
is only by the clashing of opinions that we can correct our ideas ou
the real value of things. The first step towards Reform of Parlia
ment, orof government, must be the power to choose and assemble
our representatives : any other step taken before that, or any attempt
to fix the people to any particular form of government before that,
'to me appears inevitably mischievous and fallacious. The Spanish
Constitution became well the Spanish Nation last year, but I should
think a'similar one disgraceful to the reformers of this island, if
they were to have it forced upora them before their representatives
had assembled. Let us keep all our different plans for constitutions
in our pockets, until we can batter down corruption and.assemble our
representatives; then will be the time to submit plans of constitu
tions to the public choice and approbation. I have heard, but not
'seen it, that there is a draft of a constitution, now handing about
'amo'ng the reformers of the north, and that some persons calling
themselves a committee of delegates from the reformers, have pub
lished it with a declaration, but without any names or references
attached. However good this constitution and declaration might
be, they carry suspicion with tliem as to the motives of the issuers.
Do nothing, say nothing, print nothing, write nothing, to which you
fear to attach your name and responsibility.
1" must conclude this letter by assuring you, and my friends at Man
chester, whom you represent, that a gaol has made no other change
in my principles than by giving them a deeper root in my bosom.
I glory in the epithets of Republican and Deist as opposed to the
existing systems of Church and State* and I will continue to "> spa-

16
eate principles as I conceive pure and conducive to the general
welfare of mankind with all the zeal and enthusiasm which my bo
som can kindle. I deprecate all associated sects as the common
basis of intolerance and persecution, and I would by no means
wish to see those pe'rsons of mv own opinions establish themselves
into a distinct association. Let them live as citizens and not .as sec
tarians. Such principles I feel assured must be progressive, and
the time will come when those to which they are opposed will all
into decay from the want of advocates, and from the power ot that
shame and contempt .to which all imposture is sooner or later con-
1 return my thanks to the reformers of Manchester, for the warm
support I have continued io receive from them : I have still a vivid
recollection of the murders committed on St. Peter's Plain, and I
will never fail to use my utmost endeavour, to bring the murderers
and their abettors to justice. I am, Sit, yours respectfully,
J R. CARLILE.
SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR MR. CARLILE AND
FAMILY.
Amount advertised  ...»'. £.163 16 ©
From Manchester and , its Vicinity. A.
s.\l. . '?• <*¦•
Thos. Steilfox '0 -6
Jos. Hind t 0
Jane Williams 0 4
J. Foster " SO
John Green 1 ®
Sam. Cording 1 0
Thos. Carter 0 6
A True Republican 2 0
Wary Walker ' ; 10
Thos, Allen -, 0 6
A Friend to Freedom Q S
Jonathan Leech 0-2
Abs. Leech 0 6
Samuel Barrow 1 0
Charles Lord, of Tntringtoti ¦ .' 0 ' 6
Charles Taylor, of Bury 0 fi
An Enemy to Despots 0 (5
Mary Ann Rhodes, aged 13,-sends.
.from her weekly pence, the sum
of one shilling,, to your infant
son Thomas Paine Carlile. 1 0
From the Manchester Reform
Fund, to Mrs. Carlile , 20 Q
Do. do. to TVIajy Ann Carlile 20' 0
London Subscriptions Continued.
Sixteenth and Seventeenth month*' John Harrison, a Republican and
ly Payment of the weekly Pence - Deist 5 0
" ;o£ a few Friends to Civil and J. C. (monthly) 2 0
Religibus Liberty, P. Christie, * E. Evans' Blackmoor's Head
Collector;- 6 10 Jerrayn Sfceet 20 9
Master Robinson 1 0 * Charles Cooper 20' Q
* This sum was received twelve months since, but not mentioned from an infcd-
yertence. It was first subscribed to Mr. Wooler for his Election at Coventry, and
withdrawn for the above purpose.
Printed and Published by R. Carlile, 55, Fleet Street, to whom all Communications
. for .i\ Carlile (postage, paid) are requested to be addressed. — OrSeis, with re
mittances, or references- for payment, will be punctually attended to.

Js. Wheeler,. 19, Barker-square

2

0

William Waddinglon

1

0

William Campoon

3

0

Joseph Gaunt
Jos. Rhodes, 56, Henry-street

1

0

4

0

William Fildes

1

0

William Hume

0

6

Charles Hawkeswortb.

1

0

William Pratt

1

0

John Peel

0

6

John Watson

0

6

John Heath

0

e

Thomas Darlington

1

0

Wiliam Dailington

1

0

John Thompson

0

6

Joseph Kenyan

0

t>

James Massey

0

6

Samuel Horsefield ,

0

6

John Massey

0

6

Elizabeth Baker

2

6

Charles Nesbit

1

0

G. Pratt

1

0

J. Thompson

1

0

Fied. Faulkner

1

0

Price Sixpence.

TO THE
REFORMERS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

, Dorchester Gaol, June 24,
Fullow Countbyme!,-, Year '2, of the Spanish Revolution,
In, again taking up my pen to address you, I have but little
new to offer, in consequence of the dearth of political prog
nostics. At home we appear to be patiently waiting the
war kings, of our grand ally the Boroughraongers' debt, and
the exchange of bank-notes for gold. Between us and Cor
ruptions' host there appears to be a silent t$nd almost
teeaithiess anxiety for the result of certain causes that> are
now operating; it is such a calm as the mariner contem
plates when he feels assured that it is the forerunner of a
direful storm. I do not mean to say that any storm can be
direful in its effects upon the great body of the people;
those effects will be felt by those alone who thrive upon the
public, plunder, whilst to the people at larger-it will prove a
storm that sweeps- away a direful and pestilential disease.
We might therefore contemplate both calm and storm with
an unruffled serenity of mind: the guilty consciences of our
oppressors can alone writhe under it, with an agony not to
be assuaged but with the extinction of life.
Abroad, the Representative System of Government seems
to be making a rapid progress. There is not one spot of the
southern and northern continents of America, save where the
Indians dwell unmolested, but is brought to a knowledge.
of the necessity of the representative system of government,
and its preference to all others. Even in Canada, which
StilL groans as a colony of Great Britain, there is an evident
dispositibn in the legislative assembly to assert the indepen
dence of the country, and free it from the governmeht of
this Island. Whenever this, occurs the West India l$lauds
will not be long in following the same step. It is "not a vi
sionary idea to assert that all monarchical government will
be banished from the other side of the Atlantic within a
very few years. Here the despots tif Russia, Prussia, and
Austria, c/ui/ effect nothing, It is not an easy matter to
make armies cross and recross the Atlantic. Some ok you
my countrymen, might wonder why 1 wishfto see the co
lonies independent; i£ will tell you: because, they are no
. _^ .
Printed and Published by R. Carlile, 55, Fleet Street, London.!
1 •<

benefit to the mother country nor do they derive any benefit
from her, and form but a source of corruption which assists
to oppress and enslave us. It gives a colossal patronage to
the present system of government, by a number of fictitious
places and real pensions and sinecures, to pay which in
creases our taxation.
In Spain the corrupt and servile part of the community
is driving the more liberal and intelligent part to republi
canism. The many attempts made by the priests and
monks to restore the old order of things leaves1 no alterna
tive to the industrious classes but to abridge the authority
of the monarch and the priesthood. Spain never can be re
stored to a-jsubjection to absolute monarchy; every new
commotion will make it verge towards republicanism.
Portugal is a republic from the absence of the king, who
shows no disposition to return from the Brazilsj perhaps
conscious that he is not wanted. If he does return, it will
be a matter of compulsion without an alternative, for the
Brazilians begin to see that they can govern themselves by
their representatives better without a monarch than with him.
Kingcraft is rapidly falling into decay, and Priestcraft quite
as rapid. The Cortes of Spain has outstripped my hopes
in its treatment of the priesthood, and its appropriation of
the plunder, which that association of robbers had accumu
lated. The Spanish priesthood is already brought to a lower
ebb than the priesthood of this country in point of property
and influence. This one specimen of the healthful effect of a
representative system of government is sufficient to. induce
other nations to follow the example and to kindle an ardent
love and longing for it. A real representation of the people
of any country can never fail to correct the abuses which
may exist in that country. Party interests cannot prevail^
and this more than any other thing tends to abolish party
and produce unanimity. It is corruption that engenders
party ,f and parties can only exist with corruption. There
can be no such things as virtuous parties.
It is difficult to say any thing of the real condition of
France. The volatility of the French character sets defiance
to all calculation of circumstances. All we know is, that
the Bourbons are hated and never will gain the love of the
nation, and we further know, that both kingcraft and priest?
craft is derided and set at nought by a great majority of the
people both old and young. A military monarch, such as
was Buonaparte, might gain the affectioh|,of the French peo
ple, but no other kind of monarch can hope to do it. With
respect to France we must take Castlereagh's advice, and

wait with patience the general/working of events. Time
is the greatest of all revolutionists, or as Bacon say^s, " the
great innovator."
The Neapolitans are dignified with a constitution as a
boon from their perjured king. He will save them the trou
ble of choosing representatives; kind creature! and will take
that trouble upon himself. Yes, they shall have representa
tives, 7#nd unanimous ones too, and the king has further
graciously promised to reward those representatives of the
people, of his own choosing, according to their individual
merits and exertions!!! Happy Neapolitans! to be content
under the auspices of the Holy Alliance. Happy Ferdinand!
to possess a mind and conscience that can bend to any cir
cumstance, and boast of its paternal goodness under all.
Like father like son indeed! Europe would be relieved of
some portion of its disgrace if the Mediterranean Sea would
extend its boundaries towards the Alps and Apennine moun
tains. It is possible that Italy may regenerate* but we are
now deprived of the pleasure of hope with the present gene
ration of Italians.
The Greeks are still struggling with their oppressors, and
what amuses me most in this affair is, that the Grand Turk
has taken a lesson from the despots pf Europe, and cries
out: " religion is in danger." He too calls upon his
Turkish subjects to rise and defend their religion! The
Christian despots of Europe are crying out against the
deistical and atheistical infidels, and the Turkish despot
touches the same string, but bids the Mahometans beware
of the Christian infidels!!! This fiend, Religion, is again in
her right element, again at her cut-throat work. The Patri
arch, of the Greeks, who is the Pope of the Eastern Christian
Church, has been hung before his own church at Constanti
nople— every Christian place of worship in that city has
been destroyed — thousands of Greeks have been cruelly
massacred, and all upon the old score, the glory of God, and
the preservation of the true religion. Thus every sect pos
sesses this true religion, and destroys every other for not
changing theirs. We. have now a fresh proof (If another be
necessary) that the word religion is strictly synonymous with
massacre, misery, and devastation, and I have found a fur
ther stimulus (if that was necessary) to proceed in my en
deavours to erase it from the vocabulary of mankind.
At home the belljes of the people are about to be filled
with the squandering of another million of money for a few
hours gew-gaw. The pageant of a coronation is at length
fixed for the 19th of July, and is to be celebrated under the

auspices and amidst the glittering congratulations of fifty-
ttiousatfd drawn swords and fixed bayonets. If his most
gracious Majesty was not quite so huge, he ought to be
served as the Roman Emperors were served, hoisted aloft
upon a shield and proclaimed king by the soldiers, amidst
the clattering of their arms. Cannot this much beloved
king trust himself openly at this great national festival (as
certain fools and rogues call it) without a body guard ! let
him take his wife with him to partake of the ceremony and
he will not need a soldier to protect him. However we have
everyday some further proof that Kingcraft is on the decline,
and the office of king become quite unseemly in the eyes of
the sovereign people. ;*
Reformers. It is scarcely worth while to notice any
thing that passes in the present legislature, further than af
fects ourselves; but I dare say, that like me, you cannot
help laughing at some of the projects which are broached
for the public amusement. Mr. Malthus has retained law
yers Scarlett aud Brougham to advocate his ch'eck-popula-
tiou scheme, arid, lawyers like, they have had the audacity
to bring it forward in the shape of an act of parliament, but
like that intended prop for superstition, the Education Bill,
it seems likely to die from the want of paternal attention.
Castlereagh has, in the goodness of his heart, considered the
distresses of the agriculturists, and by way of boon,has gra
ciously consented to remit the duty on husbandry horses. By
way of boon, reader mark, the word is Castlereagh's own.
He does not now hesitate to say that he can manage the
House of Commons as he likes, and make them support or
remit a tax just as he likes, for, he says, that if he finds he
can not do without the above mentioned tax, he must impose
it again next year!
The Royal Slanderer of the Queen has again come begging
to the guardians of the public purse, and they, in the true spirit
of economy, have given him now what he refused three years
since; and congratulate the tax- payers, that by the former
refusal to accept the money voted, the Duke of ClareUce has
most generously consented not to ask for the interest, the
compound interest, which has accumulated since that time!
The accumulated interest of six thousand, per annum has
thus been saved towards paying the national debt and
strengthening the sinking fund. The Chancellor of the Exr
chequer has been so excessively economical, and has pro
duced such retrenchments that he borrows four millions less
this year than he did last. He only wants to borrow thir
teen millions this year. I told him last year that he had

made some mistake in his arithmetic, when he said that the
loan of seventeen millions would be the last he should want,
unless he meant to use his housemaid's dish-cloth to wipe
away some of the figures on the debt. The next year I ex
pect he- will want no more taxes, as the king will not want
another million for another coronation, nor another half mil
lion for his journey and voyage to Ireland, Scotland, and
Hanover. He will then be tired of travelling and set down
contented to leave as much money as possible in the pockets
of his loving subjects. Enough of this sickening stuff, me-
thinks 1 hear you say: so I'll have done, as no one can feel
more contempt for it than myself.
Reformers. The most important thing you can observe
is to war with the revenue, as far as possible. This can
never be too much or too often impressed upon your minds.
Here you can fight most effectually and in the most satis
factory manner to yourself. Consume as little of the taxes
as possible, for they act as a double poison upon the mind
and body, however pleasing they might be to the palate.
You have done a great deal on this point already, and this
is now the chief point on which you can assist Lord Castle-
reagh's general working of events. You who can find la
bour to perform have now a cheap loaf in comparison to
what it has been, and you will still find it cheaper. Furnish
your minds with wholesome instruction ; throw nothing into
the body but plain and wholsome food, which is at all times
the cheapest; war with tbe.feven.ue most resolutely, and you
will soon find that you are battering down the corruptions
which oppress you. They will crumble before your ener
gies, if well directed, like dross before the refiner's fire. I
doubt not but you well know that I am for fighting the ene
my in every practicable shape, that which I now recommend
appears at this moment, to be the most -practicable, but
other shapes might become necessary, and all that I can
now say is, make the best preparation you can to meet the
worst. R. CARLILE.
P. S. July 15th. — The above Address was written and
sent to London under an expectation of having |t published
in the last month, but some cause, which the writer has not
yet sifted, has prevented it. Since it was written, the public
papers have announced that the King of Portugal has quitted
the Brazils for his European territory. The cause alleged
is compulsion, as the Royal Rogue has subjected the inhabi
tants of Rio Janeiro to something like a Manchester massa
cre. Hereditary monarchs will never suit a Republican
People. *. :,

HELP ROGUES! HELP PRIESTS!
Help all ye host of Corruption! Help the Society for propa
gating Vice and opposing the progress of Virtue, Truth,
and Reason! ! ! >
Always ready to encourage the above Society to prosecute
and advertise my publications, I am again induced to pub
lish their advertisement. They have kept all their adver
tisements, out of the Times News-paper for some time past,
and have been trying what they could do in the way of
" raising the wind" by confining them to the mock Times,
Morning Post, Courier, &c. as the papers most read and
supported by the rogues and priests of the country ; but, at
last, they are obliged to countenance the Times paper, and
try the effect of an advertisement there, which appeared in
the mock Times, and other papers, some months back. I
rather think that my " Address to Men of Science" has
alarmed them again, and that they are going to try once
more what effect a clamour about blasphemy will have on
the nerves of the simpletons in John Bull's family. ^1 con
sider that their advertisement does me and my family great
honour, and if they had asked me to draw it up for them, I
should have hit upon just the same words. They confess
that I am more than a match for them, and from their com
plaint about empty coffers, convince me that 1 have a better
support from the public than themselves. This clamour
about empty coffers, or exhausted funds, has been going on
ever since I have been in this prison, and displays a singular
falling off in their subscriptions. The following advertise
ment is copied from the Times of the 16th inst. (June) and
as the Editor of' the Times newspaper refuses to advertise
the Political Works of Thomas Paine, the famous tracts of
Thomas Paine, at my expence, I am much obliged to him
for doing it at the expence of the Vice Society.

SOCIETY FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF VICE.
COMMITTEE ROOM, JUNE, 1821.
To those who have witnessed the late efforts of the blasphe
mous and licentious press, the Society offer the following
statement: —
In the midst of the alarm occasioned at the republication

of the infamous tracts of Thomas Paine, and the dissemina
tion of other infidel works, this Society, by the successful
prosecution, at their own expence, of Richard Carlile, pre
sented some check to the threatened evil.
Notwithstanding, however, the example of his imprison
ment, the sale of many of these publications was afterwards
continued by Mrs. Carlile. She has since been convicted
by the exertions of this Society, and is now imprisoned on
the information of the Attorney-General for a seditious libel.
, To the exertions of the Society is also due the conviction
of Davison and Tyler, for the sale of similar works; and
proceedings are now in progress .against another publisher
of blasphemous libels.
To prove, however, the daring and persevering profligacy
of this class of delinquents, the committee have only to state
that the same Richard Carlile, although in gaol, continues
to disseminate his baneful productions, and has declared his
resolution of persisting in his offence in avowed defiance of
the law.
The Society, in discharge of what they conceive to be a
solemn duty to their country, will continue to enforce its
laws against a confederacy so hardened and abandoned.
The prosecutions in question are, however, far more expen
sive than is generally supposed*; and the funds of the
Society have in consequence of the above proceedings been
considerably reduced.
More, they trust, need not be said to stimulate,every
friend of religion and morality to contribute liberally and
promptly to the support of the objects they have in view,
though they cannot omit to notice, with particular satisfac
tion, a very recent and most important conviction of an of
fender for an attempt to corrupt the scholars of one of our
first public seminaries by the sale of obscene snuff-boxes.
By order of the Committee,
GEORGE PRICHARD, Sec.
Subscriptions and donations are received by the Treasurer/
Henry Hoare, Esq., 37, Fleet Street; and by the Secretary,
Mr, George Prichard, 31, Essex Street, Strand.
P. S. Since this advertisement last appeared, the Society
has instituted two other prosecutions against the dealers in
blasphemous publications, which renders it necessary to
continue its appeal to the* public for pecuniary aid. The
general labours of the Society are directed to stop the sale
* The prosecution of Davison alone cost the Society £.177 10s. 7d.

of obscene prints, snuff-boxes, &c; and to prevent gross
and flagrant abuses of the Sabbath. Within the last four
years they have instituted no less than one hundred and
ninety-one prosecutions, all of which have led to conviction,
or to recognizances binding the respective parties against the
repetition of their Crimea"
I shall now make a few serious observations on this ad
vertisement. I pass over all observations about myself, as
they are a plain statement of facts, which I am proud to
read in the Times newspaper, and I can only hope that the
same advertisement will find its way into all the popular
papers of the day. I shall merely notice the manner in
which my publications are blended with obscene snuff-boxes
and prints. Some of the old women, who might have been
alarmed by the cry of blasphemy, and who might never
have read any of my publications, might be apt from this
Society's advertisement to draw an inference that, those pub
lications are such as must shock the modesty and decency
of all moral people to look at them. But let them not be
deceived; my publications are a perfect contrast to those
obscene prints and books. The whole of my publications
combat immorality and obscenity, and leads the mind to
Virtue and morality with ten times more force and effect
than the prosecutions of the Vice Society. The iiidividual
who can sit himself down to read, examine, and reflect upon
my publications must possess a mind free from that levity
and debauchery which delights in obscene books and prints.
One of the chief objections to Thomas Paine's Ageof Rea- ¦
son, and one of the passages always selected for the prose
cution, is that which condemns the obscenities of the book
called the Bible, and particularly the obscenity or the in-
continency on which the Christian Religion has its founda
tion, and which relates to the conception of Jesus Christ.
No part of these assertions aud condemnations in Mr.
Paine's book have ever been charged as false, it is that
dread of a full exposure of the foundation of their religion
which makes the Christians prosecute this book.
This advertisement makes a particular call upon the
friends of religion and morality to support this Society in
their career. This call is not improper if placed in its pro
per light. The friends of religion are the persons who
must wish to put down mfy publications, but they should
have done it before, it is too late now, I have circulated
enough, and into whosesoever hands they have fallen, I'll be
bound for it, they are valued as something above the com-

mon, and of more than ordinary value. It will be vain to
do now what the Christian priests did formerly, forbid any
one to keep a bible in their possession under the pain of be
ing brought to the stake as a heretic ; the holders of my
publications would smile with contempt at such a threat or
order. But to proceed, the friends of morality are as pro
perly called upon to assist the Society in preventing the sale
of obscene books and prints, and here I will join them, and
express my approbation of that part of their pursuit. This
Society pursues two objects and those are quite in contrast;
the one to prevent all examination of the Christian Religion,
the other to punish the vendors of obscene books and prints.
The friends of religion will support them in the former in
stance; for well they know that it cannot with'stand a fair
analysis and the test of reason, and the friends of morality,
with whom I wish to be allied, will support them in the lat
ter instance, because, it is evident that, in the present state of
ignorance and barrenness in scientific knowledge, such
books and prints, as do merit the epithet of obscene, are cal
culated to enervate and debauch the minds of youth, and
even grown people of both sexes. I say, that the pursuits of
this Society form a perfect contrast; for in one point of view
I am punished by them, in another I am ready to give them
my support. The friends of religion have no more kindred
with the friends of morality, than the friends of viee have
kindred with the friends of virtue. All religion I proclaim"
a vice in society: it is idolatry, and nothing more than was
the mythology of former ages. It is the offspring-of igno
rance and credulity, and now enforced by Priestcraft, and
can exist only with an ignorance of the laws of nature.
To prove my assertion that this Society wishes to prevent
all examination of the Christian religion I have need but to
copy here the article from the Appendix to Paine's Theolo
gical Works upon which -it has obtained an indictment
against my sister ; it is thus:
« OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT.
" Archbishop Tillotson says, ' The difference between the
style of the Old and New. Testament is so very remarkable,
that one of the greatest sects in the primitive times, did, up
on this very ground, found their heresy of two Gods, the
one evil, fierce, and crupl, whom they called the God of the
Old Testament-, the other was good, kind, and merciful,,
whom they called the God of the New Testament ; so great a •

10
difference is there between the representations that are given
of God in the books qf the Jewish and Christian religion, as
to give, at least, some colour and pretence to an imagina
tion of two Gods." Thus far Tillotson.
" But the case was, that as the Church had picked out se
veral passages from the Old Testament, which she most ab
surdly and falsely calls prophecies of Jesus Christ, (where
as there is no prophecy of any such person, as any one may
see by examining the passages, and the cases to which they~
apply,) she was under the necessity of keeping up the cre
dit of the Old Testament, because if that fell the other would
soon follow, and the Christian system of faith would soon
be at an end. As a book of morals, there are several parts
of the New Testament that are good ; but tqey are no other
than what had been- preached in the eastern world several
hundred years before Christ was borni Confucius, the
Chinese philosopher, who lived five hundred years before
the time of Christ, says, acknowledge thy benefits by the re
turn of' benefits, but never revenge injuries.
" The clergy of the popish countries were cunning enough
to know, that if the Old Testament was made public, the
fallacy of the New,with respect to Christ,would be detected,
and they prohibited the use of it, and always took it away
wherever they found it. The Deists, on the contrary, always
encouraged the reading it, that people might see and judge
for themselves, that a book so full of contradictions and
wickedness, could not be the word of God, and that we dis
honour God by ascribing it to him.
A TRUE DEIST."
During my mock trials, Chief Justice Abbott repeatedly
stated, that it was not illegal to express a doubt of the vali
dity of the Christian Religion, provided those doubts were
expressed in a respectful manner, and were not mixed up
with reviling epithets on the religion itself. Now, I con
tend, that the whole of the above article is a doubt of the/'
Christian Religion expressed in the most respectful manner.
It is impossible to express a doubt of that religion in a less
reviling or more respectful manner, and if Chief Justice Ab
bott presides on the trial of my sister, and does not recom
mend her to the jury for acquittal, he will belie his senti
ments and statements on my trial. I say the prosecution of
such an article as the above is a proof that this. society
wishes to prevent all examination of the Christian Religion.
The whole of the pamphlet from which the above article is

11
taken is but a sixpenny one, and when this is all the objec
tionable matter to be found in it, I would ask any liberal
minded person, whether Christian, Jew, or Turk, if such a
pamphlet can injure the Christian Religion, upon what a
sandy foundation must that religion be built? And further,
whilst they have been prosecuting my sister for the publica
tion of this pamphlet, a new and complete pocket edition of
the Theological Works of Thomas Paine, to be sold at three
shillings and sixpence, and which is a verbatim edition of
that which I published at ten. shillings and sixpence has
.been printed close at their elbow : but so great is the demand
for it, that the printer, as a matter of security, is content
with a private circulation of it! I beg leave to say, that I
have no connection with it, and that the printer endeavoured
to prevent my having a copy of it, but I have obtained one,
and if any member of the Vice Society doubts my word I
will send it to him. It has no printer's name, and is dated
New York, America. I rejoice at the circulation of the
work, but I should have liked the printer better if he had
done it openly and manfully. I have another word with
the Vice Society and then I shall have done. The moment
I had intimated my intention to drop the publication of the
Republican, or not to continue it further as a periodical
work, the Vice Society immediately circulated a paragraph
through every newspaper in the country boasting that their
association had succeeded in suppressing it, and calling it one
of the most infamous works -that ever disgraced a moral and
religious nation. Now the Vice Society had do more influ
ence in suppressing, than it had in commencing the work.
Its suppression arose entirely from the difficulty which I
found to fill it well every week under my present situation,
and I plainly foresaw that the difficulty would be increased
from the present dearth of political matter. Now the Vice
Society never carried a point against the Republican alone,
and in fact, if they had, it is well known now-a-day that a
prosecution does not curtail the sale of a periodical work,
particularly one upon such a principle as that. I found but
few of my readers who were pleased at seeing political and
theological dissertations mixed up in the same work : some
preferred the one and some the other, and each wished me
to exclude the other, but I found it necessary to drop the
work, not from any motive of fear or any influence which
existed over me, for I had determined the point througho ut
the year, and had a strong inclination to stop with the
second vdlume, as I found the management pfsuch a work

, 12
was impossible, to do it well, in my present situation. I was
often obliged to father sentiments and blunders which I ne-
,ver wrote, and my mind was in a continual state of uneasi
ness about it, aud it must have been visible that I grew
very careless" about the work. My early correspondents
had a dislike to send their manuscripts to Dorchester, and I
on the other hand was afraid to trust any one with the in
sertion of them before I had examined them, so that the
whole thing became a perplexity, and I thought it adviseable
to discontinue it. The want of country agents was another
inducement to discontinue it, for it produced no profit what
ever for the last three volumes, but rather,, a weekly, ex-
pence. So it is pretty evident that the Vice Society had
nothing to do with its suppression. Perhaps 4a few more
prosecutions might have carried it on with more spirit.
R. CARLILE.

MR. WEDDERBURN'S SUBSCRIPTION.
A pamphlet having appeared in the name of Mr. Robert
Wedderburn (who is a prisoner in this gaol on the pretence
of having spoken blaphemy) entitled " High Heeled Shoes
for Dwarfs in Holiness" which professed to give a list of the
sums of money received by him as subscriptions for his sup
port, and which list did not embrace many sums that have
been forwarded to him ; it has occasioned an anxiety among
many individuals to ascertain whether he has actually re
ceived the whole of the sums which have been forwarded,
and which they have subscribed. Various sums of money
have passed through my hands to Mr. Wedderburn, and
more in amount than the above mentioned pamphlet adver
tised. In some instances, where the money has been trans
mitted to me open, I have sent it to the keeper and request
ed him to obtain from Mr. W. an acknowledgment, which I.
have returned to London. In other instances, sealed pack
ets have passed through my hand, without my being apprized;
of their contents, or being requested to obtain an acknow
ledgment of them. In this case I have- forwarded them to
the governor, as the only means I had of conveying them
to Mr. Wedderburn openly and fairly, or, as far as I know,
at all. In consequence of the printing of the above menti,
oned pamphlet, I have been called upon to obtain from Mr.
Wedderburn an acknowledgment of £1, which passed
through my hand in a sealed packet, and the contents of
which at the- time I did not know, nor was I then required
to obtain any acknowledgment of the packet or its con- "

.13
tents. I accordingly sent this pamphlet and a note to the
Governor, requesting him to enquire from Mr. Wedderburn
whether it had been printed under his cognizance, and at
the same time requested an acknowledgment of the packet
and the \£. which I had forwarded to him (the governor)
for Mr. Wedderburn, and which the turnkey assured me had
reached him. The Governor sent me back a note to say
that he was about to attend the Quarter Sessions, 'and he
should lay the pamphlet and my request before the magis
trates, and at his return I should know the result. The
Sessions passed away, and the Governor had returned se
veral days, without communicating to me what he had pro
mised, and I found it necessary to remind him of it by
another note, which brought me in answer the following
order of the magistrates.
" Ordered, That the Keeper of the Gaol at Dorchester shall
not convey any letter, packet, parcel, or thing whatever, from one
prisoner in his custodyto another, without a special order from a
visiting magistrate for that purpose."
1 particularly stated that my object was solely to clear
myself from all suspicion of having withheld the money
sent to Mr. Wedderburn, but I could get no further answer.
Now I think it fitting publicly to state that the pamphlet
which has been published in Mr. Wedderburn's name is not
of his writing, but has been got up on his behalf by a
friend. Mr. Wedderburn, unfortunately, has not had the
education to enable him to write, and before his present
confinement could not write his name, or scarce make a
letter. Advanced as he is in years, he has studiously and
painfully sought to instruct himself in writing since his con
finement, and I can only regret that I have no means or op
portunity of assisting him. I gave one of the turnkeys a
book of copperplate copies for him, and would have gladly
given him a complete set, but I have reason to tliink .they
were never forwarded to him, as on enquiry I have been
always answered equivocally.
Of the circumstances which the pamphlet sets out with
relating respecting Mr. Wedderburn s conversion to Christi
anity by one of the clerical visiting magistrates, I can say
nothing, as, although within a few yards of him, I have
heard nothing of the kind. But from all that I know or
have heard of him, I disbelieve the tale, and consider it a
mere piece of irony on the part of Mr. W's friend. I am
also of opinion that this friend of Mr. W. has mentioned
the' receipt of such subscriptions as had come within his
knowledge, but wqft not acquainted with the whole that

14
Mr. W. had received. If I am wrong, I call upon the au
thor of the pamphlet to correct me, and I will very soon
appeai to the visiting magistrates to ascertain whether the
sums of money for Mr. Wedderburn, which I had for
warded to the Governor for him, have been received or
not by the former.
I cannot give a more pointed instance of the strict sepa
ration between Mr. Wedderburn and myself in this prison,
than by relating a circumstance which occurred on the 5th
instant. By some oversight of the turnkey, Mrs. Carlile
and myself entered the gaoler's garden for our usual walk,
whilst Wedderburn was there, and we approached within a
few yards of him and the Dorchester shoemaker who is
hired' to walk with him unnoticed. I had hoped to find an
opportunity to take Wedderburn by the hand ; but, lo! his
attendant hurried him away before we could come up with
him, and seemed quite alarmed lest we should meet! Since
the publication of my last address, the visiting magistrates
have relented of some of their severities with respect to the
confinement of Mrs. Carlile and myself. Our infant having
been on the point of death, in a great measure from close
confinement, is now allowed to be carried outside the walls
by a nurse, and Mrs. C. and myself walk twice a day for
an hour each time, in the gaoler's garden, within the walls
of the prison, with the above shoemaker to stand at a dis
tance and watch us, instead of dogging at our elbow as
was the case when I walked out before.
Dorchester Gaol, June 7th, 1821. R. CARLILE.
P. S. July 15th. — Since writing the foregoing, the visiting magistrates ha\e paid
me their quarterly visit, which happened within an hour that I had received in
structions from the Treasurer of the Patriotic Benevolent Society established in
London, to forward the sum of £\. to Mr. Wedderburn, and obtain his receipt for
it. I accordingly acquainted the magistrates with the circumstance, and enquired
by what means I should convey it to Mr. "Wedderburn ; I was answered, that I
must not send it to the Governor by the Turnkey, but that the Turnkey must carry
it in a letter to the Dorchester Post-Office, which he would first have to submit to
the Governor, then call again at the Post-Office and bring it back to the Governor,
who would forward it to Mr. Wedderburn, and that Mr. W. must send his receipt to
the Governor, who must give it to the Turnkey to take to the Post-Office, and then
call again for it and bring it back to the Governor, who would send it to me by the
same Turnkey ! ! ! ! ! I challenge all the world to produce me such a set of simple
tons as the visiting Magistrates and the Gaoler have made themselves on this occa
sion. It is impossible to pay such men that respect v. liicli their offices might other
wise require. The Turnkeys even feel ashamed of the task imposed upon them in
this affair. I should have noticed, that the Governor examines every letter that goes
out or conies into the prison except mine, and tliose from and for the debtors, of
which he contents himself by looking at the direction ; so that if I transmit a letter
to Wedderburn, it passes twice through the Gaoler's hand, as well as through the
Post-Office. Such imbecility is scandalous in any office, much more where the actors
are magistrates, one of whom has been forty years a member of Parliament !

15

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
London-Place, Stockport,
Much Esteemed Sir, April 19, 1821.
It is with feelings of the most lively kind that I accept the
opportunity of communicating with you on the part of the
Friendly Mechanics to Civil and Religious Liberty in
Stockport. We promised you in my last a periodical sub
scription, which intended period has passed by, entirely
owing to the difficulties we had to encounter? It is our
wish, in future, if possible, to make that period shorter ; if
we do not, you may rest assured that there will be no fault
on our part. It is not so much for the money we shall send
you, that will be but trifling, as to inform you of the ap
proval of your conduct, which, I am well aware will give
you more satisfaction than Lord Sidmouth's salary would.
Nevertheless, it is the duty of all honest reformers, to ren
der you all the assistance possible, In money matters, to re-
compence you Jin some measure, for the losses you have
sustained from^the iron hand of despotism. It is something
surprising how you have been enabled to withstand all that ,
has come against you ; we are convinced that you must
have established a rigid system of economy to have been
able to meet the necessary demands. It would be well if
the general part of the friends to civil and refigious liberty
in the kingdom would exert themselves to circulate your
publications. This would be rendering a great service to
the cause of truth and justice, as well as doing their duty
to you ; for I conceive it to be a duty that every one ought
to impose on himself. The monsters who support the sys
tem of misrule seem to dread your publications more than
any others ; and well they may, for you hunt them intq the
very centre of their filthy and debauched dens, where they
have carried on the trade of deception for centuries. But
thanks to the immortal Paine, and the no less immortal
Carlile, the dark days of delusion are fast approaching
their final dissolution, and I hope and trust that you will
live to see the altars of despotism changed into the altars of
truth, and their tubs, instead of being filled with the deceit
ful, fawning, sycophantic, gundy-gutted, and sleek-headed
priest, to be filled with the philosopher or mathematician,
thundering forth immutable and incontrovertible truths.
This once established, mankind would see themselves in
their proper light, and the gundy-gutted priest would have

16
to skulk into some hole, the colour of his coat, there to live in
a state of torpitude, till, nature being .exhausted, he would
return to his parent earth, with no other regret than (hat of
being detested by all who knew him. I find they have been
dragging your patriotic. sister before the inquisition. She of
course must prepare for a dungeon. I wonder if the poor
wretches think that such cruel folly will protect them. No.
Such conduct only brings them more into hatred and con
tempt. I wonder what they would say when they saw Mr.
Wooler's description of the " Army of Simpletons?" If
they had any shame they vsotild never more be seen. 1
hope, Sir, the day is not far distant when a deputation of
females in convention, assembled from all parts of the
country, will shew the national esteem they bear towards
your cruelly persecuted wife and sister, by passing a vote of
thanks for their noble, spirited, and patriotic exertions in
the cause of truth and justice. I am happy to find that the
friends to civil arid religious liberty in this part of the
country have not entirely lost sight of you (I mean those
iu easy circumstances). This anonymous writer, "Amicus,"
has set a very good example, and 1 trust it will be followed
up with many more of the same kind ; for, Sir, when your
losses are considered, and the cause for which you have
suffered such losses, I look on it as nothing more than a
debt every hcniest man owes you, to enable you to with
stand your losses, as a recompence for your exertions in the
general cause. 1 believe there are mauy more here who
will subscribe their mite towards your fine before the end
of your imprisonment, if the system of tyranny and mis
rule is doomed to exist so long as the term allotted you?
It is intended this letter should appear in your next publi
cation, if not too late; the sum we send is only one pound,
there is a little more on hand, as you will see by the list an
nexed ; and as soon as it amounts to a pound we shall send
it; if it will not be too much trouble, we hope you will
publish the list.
Several females in Stockport send their best respects to
Mrs. Carlile and your sister Mary-Anne Carlile, and they
much regret their inability to follow their example.
I am Sir, Your sincere Friend and Well-wisher,
W. PERRY.
P. S. The infernal spy system is at work again in this
part of the country ; their plan is to call deputy-meetings

17
for some purpose or other. If convenient, a caution from
you will prove highly necessary to the unwary, as the most
distressed are generally the most zealous for a change in
the system, they perhaps might be led into a fatal error.

TO MR. WILLIAM PERRY, LONDON-PLACE,
STOCKPORT.
• Sir, Dorchester-Gaol, April 26th, 1821.
Your's, dated the 19th instant, containing «the sum of one
pound, reached me on the 24th and I return the male and
female reformers of Stockport my thanks for their kind re
collections and approbation of my conduct. My greatest
solace under confinement is the conviction that the majo
rity of my countrymen and countrywomen is on my side
and of my opinions. I have a further solace from the con
viction that all the publications which I have circulated,
and even those for which I am confined, have a moral ten
dency, and, above all others, are calculated to advance the
welfare and the dignity of mankind. Whilst so great a
portion of the human race continues under the shackles of
Kingcraft and Priestcraft, war and its concomitant misery
will ever await them. Moral virtue cannot thrive, and this
is the only basis upon which human happiness can be esta
blished. It is not sufficient that moral virtue should extend
throughout the industrious classes of society to secure their
happiness and welfare ; they must be free from those two
demoralizing despotisms under which they live, and which
cannot be better designated than uuder the epithets of King
craft and Priestcraft. To secure their happiness and pro
mote their welfare, there must be no other government than
that which shall emanate from themselves — a government
by representation. Any other state is a -state of slavery,
and, in my opinion, he is the most contemptible and de
graded of animals who lives content under it. There might
not be any immediate means of extricating ourselves from
such a state of thraldom, and that from a want of a union
and co-operation among the oppressed, but it is our impera
tive duty to be aiding and assisting" each other to this ob
ject, and to be making a continual progress towards that
necessary union and co-operation. This can best be done
by an open, liberal, and generous conduct. There is no
need of secret meetings, secret writings, or secret' talkings :
let every thing be fairly and openly done. For my own
part, I can say, thatAhave not a desire beyond what I
2

18
have printed and published ; tlierefore, the machinatious of
spies cannot endanger me. Still, I have no hesitation in
sayiug, that any means to establish a representative system
of government are justifiable, and I would only hesitate on
the probability of success, or the most prudent time of put
ting those means in practice. Always recollect that a suc
cessful resistance to oppression does not form rebellion, but
a glorious revolution. It is only called rebellion when it is
unsuccessful. That which a few weeks since was a consti
tutional and well ordered government, and a glorious revo
lution at Naples, is now designated as a rebellion to the
royal and legitimate authority : although the king himself
professed to make common cause with the revolutionists!
Such is the character of monarchical despotism. I hope
aud trust if ever we enjoy another revolution in this coun
try, that no members of a royal family or or of the aristo
cracy will meddle with or countenance it. Such men are
void of all honour, candour and humanity, and no trea
chery or villainy would remain unpractised to corrupt and
destroy the new state of things. Such has been the case of
Naples. The atmosphere of a pure representative system
of government is not that in which royalty and aristocracy
can exist with its present distinctions. If not abolished it
must be reduced to a state in which it could no further dis
turb or disgrace society. I, for one, will not promise it se
curity, but I would willingly leave it to the deliberate cor
rection of the representatives of the nation.
As to the espionage which you imagine is now going on
in the north, it is difficult to suspect and accuse until some
exposure takes place. I hope the reformers have had suffi
cient lessons on this head to make them cautious. I have
not seen the declaration and draft of a constitution which is
now handing about, but I have fully expressed myself on
this head, in a letter to Mr. John Wheeler, of Burke's
Square, Manchester. Had your letter reached me six
hours earlier it would have been printed with that, as I had
just sent it off to town before the receipt of yours, and had
accompanied it with sufficient matter to fill the sheet.
I would exhort the male and female reformers of Stock
port to perseverance iu the good cause of obtaining a re
presentative system of government. Hitherto, they have
acted nobly, and stand distinguished in conjunction with
their neighbours of Manchester and its vicinity. I see no
cause for despair. The dastards of Naples might have re
tarded, but cannot defeat our hoped for triumph. We have
an ally in this Island which other countries have not, I

19
mean the debt called national. This is the moving power
towards a reform ; all we can do at present is to prepare
and make ready to 'take advantage of all its workings.
Our armour should be always ready for buckling on at a
moment's notice, that we might be prepared to combat our
enemies if necessary, or to assume an overwhelming atti
tude, which, in my opinion, is to be preferred. I am sure,
that if the reformers could be congregated, and their full
strength displayed, there would be nothing left in the coun
try that could venture to oppose them. I am for a reform
at any rate, and as speedy as possible; if it can be obtained
without bloodshed by a slight delay I would prefer it, but
at any expence, I would have a reform.
Yours, in civic affection,
R. CARLILE.
P. S. My fellow prisoner is quite well, in good spirits,
and returns her thanks to the male and female Reformers
of Stockport.
TO MR. CARLILE.
Respected Sir, Leeds, May 13, 1821.
Animated by a sincere attachment to your principles, and
deeply sympathizing, as we unfeignedly do, in your suffer
ings, we deem it a duty we owe to you and ourselves, to
express our indignation at the unmerited and accumulated
persecutions which our oppressors have inflicted upon you
and your family, for your manly and intrepid conduct in
attempting to divest the minds of the people from those
prejudices which have involved this and other countries in
the worst of evils, and which have been the means of im
peding the progress and developemeut of the human mind ;
and had it not been for the light which we have received
from you, aud those great luminaries who have preceded
you, would ultimately have sunk this nation into the gross
est and most abject slavery and degradation.
We have the misfortune to live in days when to be mo
rally honest is to be legally criminal, and when iniquity
and dissimulation are extolled and rewarded ; and low cun
ning and minion meanness act in conjunction with towering
insolence and domineering hypocrisy, to grin at the grind
ing pangs which their despotic and arbitrary power has en
tailed upon society. We would ask, what man, with a
mind unprejudiced, will assert, that your enemies and per
secutors acted in conformity with their sacred functions to
impose a fine of suchmn amount, and confinement of such

20
duration, for acting in concordance with the dictates of
reason and sound philosophy ? What theologian, what
moralist, what Christian, what man of common sympathy,
will defend the use they have made of their ill acquired
power? People accuse them of barbarity, and the unso
phisticated mind of England has pronounced them guilty.
We do not wish to indulge in rash declamation or inconsi
derate aspersion ; we have coolly weighed their public cha
rities, and when collectively viewed, they form indisputably
the rarest compound of those ingredients which most de
form the moral world, and degrade the nature of man. We
beg to offer you our thanks for the good you have already
done, and we rest ourselves assured, that unless prematurely
cut off by the sufferings you have to encounter, you will
live to see the principles you have so nobly and so gloriously
contended for, wear a proud superiority, and yourself the
object of admiration aud applause. We hereby remit you
the sum of three pounds, the voluntary gift of the under
signed men ; and we flatter ourselves that we shall be able
to make such remittances frequently, as we consider you
are suffering for our principles. We must make free to in
form you that we consider it a great compliment to our
selves to see with what greatness of mind and composure
of temper you endure such experiments on your sufferings
as not even to give your enemies an opportunity of trum
peting to the world a single deviation from those tenets,
which must, in spite of all their efforts, become universal.
They may retard our cause, but a generation of them could
not defeat it. The mind of the people of England is on its
march, and who shall stay it? Its enemies might as well at
tempt to set boundaries to the shoreless air, or command
the movements of the majestic ocean, as to proscribe or op
pose its progress. It is to the operation of the great mov
ing power of opinion, fed by the press, and repeated dis
cussion, that we look for ultimate success. That success
may be distant, but it is certain.
We are, with pure respect and attachment,
Your's, &c. in behalf of the whole,
W. ELLIS.

TO MR. WILLIAM ELLIS, OF LEEDS.
Sir, Dorchester Gaol, May 30, 1821.
I hereby return you, and those friends whose names ac
company your's in a subscription for my support, my most
sincere thanks for your kind recollections, andgood intentions

21
towards myself, as a humble advocate of that cause which
you, with millions of others of the human species, (who
although they do not from motives of fear proclaim it,) think
of the highest importance to the future well-being of the
whole human race. Nothing but this latter conviction could
induce me to persevere against so many obstacles and so
much persecution as has fallen, ahd is still likely to conti
nue to fall upon myself and family. My resolution to per
severe I feel to be strengthened by every new obstacle that
encounters it, but the effect which that resolution will pro
duce entirely depends upon the support I shall receive from
the public. One of the objects of the common enemy is
to cut up all my agents and deter them from all attempt to
circulate my publications; so that it has become an impera
tive duty upon every admirer of those publications to push
them into circulation, or to contrive some means for sup
plying any persons whom he might find wishing to examine
them. The enemy has discovered, that to strike at the
trunk is vain, or jf he continues his blows it cannot be an
nihilated ; therefore, he finds it efficacious in the cause of
corruption, superstition, ahd ignorance, to destroy every
branch that springs from that trunk. It is now sufficient to
obtain a warrant and arrest an individual on the score of
libel to prevent that individual from any further open sale
of publications in the cause of political or theological re
form. Now if one person be arrested in my employ, I can
immediately find another, but not so with the country ven
der ; he has a little concern of his own, which will not al
low him to be idle and pay another to do his work: the
profits arising are not sufficient, it was but bread for him
self, and will not support a second, or a third person ; he is
therefore, when arrested, obliged to decline the trade, and
the cause which he advocates suffers injury or becomes re
tarded, if another individual be not found bold and honest
enough to stand forward as a willing martyr. This new
association of public robbers, calling themselves a Constitu
tional Association, are beginning with a vengeance ; they
not only indict for libel, but they study every means of an
noying the individual indicted, or marked for indictment,
by the most vexatious and harrassing mode of arrest, and
by endeavouring to deter his bail. That fellow Murray, their
lawyer (of whom his neighbours and the public are beginning
to form a due estimation) was not contented with dragging
my sister from her home at a late hour at night, but studied
every means to keep her locked up for three or four days,
and had she not displayed some little spirit in demanding an

22
interview with the judge, and in explaining the circumstance
to him, would have effected his purpose. The Judge kindly
waited an hour for her bail, and when it was ready this
fellow Murray, and half a dozen of his fellow bandits, were
present in the Judge's chamber, frowning upon the persons
who came forward to bail her in the most venomous and
threatening manner, as far as countenance could do it.
Now, the publication against which they have obtained
their indictment is the mildest thing that has ever issued
from my pen ; aud perhaps I cannot more forcibly express
my contempt for their indictment, than by copying and re
peating the alledged libel; the truth of which let him pub
licly deny who dares, or is not ashamed to be called a liar.
The parts are as follow, from my New- Year's Address to
the Reformers: — " To talk about "the British Constitution is,
in my opinion, a sure proof of dishonesty. Britain has no
constitution. If we speak of the Spanish constitution, we
have something tangible; there is a substance and meaning
as well as sound. In Britain there is nothing constituted
but corruption in the system of government, Our very
laws are corrupt and partial, both in themselves and in their
administration. In fact, corruption, as notorious as the sun
at noon-day, is an avowed part of our system, and is de
nominated the necessary oil for the wheels of the govern
ment! It is a most pernicious oil to the interests of the
people." This forms the first paragraph, or first count, in
the indictment; the next is still more simple, and such as I
should have thought could not be offensive to the most de
pendent tool upon the present system; itis thus: — " Re
form will be obtained when the existing authorities have no
longer the power to withhold it, and not before. We shall
gain it as early without petitioning as with it, and I would
again put forward my opinion, that something more than a
petitioning attitude is necessary. At this moment, I would
not say a word about insurrection, but I would strongly
recommend union, activity and co-operation. Be ready
and steady to meet any concurrent circumstance." Per
haps, never before, for a prosecution, were sentences select
ed from the surrounding matter in so unfair a manner. The
sentences which form the first count are the last of a long
paragraph, and when read with the whole, carry a very
different appearance than when read alone. The sentences
which form the second count are selected from the middle
of a long paragraph, and are dependent for their full mean
ing aud expression on the surrounding matter. I am
doubtful whether Mr. Justice Best himself would condemn
the pamphlet as a whole, or call it libellous. The only

23
point on which he would stick is where the laws and their
administration are condemned as partial and corrupt. But
the truth of this I would vouch for, and ask Mr. Justice
Best whether he will deny that; the Game Laws, and
the Sedition and Libel Laws, and every law by which
[the present taxes are raised, are not partial and corrupt.
As to the administration of the laws, I would ask Mr.
Justice Best why Despard was hung? and why Mr.
Davison was prevented from making a defence? why
Mr. Hunt has so long an imprisonment for attending a pub
lic meeting which has been proved to be legal and peacea
ble by the very persons who were brought forward to give
evidence of another character: why I have been so long
imprisoned, and so excessively robbed in the shape of fine,
for publishing a book that represented the book called the
Bible as filled with lies, blasphemies, obscenities, and atro
cities, a truth which none of my judges could contradict?
Why Mrs. Carlile is to suffer two years imprisonment for
the publication of a moral lesson, as important to the well-
being of society, as any piece of morality that was ever
priuted or practised : why so many others are suffering
protracted imprisonments which are to fill out four and five
years : and why special juri«s have been notoriously and
avowedly packed to procure all these imprisonments and fines?
I will repeat it again and again both with my tongue and
my pen, that the whole of the legislature is abominably
corrupt; that the laws, as a matter of course,are as corrupt
and partial, and oppresssive, and that the necessary admini
strators of laws from such a legislature must be corrupt and
wicked men ; the whole together stink in the public nostrils.
If two private individuals have a law suit about property,
justice might be obtained, if neither possessed much influ
ence with persons in power ; but wherever an individual is
prbsequted who has been bold and honest enough to decry
the system of laws and legislature under which we exist, he
is sure to find a corrupt government, corrupt judges, and a
select and corrupt jury, all in array against him, or like a
well" whipped pack of hounds, eagerly attempting to run
him down by their joint clamour and exertion.
Perhaps, I cannot find a more appropriate time to speak
of the Grampound Disfranchisement Bill, than whilst
writing to an inhabitant of Leeds. I hail with pleasure the
failure of every thing of the kind, or such a patch-work
system of reforming ; for, although Grampound is disfran
chised and Yorkshire has two additional members, the bill
as introduced by Lord John Russell, and as taken up and
supported by Mr. Stuart Wortley, has failed. I hope we

24
shall have an opportunity of making the above lordling beg
pardon for his lying impudence in saying that the chief ob
ject of the reformers was plunder. We might make it ap
pear " as plaiu as a pike-staff" that the fortune which sup
ports his arrogance, has been congregated by plunder, or
has originated in plunder. This lordling having been foiled
in his paltry schemes, begins now to sicken at any further
attempt, and threatens to retire from public life. I say, in
the name of fortune, let him retire : we shall no more miss
him, or feel the want of such a creature, than we should miss
Vansittart, or Sidmouth, or Wilberforce.
I should hope that there is not an honest man in the town
of Leeds who regrets the loss of the elective franchise, or
rather the not obtaining it in the manner which Mr. Stuart
Wortley dictated it should be — confined to householders
paying a yearly rent of twenty pounds. The circumstance
would have been calculated to run up all the smaller rented
houses to that price, and much false swearing would have
existed both with landlord aud tenant, as to the amount of
the rent of their house. I should have liked well enough
to have seen Leeds with an elective franchise extending to
what is now termed scot and lot payers, which is tanta
mount to universal suffrage. It is not improbable that then
we should have seen such a man as Mr. Hunt, or Mr. Cob-
bett, the first object of its choice, and this was the fear of
Mr. Stuart Wortley, and those of his faction. Such a man
as Mr. Hunt would keep the present assembly, called the
House of Commons, under its present forms of proceeding,
sitting all the year round, and would not then give time to
vote the present aunual supplies. Mr. Hume annoys them
a little in this shape ; but he had better do nothing unless he
was prepared to treat them with an effectual contempt, and
spare no opportunity for the interruption of their present
career. Mr. Hunt, for this object, is the man above all
men that I have long wished to see a member of that as
sembly. Assisted by the pen and presence of Mr. Cobbett,
he would turn them topsy-turvy in a short time, and that
entirely from an interruption of business ; for I do not
imagine that he would carry a single vote, or that he would
find one of the present members to support him. I am
perfectly assured that the impudence of Castlereagh and
Canning, backed by all the coughing and noise of their
tools, would act but as a stimulus upon the nerves of such
a man as Mr. Hunt. The whole assembly would crouch to
him before a session had passed away. To think of
making any impression upon such an assembly by argument

2%
or speechifying is madness ; the members are callous to all
honourable feeling ; the only method of dealing with them
in their present corrupt state, is to interrupt as far as possi
ble all their proceedings, and in every shape possible, hold
them up to the scorn and contempt of the country. The
honest man who eilters that assembly-must see no " noble
lords," no " right honourable gentlemen or friends," nor no
" honourable or learned friends or members," he must treat
them as they are, a set of notorious rogues, cheats, and
robbers, who have no other feeling towards the people and
the dountry but to plunder them. Of course, I speak of
the majority ; I do not wish to be considered as including
every member in the above epithets. Some of either party
in the house might be honest, but weak men ; neither do I
think those altogether the worst because they might con
stantly support the present minister. There are members
of what is called the opposition, as vile as those they affect
to oppose, and would be just what the others are if they
were in power.
There now appears to be a calm in the political world,
but whether it be that calm which is the common precursor
of a violent storm, remains to be seen. It must be evident
to all who have ears to hear, and eyes to see, that the ele
ments of revolution are but pent up throughout Europe;
they are not destroyed. It is our duty to give them force,
to add to their strength ; and we can do this no better than
by doing, individually and collectively, our utmost to disse
minate useful and natural knowledge. Despotism and de
lusion can only prosper on the soil of that cowardice which
is the offspring of ignorance. The examples of Spain and
Portugal, and the whole continent of America, are fine
standing examples to the degraded part of Europe. They
are examples which cannot fail of being useful. Above all
things, let us endeavour to enlighten the citizen soldiers.
Let us hold up the difference of slavery and independence
to their view, and they will not be long hesitating as to
which is the most advantageous to there present and future
interest. Let us avoid all bickering and quarrelling with
the regular soldier, and be ever ready to offer him the hand
of fellowship. But again, 1 say, above all things, let us
endeavour to make patriotism and a knowledge of the ele
ments of political economy penetrate even the walls of our
, barracks. The object of the enemy is to prevent the sol-
, diers and the industrious classes from reading and acquiring
useful knowledge, for well it knows that this is the first
step to a desire of independence, and equal laws and rights.

26
As to my particular opinions, either political or theolo
gical, of which you and other friends at Leeds have ex
pressed so warm an approbation, I can say, that all the
persecution I have received, and all the reflection which has
ensued to my mind upon that persecution, has but served to
give them a deeper root in my bosom, and has strengthened
my resolution to persevere in a public advocacy of those
opinions, with all the force and influence that 1 can send
forth with them. I will neglect nothing that I can do ; but
I feel that, in my present situation, I can do nothing further,
without a public countenance and the private exertion of
my friends, to give effect to the circulation of my publica
tions, than a priest could do in his trade who had to preach
without a congregation, and consequently without effect or
without support. I am Sir,
Yours, in civic affection,
________ R. CARLILE.
TO RICHARD CARLILE,
The brave Republican and undaunted Advocate of' univer
sal Liberty, now under close confinement icith his Wife
and- infant So?i, in Dorchester Gaol, for matter of
opinion. Rider's-Row, London-Road,
Fellow-Citizen, Manchester.
A few of your friends in Manchester beg you will accept
of the inclosed one pound, as an acknowledgment of the
benefits which they have derived from your exertions in the
cause of universal liberty. The agents of tyranny have
nearly done their worst. For merely publishing your opi
nions you have been sentenced to an almost unheard of ri
gorous imprisonment, besides being robbed of your pro
perty. The lovely partner of your bosom has also been
compelled to submit to a most barbarous treatment. It
appears that nothing but the total destruction of yourself
and family will ever stay their dastardly purposes.
The age of bigotry and superstition is not yet passed by.
Men are still punished for matter of opinion. This might
have been expected in those dark ages of Popish supersti
tion, when the least spark of intellectual light was extin
guished amidst the ignorance and fanaticism of the times.
But in England, in the nineteenth century, when civilization
might be supposed to have attained its climax, and know
ledge to have diffused itself to the greatest extent, it is mon
strous to think that such things should be suffered to exist'.
We hope, however, they will not exist long. We hope,

27 ,
that the wind which wafts the intelligence of recovered li
berty in other Countries will revive a flame in this which
the blood of a thousand victims will not be sufficient to ex
tinguish. The mock debates in Parliament no longer deceive us.
We regard the Whigs with the same detestation as we do
the Tories : we are not to be hood-winked by a set of cant
ing politicians in either house of Parliament. We expect
no redress of grievances from petitioning that Parliament,
nor any reform to emanate from the Parliament itself. It is
to an entire change of the system of government that we
look for the establishment of our rights. How is it to be
expected that persons holding offices under government,
and receiving large emoluments therefrom, should give them
up merely to please a set of half-starved creatures, the same
by nature as themselves, only different by birth ? No, Sir,
they will stick to their places as long as they can. But we
look forward to the day when the principles you have ad
vocated so nobly, and for which you are suffering the se
verest privations, shall be recognized by the whole people
of England ; when, under a rational system of government,
really elected by the voice of the people, we shall enjoy the
fruits of our labour, unmolested by the rapacious hand of a
-tax-gatherer. We hold religion as a thing which has been foisted into
the world merely to answer political purposes. Under its
garb the worst crimes have been perpetrated ; and the ex
istence of an established church in any country is almost a
sure sign of the existence of a despotic government, and a
slavish people. That you may yet live to enjoy uninter
rupted prosperity and happiness, is the sincere wish of your
frrfnds in Manchester. I remain, in behalf of the above,
JOSEPH CHORLTON.
, p_ g; We have the pleasure to inform you, that on Mon
day a patriotic dinner was held at the Union-Rooms, in this
town ; and that amongst the rest of the toasts was the fol
lowing : " Richard Carlile, the undaunted advocate of uni
versal liberty;" which was drank with three times four;
and the greatest enthusiasm was expressed on the occasion,
upwards of two hundred persons being present at the time.

TO JOSEPH CHORLTON, OF RIDER'S-ROYY,
LONDON-ROAD, MANCHESTER.
Fellow-Citizen, Dorchester-Gaol, June 12, 1821.
It is with renewed pleasure that I have again to address
you and my friends at Manchester, and return my thanks
for further assistance in the cause of which I am the hum
ble advocate. In return, I can only promise that the sums
of money thus placed in my hands shall be applied to the
production of useful publications from the press, and that
I will endeavour to return the subscribers, at least, a mental
feast for their money; a feast which, if it does not satiate
the cravings of hunger, shall relieve the mind from supersti
tious fears and wretcheduess, and point out the path both to
social and individual happiness. Beyond the necessaries of
life, I crave nothing more than a sufficient means to make
myself the most useful to my fellow man. It is well ob
served by Mirabaud, that " when we shall be disposed use
fully to occupy ourselves with the happiness of mankind,
it is with superstition the reform must commence." I hnve
an unassailable conviction that all other reform will prove
abortive, unless it be accompanied with an instruction (hat
shall abolish superstition in the minds of a people. They
might make a reform of their political government, but it
will soon be corrupted again if an established priesthood
exists in the state. Go to your sectarian congregations and
mark the influence which their several priests have over
them ; then ask yourself whether a people under such a
mental bondage could make a free election or a free choice
of representatives to conduct their political affairs? And I
am of opinion that our priests in England called Dissenters
from the Established Church, have more real influence over
their several congregations than has the Roman Catholic
priest over his congregation. Religion, or superstition,
(which words are synonymous in my vocabulary) is the
chief source of corruption, and the main prop of despotism
and slavery. Since I first imbibed the conviction of the
necessity of the abolition of all idolatry or superstition,
whether political or theological, as essential to the happi
ness and welfare of man, either as an individual or in a so
cial point of view, I have used all my means towards the
accomplishment of that object; and whatever means I am
in future destined to possess, I shall devote them solely to
that object, if I am not fortunate enough to witness its ac-

29
complishment. Whilst any thing in that point of view re
mains undone, 1 shall act as if nothing had been done.
Every individual who approves the object I have in view
must not forget that he also can make himself useful within
his circle of acquaintance, or sphere* of action ; and that
without individual assistance of that kind 1 shall be able to
do but little. If he approves what I publish, it becomes
a bounden duty upon him to extend the circulation, of that
publication. This, after all, is the main point wherein to
give me assistance, and to produce effect as to the object we
have jointly in view.
I find that you have in Manchester an affiliated branch of
that London Banditti which calls itself the Constitutional
Association. I do not complain of the epithet they have
assumed, as I perceive many others do, as the word consti
tution applies no further than an action upon certain rules
or laws by agreement. Like many other words, itis a mere
word of sound, and bandied about without any meaning ;
and this Bridge-Street Banditti have an equal right to it
with any other set of banditti. I quarrel not with their
name but with their manners. Now it is evident that this
Constitutional Banditti are acting under the patronage of
Castlereagh and his colleagues, and that the joint object is
to try whether the last enacted libel law, which forms one of
the famous six acts, cannot be stretched and made equal to
a censorship over the Press. In the negociation which ap
pears to have taken place between Murray, the Attorney to
this Banditti, and Mr. Dolby the bookseller, who is under1
prosecution at their instance, we are informed that one of
many slavish submissions to obtain a compromise of this
prosecution was, that Mr. D°'by should submit his publica
tions to the censorship of the Banditti for two years to
come! By the bye, I cannot help saying, that if Mr.
Dolby had no other motive in negociating for this compro
mise than what the public-papers have mentioned, I am of
opinion that he has rendered himself unworthy of the cause
he advocated. It is so far base to offer any terms of com
promise with such a crew as compose this Banditti, that it
makes them still more insolent and more violent towards
others who might be determined to make a full and effectual
stand against them. It brings our cause into disgrace, and
does us material injury, to see its advocates run at the first
shot. I would say to every public advocate of the cause of
reform, — you had, better retire and keep in the back-ground,-'
if you have not resolution to stand the effect of an indict
ment. You are only doing an injury to those who will

30
manfully stand their ground. I am of opinion that it is the
duty of a true'pairiot to place the welfare of his country
before the individual welfare of his wife and children. I
am not ashamed to say, that I have lost sight of my wife
and children whilst I have been advocating-the cause of re
form ; and I will not admit that I am either a bad husband
or a bad father. But to return to the Constitutional Ban
ditti: If a person be indicted and arrested, and bound over
to good behaviour under the new law, he forfeits his recog
nizances if he be convicted of having sold what is called a
libel after having entered into such recognizauces ; he has,
therefore, no alternative but to forfeit his recognizances or
decline selling any thing but what his prosecutors might ap
prove. This, I confess, falls very hard upon such persons
as Mr. Dolby and others who are in their business, as the
act of the servant is the act of the master in every thing
relating to that business; and, in fact, there is no way of
moving against this abominable law unless the principal of a
business be in prison. In consequence of my being in pri
son, the Constitutional Banditti can indict no one but my
agents, and as fast as they indict one I can find a new one to
supply his or her place ; and the only thing that I have to
care about is, whether I shall be able or not to support as
many of my agents as they can get into prison. 1 will do
my best, and I have no doubt but I shall hold them a long-
tug, and bring them to the same condition as 1 have brought
the Vice Society — begging and crying and crying aloud for
money to enable them to go on.
In the country, if one vendor be arrested another should
be found to fill his place instantly ; and it would be well to
have a committee who shall be prepared to nominate the
volunteer who is ready to fill up the next vacancy, and to
have a series of names beforehand for that purpose. These
devils incarnate cannot obtain indictments every day, and
the reformers, I trust, are sufficiently numerous and deter
mined to wear them out, and exhaust all their funds. Don't
be alarmed at a Gaol, my friends ; I was never happier
than since I have been in Dorchester Gaol, and I shall not
murmur at another three years if I can but circulate a si
milar quantity of my publications to those circulated in 1819.
I seize this opportunity publicly to return my thanks to
Mr. Ridgeway, for his honourable conduct during the last
fourteen or fifteen months that I have known his name ; and
although he is now prevented by the Constitutional Ban
ditti from a further present procedure in his line of business,
I trust he will have the satisfaction of seeing it well fol-

31
lowed up by a series of successors ; and that by our joint
^efforts we shall be able to triumph over all our enemies.
With an ardent hope, my friends of Manchester, that I
shall continue to receive your support, and be found worthy
of it, I subscribe myself,
The devoted servant of all necessary reformation,
R. CARLILE.

SUBSCRIPTIONS

for :

MR

, CARLILE AND FAMILY.

£.170 13
4
From
i
- Stockport.
James Moreton
s.
0
d. 6
Jack'Tar
5.1
d. 0
Jesse Swann
1
0
William Fielding
0
6
John Fletcher
0
3
Thomas Hazlehurst
0
6
A Friend to free Discussion
0
6
John Piatt
0
6
Bess}' Swann
0
4
Thomas Chadwick
0
6
Peggy Swann
0
3
James Littler
0
6
R. W.
0
3
Thomas Booth
0
6
Wm. Skellott
0
3
Ecclesiasticus'
0
6
J. Tootell
1
0
Balaam's Ass
0
6
T. Oldham
1
0
An Old Chip
0
3
D. Davies
1
0
Richard Greaves
0
3
Thomas Dain
0
6
H. F.
Tf-
0
6
Thomas Hill
0
6
Thomas Brooks
0
7
J. S.
0
6
William Fenton
0
6
L.'W,
0
6
Robert Rigby
0
4
John Read
0
6
J. H.
0
6
J. V.
0
6
William Blaekshaw,
, an Enemy
A Friend
0
6
to time-serving
and tythe-
( J. Bardsley
1
0
eating Tyrants
1
0
J. S.
1
0
A Friend to Impartial Justice
0
6
J. G.
0
6
Thomas Cooke
0
6
Nicholas Smalley
0
6
' J. Cooke
1
0
, John Hamer
0
6
An Enemy to Priestcraft
0
6
James Hamer
0
6
J. J. J.
1
0
William Brooks
0
6
Thomas Cheetham
0
6
S. Boothroyde
0
4
John Smith,
0
$
A few Friends
1
3
A few Friends
1
8
J. D.
0
4
1 From Leeds.
.William Driver
'2
6
An Enemy to Priestcraft
2
6
A Friend
2
0
William Ellis
1
6
John Fowler
1
6
A Deist
1
6
J. S.
2
0
 Goldthorp
1
0
James Mann
2
6
Moses Cook
1
0
William Tell
2
6
John Briggs
1
3
James Croft
2
0
George Hirst
1
0
A few Friends
3
3
Thomas Hirst
•
1
0
 Croft
1
6
Humphrey Boyle
2
0
 Byerley
2
0
A Friend
1
0
.  Houlding
3
6
J. Sayner
\
1
0
Joseph Hurtley
2
0
A Friend to Carlile
1
0
 Whincup
2
0
John Finley
1
6
32

John Robinson
A Friend
G. J. L.

s. J.
1 0 Samuel Gibson
5 0 James Eddison
5 0  Glen

From Manchester, and its Vicinity

Robert Robinson 2 0 John Chorlton
Joseph Nixon 2 0 John Greatrk
Thomas Cope 2 0 John Henderson
James Thomson 2 0 Peter Harding
Joseph Rhodes 2 0 Joseph Chorlton
From Taunton, in Somerset.

s.

rf.

5

0

1

0

1

0

>>

0

2

0

2

0

^

0

2

0

An honest-hearted Female, who
is an Advocate for Civil and
Religious Liberty, and an
Enemy to Christian Persecu
tion
An Enemy to the Black Locusts

1 0

that devour the Tenth Part of
the hard earnings of the in
dustrious  to the llost of
Corruptionists, and a well-
wisher to Mr. Carlile, sub
scribes with all his heart 5

N. B. The above sums from Taunton were received in November, 1819, and
from an inadvertence of the Cierk were neglected as to their acknowledgment and
insertion in the Republican. Should any similar neglect have occurred towards
any other sums a line to R. Carlile will obtain an immediate acknowledgment of
them. London Subscriptions Continued.

From a Deist and Republican
of Stokesley, in Yorkshire,
whose disbelief of the Chris
tian System extends as far as
Mr. Carlile's
UshaJ. C. (Monthly)
W.J.James Thorpe
William Ferguson
For Thomas Paine Carlile
An Enemy to Persecution
Mr. Robinson, Northumberland
Street
W.J.J. C. (Monthly)
William Tunbridge
J. C. (Monthly) '
W. H. )
A H ( ^w0 Scotch Sailors
Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and
Twentieth Payment of a
few Friends to Civil and
Religious Liberty, P.
Christie, Collector
From the Patriotic Benevo
lent Society
Donald Thistleprick, remainder of the
£ 20. which he felt himself indebted
to Mr. Carlile, for his exertions and
sufferings in the cause of universal li-

4

4

5

0

2

0

5

0

1

0

0

<">

2

0

3

0

10

0

2

6

2

0

1

0

2

0

0 4 3

2 0 0

berty: ^5. having been acknow
ledged in the Republican. 15 0 0
From Four Scotch Weavers, who
once believed their Grandmo
ther's word, that there were
three Gods ; silly old women
whom the Priests had crammed.
To the Five Immortals, Richard
Carlile, Jane Carlile, Mary Ann
Carlile, and the Shopman and
Shopwoman.
Superstition is on hei death-bed,
her Doctors, the Priests, attend
on her, anxious for her recovery.
Hark!- the Age of Reason is
ringing her dying knell ! the
hag distorts herself — she cries
for blood — for imprisonment —
she is dead ! — The Sun of Rea
son shines. Virtue is Truth,
Vice is a lie ;
Paine's Works shall live,
The Bible die.
Andrew Mackintosh, converted
by the Age of Reason 1 0
Donald Fraser, Deist and Radical 1 0
Alexander Macgregor, Immortal
Paine
Roger Campbell. Fruits of the
Age of Reason

1 0

1 0

Printed and Published by R. CARLILE, 55, Fleet S'reet, where all Communi
cations (postage paid) are requested to be addressed — Orders, with remit
tances, or references for payment, will be punctually attended to. Country
Agents will find the most liberal Terms for prompt Payment.

Pence.
.<*.*' TO TUB
REFORMERS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
-Fellow Covistrymm. - Dorchester Gaol, October 13th, 1821.
= '? \ .ear 2' of l^]e Spsniish Revolution, from Despotism td: Liberty.
.SijjcI, I last addressed, you, many memorable circumstance's
have occurred which require from,' me some little . notice. 1 might
have noticed the death of Buonaparte in my. last address, but I
consider, "it comparatively unimportant to the friends of liberty. I
have no hesitation in saying, that I am one. of those who feel and
think -that the «ause, or Liberty in Europe is. indebted nothing to
the life of Buonaparte. He was a' mere military, despot, and I do
flot believe that, in" his early career, he ever acted, upon any other
.Principle 'than that cif , a chivalric Soldier of fortune. I hate a sol-
4ifr in every other' character thati a soldier, in the cause of Liberty:
where a soldier turns his' arms against his and his country's despot
or enemy,, he his /worthy; of being called . a, citizen ;-...he gives .us a
ptoof tKen that'he "feels as:a citiiejn, that heis riotthat contemptible
animal that Can be made a tyrant's slave and tool; but where he turns
his-arjns^agairrst his. countrymen at the.will and pleasure of a'deapot, a
.s*61dter» Is a monster .whose, extermination httnanity and social order
requires. Where he-is ready to enter upon an indiscriminate massa
cre of. his countrymen arid.wojnenat the mere will of his commander,
.and perhaps" among those countrymen, and women hislown father,
inOther, brother, and. sister, a. soldier surpasses in ferocity, in mis
chief, in clanger and infamy, the most ferocious' of all wild beasts^
He. is the wanton and indiscriminate destroyer of his own species,.
His, chief delight is to -mangle and murder, not for food, not for self-
preservation, but from mere wantonness and the thirst for blood.
JSueh is -the Despot — and such the Despot's soldier. -f ,.
Brit where a. man is & soldier from a. mere love of liberty, where his
sole object is to rid the-, earth of ? Despots *and establish ^'Representa
tive System of "Government, such as; the soldiers of Spain, of Portu-
f'al,;of-the whole continent of America, (a few. colonies excepted) have
pne, there he assumes the noblest character a man can assume, there
he is- both a virtuous citizen, a philosopher, and philanthropist. If it
be his fate, to .destroy any of his species, he feels the satisfaction that
he has put a stop, to a still/- greater- slaughter by depriving of life the
enemies of liberty and of mankind. In fact, to use the strongest
figurative .expression I can find, I would say, in the one case the soldier
is a devil, in the other he is an angel. The two characters form
the two extremes of good and bad, of virtue and vice, of' happiness
and misery. The soldtier who wars in the cause of liberty, Is both
ready and willing to lay down his arms' as soon as - his object is ac
complished, and become a productive citizen: the soldier who fights
the battles of the Despot is never satisfied, he is continually longing
after new bodies for mutilation — new'scenes for plunder and destruc
tion. The war of the Despot is a war against Nature,, or God, if. you
Kkefthe- term better: the soldier of Liberty never turns out of the path
of Nature; "he is only a soldier whilst there are tyrants" and slaves
about hinr; when jhey are destroyed or made useful members of sb*
?rlnt«d|id Published by R. CARULE, 55; Fleet Street. , ~\

ciety, he turns his spear into a pruning hook, and his sword into a
plough-share. There will be no end to the terror and peril of the standing armies
of soldiers, and of wars, whilst mankind live under the rule and in
fluence of Kinos and Priests. These are the source of all wars in
¦what are termed (though improperly) civilized countries. Let the Repre
sentative System of Government be once generally established, and
there will be an end to wars among the human race ; and where there
is not the Representative System of Government there is nothing-
worthy of the name of civilization. The Quakers have been the first
to perceive this, and they actually withhold all supplies from both
Kings and Priests ; and I would advise every Reformer, every man
who wishes to be called a philanthropist or a social being, to imitate
them in this part of their conduct. The tax-gatherer and the tithing-
man is obliged to present himself to the Quaker in the avowed cha
racter of a Robber. The Quaker says to him, I will not voluntarily
support thy cause, but if thou seizest my property for that purpose,
I know it is vain to resist thee, and I can only regret it, and wait with
patience until others of my fellow countrymen grow as wise as myself.
Reformers, you ought to be all Quakers in this point of view, though
I would, by no means, recommend to you the peculiarity and univer
sal sameness of their dress, and the singularity of their manners in
other respects ; although it is well known that they are Deists, from
the first to the last of them ; and that they disturb their minds about
nothing of what Christianity teaches, further than to escape the per
secution of the Christians, as far as possible.
I have gone into the foregoing notice of soldiers and wars, because
I have lately published a pamphlet entitled : " The Character of a
Soldier," which has been admired by some, and disapproved by others
of my friends ; and I have been called upon to say, whether I wrote
that Character of a Soldier. I did not write it, neither do I know the
author. I have the Character of a Priest, and the Character of a
Peer to issue from the same pen. The Character of a Soldier was
sent to me, in consequence of my assertion in my Address to Men
of Science that, I would publish any truth that any philosopher or
man of science would write. The author stated that, before he saw
that assertion, lie was about to send his Characters to the United
States of America for publication ; and seemed to intimate that it
was a test for my profession. I examined his manuscript, found it to
be a chain of truths, and sent it instantly to the press: and it will
now be seen, that I make no profession that I would hesitate a mo
ment about putting into practice. I beg leave to say, that I never
have sent out any thing of my own anonymously, and I do not think,
at present, l ever shall; therefore, whatever the reader finds tobe
published by me with a fictitious name, he may feel assured that I
am not the writer; although I will never publish any thing for which
I am ashamed or afraid to be responsible : and under this disposition,
I have thought it proper, to shew how far I support the Character of
a Soldier. It has been said to me, that to publish such a pamphlet at a time
when the soldiers of different countries are shewing a disposition
to turn their arms against their despots, is both ill-timed and ill-
judged. I view the thing in a very different light, and the soldier,

3
who is sufficiently enlightened to feel the disposition to turn his arms
against the despot, will do the same : he will see that it is not his
character drawn, but the character of a slavish brute, who is at the
Despot's will and service. I consider it a pamphlet calculated to
make a very great impression on the mind of a soldier himself, and as
some of my friends have gone so far as to imagine that Castlereagh
would gladly put one of them in the hands of every soldier in the
country ; I can only say, that he would not be more glad than my
self at the circumstance.
But to return to Buonaparte ; I would observe, that he fouo-ht man
fully and skilfully the enemies of Republican France ; but upon the
strength of his popularity and military genius, he destroyed the Re
public itself ! which, for what, has since happened, might as well have
been done by some other despot, who first menaced it. It was Buona
parte who paved the way for the return of the Bourbons. Thomas Paine
saw what would be the result of Buonaparte's conduct, and he quitted
France with disgust at the first opportunity. I am of opinion that the
triumph of the bloody Robespierre himself would not have been so fatal
to the present liberties of France, as was the triumph of Buonaparte;
neither would half the quantity of blood have been shed that has since
been shed. It was the infernal emissaries of the European Despots who
drove Robespierre to that fatal desperation : had he ever possessed
the power over them which Buonaparte subsequently possessed, he
would have proved himself a much greater friend to philanthropy and
the liberties of the human race, than did Buonaparte. Robespierre
displayed a noble character when he first entered the National As
sembly. It was not Buonaparte that formed the Republican Armies
of France, neither did he make better or braver soldiers of French
men than he found them. It was one of the caprices of fortune by
which Buonaparte started into notice and distinction, and he has
fully destroyed one half of the benefits that the French Revolution
would have produced before this time. I deprecate the act of the
Despots of England and Europe in_chaining the captive to a rock,
that they knew would accelerate his death ; it was a base, a pitiful,
a revengeful, and a murderous act. But Buonaparte is dead ! I do
not grieve his loss ; and I sincerely hope, that his son will never be
admitted into France in any other character than that of a private
- citizen. To sum up the character of Buonaparte in one sentence I
would say that, he put a total stop to the cause of Liberty and the
Representative System of Government, during that period of his life
in which he swayed the armies and the people of France. - It is now
seen that the other European Despots .jj&n do but little towards
-checking its progress, and in spite of thempft will spread throughout
Europe in a- very few years. - i.j"
The next point for consideration is, the Coronation of- the King,
and the non-coronation and death of the Queen. Although I view all
such matters with the eye of a Republican, who thinks that both Kings
and Queens could be dispensed with, to the great advantage of the
community, still, as a political writer, living under a government that
is managed upon a principle even worse than that of absolute monar
chy, I do not feel justified in passing by such events with a republi
can contempt and indifference, lest my silence should be miscon
strued to an object that would grieve me to hear ; namely, a fear of,
or a succumbing to, my tyrants and persecutors.

I do not mean to complain, or to excite you to complain of the
enormous expence which has accrued to the nation since the death
of George the Third, to support the glorious monarchical principle,
although I venture to assert, that two millions of pounds sterling will
not cover the individual expences of George the Fourth within the
first two years of his ascension to the throne : and here I wish to be
understood, as by no means including the common charges upon the
Civil List for Judges and Public Officers ; nor even the grants and
pensions which are defrayed from that list ; I confine myself to the
individual expences arising from the King's Household and private
establishments, and the incidents which have accrued from his per
sonal will and gratification ; such as the prosecution of the Bill of
Pains and Penalties against the Queen, the Coronation, and the trips
to Ireland and the Continent. I do not mean to say, that direct
charges will be made upon the public to cover an expence to so
great an amount, but still, the public revenue and expenditure is not
the less affected, by resources being drawn from private and indirect
sources. No, Reformers : although I challenge contradiction to my state
ment of expence above, I do not wish you to complain, because I
think the accession of George the Fourth to the throne of Great Bri
tain is a well-timed incident to forward our cause — the Representa
tive System of Government, and Universal Liberty. We wanted just
such a King, to settle all the financial embarrassments of the govern
ment, and to open a new era in that goverment; as it matters not
to us by what means it is done, so that it is done. It will do us no
ultimate injury even if the King's individual expences be equal to a
sufficiency to manage the affairs of the whole Island under a com
plete Representative System of Government. It will only tend to
accelerate that grand desideratum, and whoever or whatever accele
rates that object is on our side ; and whilst that be the case, we will
overlook motives and unfavourable dispositions, and sing God save
King George the Fourth, as long as might be necessary ; but not a
minute longer than might please God and be necessary.
But as to the late Queen, I would fain pay her memory every tri
bute of respect that was due to her, for the spirit she roused in this
country, and the test which she formed for the popular feeling. I
hailed with joy her arrival in this country, and the greater part of the
steps she took when here, considering the manner in which she was
surrounded by place-hunting Lawyers, and the want of real infor
mation as to the extent of knowledge and the disposition of the peo
ple. She has been destroyed ! but, I cannot but think, that her death
has been well-timed, both for herself and the public. Indeed she
seems to have felt the sentiment I now express, and was conscious,
after what had passed respecting the coronation, that she could no
longer be happy in herself, or useful to the public welfare. It was a
sad mishap that led her to knock at the door of Westminster Hall
and Abbey, and to be scouted as a menial by the menials and hired
gladiators of her enemy. The moment that she received official no
tice that she was not to participate in the coronation, she ought to
have issued a proclamation of her determination on the day of the co
ronation, to measure her strength with that of her enemy. She
ought not to have survived that day, but as a triumphant and crowned
Queen. After she had suffered that day to pass as it did, she could

have no one single prospect that could make a continuation of life de
sirable ; and although 1 pitied her from my heart, as an innocent and
brutally injured woman, yet my nerves could notthrow forth, that tear
at her death which they have involuntarily done in reading the pro
gress of her life. However, her sufferings will continue to excite the
sympathies of future ages of Britons, whilst they will trample in the
dust and dirt every vestige of. a monument that tends to record the
name of. her enemy, under any other shape than that of historical
fact ; and whenever the inhabitants of this Island shall feel disposed
-to exhibit their natural powers, her surviving enemies will not escape,
or fail to receive from even-handed justice the punishment due to
their crimes.
. I have very little to say about the King's trip to Ireland ; I feel that
it is a subject I have no business to meddle with. I have never ad
dressed a line to the Reformers of Ireland ; and when I read of the
pranks that have lately been playing at Dublin,, I felt a pleasure to
think that. I had not committed myself on this head. In fact, I never
heard of any party in Ireland that advocated the' necessity of the
Representative System of Government ; or that, beyond Mr. George
Ensor and some other half-dozen individuals, there were any persons
in Ireland who called themselves Reformers. I have always consi
dered Ireland to be an Island sufficiently large and populous to form
an independent government ; and I have felt assured that, whenever
a Reform takes place in this country, Ireland will no longer remain a
conquered and dependent Island. When I say that I wish it inde
pendence, no Irishman will accuse me of a want of sympathy for his
sufferings and present degradation. The more small. and indepen
dent states there are on the face of the earth, the greater will be the
progress of civilization among mankind? It grieves me to read of
the present state of the Irish labourers, and I cannothelp ejaculating
a curse upon the Kings and Priests, who have kept them in such a
state of ignorance. I shall dismiss this subject by saying, that the
Kings's revelry in Ireland whilst his wife was laying dead and pass
ing to her tomb, was the only kind of conduct that could have added
to the picture of his former treatment ; and just that -particular thing
which might be said to have been adapted for capping the climax. Any
thing short of- such a demeanor, would have been but on a par with
what had happened before. In this case, Vice has triumphed over
Virtue ; but this conquest must be atoned for, it cannot pass un
heeded — it cannot be forgotten — it cannot be forgiven.
If the trip to the Continent produces no greater evil than a new
Queen, I shall think it well; but to me, it appears as if the chief ob
ject was a congress of Despots, who find it necessary to discuss
their own affairs in private, without even trusting their secrets and
their fears to. their Ministers or Secretaries. They are actually
.brought to a mutual dependence ; and if the Grand Turk wishes to
avoid a war with Russia, the best thing he> can do is, to send a few.
millions of pounds sterling into France and England, as a fund for
-the advancement of Reform. This is no bad hint, if any person can
get it into the Divan at Constantinople. Many a worse political mea
sure has been taken, by most governments. I speak seriously, when
I say that I am of opinion, the Russians would have been at Con
stantinople ere this, was it not from the fear of the Republicans in the

6
South of Europe. The moderation, hypocrisy, and peaceable feelings
of the Emperor Alexander are all a fudge. The fellow was frightened
at the Newspapers which contained a Report of my Mock Trials ; and
nothing but the Republican spirit of the South of Europe can keep
him in humble and inoffensive mood.
In Spain, affairs are proceeding just as well as I could wish them ;
and even within two years of their independence, there is no small
body of Spaniards who are arguing the necessity of a Republican form
of Government. I feel an interest in all those matters, because I stand
forward, almost alone, in this country, as the public avowed advo
cate of the Republican form of Government. I feel, and I doubt
not but others feel the same with me ; but I speak what I feel, and
say, that I do not think it possible that any, the slightest portion of
the European Monarchical Principle can exist, or be tolerated under
a Representative System of Government, for any length of time. If
the contrary be proved to me, either in Spain or in Portugal, seven
years hence, I will consent to be called a political quack. And as
Mr. Cobbett has publicly challenged me as to the propriety of calling
my weekly publication " The Republican," I beg repectfully to assure
him that, I never discovered the least impropriety in- the title ; and
that it is my present intention to renew the same weekly publication,
under the same title, at the commencement of the next year, in a stile
still more pointed, still more spirited than before. I feel assured that,
there is a present need of such a publication, to rouse a co-operating
spirit among the Reformers ; for, at present, there is an apathy so
disgraceful, that our enemies think of us, and speak of us as altoge
ther cowed and beaten. I will convince them and their Constitu
tional Assosiation that such is not the case with me ; and I rely upon
the great body of the Reformers to give me their support to this
point. I will endeavour to draw them off from all quarrels and dis
putes about words and names, and fix them to some principle of action
as to union and co-operation, or encourage them to persevere in any
such principle as might be then established.
And lastly, Reformers, I am to speak to you more particularly of
our present domestic affairs, and upon a subject which is the chief
purport of my present address to you. It is well known to you, that
since it has been proved that, what is called by our enemies the Ra
dical Press, was sufficiently powerful last year to save the Queen from
the fangs of her enemies, a monstrous association has been formed
within the present year, for the avowed purpose of rooting out and
destroying all further effect from that portion of the Press. I have
scarcely need to inform you, that I have been a particular object of the
vengeanceof this monstrous association ; and that no other publication,
but my New Year's Address to you, has yet been laid before a Jury ;
which has been the case in two instances. The first, was the prose
cution of my sister, the trial for which took place on the 24th July,
when the defendant and the publication were most ably, most honestly
and most effectually defended by Mr. Cooper, to whom both mine, my
sister's, and your thanks are particularly due ; and also to those ho
nest jurors who resisted the tools of the association ; and who would
have starved them rather than have yielded to a verdict of Guilty.
The next case is that of Mr. Ridgway of Manchester, against whom
an ignorant and servile jury at Lancaster has given a verdict of Guilty :

but it will add but little to the credit or dignity of this Association
to bring up Ridgway for Judgment, whilst his prosecutors might walk
into my shop, and purchase as many copies -of the same pamphlet as
they like. This will be an anomaly, indeed, in British Jurisprudence,
and in the Law of Libel ; particularly after their agent had urged re
peatedly the purchase of the pamphlet by Ridgway, before he could
have it in his possession, that these devils might prosecute him. The
case is, that at the time the pamphlet was obtained from Ridgway,
the first edition was out of print, and a copy of it was difficult to be
obtained ; neither would it have ever been reprinted, but for the pro
secution of it several months after it had been first published. With
the exception of the holding to bail, and indicting two other persons
who served in my shop, this is the extent of near a twelvemonths career
in their warfare against me, as I doubt whether they will get another
verdict within the present year. What then can they hope to effect, even
if their fund was as many millions as it is thousands ? I will find them
as many shopmen, and as many cases, as shall occupy the Court
of King's Bench throughout the year ; for as many years as they like-
to continue the traffic dr warfare. I will pledge myself, throughout
the next year, to-furnish the-m with a weekly case for prosecution, and
a new agent for each prosecution. If that same support can be con
tinued to me, which I have received since the publication of my Ap
peal to every part of the Public but Public Robbers, I will be bound to
annihilate this Association, and the Vice Society, if they will conti
nue to prosecute my publications. I will do one thing, to a certainty,
even if I have to stand alone ; I will shew them the total inutility of
prosecuting matters of opinion ; but if the Public continues to me
that same liberal support, which I have received for these last six
weeks, — and if those societies will keep to their promise of bending
-their joint force against me until I have no further influence with
the Press, I will be bound to empty their coffers — make a profit from,
the game, and laugh at the rogues afterwards-. In spite of all their .
prosecutions my influence has gone on increasing ; and I feel sensible
now, from what has passed, that I can continue to increase it. I
have passed all the evil effects of prosecutions against myself and
those in my employ ; and I will shew both these Associations, that I
will rise from it more like a giant refreshed, than as a victim cowed
and humbled.
In the year 1817, when the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended,
and just after Sidmouth had issued his famous Circular to the Magis
trates, all was alarm and terror ; but I take credit to myself in de
feating the effects of those two acts upon the Press. Although, I
was not a political writer at that time, I stood forward as the open and
avowed responsible publisher of the boldest and strongest political
writings that any man would write. I traversed the streets of London
at the rate of thirty miles per day ; pushing into every shop and every
direction, the Black Dwarf "and Sherwin's Register ; not forgetting
Southey's Twopenny Wat Tyler. As the Publisher of Mr. Sherwin's "
Political Register, and as the person responsible fpr the publication,
it was I who urged him on to that strength of writing, and sometimes
even violence, which he subsequently assumed, and which I knew
was calculated to keep up the ' other political writings to something
near the same standard. Mr. Sherwin was not a man of straw, as,

8
many persons have suspected, lie is the same person who now car
ries on business as Shenvin and Co. in Paternoster Row ; and he was
bold, because I was responsible for all his writings and urged him to
heboid. I had a deep impression that such steps would alone prove
effectual against attempted restrictions upon the Press, I determined
to try them at all hazards, and I have found them successful. The
late six acts, as far as tiny regard the Press, have proved a mere
dead letter ; and so shall every enactment of the kind, for in this
country, if a direct censorship on the Press was established, we
could keep up a private circulation that should baffle its object. Mr.
Hone, too, might thank me for his present elevated condition as a
tradesman : I am bold to say it, because he, and hundreds of persons,
know it well. He published his Parodies early in the year 1817 ; but
as soon as they were denounced in the House of Commons as blas
phemous, because they imitated the stile of some holy writings, he
withdrew them from sale, carefully gathering them up from every
shop that had exposed them for sale. However, this did not screen
him from the Attorney General's Informations : he was prosecuted,
and imprisoned in the King's Bench Prison for want of bail, at the
same time with Mr. Wooler. Mr. Wooler was brought to trial, and
defeated Mr. Attorney General ; and Mr. Hone obtained his liberation,
with an understanding that the prosecution would drop. However,
the Parodies were suppressed, and there was a great demand for them.
This did not suit my taste and object at all, I resolved to reprint the
Parodies, and so valuable were they considered from the suppression,
that I found some difficulty to get at copies. I was then transacting
business and known well at Mr. Hone's shop, but I could not get a
set from that quarter ; and I believe the same conduct was uniformly
observed to every enquirer, for I know that great prices were offered for
them, evenfl foreach two penny pamphlet ; andlalsoknowthat, a, Gen
tleman in Lincoln's Inn gave five half guineas for the five parodies that
Mr. Hone had suppressed. Mr. Hone was liberated about the end of
June, or beginning of July, and the Parodies still suppressed; at
length, I obtained copies, and put them to the Press instantly ; and
on the 7th August I hoisted my placards, and announced to the asto
nished public the Suppressed Parodies for sale, and I believe that I am
right when I say that, this was the first time that ever an individual
bade defiance to the Veto of the Attorney General upon any publica
tion whatever.
I was menaced by Mr. Hone for having infringed on his copyright,
although he had relinquished all idea of profit from it ! I was threat
ened with a process in the Ecclesiastical Court, in the Spiritual Court,
by Injunction in the Court of Chancery, in the King's Devil's Court,
and I know not what other courts ; but I laughed at all menace, kept
my colours flying, and the Parodies selling; and on the 14th of Au
gust I was arrested on three Judges' warrants, and in default of
£800 bail, was sent to the King's Bench Prison ; but Mrs. Carlile
continued the sale of the Parodies in defiance of all prosecution. I
continued in the King's Bench Prison until the 20th of December, a
period of eighteen weeks, when on the successive acquittals of Mr.
Hone, I was liberated on my own recognizances of £300. During
this period of my confinement, I was condemned by all persons and
ptirtn-s for being so violent,' but I have always felt the inward satis-

faction, that wha-tever good arose from Mr. Hone's Defences and
Acquittals I was the main spring of producing. that good. I felt dis
gusted to see the charge of blasphemy brought against such simple,
such ridiculous publications, and I soon resolved to put the question
to an issue; and, although it occasioned me a great- loss, and Mr.
Hone a very great gain, both he and the Public are indebted to me
for having brought him into Court. He would have made any con
cession or compromise to have avoided the prosecution, but it was in
vain; he was the first publisher, and although he had completely
suppressed his own publication, still the copies of them were in full
sale at my shop.
The particulars of my subsequent conduct are' too well known to
need recapitulation herej I have gone into the former detail that the
Public, to whom I have appealed for support, might be in possession
of some earnest, of some proof, that it is only a similar disposition to
that which I displayed in the case of the Parodies, and 'the Works of
Thomas Paine, that can make an effectual stand against such a mon
strous Association as that in Bridge-Street. I am sorry to perceive
- that there is not an individual among the London Booksellers whom
they have indicted, that has shewn the disposition to make such a
stand against them; and I can plainly perceive that if this stand
be not made against them, through the medium of my shop, the
Gang will be but too successful in their measures. I call upon
every man who is not disposed to support such an Association in its
attempts upon the Press, to give me the best aid, assistance, and sup
port, that he can. I appeal to him upon whatever title he rests, whe
ther Tory, Whig, or real Reformer, and I would tell him, that a
neglect to support me in this warfare, will be equivalent to a direct-
support of the Association; unless some other person should stand
forward upon the same principle that I have done, and purpose to
continue. I shall be most happy to find similar determinations with
my own, because I feel assured that the more numerous the persons-
who will bid defiance to all prosecutions for what are called seditious
and blasphemous libels, the more effectual will be the result. I nei
ther affect singularity, nor wish to be singular in this case; Twill en
deavour to exhibit an example that shall shew the utter inutility of
prosecuting matters of political or theological opinion ; and I Call
upon every Printer, every Publisher, and every Bookseller, in the
country, to follow that example, and support the just rights and in
terests of their profession — a clear and fair dispute upon all ques
tions. The Press has superseded the Forum for all matters of lite
rary controversy, and whilst I can use a single Press, nothing impor
tant to mankind shall be suppressed, even if I have to offend those
important personages called Kings and Priests, or any other descrip
tion of public and privileged robbers.
My enemies have the means of amassing greater sums of money
than I can hope for, to carry on the warfare ; they appeal to every
sinecurist, and pensioner, and placeman, with an irresistible tone : —
f Will you not rather subscribe a portion of your income to support
this Association, in preference to suffering a Representative System
of Government to be carried into effect, which' will most assuredly
deprive you of the whole?" This«a.ppeal, I say, is irresistible, and it
is upon this ground that they have accumulated their thousands.

10
However, a prosecution which will cost them One Hundred Pounds,
I can defend, upon an average, for Ten ; and even if they convict,
they shall find they are not a step in advance ; there shall be conti
nually the same thing to do again,whilst a few checks such as that on
the prosecution of my sister will prove fatal to them, and such checks
they may still expect. One half of the Indictments which they have
presented to Grand Juries have been rejected, and as yet they have
carried but one verdict, and that is both scandalous and disgraceful
to themselves, particularly if the individual be brought up for judg
ment. I therefore trust, that every honest man and woman in the country
will see the propriety of giving me their support ; and I further trust,
that my past conduct renders my appeal any thing but presumptuous.
P. CARLILE.

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Sir, Edinburgh, July 24, 1821.
I received your letter dated June 20th, enclosed with a few of your recent
publications, which I think very much of; your Life of Thomas Paine is well
done, and your Address to Men of Science is excellent. But you, my dear
Sir, entertain far too good an opinion of mankind in general ; you suppose
them all endowed with a mind as noble as your own : but it appears to me
that you are too sanguine in your expectations ; a man of your knowledge
and experience must certainly know that men are not all susceptible of rea
soning, nor will they ever be of one way of thinking: some, accoriling to their
organization, are prone to superstition and credulity the most enthusiastic, and
take no pleasure in using their reasoning powers, except in matters beyond the
reach of human knowledge, or in metaphysical subjects which can never be
demonstrated. I am exactly of your opinion about the impropriety of forming societies for
theological discussion, and it was never my intention in endeavouring to form
our present society, to meddle with these matters in public : my principal ob
ject was (as I observed that men naturally incline to run into societies) to
collect a few men of liberal opinions, with the intention of instructing one
another in scientific subjects, or general literature. I have so far succeeded ;
we have a fine hall, in which those who choose meet every Sunday; we have
a good library, and one of us reads a book of science, literature, or general
history, on which we pass our remarks as we go along : but if we had a scien
tific gentleman or two to give us an occasional lecture it would be of much
service; but as 'yet we cannot expect one, as we are not in circumstances to
pay a regular lecturer, and no man bred to science will be likely to come near
„ us, as the very name of lecturing to a society of Deists would, at present,
prevent him from ever getting further employment.
Another object I had in view, in commencing our Society, was to shew the
Christians that we are, by our moral conduct, as much to be respected as
any other denomination of men; and you must observe, as well as me, that
no great object is ever obtained except by joining in society; and I cannot
help thinking that it is the scattered and unconnected manner in which men of
our opinions have hitherto lived, with regard to one another, has been the only
obstacle to their becoming both a large and powerful body. I was a constant
reader of your Republican so long as it was allowed in this country, and I
have a copy of your Deist ; it gives me no small satisfaction to perceive from
your writings that we are so nearly allied in opinions and principles.
I am quite disgusted to have the people every now and then petitioning for
their rights ; ought not every man to have his rights ? Can any thing be more
degrading and ridiculous than to know men paying taxes who are not in the

II
smallest degree represented by those who levy them, or to suppose that any
House of Commons, on the present svstem, can truly represent the People, or
will ever, or can ever, reform themselves ? But even suppose that they were
elected on the most universal principle of suffrage, they would be either cor
rupted by the other two powerful hereditary bodies of perfectly opposite inte
rests, I mean the King, and the born legislators, the Peers, or there would be a
similar contest to that in the time of Charles the First. A National Conven
tion should be formed to settle the proper method of Reform, and to what
length it should go ; then, and not till then, shall, we have a Government fitted
to the general wishes of the People, and good of all.
A few of the Friends of Freedom, in this City, met on the 29th of January
last, to celebrate the Anniversary of the birth of that illustrious and immortal
individual, Thomas Paine. Your humble servant was called to the chair, and
we had a simple- meal served up, as most appropriate to the festivity of that
never-to-be-forgotten day. The following are a few of the toasts expressed
on that occasion, with enthusiasm : —
The Immortal Memory of Thomas Paine, and may his Merits and Exertions
be duly appreciated.
The Sovereignty of the People, and may the time soon arrive when they shall
gain- the Privilege^ and the Right of choosing their own Rulers. '
The Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty over all the world.
May the Armies of Despots' always prove their own downfall.
May the Armies sent to stop the Progress of Freedom., always catch the Flame
they are sent to smother.
- The Republic of Hayti, and may it always keep free from the trammels of
.Kings and Priests.
Mr. Richard Carlile, and may the Exertions he has made in the Cause of Free
dom be remembered to the latest generation. .
There were many other toasts and songs suitable to the occasion, with in
strumental music, and all went off with the greatest harmony and gorjd hu
mour, and it was unanimously resolved, that the same Anniversary should be
kept every year.
I observe in one of your Addresses to Reformers, an account of a similar
Meeting in Leeds : it is certainly cheering to see the spirit of liberality spread
ing over the country ; and too much cannot be done to keep alive the memory
of the hero of liberty. I hope the day is not far distant when his'principles
will shine forth like the unclouded meridian sun.
I am Sir, Your's, &c
JAMES AFFLECK.

TO MR. JAMES AFFLECK, EDINBURGH.
Deab Sir, Dorchester Gaol, August 20th, 1821.
I am happy to find, that I have still your approbation in my career ; as, to excite the
attention and approbation of virtuous men, is my chief ambition. I am not so sanguine,
as you seem to imagine, upon the general disposition of mankind : I know well there is
a portion whose interest or welfare is not worth contending for ; as all exertfons in
their behalf avail nothing, from their own apathy and ignorance. But in all acts of
philanthropy, in every attempt to ameliorate the condition of mankind, we must
. view them as a whole, we cannot divide them, if we use exertions as well as wishes to
ameliorate their condition. I am fully sensible of the general credulity of mankind,
but there is no other method of reclaiming them, with any effect, but by a bold im
peachment of that error which they cherish. The Philanthropist and Philosopher can
never take into consideration all the diiferent degrees of thinking among mankind, he,
knowing that man is an animal capable of acquiring reason, must not. hesitate at the
variety of organizations among men, if he did, he would never accomplish the least
good : he must hoist the standard of Reason, and'proclaim to the deluded multitude,
" He that wishes to be wise and happy must follow me." If we stop to consult all the
variety of fear, ignorance, prejudice, and bigotry, among mankind, we shall never
make any progress towards a Radical Reform, or a Republican Government, which
means one and the same thing. We must teach them the whole of what is right and
essential to their happiness; and if they have not all just conceptions of what we

12
teach, or of our motives, we must bring them on by degrees, .iml be content to wait
with patience, until they are sufficiently advanced. But you will admit, that he who
makes the greatest impression upon the greatest number is die best teacher, and such
a man, in my opinion, was Thomas Paine.
I am happy to find our opinions are so nearly allied, and am pleased with the man
ner in which 'the business of your society is conducted ; and I further hope, that as
the Pitt Clubs arc evidently and avowedly falling abroad, we shall be able to esta
blish Paine Clubs that shall prove more durable. Give my respocls to the members of
your society, and let them accept my thanks for their good whiles.
J Yours, ii.c. R. CARLILE,

TO MR. It. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Dear Sir, Edinburgh, October 5, 1021.
Your ideas are good, in viewing mankind in the aggregate, but 1 doubt much
whether you will not find, upon closer examination, that the undeserving por
tion you' take notice of constitute the greater part: but I am persuaded that
if the one half of mankind were honest and independent, and to make a lair
exertion, they would soon accomplish all their reasonable wishes. It is, how
ever, necessary that all their proceedings should be open, and tend to mutual
union, co-operation, and perseverance. I can value that man but little, who
holds opinions and principles which he durst not avow, in comparison to him
who is honest enough to speak and act upon what he thinks. But those- who
act in an upright manner for the good of the whole, are only a very small
portion; and the great bulk of mankind, in all ages, will probably remain the
gaping, the wondering, the unthinking, and the deceived multitude. You will
observe, Sir, as well us I, that when any extraordinary character, particularly
interested for the good of the human race, figures upon the stage of the moral
world, his merits and exertions are never duly appreciated ; he lives, as it
were, an age before his fellow men ; and after he is numbered with the dead,
then, and not till then, begin to appear his merits to the succeeding and ad
miring generations. We have a proof of this melancholy fact, in the illustri
ous, the injured, and persecuted Thomas Paine ; you know how he was tra
duced, vilified, despised, persecuted! And even in America! a country that I
never name without emotions of joy, a country deeply indebted to that indi
vidual: but how did they neglect him in his last moments! not a tongue to
sooth, not a friendly hand to administer comfort, scarcely an eye to weep and
mourn, or a heart to grieve, for the expiring philosopher, whose pen was ever
employed in defending the rights of man, and particularly the men of Ame
rica ! It draws tears from my eyes, when I read the latter part of his life.
But enough of the melancholy, let me congratulate you on more cheering pros
pects : his principles have taken root in our own country, and I hope at no
distant day they will shine forth with resplendent lustre. Thanks to a few
virtuous, independent, and philanthropic individuals, who have stood forward
in defiance of all danger, to advocate those principles, and yourself, Sir, among
the boldest. I admire your manly fortitude, and nothing shall be wanting on
my feeble part to render you every assistance in my power, and I hope there
are thousands in the same mind as myself. But I cannot omit mentioning my
sorrow at observing such a backwardness among gentlemen of our opinions,
who have time, talents, and means, to assist you and the cause of freedom ;
however, I hope they will be induced to come forward in a more free manner.
I think you should recommend, through your publications, that men of De-
istical and Pepublican principles, in various places, should form themselves
into clubs denominated Radical, or as we have done in Edinburgh, Paine
Clubs, and to meet every year on the 29th of January, to celebrate the me
mory, and keep alive the principles, of that eminent man. They might also
keep up a correspondence with each other. Just figure to yourself the grand
effect of perhaps a thousand different clubs, met in as many different places, on
that day, and all zealous in the cause of freedom, and anxious to promulgate
the principles of human happiness ! It is also your duty to advise every Ueist

13
and Republican to bring up their children as such : if these things were prac
tised, I am persuaded that in a'short time we should have a sure, safe, and
compleat change in the theological and political opinions of mankind.
It is certainly an infamous plan, which is too often followed by men of our
opinions, to allow their children to be educated in the old superstitious system.
Suppose you and I, with many more, have been able to throw off the pre
judices of our early education, perhaps our children, if initiated in the like
prejudices, would not be capable of the like exertions ; therefore, it becomes
our duty to take care of their instruction in.proportion as we value the cause :
and it is not common for people educated in liberal principles to fall back to
superstition : it is by such means as these in my humble opinion, that we shall
arrive at consolidation and respectability.
In my last letter, after reading your Address to Men of Science, I
mentioned as my opinion that you was rather sanguine, but I roust confess,
that your answer has perfectly satisfied me ; I see that it is not only wishes,
but exertions combined with those wishes, that will bring about a radical re
form : but at the same time anxious as I am for a republican form of Govern
ment, I never entertain the idea that Deism will become universal ; my most
sanguine wishes are, that Deists may gain a due preponderance in the com
munities of mankind; and I do assure you, if my single vote could establish
a system of Deism to the exclusion of. all other systems, I would not give it.
My principles are, a republican form of Goverement, and all parties or sects
of men, whatever their religious opinions may be, so long as moral rectitude is
observed, to be protected, and every man to worship or not as pleases himself.
You express a hope that our weekly meetings are open for every person ;
they certainly are; we either read essays, or debate upon the subject pro
posed the preceding Sunday; and sumetimes the Christians present join in the
proceedings. How long we may go on, I cannot tell ; you have full liberty to
use my name to any thing that I write ; I hope that I shall never entertain
opinions which I should be ashamed to avow. I am well known in this city
for a Deist and Republican, and I am proud to be known as such. , Doubt
less, I have lost some customers on account of -my opinions, but I care, not;
more happy is the independent man with a simple meal procured by his own
exertions, than the wretch who feeds upon the crumbs that fall from the mo
narch's table, or than the sycophant that basks in the sunshine of royalty.
-' I gave your respects to the Members of our Paine Club, who return you
their best wishes, and thanks for your exertions. We are not, as yet, very nu
merous, but I think we shall increase, and we expect a good meeting on the
29th of January next.
I am sorry to learn by an Advertisement in Cobbett's Register, that so little
has been collected towards your fine and expences ; I think I shall be able to
collect from our Club, and" a few acquaintances, a few pounds more ; but
there are some poor men amongst us who are not able both to buy books and
subscribe, which makes the subscriptions less, as they are anxious to get books.
I am Sir, Yours respectfully, JAMES AFFLECK.
TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Dear Sir, 'London, July 31, 1821.
For a great length of time, I have been upon the verge of writing to you, to
express my obligations for the delight which the perusal of your publications
has afforded me, and which have been the means of dispelling the gloom
that occasionally pervaded my mind upon the subject of Religion ; but diffi
dence, together with various causes, have operated to prevent me. The pe
riod, however, I think has arrived, when to remain longer a passive spectator
of the means that are taken by your enemies to crush you, would be held a
remission that was baiely pardonable, and especially as we scarcely hear any
thing else but the Parsons vociferating in .the ears of the People, Blasphemy,
Infidelity, Rebellion, Radicalism, &c. in order that they might fhe more effec-

14
tnaliv carry their own diabolical views into efl'ect; and therefore, without any
further preface, shall proceed to the objects of this letter.
To commence, I beg you will accept my sincere thanks in being the instru
ment of removing the cloud that overspread my brain. The works you have
had the courage and honesty to present to the public cannot be duly appre
ciated; they are indeed, as you justly observe, calculated to elevate and en
noble the mind of man, containing principles founded upon the basis of truth,
humanity, justice, experience, and reason : to say, as the Priests say, that
those works are only ushered into the world for the purpose of exciting mur
der, impiety, and sedition, would be uttering a base falsehood : they are, ot
all others, most likely to benefit the moral welfare of man — in short, to make
him a rational and sbciable being, inasmuch as they inculcate nothing but
virtue and morality diroughout. Could he but extricate himself from his
wretched superstitions, he would soon be in a capacity to extricate himself
from his political slavery, also ; and here, I conceive, every honest breast must
feel the more indebted to you for your endeavours to root out the corrupt influ
ence of the Church, which, beyond a doubt, is by far the greatest in the ab
stract. For instance, look at the influence of a Parson over his flock, and the
wonder will immediately cease how the vast innovations have, taken place
upon Englishmen's liberties ; it is, undoubtedly, the main spring of the mis
fortunes which now afflict this country. These enemies to mankind have so
completely taken possession of the People's senses by their sanctified and spe
cious appearance, and by preaching their passive obedience and non-resistance
doctrine, have plunged them into such a-lethargic state, that they are either
indifferent, or are afraid to think for themselves ; but I trust, from the rapid
progress that Deism has made, through your exertions, they will, ere long, rid
themserves of the power of the Priest, and muster a little energy, and ask
themselves the question, whether their spiritual guides would preach to them
without salary'? They might, perhaps, then be brought to the conclusion, that
" Religion is a human Institution, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and
monopolize power and profit."
Those individuals who advocate the cause of freedom, and at the same
time uphold the Church, knowing as they must that this is the source from
whence the largest portion of corruption, emanates, cannot be better desig
nated than as nondescripts ; or if they do not come under that character,
they do under something much worse. For my own part, the man that will
tell us that a Reform in State only is wanting, I regard as a dishonest person ;
and yet there are many public men claiming to befriends of the People, that are
preaching this at the present day. Have we not had ample evidence to con
vince us. that in all countries, and in all ages, where there has been an esta
blished Religion, there has been no permanent happiness. As an illustration'
of what I am asserting, witness the black gentry in Spain, since the Spaniards
have shaken off their political and religious slavery ; I say, look at these de
testable creatures, in their attempts to sow discord among the People, and ex
cite them to rebellion, for the purpose of furthering their own hellish purposes,
and afterwards cast your eye to the same description of locusts in this country,
in their conduct towards the Queen, and in many other instances, and then, how,
I would ask, can any man feel the least respect for such worthies, or the Re
ligion that ranks them for her tutors? It is earthly power they seek, and
while the People continue so credulous, and in their astonishing attachment
to their hobgoblins, devils, and ghosts, the Priests will never fail to possess it.
There never will be freedom while they are in existence. Here is the effect of
a religious establishment.
The intrepidity you have displayed in propagating the productions of the
immortal Mr. Paine, and other eminent writers, and the sufferings you have
been doomed to in consequence thereof, cannot do otherwise than excite the
mingled admiration and sympathy of every liberal-minded man ; and it is to
these individuals I would appeal, to exert themselves as far as their respective
means will permit, both to purchase your various publications, and to raise
subscriptions for persecuted and imprisoned patriots. Speaking for myself
(and without the least dissimulation) whenever I think of the harshness of

T5
your sentence, coupled with the ill treatment to which you and your family
have been subjected, for your efforts in endeavouring to ameliorate the abject
condition of your fellow countrymen, not forgetting the infamous plundering of
your house in Fleet-street,' I cannot sufficiently express my disgust for the
creatures that could inflict such unwarrantable severities. As I was in Court
a great portion of the time during your mock trial, I could clearly perceive
what would be the result; and Lhave considered it a duty I owed you for
your manly and upright conduct upon that occasion, to assist you as far as
,iny humble circumstances would admit of, in purchasing your writings and
publications, and which I have continued to do from the Manchester Tragedy
down to the present time; a truth, I believe, Mrs. Carlile, the Shopman, arid
your Sister, can sufficiently attest.. To see your business annihilated, and
your .shop shut up is what the Vice Society, the villifying Rascal that edites the
" Times," and other hypocrites, would exult in ; and as this must inevitably be
-the case if you ai-e not Supported amidst your accumulated persecutions, it
becomes the more incumbent upon us to step forward and see that you do not
fall a victim to your relentless and dastardly persecutors.
In your last Address to the Reformers of Great Britain, which lies before
me, I perceive with pleasure the lively interest the inhabitants of Stockport,
Leeds, and Manchester, still continue to take in your behalf. Could the same
independent spirit be evinced throughout the Kingdom, no person now suffering
imprisonment, at the instance of Despotism, would .regret his sitnation, save
his confinement. The majority of the People are, doubtless, in your favour,
but I am sory to say, the local disadvantages they are subject to, precludes
them from openly .manifesting their approbation of' your conduct. Notwith
standing the difficulties they have to contend with in this respect, [ indulge the
¦hope tliat many towns and villages will have sufficient courage to imitate the
noble example set them by the above-mentioned places, in establishing a fund '
for this laudable purpose, I am happy to inform you that there is, at length,
one established in London, entitled " The Patriotic Benevolent Society," to
which I am a subscriber. There is also an excellent one at Nottingham, in
defiance of the ministerial faction there. There is, likewise, one recently
established at a village a small distance south of the Thames ; and I think it
extremely probable that their example will serve as a stimulus to the sur
rounding places : and I am given to understand there is one about to com
mence at a small village in Kent, and it is to be hoped their humane intentions
will meet with that success the subject demands. The principal, obstacle,
however, that presents itself to the foundation of institutions of this descrip
tion, (although their object is one enjoined by the Holy Bible, namely, to re
lieve their fellow men in adversity,) I had nearly forgotten to mention, and
that is, the prodigious power -Bested in tlie hands of Parish Priests, the greater
part of whom, you are aware, are magistrates ; and for any man to fall under
the lash of these Peace-makers, he is sure to be ruined in his circumstances.
Such being the fact, it will cause less surprise that no regular or specific plan
has been hithertp adopted among the liberal part of the community, for im
parting relief to those individuals who have had the honesty to attack King
Castlereagh, and Co., and are now suffering incarceration. for .what these re
spectables term political and religious offences.
. The prosecutions against your Sister, and Mr. Bere, your late Shopman,
•have ended in the usual manner ; the Jury, without the least hesitation, return
ing a Verdict of Guilty, except in the one instituted by the Banditti in Bridge-
Street. Knowing what an easy matter it is, for the tools of Ministers to get a
packed Jury to return " a Verdict of Guflty" in such cases, I am not dis
appointed. Well might Mr. Hunt, soon after his return from York, upon the
toast being drank, " Trial by Jury," at the .Crown and Anchor, stand up and
assert that " Trial by Jury was a Farce ;" and, from the issues of Trials of
late, who can deny the correctness of the remark? But it proves to be that
sort of farce that affords serious amusement to the accused, and I say, the
sooner this farcical justice of packing Juries is put aside, the tetter, and
the play will then proceed as it ought. This, I presume, will furnish the Vice
Society with additional grounds to-go begging for fuither aid; but every per-

16
son that has a grain of sense must see, if they will look and examine, that
their practice is the very reverse of their profession, and that instead of sup
pressing vice, they are actually employed in suppressing and rooting out e\ ery
incentive to virtue and morality. I do not know whether the Limehouse
Doctor, or Parson Wait of Bristol, belong to this respectable Junto, but if
they do not, I think from their late pious efforts to uphold the glorious Gospel,
they should be admitted without delay : the former, I recollect, in his offi
cious communication to you shortly after your Trial, promised among other
things, a refutation of Mr. Paine's " Age of Reason ; " I have not seen this
promised refutation myself, neither do I think any one else has ; except in
deed, the Doctor's Letter addressed to a Deist, which appeared in the Re
publican, and which I can hardly presume he means as an answer to that ce
lebrated work. Perhaps the worthy Christian began it, but found the task
beyond his reach ; I think this the most likely : however that might be, the
Rev. Gentleman has lost nothing in attacking infidelity; for since his praise
worthy attempts to reclaim yi-u, he has been promoted. We now see this
Divine, Morning and Evening Lecturer at half the Churches in London ; and
where there is to be a sermon preached upon any particular occasion, our
eyes are gratified with a large placard, about a yard square, blazoned upon the
walls of the metropolis, announcing it to be " by The Rev. Dr. Rudge, Rec
tor of Limehouse," &c. &c. who, it is rumoured, is to be Chaplain to the
King. So it appears it is a sure road to preferment for a Parson to attack any
work that calls in question the purity of the Christian Religion.
You will have the goodness to present my best respects to Mrs. Cailile,
and I hope that she and your infant son, Master Thomas Paine, are well.
Trusting you will excuse the freedom with which I have addressed you, and
that you may live to see the day when reparation shall be made you for your
manifold injuries, is the fervent wish of,
Dear Sir, Yours very sincerely,
JOHN TOWNSEND.

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Sir, Leeds, Sept. 10, 1821.
I am happy in taking this opportunity of addressing you as well as my feeble
abilities will allow. Your brave and intrepid conduct, in combating and ex
posing corruption in whatever shape it takes, or can be found, in my humble
opinion, is worthy of every man's best thanks who wishes well to his country;
and I further think, it is the duty (which by no means or manner of excuse
ought to be neglected) of each individual who approves of your writings and
conduct, to take the earliest opportunity of manifesting the same by contri
buting every way in his or her power to alleviate your unparalleled persecution,
and to strain every nerve in striving to indemnify you in pecuniary matters. I
would appeal to every honest, impartial, and unprejudiced person, who may
have read and approved of your valuable writings, to say, whether the forcible
and manly manner iu which you handle the subjects you take in hand is not
deserving of every kind of support that can be given? And I hope that those
who have had the opportunity of reading, and who wish to increase the num
ber of rational beings, will unite and use every possible means in their power
to circulate and give publicity to your masterly productions. To a reflecting
mind, there needs no stronger proof of the value of your writings, than a view
of the manner in which you and your family have been, and continue to be
treated, by that corrupt host in Church and State, whose only passions are
avarice, cowardice, and tyranny. O that Britons would but reflect, and ex
ercise their reason! let all personal quarrels subside, bury all animosities in
oblivion, and look to the numbers of our brave fellow-countrymen, who are
incarcerated in their gloomy dungeons ! They could not but see how neces
sary their exertions are to cheer, support, and liberate those aspiring charac
ters who have boldly braved the vengeance of the enemy.
It is my opinion, that much might be done to stop the cold-blooded borough

It
scheme,, in its undisguised tyranny, if we set rightly about.it. It is only re
quired for men to unite and use the powerful energies that the God of Nature
has implanted m the breast of all. I am persuaded that we should not have
long to drag the galling chains of a usurping Oligarchy, nor deplore our present
degraded-, condition, if men would but act as men ought to act — tear off the
mas* of dissimulation, and avow what they wish, and mean, and hold to be
right. To you, Sir, whose reasonings and arguments are-.of that' powerful
kind to. rouse every dormant principle of resistance to tyrants and sycophants, ,
we are particularly indebted. To you, who have attacked Corruption iji her
strong holds, by striking superstition at the root, we should be doubly grateful.
Posterity will, derive lasting benefits from your great exertions, and will, I have
no doubt, venerate the name of Richard Carlile, from age to age. Of this, I
can assure you, that your friends here, particularly those who are " bold
enough to be honest, and honest enough to be bold," to avow themselves to
be of similar principles, who will use every means in their power to instill into
the minds of their rising offspring a due respect for both you, your family,-and
your writings. For my own part, I shall ever think the greatest exertions I
can make will fall far short of what I owe to your from the pleasure and in
formation I have derived from perusing and reflecting on your admirable pro
ductions. I do not know that I should have ventured to address you, but that our
worthy friend William Ellis being absent from Leeds at present, we were de
sirous to send you the enclosed sum of £5. which we hope you will receive safe.
This sum has been subscribed by the undersigned friends to freedom ; and we
further hope that we shall have it in our power to give you some further aid at
no very distant period : in fact, according to our circumstances, we. shall con
sider it a duty to do all in our power.
In endeavouring to express our sentiments on the defeat of the notorious Bridge-
»Street Ministerial Minions,we find some difficulty, as we consider them a despica
ble gang of would-be-tyrants, who have been priding themselves in their success
¦ against a defenceless female, who, by her conduct has displayed a more noble
and magnanimous disposition than ever actuated any of that reptile tribe. In
the eye of every, person whose breast is possessed of the least drop of the
milk of human kindness, her conduct must appear commendable. We think
it the greatest honour to her to be sister to such a man, and her greatest fault,
in the eyes of her enemies, was to be named Carlile, and to be acting up to
the dictates of conscience, in supporting a persecuted brother. What kind of
characters must they be who would not applaud such conduct? As for. such
characters as compose that Bridge-Street horde of robbers, knaves, and fools,
they may be .fitted for the court of a Nero, but every honest Englishman must
detest them. Indeed, a pretty specimen it is of what would be if it could be,
when a gang of petty tyrants vainly fancy that their lordly titles and imbecile
. minds can check the ardent spirits of freeborn men, and the march of Truth.
I sincerely hope, and flatter myself the day is not far distant when every man
who wishes it w.ll have an opportunity to step forward, and assist in hurling
destruction on, the tyrants who oppress him. Accursed be the vile, the cow
ard heart that would refuse to pour forth its warmest vital stream, in the at
tempt to obtain its rights and liberties, when, that opportunity shall offer. I
conclude, in behalf of the whole, with an anxious desire for your liberation.
R. W. BYERLEY.

TO MR. R. W. BYERLEY.
gIK) Dorchester Gaol, September %Oth, 1821.
I feel honoured by the sentiments expressed in your address, and hope that my fu
ture conduct will be of that kind, as shall not disgrace those persons who now iden-
tify themselves with me, and support the principle, of which to be the approved ad
vocate, is my chief ambition : and I return my thanks to my friends at Leeds, for
the continued encouragement and support they are giving me.
In taking a deliberate view of all the principles which the various degrees of Reform
ers pride themselves on advocating, from the most trifling or moderate, to the most
2

18
Tadical, I have at length concluded, that there is a lack of honesty in every plan that
does not embrace the principle of warring against every species of corruption, whether
political or religious.
Corruption, as a principle, is the same thing in every shape, and whena society or
nation is infected with it, it is of very little consequence whether it come under the
denomination of Church or State — religious or political ; its first and last object is,
that one portion of that community should tax the labour and property of the remain
der, and live in splendid idleness upon it. Whether that tax comes under the name
of tithes, dominicals, church rates, or any of that infinity of names for taxes for the
political administration of affairs, matters nothing, and is alike to the tax payer.
I would tell the man who calls himself a Radical Reformer, and shrinks from an
identification with the Reformer of Priestcraft, as well as Kingcraft, that he is but
half an advocate fur liberty; and that too in the least important point : for mental
slavery is tl.e sure and certain ground on which to establish bodily slavery. He is
not a Radical Reformer. The craft of Monarchy and Priesthood is a joint craft, and
lie that is the advocate of one cannot consistently oppose the other. As far as either is
the choice of the nation, in free election and free support, I as one of a minority,
would not complain ; but where either is enforced by a corrupt and unjust power, I
am its enemy, and will seek to raise a power that shall abolish it. The representative
system of government is that power, and under that system, I feel assured, that no spe
cies of priestcraft can long flourish. With those men who profess to support both
monarchy and the priesthood I have no connexion, because my mind augurs that a full
representation of the people of this Island will never countenance an established
priesthood, nor any thing but an elective magistracy, the alternatives have origi
nated and been supported by fraud and force, and 1 will never countenance either
tiie one or the other, by word or deed. With those who advocate the expedience of
.dissimulation on those points I have no connection, for I can perceive, in such con
duct, not only an hypocrisy, but a disposition to wink at and support any other un
just power, provided they have an interest in it. It is interest alone which guides the
hypocrite and those who ha\e principles in their bosoms, different from those who ex
hibit, or profess to approve in piivatc what they durst not avow in public, lest their
interest should be atfected by it, are actuated by a principle of hypocrisy that cannot
be defended : it is a dissimulation or deceit, for the sake of gain; which is the only
definition that can be given of hypocrisy.
I have no principles in my bosom but those I avow, and 1 call upon the advocates
of Reform throughout the Island to take the same ground with me, as the only one
upon which any thing like a union or co-operation can be established. Every plan
or scheme for the obtaining of Reform, «li ich falls short of the extreme on which I
stand, can only lead to bickering, to doubt, and to jealousy, of the various advocates
one among another : there is a fixed and determinate principle deficient, and words
may be played upon to eternity without ever producing that principle in the minds
of the different dissentients : there is a looking one way, and talking and acting upon
another, which to say the best for it, is nothing more than an aberration in mind and
conduct, if we overlook the dishonesty — the admitted dishonesty. To accomplish
the object we have in view — to establish a representative system of government, we
must co-operate, both in views, in principles, and in actions, and this can be only done
upon the extreme. If the caviller tells me that my extremes are not good, or no ex
tremes are good, I would ask him what he thinks of the extremes of honesty, of mora
lity and virlue ? Would he prefer the medium to the extreme of either of these prin
ciples ? The reformation of a bad system is a point of honesty, of morality and vir
tue, and the extreme is the only point that is strictly good.
I am sensible, Sir, that those observations were not required to advance your ideas
of what is necessary as a principle of action in seeking a reform in our government, but
as the correspondence is public, I have thrown it out as an argument, which jou might
use to advance any of your neighbours, who might not be forward to come up to the
point wLich you have taken.
Stand fast, Sir, with your friends, neighbours, and countrymen who have taken the
same extreme, and you will find every Reformer must follow you before any one step
of Reform be brought into practice. No party can do any thing upon any other posi
tion. He is a mere Reformer of the branches'of the corrupt system which spreads all
around us : he is not a Radical Reformer, who would consent to leave any power in
the hands of the Priests or the other distinguished craft in the system.
He, whose mind is imbued wilh fanaticism, can never make a good Reformer : an
anarchist he might be, one of an infatuated body of men who would rush into any kind
of violence, to carry a point which his religious delusion might dictate ; but this is not

i"9
a reformation upon sound principles : this is not radical ; because a corruption will re
main, perhaps, as-bad as that which has been replaced.
Keep then on the high ground, my friends at Leeds — keep no principles in your
bosoms you durst not avow, and you will have the satisfaction of finding that you
were among the first to take the right path in elFecting a reformation of the Parliament
and all its present corrupt' emanations. R. CARLILE.

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Fellow Citizen, 3, Burke-Square, Manchester, Sept. 17, 1821.
I am happy that my last address gave you some pleasure, and be assured that
yours, in return, gave general satisfaction. In one passage you mention that
you have heard that a Meeting of Deputies from the Reformers had taken
place, and that a Plan of a Constitution had been agreed to and published,
but that you had not seen it. I tried all in my power to get a copy of it, but
in vain. It was a Declaration agreed to at a Deputy Meeting held in the *
Windmill-Room, Stockport : there were men from four, counties present, and
two were deputed from the Manchester Union. A friend and myself, -wishing
to see what was going on, went to the place of meeting and enquired for our
Manchester Deputies, and were introduced to the Meeting without the least
hesitation on the part of any of the Deputies, by which we felt assured that
all was fair play and nothing secret passing : we found they had agreed to issue
a Declaration that should determine some principlej as necessary and calcu
lated to produce union and co-operation among the Reformers, and which
should be held up as a rallying point, instead of the names of different men,
all varying in their professions and pretertsions, and disputing and bickering
among themselves about idle and unmeaning words and things, and among
whom the only fixed principle seemed to be a mutual jealousy of the popula
rity of each other. In my opinion, it was a fit and a proper appeal to the
People, and was sent for insertion in the Dwarf and Catholic Advocate, and a
copy was proposed to be sent to Mr. Hunt, and one to yourself, but from
some cause or other it has never been printed.
You also caution us to Say or do nothing to which we fear to attach our
names and responsibility. This is exactly my line of conduct. When the
Meeting was held in the Unipn-Room, Manchester,, to receive the Report of
the Deputies, I happened to go in-just as the Declaration was reading, and
perceiving the reader to be timid, I volunteered to read it, saying that I had
heard it read before, which*was consented to ; and as soon as I had finished,
I saw the milk and water gentry thunderstruck : one of them said it was a
spy-plot, another says — Who will dare put his name to that ? I answered,
that I would, and find fifty more to do it. Fear and corruption prevailed in
this case, and the matter dropped ; but I hope this will satisfy you that the
poor Republicans of Manchester Dare do all that may become a man,
Who dares do more, is none.
It is with mingled sensations of fear and joy, that we hear of the different
persecutions still carrying on against yourself and family : fear that they will
¦utterly ruin you, and joy to see the shift to which you put the tyrants, and the
f proof, in your case, of the saying of our Bard—
Thrice is lie arm'd who hath his quarrel just,
But he is naked, though wrapt up in steel,
W/iose conscience with injustice is corrupted.
I am happy to inform you that Joseph Rhodes, of 56, Henry-Street, Man
chester, wishes me to say that rather than your shop shall be closed for want
of a man to serve in it, he will go to London and do his best for sufficient
food to keep life in his body, and be contented with Gaol allowance, when it
becomes his turn to be imprisoned.
" Who comes next? this is the time for heroes!"
* Cobbett's Dungeon-proof Radical Bellman, John Hayes of Bolton, is willing
. to follow next, and On the same terms as Joseph Rhodes. I am sorry to say,

20
that my children prevent my saying that I will follow next ; but you shall not
want my assistance in any thing that I can do with my children ; and I have no
doubt that many more, and as many as might be wanted, will be iound in this
neighbourhood to follow the examples of the ubo\ e noble citizens.
On the 15th of June last, I was at a public dinner at the Oldham Union
Room, when, after several toasts were gone through, I begged a sight of the
list, and to my areat surprise saw not your name : having obtained leave of the
chairman to address a few words to the company, in my rough way, I proposed
the health of Richard Carlile, the brave and undaunted Advocate of Civil and
Religious Liberty, and all his Family: I was at first doubtful how it would have
been received, having never been at a public dinner or meeting in Oldham be
fore, and being known but to lew persons there ; however, I had scarcely men
tioned the name when all were ready, and the toast was drank with enthusi
astic applause and tremendous cheering, and several of the country people
came and shook my hand so hearty for it, that it never was so shaken before, and
. I think never will again : and some of them said — " Cod bless you, he is the
best man alive." I should not have thought it worth while to mention those
things to you, but I do not see that any of the newspapers are willing to assist
you, or to notice any thing that passes in your favour.
On the second Anniversary of the never-to-be-forgotten, never-to-be-for
given Kith of August, there were a number of children christened Henry Hunt
to eiiiiimiinoiule that bloody day. Among them was a son of Citizen Walker's
named Henry Hunt Carlile, and a daughter of mine named Henrietta Hunt
Cathie. On the same day, at the public Meeting, a vote of thanks was gi\en
to you ; and on the Monday following, when Mr. Shillibear, who came from
Taunton as the Representative of Mr. Hunt, was invited to a Public Dinner
at the Union Rooms, it was known to a number of friends that your name
followed that of Thomas I'liine and the Rights of Man, in the list of toasts ;
but a spontaneous toast intervened which caused much delay : — " The Female
Reformers and the Rights of Women." Your friends were so anxious, that two
notes were sent to the Vi< (--Chairman from different parts of the room, and
one of them with a dozen signatures, to know if he meant to miss your name.
I being a steward, a note was also handed to me to know why it was not
drank before? but as soon as the Vice rose, all was silent, and the manner in
which he gave the toast was beyond any thing I ever heard ; in short, he did
his duty, and the company theiis, with nine times nine, a long and loud clap
ping of hands, and a closing cheer.
A number of friends wish to know the reason they cannot get your publica
tions regularly, and whether the fault is in the agent here, or your's in London ?
We have a club at my house, for your Peterloo Plate, of twenty members,
who pay three pence per w*:k; so that in twenty weeks each will have his
plate, whilst some member gets his at the first payment, and so on, one after
the other each week. I think, that if different people would do the same with
different works of yours, it would be the means of selling a greater number,
as they come easy in this manner, and there is nothing like gambling in it.
Wishing Mrs. Carlile, yourself, and all the family, health, welfare, and li
berty, I remain, Your faithful Fellow-Citizen,
JAMES WHEELER.

TO .AIR. JAMES WHEELER, No. 3, BURKE-SQUARE, MANCHESTER.
Citizen asd Friend. Dorchester Gaol, October 14t/i, 1821.
The manner in which you are giving me your support, is that which I wish to hold
up to the Republicans and Deists of this Island as an example. One thousand such
friends as you are, in one thousand different towns in this country, would soon place
me in an exalted condition ; which I covet more for the gratification of being more
publicly useful, than for any private or sensual gratification of my own. I am
one of those kind of animals who can be content and happy with no other food
than good bread and good water, if it was necessary to come to this fare ; and what,
ever I consume beyond this, I view rather as a luxury, than as a necessary. Every
shilling that has come into my hand I have thrown into my business ; and, situated

21

of the
1 bound
__ in Lan
cashire who are willing to expose themselves to prosecution in my shop, will be con
tent with any trifle that shall be sufficient to keep them alive, and even with Gaol al
lowance should they get confined. This shall not be the case ; every man or woman
who is prosecuted for being in my employ, shall never be dependent on the Gaol al
lowance, until I am brought to it myself; and then we will eat our coarse loaf toge
ther cheerfully : but whatever I can command beyond, or independent of, Gaol
allpwance, that shall every individual, piosecuted for serving in my shop, share with
-me. I have made my appeal to the public for support, and I .am happy to say, that
it has not been rejected. I will continue to explain the particulars of my situation,
.and that of those who act with me, and I have no fear bat we Shall find support
independent of all Gaol allowance.
I wish you to forward me as many names as you can of individuals (single men
or women, or married men and women without, children, will be preferable) who are
willing to cgme forward at a minjites notice to serve in my shop ; and I will flatter
myself it will rather prove a means of .advancing them a step in life than doing them
an injury, Imprisonment is. nothing at all to an honest mind, I have: never felt the
slightest disagreeable sensation from it ; but rather it has been, a joy. to me, to. think
that my intended punishment will prove a real, benefit to my ;fellow-countryinen, or
ip mankind at J arge. Let every one who has to. follow me think the , same, and die.
will never fe§l one disagfeje&ble sensation that he would not ha,v'e felt if hBihad
been at large and liberty/to range where he pleased.
It a man has a strong desire for ranging abroad, and of seeing new objects, he will
sppn find oyt that the whole earth is but a prison, and he cannot get off it to seek for
new objects elsewhere : whilst the Philosopher in his closet, assisted by the travels
and studies of others, ranges all the world over in idea, and feels as much or more
pleasure from a mental loco-motion, than from a bodily locormotion, and keeps free
from all toils and dangers, This is how a piisoner, confined for honestly defending
any matters 'of opinion which he believes have a foundation "in truth, should reason
with himself. There is no disgrace in such an imprisonment ; and 1 shall always feel
more assurance and assume more consequence, after quitting the walls and looks
which now enclose me, than if I had never been confined. I feel that I can assume
a~higher tone, in addressing the Reformers,, and in defending my. principles and
opinions, than I could otherwise have done ; and that without the shame of being
considered vain and presumptuous. I feel it has a test of honesty and good inten
tion ; and my mind towers and becomes elevated, instead of abased from it. Im
prisonment I It is. nothing ! Whilst I am writing to you, I am in Manchester ;
when I write to a friend in Edinburgh, I feel just as if I where there conversing, with
him. No, my friend, before the corrupt and wicked powers that be, can punish me,
or such, as act for and with me, they must find out some method of imprisoning the
mind, of putting it in fetters' ; — reducing us to an ignorance of the use of letters.
The Sun shines upon me here, whilst I am writing to you with dazzling splendour ;
I can hear the horses and carts which move about the streets of 'Dorchester, — the
strolling, musicians, — and -the cry of the strolling tradesman, without being bothered
to give money or to make purchases ; and whatever the town of Dorchester affords I
can order it into my apartment, whilst I have money to pay fo&it : what could I ex
pect more were I in London ? I have servants here without being compelled to
hire and pay them ; and I have an habitation, as good as many, which it has been
my lot to put up with before at a heavy charge ; for which I now neither payment
or taxes. Surely, when I consider rightly my present situtation, I cjught to de
signate this place as Liberty Hall ; and here I will advocate the cause'of Liberty,
and teach the common benefit of the Equality of Laws, from the benefit of the lessons
of that Equality I see so strictly observed and enjoyed in this place, so far I will
make it a Liberty Hall.
You mention that at the Meeting of the .Deputies, which took place at Stockport,
it was proposed to send .me a copy of the Declaration. I can assure you that no
such thing ever came to hand ; and I knew nothing of it, but from the undeserved
'remarks which have been*made upon it. The Declaration has been sent to me, after
every .other attempt to get it printed has failed. I did not receive it until the middle
of September, and I now have it ready for the Press, with my remarks upon if ; and
' shall print it as soon as I have exchanged another correspondence with some friends

22
at Leeds upon the subject. It happened to arise from a suggestion of mine, which.
perhaps has obtained it censure elsewhere ; but I challenge any man to combat its
principles after I have explained them. 1 consider, .the Declaration has been most
unwarrantably smothered : but 1 have determined on its seeing the light, as I value the
Veto of no man.
I am not aware that there is any fault in my agents in London in attending to
every order that is supported by the necessary remittance. If there be such, I beg that
any friend or agent in the country will make his complaint to me, and I will soon ob
tain him the necessary attention. If any of my friends in the country find any diffi
culty in getting my publications from the regular agent for such publications, or from
the want of such an agent where he or they might reside, I beg to recommend to
them, that they club their money to the amount of a Pound, or as near it as they
can, or as much more as they can, and send it by letter and with an order, to my
shop in Fleet-Street, London: they shall recehe the goods without any additional
expence; that is, I will either pay the expence of carriage and postage, ot allow the
purchaser the trade profit to that end himself. If any of the London Booksellers re
fuse, either from fear, jealousy, or prejudice, to supply an order for my publications,
I beg the agent or friend so disappointed, to transmit to my shop his order both for
their goods and mine, and I will see that he shall be disappointed in nothing that is on
sale. JMy orders are, that the political or theological publications of every publisher
be sold in my shop. I am bound to resort to this recommendation, because I know
that I have not received fair play ; particularly, from some of the Booksellers in
Paternoster Row ; and even some in other parts of the town, where common honesty
ought to have obtained me a different treatment. Wherever there be an agent in a
country town, who is willing to do me justice, let me intreat all my friends to sup
port him, and give him that which is his due, the profit of all their orders. But
where such an agent is wanting, then follow my advice as above, and apply direct to
my shop for whatever is required. And mind you, that, upon this principle, I sup
ply all the suppressed publications ; for I have come to the determination, not to allow
any twelve or twelve hundred men to say to mc, you shall not publish such a book
and such opinions. I say to them, yon shall answer the opinions I publish in a dif
ferent way. Refute them, if you can, but you shall not suppress them by brute
force. If I injure the character of any honest man through the medium of my publica
tions, no one would feel more pain than myself for it, and be more ready to give
i very possible satisfaction ; but if I publish abstract opinions, either on Politics or
Theology, I will not allow any man to drive nic from them by force : I will continue
to propagate them in every shape possible. This I speak to all my past Judges and
Jurors ; and this I will say to all that I shall meet in future. If any man wishes any of
my suppressed, or rather sought-to-be suppressed publications, he has only to convey
his money and address to my shop, and within a reasonable time he shall find the
goods ordered, at his house. This is one of the plans upon which I mean to shew
the prosecuting conspirators the fdlly and inutility of every attempt to suppress any
opinions. If those opinions are ill-founded, let them resort to the Press for a refuta-
'tion. I will undertake to refute the opinions and writings of any Priest in the coun
try ; and if any Priest thinks he can refute mine, it is his duty, "his profession, he is
paid for doing so ; and he would find it the surest road to a Bishopric. I challenge
all the Priests, either to a conference or to a paper warfare. I call them impostors,
and I think I have pretty well proved them to be such.
Yesterday was a Gaol Sessions, when the Visiting Magistrates enter every part of
the Prison, and enquire of every Prisoner if he has any cause for complaint. This
county has to boast of a great number of Clerical Magistrates ; and I believe, that
even the majority of the Visiting Magistrates of this Gaol are Priests. However, in
April last, when the Gaol Sessions took place, Dr. England, the Archdeacon of the
County of Dorset, and one of the Visiting Magistrates, after having made some miti
gation in the severity of mine, Mrs. Carlile, and the infant's confinement, ad
dressed me as follows : " Mr. Carlile, you are in the habit of reading and writing a
great deal ; will you do me favour to read this sermon, (taking one of Beilby
Porteus' Sermons out of his pocket) I shall take it as a favour ; and I hope you
will not allow any little prejudice to operate against it." — I answered, " I beg to
assure you, Dr. England, that there is no prejudice in my bosom, and that I can
read any thing ; and as a proof to what I say, I refer you to my desk, where I am
in the course of reading Dr. Gregory's Evidences of the Christian Religion." 
" Well," replied the Doctor, " I can only say, that I wish you and I were of the
same opinions." — I answered, " that I should be happy if we were." I have seen
nothing of the Doctor for six months past ; but yesterday he came again, with

. 23
other Magistrates, and after going through the ceremony of their visit, and after-
Mrs. Carlile and myself had sworn an affidavit upon the Holy Bible, for it matters
not to me what I swear upon ; it is Truth that I supremely love and fear, and I dread
a falsehood more than the Christian dreads swearing to one upon his. Holy Book :
.-however, after the ceremony was over, the Doctor staid behind the other magistrates,
who had retired, and the following dialogue ensued :
Christian Doctor. — (in a very smooth and meek tone) Well, Sir, how did you like
the sermon I left with you ? Hatte you read it ?
Deistical Prisoner. — I have read it, Doctor, and I assure you that it was not calcu
lated to make any impression on my mind.
Christian Doctor. — Indeed ! 1 am very sorry for that! (surprise) it has made that
impression upon the minds of many of your way of thinking.'
Deistical Prisoner — I assure you that I have, read it : I might say more than once ;
as I read every thing of the kind, whether printed or written that comes into my
hand. It has made no impression upon me, and I will return it, if you please.
Christian Doctor. — No, no, that is not necessary. But what a pity and mischief
it is that you should persevere in publishing such opinions to bring yourself into such
.trouble. ¦..'Deistical Prisoner.' — The " pity and mischief" lies, Doctor, in my being liable to pro
secution, for publishing the opinions which 1 hold, and which I verily believe have
their foundation in truth; I contend for the right of publishing my opinions as well
as you and others. I should be most happy to be convinced of error. I am open
to examination, — to advice — and to conviction ; and I never shrink from reading any
thing which comes into my way, or from any discussion (no, answer).
Christian Doctor. — But those opinions of yours militate against the government
both in Church and State, and they can never be tolerated with safety.
Deistical Prisoner. — Opinions will never militate against any thing that is founded)
in justice. I am one of those who think that all governments should emanate from
the People, or the majority of the People, therefore, no opinions can injure such a
government. Christian Doctor. — 1 cannot hold with that — -but see what trouble you bring your
self into with your family (pointing to Mrs. Carlile).
Deistical Prisoner. — 1 value not that.
Christian Doctor '. — (smiling) Oh I you think nothing of that! well, good day
to you.
Prisoner and Wife. — Good day to you, Sir.
The Doctor and his Diocesan were very lately inspecting the Gaol ; and I think they
were in duty , bound to have made an attempt to convert me considering • how well
they are paid for such matters. Little Saint Wilberforce has visited the Prison since
I have been confined here ; and although he is one of my Prosecutors, he dared not en
ter into conversation with me ; though I believe he came peeping and slinking at my
door without my knowing him ! 1 have Been informed that he questioned Wed
derburn on many points, and pronounced him a sensible, conscientious, and honest
man I -I hope Saint Wilberforce when he comes near me again, will attempt to jus
tify his associating with others for my prosecution,
Yours, in friendship and civic esteem, B.. CARLILE.

TO RICHARD CARLILE,
The brave Republican and undaunted Advocate of Universal Liberty, who is now
confined with his Wife, and Infant Son, in Dorchester Gaol, for Matter of

- Feixow Citizen, 2, Rider's Row, Manchester, Sept. 18, 1821.
It is with great pleasure that a few of your friends at Manchester have again
the honour of addressing you. They beg you vrill accept of the enclosed £2.
towards the obtaining for you that support which your exertions in the cause
of universal liberty so well merit. The political world had been considerably
"enlightened, and the people had already begun to understand, and were almost
prepared to assert their rights, but it was left, for you, Sir, to dispel those
clouds of darkness from the mind, which had arisen from the superstition and
kriavishness of priests and bigots. And what has been the consequence?
You were first torn from your business, and from your family, and sentenced.

24
to pass a most valuable part of your life within the walls of a dungeon; but
not before you had been robbed of a great part of your property ! Yet this
was not sufficient. Your nearest and dearest relations must be sacrificed to
the persecution which has so long attacked you ! But the courage and perse
verance which you have displayed in the midst of your greatest misfortunes
have gained for you the approbation and respect of the virtuous and enlight
ened, and entitle you to the esteem of future ages.
Respected and much injured Sir, we have witnessed the persecutions to
which yourself and family have been subject, with feelings of the greatest
horror; and your heroic conduct has equally excited our admiration. The
Vice Society, and the Bridge-Street Banditti, have nearly done all in their
power to ruin you in circumstances, and to destroy your reputation ; but let
us hope that their vile attempts will never succeed. The expences which you
have incurred, in consequence of the proceedings against you, must be very
considerable; we therefore call upon the friends of real liberty in all parts of
the country, who approve of your publications, to circulate them as widely as
possible ; and to form themselves in to small societies for the purpose of con
tributing towards the amelioration of your situation. They might also have
meetings, particularly on Sundays, for the purpose of discussing such matters
as might be thought conducive to the happiness of mankind. They would
thus be employing their leisure hours better than in sitting to hear a tedious and
superstitious harangue from a pulpit ; and one penny a week thus subscribed,
would be devoted to a better purpose than in supporting an imposture which
is calculated to enslave both the body and the mind.
With best wishes for the welfare of yourself and family, I remain in the
cause of truth, on behalf of your friends in Manchester, Yours truly,
JOSEPH CHORLTON.
P- S. A striking instance of ihe effects of superstition on the human mind, has
lately occurred at Stockport. An elderly woman, of houc-t and industrious habits,
mother uj n'uic children, whom she was striving to bring up in it respectable manner,
became entangled among the Methodists. They told her of the state of her soul,
of the danger of Bell, and declared there was no salvation for her in lux pre
sent stale. This hud such an effect upon her, that in a stale of despair, on Thurs
day the 6th instant, she threw herself into the reservoir of Mr. Peter Mars/and. By
the speedy assistance of her friends, however, she was preserved from a watery grave.

TO JOSEPH CHORLTON, RIDER'S ROW, MANCHESTER.
Fellow Citizens, Dorchester Gaol, October 1st, 1821.
Fon this is the stile of address I prefer before all others, although I sometimes de
viate where I think it may not be received in the social and fraternal sense in which
I always give and receive it. I despise the modem stile of address and subscription,
as degiading and slavish, when there is. a profession of being a humble and obedient
servant! I am the servant of no man, but the friend 'and fellow-citizen of every
man ; although, in many cases, and with many persons, if you did not. adopt what
is considered a respectful stile of address you would get no attention had to your
letter. As a Republican, I hold in contempt ail titles, not forgetting that of Esquire,
or those which are assumed by receiving diplomas from Colleges and Universities.
It is my present intention, to resume the publication of the Republican as a weekly
pamphlet, in the ensuing year, when I shall still make it more Republican thari
before, and a channel for communication and correspondence for all those who will
stand by me in the same character and under the same designation. To the political
doctrines of Thomas Paine, we must come, before we shall be able to effect any
thing like a reform in the government. In all the shades of advocating liberty and
reform beneath that of Republicanism, there is, and ever will be, a constant jealousy
and bickering among individuals about popularity, and one nonsense and the other ;
and about one going too far, and another not far enough : I shall therefore, henceforth,
call upon all Reformers to follow me to that extreme of liberty and honesty of prin
ciple where we can go no farther. Depend on it that man is not a sincere friend to
liberty who can express an attachment to any system of monarchical government,
and who shrinks from avowing himself a Republican in the general sense of the word!
which I would here define as being opposed to the existence of every power, in a na
tion that does not emanate from the choice and sanction of the majority of the people
concentrated in the persons of their representatives. It is my intention to take'

25
a more decided tone than ever in addressing and appealing to every class of Reform
ers, not as an individual who wishes to stake his popularity against that of another
advocate of similar principles ; far be it from me to descend "to so pitiful an act, but to
rouse them to a further union upon some avowed principle, And here^ to give you an
earnest of my profession, I would say that, I decidedly approve of what is called the
Great Northern Radical Union, and every union of the kind, where a fund can be
produced for any useful purpose without depriving the subscribers of any one of
the least comfoit. It is an excellent focus for union to have an interest in such a
fund'; and I would here, beg to express myself, as to an entire confidence in the praise-
worthiness and trust-worthiness of the person selected and appointed Treasurer,
which is a main point for consideration. But bear in mind one thing, do not pledge
yourself to any particular future application of the money ; reserve the right of all
application for. future consideration, and thus avoid all rash promises or Utopian
schemes. Call it a fund for the promotion of Reform, or by whatever ott»e(r name.
you like, only don't talk about the application of great sums of money, before you
have got it funded ; or in other words, don't bargain for the sale of the skin, before
you have killed the bear, as the old adage stands. I think it a gross inconsistency,
for the Reformers to be crying out about a borough-mongering parliament, and to turn
borough-mongers themselves. The principle is a bad one; it will rather add to than
diminish the strength of our enemies ; for admitting that you could put into the Par
liament the five persons whose names have been, pompously aWounced as the future
Gorgons to the present system, at an expence of twenty-five thousand pounds, can
not the Ministers dissolve that parliament almost without a sitting? then where would
you be for want of another similar sum for immediate necessities. No names, ought
to be mentioned ; -and much as I should wish to see Mr. Hunt and Mr. Cobbeft in the
present Parliament, I should tliink ten thousand pounds wasted to obtain that oppoiv
¦tunity for them. If Hunt and Mr. Cobbett cannot be returned for Preston, or some
other scot and lot borough, then I think the principles of Reform have not been suffi
ciently extended ; and that we must wait until the people groyv wiser, and persevere
in instructing them.
There is another point to be borne in mind, and that is, that, in such an extensive
¦ scheme of subscribing to the same fund — there may be some defaulters in the collec
tors, — some that will not prove " trusty centurions -." this must be expected ; and I
throw out the hint that it might be expected, and that such defaulters might not in
jure the general scheme, or that subscribers might not take disgust and stop any
further subscriptions ; but persevere and endeavour to improve their choice. A truly
honest moneyvproof-man is a very scarce commodity. I, myself, am a debtor of ten
pounds, or something approaching to that sum, to some public subscription of the
kind, and when this fund is established I will throw it in there, and explain how and
why it has so long lain in my hands, The circumstance I have mentioned to several
individuals, and I have felt much uneasiness about it from not knowing how to apply it ;
and I might say, from not being able to part with the sum without affecting some other
creditor, as it was even after my imprisonment that part of the money came in my hands,
. or those in my employ ; and at a time when my thoughts werewholly absorbed in my,
own affairs. My friends might not be alarmed at this confession, I can acquit my
self honourably of all improper motives in having so long had this money in my hands ;
and the circumstance is attributable to the intrigues of those who managed the Lon
don Subscription for the Manchester Sufferers on the 16th August, 1819, of which
I will give the explanation at a convenient opportunity.' I acknowledge myself a
debtor to some public fund to the amount of ten pounds, although I feel assured,
that none of the subscribers would ever have mentioned the circumstance, otherwise
than to advise me to say nothing about it myself.
- And now my friend and fellow- citizen, itis time that I return you and my fri eds
of Manchester thanks, for the further assistance you have given me. I am happy to
inform you, thatmy public appeal for support against the confederated gangs in London
has not been in vain j and that I now feel the assurance— the comfortable assurance,
thati can defeat eventually all their schemes of prosecution against my effort to ex
pose the horrors-and miseries to mankind resulting from Kingcraft and Priestcraft.
The instance of the ill-effect of superstition on the human mind, _ which you
mention as having occurred at Stockport, is striking, but by no means singular: the
inhabitants of almost every town and village in the Island have witnessed similar
cases. I will do my best to put a stop to it; and I call upon every man, who be
lieves as I believe, and whose sentiments concur with mine on this subject, to give
me all the public and private aid he can to effect" that object.
I now see that the clamour about blasphemy is nearly exhausted, and I will begin
-¦ to turn the table on the clamourers, and (shew them who are the real blasphemers of
both God and Man. Yours, in civic affection, It. CARLILE.

2(i
AN EXPOSURE OF THE GROSS MISREPRESENTATIONS
AND FALSE REPORTS WHICH APPEAR IN THE" TIMES"
NEWSPAPER.
This Paper has lately made itself conspicuously useful on two great public ques
tions ; the Massacre at Manchester, and, I may say, the massacre of the Queen,
by way of giving a figurative force to the crpresswn : but in all other cases, let not
the public imagine that it is a useful and impartial paper. It is a huge monstek of
despotism, and seems to exult in the power it possesses of torturing individuals who
have tlie misfortune to be us poor as they are honest, and who scorn to make a splendid ap
pearance upon the sacrifice of principle or of truth. I have received more persecution
and more injury from the hypocritical abuse of that paper, than from all the other pa
pers and persons who have arrayed themselves against me, and whilst il has freely
given insertion to the advertisements of alt the squibs, pasquinades, and caricatures
of Hone, Dolby, Benborc, and Fairburn, it has refused my advertisements of the
Political Works of Thomas Paine, of my Address to Men of Science, and, above
all, of the Report of my Sister's Tried at Guildhall, zehere Mr. Cooper so effectu
ally defended her against the Bridge-Street Banditti, that very Htrde which the
" Times " itself labours to destroy ; so that it is evident it is my name alone, and not
the nature of the advertisements, against which the managers of the " Times" set
their face. I can only account for it upon the ground of information I have re
ceived, that one of the pirncipal Editors of the Paper is a priest, and that several
priests hold shares if the property of the establishment. But I venture to tell ihe
managers and proprietors of the " Times," from my prison-house, that I am pursu
ing a straight forward and effectual course for the annihilation of superstition, and
that by a determined perseverance in the same path, I have no fear of raising my
self above the shafts of their malignity ; and, whilst I am pursuing an undeviating
course, I shall see them twisting and wavering, scarcely knowing which side to take
for the greatest gain, a conduct which has been particularly visible in the manage
ment of tluit paper for the last seven years.
I should not now have tal.cn any public notice of the cowardly attacks of that paper
upon myself, and Wife, and Sister, bid for ihe' purpose of introducing an aposure
of the gross lies of u late report upon the arrest of one of my shopmen, William
Ranee, which I do by giving publicity to the following correspondence.
R. CARLILE.
TO MR. R. CARLILE.
sir, London, Sept. 20, 1821.
On being arrested for serving in your shop, by the Bridge-street Banditti, I
simply stated at the Mansion-House, that, being out of employment, I had accepted
as a matter of course, the first situation that offered itself, as I was wholly depend
ant on my own exertions for support. But I would suffer any thing rather than
make such a pitiful defence of a just and honourable action as I was represented to
have made in the " Times" of the following day.
In their solicitude to keep in favour with the religious world, the proprietors of
that paper endeavour frequently to evince how superlatively pious and orthodox they
are, even at the expence of truth and candour. They did so in reporting my case,
by aiming to shew that none but the forlorn and destitute would engage in an em
ployment which they affect to deem so wicked. The enclosed is the answer which' I
sent them, but they refused to insert it. I am Sir, Yours respectfully,
W. RANCE.
to the editor of the times
Sir,
Having been aggrieved through the medium of your Paper, I request,
in justice, an opportunity of defending myself by the same means'
It was with surprise and regret that I perused in the Times of
Ihursday so unmanly an attack on an individual already involved in
a difficulty of no ordinary magnitude ; and am sure, Sir, from the
general character of your writings, you teas not aware of the pa/pa-

¦27
ble falsehoods contained in your Reporter's account of the case of
Libel at the Mansion-House, on Wednesday last.
Your Reporter's words are as false as they are malevolent, both as
they regard my' words and my appearance. I said nothing unbe
coming a mind unconscious of guilt, and my attire teas suck as would
become any honest and industrious person. The only reason which J
gave for engaging in Mr. Carlile's business was my being out of
employment, and not the fear of perishing for want. Such an asser
tion could only be designed to cast a stigma on Mr. Carlile. But,
Sir, had I been clothed in Poverty's meanest garb, was it manly to
pen a studied insult to misfortune? Had your Reporter, Sir, con
fined himself to the act with which I stood' charged, his duty to his
master would have been complete, and no complaint could have
been founded in justice against him. Low indeed, must be his men
tal degradation, who, shrouded in secret, writes that which he would
be ashamed and afraid to utter before the object of his pusillanimous
attack !
Your Reporter, Sir, through the liberality of his employers, may
be in as good " a case" ana wear as good a coat as Mr. Murray's
informer, but neither " case" nor coat can constitute him a gentle
man, for— " Worth makes the man,, the want of it the fellow."
I am, Sir, Yours respectfully, W. Rance.

TO MB. R. CARLILE.
Sir, London, Oct. A, 1821.
/ THANK you for your kind offer to employ the eloquent Cooper*in my
defence, but I cannot think of adding to your already heavy costs any
superfluous expence. The rhetoric of cl Demosthenes would not avail
against a prosecution for blasphemy, (which I understand is one of the
charges against me) unless I should be fortunate enough to obtain a li
beral and enlightened Jury ; and in that case, my own humble efforts
would be quite effectual; on them, therefore, I am resolved to rely.
Should my endeavour's prove unavailing, I shall submit with fortitude
to be excluded for a few months, from the " green fields and blue sky,"
as Leigh Hunt would say. I have been .at no expence, Sir, save the
trifling sum of one shilling, which I paid to ascertain if the Bill was
found. I am going on Monday, as you desire, to look at this wonder
ful Indictment. I am Sir, Yours respectfully, -W. Rance.

TO MR R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Sib,, Hollmwaod, Sep. 24, 1821.
I write to inform you, that a few of the labouring class at Hollinwood, a
short time ago, established a Union amongst themselves,, and agreed -to pay
each a penny per week towards^ raising a fund to be applied to the relieving of
those- who are unjustly imprisoned for standing forth boldly in the defence of
their civil and religious rights. We have agreed to send you two pounds out
of our little fund towards enabling you to make a stand against your enemies;
oyer which we wish you a complete triumph, hoping that the more opulent part
of our friends will support you according to their abilities, by which we trust,
you will be able to tread Tyranny under your feet. Wishing yourself and fa
mily all health and happiness, I remain, Sir, for our Small Union,
muyaiie yv y0lM.s affectionateiy> ISAAC SAYILLE.

28
TO SIR. ISAAC SAYILLE, HOLLINWOOD, NEAR OLDHAM,
LANCASHIRE.
Sin, Dorchester Gaol, Oct. 6, lfi'.'l.
I have to acknowledge and thank you for the receipt of Two P.uinds, as a subscrip
tion to my support from the industrious class of Hollinwood, united to relieve the
prisoners who are confined for an Advocacy of Reform, and a Defence of Civil and
Religious rights.
It gives me great pleasure to find that the Reformers throughout Lancashire are as
distinguishedly benevolent as they are bold and honest, and that their traits of moral
virtue are sufficiently powerful to form a strong reflecting mirror to the baseness and
hypocrisy of our enemies.
Persevere, my friends at Hollinwood, in the same path, for union and co-operation
forms the only principle upon which we can obtain final success. Intrigue we leave
to our enemies, ours must be the plain, the honest, the buld, the open, and the straight
forward course. Yours, in civic tiiicction, R. CARLILE,
TO MR. RICHARD CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Dear Silt, London, September 27 th, 1821.
A tew friends who meet at the   , have seen your appeal
to the uncorrupt part of the public, which they highly approve.
The above friends, with much pleasure, instantly attended to your call by
subscribing twenty shillings, which you will find enclosed, and with a deter
mination to support your just appeal as far as may be in their power.
The aforesaid friends desire the writer of this to communicate to you their
high approbation of your manly and undaunted perseverance agaiust the basest
crew of conuptionists, that, perhaps, ever curst any country.
And now, Sir, they come to that part of your conduct which really strikes
them with astonishment and admiration, which they believe has im parallel
in the history of the world ; and which must immortalize your name in
the mind of every good moral member of society ; viz. your brave dctemina-
tion to continue publishing such theological, and other works; as you well
know, and every liberal and unprejudiced being must allow, aim only at true
morality, happiness, and prosperity, to the world at large.
Sir, the above subscribers have long noticed and approved of your publica
tions, and. would have given you some sterling proof of their sincerity long
before now, had not your very liberal and disinterested nature, led you to re
commend your suffering and incarcerated fellow-men to their notice; to whom
you have humanely called for relief, nobly refusing assistance yourself, and
pointing out some of the unfortunate individuals, whom you knew wore suf
fering great privations.
Sir, the above friends have too high an opinion of your good sense, to ima
gine you will believe for one moment, that this letter can have any other
object in view than a sincere and honest declaration of their sentiments in
favour of the much-persecuted Carlile.
In the name of the above subscribing friends, Dear Sir, I am, with great
respect, yourhumble servant, ROBERT ROBINSON.
P. S. Should you find a leisure five minutes to write a few lines, it will be
a great gratification; and if you publish this letter, please to omit from
whence it is addressed, as the Landlord might suffer.

TO MR. ROBERT ROBINSON, LONDON.
Dear Sin, Dorchester Gaol, Sept. 30, 1821.
Your letter has duly come to hand, and I return you my sincere thanks, which my
Republican friends whom you meet will also be pleased to accept, for the sum you
have jointly subscribed to my support. Your warm and cheering praise I can only
hope to merit by some future exertions in the cause which jointly glows in our bosoms.
It is not the cause of an individual, nor of a party or faction, but of all mankind'

m
white or black, red or brown, /the Asian, the African, the European, and the Ame«
rican. ¦• All the bigots, all the hypocrites, all the public robbers, in association, have avowed
their determination to bend their whole force against my shop, and by prosecuting
every individual who. serves in it, they hope to annihilate every future effort on my
part.. Let but a small band of Republicans gather round me, and I will shew them
the folly of attempting to suppress such opinions as those I advocate.
I shall very shortly enter into the third and last year allotted me for imprisonment,
and I can assure you, that my determination has gone on increasing to continue to
publish those sentiments for which I am now imprisoned. Whilst I can write, and
print, arid vend, nothing shall deter me from a straight forward course, and I call
upon every approver of those sentiments to give me his utmost aid in circulating
them. I am, Sir, respectfully yours,
R. CARLILE,

TO 'MB. RICHARD CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Dear Sir, *- London, October 8ft, 182L
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of date 30th ultimo, which
has been received by your friends at the  with great pleasure, '
and created an animated burst of zeal in your favour.
They are glad to find you are in good health, and full of bold determination
to grapple with the enemies of mankind, both political and theological
whilst you can wield a pen, or vend yoflr truly valuable publications. x If to
be a martyr, is to surfer for adhering to principle, you are truly a martyr.
The above friends, will hail with joy, the day of your release frbm the fero
cious gripe of the despots.
To Mrs. Carlile and all your family, who have suffered in your cause, we
offer our very best wishes.
Sir, enclosed you will find an additional Subscription of One Pound ; and
you may rely on hearing further (occasionally) from the above friends.
They will be very glad to hear from you, at any time you may find it con
venient and agreeable to yourself. A Communication from you, will always
be gratifying to them.
Dear Sir, I am, with great respect, yours sincerely, R. ROBINSON.

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Respected Sir, Oldham, September 28th, 1821.
A few of -your friends in Oldham, beg you will accept of the enclosed two
pounds, as an acknowledgement of the benefits which they have derived from
your exertions in the cause of Universal Liberty. They, too, would ask what ¦
man, with an unprejudiced mind, can assert that your enemies and persecu-
cutors acted in conformity with their pretended sacred functions to impose a
fine of such an amount as fifteen hundred pounds! and an imprisonment
of three years duration ! for having acted in concordance with the dictates of
reason and sound-philosophy. We beg to offer you our thanks for the good
you have done in expanding the mmd of -the people of this Island: that mind
is on its march, and will move on still further expanding and gaining force,
until it becomes as uncontroulable as the elements, or like an overwhelming
invincible phalanx, against which all assaults shall be vain.
They may suppress every publication but those which issue from their hire-
' ling press, but they can never«iop the current of information that will flow
when no eye can see it, — when the arm of tyranny cannot reach it. Dark and
forboding as the prospects of the friends of Freedom might seem at this mo
ment, there is a consolation in the idea that, as the sun of knowledge beams
more and more bright, the gloom of prejudice will be dispelled^ and the op
pressors of mankind fly from itsfervid beams.
As it is our interest, as well as our duty; to do all we can to amend the
condition of our country, shall we not be wanting in that duty to ourselves

3*T
 to our posterity, — to our consciences, if wc let our innorcnt countrymen,
who have advocated and suffered for the cause of freedom, go unrelieved?
Let all who feel an interest in the cause of freedom, lend a hand to bring to
nought the machinations of those who would trample on our most sacred
rights. Such conduct can alone form any thing l.ke a union and co-operation
among the Reformers, and identify them with tiie cause of Liberty — such con
duct can alone appal our tyrants.
We are happy to see the times when men are ridding themselv es ot the pre
judices of past ages, and seeking after the principles of unerring truth and jus
tice, by an enquiry into the grounds of their religious creeds. The miseries
wh;ch 'have been entailed on the nations of the earth by propagating creeds
with the swrird, faggot, torture, fine, and imprisonment, are fast dispelling be
fore the genuine spirit of philosophy and free enquiry ; so you say, and so we
perceive and believe ; but it has been your fate, as an innocent man, to feel
one of the last efforts of superstitious despotism to fine and incarcerate.
We cannot however but perceive the near approach of the day when the veil
must be effectually torn asunder, and falsehood exposed in all its deformity,
and when the blessings and joy shall be every man's which those principles
impart that you as an avowed Republican and Deist advocate.
To search for and promulgate truth is the greatest benefit man can confe r
on his fellow-man ; and we are not ashamed nor afraid to say, that our disbe
lief of all religious creeds extends with your own.
That^ou might yet live to enjoy uninterrupted prosperity and happiness is
the sincere wish of your friends in Oldham, on whose behalf the undersigned
has been requested to communicate with you, and to forward their sentiments
and support. Yours respectfully, JONATHAN JACKSON.

TO MR. JONATHAN JACKSON.
Fellow Citizen, Dorchester Gaol, Oct. 10, 1821.
I ui.c to return through you my thanks to all my friends in Oldham for this continued
support, and at the same time i would return you thanks for a former subscription,
whiih was printed with its pecompanying address, before I saw it, or I should have
certainly thought it my duty to have sent forth a public acknowledgment with it. I
was not then exactly aware upon what ground I stood in this Gaol, therefore no kind
of correspondence was forwarded to me before it was printcdT
Since that time a huge monster has grown up under the name of the Constitutional
Association, and from the manner in which it has menaced me and those in my em
ploy, I have been put upon a further exertion, a still further daring and defiance : and
to make an effectual stand against the monster, I have been under the necessity of
making an appeal to the public, or every part of it but the public robbers. 1 am
happy to say that my appeal has not been made in vain, and that from the contributions
of my friends, and the extensive additional demands for my publications, which my
appeal has occasioned, it has put me in a fine condition for the warfare, and I will be
bound to secure the victory for the honest and industrious part of the public against
the public robbers. It is not unlikely but I may get some knock down blows, but 1
am already in such a trim that I have no fear but that I shall be able to rise within
time, and at them again with fresh courage and increasing force.
This Association might be considered to be comprised of all the public robbers in
the country, and who, instead of obeying our demands that they should relinquish
their sinecures, granta, pensions, and ill gotten gains, have the audacity to form a fund
with them for our annoyance and persecution. However, it forms a proof that wc
have driven them to this extremity, and if the honest part of the public will back me
well, I will shew this gang the utter hopelessness of any further struggle. I will
shew them that the force of our attacks upon them shall be in a ratio with their violent
enactments and persecutions. I will shew them that one man with one press can
baffle the whole of their power. I will increase the number of pamphlets for their
prosecution, and find the individuals who will vend and defend them, until they are
weary of any further attempt to destroy the liberty of the press.
The Vice Society I consider to be crippled already and to regret its ever meddling
with me. I speak the truth and am much within bounds, when I say that I have

. made their prosecutions quadruple the effects of my publications, whilst individually
1 have reaped and shall continue to reap an essential benefit from them. That society
has been more like a society established for the promulgation of the writings and
principles of Thomas Paine, than for their suppression. I will make the Constitu
tional Association produce the same effect : in fact, the only thing they have done by
prosecuting my New-Year's Address to the Reformers, is to occasion a call for a se
cond edition of it, which is now selling rapidly at fourpence and donble.the price of
the first. Thus it shall be with every other pamphlet they meddle with of mine ; and
the more they prosecute, the more cause they shall find for it. They have obtained a
verdict against an honest and industrious man at Manchester (Ridgeway), but what
avails it? The pamphlet is still in full sale, and will be, even if they should bring up
Ridgeway for judgment, and every man in Lancashire shall have a copy of it if he wishes.
.The Reformers are now too well seasoned to imprisonment to shrink from it for a mo
ment. They begin to smile at it, arid to assure me that I shall never want a shopman
from the fear of imprisonment.
Be not alarmed, my friends at Oldham ; our enemies can no more drive ns from the
Press than they can frighten us at imprisonment. What said the brave and hardy
John Swan at Chester, when sentenced to four years and a half imprisonment, for at
tending a Reform Meeting, and for selling a few numbers of the Republican, for which
some of my London agents, who had sold fifty times the number, had but one month
and six weeks imprisonment. ! Swan said, after sentence was passed upon him, " Oi! is
that all? I tho't ye had got a bit of rope for me." When I received my sentence of fif
teen hundred pounds fine, and three years imprisonment in this Gaol, it made no more
impression on my mind than if the Legal Monk had snapped his finger at me. Let ,
us all unite and proceed upon a similar determinate principle, and we shall soon be an
overmatch for our enemies, whether they be Kings, Priests, or Lawyers, or any other
description of public robbers. Yours, in civic esteem, R. CARLILE.

TO MRS. JANE CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL. "
Madam,
We, the Female Reformers of Ashton- Under-Line, offer you the enclosed small
sum of one pound, as a demonstration of our approbation of the firmness and inte
grity displayed by the first female victim of superstition and despotism. We are
sorry we have it not in our power to offer more, but the unrelenting hand of the
tax-gatherer and the tithing man has so curtailed our means, that our labour pro
duces us little more than necessaries, notwithstanding we unwillingly put our infant
children to the drudgery and unhealthy employment of the cotton manufactory, in
its various branches, by which means the rising 'generation must be rendered a puny
and unmanly race.
We are also fully aware that nothing, but a thorough and radical reform can pre
vent this, and therefore we think it a duty incumbent upon us to comfort those who
are suffering for their zealous efforts in its ranks. Were it necessary we should
exhort you to firmness and resolution during your imprisonment, but that we feel to
Jbe unnecessary to one bearing the name of Carlile; a name which in the annals.of
the present struggle, will be synonymous with every quality thai graced the boldest
friends of Freedom in former days. We, therefore, subscribe ourselves, Your sin
cere admirers, the Female Reformers of Ashton-Under-Line.
Signed on their behalf, ELIZABETH HIGSON, FLASH HALL.

ELIZABETH HIGSON, FLASH HALL.
Madam, Dorchester Gaol, October 3rd, 1821.
Ihave the'pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of the kind consoling address of the
Female Reformers of Ashton-urid»Lyne, enclosing the sum of one pound as a token
of their approbation of my conduct ; and I hereby return them my sincere thanks,
and exhort them not to cease or relax their efforts to obtain emancipation for themselves
and dear suffering children. .
Painful as is the thought to a female mind of two years confinement in such a place,
my spirits do not sink, but are buoyed up by the presence and company of my hus
band and infant, Thomas Paine, and, above all, by the leflection that, the cause for

which I suffer imprisonment is righteous and not criminal ; and such as I feel assured
will rather obtain for me respect than degradation.
My only cause for grief has been a separation from my two eldest boys, who are
yet but infants and need a mother's fostering care. However, I have the satisfaction
of knowing they are well provided for; and I have still spirit enough to smile with
contempt up<»h "my dastardly ptosecutors, who have shewn, in another case, a pecu
liar hatred for and dread of women.
They have destroyed the Queen : but let us, as women, never cease to stimulate
and strengthen the minds of our husbands and sons to raise a power above these
assassins of virtue that shall bring them to justice for their manifold crimes.
Our motto must be union, co-operation, and perseverance. Let us keep this in
mind, and act according, and the balance of power will soon turn to the side of virtue
and reform. I am, Madam, your obedient servant, JANE CARLILE.

TO MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Much esteemed Citizen, London-Place, Stockport, Oct. 10, 1021.
"These are the times to try men's souls;" and every reasonable man must
be satisfied that the brave Carlile has been well tried, and found not wanting:
for, like the arch of a bridge, the more you are pressed, the more firm is your
determination to oppose all tyrants. The patriotic citizens of Stockport beg
you will accept the trifling sum of £ 3. 7s. lljd. as a proof of the satisfaction
they feel on seeing your determination to be convinced by reasonable argument,
and not by dungeons. They, at the same time, wish it was ten times the
amount, the better to enable you to keep open the only press that is " bold
enough to be honest, and honest enough to be bold." The host of blotited
corruptionists are more afraid of what you publish than they are ol all the
other publications in the country; therefore, itis the duty of every honest re
former to exert himself on your behalf; for, by supporting you, we are greatly
supporting the glorious cause of universal freedom: we hope and trust, there
are not any that will shrink from their duty after seeing so excellent an appeal
as you have made to the honest part of the community : it requires nothing but
a determined exertion on the part of the honest reformers, to enable you to
blow into air all the conspiracies against the public press in the country ; that
exertion is begun, and I trust will continue, until thePrinting-l'ress shah really
become a part of the household furniture.
I see the dungeon is yawning for another of your worthy family ; never
mind, noble young lady, for conscious innocence illumines every suffering Lour,
and will enable you to sleep more sound in your dungeon, than your enemies
can on their down beds. I hope and trust, that the day of retributive Justice
is not far distant : then, how will the supporters of tyranny look, when put in
competition with the brave and intrepid Carlile, his Wife, and Sister? They
will be like owls in the noon- tide sun, flying into every dark corner, there to
hide their bloated turnip heads ; and that that day may speedily arrive, is the
hearty wish of your sincere Friend and Well-wisher, W. PERRY.

TO MR. WILLIAM PERRY, LONDON-PLACE, SLOCKPORT.
Citizen, Dorchester Gaol, October 13th. 1821-
Again the grateful task devolves upon me to return you thanks, in conjunction with
the Male and Female Reformers of Stockport, for this continued support.
The names and mites of the virtuous labouring class, who stand forth in my support,
afford me as much pleasure and satisfaction, as would titled names and greater sums : it is
the name and support of the man, and not his money, that I most value. I have con
sidered this of the greatest importance to me throughout my career, and it induced
me to solicit names in approbation of my conduct, when I did not want nor dared not
ask for money. However, the moment I found that money was wanting, and really
necessary, to enable me to stand against the prosecuting conspirators, I made my
appeal, and I am happy to say that, I shall be able to show it hath been well an
swered. I will show this monstrous fungus that hath sprung out of Corruption's
Hot-bed, that it can no more combat the mind of the honest part of the inhabitants
of this country, than the elements of the atmosphere in which they breathe and have.

their being. It is an unnatural production warring with all the lawn of Nature and
as j. do not admit the existence of any supernatural power, so also will I be bound
In Sat* Co"sWutl0»a! or Vice Association that honesty is the best policy, and Tat
an obstinate and persevering, virtue can destroy the most deef-rooted and powerful
vice, because vice cannot command even natural powers. P°wenui
.nirt,^ f th<=se Associations suppress the public sale of one pamphflt, I will print
another under another title that shalljust leave them the same task to go over ZiD :
it they shut up one shop for me by any force or violence, I will open another : if
-they imprison one shopman or agent, I can procure another that shall again bid them
defiance and challenge them to further prosecution ; whilst each prosecution reiterates
again and again through the wide channel of the Newspapers and Magazines the
very sentiments and opinions vyhich are attempted to be suppressed. I stand uledeed
IDwiUV\rform°SeCUt°rS fr°m "^ fidd' ™d jU8t M ^ aS I haVe PIedged myself
Citizens of Stockport, I am not a man of projects and idle schemes, my motto is
perseverance,— my disposition,- to act first and talk after. You seem to know well
what is the power of the Printing Press, and that it is the best weapon that an ho
nest man can wield in the face of tyrants and hypocrites. You have done me the
honour to say, thati have hitherto made a good use of it, and your approbation
shall become a stimulus to fresh and still further exertions, on my part. I will
• Study to repay all the support I receive, to whatever extent it might proceed. Al
though, in my present situation, I feel not a disgrace to receive pecuniary support
from the public, I will aspire to the title of having been rather a benefactor than a debtor
to the Public; that is, I will endeavour to. produce a public benefit that shall be
deemed equivalent for the assistance I receive. The field of Superstition is a wide
expanse wherein to range ; I will endeavour to plough up every part of it, and sow
.the seeds of science on the soil. Until this be done, I promise myself no rest.
Yours, in civic esteem, R, CARLILE.

TO RICHARD CARLILE.
Ashton-under-Line, Sept. 25th, 1821.
Dear and Persecuted Patriot,
The friends to free enquiry in this town and neighbourhood have done
themselves ihe honour to remit the* enclosed small sum of £2 10s. as a
token of their gratitude for your laudable and bold endeavours to an
nihilate tyranny and priestcraft by means of free enquiry and free
discussion ; and likewise to assist in liquidating the enormously wicked
and unjust fine imposed on you by the pretended defenders and believ
ers of the doctrines of the humble Jesus. They hold, that the princi
pal precepts he gave them for their rule of action consist of the fol
lowing : . viz. love your enemies ; do good to those that despitefully use.
you ; and yet they have hated and persecuted you, though you are their
and their , country's well-wisher. They, have made him say, forgive
thine adversary seventy and seven times, yet tliey have cast you
into prison, and you. must not come out until you have paid the utter
most farthing of a heavy fine, for merely opposing them. Their pro
fession bids them eschew evil and seek to good, yet they (the Bridge-
Street horde) hire varlets to plot, mischief and persecute the innocent
and unwary ; but they are Christians ! With what contempt must
every good man look on wretches whose practices are so diametrically
opposite to their professions.'^ If there is to be a day of retribution,
as they profess to believe, when they shall hear the sentence pronounced,
" come ye blessed, Sec. for I was hungry and ye gave me meat ; thirsty
and ye gave me drink ; naked and ye clothed me ; sick and ye visited
me ; I was imprisoned and ye came unto me :" how I blush to think of
the shame and confusion that must suffuse their guilty souls. But their
actions prove them to be the greatest of Infidels, and consequently the

^54
basest of hypocrites. Sheer supersti/ion may urge a portion of your
persecutors to lend their pecuniary aid to persecute you. but the great
majority must be interested Priests and the drones of society, whose
only principle is gain, and who fatten by keeping in ignorance the
great mass of the industrious classes. But thanks for your exertions
in furnishing society with antidotes against this poison — this Hell of ig
norance and superstition ; by publishing the works of the greatest mo
ral and political writers that ever e.xistcd ; philanthropists, in whose
works truth and reason flash conviction in every line, and lead the
mind onward irresistibly to virtue and to happiness. These you have
published in such a manner as to diffuse them through the great mass
of society : it is this that galls them ! They call themselves the
Prosecutors of Vice ; hold my sides, thou god of ridicule and laugh
ter, or I shall split ; and may this be their motto until they are laughed
and ridiculed out of society. It will undoubtedly be a happy reflec
tion at the close of their holy Christian lives to think how effectually
they have combated vice, by employing Sharpe and Murray,, and their
underlings and associates, ivho undoubtedly will be most benefited by
their subscriptions. I blame not these men, they are only in the way of
trade ; there is no knowing the principles of the class which the latter
belongs to, save that of gain ; for they would act as agent to the de
vil if he would give the greatest fee ; and as to the former, it would
have been well if they hud come into the neighbourhood of Manchester.
to be convinced how he had fulfilled the commands of his catechism by
his " uprightness in all his dealings, and that he hath hurt nobody by
word or deed ;" they would then have been fully convinced of his wor
thiness for ¦ their service. To the credit of our town they have not been
able to place one successful tool in it. The only specimen roe have had,
hath issued from Manchester, where live the perpetrators of deeds of the
notorious \Qlh of August. A pert young prig , most probably one of their
courageous yeomanry, issuing from the office of an Attorney of that
place, who is the son of a noted thief-catcher, and undoubtedly in
their (the Bridge-Street horde) pay. This prig professed to be a trades
man from Leeds, Huddersfield, and Manchester cdternately, and
wishing to purchase those works that had been prosecuted only, of the
Pamphleteers, here j they soon smelt him, they were not such gudgeons
as to swallow his bare hook ; and had he visited there once more they
were prepared to inflict summary justice upon him. Indeed, the trad
ing opulent of this neighbourhood, who are pretenders to religion (and
they nearly all profess to be of some class or other) are too busily
employed in the pursuit of worldly gain, and know too well the value
of it, to spend it in the pious manner of this Bridge-Street Society ;
clearly evincing that religion with them is but a secondary object.
Some few of the most silly have condescended to distribute among
their workmen the pious slave-making publications of the Bible and
Tract Societies. Publications that would have disgraced the authors of
Jack the Giant Killer, or Cinderella ; these, even these, have been the
instruments of good, for you must know that your publications gene
rally preceded them ; and there was not a factory wltose workmen
were not more or less in possession of them ; of course, they served
as foils to guard and make more conspicuous the works of truth. And,
to prove the truth of their own predictions " that good may come out
of evil," I can assure you, that the first numbers of your Mock Trial

35

%J2TIV d\ ^ver of Patient Joe an J Faithful Mary; and
„Zn J I™0 themf™m «* ™d dust, whilst their ownis are
anxiously watting your completion of the work.
;„ IhTl THdS hZ% °fwhom you have many, both male* and female,
in the language of St. Paul, send to you greeting, and hope you will
continue stedfast tn your faith to the end, that you may obtain an im-
7fhhtorr°Wn °f 9 V '" KOt ^ the b°6k °f MartVrs' hui ™ a* PW
Wishing health, contentment, and happiness may follow you and
the tender partner of your cares to the end of your time.
I remain, your ardent admirer,
_________ CHARLES WALKER.
TO MR.. CHARLES WALKER AND FRIENDS AT ASHTON-UNDER-LINE.
Friend and Fellow Citizens, Dorchester Gaol, October 22nd, 1821.
1H0VGH we differ a month in dates your address did. not reacli me until yesterday, and
as .1 received an intimation of its having been forwarded three weeks back through the
$ostcript of the Address of the Female Reformer of Ashton-undw-Liae to Mrs. Car-
hie, 1 was fearful it had miscarried, and that 1 should not have Had the pleasure of
addressing you through ihe medium of this pamphlet. I mention the delay that wit
might not thtnh me negligent in sending some acknowledgement of it before.
1 am happy at the spirit and disposition evinced by the Reformers of Ashton-under-
Lme both Male and Female; for, although, this is my first direct address to<you, I
have been informed, through another channel, before you wrote to me that you were not ex
celled in genuine principle by any of your worthy neighbours in Lancashire.
ii li my 'nt6ntion' in future, to make some very strong appeals to every Man who
calls himself a Reformer; and to shew him the necessity of coming up to the whole
Of the principles of Thomas Paine. I will shew the Reformers that, nothing in Ihe
shape of expediency can he brought forward as a justification for blinking these prin
ciples at the present moment: I will shew, that there can be no Radical Reform but
upon these principles: and I will further shew, the importance and advantage of sup.
porting some well defined principles, instead of the names of men with wlwm there- is no
me useful or practicable principle allied. My Lancashire friends have convinced me,
that they are sufficiently advanced in political knowledge to support me in these appeals',
¦ ami upon these principles ; and I know well, that in other counties, and particularly in
the Metropolis, the great body of the Reformers are, in fact, .real advocates for ureal re.
presentative system of government ; that is, they are real Reformers,— they are Republi
cans. Our enemies give us one and all credit for being Republicans at heart, and we
shall exhibit ten times the force by avowing it : whilst upon these principles a political
writer 'can appeal to you with ten times the force and energy, to what he can upon the
present maudlin and ambiguous principle of patch-work system of Preform. The Re-
publican form of government, is the extreme of political liberty and political honesty;
two principles of which we cannot have too much, in any society of the human race. Any
thing short of a real thoroughly elective and representative system of government, or a re
public, is that short in liberty, honesty, and public good. The present state of the world
exhibits the practical- part of my assertion; it is no longer a visionary theory to advocate
a Republican form of government, and I defend the principles of Thomas Paine against
all the political writers on the face of the earth who oppose them, or think they go too far.,
Be assured, my friends of Ashton imder-Line, that I am stedfast, and that I shall be
stedfast whilst I retain my mental faculties. Delusioh has hitherto proved the . most
profitable game with mankind ; 1 will now try what an enemy of all delusion can do in
ttirring up the minds of the people to support him. If I am driven out of society, and re
duced, like Nebuchadnezzar of old, to graze with the cattle in the field, I will never deviate
from, those principles, and that line of procedure, which I have hitherto taken. Let us
try and see what can be doneupon such aprlnciple myfriendsat Ashton-under-Line, and
for the present give me credit for sincerity until I redeem it.
Yours, t\-c. R. CARLILE.

36
TO THE INDEFATIGABLE CHAMPION OF UNtyERSAL LI
BERTY, MR. R. CARLILE, DORCHESTER GAOL.
Most worthy Sir, Manchester, Oct. 15, 1821.
Permit a few friends of universal liberty to offer each their mite at the shrine
of eternal Truth, with their best wishes for the man, who, almost alone, .and
in this dark age of persecution, superstition, and hypocrisy, dares stand for
ward the intrepid Champion of the rights of man ; at a time too, when the advocacy
of principles founded upon truth forms the sure passport to a dungeon. We
assure you, Sir, we cannot too strongly express our indignation at the numer
ous hypocritical and cowardly persecutions which have been crowded (with so
much injustice) upon yourself and other branches of your family, by the strong
and ruthless arm of power. We beg leave to return you our most sincere
thanks for those invaluable works you have published to the world, and to ex
press our high admiration and approbation of both you and your family's con
duct. You, for your bold and resolute mannnr of harassing the common
enemy of all mankind, and your persevering determination to obtain both civil
and religious Hberty for the Island of Great Britaiu, together with, in your
own words, the. noble appellation of the Focus of Truth, whence mankind
shall be illuminated, and the black and pestiferous clouds of persecution and
superstition be banished from the face of the earth, as the only sure prelude to
universal peace and harmony among the human race, have set the right ex
ample. Than you, Sir, Corruption's host had never to encounter a more for
midable and dangerous enemy, and their malignant endeavours to to suppress
the truths which have emanated from your dungeon, prove with what fearful
alarm the progress you have made upon the minds of the people has been -re
ceived by the tools of hypocritical delusion. They already feel what would-be
the effect if their favourite idol was exposed naked to the eyes of the people.
They well know that when the veil shall be uplifted which envelopeth the hag
Superstition, Her features are of such a frightful mien,
That to be hated needs but to be seen.
It will be a pleasing reflection to Mrs. Carlile and your noble sister, Mary-
Anne Carlile, that though they have fallen martyrs to the great cause of uni
versal civil and religious liberty, yet the sympathy of the whole people is with
them, and the same spirit of indignation pervades every bosom at the unde
served sufferings and flagrant persecutions they have sustained ; and though
the bloodhounds are not yet satiated, and persecution for matter of opinion still
rears its accursed head, yet it will ultimately fall overwhelmed with general indig
nation and contempt. Thousands of proselytes will be the sure accompani
ments of each persecution ; for the majority of the people of this country are
too much enlightened to swallow all the sophisticated cant of a servile judge,
or to believe that every thing is sedition or blasphemy, which interested folly
or sanctified dotage pleases to term so.
No other circumstance could have given more general satisfaction to your
friends in Manchester than die defeat of the Bridge-Street Banditti by the
very able and very eminent defence of Miss Carlile by Mr. Cooper It is
looked upon by your friends here as the highest honour that could have been
conferred u; on Miss Carlile, to be the first to wrestle with, and overcome that
Hell-born Banditti. Although the defeat they experienced in the person of
your sister did overwhelm them with obloquy and make them writhe under
the lash of public odium, it did not stay them in their despicable exertions to
obtain a verdict against a pamphlet perfectly harmless in its nature, but very
beneficial to the morals of a nation ; and the scene of performance these gen
try fixed upon as most likely to succeed, was Manchester, a town where mur
der has been perpetrated at noon-day, upon unarmed, defenceless men, -women,
and children, and where the murderers, instead of being placed at the bar of
Justice to answer for the lives of their fellow creatures, with which they had
eo inhumanly sported, not only received the sanction of Ministers, but the
ihanks of the most moral King it hath pleased Nature to bless this coun-

37
try with since the time of Henry the Eighth ; and in this county, as might
well be expected, they have succeeded against a man whose morality will bear
the strictest scrutiny, a man noted for the mildness of his disposition and the
probity of his conduct, and whose only crime was his endeavour to earn in an
honest way of business a few shillings weekly, for the maintainance of his fa
mily, consisting of a wife and five small children, by retailing the different
newspapers and pamphlets of the day. But so generous and noble is his mind,
that we are certain he would not repine at his own individual endurance, was
it not for the agonizing thought that by his incarceration his family will be de
prived of the means of subsistence; for it ever has been, and ever will conti
nue to be, the practice of tyranny to immure aud destroy all those who are
" bold enough to be honest, and honest endugh to be 'bold."
We sincerely lament the loss of our unfortunate Queen ; had she lived a few
- years longer, there is no doubt but she would have been of infinite service in
rescuing the nation from slavery, and placing upon a permanent basis the rights
and liberties of mankind. , A more noble, a more virtuous, or a more amiable
woman, never graced the title of Queen, in this or any other country.
That such a woman should be traduced and vilified by a Christian Priest is
not to be wondered at, and that this Priest should be a member of the Bridge-
Street Gang, is a matter of less surprise, but it serves to place the morality of
the Christian Religionjust where it always has been, not in the profession, but
in the practice. This Parson Blacow is a true sample of the ministers of the
Gospel, and his defence was conducted in a real Christian-like spirit; he made
use of the most atominable falsehoods, clothed in the most abusive epithets,
and, with the 'most consummate impudence, referred to them as if they had been
indubitable facts. Nor is this the first time of his being convicted of a libel of
the basest and the blackest die. The evidence produced unmasked the knave,
and. shewed to the world that the vile hypocrite lurked under the garb of
friendship and sincerity. This man of Holy Orders was told from the Benoh
" that he had, by an unfounded assertion of the wife's incontinency, planted,
like a base assassin, daggers into the heart of him who had made this Priest
as one of his family, anil entrusted him with the education of his child." So
much for the morality of the Christian system.
We again beg leave to return you our warmest thanks for your undaunted
perseverance in the good cause, and assure you, Sir, that both friends and
foes stand mute with astonishment at beholding in your person, that man,
" " who in suffering all- things suffers nothing, a man that Fortune's buffets and
regards has ta'en with equal thanks." That you, Sir, may succeed to your
utmost wishes, in all your undertakings, is the sincere wish of, Sir, your re
spectful admirer, on behalf of the whole, JOHN HARPER.

' TO MR. JOHN' HARPER, MANCHESTER.
Dear Sir, Dorchester Gaol, October 22d, 1821.
My friends at Manchester are answering my Appeal to the honest
part of the Public, in a manner that far exceeds my deserts, and
even my expectations. The enemies of the People had vainly
thought, that the power of religious prejudice, which seemed to
palsy my friends at the moment of my Mock Trials, would still go
on to deter them from identifying themselves with me in any publica
tions ; and upon this idea they have plainly boasted of crushing me,
and of preventing my keeping a shop open, or a press at work. I
have always thought that I suffered much from the operation of that
prejudice, just after my Mock Trials, in being suffered to remain. a
month in prison for want of bail ; and I still think it encouraged the
enemy to inflict his vengeance upon me much further than he other
wise would have done, had those who professed friendship to me

38
and come round me prior to and during my Mock Trials, stuck well
by me afterwards : however, I forget and forgive all this, and must
be considered as applying to but a few individuals in London, or
who were then in London ; and as I am now again put to it to mea
sure the strength of my friends and supporters, I flatter myself that
the weight of my prejudice from any quarter will not further prevent
those who really wish to support the cause I advocate from identify
ing themselves with me, in some manner or other. Every man or
woman who comes up to my principles, or I should rather say to
the principles of Thomas Paine, shall find, that the support which
I receive from them shall be in reality an advancement of their own
principles : they shall see and feel a quick returning proof that such
support has not been vainly given.
The quantity of correspondence which I have now to print makes
me necessarily brief in addressing you ; but I wish my friends every
where to receive all my printed correspondence as general, and not
as partial or confined to just where it is addressed. It is but another
form of addressing the Reformers at large, such I intend it, where-
ever a general sentiment is expressed.
You might imagine that I wait with anxiety to see what sort of .a sen
tence Parson Blacow will receive from the mouth of his Christian Bro
ther Mr. Justice Bailey. There is a youth, who has served me for two
years and a half, and whom I took from the country, where he had
never heard a word about Reform or Deism, or any thing of the
kind, and whom I never intended to have exposed to a prosecution,
or who never suspected any danger himself, as he was serving under
my sister at the time of his prosecution ; coming up for judgment
for a libel which might be considered a set off against Blacow's,
as it was one of my expressions in the Republican during the Queen's
affair, that I could not discover those virtues which the hireling
courtier-press attribute to George the Fourth. This youth, or young
man, for he is under twenty now, has made every possible conces
sion to his prosecutors ,- and I and Mrs. Carlile have done the same
for him, in offering to remove him back to his friends in the coun
try, to take the prosecution upon one of our own family, or any
thing that should be required, consistent with our public preten
sions : but all in vain, when he asked for mercy, he was answered
with the formula of a second Information : we shall, therefore, see in
the 'contrasted case of this youth and Blacow, what sort of even-
handed justice is to be found in the Court of King's Bench.
I am fully sensible of the work of Mr. Ridgway. I cannot think
that he can be brought up for judgment after the acquittal of my sis
ter for issuing the whole edition of the same pamphlet : but should the
" Gang" be so far lost to common decency as to bring him up for judg
ment, I will not fail to make a strong appeal to the public for him, and to
do every thing that lays in my power,- so as to prevent any other in
jury to himself and family than separation. The same friend at
Leeds who has subscribed a second £5 to me under the signature of
An Enemy to Persecution, has also subscribed £5 to Mr. Ridgway,
which I doubt not but he has received ; and I hope he will find many
such friends, and many such enemies to persecution. Full of grati
tude to my friends at Manchester, I subscribe myself, without shame
or servility, their devoted friend, R. CARLILE.

39
SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR MR. CARLILE AND FAMILY,
Amount advertised  £ 196 1 $

From the Reformers of Ash-
ton-under-Line to Mrs.
Carlile
From the Reformers of Old
ham, Lancashire
From the Reformers of Hol
linwood, near Oldham
From Greenwich
J. Goldsmith, Hambledon,
¦ Hants
From Edinburgh, by Mr.
Affleck
A Friend to Freedom in
Somersetshire

1-0 0"

2 0 0

10 0

2 0 0

0 2 6

John Marrian, Birming
ham
Two Friends of Do.
From the Patriotic Fund of
Bradford, Yorkshire
" Even from Winchester"
J, C. (Monthly)
Thomas Single
An Enemy to all PriestsTvho
receive pay for preaching
Q. in the Corner
W, C, An Enemy to Op
pression
William Wright

0 0 0 02
10 5
2 1
5

0 0 00 0
0 06 00

From Manchester.

VBY MR. CHORLTON.
Robert Smith
Joseph Nixon »
Thomas Cope
Joseph Chorlton
Robert Robinson
James Thomson
Joseph Rhodes
John Gratrix
John Henderson
Peter Harding
Samuel Hulme
John Gradwell
Charles Thomson
Mary Ann Rhodes
James Wheeler
William Campion
Richard Stackhouse
William Simmon
John Crowther
A True Republican
Charles Knaseby
John Heath
Mary Tildes
.Samuel Kenyon
Elizabeth Yates
An Enemy to all Priests
Peter Whitehead
Samuel Barroni
Matthew Carter
.James James
Patrick Blaney
Joseph Gibson
" Mrs. Gibson
Thomas Darlington
A Friend to Truth
Mary Walker
A Welhiwisher to R. Carlile

0 10
0 6
0 7
0 6
0 5
0 6
0 -2
0 2
0 2
0 4
0 6
0 6
0 1
0 0 1

7

0

0

0

2

6

0

1

O

0

0

6

0

0

6

0

0

6

0

1

0

0

0

6

0

0

6

0

1

0

An Unknown Friend 1 0
BY MR. SAXTON.
Miles Plattin
John'Thacker Saxton
Susannah Saxton
John Saxton
Harriet Saxton
George Saxton
Miss Mary Jackson
Mrs. Aspinal •
Miss Aspinal
Mr. Speed
A Methodist Parson: my
name would bag me .0 1 0
Thomas Thomson, a Radical -
Tailor, who offers his ser
vice gratis to measure his
darling countryman, Cas-
tlereagh, for a hempen
Neckcloth 0 0 6
BY MR. HARPER.
Franklins Ephemron
¦ An -Enemy to all Religion
"Charles Ridings
Elijah Ridings
A Lover of Truth
Truth will prevail
John Greenwood
George Webster 1
Genesis, Chapter i. and ii. - 1
J. Rroaday, an Eneiny to Christian
Fanaticism ' 2
W. Aldred 2
An Enemy to all Tyrants, A Friend 1
A Female Naturalist 1
Joseph Hitchin, Failsworth . , &
RobertBerry do. ,%
Sarnuel Clough do.^
AnnClougb do.

26
S 0
2 6
3 0
8 0
2 6
1 0

0
0 06 0 o' 0
2" 6
1 6
1 0

40

Phoebe ('lough, Failsworth
William Smithurst do.
John Hilson do.
Robert Hall do.
Josh. Whitehead, An Israelite, who
has crossed the Red Sea of Su
perstition and landed in the Ha
ven of Deism
Henry Wilson do.
Josh. Collison, a believer that the
Bible is just as much a Reve
lation, as the Koran of Mahomet,
Gil Bias, &c. do.
Thomas Collinson do.
J. T. do.
Josh. Whitaker do.
Thomas Holland do.
James Whitehead do.
John Fletcher, A Disbeliever in the
Sun and Moon standing still at
the impotent Command of Puny
Joshua
Robert Whitehead
James Swift
Peter Fletcher
Thomas Taylor
Charles Collinson
John Simister

d. 0 0
06

John Blakelcy
John Whittakcr
George Wright
Daniel Wright
John Wright.
Josh. Bardsley
James Taylor
Josh. Rodger
James Smethurst
W. Crossley
Henry Booth

do.
do.
do. do.
do.do.
do.
do.
do.do.do.do.
do.
do. do.
do.do.

Two Enemies to the Black Slugs that
devour the tenth part of the pro
duce of the Labourer
Robert Lard
Thomas Hancock
Thomas Hazlehurst
Richard Hedge
T. G.
ConfuciusIsaac Ashton
An Enemy to Priests
G. Lard
An Enemy to all Magpies
E. B.
M.E.
R. L., Disaffected
John Beaty
Peter Ornirod

1

0

1

I)

0

6

1

0

3

0

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

1)

6

0

4

0

6

0

6

0

6

l

0

i

0

0

6

0

6

1)

4

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

1

(1

1

n

1
t

0

20

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

a

6

2

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

J. B. An Old Friend
Joseph Bottomley
An Old Friend
An Enemy to Blades, Blcacon, and
Blacow
Poor Old Citizen is out of Work,
but will send his
Adam Booth
Edward Curran
A Friend, Henry Rose
A Freethinker, T. B.
An Enemy to that Craft that can
render us no assistance when wc
stand most in Need
May the Lion destroy all Hypo
crites
Wm. Tootile
John Ackers
Edward Jones
A Friend to Free Discussion
And the Lord was with Judah, and
drove out the inhabitants of the
Mountain, but could not drive
out the inhabitants of the Val
ley, because they had Chariots
of Iron 'Alas, Poor Jehovah !
A Looker on at Peterloo
No. 1, Old Ned
Charles Hawksworlh
Wm. Nelson
Wm. Heaton
James Ogden, Poor Joe
Ja^nes Wild
An Enemy to Priests, E,
John M'Ardle
A Friend
James Bottomly
John Blinstone
Thomas Barlow
A Friend
An Enemy to all bad Folks
John Hatfield
Samuel Lord
A Well-wisher
Walter O'Brien
Matthew Lythgo
Jaflies Crook
John Waddington
A Friend
A Weaver, Newton-lane
An Enemy to Corruption
Wm. Wild
Samuel Suction
H. Foulkes
Jeremiah Connelly
James Lever

s.

d.

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

0

3

3

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

0

6

0

8

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

1

0

-I

6

1

0

2

0

0

6

(1

8

0

0

0

3

0

6

0

3

0

3

0

6

0

6

(1

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6"

0

6

0

3

0

3

1

0

0

6

0

6

0

3

0

6

0

6

1

0

0

6

0

6

From Stockport.
We, the undersigned, being Subscribers to the brave and invincible Carlile, embrace the
present opportunity of returning our most unfeigned thanks to Henry Cooper, Esq. Bar
rister at Law,fm- his manly and eloquent defence of Mary Anne Carlile, Sister to the abore
Patriot; and those honest Jurymen who so nobly did their duty in resisting the stubbornness

41

of theif fetlaws in the attempt to throw the Defendant into the hands of the Enemies of their
Country.

BY MR. PERRY.
Brought forward from the Subscrip
tion
A Radical Mortar
William Perry '
John Winstanley
Joseph Penderbury
A Friend to Truth
John Thacker Saxton
Nicholas, Smalley
John Tootel
Thomas Oldham
Jesse Swann
Not afraid of Burning
G. Swindels
Ecclesiasticus A Friend
R: Barns
John Hadfield
Richard Torkington
T. S.
J. P., an enemy to persecuting per
fidious Priests
A true Deist
William Needham
John Smith
Jos. Washington
William Cheetham
A Methodist of 14 years standing,
but convinced of bis error by the
exertions of the brave Carlile
G. Beardsworth
William Bread
Thomas Hulme
Thomas Chadwick
Paddy the boy
G.l<re
Lucy Padmore
Peggy Swann

s. «V

Bessy Swann
Jane Clarke
G. Harrison
S. Boothridge
W. Sixsmith
John Hamer
James Hamei
E. Rhodes
T. Haslehurst
T. Hill
W. B.
An Enemy to Priestcraft
J. Bardsle'y
John Fletcher .
A^LongsonR. Beatty
T. Jessop
J. Jones
J. Pickering
T. A.
J. Wilson
T. Pennington
W. Lear
John Smith
J. Longson
J. Brown
An honest Soldier
John Green
John Torrance
Jerome Hallum
John Alicot
Thomas Booth
T.M. William Fenton
Thomas Dain
A Friend to Liberty
Betty Blackshaw
T. S.
Sundry small sums

From Ashton-under-Line.

BY MR. WALKER.
G. Hobson
Mary Hobson
John Higson
J. Thorpe
A Friend to Freedom, T. Ogden
William Hardy
Willliam Aveyard
James Broadbent
'Isaac Pendlebury
Joseph Edge
^Chairles Gregory
Edward Hague
William Mellor
William Hardy
Edward Mercer
A Friend
Edward Hobson
Henry Taylor
James Higson
A Friend to Freedom "

Cresswell Barrowclough
James Fletcher
John Buckley
James Crossley -
Silas Lees
James Taylor
William Garside
A Friend to Liberty
Samuel Hibbert
Thomas Pownal
An Enemy toPriesteraft and Tyranny 1
Charles Walker
William Warren
John Hibbert
Joshua Hobson
Joseph Shenworthy
James Newton
Robert Bottomley
E. Whitw'orth
Ann Clayton
John Eckersley

s.

d.

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6

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42

Abram Matley
Samuel Clayton
James Boyle
John Clayton
John Miller
ElizabethHyde Mary Greenhall
John Booth
Joshua Wardle
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Thomas Cooke
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A Female Friend

From Leeds.

William Driver
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Politics of Paine, and the Di
vinity of Mirabaud
R. W. Byerley, an advocate for
Political and Religious Free
dom
Humphrey Boyle
An Enquirer after Truth
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Saynor Do.
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Walsh
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6

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6

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6

From London.

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From Glasgow, by Anonymous inprint, but name in confidence.
RlCHATlD CAHLILE,
A pew of your friends in this city, anxious to evince their respect for your character
and conduct, and their admiration of your unceasing and uiiequalled exertions in the
good cause, proposed to institute a subscription for your relief, as a pledge of their de
voted attachment to yourself and family, and to the principles of -which yoti ate. the
ornament. I had the pleasure of being appointed their treasurer. The following
papers was accordingly put into circulation, for the purpose of obtaining subscriptions.
SUBSCRIPTION FOR THE RELIEF OF MR. CARLILE.
With the name of Richard Carlile is associated all that is elevated and praiseworthy
in the history of religious and civil Liberty. Whether we consider the effects pro
duced by his own excellent writings ; the obligation conferred on bis country by his
reprint of the most valuable theological and political pamphlets, and that, in defiance
of the threats and blandishments of corrupt power ; or the noble and animated stand
which he has .made in defence of Truth and Justice ; he commands our applause and
admiration. Shall the man who never crouched at the feet of the oppressors, receive
neither sympathy nor support, while suffering their lash ? Can this appeal to en
lightened citizens, the friends of religious and civil freedom, be made in vain ?
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Allow me, on behalf of the subscribers,- to present you the above Five Pounds Ten
Shillings, and to indulge a hope, that in the termination of your powerful exertions
in the cause of Universal Freedom, we shall witness its triumph.
Although black clouds overhaing and detain many of the fairest portions of the
Earth, the Sun of Liberty is seen resplendant in the New World ; and in the reslisei-
tation of Spain, and of Portugal, we have a sure harbinger of the eventual " triumph
of reason, and recognition of human rights."
We trust, you and your family, have yet many long and&appy days to live in your
native country, under a system purged of bigotry and intolerance, of priestianity,
and of the corroding and baneful influence of titles and trappings, and other para
phernalia of Despotism. These, our best wishes, attend you,
ALTHOUGH A STRANGER.
TO THAT PART OF THE PUBLIC WHO READ, OR WISH
TO READ, THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE.
It is well known to this part of the Public that the writer of this is
suffering an imprisonment of two years, which will be completed on
the 16th day of November next, and is under a fine of £.1,000 for
having published the Theological Works of Thomas Paine, and there
is not a doubt but that imprisonment and fine, connected with the
further imprisonment of one year and further fine of £.500, for pub
lishing Elihu Palmer's Principles of Nature, was aggravated-en ac
count of his having published in a more complete and compact form
than were ever published before, the Political Works of Thomas
Paine, although, in his person, they have not been prosecuted. The
undersigned has felt considerable surprise at seeing the following -an
nouncement of a new edition of the Political Works of Thomas
Paine ; particularly after the Publisher pledged himself to the Sister
of the undersigned, that he would not publish them in consequence
of the injury it would do the property of the undersigned, although
it had been in his contemplation, and although he had announced his
intention of publishing a cheap edition of those works : —
" On Saturday, October the 20th, will be published, the First
Number, (Price 6d.) of Thomas Paine's Political Works.
" It is many years since a Cheap Edition of Mr. Paine's Political
Works were published ; they then sold by Millions. Since this .pe
riod, 1792, some very valuable Additions have been made to them by
Mr. Paine ; and the present Publisher, Mr. Benbow, promises a
cheap and correct Edition, in two small volumes, of the Political
Writings of that great and immortal Author.
" The above will be completed in Twenty-five Numbers."
Does Mr. Benbow mean to say that my Edition is not correct ? Or
can he add any thing new to them ? One would think by his Adver
tisement, that none of them had been published since the year 1792,
to say nothing of the other lying assertion, that " they then sold by
millions " ! ! ! Is Mr. Benbow's object patriotism or profit ? If it be
the former, I call upon him to sell publicly the Edition of the Theo- '
logical Works which he has printed privately, snd dated at New York,
America. I call upon him to publish any other suppressed Work that
I have not published. If he will do this, I will support him as an ho
nest and good fellow ; if he does not, I pronounce him a dishonest
dastard. I am sensible that I have no legal property in the Writings
of Thomas Paine, but I will ask any man to say, whether I have not,
under present considerations, a property in them in a moral point of
view. I have been at a considerable expence in collecting them in
the form in which Mr. Benbow finds them ready to his band. For
some of the articles I have actually given a value as if I had pur
chased them from the Author. In fact, I have done every thing that
lay in my power to do, to mhke the collection the most complete and
most correct possible.
However, to meet Mr. Benbow in the field of competition, I pro
mise that he shall not undersell my edition, and I defy him. to print a
better. It must be something very different from his edition of Mr.
Paine's Theological Works, if he does. I will sell my edition at any
price that Mr. Benbow sells his ; and further, I advise every man who
wishes to possess the sentiments of Thomas Paine in a cheap form,
to wait a little, as I am about to print a selection of Aphorisms from
the Writings of Thomas Paine, which will convey the whole of his sen
timents, in a form, and at a price that shall not exceed Five Shillings.
Dorchester Gaol, Oct. 28, 1821. R. CARLILE. .

N. B. R. Carlile intends, immediately, to print and stereotype tlie whole of
Same's Works, with the Aphorisms, in the form of Walker's Poets and
Classics, at the least possible Price. Fleet Street, London, 1821.
CATALOGUE OF
R. CARLILE'S PUBLICATIONS.

OF THOMAS PAINE.
s. d.
Case of the Officers of Ex
cise  0 4
Common Sense  1 0
American Crisis .... 4 0
Public Good ....... 0 9
Letter to the Abbe Raynal 1 G
Dissertations on Govern
ment, &c. ,  1 0
•Prospects on -the Rubicon 0 9
* Rights of Man, Part 1 . 3 0
Do. Do. Part 2 . 3 0
Letter to Addressers . . . 1 0
Dissertations on first Prin
ciples of Government . 0 6
Agrarian Justice .... 0 6
Decline and Fall of the
English System of Fi
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Letter to George Washing
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America  1 0
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Essays  ..50
Miscellaneous Poems ..09
Do. hot-pressed, fine paper 1 0
Appendix to Do. .... 0 2
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Appendix to Theological
Works  .06
Letter to Camille Jordan >
on Priests, Bells, and
Public Worship . , . . 0 3
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• * A common blue paper edition of
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be had in bds. in 2 vols.
at £.2 with a Memoir and
Portrait prefixed.
Portrait of Thomas Paine
for binding with the
above .  1
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A Memoirof Thomas Paine
to accompany his works,
by R. Carlile  O
*„* This Sixpenny Memoir of that Noele
of Naturb, is earnestly^ recom
mended to the Public, as a true
Portrait, by the Compiler.

The REPORT of the MOCK TRIALS
of RICHARD CARLILE, for publish
ing the Theological Works of Thomas.
Paine, and Palmer's Principles of Na
ture, will be completed in the course of
the present year in Twopenny sheets.
The first day's proceedings will contain
the whole of the three parts of the Age
of Reason, as r<:ad in Court by R. G.
the price of which will not exceed 2s . -6d.
The whole of the First Day's Proceed
ings, with a prefatory sheet, will be
ready for delivery about the beginning
of November.

In Four Volumes edited by R.
Carlile. Price £1. 11*. 6<f.
A few sets of this work still remain
for sale, and persons wishing to complete
their sets, have still an opportunity. Its
publication will be recommenced on
Friday, January 4, 1822.

Price Is.
SAUL, A Drama, translated from
the French of Voltaire.

Price 2d.
A SERMON on TITHES,
Sussex Freeholder.

By

Works Published In/ R. Carlile, 55, Fleet Street.

TWO CURIOUS ENGRAVINGS,
To bind up with the Deist, as Frontis
pieces, emblematical of the Triumph of
Reason and Justice over Superstition.
Price 6d. each.
Proofs in 4to for a frame. Price 1 s.
Price 3s.
An ENQUIRY into the Cause of the.
Progress and Establishment of the Chris
tian Religion, commonly called Gibbon's
celebrated five causes ; being the fif
teenth and sixteenth chapters of the
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
By Edward Gibbon, Esq.
¦rice Id. each.
The CHARACTER of a SOL
DIER. By Philanthropos.
The CHARACTER of a PRIEST.
By Phil.ynthropos.
The CHARACTER of a PEER.
By Piiilantiiuopos.
Price 3s. 6d.
Voltaire on RELIGIOUS
TOLERATION.

Price 4</. each.
COPIES OF THE INFORMATION
By the Attorney General, and the In
dictment by the Society for propagating
Vice, against R. Carlile for publishing
the Theological Works of Thomas Paine.
THE SPEECH OF MR. JOHN
GALE JONES,
At the British Forum on the question
of Mr. Carlile's prosecution.
THE SPEECH OF MR. JAMES
MILLS, on the same Subject.
Price Is.
A MASTERPIECE ON- POLITICS,
By William Andrews, Author of
a Letter from a Tradesman in London
to his Uncle in Yorkshire.
Price 4d.
The Accusation, Condemnation, and
Abjuration of GALILEO, the famous
Astronomer, for asserting that the Earth
was round, and revolved round the Sun,
contrary to the doctrines of the Holv
Bible. *
N. B. This pamphlet ought to be
preserved by every lover of truth, as a
specimen of the ignorance and misery
imposed upon mankind by Priestcraft,

Price Cid.
REPORT OF THE TRIAL OF MRS.
JANE CARLILE.
On an ex-ofTiciu Information, for pub*
lisliing No. 3, Vol. 3, of the Republican.
N. B. The defence on this trial, of
which a full report is given, will be
found to comprise the pith of that excel
lent pamphlet published during the
usurpation of Oliver Cromwell, entitled
Killing no Murder. The subject of the
prosecution was nothing more than a
moral lesson to tyrants and those whom
they oppress.
Price coloured 5s. plain 3s.
Mand)tnUv jfttosarre.
A full Description of the bloody at
tack made upon the Inhabitants, of
Manchester a«d its vicinity, assembled
on St. Peter's Plain, to discuss the best
means for obtaining a Reform of the
Parliament, by the Yeomanry Cavalry
of Manchester and Cheshire, on the
16th of August, 1819.
N. B. This is a large print got up
under the directions of R. Carlile, and
by all the information lie can get lias
not been equalled by any hitherto pub-
lished on the same subject.
The following Pamphlets written and
edited bo It. Carlile, have been pub
lished in the present Year.
A New Year's Address to the Reformers
of Great Britain Price 4d.
*„* This is the Address on "hich the
Bridge Street Banditti were de
feated.
Second Address and Correspondence.
Price 2d.
Third Address and Correspondence,
Price 2d.
Fourth Address and Correspondence.
Price 6d.
Fifth Address and Correspondence.
Price 6d.
N. B. Those Addresses and Corres
pondences will be continued as occasion
might require. Price 6d.
SCOTCH POETRY; consisting of
Songs, Odes, Anthems, and Epigrams.
By Alexander Rodger, an Operative
Weaver of Glasgow.

Price Is. 6d.
The WREATH OF FREEDOM,
being a Collection of Songs in favour of
the Liberties of Bfankind.

Works Published by R. Carlile, hh, Fleet Street.,

The second volume of this
work might be *.till had, and
several of the pamphlets which
were comprised in the first vo
lume. The Publisher would re
commend to the admirers of
this work, to purchase the seve
ral parts thaj^are now on sale, as
he hopes by and by, to reprint
those which are out of print. If
not reprinted, it is not of so
much consequence, as in many
other works, as the work itself is
chiefly a reprint, and every dis
tinct pamphlet complete of it
self. It was intended to form
but a collection of the best De
istical pamphlets.
The following are now on sale
belonging to vol. 1.
WATSON REFUTED;
Being an Answerto the Apology
for the Bible ; in a series of Let
ters to the Bishop of Llandaff,
by Samuel Francis, M. D. stitch
ed—Price 2s. 6d.
N. B- This refutation of Watson's
Apology for the Bible is a refutation in-
. deed. No rational being can read this
pamphlet and ever feel the least respect
for the book called the Bible afterwards.
THE CHRISTIAN MYSTERY,
A Chinese Tale; by Voltaire.
Thoughts on the Christian Re
ligion, by an American Deist.
Deism examined, with a few
Ideas on miraculous Conversion.
A Letter to Sir Samuel Shepherd ,
Knt. Attorney General, upon his
prosecutions of Richard Carlile,,
to which is added a Letter to Mr.
Carlile, and a Letter extracted
from the Morning Chronicle,
stitched — Is. 6d.
THE GOD OF THE JEWS,
OR, JEHOVAH UNVEILED;
With Strictures on the Lives of
the Hebrew Saints, and remarks

on the Jewish Theocracy; to
which is prefixed, a Letter to the
Bishop of Llandaff, bds. 3s.
N. B. This is a stinging answer to
Bishop Watson's Apology for the Bible.
Perhaps no other work has bandied the
Bible in so masterly a manner.
Volume II. might be had com
plete at 13s. or in separate
pamphlets at - the following
Prices.
CHRISTIANITY UNVEILED,
heingan Examination of the Prin
ciples and Effects of the Chris
tian Religion; translated from the
French of Boulanger, stitched,3s.
N. B. A common paper edition of
this pamphlet might be had at Is. 6d.
The Important Examination
of the Holy Scriptures. By
M. Voltaire. Price Is. 6d.
Price hs. bds.
LETTERS TO EUGENIA,
On the absurd, contradictory
and demoralizing dogmas and
mysteries of the Christian Reli
gion. Now first translated from
the French of M. Freret. ,
N. B. This work will be found one
of the closest pieces of reasoning and.
the most unanswerable argument against
the Christian Religion and the existence
of those fantasies called souls and spirits,
with their pretended immortality, that
ever issued from the pen of the Philoso
pher. Price 2s. „
THE LIFE OF DAVID;
Or, the History of the Man af
ter God's own Heart
Price 2s.
A LETTER TO THE REV.
DR. SAMUEL CHANDLER,
From the writer of the History of
the Man after God's own Heart.
N. B. This work forms the Counter
part of the foregoing, and would be ap
propriately called a second parfef the
Life of David.- They are two admirably
and well written pamphlets of the last
century.

Wo:ks Published by R. Carlile, 55, Fleet Street.

Price 1*.
AN ADDRESS TO MEN OF
SCIENCE.
Calling upon them to stand fonvard and'
vindicate the Truth, from the foul- grasp
and persecution of Superstition, and ob
tain for the Island of Great Britain the
noble appellation of the Focus of Truth,
whence mankind shall be illun.inated,
and the black and pestiferous-'tfloiids of
Persecution and Superstition be banish
ed from the face of the Earth, as the
only sure prelude to universal peace
and harmony among the human race.
In which a sketch of a proper system
for the education of youth, is also sub-
emitted to their judgment.

Price Is.
gupprfsscu- Ufffnce.
The DEFENCE OF MARY-ANNE
CARLILE to the Vice Society's Indict
ment against the Appendix to the Theo
logical Works of Thomas Paine ; which
Defence was suppressed by Mr. Justice
Best, almost at its commencement ; and,
on the propriety of which Suppression,

the Public, as the Highest 'I "lef-
nal, js now appealed to and called u]»"i
to mnciii between the Defendant her
Prosecutors and her Juhge.
Pi ice Is. 6d.
ttfitige S-firft Utmiritti, v. ffilje-^rrsa.
A REPORT of the TRIAL of MARY
ANNE CARLILK for publishing a New
Year's Address to the Reformers of
Great Britain, writlen by Richard Cnr-
lile, .and prosecuted , at theiiislancc of
the-*; Constitutional Association," be
fore Itfr.. Justice Best, and a Special
Jury, at the Court of King's Bench, in
the Guildhall, London, July 34, 1821.
With the noble anpV effectual Speech of
Mr. Cooper in Defence at large.
Price 2s. 6d.
OBSERVATIONS ON DR.
GItECORY'S LETTERS ;
On the Evideiices-of.the Christian
Religion, in a Letter to ihe Rev. VY.
Wait, a. b. of King's Square, Bristol.

AN APPEAL
TO EVERY PART OF THE PUBLIC BUT PUBLIC ROBBERS-

The Societies which denominate themselves a Society for the Suppression of Vice,
and a Constitutional Association, having, through their organ the New Times
newspaper, avowed their union and determination to shut up < lie shop, 55, Fleet-
Street, if possible, " R. Carlile pledges himself that he will so far make a stand
against them, as to defeat and annihilate tliem, if the honest part of the Public who
are most interested in the issue will give him a fair and liberal support Money js
the sinew of this as well as a less honourable warfare, and R. C. feels assured that
one tenth part of the money which those two Societies will have to spend, will ena
ble him effectually to defeat the whole gang. R. O has struggled on during an
•imprisonment of twenty-one months, and as there are but fifteen months remaining
of the period allotted htm for imprisonment, he feels assured lhat the support he
now asks from the Public will enable him to triumph over all the conspirators
against the Press being made an useful instrument. This is his first appeal to the
Public, and will be the last : as an individual, he will continue to do his utmost ;
as an instrument in the'bands of an honest Public, he will support their wishes and
exertions as far as that Public will support him. There are two ways to which he
looks for support, by a liberal purchase arid circulation of his publications, and by
. a Subscription. Either way that shall prove sufficient will be to him equally satis
factory. His expences at present are extremely heavy to meet the Prosecutions
which have already come against him, and he is not in a condition to meet a further
expense without the, assistance be now solicits, and feels himself entitled to."
IhrcheJer Gaol, August 28, 1821.
Amount of Subscriptions received ..... „£\267 13 8?
Subscriptions received at 55, Fleet Street, and at Dorchester Gaol.

THE

FORM OF PRAYER,

UTITH

THANKSGIVING TO ALMIGHTY GOD,
To be used daily by all devout People throughput
the. Rearm, for the Happy Deliverance of Her

LAJESTY

QU5JEN CAROLINE
From the late most Traitorous Conspiracy.

C&frfc ©UttUJU.

LONDON:
Prioted for WILLIAM HONE, 45, Ludgate Hill; and :
Isold by all' Booksellers in tlie United Kuigdorti. 1820. Price |>
lv fax-pence.

=S

~^"

€nte«ti at ^tattonec'jS $ail.

Printed by W. Hone,
45, Ludgate-HiU, Loadon.

THE ORDER FOR
DAILY PRAYER
THROUGHOUT THE YEAR.
% At $,# beginning of Morning and Evening Prayer the
Minister may read w,ith a loud voice some one or more
<> of these Sentences, > of the Scriptures tftat follow. And
v the?i may be said that which is written after the said
Sentences, together with other, suitable portions of the
usual Service.
WHEN'the righteous are in authority, the people
rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the
people mourn. Prop. xxix. 2.
By reason of the multitude of oppressions they make
ihe oppressed to cry : they cry out by reason of the
arm of the mighty. Job, xxxv. 9.
•> If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are
wicked. Prop. xxix. 12./
The wicked walk on every side when the vilest men
are exalted,-. Psalm xii. 8.
They are exalted for a little while, but they are
gone and brought low :. they are taken out of the way
as all other, and cut off as the tops of green corn.
Job, xxiv. 24. ' ,
A righteous man falling down before the wicked is
as a troubled fouptain, and a corrupt spring. Prpv.
xxv. 26., ' ,
A wise king; scattereth the wicked, and bringeth
the wheel over them. Prov. xx. 26.

4 jForm of draper,
<|[ This Hymn following may be used ; one Verse by ihe
Priest, and another by the Clerk and People.
OGIVE thanks unto the Lord, for he is gracious:
and his mercy endureth for ever. Psalm cvii. 1.
Let them give thanks whom the Lord hath redeemed :
and delivered from the hand of the enemy. Verse 2.
Many a time have they fought against me from my
youth up. Psalm cxxix. 1.
Yea, many a time have they vexed me from my youth
up : but they have not prevailed against me. Verse 2.
They have privily laid their net to destroy me
without a cause: yea, even without a cause have they
made a pit for my soul. Psalm xxxv. 7.
They have laid a net for my feet, and pressed down my
soul: they have digged a pit before me, and are fallen
into the midst of it themselves. Psalm lvii. 7.
Great is our Lord, and great is his power : yea,
and his wisdom is infinite. Psalm cxlvii. 5.
The Lord setteth up the meek : and bringeth the un
godly down to the ground. Verse 6.
% Two Psalms appointed in the Book of Common Prayer
to be said on the %9th of each month throughout the
year. PSALM CXL. Eripe me, Domine.
r\EL!VER me, O Lord, from the evil man : and
¦*-' preserve me from the wicked man.
2 Who imagine mischief in their hearts: and stir
up strife all the day long.
3 They have sharpened their tongues like a ser
pent : adders' poison is under their lips.
4 Keep me, O Lord, from the hands of the un
godly : preserve me from the wicked men, who are
purposed to overthrow my goings.

5 The proud have laid a snare for me, and spread
a net abroad with cords: vea, and set traps in my
way. \-
6 I said unto the Lord, TbcH| art my God : hear
the voice of my prayers, O Lord. >
7 O Lord God, thou strength of my health : thou
hast covered my head in the day of battle.
8 Let not the ungodly have his desire, O Lord :
Jet not his mischievous imagination prosper, lest they
be too proud.
9 Let the mischief of their own lips fall upon the
head of them : that compass me about.
10 Let hot burning coals fall upon them : let them
be cast into the fire, and into the pit, that they never
rise up again.
11 A man full of words shall not prosper upon the
earth : evil shall hunt the wicked person to overthrow
him. 12 Sure I am that the Lord will avenge the poor:
and maintain the cause of the helpless.
18 The righteous also shall give thanks unto thy
Name; and the just shall continue in thy sight.
PSALM CXLI. Domine clamavi.
T ORD, I call upon thee, haste thee unto me* and
-*— '' consider my voices when I cry unto thee.
2 Let my prayer be set forth in thy sight as the
incense: and let the* lifting up of my hands be an
evening sacrifice.
3 Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth : and
keep the door of my lips.
4 O let not mine heart be inclined to any evil
thing :' let me not be occupied in ungodly works with
the iflen that work wickedness, lest I eat of such
things as please them. .*»%>¦

6 jmtn of draper,
5 Let the righteous rather smite me friendly : and
reprove me.
6 But let not their precious balms break my head :
yea, I will pray yet against their wickedness.
7 Let their judges be overthrown in stony places :
that they may hear my words, for they are sweet.
8 Our bones lie scattered before the pit: like as
when one breaketh and heweth wood upon the earth.
9 But mine eyes look unto thee, O Lord God : in
thee is my trust, O cast not out my soul.
10 Keep me from the snare that they have laid for
me : and from the traps of the wicked doers.
11 Let the ungodly fall into their own nets toge
ther: and let me ever escape them.
^f The Suffrages may be as followeth.
Priest. O Lord, save the Queen.
People. Who putteth her trust in thee.
Priest. Send her help from thy holy place.
People. And evermore mightily defend her.
Priest. Let her enemies have no advantage against
her. People. Let not the wicked approach to hurt her.
<|[ After the Collects [for Peace and Deliverance from
our Enemies] may be said that zvhich followeth.
ALMIGHTY God and heavenly Father, who of thy
gracious providence, and tender mercy towards
us, didst prevent the malice and imaginations of our
enemies, by discovering and confounding their horrible
and wicked Enterprize, plotted and intended to have
been executed against the Queen and the whole State
od England, for the subversion of the Government
and. Religion established among us ; and didst like
wise wonderfully conduct thy Servant Queen Caroline,

tofty €$anfeg#Wng. 7
and bring her; safely into England, and preserve us
from the attempts of our enemies to bereave Us of dur
religion and laws : We most humbly praise and mag
nify thy most glorious Name for thy unspeakable
goodness towards us, expressed in both these acts of
thy mercy. Let the consideration of this thy re^
peated goodness, O Lord, work in us true repentance,
that iniquity may not be our ruin. And increase in
us more and more a lively faith and love, fruitful in
all holy obedience ; that thou mayest still continue
thy favour, with the light of thy Gospel, to us and
our posterity for evermore^ Amen.
% Prayer.
ALMIGHTY God, who hast in all ages shewedf
thy. Power and Mercy in the protection of
righteous States from the wicked conspiracies, and
malicious practices of all the enemies thereof: We
yield thee our unfeigned thanks and praise, for the
wonderful and mighty deliverance of bur gracious
Queen CAROLINE, by cruel treachery appointed as
a .sheep to ;the slaughter, in a most barbarous and
savage manner, beyond the examples of former ages.
From this unnatural conspiracy, not our merit, but
thy mercy; not our foresight, but thy providence
delivered us: And therefore not unto us, O Lord,
not unfo us, but unto thy Name be ascribed all
honour and glory, in all Churches of the saints, from
generation to generation. Amen. ' ' '
^ Instead of the Prayer [In time of War and Tu
mults} may be used, this Prayer following.
ETERNAL Godj and our most mighty Protector,
we thy unworthy servants do humbly present
ourselves before thy Majesty, acknowledging thy

s Jfarm of draper,
power, wisdom, and goodness, in preserving the
Queen from the destruction intended against her.
Make us, we beseech thee, truly thankful for this,
and for all other thy great mercies towards us; par
ticularly we bless thee for giving Her Majesty a safe
arrival here, and for making all opposition fall before
her. We beseech thee to protect and defend her
from all treasons and conspiracies ; Preserve her in
thy faith, fear, and love; prosper her with long hap
piness here on earth; and crown her with everlasting
glory hereafter. Amen.
<j[ The following may be said or sung, one Verse by the
Priest, another by the Clerk and People.
Grant the Queen a long life : and make her glad
with the joy of thy countenance. Psalm lxi. 6. and
xxi. 6.
Let her dwell before thee for ever : O prepare thy
loving mercy and faithfulness, that they may preserve her.
Psalm lxi. 7.
In her time let the righteous flourish : and let peace
be in all our borders. Psalm lxxii. 7. and cxlii. 14.
As for her enemies, clothe them with shame : but upon
herself let her crown flourish. Psalm cxxxii. 19.
5f Also this.
Thou art the God that hast no pleasure in wicked
ness: neither shall any evil dwell with thee. Psalm
v. 4. Thou wilt destroy them that speak leasing : the Lord
abhors both the blood-thirsty and deceitful man. ver. 6.
O how suddenly do they consume : perish, and
come to a fearful end ! Psalm Ixxiii. 18.
Yea, even like as a dream, when one awaketh : so
didst thou make their image to vanish out of the city.
Ver. 19.

. % This Sefiteiice mtiij be read ht, the Gjfeftory.
Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,
do'ye'even so to them; for this is the law and the
Prophets. St.. Matt. vii. 1'2.
v <|J :^&o www/ 6e profitably read the$e Sentences.
There is a generation that are pure in their own*
eyes', and yet is riot, washed from their filthines's;
PrpV. XXX.; 12. , ,t .;...¦ ¦ -.-..¦.:;¦
Woe unto them that call evil g^ood; and good' evil;
that put darkness. fdr light, and light for darkness;'
that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter ! Isaiah,'
v. 20.
Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for
ye makeclean the tiutsidfe of the cup arid of the platter:'
Matt, xxiin 25.
But your inside is full of ravening and wickedness:
Luke, xi. 39.
Woe unto you Scribes arid Phariseesy hypocrites!
for ye are as graves which appear not, arid the' mten
that walk over them are not aware of them. Luke,
xi. 44. ,:'..¦",
His- own iniquities. Shall take the wicked himself}'.
and he shall be holden witln the cords of his sins.
Prov. v. 22.
. He shall die without instruction ; and in the great
ness of his folly he shall go astray. Prop. v. 23.'
The^ongregation of' hypocrites shall be desolate, j
and firp .shall consume the tabernacles' of bribery.
Job, xv. 34.
f After the Prayer [For the whole State of Chrises
Church V &;c] HMs Collect following may be usedl
ALMIGHTY God land heavenly Father, who,; of^
thine infinite and unspeakable goodness towards *
B

10 JForm of Ptaper,
us, didst in a most extraordinary and wonderful man
ner disappoint and overthrow the wicked designs of
those traitorous, heady, and high-minded men, who,
under the pretence of Religion and thy most holy
Name, had contrived, and well-nigh effected the utter
destruction of thy Servant CAROLINE, our beloved
Queen : as we do this day most heartily and devoutly
adore and magnify thy glorious Name for this thine
infinite goodness already vouchsafed to us; so do we
most humbly beseech thee to continue thy grace and
favour towards us, that no such dismal calamity may
ever again fall upon us. Infatuate and defeat all the
secret counsels of deceitful and wicked men against
us. Abate their pride, asswage their malice, and
confound their devices. With judgment and justice
cut off all such workers of iniquity, as turn Religion
into Rebellion, and Faith into Faction ; that they
may never prevail against us, nor triumph in the
ruin of the Monarchy. Protect and defend Her Ma
jesty from all treasons and conspiracies. Be unto her
an helmet of salvation, and a strong tower of defence
against the face of all her enemies ; clothe them with
shame and confusion, but let Her for ever flourish.
So we thy people, and the sheep of thy pasture, will
give thee thanks for ever, and will always be shewing
forth thy praise from generation to generation. —
Amen. f Or there may be sung or said this Hymn following :
one Verse by the Priest, and another by the Clerk
and people.
"VJTY song shall be alway of the loving kindness of
**¦*¦*¦ the Lord : with my mouth will I ever be shew
ing forth his truth from one generation to another,
Psabn hxxix. 1.

-The merciful and gracious Lord hath so done his
marvellous wdrks : that they ought to be had in remem
brance. Psalm cxi. 4.
* Who can express the noble acts of the Lord : or
shew forth all his praise ? Psalm cvi. 2.
* The works of the Lord are great : sought out of all
them that have pleasure therein. Psalm cxi. 2.
The Lord setteth up the meek : and bringeth the
ungodly down to the ground. Psalm cxlvii. 6. .>.
The Lard execnteth righteousness and judgment : for
all them that are oppressed with wrong. Psalm ciij. 6:
% This Collect may likewise be used.
/~\ ALMIGHTY God, who art a strong tower of
^* defence unto thy servants against the face of
their enemies; We yield thee praise and thanksgiving
for the wonderful deliverance of these kingdoms from
the GREAT CONSPIRACY, and all the Miseries
and Oppressions consequent thereupon. We acknow
ledge it thy goodness, that we are not utterly deli
vered over as a prey unto our enemies; beseeching
thee still -to continue such thy mercy towards us, that
all the world may know that thou art our Saviour and
mighty deliverer. Amen.
% After the Prayer for the King, the Priest may say
thus.
Live joyfully with ^the wife whom thou lovest all
the days of thy vanity, which he hath given thee
under the sun, all the days of thy vanity : for that is
thy portion in this life, and in thy labour which thou
takest under the sun. Eecl. ix. 9.
So ought men to love their wives as their own
bodies. He that loveth his wife, loveth himself? Eph.
v. 28. .*¦•'-

12 Jform of Prayer,
Let every one of you in particular so love his wife
even as himself; and the wife see that she reverence
her husband. Eph. v. 33.
It hath been said, whoever shall put away his wife,
let him give her a writing of divorcement :
. But I say unto you, That whosoever shall put away
his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, causeth
her to commit adultery. Matt. y. 31, 32.
^| The Collect for God's protection of ihe 2ueen against
all her enemies.
MOST gracious God, we most humbly beseech
thee to protect thy Servant CAROLINE, our
beloved Queen, from all the dangers to which she may
be exposed ; Hide her from the gathering together
of the froward, and from the insurrection of wicked
doers; Do thou weaken the hands, blast the designs,
and defeat the enterprizes of all her enemies; that no
secret conspiracies, nor open violences, may disquiet
her; but that, being safely kept under the shadow of
thy wing, and supported by thy power, she may tri
umph over all opposition ; that so the world may
acknowledge thee to be her Defender and mighty
Deliverer in all difficulties anrl adversities. Amen.
5f This may also be said.
f\ LORD God of our salvation, who hast been ex-
v>^ ceedingly gracious unto this land, and by thy
miraculous providence didst deliver us out of our
miserable confusion ; by restoring to us, and to her
own just and undoubted rights, our most gracious
Queen CAROLINE, notwithstanding all the power
and malice of her enemies; and to the great comfort
and joy of our hearts: We arehene now before thee,
with all due thankfulness, to acknowledge thine un
speakable goodness herein, and to offer unto thee our

to«f> 'tttymtttg flJt'ng. w--
sacrifice of praise for the same ; we beseech thee to
bless the Queen with all increase of grace, honour
and happiness, in this world, and to crown her with
immortality and glory in the world to come, .Amen.
^ Versicles.
As snow in summer, arid as rain in harvest, so ho
nour is not seemly for a fool. Prov. xxvi. 1.
The wicked are lik£ the troubled sea, when it can-
riot rest, whose waters cast up mire and dirt. Isa. W\t.
29. Take away the wicked from before the king, arid
his throhe shall be established in righteousness. Prov.
xxv. 5.
¦ When it goeth well with the righteous, the city \
rejoiceth : and when the wicked perish, there is.
shouting. Prov. xi. 10.
A false witness shall not be unpunished, and he
that speaketh lies shall not escape. Prov. ix. 5.
Great men are not always wise: neither do the
aged understand judgment. Job, xxxii. 9.
For the transgression of aland, many are the princes
thereof: but by a man of understanding arid know
ledge, the state thereof shall be prolonged; Prop.
' xxviii. 2.
As a roaring lion, and a rarigirig bear; so is"(a
wi eked xuler over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 14-
Better is a poor and a wise child than an old and
foolish king, who will no more be admonished; Ecel.
iv.13. His bones are full of the. sins of his youth, which
shall lie down with him in the dust. Job, xx. 11.
Be wise now therefore O ye kings ; be instructed^
ye judges of the-earth. Psalm ii. 10.
.ii^hiwL ¦. i -,-i ¦¦ 1 J........! ,:,....• ."..I J., ..'.1 ..iu !.«¦»—

PSALMS FROM THE NEW VERSION,
By N. BRADY, D. D. and N. TATE, Esq.

I. (Psalm 6.)
UAVE mercy, Lord, for I grow faint, unable to endure

The anguish of my aching bones,
2 Quite tir'd with pain, with groaning faint
The night, that quiets common griefs,
S My beauty fades, my sight grows dim,
Old age o'ertakes me, whilst I think

which thou alone canst cure.
no hope of ease T see ;
is spent in tears by me.
my eyes with weakness close ;
on my insulting foes.

II. (Psalm 7.)

"yO save me from my threat'ning foe,
Lest, like a savage lion, he
2 If I am guilty, or did e'er
Nay, if I have not spar"d his life,
3 Let then to persecuting foes
Let them to earth tread down my life,
4 Impartial Judge of all the world,
According to my just deserts,
5 Let wicked arts and wicked men
But guard the just, thou God, to whom
III. (Psalm 15.)

Lord, interpose thy pow'r ;
my helpless soul devour.
against his peace combine ;
who sought unjustly mine ;
my soul become a prey ;
in dust my honour lay.
I trust my cause to thee ;
so let thy sentence be.
together be o'erthrown ;
the hearts of both are known.

lo thy blest courts repair ?
but to inhabit there?

by rules of virtue moves ;
the thing his heart disproves.
his neighbour's fame to wound,
by malice whisper'd round.
can treat with just neglect;
religiously respect.
has ever firmly stood ;
he makes his promise good.
his treasure to employ ;
the guiltless to destroy.
has happiness ensur'd,

T ORD, who's the happy man that may
Not, stranger-like, to visit them,
2 'Tis he, whose ev'ry thought and deed
Whose gen'rous tongue disdains to speak
3 Who never did a slander forge
Nor hearken to a false report,
4 Who vice in all its pomp and power
And piety, though cloth'd in rags,
5 Who to his plighted vows and trust
And, though he promise to his loss,
6 Whose soul in usury disdains
Whom no rewards can ever bribe
7 The man, who by this steady course
When earth's foundation shakes, shall stand, by Providence secur'd.
IV. (PsoXmtf.) my innocence secure ;
and make my footsteps sure,
2 Oh! keep me in thy teud'rest care ; thy shell 'ring wings stretch ont,
To guard me safe from savage foes,
3 O'ergrown with luxury, inclosed
And with a proud blaspheming mouth
4 Well may they boast, for they have now
Their eyes at watch, their bodies bow'd,
5 In posture of a lion set,
Or a young lion, when he lurks
6 Arise, O Lord, defeat their plots,
From wicked men, who are thy sword,
7 From worldly men, thy sharpest scourge,
Who, fill'd with earthly stores, desire
8 Their race is num'rous that partake
Their heirs survive, to whom they may

¦THAT I may still, in spite of wrongs,
Lord, guide me in thy righteous ways,

that compass me about
in their own fat they lie ;
both God and man defy.
my paths encompass'd ronnd ;
and couching on the ground,
when greedy of his prey ;
within a covert way.
their swelling rage control ;
deliver thou my soul.
whose portion's here below ;
no other blibs to know ;
their substance while they live :
the vast remainder give.

V. (Psalm 36.) ,, :
P'ALSE witnesses, with forg'd complaints, against my truth combin'd,
Ahd to my charge such things they laid as I had ne'er design'd.
2 The good which- 1 to them had done, with evil they repaid ;
And did, by malice undeserv'd, ni j harmless life invade.
3 Scoffers, that noble tables haunt, " and earn their bread with lies,
Did gnash their teeth, and sland'rous jests maliciously devise. •"'
4 Lord, as my heart has upright been, let me thy justice find ;
Nor let my cruel foes obtain the triumph they design'd.
5 O let them not amongst themselves, in boasting language say,
, "At length our wishes are complete, at last she's made our prey/'
6 Let such as in my harm rejoic'd for shame Uigir faces hide ; ,
And foul dishonour wait on those that pioiidWme defy'd.
VI. (Psalm 36.)
;"MY crafty foe, with flatt'ring art, his wicked purpose would disguise;
r But reason whispers to my heart, he ne'er setsGod before hiseyes.
2 He soothes himself, retir'd from sight, secure he thinks bis treach'rons game;
Till his dark plots, expos'd to light, their false coutriverbrand with shame.
fin deeds he is my foe confess'd, whilst with his tongue he speaks me fair;
True wisdom's banish'd from his breast, and vice has sole dominion there.
4 His wakeful malice spends the night ' in forging his accurst designs ;
His obstinate ungen'rous spite no execrable means declines.
id But, Lord, thy mercy, my sure hope, above the heav'nly orb ascends ;
[ Thy sacred truth's unmeasured scope beyond thespieadingsky extends.
C Thy justice, like the hills, remains ; unfathom'd depths thy judgments are ;
Thy providence the world sustains ; the whole creation is thy care.
VII. (Psalm SS.)
CPEAK, O ye judges ortuo earth, if jnst yonrserifence be;
i Orj must not innocence appeal to heav'u froniyour decree? .*
S Your wicked hearts and judgments are . alike bjririaliee sway'd ;
Your griping hands, by Weighty bribes, to violence betray'd.
3 Defeat, O God, their threatening rage, and timely break their pow'r ;
Disarm these growling lions' jaws, e'er practis'd to devour.
4 Let now their insolence, at height,. like ebbing tides be spent :
Their shiverM darts deceive their aim, when they their bow have bent.
S Like snails let them dissolve to slime ; like hasty births become,
Unworthy to behold the sun, and dead within the womb. '-'",
VIII. '(Psalm 19.)
yyBEti God arose to take my part, the conscious earth did quake.for fear;
From their firm posts the hills did start, nor could his dreadful fury bear.
9 Thro' beay'n's wide arch a thttnnVring peal God's angry voice did loudly roar ;
While earth's sad face with heaps of hail, and flakes, of fire, was coyer"d o'er*
3 His. sharpen'd arrows round he threw, which made his scatter'd foes retreat;
Like darts his nimble lightning flew, , andqnickly finished their defeat.
4 The, Lor.ddid on my side engage, from heav'n, his throne, my cause upheld ;
And snatch'd me from theftiriou's rage of threat'ning waves that proudly swell'd.
5 God his resistless pow'r employ'd, my strongest foes' attempts to break-;
Who else with ease had sooiylestroy'd the weak defence that I could make.
S Their subtle rage had near prevaii'd, when I distress'd and friendless lay-,
But still, when otbej; Succours fail'd God was my firm support and stay; . ".
r From dangers that inclos'd me round, he brought me forth and se,t me fre«;
for some just cause his goodness found, that inov'd him to delight in me.
J Because in me no guilt remains, God does his gracious help extend •

10 But still my soul, sincere and pure, did e'en from darling sins refrain ;
His favours, therefore, yet endure, because my heart and hands areclean.
IX.
(Psalm 146.^.
'T'HEE I'll extol my God and King, thy endless praise proclaim ;
This tribute daily I will bring, and ever bless tbjjianie.
(Psalm 147. J
Great is the Lord and great his power ; his wisdom has no bound :
The meek he raises, and throws down the wicked to the ground.
(Psalm 148.J
Ye boundless realnjfctjoy, exalt your maker's fame,
His praise your son^employ above the starry frame :
Your voices raise,
Ye cherubim and seraphim, to sing his praise,
Let all of royal birth, with those of humbler fame,
And judges of the earth, his matchless praise proclaim.
Iu this design
Let youth, with maids, and hoary heads, with children, join.
Hauelujah !
F I N I S.

Reader,
It seemeth* meet to acquaint thee that the foregoing
Form of Prayer with Thanksgiving to be used Daily for.
Her Majesty, hath been wholly compiled from Scripture^
and from certain Services and Forms appointed in the
Book of Common Prayer : viz. The Services for
Morning and Evening Prayer ; the Form for the Day
of the Martyrdom of the blessed King Charles I. j thd
Form for the Restoration of His thost religious and*
gracious Son, King Charles II. ; and the Form for the
Daywlwreon the Church as by Law established annuaty
celebrates the overthrow of the Tyranny exercised by
His Most Sacred Majesty King James II. and the
success of the Glorious Principles whereby His said-
Majesty was providentially dethroned, ana'the Revolution
of 1688 happily effected. ¥ FA'liEWELL.

Priated by William Hone,
45, JUdgate Hill.

3 9002 00874 6464