YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY AMERICAN CRISIS BIOGRAPHIES Edited by EUis Paxson Oberholtzer, Ph. D. ^be american Crisis Bioarapbics Edited by Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Ph.D. With the counsel ^d advice of Professor John B. McMaster, of the University of Pennsylvania. Each i2mo, cloth, with frontispiece portrait. Price $1.25 net; by mail, $1.37. These biographies constitute a complete and comprehensive history of the ^reat American sectional struggle in the form of readable and authoritative biography. The editor has enlisted the co-operation of many competent writers, as will be noted from the list given below. An interesting feature of the undertaking is that the series is to be im partial, Southern writers having been assigned to Southem subjects and Northern writers to Northern suojects, but all will belong to the younger generation of writers, thus assuring freedom from any suspicion of war time prejudice. The Civil War will not be treated as a rebellion, but as the great event in the history of our nation, which, after forty years, it is now clearly ^recognized to have been. Now ready : •Abraham Lincoln. By Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer. -Thomas H. Benton. By Joseph M. Rogers. David G. Farragut. By John R. Spears. .William T. Sherman. Hy Edward Robins. - Frederick Douglass. By Booker T. Washington. • Judah P. Benjamin. By Pierce Butler. • Robert E. Lee. By Philip Alexander Bruce. ¦Jefferson Davis. By Prof. W. E. Dodd. Alexander H. Stephens. By Louis Pendleton. -John C. Calhoun. By Gaillard Hunt. " StonewaU" Jackson. By Henry Alexander White. .John Brown. By W. E. Burghardt Dubois. ' Charles Sumner. By Prof. George H. Haynes. • Henry Clay. By Thomas H. Clay. • William H. Seward. By Edward Everett Hale, Jr. • Stephen A. Douglas. By Prof. Henry Parker Willis. ' William Lloyd Garrison. By Lindsay Swift. • Raphael Semmes. By Colyer Meriwether. In preparation : Daniel Webster. By Prof. Frederic A. Ogg. Ulysses S. Grant. By Prof. Franklin S. Edmonds. AMERICAN CRISIS BIOGRAPHIES RAPHAEL SEMMES by COLYER MERIWETHER Author of ' Hiatory of Higher Education in South Carolina," etc. PHILADELPHIA GEORGE W. JACOBS & COMPANY PUBUSHERS Copyright, 19 13, by George W. Jacobs & Company Published November, igij CcG8,Z8 All rights reserved Printed in U. S. A. ACKNOWLEDGMENT In the preparation of this work much help came from officials in the Navy Department in Washing ton, and from the force in the Congressional Library. Personally, the warmest thanks are due Professor W. L. Fleming, State University, Baton Eouge, Louisiana, and Dr. Stephen B. Weeks, Bureau of Education, Washington, D. 0. CONTENTS Cheonologt 9 I. Eaely Life and Education . . 11 II. Eegulae Seevioe : Loss of the "Somees" 32 III. In the Mexican Wae ... 45 IV. Impeessions and Influences of the Mexican Wae .... 61 y. Feom the Mexican to the Civil Wae 84 VI. Getting Off WITH THE " SuMTEE " 103 VII. A Dozen Peizes .... 123 VIII. Second Escape and End of the "SUMTEE" . . . .148 IX. On the "Alabama" Among the Whalees 166 X. The Sinking of the "Hatteeas" 190 XI. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN . .211 XIL In Eastben Watees . . . .239 XIII. The End OF THE " Alabama " . 263 XIV. AFTEEMATH of THE BATTLE . . 288 XV. Latee Life and Death . . . 318 XVI. The Alabama Claims— a Sequel . 349 Bibliogeapht 358 Index 361 CHRONOLOGY 1809 — September 27th, born in Charles County, Md. 1826 — April Ist, appointed midshipman. 1832 — January 31st, ordered to examination. 1832 — June 1st, warranted passed midshipman. 1833 — Maroh 22d, appointed in charge of chronometers. 1835 — July 25th, sent to Constellation as acting master. 1837 — February Gth, promoted to Lieutenant. 1837 — May Sth, married Anne Elizabeth Spencer. 1838— July SOth, sent to Norfolk Navy Yard. 1841 — May 17th, transferred to Pensacola Navy Yard. 1843 — August 10th, commands Poinsett. 1845 — September Sth, assigned to home squadron. 1846 — December Sth, loss of Somers. 1848 — January 28th, commands Electra. 1849— October 12th, detached to await orders. 1855 — September 14th, promoted to commander. 1856 — November 26th, lighthouse inspector. 1858 — September 24th, secretary ot lighthouse board. 1861 — February llth, member of lighthouse board. 1861 — February 15th, resignation from navy accepted. 1861 — June 3d, commissions Su-mier. 1861 — June 30th, escapes to the high seas. 1861 — July 3d, makes first capture, Golden Backet. 1861 — November 23d, escapes from St. Pierre harbor. 10 CHEONOLOGT 1862 — January 18th, reaches Gibraltar on Sumter. 1862 — April llth, turns over Sumter to midshipman. 1862 — August 24th, commissions Alabama. 1862 — September 5th, Alabama's first capture. 188S — November 18th, Alabama enters her first port. 1863 — January llth, sinks the Hatteras. 1@63 — June 20th, commissions tender, Tuscaloosa. 1863 — August 5th, arrives at Cape Town. ^4863 — November 18th, arrives at Souriton. ' 1863 — December 21st, arrives at Singapore. 1864 — March 20th, again arrives at Cape Town. 1864 — June llth, arrives at Cherbourg. 1864 — June 19th, Alabama sunk by Kearsarge. 1864 — October 3d, embarks for America. 1865 — January 2d, leaves Mobile for Eichmond. 1865 — February 10th, notified of appointment as Eear Admiral. 1865 — February 18th, assumes command James Kiver Fleet. 1865 — April 2d, ordered to retreat with Lee. 1865 — May 1st, paroled in North Carolina. 1865 — December 15th, arrested in Mobile. 1866 — April 6th, released in Washington. 1866 — October 24th, appointed to Louisiana State Seminary, 1867 — June 18th, resigns trom Louisiana State Seminary. 1869 — Publishes book on Sunder and Alaba-ma. 1877— August SOth, died in Mobile. 1900 — June 27th, his monument unveiled in Mobile. 1909— September 27 th, celebration of the centennial of his birth. RAPHAEL SEMMES CHAPTEE I EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION At an awful crisis in the history of a great land, at a fateful turn in the path of humanity's progress, iftaphael Semmes looms up as a portentous figure. He was chief among those few daring spirits from^ the South that swept the United States merchant flag from the ocean, aud he was the leader on his side in that contest on the waters that was the cul mination in the transition of the navies ofthe nations from sail to steam. He was preeminent in proving what havoc could be wrought among the ships of peace through the supplementary aid of Watt's invention. There had been gallant cruisers before him, as bold and as resourceful, but none single- handed had ever accomplished such wondrous results, and his career has never been equaled since his time, and perhaps can never be duplicated in this period 12 EAPHAEL SEMMES of air craft and wireless telegraphy. He did hia momentous work in three years, but the character that guided the destiny of the event, and the mind that moulded the means to an end, can be fairly seen only through the study of his days. Through the data provided by the capable hands of members of his family, we learn of his ancestry and boyhood ; through his own pen, through that of others, and through official records, we know of his subsequent career. Eaphael Semmes, of French- American descent, and of Catholic family, was born in Charles County, Maryland, on September 27, 1809, just seven months and two weeks after the birth of Abraham Lincoln, the most towering personality iu that same titanic upheaval in which Semmes won his fame. The father of Eaphael Semmes was Eichard Thompson Semmes, according to the best authority "fifth in descent from the first American ancestor, Benedict Joseph Semmes, of Normandy, France, who came over with Lord Baltimore in 1640," in the ArTc and Dove. Eaphael 's "mother was Catherine Hooe Middleton, a descendant of Arthur Middleton, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. " There was only one other child of this union, Samuel Middleton Semmes, who afterward be- EAELY LIFB AND EDUCATION 13 came a well-known lawyer in Cumberland, Mary land, and it was in the office of this brother that Eaphael read law and began that legal training that was to be of such service to him in his numer ous international verbal battles at the various ports he visited with the Sumter and Alaba-ma. The mother died early, and the father passed away when Eaphael was only ten years old, leaving the two boys almost penniless. Both were sent to an uncle, Eaphael Semmes, in Georgetown, District of Columbia. In his sketch of Admiral Semmes at the celebration of the centennial of his birth, DeLeon, the Alabama author, states that young Eaphael worked in his uncle's wood-yard, a likely, certainly a possible thing for him to have done. He must have attended some of the private schools in the city as there was no thorough public system of schools then in operation in that locality. The usual subjects for the youth of his day received his care, all elementary ; chiefly reading, writing and arith metic. But either before removal to the city or on visits to his old home afterward, he got some of his development in the best of all ways, in the free, open- air life in the country. Here was room for untram meled growth in spontaneous rivalry with his play mates, hardening his constitution, toughening his 14 EAPHAEL SEMMES fiber, sharpening his brain and bringing forth his power of initiative. Long years afterward when Eaphael was in prison in Washington after the close of the strife, it was a tender remembrance that came over him as he looked from his window on his native state, Maryland, and on "the Potomac in whose waters I used to swim and fish as a boy." But even had the opportunities been most abounding, the lad's schooling was too short for him to have ac quired more than the primal rudiments as he was "appointed a midshipman from Maryland" by President Adams on April 1, 1826. His natural taste for the sea was thus gratified when he was only a few months over sixteen, and he started upon that road which was to carry him to the pinnacle of his greatness. His father's brother, Benedict I. Semmes, may have had a part in this auspicious happening for the youth. He was a citizen of Maryland, a farmer, and had served in the state legislature. He did not become a member of Congress till 1829, but his political standing may have been sufficient to be of weight with the President in behalf of his nephew. The grade of midshipman goes back to Colonial days when the sons of leading men felt it an honor to be provided with such a berth on English men-of- EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 15 war. There is a tradition that George Washington was once destined for that service with the warrant in his pocket, but the rigid investigation of Park Benjamin fails to reveal his name in any such ca pacity in the official English archives. These young ^men were the raw stuff from which officers were to come, and the rank lasted till superseded by the cadets in the Naval Academy in Annapolis which was established in 1845. It was not treated as of a very dignified grade, the navy regulations sandwiching it in between masters-at-arms and the ship's cooks. The duties were prescribed as follows : "•Midshipmen. " 1. No particular duties are assigned to this class of officers. " 2. They are promptly and faithfully to execute all the orders for the public service which they shall receive from their commanding officer. "3. The commanding officer will consider the midshipmen as a class of officers meriting in a special degree their fostering care ; they will see theirefore that the schoolmaster performs his duties toward them by diligently and faithfully instructing them in those sciences appertaining to their profession, and that he use his utmost care to render them pro ficient therein. "4. Midshipmen are to keep regular journals and deliver them to the commanding officer at the stated periods in due form. 16 EAPHAEL SEMMES " 5. They are to consider it as the duty they owe to their country to employ a due portion of their time in the study of naval tactics and in acquir ing a thorough and extensive knowledge of all the various duties to be performed on board a ship of war." Among the common run of men aboard, their whole range of activity was tersely, if ungrammat ically, summed up as " doing what they were told and that — quick ! " The quarters for fashioning the future captains and admirals were down in the steerage of the old sailing vessels, narrow, cramped, ill smelling. There was no way of heating the place, but in the severest weather the shifty occupants were accus tomed to heat an iron ball and bury it in a bucket of sand, and then sit around this with their feet on it. They packed their belongings in lockers and drawers, oftentimes jamming them so fuU that the door could only be closed by the owner stretching himself, and bracing his feet and back against the wall or ceiling and closing up his goods by such sheer strength that when he opened the receptacle some things would fly out in the manner of a Jack- in-a-box. They slept in hammocks, and many were the pranks they played on one another, hiding some EAELY LIFB AND EDUCATION 17 parts or cutting the suspending cords, and letting down the sleeping inmate with hard bumps on the floor. Here in these dark and foul precincts, the rats found happy homes and scampered in great freedom. A warmer welcome was extended to the swarms of cockroaches, as it was believed by many that they fed upon the tribe of smaller insects that were more pertinacious, and more shunned in polite society. In clothing there was a community of interest, and it was the usual thing to borrow, or rather to take, whatever articles of dress each needed, espe cially on occasions of dignity when it was necessary to make a good appearance. Generally, there was only about a third of a full outfit of all garments for the whole group, but as a fair proportion was always asleep or at rest, none were forced to go only partly clad. The pea jackets, of course, were most in demand, and usage set aside a handily placed box, dubbed "pea jacket hole," into which each cast this article as soon as he came below, and out of it snatched the one on top as he went out again. There was danger from all this easy familiarity with other people's raiment, and the authorities of the Navy Department tried to check the habit. They solemnly fulminated against the practice and 18 EAPHAEL SEMMES ordered the captains to. put a stop to it as it was " improvident and unclean." But perhaps the youngsters felt they had an ex ample of indifference, even slovenliness, set by their betters in the bad fare served them. Loathsome food was the "hardtack infested with weevils," then rebaked, weevils and all inside, and placed be fore hungry mouths. Grog was a standard part of the rations, though it was no longer dealt out after 1842. During the previous period, there was solicitude shown for the health of the newcomers by the older hands, as these would generously drink the allowance themselves to remove temptation from their younger brethren. It scarcely sweetened their nourishment to have their dining tables set in these unpleasant surroundings, but here all their bodily functions of eating, drinking, sleeping, resting had to be indulged. What with these limited confines, the darkness, the cold, the bad air, the unsavory scents, the vermin racing and crawling, the insects biting, the exchanged clammy costumes, the mixed diet — there is some admiration due the middy bolder than the rest who ventured to complain that the steerage was uncomfortable, even if he did get a crushing answer. " Uncomfortable, sir 1 uncomfortable ! EAELY LIFB AND EDUCATION 19 Why, what blanked fool ever joined the navy for comfort 1 " ^ , It was a rough experience, with superiors as well as with equals. An angry captain would strike with his fist or bowl over with anything handy. One knocked a middy down with his speaking trumpet, but the boy being spirited and short sighted appealed to the commodore. He received opprobrious language from the captain and made a second complaint, and finally the captain was haled before a court martial, and, of course, acquitted on the defense that it was an accident. He further re lieved his feelings by charging that the middy was actuated by ' ' malignant motives. " It is not known but it may be safely said that that middy made no more appeals above his captain's head. His only consolation was that in the future when he walked the quarter-deck he could vent his spite on his sub ordinates. So loud were the murmurs against such tyranny that the matter of the treatment of midship men reached the ears of Congress and an investiga tion was had, but the officers won, as nothing was done to soften the harshness. Among themselves also blows were frequent, and rough and tumble fights not rare. But as became 1 Benjamin, "U. S. Naval Academy," p. 89. 20 EAPHAEL SEMMES gentlemen of their age and dignity, the settlement of differences by the duel was common. In this they were only patterning after their officers who had the sanction of the past centuries and the indorsement of President Jackson, who opposed this form of combat between citizens or between officers and citizens, but declared he "would not interfere be tween officers whose profession was fighting and who were trained to arms." ' With the officers there was a degree of caution and ceremonial that the midshipmen with more of the fire of youth and less of the advantages of quarters could not emulate. Notwithstanding the disparity, deaths on the field of honor were as fre quent proportionately in one as in the other rank. While no figures can be produced fatalities occurred from time to time among the midshipmen. As to the number of these contests, a competent inves tigator has counted up eighty duels in the " Old Navy" among officers and midshipmen, in fifty-two of which midshipmen participated.^ Some of the offenses were trivial, some of the duels ridiculous, pathetic, and tragical. One instance combines all these elements. On ' Benjamin, " U. S. Naval Academy," p. 96. 'Paullin, "Dueling in the Old Navy," p. 1157. EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 21 one occasion a vessel with her quota of midshipmen, while at anchor iu the harbor of Genoa, was visited by royalty. Of course, the midshipmen in full uni form were drawn up in their place in honor of the guests. After these had passed two of the young soldiers fell to disputing as to whether the queen in the party was a fine-looking lady or not. One of them ended the altercation by skilfully ducking his head and driving the point of his cocked hat into his opponent's eye. After they were dismissed, a small party sat at one end of the dining-table in the steer age drawing up a challenge. Another party sat at the other end waiting to receive and answer it. After these preliminaries had been duly observed, the two sides, principals, seconds and assistants, got into the same boat and were rowed ashore, and jointly bought ramrods for their pistols as they had forgot to bring them along. On taking stock of their money, it was found that in all purses com bined there was enough to hire only one carriage, so all got in and set out for the open country, as they thought. No one speaking Italian, the cabman, not understanding English, naturally supposed they wanted to see the sights, and he drove from church to church, from statue to fountain, in spite of all the frantic gesticulations and fierce words of his passen- 22 EAPHAEL SEMMES gers. Finally despairing of ever reaching a clear space for a punctilious encounter, they got out in the middle of the street, stepped off the distance and began to load. It was then seen that the bullets were too large for the bore, and they had to be pared down with knives that passed from one to another indiscriminately. At last, after all these amusing incidents, the two principals faced each other with deadly intent and fired. One was removed with a shattered knee, a cripple for life, tne other was un hurt, but all amicably returned to the vessel to gether. There was no investigation of the matter either there or in the city. Amid unfavorable surroundings, and the distrac tion of quarrels, the midshipmen were expected to get an education fitting for subsequent high official station. For entrance, each had to meet these qualifications: "No person will be appointed a midshipman unless evidence be furnished that he can read and write well ; understands the principles of English grammar ; aud the elementary rules of arithmetic and geography. " ^ After admission, there were three schools, so called, that he could attend, New York, Norfo.'t, and Boston. But he was expected to put in most ' " Navy Regulations of 1831." EAELY LIFB AND EDUCATION 23 of his time at sea, flnishing up at one of these three institutions toward the close of his term. On board ship he was to stand watch, do all he was told to do, and yet prosecute his studies so as to be ready for the examination at the date set, with the extra help he would get at the school for the last few months. There was a teacher on board who did his task when and where he could, though usually in the forenoon. There was no regular place of meeting, — sometimes behind "a screen on the gun deck, some times in the semi-darkness of the berth deck, and sometimes the captain would give the use of his forward cabin." The attendance had to be very irregular as those on watch could not be present. Of the rest some had been roused at four to superin tend the deck washing, while others had been on watch from midnight to four, and both sets were liable to be sleepy and sluggish. Again, most dis tracting of all, any pupil must answer an urgent call elsewhere, and the whole class might have to vacate their premises for some movement or evolu tion of the crew. Over and through all were the constant bustle and noise inseparable from the life on ocean-going craft. The teachers too were hardly of high grade ; they could not be, on an annual 24 EAPHAEL SEMMES salary of only 1900, increased after many years to $1,200. With such unsystematized methods went confu sion and differences of purpose. Some captains advised their young charges to study French, Span ish, and dancing only. Others counseled them to eschew books entirely but to "keep their eyes open," and get a thorough grasp of the practical side of their calling. Some extremists, who them selves possibly had only meager knowledge, churl ishly objected to their understanding the chronome- cer and other instruments of precision, feeling that fchat was a secret reserved for the captain and higher officers and declaring that it was " officious and un becoming the character of gentlemen " for them to handle such apparatus. But there was an official list of subjects they were to be examined in before being rated as passed mi(* shipmen. By 1821 it was promulgated that they were to pass proper tests in " rigging and stowing a ship, the management of artillery at sea, arithmetic, navigation, and the mode of making astronomical calculations for nautical purposes." * This same authority stressed the importance of moral habits and upright character. Just twenty years after ' " Rules and Regulations of the Navy Department, 1821." EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 25 ward, the requirements can be seen in more detail as the examination then covered " Bowditch' s Navigation," " Playfair' s Euclid" (Books 1, 2, 3, 4, 6), "McClure's Spherics," Spanish or French lan guage, mental and moral philosophy, and "Bour don's Algebra," besides the useful applications in cluded under the broad term "seamanship." But there was one subject that was insisted on by all with unyielding flrmness, the keeping of a diary. This had to pass the captain's inspection, and no leave ashore was permitted the unlucky midshipman who overlooked this requisite. Many were doubt less only mere repositories of the driest routine matters, but it was a happy device to teach spelling, punctuation, composition and handwriting. Gen erally, however, the theoretical branches of the course were neglected till the last six months which were usually spent at one of the three schools. Then the candidates gave all their strength to "boning up" on these, trusting to a stimulated memory to retain enough to satisfy the examiners. Ordinarily there was little attempt, even if there had been time and inclination, at an understanding of the princi ples of auy of the scientiflc topics that had to be covered. The rules and formulas for methods of calculations were memorized and recited. It is very 26 EAPHAEL SEMMES likely that the average board did not want too deep an insight on the part of the applicant, as the mem bers might then have had to display their own ignorance. The examinations were oral, conducted by a com mittee consisting of a commodore as chairman and two or three captains as members, with a teacher often present as the specialist in mathematics and sciences. Por a number of years they convened once annually in Barnum's Hotel in Baltimore. Here sitting in a room they had the candidates wait their turn in the barroom below or in the lobby, while they all, one at a time, came before this group that opened or barred farther progress in the navy. Usually a little over an hour was given to each in dividual, more than half, or sometimes all, the period being devoted to the practical part, seaman ship. Woe be to the expert assistant if he went too thoroughly into some scientific topic in his ques tions. The others of course could not follow him, and it would be too embarrassing for the superiors to be at the mercy of a subordinate. He would be cut short, and at times his farther aid dispensed with on some plausible pretext. Some of these were themselves superficial and opinionated. One amus- EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 27 ing instance is remembered in connection with the famous scientist, Maury. In his examination he boldly disregarded the formula from Bowditch for lunar distances and capably treated the case as a problem in spherical trigonometry. The professor blundered along after him, and flnally declared that Maury was wrong in his exposition, but Maury valiantly stood his ground, and at last appealed to the fall board sitting solemnly by. These evidently knew nothing about Maury's demonstration, but felt it safer to rely on their authority and sided with the professor. So Maury, "probably the most learned navigator the navy ever had," suffered because of their stupidity, and in spite of his great talents passed as only number twenty-seven in a class of forty and lost two years in promotion.' The destiny of a youth often, no doubt, depended on the temper or caprice of the chairman whose fancy might be tickled by a bluff answer. There is a comical illustration on record that might be typical of many. The following account of one of these original tests is preserved : Commodore : " Mr. Tatnall, what would be your course supposing you were off a lea shore, the wind ' Benjamin, "U. S. Naval Academy," p. 116. 28 EAPHAEL SEMMES blowing a gale, both anchors and your rudder gone, all your canvas carried away, and your ship scud ding rapidly toward the breakers? " Tatnall: "I cannot conceive, sir, that such a combination of disaster could possibly befall a ship in one voyage." Commodore : " Tut, tut, young gentleman ; we must have your opinion, supposing such a case to have actually occurred." Tatnall : " Well, sir, — sails all carried away, do you say, sir?" Commodore : "Aye, all, every rag." Tatnall : " Anchor gone too, sir ? " Commodore : "Aye, not an uncommon case." Tatnall : "No rudder, either ? ' ' Commodore: "Aye, rudder unshipped. (Ta^ naU drops Ms head despairingly in deep^ thought.) Come, sir, come bear a hand about it. What would you do ? " Tatnall (at last and desperate) : " Well, I'd let the infernal tub go to the devil, where she ought to go." Commodore (joyously): "Eight,- sir, perfectly right. That will do, sir. The clerk will note that Mr. Tatnall has passed." ' While preparing the mid.shipmen by this course 'Benjamin, "U. S. Naval Academy," pp. 116, 117. EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 29 of training and education, the government paid them for their time and services. The scale of pay varied from interval to interval, but ranged from something like $200 annually to about $400, making allowance for rations and variety and length of service. It was popular, as there seems to have been no lack of applicants. During the years of Semmes' apprenticeship, there were 374 midshipmen in 1827 ; 392 in 1828 ; 435 in 1829 ; 435 in 1830 ; 377 in 1831 ; and 345 in 1832. The pregnant years of budding manhood Semmes spent in this environment, with its narrow quarters on board ship, amid fighting, dueling companions, snatching whatever leisure he could from all the calls of duty and the diversions of comradeship for his books. All these experiences came at that age with him corresponding to the college course of to-day, a period decisive of the life path of so many men. So frequently then are preferences developed, ambitions aroused, and ways opened. It was under this system that Semmes received his nautical prep aration, got a mastery of naval details, laid the foundation of that sea knowledge, in a word was fitted, so far as instruction and discipline can shape and mould native gifts and character, for that meteoric work he did a third of a century later. 30 EAPHAEL SEMMES Because of its shortcomings and defects, it was ad mirably suited for bringing out the exceptional man who had room for expansion. The two great Civil War admirals, Farragut and Porter, were both mid shipmen, while Winslow, the only man ever to bring down Semmes' flag, was contemporary with Semmes in this nautical academy. Semmes' passage through this seminary of mari time nurture can be briefly traced by the few land marks surviving in the archives. He was flrst assigned to the Lexington which was sent to the Island of Trinidad in the fall of 1826 to bear home the body of Commodore O. H. Perry, of Lake Brie fame in 1813. Afterward the ship cruised in the West Indies, and also crossed over to the Mediter ranean, Semmes remaining with her for two years. With a brief respite on land, he sailed on the Urie for Cura§oa, in the Spanish Main, and later in the Bran dywine he visited that region, until in September, 1831, he was ordered ashore, as he had then spent the probationary period for midshipmen, flve years. During that period he had had chance to learn the channels, the reefs, the headlands and bars ofthe West Indies, and had had a glimpse of two of the continents of the Old World, Africa and Europe. To strengthen him to face that inquisitorial body in EAELY LIFE AND EDUCATION 31 Baltimore, he was ordered to the Norfolk Navy Yard to carry on his mathematical studies. Here he had the help of a well-known teacher. Professor Don Eoderigo. So far as known, Semmes had not wasted his moments during the preceding flve years, and he likely profited eminently by his regular instruction, now fortunately without the interruptions unavoid able on ship. At any rate, all things possibly com bining, his physical vigor from inheritance and from early days in the country, his native keenness of mind, his coaching at Norfolk, gave him the first honors of his class, and he joined the corps of passed midshipmen ' on April 28, 1832. ' Maffltt, South Atlantic Quarterly, Nov., 1877. CHAPTEE II EEGULAE SEEVICE ; Dueing the three years after winning the grade of passed midshipman, Semmes spent about twelve months in charge of chronometers, perhaps thus early developing for these instruments a taste that he was to have so many chances to gratify some three decades later on the Alaba-mM, when he always seized this property of his prizes. The other two- thirds of this period were apparently leisure moments which he utilized in part at least for the faithful study of law in the office of his brother, in Cumber land, and acquired a knowledge that was to be of inestimable value to him when he was cut off from all libraries and expert counsel, and had to depend on his own legal lore for the determination of intri cate questions. It was his ambition to practice in Washington, the capital of the country, but he re mained in his calling and was ordered to the Con stellation as acting master in July, 1835. He was on her for two years cruising in the waters between the two American continents, learning all EEGULAE SEEVICE 33 the tortuous lanes among the thousands of islands in that region. But he was not idle during his hours off duty. He had taken aboard with him a collec tion of books of law and during his absence on the waters he was adding to his knowledge of this sub ject. On his return he was granted leave of absence and went to"' Cincinnati, then a small frontier town, to visit friends. Here his acquaintance with the prin ciples of Blackstone, Kent and other writers first came to light in a practical way. Against Salmon P. Chase, afterward Chief Justice of the United States, he successfully defended some young men who were prosecuted for the destruction ofthe print ing press of an abolition paper.' But this was not the only event of his stay in this Western town. It was here that he solemnized his marriage. It is related by his eldest son : "On May 5, 1837, Eaphael Semmes, then a lieu tenant in the United States Navy, married Anne Elizabeth Spencer, the only daughter of Oliver Marlborough Spencer and Electra Ogden. Mrs. Semmes' grandfather, Oliver Spencer, a revolu tionary colonel, had moved from New Jersey to ' New Orleans Times-Democrat ot Sept. 26, 1909, quoting Mrs. Electra Semmes Colston, the eldest daughter of Admiral Semmes. 34 EAPHAEL SEMMES Cincinnati, when the latter was nothing more than a military post, and her father was the first mayor of the town." ' On March 6th of that year Semmes had been "promoted to be a lieutenant from Febru ary 9th preceding." From this time on to the Mexican War he fol lowed the usual routine of naval officers. He served on the Consort, Warren and Porpoise, did duty in the navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola, took part in harbor surveys of various Southern ports, all doubtless monotonous enough to an active brain. But Semmes got some variety of experience at Pen sacola by attending the courts, and practicing his agreeable profession. It was here also that he pur chased lands ou the Perdido Eiver, with several of his comrades. As the troubles with Mexico began to thicken, he was ordered in 1844 to convey a diplomatic messen ger to Vera Cruz on the small steamer which he then commanded. He did so and accompanied the envoy to the city of Mexico, thus getting a chance, which of course his keen insight and close observa tion fully utilized, of "becoming acquainted with the temper and feelings of the country." Just be fore the outbreak of hostilities between the two na- '"So. Hist. Soc. Papers," Vol. 38, 1910, p. 29. EEGULAE SEEVICE 35 tions, he was despatched on a cruise of flve or six weeks to St. Domingo, and it was here he learned from some American newspapers of the flrst clash of arms, and of the American victories. Continuing on to Pensacola, the naval base for the operations against Mexico, he remained there only long enough to get water and provisions, some eight or ten days, and then rejoined the fleet at Vera Cruz, some time in July, 1846. Shortly after he was assigned to the command of the brig Somers, of ten guns, her cap tain haviug been invalided home. The boat had unpleasant historical associations. It was on board of her, four years before, that three of her crew, one a son of the then secretary of the United States treasury, had been hanged for con spiring to mutiny. But Semmes was not troubled with any superstitions and soon won the high com mendation ofthe officer in command ofthe blockade. One of the most intrepid of Semmes' brother cruisers during the Civil War, J. W. Maffitt, relates the fol lowing incident in regard to the handling of the Somers : " She was placed on blockade service, with orders to permit nothing to enter the port of Vera Cruz. It was the old commodore's delight to visit the deck at all hours of the night and in all weathers— ir'efht 36 EAPHAEL SEMMES glass in hand — to scan the horizon to seaward of the castle of San Juan d' Ulloa. ' What a perfect owl by night, and hawJc by day, is the commander of your little brig, ' he would constantly remark. ' He is never out of place, always the faithful sentinel, true to his beat, in storm or in calm. They call him a sea lawyer. Humph ! If he does indulge in Blackstone, I'll be damned if he has neglected his Dorsey Lever, for that brig is always handled with seamanlike ability.' " ' Semmes' audacity and determination were put to a severe test of which the same narrator has given us a lively account. A Mexican boat, Creole, slipped at frightful hazard through the encompass ing line and moored under the guns of the castle. There had been no slackness on the part of Semmes, but he felt chagrined, even angry, that he had beeu outwitted. "Flaunt your flags and blow your brains out on those infernal bugles. That cargo belongs to the flames and not to your army. Well do I comprehend what are the contents of your steamer when such extraordinary risks are run in getting her into port." He consulted with his aides, an^ in the dark ran in as close to the shore as safety allowed. A boat with less than ten men ^ South Atlantic, Nov., 1877, p. 5. EEGULAE SEEVICE 37 on her was "pulled with muffled oars slowly toward the castle ; the instructions were not to make any attempt upon the steamer until half-past eleven o'clock. A gentle land breeze barely swelled the topsails of the Somers as she rose and fell with the undulating billows of the Gulf. . . . Six bells were struck (11 p. m.). Thirty minutes more of anxious anticipation were to be endured. Every minute seemed to elongate into twenty. The half hour expired. At the castle there was darkness and nothing more. . . . Suddenly loud cheers broke unrestrainedly from the officers and crew as flashes succeeded by bright flames illumined the frowning castle of San Juan d' Ulloa, the cathedral domes and spires, and the embattled wall of Vera Cruz. . . . Fiercely burned the fated steamer amid the discharge of heavy ordnance, discordant bugle blasts and confusion worse confounded among the Mexican soldiery. Brighter and more fierce grew the confiagration as the shells and Congreve rockets burst in the air, increasing the grandeur of this warlike, pyrotechnic display. Suddenly a dense volume of lurid smoke, mingled with burning timbers, masts and spars, was borne upward, ac companied by an explosion that thundered hoarsely over land and sea, echoing back from the distant 38 EAPHAEL SEMMES mountains ; when, in Egyptian darkness, the cur tain fell upon this terrible nautical drama. The Creole was destroyed." ' To this same incident Semmes himself devotes only a few very modest lines. Some eight of his crew, he says, "performed the clever exploit of burning the Mexican merchant brig Creole under the walls of San Juan d' Ulloa. They pulled iu under cover of night and boarding the vessel with out opposition flred her in several places and de parted unmolested, although within pistol range of the castle. Some little noise haviug beeu made ou board the brig when they were in the act of boarding, they were hailed by one of the sentinels ; but Lieu tenant Parker, speaking the language like a native, gave some satisfactory reply and they were not further noticed." '^ It comes as an anti-climax to learn that this gallant deed was all a mistake, as she had been allowed to run into the blockade. The commander of the fleet was using her as a spy ship, and if he had known such au attack was contemplated he would have forbidden it." ' Maffitt in South Aflantic, Nov., 1877, pp. 6, 7. ' "Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 91. "Spears, " History of Our Navy," Vol. HI, p. 417. EEGULAE SEEVICE 39 But the Somers was soon to end her course. In less than three weeks she was caught in a norther, and sank in a few minutes, the flrst of the two boats that were to go down under Semmes in his entire life. Of this disaster his pen gives this graphic account to his superior : "It becomes my painful duty to inform you of the loss of the U. S. Brig Somers, late uuder my command, and of the drowning of more than half her crew. The details of the sad catastrophe are, briefly, as follows : After having been forty-five days maintaining the blockade of Vera Cruz, I anchored, on the evening of the second inst., under Verde ^sland, where it had been my practice to take shelter from the northwest gales, that blow with such frequency and violence along this coast, at this season of the year. Soon after sunrise, a sail having been descried from the masthead, I immediately got under way, and commenced beating up, between the Verde Islands and Paxaros reefs. In a short time I was enabled with my glass to make out the strange sail to be a man-of-war; whereupon I hoisted my number and had the satisfaction in fifteen or twenty minutes more to see the stranger show that of the John Adams. "The wind, which had been blowing from the W. N. W. when we got under way, gradually hauled to the northward and settled for a while at N. N. E. The barometer having fallen the night previous to 29.80 in., and being still down and the weather looking still unsettled, I was apprehensive of a gale. As soon therefore as the John Adams showed her number, I wore and ran down toward 40 EAPHAEL SEMMES Verde Islands, with the view of coming to and getting my vessel snug before the gale should come on. When I had nearly approached the anchorage, the lookout at the masthead cried ' Sail ho ' a second time. On applying my glass in the direction in dicated from aloft, I perceived this second sail to be a brig, in the N. E., standing apparently for Vera Cruz (she did afterward run between the inner Anegada and the Blanquilla). "I immediately abandoned my intention of an choring, as the gale had not yet set in, and hauling on a wind nnder topsail and courses, commenced beating up the passage a second time, with the view of placing her between the strange ship and the port, to prevent the possibility of her running the block ade if she should be so inclined. I made one tack toward the Paxaros reef and at the time of the catastrophe was standing on the larboard tack, with the northern point of Verde Island reef a couple of points on my lee-bow. We were still under topsails, courses, jib, and spanker ; and the brig did not appear to be too much pressed. I was myself standing on the lee- arm chest, having just passed over from the weather quarter, and with my spy glass in hand was observing the reef on our lee-bow, to see whether it were possible to weather it or in the event of our not being able to do this, to give timely notice to the officer of the deck to tack ship. I had not been long in this position before the officer of the deck. Lieutenant James L. Parker, the second lieutenant of the brig, remarked to me that he thought it looked a little squally to the wind ward. I immediately passed over to the weather side and as it looked a little darker than it had done, I ordered him to haul up the mainsail and brail up the spanker, and directed the helm to be EEGULAE SEEVICE 41 put up. These orders were promptly obeyed. Lieu tenant Parker took the mainsail off and had got the spanker about half brailed up when the squall struck us. It did not appear to be very violent nor was its approach accompanied by any foaming of the water or other indications which usually mark the approach of heavy squalls. " But the brig being flying light, having scarcely any water or provisions, and bnt six tons of ballast on board, she was thrown over almost instantly so far as to refuse to obey her helm — the pressure of the water on the lee-bow rather inclining her to luff, seeing which I directed the helm to be put down, hoping that I might luff aud shake the wind out of her sails until the force of the squall should be spent. The quartermaster at the helm had hardly time to obey this order before the brig was on her beam ends and the water pouring into every hatch and scuttle. Being now convinced that she must speed ily go down unless relieved, I ordered the masts to be cut away. The officers and men, who with a few exceptions had by this time gained the weather bulwarks of the vessel, immediately began to cut away the rigging. Bnt as this was a forloru hope, the brig fllling very fast and her masts and yards lying flat upon the surface of the sea, I placed no reliance whatever upon their efforts. A few mo ments more and I was convinced in spite of all our exertions the brig must inevitably go down. I accordingly turned my attention to the saving of as many lives as possible. " The boats secured in the gripes, amidships, and the starboard quarter boat were already several feet under water so that it was impossible to reach them ; but we succeeded in disengaging the larboard quarter boat from her davits (a small boat pulling flve oars) 42 EAPHAEL SEMMES and dropped her fortunately to leeward of the brig to prevent her being thrown upon the vessel's side and crushed by the sea. I ordered Midshipman P. G. Clark to take charge of this boat, and with the purser, surgeon and seventeen men, make for Verde Island if possible ; and, after having landed all but the boat's crew, to return and save others. It was now blowing a strong gale, with a heavy sea run ning, and I deemed it imprudent to trust more men in so small a boat. Beside, I was anxious to shove her off before the vessel should sink lest there might be a rush for her and no life at all be saved. I can not refrain from expressing in this place my admira tion of the noble conduct of several of the men embarked in the boat, who implored the officers by name to take their places ; saying that they would willingly die by the wreck if the officers would but save themselves. Of course none of these generous fellows were permitted to come out and they were all subsequently safely landed as they deserved to be. Midshipman Clark fortunately succeeded in shoving off and pulling some twenty paces from the brig before she went down. " When she was on the point of sinking beneath us and engulflng us in the waves, I gave the order ' Every man save himself who can,' where upon there was a simultaneous plunge into the sea of about sixty officers aud men, each striving to se cure some frail object that had drifted from the wreck for the purpose of sustaining himself in the awful struggle with tbe sea, which awaited him. Some reached a grating, some an oar, some a boat's mast, some a hen-coop ; but many poor fellows sprang into the sea to perish in a few minutes, not being able to find any object of support. Lieutenant Parker and myself, being both swimmers, were fortunate enough EEGULAE SEEVICE 43 to reach one of the arm chests' gratings which afforded us partial support, but on which we should inevitably have been drowned, if we had not when we had swum some twenty or thirty paces secured an upper half port which came drifting by us. We lashed this with the lanyards attached to it to our grating, and thenceforth got along much better. "Midshipman Clark after he had landed the officers and men under his charge at Verde Island shoved off a second time, in obedience to the order I had given him, at the imminent peril of his life — for the gale was now blowing with much violence, and the sea running so heavily that it seemed im possible that so small a boat could live — and skirted Verde Island reef to see if it were possible to rescue any of us from the waves. His efforts were rewarded with partial success, as he picked up Lieutenant Parker and myself and one of the seamen. As soon as I had landed I sent Midshipman Clark ont again, who ventured as far from the island as he thought the boat would live ; but this time he returned un successful, having been unable to descry any floating object whatever. Lieutenant Claiborne saved him self on a small hatch abont two feet square, used for covering the pump well, and which he found float ing near the wreck. He was thrown with great violence against a reef near Sacriflcios, but fortu nately escaped without serious injury. As strange as it may appear to you, there cannot have elapsed more than ten minutes between our being struck by the squall and the total disappearance of the Somers. " I feel that I should not be doing justice to the officers and men who were under my command, if I were to close this report without bearing testimony to their uniform coolness and self-possession under 44 EAPHAEL SEMMES the trying circumstances in which we were placed ; the alacrity with which they obeyed my orders, and when all was over, the generosity with which they behaved toward each other in the water where the struggle was one of life and death. " I have thus concluded what I have to say in relation to the cause of the disaster and our own ex ertions ; but with heartfelt acknowledgments it re mains for me to inform you of the gallant and feeling manner in which all the foreign men-of-war lying at Sacriflcios came to our rescue. They hoisted out and manned boats immediately and at the hazard of their lives put out toward the wreck. They were at flrst driven back by the violence of the wind and sea, but renewed their efforts upon the first lull, and had the unhoped for satisfaction of saving fourteen more of our unfortunate companions." Semmes gave the names of foreign boats and captains that rendered aid, asked for a Court of Inquiry, and appended lists of the saved and lost of his own crew. The formal investigation was made, but he was fully exonerated from all blame. CHAPTEE III IN THE MEXICAN WAE Shoetly after his vindication in reference to the loss of the Somers, Semmes again became flag-lieu tenant to the commodore, Conner, at the head of the fleet. Scott, having planned to enter the coun try through Vera Cruz, made a descent upon that city with some twelve thousand troops, who were landed in Maroh, 1847, near the city with the aid of the vessels of war. The enemy refusing to sur render, it was necessary to bombard his fortiflca tions and make a breach in them for a storming party. Scott's guns proving too light for this heavy duty, he appealed to the navy, then under the com mand of Commodore M. C. Perry, who flve or six years afterward led the famous embassy to Japan. When the request for his artillery was made, " the commodore's courteous and gallant reply, couched iu Lacedsemonian brevity, was ' Certainly, general, but I must fight them.' " Semmes of course had an important part in trans ferring those heavy pieces to land, mounting them and flring them. After getting his battery in readi- 46 EAPHAEL SEMMES ness, the night before his deadly work was to start, Semmes' spirit was so moved by the historical as sociations and by reflections ou the circumstances, that he could not sleep and he has given us a touch ing, impressive picture of the occasion: "About midnight I wandered to a small eminence in the neighborhood of our battery to look forth upon the scene. It was perfectly calm. The fleet at Sac riflcios was just visible through the gloom and was sleeping quietly at its anchors without other sign of life than a solitary light burning at the gaff- end of the commodore. The castle of Sau Juan d' Ulloa, magnified out of all proportion by the uncertain starlight and looking ten times more somber and deflant than ever, appeared to enjoy equal repose. Even the sea seemed to have gone to sleep after the turmoil of the recent norther, as the only sound that reached the ear from that direction was a faint, very faint, murmur, hoarse and , plaintive as the lazy swell, with scarcely energy enough to break, stranded itself on the beach. The cricket and the katydid and myriads of other insects — the South is the land of insects — chirruped in a sort of inhar monious melody reminding one of his far-off home and of flreside scenes. But if nature was thus in clined to repose, man was not, for death still held IN THE MEXICAN WAE 47 his carnival within the walls of the beleaguered city. Those horrid mortars of ours were in awful activity. The demons incarnate, all begrimed with powder and smoke, who served them at this mid night hour . . . gave the doomed city no respite, not even for a single moment, as the air was never without its tenant winging its way on its errand of death. I sat and watched these missiles for an hour or more, and I shall never forget the awful scream apparently proceeding from female voices which came ringing on the night air, as one of those terrible engines of destruction exploded — carrying death and dismay no doubt to some family circle. No sight could have been more solemn and impressive — the imagination dwelling all the while on the awful tragedy which was being enacted — than the flight of those missiles through the air." ' All were astir early the next morning, and work ing their guns with coolness and precision, but soon " the city was beaten ;- and on the same afternoon we had the satisfaction of seeing a white flag pass into General Scott's camp." The navy guns had thrown nearly two thousand projectiles into the enemy's quarters, and the army about seven or eight hundred more. ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 137. 48 EAPHAEL SEMMES Shortly after Semmes was engaged in an expedi tion against Tuspapan, on a river of that name about a hundred miles northwest of Vera Cruz. After the bombardment of the place a small detach ment went up the river to seize any boats that might be found. The little incident furnishes an insight into Semmes' strict ideas of discipline. He writes : " We bivouacked in a corn-fleld as the night set in and so far availed ourselves of the privileges of con quest as to pluck as many of the delicious ears of corn just then in the milk as would feed our tired and famished seamen, who had been pulling their oars unremittingly for the last six or eight hours. The owner whom we had hoped to conciliate and make some trifling present to absconded like the rest upon our approach. . . . We made good use of the old woman's gourd full of eggs, and very nice turkey eggs they were, but molested nothing else. One of my sailors who had been seized with a fancy for a trade took down from a peg over the bed rather a nice looking sombrero — ^broad-rimmed straw hat— and trying it on and flnding it to fit him had hung up his own in its stead ; but as my eye happened to fall on him just at the moment I made him 'swap back,' as the boys say. He defended himself by saying that he meant no harm, and IN THE MEXICAN WAE 49 that a fair exchange was no robbery the world over." Semmes now ceased further connection with the navy during the war, as he was selected by Com modore Perry to bear a protest from the President of the United States to the Mexican government against the treatment of Passed Midshipman Eogers as a spy. Eogers while uuder Semmes on the Somers had been captured during "a daring night reconnaissance of the enemy's powder magazine on the mainland near the little island of Sacriflcios." He had wanted to go in disguise, but Semmes had required him to wear the appropriate uniform, with a pea-jacket thrown over it to protect himself from the night air. In spite of this precaution he was regarded by the Mexicans as having violated the laws of war and was kept in close confinement. When the news reached the United States much sympathy was aroused, and flnally Polk took the step of sending a special messenger to Mexico. Semmes' imagination was so flred with the pros pect of going with the invading force to visit the "Halls of the Montezumas" that he could scarcely sleep. On the invitation of the commodore he picked out an attendant from the sailors whom he afterward humorously referred to as "my personal 50 EAPHAEL SEMMES staff." Perry instructed him to overtake the army as rapidly as he could with safety, and then be guided by Scott as to the best means of discharging his mission. Perry also addressed a letter to Scott informing him of the nature of Semmes' errand, and asking his assistance toward carrying out the wishes of the President. Semmes was provided at Vera Cruz with horses and traveling necessaries, and an escort of twenty men. The first night out was the occasion for an adventure that tested his courage and determina tion. He was in the house of the alcalde of the village, in a loft, "jotting down by the dismal light of a farthing candle stuck in its own grease on the top of an ancient chest of drawers these veritable memoirs . . . when a villain stole one of my revolvers which I had carelessly laid down on a bench. With the assistance of the alcalde, whom I had summoned from the kitchen fire to act in his magisterial capacity, I soon got on the track of the rogue, however, and coming upon him just as he had fired one of the barrels in the road to see how he liked it, I seized him to his great astonishment— it was dark — and made him deliver up. I am sorry to add that the scamp was one of our Anglo-Saxon teamsters, picked up perhaps IN THE MEXICAN WAE 51 somewhere in the purlieus of the bowery. In con sideration of his blood and of his being one of the heroes of Mexico, I released him from other penalty than sharp reprimand, enjoining him to remember for the future, however, his long and honorable descent all the way from the Danish pirates who were robbers of land only." As he passed on his way his eyes were open and his mind alert and he notes matters meteorological, sociological, natural phenomena and military move ments and events, but nothing occurred affecting him personally or his own immediate actions with regard either to the object of his journey or his part in the conflict, until he reached Jalapa, the headquarters of Scott. Of course Semmes lost no time in making known his arrival and his purpose, and at once he wrote Scott : "I understood you to say in the conversation I had the honor to hold with you, that although you had no escort then at your command, with which to forward me to the city of Mexico, in the execu tion of my mission, I might continue with the army in its progress ; and that when you should reach some convenient point, near the city, you would either put me in jDersonal communication with the government, or send forward my despatches. I have this morning been waited on by Lieutenant Williams, your aide-de-camp, who informs me on your behalf that you have changed your resolution 52 BAPHAEL SEMMES on this point, and that you will not permit me to hold any intercourse with the Mexican government. "Commodore Perry has been charged by the President of the United States to make a communi cation with the government of Mexico, with the nature of which you have been made acquainted. He has selected me as his agent to carry out the views of the President, and has directed me to ap ply to you for the means of executing his orders. With regard to the question as to who is the proper channel through which this communication is to be made, I can of course have nothing to say — that must be settled by higher authority ; but the Presi dent has thought proper to judge of this for himself, and I am here by authority of one of the Depart ments (mediately) as his humble agent. I have specific orders from my commander-in-chief to place personally (with your assistance) my despatch in the hands of the minister of foreign relations ; or if the Mexican govei-nment will not permit me to pro ceed to the capital in person, to forward it by some safe conveyance and await an answer. " My object in addressing you this note is to en quire whether I understand you as deciding that you will not (at your convenience) afford me the facilities requested of you by Commodore Perry ; and that you will not permit me to hold any inter course, personal or otherwise, with the Mexican government. " If this be your decision, as a military man, you must see the propriety of giving it to me in writing in order that I may exhibit it to my commander-in- chief as a sufficient reason for failing to execute his orders. As soon as I receive this I shall hold my self in readiness to return to the squadron by the first conveyance. IN THE MEXICAN WAE 53 "I enclose for your inspection my order in the premises from Commodore Perry, together with a copy of the despatch of that officer to the Mexican government ; from which you will be able to see that my mission cannot have in the remotest degree any bearing upon your military operations. I will be obliged to you, if you will return me these papers after perusal." To this epistle Scott answered in a longer one that he had information that Eogers was held " as an honorable prisoner of war at large on parole within the city of Mexico," that he had had no communi cation with the Mexican political government, " if in fact there be any government in the country," that he was ready to do all he could at any time not only for Eogers but for the other prisoners held by the Mexicans, that perhaps it would be better for Semmes to refer the business to the other "func tionary " that the President had sent from Wash ington to treat with the Mexican government, that when nearer the capital he might "communicate officially under cover of a flag and a heavy escort with anybody there that may be in authority on the subject of prisoners of war generally," and that Semmes' communication might go forward then. He adds : "In the meantime you can remain here, return to Commodore Perry's squadron, or advance 54 EAPHAEL SEMMES with the army as may seem to you best. I have no advice to offer on the subject." To Semmes it was inexplicable why Scott had made no effort to get an exchange of prisoners, some of whom had been in Mexican hands under harsh treatment for several months. Scott had held unofficial conversations on the subject with Mexican representatives, but had done nothing of a formal or positive nature, though he had had a chance in Vera Cruz when he had captured flve thousand men, whom, he had released on parole without ask ing for any Americans in return. He was, besides, putting himself in an awkward position in refusing to allow an agent of the President to take up the case unless through him (Scott). Altogether Scott "manifested a most unaccountable apathy with re gard to their exchange." But Semmes cheerfully decided to abide with the army and see what he could of Mexico. He freely rode about as he pleased, since the natives had learned such a severe lesson that they did not molest parties even so small as only two or three. About two months later, July llth, Scott took some steps to aid the unfortunates in the keeping of the Mexicans. He proposed an exchange of a small number of officers including Eogers, and Semmes m THE MEXICAN WAE 55 went on with the detachment uuder a flag of truce. After a toilsome ride they came in sight of Mexican pickets who scampered away at a lively gait, even though under command of two generals, one of whom had been president of Mexico and afterward "Pres ident of a cockpit, " when his civic term had ex pired. Finally a fleet American messenger overtook them and was informed that one of the Generals, the one that had not been President, would meet the American representatives the next morning "to arrange preliminaries" for an interview, — and all this ceremony when the Americans had counted on flnishing the whole business in flve minutes. The next morning at the appointed time and place the envoys met this Mexican general himself, "a good-looking man, rather stout, . . . quite dig nified and gentlemanlike in his manners . . . mounted on a small pony . . . not well dressed . . . a somewhat villainous expression of coun tenance. . . . After a mutual salute we ex plained to him briefly our business, and our orders, if permitted, to enter the city of Mexico and present our despatches in person to the president. But he politely told us ... no officer from our camp could be permitted to enter the city." But he would forward their despatches thither safely. 56 EAPHAEL SEMMES Much as they wanted to get a view of the famed spot — seven or eight miles farther would have given that boon — Semmes and his brethren were obliged to forego that pleasure for the present. Handing over to the Mexican their despatches, they took leave of him in the following formal manner as Semmes relates: "It is hard to outdo a Mexican in politeness, but Captain Kearney and I were de termined to have the last bow, and so we bowed his generalship half-way back to his lancers, and then, turning our horses' heads, with another bow, we commenced our descent to where we had halted our troops." A dozen years later, in Washington, we shall see Semmes again grimly outdoing a rival in ceremoniousness, in the parlor of a noted social leader. The next morning he was back in Puebla, after an absence of a little over two days, but while it was au agreeable excursion for Semmes it was boot less for poor Eogers, as Santa Anna never deigned "to give any reply to General Scott's communica tion until we had given him another licking." But even then when he did so condescend, there was no Eogers in his keeping to make mention of, as that active officer had escaped and made his way to Scott's headquarters, reaching there early in IN THE MEXICAN WAE 57 August, a little over a fortnight after Semmes had made his ride out to the Mexican pickets. Semmes was now at liberty to retire from the hardships and dangers of the advance, but the pro fession of arms was too dear to his heart for him to turn his back on such a chance. " I had no thought, however," he says, "ofturningto the squadron, now that we were on the eve of commencing our glorious campaign. ... I had an excellent excuse too for remaining with the army, as our communications with Vera Cruz had been for some time cut off, ex cept as they were occasionally reopened by the up ward passage to us of reinforcements." Shortly after, he was appointed an aid to General W. J. Worth, and was on his staff to the end of the war. In this capacity naturally he had but little or no independence of movement or individuality of decision on matters affecting events of any moment. But he lost no chance to keep up with the stratagems of the armies, and to record the details. He was an able advocate of Worth in the petty squabble that broke out between him and Scott, but that was all mainly aside from Semmes' own path, and it is unnecessary to deal with it any further here. He also studied the land, — the mountains, hills, 58 EAPHAEL SEMMES passes, roads, — all with the purpose of the soldier as influencing marches, countermarches, feints, and diversions. He is especially explicit in describing the military points of the valley of Mexico, and comparing the American expedition and its difficul ties with that other foreign inroad over three cen turies earlier led by Cortez. He quotes at length from the personal letters of that wonderful and brutal Spanish explorer and notes errors due to enthusiasm. He also identifles features in that narrative and calculates what changes in marked instances had been wrought by wind and water, and the other forces of nature. Armed with this engi neering knowledge, he freely criticizes the tactics of the commanding officers, not in the captious tone of ignorance but with fairness and flrmness. Both Mexican and American mistakes are handled with this impartiality. He could also characterize the men themselves, as he was a close student of his fellow beings. He catalogues Scott's qualities, his " clear head," "remarkable memory," "excellent heart," "his large and comprehensive views of things," "supe rior military talents," " with some petulance and irascibility of temperament ' ' and ' ' a little egotism. " Worth had "quickness of apprehension," "power IN THB MEXICAN WAE 59 of combination," "ready resource," "vivacity of conversation," and was a man of "acquirements and of general reading. " Twiggs " has a frank and open countenance that at once bespeaks his character as a blunt and fearless soldier. ' ' Quitman, a lawyer, "had the rare tact to conciliate the regular officers over whose head he was appointed," and was "a zealous amateur soldier," in love with his new pro fession. But the future is the crucible for opinions. In one instance at least Semmes' judgment was over whelmingly endorsed by the infallible verdict of experience. He gave his estimate of one of the engineers. Captain Lee, whose services he declared "were invaluable to his chief. Endowed with a mind which has no superior in his corps and possess ing great energy of character, he examined, coun seled, and advised, with a judgment, tact, and discre tion worthy of all praise. His talent for topography was peculiar, and he seemed to receive impressions intuitively which it cost other men much labor to acquire." He was passing judgment upon Eobert E. Lee eleven years before Lee took command of the army before Eichmond. Semmes' own worth was weighed by his superior. General Worth, and of course, with a person of his 60 EAPHAEL SEMMES keenness of observation, his ability to read his comrades, his bearing and his skill of expression, the balance had to be favorable. General Worth in at least three despatches in the latter half of 1847 renders strong testimony as to Semmes' "intelli gence and bravery," "habitual gallantry, intelli gence and devotion," and once in a more formal manner as follows : "To Lieutenant Semmes of the Navy, volunteer aide-de-camp, the most cordial thanks of the general of the division are tendered for his uniform gaUantry and assistance ; and the general-in-chief is respect fully requested to present the conduct of this accom plished and gallant officer to the special notice of the chief of this distinguished branch of the public service — our glorious Navy." CHAPTEE IV IMPEESSIONS AND INFLUENCES OF THE MEXICAN WAE Aside from Semmes' direct share in this struggle between the Saxon and Latin, it was an experience whose formative influences had their part in his great work some fifteen years later and also in the thrilling story that he wrote in later life. In the incursion southward against a sister republic his mind was trained and his pen sharpened for the coming climax of his career. The work and the moods of nature constantly claimed his thoughts. The uprearing masses, the shapes of summits, the slopes, the valleys, all ap pealed to his inner being. From his deck afar out he never tired of contemplating the giant Orizaba, "rising with the regularity of a faultless cone," though seamed and scarred by avalanche and erosion. Subsequently, on the expedition to the capital, one ofthe many scenes of bewildering grandeur presented to him reminds him "very much ofthe mountainous parts of Pennsylvania except that it was much more broken." 62 EAPHAEL SEMMES Naturally a seaman would be more alert to the whims of the weather than to the forms of the solid crust of the earth. His penetrating mind sought to pierce the mystery of the northers that rage so dev- astatingly on the east coast of Mexico during the winter, or dry, season, from October to April. He believed them caused by the rush of cool air, made to rise by the rays of the sun heating the vast plain lying east of the Eocky Mountain range. Scientists nowadays connect these gales with an area of low pressure in the Mississippi basin, though Semmes' theory may be related to that. Again, to account for the heavy rainfall in Jalapa, he reasoned that the "sea breeze, or southeasterly winds of the Gulf, sweeping over the arid plains of the tierra Caliente, become highly rarefied, or charged with moisture ; aud coming here first in contact with the mountains, they find their dew-point at about this elevation. Their condensation and dispersion in rain is of course the consequence." The result of natural environment on men did not escape his investigating spirit. A good instance is his discussion of yellow fever in Vera Cruz. He gives an acute analysis of several pages and comes so near to the solution of the problem that it is almost incredible that he missed it. He rejected IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 63 the hypothesis that the disease is due to heat alone, or to any special winds, or to rain alone, but to a combination of aU these in conjunc tion with certain conditions in the locality. He discovered around the city many " stagnant pools and fens with a vegetation of aquatic shrubs and plants. These decaying from year to year have de posited along the margins of the pools a rich mould of vegetable matter whence have sprung up thickets and jungles. It is easy to perceive what a powerful effect the rays of a vertical sun acting in these secluded and stagnant valleys upon the decaying leaves and plants and other detritus of the jungles, the larv£e of insects, etc., must produce in evolving malaria." The land breezes over these spots waft the poison to the city which, being surrounded by a high wall, is hot and unsanitary. When he named insects, he included the mosquito which in this century has been proved to be the bearer of this scourge to mau. He saw the remedy without realizing the source of the trouble, as he says after the Americans cleaned and drained the city there was much less fever. He had the artist's eye for the pleasing or pic turesque in the landscape, and many pen cameos are scattered through his pages, but only a few can 64 EAPHAEL SEMMES appear here. Ou leaving Puebla he writes this im pression of the scene : " The morning was bright ; and as we passed out into the open plain all nature seemed arrayed in the sweetest smiles of summer — the rains had now fertilized the earth — presenting to our enchanted view green waving flelds and richly carpeted meadows, over which were wafted on the morning air the dewy fragrance of the young grass and the perfume of shrub and flower." Later on, as the invading band climbs to the top of the ridge, he catches his first glimpse of " the great valley of Mexico. . . . We seemed to be looking upon an immense inland sea surrounded by ranges of stupendous mountains, crested by snow and the clouds. We halted the column for rest and refreshment, and to give all an opportunity of look ing upon the promised land. The fog lifted some what as we commenced our descent, but still the coup d} ceil of the valley disappointed us ; not in its grandeur and extent, but from the description of travelers we had been led to suppose that we should be able to take in all the details of the panorama at our first view, which is not the case." It was not only nature that he contemplated ; the status of the human family also engaged his atten- IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 65 tion, physical as weU as sociological. Especially was he susceptible to female loveliness and he always indicated whether the women were handsome or homely. Of the Jalapa women he " Jalapa is celebrated for its pretty women ; but it cannot compare in this respect with any town of the same size in our own country. . . . They waut the fairness aud freshness of our women. To be sure their soft black eyes . . . and their hair . . . are beautiful featui-es, but nothing cau compensate in female beauty for the absence of the lily and the rose." He granted though that they were "sprightly in conversation, and easy, and eminently graceful in manner," and these charms can largely make up for deficiency in looks since "a witty and graceful woman may be plain at first sight, but she cannot long remain plain. " He remarked also that "while the women were in general sufficiently robust in figure and well devel oped, the men were puny and delicate looking. Eobust mothers should produce robust children, but the rule does not seem to hold good in Jalapa." He evidently wrote " children " for "sons." "No women," he continued, "are more kind- hearted or more full of the amiable sensibilities of 66 EAPHAEL SEMMES the sex than the Mexicans. Perfectly feminine in character, they are indeed the vine to cling round the oak which nature designed the sex to be. They would be shocked at the idea of holding public meetings or discussing in open forum the equal rights of women, as unsexed females sometimes do in other countries." ' He noticed that it was customary for them to ride astride, which was odd to him, though he accepted it as more sensible than to "jeopard the lives of our women whenever we put them on horseback merely for the sake of making them ride differently from the men." While he could assent to this prac tice, and could even tolerate cigarette smoking, he drew the line at the young lady in a dance asking her partner for the spit-box ; that for him destroyed all "the poetry that hangs around the sex." For the women of the lower class he had only pity, as they like the men were a little better off than the beasts they drove. " In the bearing of burdens and other offices of drudgery there was no difference apparent between the women and the men ... a certain evidence that they had not been in the least degree refined by civilization. • "Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 269. IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 67 . . . Among civilized people, there is a marked distinction between the kinds of labor undertaken by the sexes respectively." Industrially matters were backward. Mining was mainly carried on by foreigners, aud very in effectively by them. In farming, he saw " the man of two thousand years ago turning up the soil with a yoke of oxen, and with the identical plow de scribed by Virgil." Transportation was scarcely more advanced. Effort had been made to foster manufacturing of cloth through a high tariff, but the agriculturist clamored for a bulwark to shield him from the outsider also ; hence prices for both raw and flnished products were exorbitant. A proper tariff might be a beneflt to the people be cause, " from the nature and configuration of the country," the shipment of bulky materials was too laborious and costly, and factories could be estab lished in the interior, in proximity to the raw ma terials of the farm. One topic steadily recurred to him — the helots, Indians, peons, or lowest class as contrasted with the Southern slaves. On this same stretch of the journey, in a small village, he was struck with won der at the "miserable huts fllled with an indigent population;" "at the squalor and wretchedness 68 EAPHAEL SEMMES displayed by these poor people. Princely haciendas arose, like so many Italian villas, . . . giving evidence of luxury and wealth, . . . while the poor helot of an Indian, the hewer of wood and drawer of water . . . scarcely possessed where with to cover his nakedness."' "The great ma jority of Indian laborers on the large haciendas are in a much worse condition than the slaves of our Southern states." Beyond doubt, he declares, the women with babies " are in an inflnitely worse con dition than the female slaves on our own Southern plantations, who have masters to feed and take care of their infants." Finally he noted that "two in telligent slaves, one belonging to General Worth, the other to a member of his staff," used frequently to compare exultingly their own condition with that of the toiling peons, the free slaves, by whom they were surrounded. They preferred, they said, to be the servants of gentlemen, rather than consort with " poor white trash," and especially with poor " In dian trash." How much Semmes may have been influenced by these observations cannot be deter mined, but in his larger book on the Sumter and Alabama he treats slavery as a contributory cause of secession. There is absolutely no reason to sup- ' "Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 233. IMPEESSIONS OP THE MEXICAN WAE 69 pose that he would have fought only to preserve that institution. In more direct ways than general observation or style of expression did this war affect Semmes' views. The case of E. W. Moore led him to a blunt denunciation of promotion by seniority alone. Moore, of Virginia birth, first a midshipman, then lieutenant in the United States Navy, resigned in 1836, and entered the service of the republic of Texas, and with two small vessels routed the Mexi can fleet of ten ships, perhaps doing as much as Houston in achieving Texan independence. Later he wanted to return to his former allegiance with his Texas rank, but the navy would not allow this as his years had been spent abroad, and it was in sisted that those who remained should have the higher posts by right of seniority. Semmes con demned the view " that a man's years, and not his brains should be the test of promotion and employ ment." Such a system "dampens hope, stifles talent, cripples energy . . . draws no distinc tion between excellence and mediocrity but reduces all to the dull and stagnant level of idleness and consequent ignorance and worthlessness." ' Of still more practical use to him in after years ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 51. 70 EAPHAEL SEMMES was the example of his senior, Commodore Conner, in passing upon the prizes made in war. As flag- lieutenant Semmes had every facility to learn the judicial aspect of the questions, and beyond doubt he absorbed much that aided him in the cabin of the Alabama to solve difficult problems of inter national usage. Semmes cordially testifles to Con ner's "thorough acquaintance with the law of prizes and his discrimination and tact in disposing of cases presented for his decision." With respect to another feature of naval warfare, this war helped Semmes in the clarification of his ideas, namely, the principles governing privateer ing. His attitude was clean-cut and positive. The Mexicans wanted to adopt this mode of attack upon American commerce. Semmes frankly admits their right in accordance with the practice and the utter ance of civilized nations for centuries. As a policy, also, he contended, it was sensible, for "this sys tem of predatory warfare more than any other equalizes the strength of nations on the water." But Mexico " had no materials whereon to operate," as she had neither military nor commercial marine. " Under the law of nations it was necessary that at least a majority of the officers and crew of each cruiser should be citizens." Otherwise every such IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 71 vessel would be a pirate. But, he asserts, even though allowed by the powers, it is "a disreputable mode of warfare under any circumstances." Those engaged in it are fighting more for plunder than patriotism, the crews are composed of the "ad venturous and desperate of all nations," and itis almost " impossible that any discipline can be estab lished or maintained among them " ; in fact they are little better than "licensed pirates "and the system should be suppressed altogether.* Even the strongest character is liable to shift his point of view when his own ox is gored by his neighbor's bull. In a decade, Semmes was warmly advising privateering as a wise expedient for the South in the imminent Civil War. He wrote to a congressman from that section : " You ask me what I mean by an irregular naval force. I mean a well- organized system of private armed ships called privateers. If you are warred upou at all, it wiU be by a commercial people, whose ability to do you harm will consist chiefly in ships and shipping. It is at ships and shipping therefore that you must strike ; and the most effectual way to do this is by means of the irregular force of which I speak. Pri vate cupidity will always furnish the means for this ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," pp. 80-82. 72 EAPHAEL SEMMES description of warfare, and all that wiU be required of you will be to put it under sufficient legal re straints to prevent it from degenerating into piracy and becoming an abuse. . . . You could have a large irregular sea-force . . . which could be disbanded without further care or expense at the end of the war." ' In both these instances, it is to be remarked that Semmes was unqualifledly right as to international law providing for privateering, but he was inconsistent when he changed his belief as to the international morality of the practice. Semmes had the promptings of the philosophical historian and realized that for the proper valuation of the present we must know the past. He adopted this attitude in Mexico and unconsciously widened his own vision. He skilfully pointed out that the key to the right understanding of Mexican affairs was the transfer of the feudal system from the Old World to Mexico by the Spanish conquerors. The leaders parceled out the territory among themselves and their sub ordinates, "and alongwith those lands the simple Indians who inhabited them," while the Church at the same time came into possession of vast tracts. Under the system of entail these private holdings ' " Sumter and Alabama," p. 92. IMPEESSIONS OP THE MEXICAN WAE 73 passed from father to son and built up an aristocracy that, leaving their estates in the hands of agents, congregated in the cities, spent " their incomes in follies and frivolities," hung aroimd the court of the viceroy, and aided in upholding " the despotism under which they lived." Their predial partners, the clergy, were not at all alike in sentiment. There were at least three classes. The higher one, the bishops, were as a rule "men of exemplary character. Being large property holders, occupying, socially, a superior position, and stand ing at the head of a provincial hierarchy, it is quite natural that they should be eminently conservative in their politics ; their conservation running some times into democracy.'" The secoud class are mostly natives, with only limited incomes, doing all the drudgery of the church, jealous of " the enjoy ments and privileges " of their brethren above them, sharing the views of the mass around them, exercis ing much influence, and being usually "good re publicans." The remaining division, "called the regular clergy, consists of monks of the various re ligious orders." They were the missionaries of Mexico to propagate Christianity among the Indians. Having been superseded in this fanction by the ' "Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 14. 74 EAPHAEL SEMMES curates, they have become "a separate and distinct organization, . . . having little or no sympathy with the mass of the native population. . . . Being possessed of considerable revenues they lead a life of indolence and ease. . . . They are, in consequence, held in but little esteem, and exert no influence except such as flows naturally from their property. ... As a social and political ele ment they are of but little weight." With all this difference of attitude toward govern ment and society, with envy over the gradations of rank, with disparity of wealth and income, with diversity of ideals, all painted so vividly, Semmes' conclusion that " much of the influence the clergy might otherwise exert is destroyed by neutralizing elements existing within its own body " seems un assailable. The other inhabitants, five-sixths of the total, a class without property, are largely a " mongrel stock," a mixture of Indian and African blood. They form almost another race, having but slight affinity with the ruling class. ' ' They do not possess the intelligence of the Southern negro, " and the great majority of them are "servile and abject in the ex treme, devoid of intelligence and debased in morals." They are substantially serfs in the rural regions. IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 75 and artisans in the cities. Thelatter, though better paid, remain in the same state of degradation, "imitating the depravity of the upper classes," having the vices of civilization without the virtues. There are also smaller fractions, — miners, burden- bearers, and vagabonds, none elevated mentally, all low morally, and some vicious and dangerous. In this unhappy land there was also a passion for military display and fame. For years all the civil pursuits were neglected and then despised by the ambitious, during the turbulent years of the revolu tionary era. After that time it was impossible to settle down to a peaceful existence for more than a short while. Commotion followed commotion, due to the intrigues and disappointments of desperate and defeated leaders. Every upheaval had been a heavy cost to be saddled eventually on the entire structure. Debts were piled up and taxation became a deadly weight. Eascality and graft were rampant, since every official had to have a share of what passed under his control. Semmes tersely concludes that " two distinct races . . . possess the soil ; and that these races are divided into many classes ; of very different degrees of intelligence ; of various political creeds ; and of many aud conflicting interests." The observer of 76 EAPHAEL SEMMES the scene will note " a union of Church and State ... an unequal division of property, and an over weening military establishment. As a consequence . . . of these discordant elements, he has wit nessed revolutions and civil wars ... the wreck of the public prosperity and the utter de moralization of the people ... a decaying commerce and a rude state of agriculture and the arts . . . the corruption of public men and the general absence of sincerity and good faith among the masses." He will have a clue to "unravel the mystery of the astonishing defeats of the Mexican army."* Eeflecting upon these unlucky circumstances with reference to Mexico, and the nearness of the virile, aggressive race of his native land, Semmes was at this stage of his career an expansionist of the most advanced sort, but a peaceful one if possible. He thought that, had it not been for the internal dis sensions in Mexico bringing on a series of untoward political events, with little doubt, "harmony, toa greater or less extent, would have been preserved ; and probably, in a generation or two, the radical differ ences of the two races would entirely have disap peared . . . the flaxen hair and blue eyes of ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 40. IMPEESSIONS OP THE MEXICAN WAE 77 the Anglo-Saxon taking a darker shade, and more briUiant light, from the Hispano- American. We should thus have conquered Texas . . . and ul timately Mexico . . . as Greece conquered Eome, by civilization and the arts, instead ofthe sword." Semmes relates an incident of the war that doubt less for him strengthened the foundation of his glittering ediflce of expansion. The peninsula of Yucatan was held to Mexico by very loose ties, and setting up a separate government she sent an am bassador to Washington. No decision was reached as to the international status of the new state, but a squadron of vessels took possession of the main port and held it uutil peace was declared. So humanely were the inhabitants treated that they petitioned the navy to direct affairs until complete tranquiUity could be restored. Semmes himself was convinced that if the United States had entertained the desire to annex the whole peninsula of Yucatan, there would scarcely have been a dissenting voice among the inhabitants. Our institutions found worthy representatives in our naval officers; and "they became as popular in Yucatan after an administra tion of eighteen months as our people are destined in time to become over the whole American con tinent." 78 EAPHAEL SEMMES In keeping with this generosity of view, Semmes did not find the cause of the war with Mexico to lie in the " pretty theater of events on which the fleet ing generations of politicians play hide-and-seek. The passage of our race into Texas, New Mexico and CaUfornia was but the flrst step in that great movement southward which forms a part of our destiny. An all-wise Providence has placed us in juxtaposition with an inferior people, in order, without doubt, that we may sweep over them, and remove them (as a people) and their worn-out institutions from the face of the earth. We are the northern hordes of the Alani, spreading ourselves over fairer and sunnier flelds, and carrying along with us, besides the newness of life, and the energy and courage of our prototypes, letters, arts, and civilization." This idea of "manifest destiny " is down deep in Semmes' soul, and later, he comes to the same point with clear, strong language. " Time with his scythe and hour glass had brought another and a newer race, to sweep away the mouldered and moul dering institutions of a worn-out people, aud replace them with a fresher and more vigorous civilization. The descendant of the Dane and the Saxon, with progress inscribed on his helmet, had come to sup- IMPEESSIONS OP THE MEXICAN WAE 79 plant the never-changing Visigoth in his halls, and to claim that superiority for his lineage which an all-wise Providence has so indelibly stamped upon it." In these prophetic revelations Semmes may have had in mind the dream of the slavocrats, of getting room for future growth so as to maintain a balance between the slave and the free states, but he hardly more than mentions this institution throughout these pages. At any rate his sure insight is matched by that of one of America's greatest writers, the dean of the transcendental school of Uterature, who certainly desired no blessing for the South in his fiash of inspiration. Emerson, in New England in 1844, seven years before the date of Semmes' book, penned in his diary : " The question of the annexation of Texas is one of those which look very differently to the centuries and to the years. It is very certain that the strong British race, which have now overrun so much of this continent, must also overrun that tract, and Mexico and Oregon also ; and it will, in the course of ages, be of small import by what particular occasions and methods it was done. " * It was neither the bluster of imperialism nor the * Cabot, "Memoirs of Emerson," Vol. II, p. 576. 80 EAPHAEL SEMMES enthusiasm of ignorance that actuated Semmes in these deliverances or beliefs. As became a profound student of law, municipal, constitutional, and inter national, Semmes had considered the possible evil consequences of enlarging our domain, and he was confident that the poUtical vehicle that had borne the country in safety thus far would serenely carry us to any limits. To him there was no danger of such weakening and dissolution as befell the Eoman Empire and the empires of Alexander and other eastern leaders. These went to pieces of their own weight through loss of cohesion with enlargement of boundaries. But the more we spread, the firmer our bond of union. They were based on centrality of power, while we thrive on the federative prin ciple. With them " extension of system beyond certain limits is unquestionably death," but with us " extension is life. For while the Federal executive power, unlike the central power of which we have been speaking, is rather strengthened than weakened by the extension, the individual importance of the states is diminished. Without losing any portion of their qualified sovereignty, they become less capable, either single or in combination with others, to disturb the harmony of the system. In the old confederacy of thirteen, New York, in combination IMPEESSIONS OP THE MEXICAN WAE 81 with one or two ofthe large states, could effectually have destroyed the smaller ones; but where the federative system shaU extend over fifty or a hundred states, there can be no empire states to exercise a predominating influence over the rest." ' Semmes not only could see no peril in widening our borders, but he said that " the salvation ofour institutions depends, in a great degree, upon a rea sonable extension of our limits. This is the only thing that will rob faction of its bitterness, if it does not entirely destroy it. Fanaticism, whether re ligious, political or social, is always local ; it never spreads, unless, indeed, it be spread as the great Arabian enthusiast spread his faith, by the sword. And the reason it does not spread is that it is error ; and error, although it may be contagious in small districts, like the plague, can never inundate a vast country. " He held that because of our size, stretch ing from ocean to ocean, a puny outburst of discon tent in one spot was dissipated into thin vapor be fore it could affect any considerable area. Mas sachusetts was imposing when there were only thir teen commonwealths, but let that number increase to "thirty, forty, flfty, or a hundred," and her anger or resentment is powerless. "Individual ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 474. 82 EAPHAEL SEMMES states wUl become less and less important, and local jealousies and heart-burnings will scarcely produce more effect upon the nation at large than does the gossiping of a remote village upon a metropolitan city." Shay's rebellion iu Pennsylvania and the whiskey trouble in Massachusetts would be now no more than "tempests iu a teapot." With greater diversity of "climates, productions and pursuits," there wiU be more motives for adhesion, making all more dependent on each other and binding the whole " in one great free-trades' union." With the contemplation of the beneficent fruits of augmenta tion on the federative plan, Semmes is not only a pronounced nationalist, but he becomes a world commercialist and forecasts for us supremacy in the trade of the earth. " Our Pacific front opens to us, and will enable us to monopolize, almost all the commerce of the East Indies, north and south. This will make us the carriers aud factors ofthe world. Twenty years hence, and it will no longer be Britannia but America rules the waves." * The same idea had filled Semmes' mind when he crossed the divide between the two oceans on his mission to propose the exchange of Passed Midship man Eogers. He first saw the water flowing toward ' " Service Afloat and Ashore," p. 55. IMPEESSIONS OF THE MEXICAN WAE 83 the Pacific and "many were the reflections to which it gave rise. Our small navy on that side ofthe continent under the lead of the gallant Commodore Stockton, aided by Colonel Fremont, had already added the Oaltfornias to our vast domain, and our flag would no doubt soon encircle the globe as that of the greatest commercial nation on earth, that same flag which had been derided scarce forty years before — in the War of 1812^— by our proud ancestor over the water as a '"bit of striped bunting.'" His optimism and patriotism made the future seem bright to him. Such single-minded devotion to the Union blinded the eyes of the prophet and caused his predictions to be so wide of the mark that they would be amusing to us, if they did not call up lamentable emotions. Writing only ten years before the clash of arms, he detected no signs of the coming storm. Eeasoning soundly that no one state could seriously jeopardize the other states, it did not occur to him that a group of them, with the same incentive, could imperil the entire fabric. Fondly anticipating that the American flag would wave over the "salt blue seas," it is a tragedy of the imagination that in fifteen years his daring genius was to be in the van, driving that emblem from the face of the waters. CHAPTEE V FEOM THB MEXICAN TO THE CIVIL WAE Without a glimmer of his coming destiny, Semmes serenely bore aloft that insignia that he was so soon fated to strike down. During the in terval he served as inspector, commanded the Electra for some flve months, and also the Flirt for a less time, both in Southern waters. It was on the latter that we see something of that determination to maintain discipline which made him complete master of the Alabama in the presence of a heterogeneous mass of reckless, desperate men, hailing from all quarters of the globe. His log has many entries like these: "Punished George Mc Gowan with one dozen of the cats for disorderly conduct on shore and James Sergeant with the same for drunkenness." "Punished John Travers with nine lashes with the cats for refusing to obey the surgeon's steward when ordered to assist a sick messmate." In forty-two days he administered six teen whippings with the cats ranging from two lashes to twelve, besides sentencing to irons and double irons. FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 85 He was of course only making use of the regular means then universally employed for preserving order. When he was a subordinate several years previous on the Porpoise, he had made this record : "At 9 : 10 called all hands to witness punishment, and punished the following men, by order of Lieut- Commdg. W. B. Hunt ; John Stone (Bo. Mate) for drunkenness and insubordination, six lashes ; Aus tin Daniels (quartermaster) for drunkenness and insolence, twelve lashes ; John Smith (Captain Cook) drunkenness, twelve lashes; Edward B. Carmer (yeoman) for drunkenness and fighting, twelve lashes; aud John Walker for drunkenness and fighting, twelve lashes — all with the cats." ' This method of restraining offenders was abolished in 1850. Semmes made his world-startling cruises in the Sumter and Alabama without resorting to this cruel physical device to hold his sway over the crew. After leaving the Flirt he was on waiting orders for about five years, which he spent in southern Alabama, chiefly in Mobile, enlarging his acquaint ance with the law. He was promoted to be a com mander in 1855, and the next year was assigned to lighthouse work in which service he continued as 'From log books of these vessels in Navy Department. 86 BAPHAEL SEMMES inspector, as secretary, and as member of the Board till his resignation from the navy to cast his for tunes with the South on February 15, 1861. To a sincere soul, it was a terrible wrench to take this step. Considerations of selfishness and con siderations of sentiment were all against it. If he withdrew, he dropped his profession which was his fortune and his future. His family was dependent on him. If he remained where he was, he was sure of a competency for life, and he could count on pro motion and honors. If he went with his state, he could not better his condition, and if the venture failed, he lost all. If the severance of these eco nomic bonds cost many an anguish, it was still more painful to break the ties of association and comradeship. Naval officers who ' ' had been rocked together in the same storm, and had escaped perhaps from the same shipwreck, found it very difficult to draw their swords against each other." There was, too, a cluster of the tenderest memories around the flag which represented a voluntary union of sover eign states, built on the principle that all govern ment should rest upon the consent of the governed, but now it was to be the emblem for coercing un willing states "to remain under a government which they deemed unjustand oppressive." FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 87 But all those various emotions Semmes felt could not be better expressed than in the two simple, dignified letters that General Lee penned when he followed Virginia out of the Union. Semmes in cludes them in his fascinating story of the Sumter and Alabama. But the inherent regard for law of the bulk of Americans was in Semmes' case strength ened by his legal training, and in after years it prompted him to a keen analysis, historically and constitutionally, of the grounds of justification of secession. To him " the judgment which posterity will form upon our actions will depend mainly upon the answers which we may be able to give to two ques tions : First, had the South the right to dissolve the compact of government under which it had lived with the North ? and secondly, was there sufficient reason for such dissolution?" The act of revolu tion had no part in the discussion because it is in born in the people to desert a rule that has become too aggressive for endurance. But with the South it was a higher right they exercised, because the states had formed the agreement and therefore as sovereignties they could unmake it. The old loose confederation of the thirteen colonies was by the confession of all formed by the spontaneous action 88 BAPHAEL SEMMES of the thirteen, each moving independently. When they saw that organization was no longer useful, they broke it up, and then each, on its own incen tive, adopted the present Constitution of the United States. Or as Semmes summed it up : "A con vention of the states assembled with powers only to amend the Constitution ; instead of doing which, it abolished the old form of government altogether, and recommended a new one, and no one com plained. As each state formally and deUberately adopted the new government, it as formally and deliberately seceded from the old one ; and yet no one heard any talk of a breach of faith, and stiU less of treason." But it is asserted by the North that the Constitu tion of the United States "is a very different thing from the Articles of Confederation. It was formed, not only by the states, but by the people of the United States in the aggregate, and made all the states one people, one government. It is not a com pact, or a league, between the states, but au instru ment under which they have surrendered irrevocably their sovereignty. Under it the Federal govern ment has become the paramount authority and the state subordinate to it." Even the strongest advocates of this contention, FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 89 Webster and Story, frankly admit that if the union of the states was a compact then the states are wholly justified in seceding whenever they desire, even though, as Webster admits, "it might be one of its stipulations that it should be perpetual." Of course, Semmes says, there is such an act as a state merger, in which a state gives up its own life and is absorbed in that of another, and in such case the one "parting with its sovereignty could never reclaim it by peaceable means." But a his torical retrospect shows overwhelmingly that the states had no intention of laying aside more than a portion of their sovereignty, which they delegated to a common agent. The Journal of the debates in the constitutional convention convinces any fair mind how jealous aU were to guard their absolute power of action except the fraction they intrusted to the central authority. So scrupulous were they on this point that several of them declared their meaning in the most express "manner. Both sec tions so rigidly insisted on this that the tenth amendment was adopted to make certain that all powers except those enumerated in the Constitution should remain with the states. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina occupied substantially the same ground. 90 EAPHAEL SEMMES Throughout the entire movement to create this gen eral authority, it was the states that took each step, and not the people. The delegates were appointed and empowered by the states, they voted always by states, and their labors were passed upon by the states, not in any of these instances by the people as a whole. It was the states that created this instru ment supreme so far as its terms permit, and they can destroy it — "any one of them may destroy it as to herself ; it may withdraw from the compact at pleasure, with or without reason." But the opponents argue that the preamble reads, " We, the people ofthe United States," etc., thus establishing that it was not the thirteen sep arate entities, but the persons inhabiting this land that entered into the compact. To Semmes this is the merest "literary quackery and legerdemain of words," made respectable and imposing by Webster and Story, who practiced m good faith a "literary and historical fraud " upon credulity and simplicity. Webster is more responsible, perhaps, than any other man. He boldly stated "in his celebrated speech in the Senate, in 1833, in reply to Mr. Calhoun" that " the Constitution itself, in its very front, declares that it was ordained and established by the people ofthe United States in the aggregate. " PEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAB 91 This has been the foundation of all the Northern constitutional lawyers, but " unfortunately for him and his followers he has misstated a fact ; " this is not true, and the preamble did not '¦^mean to assert that it was true. The great names of Webster and Story have been lent to a palpable falsification of history, and as a result of that falsification, a great war has ensued, which has sacrificed its hecatomb of victims, and desolated and nearly destroyed an entire people." But we must strip off the disguises from these "word-mongers" and we shall get at the truth. " In the original draft ofthe Constitution, the states, by name, were mentioned, as had been done in the Articles of Confederation. The states had formed the old confederation, the states were equally form ing the new confederation ; hence the convention naturally followed in this preamble the form which had been set them in the old Constitution, or Articles. This preamble, purporting that the work of forming the new government was being done by the states, remained at the head of the instrument during all the deliberations of fhe convention, and no one member ever objected to it. It expressed a fact which no one thought of denying. It is thus a fact beyond question, not only that the Constitution was 92 BAPHAEL SEMMES framed by the states, but that the convention so proclaimed in '¦front ofthe instrumeyit.^ " It is thus clear enough that it was framed by the states, but was it adopted by them or by the people ? At least twice in the convention it was attempted to have the matter referred to a convention of the entire country ; but there was not even a second for one motion, and the other one was voted down, even though it was fathered by Madison. All having agreed that the instrument should be referred to the states, "there were differences of opinion as to how the states should act upon it," whether by the leg islature of each state or whether by a convention specially called in each state ; and the latter view prevailed. When the document was finally completed, itwas handed over to the " committee on style" to prune into a consistent shape. These gentlemen were instantly confronted with the problem in the pre amble of the thirteen names. It was impossible to designate those, as no one knew how many would vote for the ratification. Nine was the minimum number, but no one could teU which they would be. Furthermore it had been already determined that the states should speak through conventions of the people and not through legislatures ; it was expedient PEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 93 to get that idea in the revision also. To meet these two new demands upon the phraseology ofthe instrument, the Committee on Style adopted the expression : "We, the people of the United States," — meaning, as every one must see, "We, the peo ple of the several states united by this instru ment." After the members had dispersed to their homes, aud argument against their labor had to be met, there is additional testimony that the preamble did not bear the construction put on it by Webster and his followers. There was hesitation in Virginia, and violent assaults by that wonderful orator, Pat rick Henry, on this particular phrase at the begin ning of the Constitution. Madison, who has been styled the Father of the Constitution, met his attack and allayed the fears by declaring that the parties to the Constitution " were the people, not the people as composing one great society, but the people as composing thirteen sovereignties. If it were a con solidated government the assent of a majority ofthe people would be sufficient to establish it. But it was to be binding on the people of a state only by thefr own separate consent." After this calm assiu-ance there was nothing to be done by Virginia except to adopt the instrument. 94 EAPHAEL SEMMES But another stumbling-block for Webster's inter pretation is Alexander Hamilton, who did not " believe much iu republics ; aud least of all did he believe in federal republics." He knew what the states wanted and he knew that the federal form had been established. His evidence, therefore, is all the more significant because he is "an unwilling but an honest witness." In the Federalist he uses the terms " the compacts," " concurrence of thirteen states," " independent states," and "parties to the compact ; " in fact " he speaks only of states, and of compacts to be made by states." To Semmes the whole trouble between the North and South seemed to rest upon that phrase iu the preamble, and it is deserving of all the space he has given it ; but this recourse to contemporary history was scarcely necessary, because, he continues, "the Constitution Itself settles the whole controversy." The seventh article of that instrument reads as fol lows : "The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establishment of the Constitution between the states so ratifying the same." The Webster ian view of the preamble cer tainly cannot be reconciled with this "short, ex plicit and unambiguous provision," so there is but one conclusion possible : that the preamble meant FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAB 95 the people as represented in the state conventions, rather than in the legislatures. It is thus undeniable that at the beginning of the new government, all understood the Constitution as only a compact, and it is just as clear that this view monopolized the political fleld for forty years. Thomas Jefferson, who penned the Kentucky Eeso lutions, was an unmistakable secessionist, and in the first of that famous series of statements styled the Union as a "compact" of limited and defined powers. Further ou he said, "as in all cases of compact among persons having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress." After John Adams, down to Jackson's day all parties advocated states' rights. New England was outspoken in defense of this tenet of faith. Some of the representatives from that section were bitterly opposed to the Louisiana Purchase, regarding it as really a dissolution of the Union. Later, in the War of 1812, the discontent culminated in the Hartford Convention, whose jour nal is replete with " sound constitutional doctrines," referring to the government of the country as a "compact" between the states, and formally de claring that, in emergencies, "states, which have 96 EAPHAEL SEMMES no coramon umpire, must be their own judges aud execute their owu decisions." Then why did this change of feeling take "place in that section," so that those two giants, Webster and Story, under took " the herculean task " of falsifying all the his tory of the preceding forty years ? It was solely on account of the protective tariff which was to touch that group of states with the "enchanter's wand" and make it "glad with the music of the spindle and the shuttle." From this chain of reasoning Semmes could see no escape. Hence secession, so far from being treason, was a sacred duty devolving upon a state when her rights were infringed upon. The government was the creature of the states and had absolutely no powers but those the states granted it. The power of secession was never delegated because that would have been a merger of their sovereignty, and for no instant did they ever contemplate such suicide. Semmes gathers np all these threads: "I have given a brief outline of the history and formation of the Federal Constitution, proving by abundant references to the Fathers and to the instrument it self that it was the intention of the former to draft and that they did draft a federal compact of gov ernment, which compact was ordained and estab' FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 97 lished by the states in their sovereign capacity, and not by the people of the United States in the aggre gate as one nation. It resulted from this statement of the question that the states had the legal and constitutional right to withdraw from the compact at pleasure without reference to any cause of quar rel." But having this inherent right, the question re mains as to whether the South had sufficient ground for dissolving the connection. There were four causes, any one of which Semmes holds made this separation inevitable. First, came the innate dissimilarity between the people of the Northern aud Southern states. "Vir ginia and Massachusetts were the two original germs from which the great majority of the American populations had sprung ; and no two peoples, speak ing the same language and coming from the same country, could have been more dissimilar in educa tion, taste, and habits, and even in natural instincts, than were the adventurers that settled these two colonies." To Virginia came the "gay and dash ing cavaliers," the element that afterward espoused the side of the two Charleses, while the Massachu setts immigrants were of the stock from which were moulded the Praise-God Barebones Parliament of 98 BAPHAEL SEMMES Cromwell. The two groups seem to have had an instinctive repugnance to one another. Each at tracted its own kind from the mother island, and two civilizations slowly unfolded. A second cause is closely connected with the first, namely, natural environment. "The two countries were different in climate and physical features — the climate of the one being cold and inhospitable and its soil rugged and sterile, whilst the climate of the other was soft and genial and its soil generous and fruitful. As a result of these differences of cUmate and soil, the pursuits of the two peoples became different, the one being driven to the ocean and the mechanic arts for subsistence, and the other betak ing itself to agriculture." A third impulse came from the tariff, which, be ginning in 1816 with incidental protection, soon rose to the demand of "protection for the sake of protection." It was simply a game of spoUation so far as the South was concerned. This "wholesale robbery" worked "by the simple process of eter nally taking away from the South and returning nothing to it." Under this system mortgages were increasing in the South, and the planter was sink ing to the status of a mere overseer for Northern merchants. The South supplied nearly all the ex- FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAE 99 portations, and then furnished the means for dot ting "the picturesque hills of New England with costly mansions. " A fourth cause was the attitude of the North on the subject of slavery, not on moral or religious grounds, but because the institution seemed to stand " iu the way of their struggle for empire." Under this incitement they had pushed the Missouri Com promise through Congress in 1820, forbidding sla very north of a certain parallel, a palpable wrong to the South and a violation of the Constitution. Each section had as much right in the territories as the other and it was a discrimination to permit the Northerner to take his property there, while deny ing that privilege to the Southerner. Later, toward the middle of the century, this injustice had been remedied by the repeal of the Compromise, but this step was very distasteful to the North, as it was not iu keeping with their ideas of dominion for any more slave states to be formed. Matters advanced further when the Eepublican party convention in serted a plank in their platform absolutely forbid ding slavery in the territories. Allied with this, and possibly of a still more dis turbing nature, was the persistent refusal of the Northern states to comply with the terms of the 100 EAPHAEL SEMMES Fugitive Slave Law, and return runaways to their masters. Even Webster had roundly condemned this lapse from the faith, and declared that "a bar gain broken on one side is broken on all sides." On top of the fierce agitation ou both these lines came the election of Lincoln, "a purely geograph ical" choice, and "tantamount to a denial of the co-equality of the Southern states with the Northern states in the Union, since it drove the former out of the common territories." StiU some of the Southern states were patient aud hopeful, and sought to ward off the catastrophe with some sort of compromise, but Congress treated the convention with contempt. The " Northeru faction," trium phant in both houses, " was arrayed in a solid phalanx of hostility to the South and could not be moved an inch." The Puritans, " rebels when in a minority, had become tyrants now when in a ma jority." The South could only take up the gaunt let which had been thrown at her feet. Such is a brief summary of the long, acute, analytical, and historical argument that Semmes put up in justification of secession. In places, un consciously to himself, his feelings override his intention, his tone takes on the bitterness of many men of his class, and he becomes illogical or incon- FEOM MEXICAN TO CIVIL WAB 101 sistent. In one place he says, " the civilization of the North was coarse and practical, that of the South was more intellectual and refined," because the North had neither "the requisite leisure, nor the requisite wealth, to bring about a very refined system of civilization ;" yet two pages farther on he laments that the protective tariff was impoverish ing the South and piling up Northern opulence. As to difference of race or people in the two sections, one Cavalier and the other Puritan, here agaiu, instead of following his own independent judgment, he accepted the current utterances. Puritanism is a matter of temperament, not of geography or of blood. If for a moment he had considered Stonewall Jackson, whom he much ad mired, he would have seen that this type waa developed South as well as North. Still he is not too much to blame in this connection, as only of late years has there been a thorough demolition of this colonial myth. Aside from such errors, though, Semmes' stand that historically secession was entirely right is im pregnable. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution and for about a score of years after ward, it was in all men's minds that it was the work of the sovereign states and that each state was 102 BAPHAEL SEMMES at perfect liberty under the scheme to withdraw at any time she chose. This is unqualifiedly admitted at present by investigators of the first rank. It is necessary to quote only one. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, from Massachusetts, in his biography of Webster, iu discussing the famous reply to Hayne, says : " When the Constitution was adopted by the votes of states at Philadelphia, and accepted by the votes of states in popular conventions, it is safe to say that there was not a man in the country, from Washington and Hamilton on the one side to George Clinton and George Mason on the other, who re garded the new system as anything but an experi ment entered upon by the states and from which each and every state had the right peaceably to withdraw, a right which was very likely to be exercised." ' Of course the sad, awful mistake of Semmes and other keen thinkers along this line was the failure to see that all the conditions had beeu transformed during those three-score years. A secession at the start would have been hardly more than for a man to cast off a glove from his right hand, but a secession in 1860 was the amputation of the whole arm. It was only natural that the patient should object, aud that the logical fallacy should be atoned for in blood. ' Page 176. CHAPTEE VI GETTING OFF WITH THE " SUMTEE " Faithful to the states' rights dogma, wedded to the secession theory, fortifled with the historical argument, the South sprang to the conflict with the most abounding confldence. They had no doubt as to the justice of their cause, they had no fear as to the outcome. Materially and humanly the odds seemed all against them, but they did not stop to balance chances. Their spirits were afire, and they scorned the deductions from the facts or the teach ings from the figures. It mattered not to them that all the apparatus of government remained in the hands of their opponents, that all the munitions of war were in the same possession, that virtually all the mills were in the same quarter. In the South were two shipyards, at Norfolk and Pensacola, both soon to be lost. There were three rolling mills, one in Alabama, and two in Tennes see. The one foundry for heavy work was in Eich mond. A little machinery, insignificant smelting works, scattered factories, comprised the remainder 104 EAPHAEL SEMMES of the mechanical equipment that the South had at hand to achieve her Titanic task. Nor had she the trained meu to handle any larger equipment. Be sides, the small number she had were liable to be drafted for the fleld. On the human side, she was filled with a popula tion enthusiastic for land warfare, but for fighting upon the water there was no sailor constituency except the few thousands in the river and coastwise service. Of trained leaders for these, the dearth was painful, beyond the occasional officers bred in the Uuited States Navy that foUowed their states in spite of the pangs it caused them to do so. With the lumber standing in the forests, with the minerals underground, the prospect would have appalled auy but the stoutest heart, yet a navy was built that did valiant deeds. In the coastal cities and along the rivers, the clang of the hammers and the whirring of wheels were soon heard ; consider ing the odds against them, the Navy Department rapidly launched all sorts of craft, rams, cruisers, side-wheelers, propellers, aud iu time iron-clads. In the last class, the Merrimac helped to point the path toward metal vessels for all the world. In submarines, the Confederacy gave an instance of effective action — the sinking of the U. S. Housatonic GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 105 in the harbor of Charleston, S. C, by one of these submerged agents. The disparity between the foes was preponderating at the outbreak of the war and became still greater with the years. The authorities at Washington began the conflict with nearly a hundred boats, 1,500 officers, 7,500 seamen, aud closed with about 600 vessels, 9,000 officers and over 50,000 seamen. The Confederacy began with almost nothiug in all these respects. None more clearly than Semmes knew all these drawbacks, none more accurately noted these defi ciencies, but none more unfalteringly chose the line of duty as he saw it. Early iu 1861, he had made up his mind, and there was a test of his staying power one evening when he called on one of the Alabama senators to announce his decision. A brother officer was there, also Southern, but Semmes, not knowing what his sentiments were, could not speak of his purpose until the other had left. He seemed to want to outsit Semmes, and both remained till midnight, when the other got weary of the waiting and left.' Ou February 14, 1861, as he was seated in his family circle in Washington, a telegram came re- ' " Belle ot the Fifties," p. 144. 106 EAPHAEL SEMMES questing his presence in Montgomeiy for consultation with the Committee on Naval Affairs. In a few minutes his reply was flashed back that he would come at once. The next day with all formality and courtesy he sent in his resignation fr'om the Navy aud from the Lighthouse Board. The same day came to him the acceptance of the first, but no notice ever reached him as to the secoud because, as he concluded, two of the other members were from the South but were "too loyal to their places to follow the lead of their states." It was a matter of pride with him that all these steps were taken so openly and frankly, with no concealment whatever, and hence subsequent talk of treason and desertion was wholly baseless. But a man with his depth of conviction, with his power of reflection, could hardly turn aside from the course that he had pursued for a thfrd of a century, without beiug stirred to his heart's core. His feelings reached a climax the night before he got to his destination, as the train rolled through a burning forest. The blaze and the occasion aud the place all conspired to influence his reveries : — "The pine woods were on fire as we passed through them, the flames now and then run ning up a lightwood tree, and throwing a weird aud GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 107 fitful glare upon the passing train. The scene was peculiarly Southern and reminded me that I was drawing near my home and my people, and I mechan- icaUy repeated to myself the words of the poet : " ' Breathes there a man with soul so dead Who never to himself hath said This is my own, my native land.' And my heart, which up to that moment had felt as though a heavy weight were pressing upon it, began to give more vigorous beats and send a more inspiring current through my veins. Under this happy influence, I sank, as the night advanced and the train thundered on, into the first sound sleep which had visited my weary eyelids siuce I had resigned my commission. . . . This night ride through the burning pine woods of Alabama after ward stood as a great gulf in my memory, forming an impassable barrier, as it were, between my past and my future life. . . . When I washed and dressed for breakfast in Montgomery the next morn ing I had put off the old man and put on the new. The labors aud associations of a lifetime had been inscribed in a volume which had been closed, and a new book, whose pages were as yet aU blank, had beeu opened." But Semmes' dreams never interfered with his 108 EAPHAEL SEMMES activities ; they apparently gave him extra onset. The committee got his views, and later Davis, the provisional president, chose him for an important errand northward. There was outlined for him onerous and grave work, — to purchase machinery aud munitions, arms aud powder, learn processes, gather information, aud secure skilled labor. As Semmes doubtless explained to Davis, the South did not have even enough percussion caps to fight one battle. He was soon back in Washington, visiting the arsenal, and conferring with mechanics. He saw the crowds on Pennsylvania Avenue witnessing the inaugural procession, but he delayed not, continued to New York and made a tour of the chief work shops in that state, Connecticut, and Massachu setts. There were no obstacles before his feet ; all were ready to receive him and to sell to him all he cared to pay cash for. Further responsibUity was placed upon him by instructions from the Con federate Secretary of the Navy to search for steam ers strong enough to carry at least one gun, but of draft light enough to navigate shallow coastal waters, and to do this without exciting suspicion. He was not able to find any, though he diligently looked through the New York harbor. GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 109 The skies were uow getting portentous, and he took passage for a Southern port and arrived iu Montgomery early in April, to be put in charge of the Lighthouse Bureau. Scarcely had he ap pointed some clerks and opened a set of books, when Sumter was fired upou, and the whole land, both sides, burst into war flame. He was not the man to sit at a desk wheu he could wield a sword in defense of his principles and of his state. At his age of flfty-two, he knew he had iiassed the prime of physical life, but his constitution was still unim paired. He instantly expressed a desire to go to sea and harass the enemy's commerce, and thus weaken him at a vital point, since " wealth is neces sary to the conduct of all modern wars." There was a phalanx of merchant sail second only to Great Britain's in magnitude and importance. Semmes had his eye on this mighty fleet. In the interview with the Secretary of the Navy, S. E. Mallory, Semmes enlarged upon his favorite theory of attacking the foe, and received the en dorsement of his superior. But the trouble was to get the right sort of boat for that venture. A board of naval experts was already examining various ships, but could make only discouraging reports, and the Secretary handed him one that had come 110 EAPHAEL SEMMES in that morning. Semmes read the description of a "smaU propeller steamer, of flve hundred tons' burthen, seagoing, with a low-pressure engine, sound and capable of being so strengthened as to be able to carry au ordinary battery of four or flve guns," with a speed of nine or ten knots, but space for only five days' fuel, without "accommodations for the crew of a ship of war. " Although Semmes saw she had been condemned, he said to the Secre tary : " Give me that ship ; I think I can make her answer the purpose." It was done, and in this quick, decisive manner did Eaphael Semmes make the decision that was finally to write his name high among the world's naval heroes of all time. Thus was chosen the Sumter, the first "ship of war " to fly the new Con federate fiag on the high seas. The next day Semmes' orders were handed him ; that afternoon, after bidding his official associates farewell, he embarked for Mobile, and on the fourth day he was iu New Orleans, — truly, for dashing movement, a Stonewall Jackson of the seas. In another way he was similar to Jackson. Both showed qualities and resources that their associates for years had never discovered a trace of. Semmes' daring, his skiU, his energy, were all a marvel GETTING OFF WITH THB "SUMTEE" 111 to his former colleagues. According to Admiral Porter, who ou the other side had such notable achievements to his credit, Semmes, in the old navy, " had little reputation as au officer. He had no particular taste for his profession, but had a fondness for literature, and was a good talker and writer. . . . He was indolent and fond of his comfort, so that altogether his associates in the navy gave him credit for very little energy. What was then the astonishment of his old companions to find that Semmes was pursuing a course that required the greatest skill and vigor ; for there never was a naval commander who iu so short a time committed such depredations on an enemy's commerce, or who so successfuUy eluded the vessels sent in pursuit of him up to the time of the sinking of the Alabama.^ ^ ' Again Porter says: "Although he had served many years in the United States Navy, none of his associates ever supposed that in time of war he would exhibit so much efficiency ; for although his courage was undoubted, his tastes were rather those of the scholar thau of the dashing naval officer and destroyer of commerce." "From being the mild est-mannered man in the navy," he assumed a "character bordering on that of an ancient vi- ' " Nav. Hist. Civ. War," p. 602. 112 EAPHAEL SEMMES king." "Burning ships became a passion, and if ever a man had the bump of destructiveness on his cranium, that man was Eaphael Semmes." Porter considers that he was the most vindictive of all the officers of the Confederate navy, but in this mis judges Semmes' motive entirely. His purpose was the same as that of all soldiers on land when they burn captured supplies that they cannot take away for their own consumption. Sherman's object was not mere revenge when he destroyed railroads'' and bridges in Georgia and elsewhere. Wealth, as Semmes urged and rightly too, is a necessity in modern* wars, both on land and water. It is a part of the game to weaken the adversary by demolish ing his means. For this function of annihilation Semmes turned out to be the very mau the Confederacy needed, as he had " no doubts of success . . . aud no fear of the consequences." The inertness he had dis played while in the United States Navy had disap peared ; he had become a new mau. As Semmes himself had realized the morning he arrived in Montgomery, his previous life was a closed book, and a new volume, all blank at the start, had been opened. He had need, too, of all the buoyancy that a GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 113 youthful vitality could bring. Only fresh vigor and determination could remove the impediments in front of him. In former years on such an occa sion he had only to "go into a navy yard, with well-provided workshops and skilled workmen ready with all the requisite materials at haud to execute " his orders. But now " everything had to be improvised, from the manufacture of a water tank to the 'kids and cans' of the berth deck messes, and from a gun carriage to a friction primer." He had to formulate the plans, make the drawings and supervise alterations. The deck had to be strengthened, a supplementary one put in, engines protected, rigging transformed, cabins arranged for officers, outfit procured for crew, gun carriages constructed at his own direction for guns at Norfolk, shot and shell cast, a corps of officers selected, and a crew gathered. In the least possible time, with the scantiest aids, a peaceful steamer had to be re-created as a missile of ruin against the second commercial power of the world. Within " two long and tedious months " the conversion was accomplished, even to the mounting of the ordnance, which Semmes had to send a lieutenant in search of as the five pieces had been scattered along the rail way lines, side-tracked for other freight. Porter, 114 EAPHAEL SEMMES on the other side, with a bewildering richness of advantages at command, could well pay generous tribute to Semmes' "patience and energy" in spite of his "trials aud disappointments" in fitting out the Sumter. Meanwhile the Navy Department was doing its share in forwarding this momentous work. Semmes' undaunted faith in his power, once on salt water, cau be measured by his modest requisi tion for only ten thousand doUars iu specie for use during his contemplated cruise. He desired only a sufficiency till he had "the opportunity of replen ishing my military chest from the enemy." He "expected to make the Sumter pay her own ex penses as soou as she should get to sea." The Sec retary sent him sailing orders "to do the enemy's commerce the greatest injury in the shortest time." Mr. Mallory, in the next three years, must have often smiled with satisfaction at the thorough obe dience to these instructions. The original despatch seems lost, and nothiug of it remains except the above quotation that Semmes has in his book ; at least in the Naval Eecords of the United States government, printed in Washington during the last twenty years, it is stated that the orders were not found. There was one other matter for Semmes him- GETTING OFF WITH THB "SUMTEE" 115 self to look after, to adopt some method of cipher com munication so that his despatches if captured would be unintelligible to the enemy. He hunted through New Orleans till he obtained two copies of Eeid's English Dictionary, one of which he forwarded to the Secretary, while he retained the other. What ever word he wanted to use would be indicated by the number of the page, and a letter A or B for the column and another number for the position of the word from the top of the page. Thus "prisoner" would be "323, B, 15," meaning that it was on page 323, second column, fifteenth word from the top. The two had then a code without a key ex cept what each possessed. Semmes was internally raging to get at his prey. "We are losing a great deal of precious time," he confided in his diary. " The enemy's flag is being flaunted in our faces at all our ports by his ships of war, and his vessels of commerce are passing and repassing on the ocean iu deflance or in contempt of our power, and as yet we have not struck a blow." He formally commissioned the Sumter on Juue 3d, aud then was delayed for "two long and tedious weeks," which he partly utilized iu trying the speed of his boat. He was disappointed that he could get only nine knots out of her. He could 116 EAPHAEL SEMMES make space enough for only eight days' fuel, and though he had sails, these could be ouly partiaUy utilized. Still he was undismayed. He was to take the sea "alone, against a viudictive and re lentless enemy," swarming along the coasts, with inexhaustible means, but he recollected, saUor-like, that "luck is a lord," aud he trusted in fortune. So far there had beeu only material obstacles on his own side to circumvent, but treading his own deck, with a trained band under him, there was now danger to be faced in getting out of the Mis sissippi, past the fast and heavy steamships guard ing the mouths of that river. Semmes dropped dowu to the head of the passes so as to be able to use any channel that might perchance be left un- watched. A month earlier he could have gone out without hazard. He had entered iu his diary on May 24th : "The river is not yet blockaded, but expected to be to-morrow." He added, with a ring of defiance, "it must be a close blockade and by heavy vessels that will keep us iu." ' Like a caged eagle beating his wings for an open ing, Semmes lay in his position for nine days, now in sultry weather, now almost blistered by the glare of the sun reflected fromthe river's surface, and all ' "Naval War Eecords," Series I, Vol. I, p. 691. GETTING OFF WITH THB "SUMTEE" 117 the while so viciously assaulted by mosquitoes that the crew were ready to dare all perils to escape. He wondered why his adversaries did not come up the ten or twelve miles aud capture his little Sumter or drive him farther up-stream, and anchor there where one ship wonld command all three principal outlets and block his escape. Nothing of the sort was attempted, though Semmes, anticipating a pos sible night attack, had mounted a special gun. The United States boats contented themselves with ly ing outside, keeping one or more near each bar to thwart Semmes' aims. They did not realize how eternally wary the pent-up prisoner was. Semmes had all things ready so far as foresight could serve that end. Al though it was near midnight when he came down to his post, he had "despatched a boat to the light house for a pilot." The keeper " knew nothing of the pilots and was unwilling to come on board himself, though requested" to do so. The next day he sent to the pilots' station on the Southwest Pass aud was abruptly told that ' ' there are no pilots on duty uow." Semmes was not to be baffled by either sullen or curt responses. He decided to test the loyalty of the pilots to the newly formed Con federacy. He ordered the captain of the association 118 EAPHAEL SEMMES and several members to come on board the Sumter and threatened with arrest any who disobeyed. They were in his cabin iu a short time, with stammering excuses that Semmes cut off by requir ing one of them to remain on board his ship con stantly, to be relieved week by week untU he no longer had need for the service. Semmes did not relax his vigilance, although he felt " the anaconda drawing his folds around us," as he heard of new boats coming to the blockade. He kept well coaled, his eyes all the time open and his mind full of schemes. He had a deserted outlet sounded, but it was only ten and a half feet deep, while the Sumter drew twelve. Another time the pilot reported that the BrooMyn was nowhere to be seen. Immediately he was plowing his way down stream. After a spurt of four miles, there rode the BrooMyn at her usual berth. The Sumter had dragged her anchor during the night aud thus brought a clump of trees between herself and her enemy. Chagrined, he returned to his place. The next morning, Sunday, was bright, and bade fair to be idle also, wheu, during muster, a boat from the lighthouse tender reported the Brooklyn away on a chase. Instantly all was bustle, and the Su7ii- ter, as if fretting to cheat the marshes of the Mis- GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 119 sissippi, " bounded away like a thing of life." All were exuberant except the pilot. He was pale, nervous, agitated, and when he saw that the gam bler's chance was to be staked, he broke dowu and mumbled out : "I am a southwest bar pilot and kuow nothing of the other passes. " Semmes flared out at him : " What ! did you not know that I was lying at the head of the passes for the very purpose of taking any one of the outlets through which au opportunity of escape might present itself, and yet you dare tell me you knew but oue of them, and have been deceiving me ? " He listened to none of the man's whinings, but ordered up the signal for another pilot. He did not hope to get any, but would risk all on his own acquaintance of the channel gained as lighthouse inspector. The BrooMyn was racing back to her station. Each had about the same distance to make, but Semmes was pushed along by a four knot current. He asked a lieutenant what was the prospect. "Prospect, sir ! not the least iu the world ; there is no possible chance of our escaping that ship. Even if we get over the bar, she must overhaul us in a very short time. The Brooklyn is good for fourteen knots an hour, sir." Beiug told that that was her trial speed when all such matters are exaggerated, 120 BAPHAEL SEMMES he replied : "You'll see, sir, we made a passage in her only a few months ago from Tampico to Pen sacola, aud averaged about thirteen knots the whole distance." Here a pilot boat was seen rapidly coming toward them, a very thrilliug sight to Semmes. StUl more moving, the pilot's beautiful yonug wife was "wav ing him on to his duty with her handkerchief." In a few moments "the gallant young fellow stood on the horse-block beside me," says Semmes, who also noticed " other petticoats fluttering in the breeze," as the little Sumter swept on past the lighthouse wharf. Half a mile further aud there was the bar, with a Bremen steamer aground, and a warp, at tached to a kedge, right across the passageway. The German crew considerately slackened it, and with another bound, the Sumter was over the barrier, and out on the "glad -waters of the dark blue sea." She slowed down a lij;tle to drop the pilot who gave his farewell 'to Fiemmes : " Now, captain, you are all clear ; give her hell, and let her go." The BrooMyn was ouly four miles away^ almost within gun range, with steam up and thick volumes of smoke pouring from her chimneys. Semmes heaved his log, aud was disappointed that he was GETTING OFF WITH THE "SUMTEE" 121 making only nine aud a half knots. He could not understand this, for the current was still aiding him, but the engineer reported his boilers foaming. Knowing he could saU closer to the wind than his pursuer, he determined to do this though it brought him a little nearer to her for a time. A friendly squaU now hid each from the other for half au hour, but it blew away, aud there was the relentless hunter fearfully near. The money chest and papers were prepared to be tossed overboard, when the foaming ceased, the breeze freshened, and the Sumter begau to "eat the wind " out of the BrooMyn. After half au hour more, Semmes saw one of his most beauti ful pictures at sea, " when the Brooklyn let fiy all her sheets and halliards at once, and clewed up and furled in man-of-war style all her sails from courses to royals." She went sadly back to her lair, and the hounded Sumter was clear of the chase. The lookouts saw a couple of sail, but these specters soon faded. The prisoner had dared all. Now that they had gained an offing, they felt the " welcome heave of the sea," they breathed the pure air of the Gulf, untainted of malaria and untouched of mosquito's wing- irksome fetter aud bond fell from them, they were free ou the world's highway. The crew cheered 122 BAPHAEL SEMMES their flag, the officers had a libation of wine, Semmes breathed a prayer to his diary : " May the Almighty smile upou us and our cause, and may we show ourselves worthy servants of Him and it." His thoughts were with the things of the spirit. How peaceful all about him, the sleeping sea, "the screen of purple aud gold ' ' in the west, the myriad of stars, the blazing comet that " mirrored itself within a hundred feet of our Uttle bark," but how hurried and confused the last few months. "A little while back aud I had served under the very flag which I had that day defled. " A discordant dream to him, painful, distressing ! As for the Brooklyn, her captain, outwitted, had sententiously ended his brief log entry: "Aban doned the chase and stood back for the pass." He had come withiu au ace of blotting out nearly the whole seagoing navy of the Confederacy, of saving millions of dollars of wealth from the flames, and of forestalling a serious international complication that almost brought to blows the two great English peoples facing each other across the Atlantic. He was unfafrly censured by his own government. CHAPTEE VII A DOZEN PEIZES Theough his "bold and dashing adventure" the untamed deep was Semmes' to roam over as he listed. Knowing something of the speed of his ship and of the temper of his force, he was ready to front any fate. His crew, though gathered in a Southern port, were cosmopolite, " not half a dozen Southern-born men " being among them. His officers he knew — all were from the South ; all had beeu bred iu the old navy, and consequently were trained for their work. His flrst lieutenant, the executive who was with him to the going dowu of the AlabamM, was John Mcintosh Kell, of Georgia. The two had first got acquainted when, as a passed midshipman, he had refused to obey an order to perform some menial work, and had been haled, along with several associates, before a court martial. Semmes appeared as counsel for them. Kell was nothing of the mutineer. He had a high sense of duty, and was a courteous gentleman 124 EAPHAEL SEMMES who, however, was a strict disciplinarian. Of the three other lieutenants, two were from South Car olina and one from Alabama. The surgeon from Virginia, the paymaster from South Carolina, with the chief engineer aud the marine officer, completed the ward room, ou which every captain has to rely for success in action. But although Semmes ap pointed his junior lieutenant navigating officer, and had every confidence in his ability, he always made observations himself, as he could sleep better amid dangers if he had himself calculated his position. As the head of this band Semmes had to bear the responsibility of legal aud international penalties and the heavy burden was on him at the start. President Lincoln, in April, had issued his block ade proclamation which closed with the solemn warning that all persons interfering with United States vessels "will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punish ment of piracy." His Secretary of the Navy soon worked himself into a frenzy on the subject, and in his later reports had a large assortment of epithets to cast at Semmes and his vessels as "pfrates," "piratical cruisers," " piratical privateers," "cor sairs," "Algerine corsairs," " Mediterranean cor sairs," "rovers," "lawless rovers," "rebel rovers," A DOZEN PEIZES 125 ' * unlicensed rovers, " " predatory rovers, " " rob bers of the sea," "lawless vessels," "semi-pirat ical vessels." ' The heat and passion of the hour bore mauy high officials far from their true moorings, but the din of the politician and the clamor of the newspaper were confusing on both sides. The sight even of the mighty mystic was at times blurred wheu he had to trust to blundering subordinates. Now, that all the hubbub has subsided, it is clear enough that there was no semblance of the pfrate in either the Sumter or the Alabama. On this point one of the most capable of author ities, J. E. Soley, a native of Massachusetts, grad uate of Harvard, professor, aud assistant Secretary of the Navy, says: "A great deal of uncalled-for abuse has been heaped upon the South for the work of the Confederate cruisers, and their mode of war fare has beeu repeatedly denounced as barbarous and piratical iu official and unofficial publications. But neither the privateers, like the Petrel and Sa vannah, nor the commissioned cruisers, like the Ala ba-mM and the Florida, were guilty of any practices which, as against their enemies, were contrary to the laws of war. . . . The right to capture au ' Reports ot Secretary of the Navy tor 1861, 1862, 1863, 1864. 126 EAPHAEL SEMMES enemy's private property at sea is fully recognized by the law and practice of nations to-day. . . . Whether the prize is destroyed at sea or is brought into a prize court aud condemned can make no possible difference to the owner, if the owner is clearly an enemy." Of course the captor would prefer to take his captive into port and reap some benefit from his risk and toil, but as foreign ports refused this privilege and all those at his home were blockaded, " nothing remained but to destroy the captured vessel at sea. To have done otherwise would have been to abandon the right of maritime capture." In the War of 1812, the cruiser Arg-us had been a forerunner of the Alabama iu a remarkable manner. The instructions issued theu were the same in pur port as Mallory's to Semmes, namely, "destroy all you capture unless in some extraordinary cases that clearly warrant an exception." In the Crimean War an English authority had said it was entirely "justifiable, even praiseworthy, in the captors to destroy an enemy's vessel." Subsequent to the Civil War, in the struggle between France and Germany, the French had followed the same road, aud had burnt at least two captured vessels. In fact, thinks Soley, "other governments in case of A DOZEN PEIZES 127 war with a commercial power will deem themselves fortunate if they cau rival the achievements of the Confederate commerce destroyers." ' Semmes himself refuted the charges of piracy iu a letter in the London Times iu January, 1862. He referred to the vessels commissioned by the Americans iu the revolutionary uprising against England. He retaliated by pointing out that prizes had been made by the United States blockading squadrons, some of which were also burnt. Without a doubt as to the justice of his cause, and feeling just as sure of his legal and international position — since substantiated also by the best stu dents ofthe question — Semmes, after eluding the net stretched for him, was well prepared for his career of destruction wherever he could find his prey. Porter thought that the Spanish main would be Semmes' objective because he had cruised all over that region, through the tortuous channels among its wilderness of isles. Around Occoa Bay, the Isle of Pines, and other spots that Semmes had visited, were "hiding holes" enough to conceal a thousand boats, so that the "devil himself could not find the vessels unless he knew the locality" as well as Semmes. ' Solejr'8 " Blockade and Cruisers," pp. 229-230. 128 BAPHAEL SEMMES His intention was " to make a dash of a few days at the enemy's ships ou the south side of Cuba, coal at some convenient point, stretch over to Barbadoes, coal again, and then strike for the Brazilian coast. " On the third day after winning his freedom, while running along the Cuban coast and the Isle of Pines, he heard the welcome sound of " Sail ho ! " from the masthead. Two boats were in sight. One was Spanish and was at once released. The other was to be Semmes' first prize, the Golden Bocket, of seven hundred tons, bound to a Cuban port for a cargo of sugar. Semmes had no difficulty in determining the nationality of the craft. "There were the American register and clearance and the American character impressed upou every plauk and spar of the ship." The master was almost too astonished to make any complaint as he never dreamed of seeing a Confederate flag on the high seas. Semmes here began his custom, invari ably followed afterward, of seizing the chronometers and flags. He took besides some provisions and sails. Perhaps because he did not waut to spare hands for a prize crew, he concluded to burn his capture. Mournful associations came to his memory, sad reflections ruled his thoughts : the flag he had heretofore cherished had just waved over that vessel ; A DOZEN PEIZES 129 it was pitiful that evil passions had set brothers at war with each other even far out on the rolling waves. It was the flrst physical blow he had struck against the foe, and he has left us a graphic descrip tion of the work of the torch. The ship was built of Maine pine "calked with old-fashioned oakum and paid with pitch : the woodwork of the cabin was like so much tinder, haviug been seasoned by many voyages to the tropics, and the forecastle was stored with paints and oils. ' ' The torch was applied at once in three places, cabin, main-hold and fore castle, and the flames burst from all three. " The burning ship, with the Sumter's boat in the act of shoving off from her side ; the Sumter herself, with her grim, black sides, lying in repose like some great sea-monster, gloating upon the spectacle, and the sleeping sea, for there was scarce a ripple upon the water, were all brilliantly lighted. The in draught into the burning ship's holds aud cabins added every moment new fuel to the flames, and now they could be heard like the flres of a hundred furnaces in full blast. The prize ship had beeu laid to, with her main topsail to the mast, and all her light sails, though clewed up, were flying loose about the yards. The forked tongue of the devour- 130 BAPHAEL SEMMES ing element, leaping into the rigging, newly tarred, ran rapidly up the shrouds, flrst into the tops, then to the topmast heads, thence to the topgallant, and royal mastheads, and in a moment more to the trucks; and while this rapid ascent of the main current of fire was going on, other currents had run out upon the yards, and ighited all the sails. A topgallantsail, all ou fire, would now fly off from the yard, and sailing leisurely in the direction of the light breeze that was fanning, rather than blow ing, break into bright and silent patches of flame, and settle, or rather silt, into the sea. The yard would then follow, and not being wholly submerged by its descent into the sea, would retain a portion of its flame, aud continue to burn, as a floating brand, for some minutes. At one time the intricate net work of the cordage of the burning ship was traced, as with a pencil of fire, upon the black sky beyond, the many threads of flame twisting and writhing, like so many serpents that had received their death wounds. The mizzenmast now went by the board, then the foremast, and iu a few minutes afterward the great mainmast tottered, reeled, and feU over the ship's side into the sea, making a noise like that of the sturdy oak of the forests when it falls by the stroke of the axeman." A DOZEN PEIZES 131 As for the crew, it was a matter of pride with Semmes to treat "prisoners of war according to the laws of war." "The captain was invited to mess iu the ward room, and when he was afterward lauded, the officers generously made him up a purse to supply his immediate necessities. The crew was put into a mess by themselves, with their own cook, aud was put ou a footing with regard to rations with the Sumter's owu men. We were making war upou the enemy's commerce but not upon his un armed seamen." Semmes wasted no time, but the next day over hauled two more vessels, the Cuba and the Machias, both loaded with sugar and molasses, aud both from a Cuban port bound for England. He could not burn these as they had neutral property aboard, but putting prize crews on them he made for Cienfue gos, with both in tow, with the hope that Spain would allow both belligerents to bring in prizes for adjudication. As he was too much impeded by the two boats, he cast off the Cuba, ordering the prize crew of one midshipman and four seamen to follow him in. They never did so, as some were treach erous aud deserted to the original master and crew, who secured some of the flrearms, wounded the mid shipman, recaptured the craft and escaped. 132 EAPHAEL SEMMES On her way to the harbor, the Sumter, on July 5th, made two more captures, the Ben Dunning and the Albert Adams, both also bearing neutral goods as freight. As it was too late to get in to anchor that night, Semmes lay off until daylight. The next morning dawned bright and clear, and as he was preparing to move in, he saw smoke coming down the river. It was a steamer towing two American barks aud one brig. Semmes craftily showed Spanish colors, aud patiently waited till all three, having been cast off from the towing steamer, were beyond the marine league from land. Then the Sumter set off in pursuit. She soon captured them ; the West Wind, the Louisa Kilham, and the Waiad. Semmes proudly stood in with his six catches, but he was warned by musket-balls from the fort to proceed no further, as his pennant was so strange a device that he was suspected of being a buccaneer. The others with the United States flag flying were permitted to pass. Explanations were simple with the aid of wine, and Semmes was soou in the haven, confronted with the serious problem of inducing the authorities to grant the South entrance into Spanish ports with prizes. To bend the laws of nations to his purpose was a greater feat than evading the A DOZEN PEIZES 133 squadron at the mouth of the Mississippi. He made just as bold aud as gallant an effort, and his skill, if possible, was even more admirable. He sent a strong despatch to the government arguing for the right. He urged that the South was assailed in "an aggressive and unjust war," in which the manufacturing and commercial North have "dishonestly seized and turned against the Confederate states" all the naval force that had been created by both sections, and in consequence the United States "are enabled in the flrst months of the war to blockade all the ports ' ' of the South, which nevertheless is "maintaining a government de facto and not only holding thQ enemy in check but gaining advantages over him." At this junc ture of affairs, belligerent rights are granted both sides by the leading nations, excluding the prizes of each from their ports. While such restriction, imposed impartially on the two contending foes, seems perfectly fair, yet the rule " cannot be ap plied in the preseut war without operating with great injustice to the Confederate states, " since they will be shut out of all ports, their owu being "her- meticaUy sealed " by the blockade, and all others being closed by this policy of the powers. This will not be equal justice to both parties because the 134 EAPHAEL SEMMES United States can take their prizes home, while the Confederacy can only destroy theirs. Besides as to the six vessels just brought in, the special question arises as to neutral property, some being certiflcated as of Spanish ownership. A judicial inquiry is necessary to determine the matter. It was a bold venture on the part of Semmes, and he made the strongest sort of plea for a weak cause. He could ouly lose, but he never expected to lose his six prizes also. The Spanish authorities turned them all back to their owners instead of notifying Semmes to take them away. Of course there had to be some shadow of justiflcation for such au extra ordinary proceeding, and hence it was charged that he had violated Spanish neutrality in making three of the captures within the marine league, the evi dence being the testimony of au English sailor on the tug, and of Semmes' Spanish pilot who had estimated for Semmes that it was flve miles from shore, and then afterward reduced it to less than three. Semmes attributed this change in flgures to the magic of gold skilfully handled by the United States consul, but he consoled himself with a dream of how Spain could be made to pay for aU her shameless conduct after the Confederacy was fully established. He had done his best to avoid de- A DOZEN PEIZES 135 struction in capture, but the usage of the nations was against him, and he could only apply the torch from now on. Having taken on a good supply of coal, he set out, as he had aimed, to make the Barbadoes, there recoal aud go thence to Cape St. Eoque, Brazil, and "reap a rich harvest from the enemy's com merce. ' ' But the trade winds beat on him so heavily that he was forced to consume the most of his fuel ; hence he altered his course and went to the Dutch island of Curagqa. Here he was to meet again the watchful and pertinacious American consul, who claimed that the Sumter was a pirate and should not be allowed to enter the harbor. When Semmes heard this he despatched a firm protest against such treatment. He declared that the Sumter was a ' ' ship of war duly commissioned by the government of the Confederate states, which states have beeu rec ognized as belligerents in the present war by all the leading powers of Europe," and as such she had as much right as any ship of the United States. These other powers had drawn no distinction between the belligerents. Holland admitted the cruisers of the United States, theu why should .she exclude those of the Confederacy? If she thus intended to aid one of the belligerents aud not the other, he would like 136 BAPHAEL SEMMES a frank statement from the government to that effect. All the dignitaries of the island gathered, smoked, aud pondered, while Semmes' officer sat in an outer room,_ mixing and drinking juleps. But Semmes could not endure such delay when he could be of assistance in reaching a decision. He had his drums beat to quarters and his guns cast loose to try out his crew at a little practice. " Whiz ! went a shell across the windows of the councU chamber which overlooked the sea ; the shell bursting like a clap of rather sharp, ragged thunder, a little beyond in close proximity to the target. Sundry heads were seen immediately to pop out of the windows of the chamber, and then to be withdrawn very suddenly. . . . By the time we had fired three or four shells Chapman's boat was seen returning. . . . My lieutenant came on board smiling . . . and said the governor had given us per mission to enter." Here Semmes stayed a week, repairing and coal ing, visiting ashore and giving fine, vivid pen pic tures of the scenery and the people. If he had been a corsair at heart, an adventurer, as he was so often charged with being by irresponsible journalists, a fine chance was presented to him one day when an A DOZEN PEIZES 137 emissary from the deposed president of Venezuela suggested that he reinstate that official in his post. Semmes heard him courteously but flrmly declined, though he humorously dallied with the scheme in his imagination as an opportunity for au unscrupulous ambitious man to gather up all the piraguas and canoes of the Venezuelan navy. He might theu put to flight all opposition and de clare himself head of the government, eventually, perhaps having himself crowned king. A few days later he probably smiled at this roseate dream when the conditions were reversed, and he was a suppliant at a port of Venezuela for au international favor. The day after leaving Curagoa he captured the Abby Bradford, bound for Puerto Cabello. Being near that port he resolved to try his hand with the de facto president of Ven ezuela on the question of admitting his prizes. He saw uo reason why "some of these beggarly South American republics" should be "putting on the airs of nations, and talking about acknowledging other people when they had lived a whole generation themselves without the acknowledgment of Spain." But again he found the ever vigilant and ubiquitous " Yankee consul " ready to frustrate his designs. In spite of heavy odds he valiantly made the 138 BAPHAEL SEMMES effort. No sooner was he anchored than he de spatched a strong, dignified statement to the gov ernor urging that the Venezuelan government "admit both belligerents to bring their prizes into her waters." But if she shall adopt the principle of exclusion, she will be favoring the Uuited States as they can take their captures to their own ports, while nothing will be left for the Confederates ex cept to destroy theirs at sea. " A rule which would produce such unequal results as this is not a just rule, . . . and as equality aud justice are of the essence of neutrality, I take it for granted that Venezuela wUl not adopt it." Wheu his missive "was handed to the governor, there was a racing and chasing of barefooted order lies. . . . A grand council was held at which the Confederate states had not the honor to be repre sented," but the American consul was there, aud he was the symbol of profitable trade between the two lands. His influeuce dominated the deliberations. Semmes was very quickly notified by the governor to take his prize out of the harbor. It was a polite document but a strongly worded one. Semmes finished getting provisions aboard, and departed leisurely, having put a prize crew aboard the Brad ford with orders to run into New Orleans. They A DOZEN PEIZES 139 tried but were recaptured. Semmes forwarded on her a letter to Secretary Mallory, briefly recounting his exploits to date, and modestly remarking: "We are all well and doing a pretty fair business in mercantile parlance, having made nine captures in twenty-six days." He was scarcely out on the high seas again before he took the Joseph Maxwell, with half her cargo neutral. Semmes made another effort to get bellig erent rights for prizes from Venezuela. As the property was consigned to a merchant in Puerto Cabello, he put back there, being careful to leave his capture over a marine league from shore. He sent in his paymaster to see whether " this prize in which a Venezuelan citizen was interested would not be permitted to enter and remain uutil she could be adjudicated." The messenger soon re turned aud " handed me a written command from the governor to bring the Maxwell in and deliver her to him until the Venezuelan courts could de termine whether she had beeu captured within the marine league or not." Semmes was amused by such insolence, but he saw some half-naked soldiers around the guns of the fort, whereupon he got his own ready, and sailed out. He would have burned the MaxweU but for the neutral freight aboard. In- 140 EAPHAEL SEMMES stead he sent her to Cienfuegos to be adjudicated by a prize court of the Confederate states. He did not yet know that Spain had issued a neutrality proclamation like those of Great Britain and France. His prize, the Maxwell, was received by the Cuban authorities and handed back to the owners. From this point Semmes sailed to the island of Trinidad where he had another contest over inter national law points on the question of whether coal was contraband of war, but the law officers of the English crown decided that it was not. There was delay in making up their minds, but Semmes had "too much respect for the calibre of certain guns ou shore to throw any shells across the windows of the council chamber," remembering that this was an English and not a Dutch possession. Having put his fuel aboard, he went on south ward, touching at the Guianas on the way, to Ma- ranham, Brazil, about two aud a half degrees south latitude, ou September 6th. Here he remained un til September 15th, repairing his ship and taking on supplies. He had aimed, as at the start, to make Cape St. Eoque, at the northeast angle of Brazil, so as to fall upou the traders as they rounded that point on their course from the South Atlantic to New York, but he had lost so much time that it A DOZEN PEIZES 141 seemed unwise to continue to that place. At that season the trade winds were blowing such a gale off the Cape that any boat could escape the Sumter if she used sail only. Coal was too costly, as Semmes had paid $17.50 per tou at Marauham. But from December to March the winds would be only mod erate and that was the time for the Sumter to oper ate there. He decided theu to watch the crossing path of the calm belt taken by sailing vessels bound for New York and other northerly ports after round ing Cape St. Eoque. He made northward and lay in wait along the diagonal from the southeast to the northwest angles of a quadrilateral covering seven degrees of latitude and six degrees of longitude, formed by the parallels of 2J° and 9i° north, and the meridians of 41i° and 474° west. But it was useless as the " wary sea birds had evidently all taken the alarm and winged their way home by other routes." He then set out for the West Indies to hunt there for a while and then go to Martinique for coal. On the path, in the last days of October, he caught the Daniel Trowbridge, a lucky warehouse for him, as he transferred enough food from her to serve for the next five months— "beef, pork, cauvased hams, ship bread, fancy crackers, cheese, flour, everything 142 EAPHAEL SEMMES being of the very best quality." Then he gave her to the flames, and went ou with the chase, gradually wearing toward the island of Martinique. On the 9th of November he "ran aloug down it, near enough to enjoy its beautiful scenery, with its wav ing palms, flelds of sugar cane, and picturesque country houses, until we reached the quiet little town of Fort de France, " the capital, and there he anchored. Semmes had been afloat on the waters of the world, moving as he willed, had made twelve cap tures, and had come in contact with no armed foe. This had not been due to simple good luck on his part or to remissness on the side of the United States. It had been eternal vigilance with him and unwearied pursuit with them. The wildest rumors filled the air that the Sumter was here, was there, was even in the English channel. To the in terested aud thinking ones her course baffled all conjecture, and in their perplexity they naturaUy turned to government authorities. Especially the merchants trading southward were anxious and alarmed, and immediately began to ask for protec tion. Withiu a fortnight after Semmes had eluded the Brooklyn at the mouth of the Mississippi, a senator requested a convoy for a boat carrying over A DOZEN PEIZES 143 two million doUars in gold on its passage to New York. Other appeals came in for the care of the trade with Central aud South American ports. Secretary Welles, Lincoln's Secretary of the Navy, received many suggestions and much advice. In one instance, a scheme was proposed by Alfred T. Mahau, then a midshipman. After apologizing for "youthful presumption," he recommended to the Secretary that a decoy ship be prepared out of some of the "confiscated rebel vessels," with a heavy pivot gun in hiding so that Semmes would think her a merchant boat. Then when she ap proached confidently near enough, the Sumter could either be sunk with one discharge, or boarded and overcome. Mahan confessed that his scheme might appear " hare-brained," but even if it failed, it was only the loss of "a useless ship, a midshipman, and a hundred men." By the middle of August, one of the captains urged that "a smart steamer like the Iroquois, with a smart captain, . . . would stand a good chance for catching the Sumter or for badgering her into port in a very short time," if he made a circuit of about five hundred miles around Cuba.' Palmer, of the Iroquois, got this assignment and we shaU ' " Naval War Records," Series I, Vol. I, p. 62. 144 BAPHAEL SEMMES see later that at St. Pierre he caught the Sumter in port, but with no profit, since he suffered when she slipped away from him one night. Welles was neither idle nor vague, and stUl less was he distracted from the tasks of his office by the cries from the counting-house. He knew that a rigid blockade of the Southern coast was far more deadly to the South than the capture of this one rover. But he detached as many boats for the chase as he could, and he was peremptory in his orders that the hunt should go on relentlessly until the " pirate Sumter " was checked in her career, or some definite news was obtained of her end. He was heartily seconded by the few naval officers who could be spared from the home service. One of them. Captain Eytiuge, of the Sheph,erd Knapp, "made the entire circuit ofthe West India Islands three several times, going as far to eastward as the Leeward Islands, as far to westward as Abaco, and nearly as far north as the Bermudas." He hailed every boat of every nationality he met. He was aflame to "pursue the traitor," even into the Mediterranean Sea, with which he said that he was thoroughly acquainted. He begged for this privi lege. "I am ready," he declared, " to sacrifice my life to sustain my country's honor." Ji. UUZiUjSS PK1Z1^:S 146 But the keenest pursuer of Semmes was Porter, afterward the great admiral. He recaptured Semmes' ninth prize, the Abby Bradford, on August 13, 1861, as she was trying to steal into New Orleans. Prom iuformation he received, he was very confident that Semmes "is in a position now where he can't escape if properly looked after. He is out of coal and out of credit." Porter left for Pensacola at once to carry in his news and to ask the privilege of going after the Sumter. This was granted him and he instantly made for the Caribbean Sea, through which he cruised, touching at Cienfuegos, at Puerto Cabello, at Barbadoes, at Trinidad, at Cayenne, at Curagoa, and at Surinam, all places where Semmes had called. Neither trick nor subterfuge could throw him off the scent. At Surinam he was assured that the Sumter had gone to Jamaica to return after three weeks, but he shrewdly divined that Semmes was feeling his way down to Cape St. Eoque, as he was, and Porter set off thither himself. He was hopeful, as he could go fifty miles a day further than Semmes. He traced the Sumter into Marauham, missing her off that port by only three days, and getting into the harbor of San Luiz only five days after she had departed. He raked Marauham for every scrap of 146 EAPHAEL SEMMES information aud again guessed Semmes' movements correctly. He learned that the Sumter had knocked off her false keel, coming up the inlet, and inferred therefore that she could not make St. Eoque, but had gone north of the equator. He steered for the track of northward bound vessels on their passage to New York, about 44° west longitude, iu the heart of the quadrilateral that Semmes had marked out for himself to cruise over for those very boats that Porter had iu mind. So clear was Porter in his reasoning, and so energetic in his movements, that he calculated that at one time he was within seventy- five miles of the Sumter, while Semmes estimated that they were only fifty miles apart. Porter had not only exerted himself to the utmost, but he had also advocated that others be put at the work. . He indicated routes around the islands of the Spanish main for the constant policing of eight ships. Later, when he learned of Semmes' inten tion to burn all captures, he warmly advised that one hundred boats be sent out to thwart such a de structive aim. Like his wily adversary, he was embarrassed by the aloofness of the neutral powers, and thought them, especially France and England, very solicit ous for the welfare of the Sumter and her cause. A DOZEN PEIZES 147 Again like Semmes, he valiantly carried on verbal duels over points of international law, though per haps not with the skill and incisiveness of Semmes, as he had not made such a study of the law and of public relations. But in spite of the comprehensiveness of his plans, in spite of his unerring instinct on the trail. Porter finally had only regrets to offer his superiors for the futility of his chase. CHAPTEE VIII SECOND ESCAPE AND END OF THE " SUMTEE " If Semmes had known of all these schemes and manceuvers he might not have rested so comfortably in the French port of Fort de France. He and his officers were treated with all consideration and special entertainments were prepared for them. They walked, they rode, they feasted, and they danced. The crew also went on land, and each spent his sovereign for grog. But Semmes' peu had its usual international task to perform. He had to buy coal. His paymaster found it in the near-by town of St. Pierre, but the customs official refused him the privilege of pur chasing it. Semmes sent a polite note to the gov ernor, and at once got an order overruling the zealous but ignorant collector there. As soon as he had watered his ship from the public reservoir, he got up steam aud was very quickly in the harbor of the chief city of the Island of Martinique, St. Pierre, whose total destruction with her population SECOND ESCAPE 149 of forty thousand some two score of years later startled all humanity. He instantly began to take on fuel ; but, swift as he was, iu less than two days an energetic euemy, the United States war vessel, Iroquois, glided into the same haven. She was twice as large as the Sumter and much swifter, and her captain, James S. Palmer, was active and determined. He was under special orders to catch the Sumter and had been anxiously cruising from point to point in those waters for weeks. Actuated by duty and spurred by ambition he was prepared to violate inter national law, and offend a friendly nation in order to crush this ' ' pest of commerce. " He lectured the French governor on his obligations, and was re buked by a diplomatic answer in which the gov ernor said that he knew what he was about. Pal mer confessed to his superior officer that he had trangressed some of the rules of war himself, but said that the French would have to " pocket this." He was bold and resourceful, but he was pitted agaiust a skilled antagonist. Palmer came in and all night " cruised around the harbor within half a gunshot of " the Sumter, so close at times in fact that Semmes had his force under arms to repel attack. Later he actually anchored, but immedi- 150 EAPHAEL SEMMES ately pulled up on learning officially from a French naval officer who had come ou board that ''one belligerent could not depart till twenty-four hours after the other." Palmer, fearing the Sumter might leave before he did, hastened away so quickly that he bore his guest out to sea with him before he could take boat to leave. Here he kept guard some seven or eight miles out by day, and less than three by night, or so it seemed to Semmes. During the while he communicated with sympa thetic aids on shore by boat or sign. He also ar ranged with a Maine schooner to signal him the course of the Sumter when she should start away. In the meanwhile Semmes was, if possible, more alert. Both made representations to the French governor. Each believed that he favored the other, while the islanders broke into two parties in their sympathies. Semmes' steady fusiUade of notes and protests did not interfere with his material oper ations. He heeled his ship and scraped her. He had his machinery overhauled, his pumps repaired, his batteries drawn and reloaded, his small arms cleaned, his barrels filled with fresh water, some heavy wet provisions shifted so as to make better sailing. He keenly scanned the skies for a cloudj night, constantly apprehending that a second vessel SECOND ESCAPE 151 would come to the assistance of the Iroquois, thus bottling him np effectuaUy. On the ninth day after his entrance, it begau about noon to rain and he counted on au overcast sky for that evening, but the sun set fair. He could delay no longer. Like his prototype on land, StonewaU Jackson, he kept his plans in his own bosom, divulging no more of them than necessary. He had ordered every man to be on board by sunset. At the sound of the eight o'clock gun ou shore, following previous orders, the chain was slipped, the rope cut and the engines started, and the Sumter began her second race for liberty. Semmes penned in his diary this lively account of how he eluded the Iroquois : "The enemy being ou the starboard bow, and apparently standing toward the north point of the roadstead, I headed her for the south point, giv ing her full steam. So much ou the qui vive were the townspeople that we had scarcely moved twenty yards when a shout rent the air and there was a confused murmur of voices as if Babel had been let loose. As we neared the French steamer of war, Acheron, signals were made to the enemy by means of blue lights from one of the Yankee schooners in port, perceiving which and knowing that the signals were so arranged as to designate our direction, after running a few hundred yards further, I doubled and came back, under cover of 152 EAPHAEL SEMMES the land, where I stopped once or twice to assure myself that the enemy was continuing his course in the opposite direction in obedience to his signals, when, as soon as the engineer could do so (for he had to cool his bearings, and this was an anxious moment for me), I gave her all steam and stood for the north eud of the island. As we approached it the fates, which before had seemed unpropitious for us, began to smile, and a rain squall which had come up quite unexpectedly began to envelop us in its friendly fold, shutting in our dense clouds of black smoke, which were really the worst teUtales we had to dread. The first half hour's run was a very anxious one for us ; but as we began to lose sight of the lights of the town, and to draw away from the land, we knew that the enemy had been caught in his own trap, and that we had successfully eluded him. . . . Our ship made good speed, though she was very deep, and by 11:30 we were up with the south end of Dominica. Here the wind fell and we ran along the coast of the island iu a smooth sea, not more than four or five miles from the laud. The moon by this time being up, the bold and picturesque outlines of this island, softened by her rays and wreathed in fleecy clouds, presented a beautiful night scene. . . . Our run took every one by surprise ; several of the offi cers had breakfast aud riding appointments for several days ahead." By the next morning, Sunday, Semmes thought he was at least oue hundred and flfty miles from the Iroquois, and so relieved was his soul that he relaxed discipline, omitted the muster and allowed a day of rest. By evening he was far out on the SECOND ESCAPE 153 rolling waves, free as the winds, troubled no longer with points of law, peacefully smoking his cigar among his officers, and recalling a couplet : " Far as the breeze can bear, the billow foam, Survey our empire, and behold our home." Serene and poetic, Semmes could afford to render highest tribute to " the vigilance aud skill " of his gallant opponent, who suffered "great dejection" at his failure. Newspaper clamor, however, was not satisfled till Palmer was relieved from command, but on investigation he was exonerated, restored to his post, aud two years after the close of the conflict died a rear-admiral in the United States naval service. Semmes had pretty well scattered the game in this fleld, so he had to widen his range and cross the Atlantic to see what he could find in European regions. On the way he captured and bonded the Montmorenci. Shortly afterward he caught the Arcade, from Maine bound for Guadeloupe, and she and her cargo of staves were soon afire and lighting the Sumter on her way. Early iu December, the Vigilant, also from Maine, loaded with "mineral guano," met the same fate. The anniversary of Semmes' escape from the Somers 154 EAPHAEL SEMMES in the Mexican War, off Vera Cruz, was signalized by the capture and firing of the Eben Dodge, from Massachusetts. The easterly winds beat in his face, a raging storm almost sank him, but he held steadily on until early in Jauuary, 1862, he dropped anchor in the harbor of Cadiz, and instantly began his battles with the pen. He courteously notified the consul of the United States that he had forty-three prisoners, fellow-citizens of the consul, whom he wished to deliver to him, but getting a reply without the offi cial title Semmes broke off communication. He was forced to take up the issue of beUigerent rights with the Spanish authorities, as he was peremptorUy ordered to depart within twenty-four hours. He formally protested and asked for the opportunity to make all repairs that were necessary to enable him to take to the high seas again. He. won his case, as, under the circumstances, his position was impregnable, but not till much red tape had been unwound by the " circumlocutioh office." The Sumter was put in one of the best of docks. She was found to be sound as to hull, the accident at Marauham having rubbed off only a-small part of her copper, and having indented, not broken, one of her planks. The leak that had been trouble- SECOND ESCAPE 155 some was located in the propeller sleeve. Nothing was done to the boilers, as the inspectors decided they could be used for an ocean trip. Several of his crew deserted and Semmes, being iuformed that they were being lodged at the United States consulate, again opened up argument as to the legality of such a refuge. He flrmly grounded his plea on the custom of all nations to arrest aud return deserters from ships of war without making any inquiry into the nationaUty of the runaways, and as Spain had granted the Confederate states belligerent footing, it was plainly the duty of the authorities to aid him in recapturing his run away sailors. To permit them to remain under the protection of the consul of the United States " would in effect convert the consulate into a camp, and enable the consul to exercise the rights of a bel ligerent in neutral territory. He might cripple me as effectually by this indirect means as if he were to assault me by means of an armed expedition." Perhaps Semmes himself hardly expected anything to come from this remonstrance ; at any rate he got nothing. Under the teachings of international law, the consulate was United States territory and Spain could not afford to violate one of the widely accepted principles of the relations of nations. 156 EAPHAEL SEMMES Spain seemed almost hysterical over the presence of the Sumter, and as she came to anchor, began urging Semmes to depart. The repairs had been made very grudgingly, and shortly afterward he was ordered to sail away. He needed coal and his funds were exhausted. He despatched word to the Confederate agent, but received no answer. Finally one morning, before Semmes had got out of bed, a peremptory order came from the governor "to de part within six hours." Semmes says : "I went on shore, for the flrst time, to have an official inter view with the blockhead. I found him . . . a large, thick-set, bull-necked fellow with whom . . . it would be of but little tise to reason." The most he would yield was to ask from the au thorities in Madrid that Semmes should be granted the privilege of remaining in Cadiz until a remit tance could come, but he declared if no reply came within six hours, the Sumter must get under way. Semmes was highly indignant and resolved to go with the small amount of coal on hand aud put into Gibraltar. As he was getting ready an official came aboard to report that the Queen had ordered that the time limit be put at twenty-four hours in stead of six and that the governor was drawing up a formal paper to send on board. Semmes treated SECOND ESCAPE 157 the concession very carelessly, and set off, but as he was passing the government house a boat came rapidly toward him "with a mau standing up in the bow shaking a letter at us with great vehe mence." Eeceiving no attention the boat turned about, and Semmes left the Spanish dominions for the second and last time. He had suffered exasper ating delays and contemptuous rebuffs. At dawn the next day, while moving up the Strait, he overhauled two sail, the Neapolitan and the Investigator. The latter having neutral cargo aboard was bonded ; the former having flfty tons of sulphur, consigned to Boston, was given to the torch. Here within one of the most historical gateways of the earth, viewed by the Moor and the Spaniard, was an exhibition that called forth sketch book and pencil, and the artists were busy delineat ing one of the most remarkable spectacles of the ages. Some time after dark, the Sumter brought to uuder the shadow of the renowned Eock of Gibral tar, but no man knew that she had made her last voyage under the Confederate flag. Here she and her master and crew were at rest for nearly three mouths, in much more congenial com pany than at Cadiz ; for, instead of the forbidding countenance of the Spaniard, the English turned to 158 BAPHAEL SEMMES the visitors a face as friendly as the official formali ties would permit to a mere belligerent. Semmes and his ward-room received all the social courtesies possible. They visited and were visited, clubs and reading-rooms were thrown open to them, mili tary aud citizenry invited them to all festivities. Semmes was shown over the fortifications as far as any outsider was privileged to go, and he noted that whenever he appeared iu his uniform he was always saluted by the guards. In fact no distinction was drawn between the Confederates and Federals ex cept that the flag of the former was not saluted, being recognized only for warlike purposes. As far as the usage of nations would at all permit it, the English aided him. Within twenty-four hours after his official landing he got an anchor from the naval officer. Even this delay was not a persona] choice, but to give time for the law officers to pass upon the request. No doubt the same generosity would' have been extended in arresting his deserters, but in the absence of any treaty between England and the Southern states, the authorities could not see their way clear to do any thing. Doubtless there was the same private inclination toward him on the question of supplying him with SECOND ESCAPE 159 coal from the government stores, but again the legal branch, this time at headquarters in London, de cided adversely. Immediately after securing funds, the first week in February, Semmes wanted to restock the Sumter, but was baffled at every turn by the combination among the dealers not to sell to him at all or only at prohibitive prices. The alert and resourceful consul of the United States, with his prestige and his commercial infiuence, knew how completely the Sumter's wings wotUd be clipped if she remained without fuel. Semmes, in his wrath, believed that the consul stopped at neither flattery nor cajolery, at neither bribery nor corruption ; but even if he did, he had the sanction of the ages past and the endorsement of untold precedents, all summed up in the terse maxim that " all is fair in love and war." Semmes, however, was as fertile in expedients, and as undaunted before difficulties as any man. He drew on his reservoir of legal knowledge and sent a despatch to the English officials stating his dilemma and desiring the right of purchase from the government stores, advancing the very shrewd analogy of a ship coming into port without provi sions, and being unable to buy from private firms. Certainly in such case the public authorities would 160 EAPHAEL SEMMES aid her from the public stock. Coal had been de clared "innoxious" by the Foreign Secretary in London, and hence the Gibraltar officials would have just as much excuse to supply him with a hundred tons or so as to help a starving ship with provisions, or a disabled one with a mast. At Cadiz the Sumter had been repaired in a government dock because there was no private one there ; why could not she be loaded with public coal in Gibraltar when none was to be had from private hands ? It was a strong argument, skilfully put, but all to no purpose. Hearing that there was a chance at Cadiz, he ordered his paymaster to go there, in the company of a Southerner who had served as United States consul at that place, on board a French vessel. While stopping at Tangier, on the Moorish coast, these two gentlemen walked into the town, and were arrested by the local police at the instance of the United States consul who claimed them for "the crime of treason or for robbery on the high seas." They were put in irons, but the paymaster, Myers, "got the frons off and jumped out of the second story of the consulate, . . . got over the wall into the house of a Moor, and was again arrested." The natives arranged a demonstration in their favor, but they were soou transferred to a naval vessel, SECOND ESCAPE 161 and carried to Cadiz and thence forwarded on a merchantman to the United States. In the meantime, Semmes had acted with all his native energy aud well-known eloquence. He de manded of the Tangier governor the release of the men, and tried to get the Sumter ready for serious action, but found that her boilers would not bear a greater pressure than twelve pounds. He then sought to enlist the aid of the English representative in Gibraltar, and urged him to ask the English diplomatic agent in Tangier to use his influence with the semi-civilized Moors to set the victims free. Semmes contended that as both countries were recognized as belligerents, it was unfair for the Moors to aid one side. Though there was a treaty with the United States, it did not cover political offenses. But the British consul and the representatives of all the civilized lands there deemed it best to keep hands off, and refrained from offering any advice. Semmes wrote to the British consul, and very lucidly stated the case. " If Morocco adopts the status given to the Confed erate states by Europe, she must remain neutral be tween the two belligerents, not undertaking to judge of the nationality of the citizens of either of them, or to decide auy other question growing out of the 162 BAPHAEL SEMMES war which does not concern her own interests. She has no right therefore to adjudge a citizen of the Confederate states to be a citizen of the United States ; and not having this right herself she cannot convey it by treaty to the United States to be exer cised by thefr consul in Tangier." All of this clear logic did not move the recipient to do more than tell the Moors that he had no sugges tion to advance to them. But Semmes had one more scheme. He tried to get some action by the French government, and sent a strong argument to Slidell, the Confederate agent in Paris, urging that the honor of the French flag was involved, inasmuch as both of the men had been passengers on a French boat and had merely touched on land. If Morocco had been among the family of European nations, of course the two travelers would have come under the land jurisdiction immediately, but as it was, the French consul had authority of trial of all offenses in which Frenchmen were involved. If they had been Frenchmen, their case would have been taken before the consul as judge. K the flag would have protected Frenchmen on that vessel, why should it not also throw its folds around these two passengers who had embarked on it iu good faith that they would be guaranteed agaiust unjust molestation. SECOND ESCAPE 163 All Semmes' legal shrewdness and training came to naught, as neither the French nor the English would stir iu the matter. But the strength of his position was virtually admitted by the United States, as both men were set fr'ee in a few months after their arrival in Boston, where they were treated as prisoners of war. In the meanwhile, amid all this verbal battling on international law points, Semmes' attention was seriously drawn to the condition of the Sumter. He had been unable to use force against the Moore be cause of the weakness of her boilers. He had hoped, when he came into a port of so much traffic as Gibraltar, that he could replace them with a new set, but none were available for him. He had beeu tied up there by lack of funds, but wheu some six teen thousand dollars were remitted to him he was still unable to take the aggressive, not only because of the defect in his machinery, but because she was blockaded for the third aud last time. He could see only inaction for several months at least, and that was galling to his nature. There remained only abandonment of the Sumter, and subsequent service elsewhere. She had gallantly done her part. She had taken eighteen ships, and though Semmes, contrary to his expectations, had captured very 164 BAPHAEL SEMMES little money, about a thousand dollars only, her ex pense to the government had been slight, only about $28,000. Only seven of the prizes were burned, but the damage to commerce was incalcula ble, as the alarm spread out of all proportion to the destruction, and the carrying trade was already be ginning to be seriously crippled. Besides she drew off some half a dozen cruisers from the blockading line along the Southern coast. But, useful as she had beeu, her career was over, and the routine proc ess of ending her course was rapidly followed. A board of survey pronounced her unseaworthy in her boilers, and the officers voted unanimously iu favor of layiug her up. It was a painful wrench to Semmes' heart to en dorse this view and forward the request to his su perior in London. He had become attached to the ship, as she had brought him through many dan gers. His whole nature was thrown into his trib ute: "She had run me safely through two vigilant blockades, had weathered many storms, and rolled me to sleep in many calms. Her cabin was my bedroom and my study, both iu one, her quarter deck was my promenade, aud her masts' spars and sails my playthings." Tender relations had beeu established between SECOND ESCAPE 165 him and the force uuder him. As he remarks, " The commander of a ship is more or less in the position of a father of a family. He necessarily forms an attachment for those who have served under him." The bond of comradeship is also an additional link. "When men have been drenched and wind-beaten in the same storm, have stood on the deck of the same frail little ship, with only a plank between them and eternity, and watched her battling with the elemeuts, which threaten every moment to over whelm her, there is a feeling of brotherhood that springs up between them that it is difficult for a landsman to conceive." These memories aud associations, abstract and invisible though they be, are often more powerful than cables of steel. In spite of the pangs it brought to sunder them, preparations went for ward, and before the middle of April, 1862, the men that had manned the Sumter dispersed, leaving her in charge of a midshipman. She was sold in a month or so, and her name changed to Gibraltar. She flnally met her fate in the North Sea, and " her bones lie interred not far from those of the Ala bama." CHAPTEE IX ON THE " ALABAMA " AMONG THE WHALEES "The Alabama was the first steamship in the history of the world — the defective little Sumter ex cepted — that was let loose agaiust the commerce of a great commercial people. The destruction which she caused was enormous. She . . . became famous. It was the fame of steam." In these direct terms, her daring commander does not over state her wonderful career or the portentousness of her achievements. Semmes had no hand iu her building or iu her dash for liberty from the shipyard on the Mersey. J. D. Bullock, the Confederate agent in England, had bargained with an English firm for the con struction of a boat according to specifications he furnished. It was the two hundred and ninetieth order on their books since they had begun their business and hence on their records she was Num ber 290 — an inuocent name that was seized upon by thoughtless writers and speakers iu the Uuited States as an insult from Confederate sympathizers ON THE "ALABAMA" 167 in England, since they thus boldly proclaimed that two hundred and ninety of them had contributed to pay the expense of the fabrication of this marine destroyer. Bullock watched over her birth and growth with the interest of a fond father, as he was slated to command her. He would doubtless have made a brilliant history for her aud himself, as the Confederacy was served abroad by no abler or more honorable mau thau he ; but when his superiors gave the berth to Semmes, Bullock murmured not, aud cheerfully put in his claim for the next one that might be launched. He was never to serve on the water, however ; he was too much needed on laud. Even with him iu charge, it was only by the narrowest margin that the Alaba-mM escaped, since both the consul at Liverpool and the minister to England were most alert and watchful. Evidence was secured as to her warlike build ; depositions were taken aud forwarded to London and laid before the Foreign Office. Communications were drawn up, reports were asked for, and the case was bandied about from office to office with aU the red tape, dig nity, aud circumlocution that ponderous intricate organizations are capable of. Finally a responsible opinion was definitely rendered that the building of the ship was in violation of an English law, and 168 BAPHAEL SEMMES orders were despatched for her seizure, but too late. The indefatigable Bullock had not slept at his deli cate task ; his ear was attuned to all whispers of danger. He had got a hint, aud early on the morning of July 29, 1862, he put on boai'd the incompleted craft a gay party of ladies and gentlemen and passed down the Mersey on a trial trip. Custom house officials went along also to see that no inter national wrong was done. It was a compUmentary jaunt enjoyed by all with a seasonable luncheon in the cabin about noon, but later a tug came along side and the surprised party were all requested to pass over the side into her. The feast was cleared away, the bunting taken down, aud there was Uvely bustling to get the "290 " in shape for her maiden voyage on the high seas, as she was ordained never to see Liverpool again. In the darkness of the early morning of the last day of July, she turned her prow out of the bay on the coast of Wales where she had been at anchor aud plowed northward through the Irish Sea, theu around the north of Ireland and vanished in the broad ocean. Charles Francis Adams, the minister from Wash ington to England, had steadily driven the whole engine of diplomacy to head her off He inter- ON THE " ALABAMA " 169 viewed the Foreign Secretary, Lord Eussell, to the limits of politeness, he placed the proofs before him of the character of the vessel iu the Laird yards at Liverpool, he insisted ou quickness of decision and energy of action, he called upon the United States gunboat Tuscarora, but it was all too late. The Tuscarora was down toward Queenstown, while her game was skimming ou past the Giant's Causeway in her rush to begin her destiny of destruction. At that geological puzzle Bullock had landed and made his way thence to Liverpool. Bullock had been active but prudent throughout the period of getting this cruiser afloat. Although he had been on pleasant social terms with Mr. Laird, he had never divulged his object, and that gentleman had only spoken the truth when he de nied in the House of Commons all knowledge of the purpose of the boat. There were plenty of prece dents in the history of the Eevolutionary War for securing vessels in foreign lands to hurl against a belligerent. Franklin had done in France just what Bullock had accomplished in England. The United States authorities themselves had made over tures to Laird for obtaining some steamers soon after the Civil War started. But the time limit set was too short, as the flrm was already overburdened 170 BAPHAEL SEMMES with work. With such examples and uuder such difficulties went forth this " Beautiful steamship, pride of the seas. Decked for the battle aud rigged tot the breeze." ' In the meantime the captain of this future "scourge of commerce" was restlessly searching another chance to strike at the euemy. After lay ing up the Sumter in Gibraltar, Semmes sailed for England, and got in touch with the Confederate representatives there. He soou saw there was no prospect of another ship for him, as it was the un derstanding that Bullock was to have the " 290 " as soou as she left the yards. Semmes went to Nassau ou an English boat, with the aim of dashing through the blockade, returning to the South aud fighting on land, if he could not get into his own element again. But shortly after reachiug Nassau he was instructed by the Confederate Secretary of the Navy to return to England aud to take charge of the new cruiser. It was an anxious time for him, — waiting to catch a neutral bottom to Europe. But he sent a message to the efficient Bullock to push all work on the Alabama with as much care and thoroughness as if he himself were to be her guide. ' Colburn'a Magazine, Vol. 168, p. 498. ON THE "ALABAMA" 171 Finally, the first week in August Semmes him self reached Bullock. With his corps of officers, a few days afterward, all set out in a boat, previously engaged by Bullock, for the Azores, the appointed rendezvous. Another vessel, freighted with muni tions and supplies for the Alabama, had been already ordered to these islands. These half-way resting houses are a peaceful haven for the mariner and an alluring sight to the eye of mau. Nature smiled on the carefuUy tilled hiUs, "the red- tiled roofs, sharp gables, aud parti-colored verandas. " Little wonder if it was horrible to Porter that from "this beauti ful spot, where it seemed as if nothing unlawful could exist, started forth one of the most devastat ing expeditions against a nation's commerce known in the history of war." Here in sight of these green-clad slopes and summits, amid the sun flashes from the waves, with enchanting peacefulness above and around, the last touches were put on the Alabama, that had struggled for nine days with the gales and swells of the Atlantic after escaping from the Irish Sea. Her English captain, immediately after coming to, set his crew ostensibly to repairing the ma chinery, as he claimed he was disabled by the storms, but really to make all ready for the arma- 172 BAPHAEL SEMMES ment that he knew was on the way. The Portuguese authorities looked on suspiciously ; he swore at them, bullied them, and continued his work with added energy. With the coming of the other two vessels, the harbor officials became more and more inquisitive, aud although the pitiful plea was made that one of the consorts was sinking and aU bauds were feverishly straining themselves to lighten her aud save her, all three were forced to go outside. With some deception, much boldness, a little defi ance, unceasing toil of the crews, and racking vigilance and apprehension on the part of Semmes lest au enemy appear before he was armed, the Alaba-mM was finally gotten into shape. John Laird, her creator, declared she was " the finest cruiser of her class in the world." To the great sea leader on the other side of the civil con flict, Porter, "she was the most dangerous machine to be used against American commerce ever yet planned." In the opinion of one of her officers, Sinclair, she was "fitted out with the most careful aud astute provision, . . . had unusual re sources within herself, such as no other man-of-war of the day could boast. She carried the means for making all ordinary repairs upon her ma chinery, spars, and armament while at sea, or in ON THB " ALABAMA " 173 ports where mechanical facilities could not be com manded." At his first glance iu these Portuguese waters, her master saw "she was indeed a beautiful thing to look upon." His home aud his floating fortress for more thau a score of mouths, she deserves a more material description. Thus has Semmes given it : ' "She was about nine huudred tons burden, two hundred and thirty feet iu length, tbirty-two feet in breadth, twenty feet iu depth, aud drew, wheu provisioned aud coaled for a cruise, fifteen feet of water. Her model was of the most perfect sym metry, aud she .sat upou the water with the light ness and grace of a swan. She was barkentine rigged, with long lower masts, which enabled her to carry large fore-and-aft sails, as jibs aud trysails, which are of so much importance to a steamer, in so many emergencies. Her sticks were of the best yellow pine, that would bend in a gale like a willow wand without breaking, aud her rigging was of the best Swedish iron wire. The scantling of the vessel was light, compared with vessels of her class iu the Federal Navy, but this was scarcely a disadvantage, as she was designed as a scourge of the enemy's commerce rather thau for battle. She was to de- feud herself simply, if defense should become neces sary. Her engine was of three hundred horse power aud she had attached an apparatus for condensing from the vapor of sea water all the fresh water that her crew might require. " She was a perfect steamer aud a perfect sailing ' "Nav. Hist, ot Civil War," p. 628. 174 EAPHAEL SEMMES ship at the same time, neither of her two modes of locomotiou being at all dependent upou the other. . . . The Sumter, wheu her fuel was exhausted, was little better than a log ou the water because of her inability to hoist her propeller, which she was in consequence compelled to dray after her. The Alabama was so constructed that iu fifteen minutes her propeller could be detached from the shaft, and lifted iu a well contrived for the purpose, sufficiently high out of the water not to be au impediment to her speed. When this was done aud her sails spread, she was to all intents aud purposes a sail ing ship. On the other haud, when I desired to use her as a steamer, I had only to start the flres, lower the propeller, aud if the wind was adverse, brace her yards to the wiud, aud the conversion was complete. The speed of the Alabama was al ways greatly overrated by the euemy. She was ordinarily about a teu-kuot ship. She was said to have made eleven knots and a half ou her trial trip, but we never afterward got it out of her. Under steam aud sail both we logged on one oc casion thirteen knots and a quarter, which was her utmost speed. "Her armament consisted of eight gnus; six 32-pouuders, in broadside, and two pivot guus amidships ; one ou the forecastle, and the other abaft the mainmast— the former a 100-pouuder rifled Blakeley, aud the latter a smooth bore eight-inch. The Blakeley gun was so deficient in metal com pared with the weight of shot it threw that after the first few discharges, wheu it became a little heated, it was of comparatively small use to us, to such au extent were we compelled to reduce the charge of powder ou account of the recoil. The average crew of the Alaba-ma before the mast was ON THE " ALABAMA " 175 about oue huudred aud twenty men ; aud she car ried twenty-four officers. The cost of the ship with everything complete was about $250,000." Such was the boat, put iu commission in mid- At lantic, beyond all human jurisdiction, with a few lonely islands in sight. A graphic pen-picture has Semmes given us of the event : "The ship haviug been properly prepared we steamed out, ou this bright Sunday morning, under a cloudless sky, with a gentle breeze from the south east scarcely ruffling the surface of the placid sea ; and, under the shadow of the smiling and pictur esque island Terceira, which nature seemed to have decked specially for the occasion, so charming did it appear iu its checkered dress of a lighter and darker green, composed of corn-fields aud orange groves, the flag of the new-born Confederate states was unfurled for the flrst time from the peak of the Alabama. . . . The ceremony was short but im pressive. The officers were all iu full uniform, and the crew neatly dressed. I caused 'all hands' to be summoned aft on the quarter-deck, and, mount ing a gun carriage, I read the commission of Mr. Jeffersou Davis appointiug me a captain in the Con federate States Navy, and the order of Mr. Stephen E. Mallory, the Secretary of the Navy, directing me to assume command of the Alabama. Following my example the officers and crew had all uncovered their heads, iu deference to the sovereign authoritJ^ as is customary on such occasions ; as they stood in respectful silence and listened with rapt attention to the reading aud to the short explanation of my 176 BAPHAEL SEMMES object and purposes iu putting the ship in commis sion which followed, I was impressed with the spectacle. " While the reading was going ou, two small balls raight have been seen ascending slowly, oue to the peak, aud the other to the raain-royal masthead. These balls were so arranged that, by a sudden jerk of the halliards by which they had been sent aloft, the flag aud pennant would unfold themselves to the breeze. A curious observer would also have seen a quartermaster standing by the English colors, which we were still bearing, ready to strike them, a baud of music ou the quarter-deck, aud a gunner (lock- string iu haud) standiug by the weather-bow gun. All these meu had their eyes upon the reader ; aud wheu he had concluded, at a wave of his hand, the guu was fired, the change of flags took place, and the air was rent by a deafening cheer from officers aud men : the baud at the same time playing 'Dixie,' that soul-stirring national anthem of the new-born governmeut. Thus amid this peaceful scene of beauty, with all nature smiling upon the ceremony, was the AlabamM christened ; the name '290' disappearing with the English flag." In this way on Sunday, August 24, 1862, was boru the Alabama ; ou another Sunday a little over a score of months later she died. It was an anxious moment after Semmes had made his address inviting seamen from the crews to en list. He had enticingly stated the case to them, briefly describing the cause of the South as a strug gle for liberty, painting the delights of strange ON THB "ALABAMA" 177 skies and foreign ports with "liberty on shore," aud mentioning the prospects for corabat with the foe. Especially careful had he been to emphasize the flnancial side, — the unusually good rate of pay he offered them, and the chances for big prize raoney if all turned out successfully. He raust have beeu eloquent if results were the test, as he got nearly all the avaUable fellows, or eighty out of the total of ninety. It was a happy ending for the flrst and only "sturap speech " ever made to the crew of the Alabama. Semmes, Bullock, and the British cap tain were aU kept busy till late that night arranging raatters for the newly-enlisted raen, so they could make remittances horae. Semraes was gratified that so many were married, as he felt that for this reason he could rely on them all the more. It was a raotley corapany at the start, becoming more so as desertions were raade good at the various ports visited. KeU found that among the English, Dutch, Irish, aud Spanish, were a few Yankee tars, aud a nucleus of Southern pilots from Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, but all iu all, he de clared, "a braver and raore willing crew never floated." They were ready to dare all for their commander, and begged hira to get another deck after the loss of the Alabama so they could sail with 178 BAPHAEL SEMMES him again. One of the number has portrayed them as lawless, turbulent, wild as animals, and defiant of all rule, but he also testifies to the firmness and decisiveness of the captain, and his spirit of iron rule when mutiny seeraed imrainent. The twenty months at sea, with a long series of prizes, are an answer to all criticism of proper control. Late that night Bullock parted from Semmes, noting a propitious horoscope in all nature in spite of his depression. "With heartfelt prayers for his success, I stepped over the Alabama's side with feelings very much akin to those which oppress a man when he leaves his home behind him. The heavens were brilliant with stars, a blazing comet illuminated the sky to the northwest, the lanterns of the Alabama glearaed brightly as she rose aud fell to the sea ; the signs were all favorably ominous aud, banishing every sentiment but hope, I pre dicted a glorious cruise for the dashing little craft aud her gallant commauder." Confident was he in another despatch to his superior, when he said of Serames, "You will not be long in hearing of his moveraents." ' Bullock was prophetic, though there was a short delay. Serames had not only a uew crew, but also ' " Naval War Eecords," Series I, Vol. I, p. 776. ON THE "ALABAMA" 179 almost a new staff of officers. Kell, his right hand mau on the Sumter, was the same for him on the Alabama, but the other lieutenants were replaced by Armstrong, Wilson, Low, aud Sinclair, the last of whom has left a lively account of life on shipboard. Gait, the Sumter's surgeou, aud Freeman, the former chief eugineer, filled the same posts on the Alabama. Llewellyn, au Englishman, as assistant surgeon, aud Bulloch, brother of the Alabama's designer, were iu the list. In addition one renegade slipped in, Semmes admitted with shame, the paymaster, who tried to tamper with the crew with a view to mutiuy. He was discharged, aud then went over to the other side, his place being filled by Gait. Leisure was needed for drilling the organization into a compact mass, so that each part would kuow its place, aud all could work in harmony. Semraes withdrew therefore "uuder easy sail, from the beaten tracks of coraraerce," and devoted " several days to the exercise of the crew, as well at general as at division quarters." He accounted it fortu nate that sorae of his sailors had served ou raen-of- war. The boat herself had been built of green lumber, aud uuder the warm sun timbers begau to warp and yawu. The meu got to know all about calking. 180 EAPHAEL SEMMES The guns also were put in shape, and tried out with some blank cartridges. It was soon seen that the Alabama was a fiue sailer, a thing she abundantly proved afterward, as she made all of her captures except half a dozen with her propeller out of water. She could never have become the terror she did if she had relied on steam, as she carried only eighteen days' fuel. Her radius of action would have been so limited if she had been forced to go into port every two or three weeks to recoal, that she would have beeu soou caught or badly crippled in her movements. But she had finally preened and pluraed herself, aud was ready for a dash at the whalers around the Azores, a field which, though open to the bold ad venturers of all countries, was alraost entfrely pre empted by the New England boats. These waters do not themselves produce the food for these mon sters of the deep. Their supplies are grown in the warmer regions of the tropics, aud are brought to these feeding areas by the currents. The hunting here ends about the first of October, when the winter gales begin. There were ouly a few weeks left for Semmes to deal his fatal strokes, aud he lost no further time. Early on September ^h, he ran across the Ocmulgee, and astonished the captain by ON THE "ALABAMA" 181 showing the Confederate colors. She was busy with a huge whale alongside, within one huudred railes of where the Alabama had been commissioned eleven days before. Semraes did not waut to alarra other boats in the whaling industry, and although he had removed all the stores that he wanted frora his prize by nine o'clock the night of the capture, he waited till the uext day to start his bonfire. He rau iu near the island of Flores and landed his prisoners in their own boats, allowing thera to take what stores they desfred. Hardly had this been done, when another sail was seen raaking for the protecting zone of the marine league around the island. She did not show her colors, but to the keen eyes on the Alabama she was American in every feature. She gamely held on her way iu spite of the warning from a blank cart ridge. After humoring her a few minutes longer, Serames sent a round shot whistling through her rigging. The crew of seven were all put in irons, iu retaliation for the treatraent that Serames' pay master, Myers, had received after his capture in Tangier. The passengers aboard were permitted to reraain, with a prize crew in control, till the next day, when they with the prisoners were landed. Setting out again Seraraes overhauled a Portuguese 182 BAPHAEL SEMMES "whaling brig," the ouly foreign whaler he ever held up. There were practically none engaged in this business except Americans, all the others hav ing beeu driven out in fair, free contest by the "superior skill, energy, industry, courage aud perseverance of the Yankee whaler, who is perhaps the best speciraen of a sailer the world over." Such is Serames' spontaneous tribute to the noble worth and character of his foes, a tribute coming frora him in spite of his hostility to the government of the section which sent them forth. But the day was not lost. That afternoon he bagged the Ocean Bover, a large craft on her way horae to Massachusetts, with eleven hundred barrels of oil, after a cruise of over three years. To Semraes' poetic nature pathos terapered the pride of victory. He could not help feeling a syrapathy for this gallant fellow homeward bound to his wife aud "babies," after his long separation. But the master did not mope over his misfortune. When he heard that the Ocmulgee meu had been allowed to pull to freedom on the island he asked for the same favor, declaring that the distance of four or flve miles was nothing. "We whalers sometiraes chase a whale ou the broad sea until our ship is hull down, and think nothing of it. It will relieve you ON THE "ALABAMA" 183 of us the sooner and be of sorae service to us be sides." The water was sraooth, the chance good to be rid of prisoners, aud Serames gave permission for the boats to be loaded with provisions and personal effects. The delighted fellows worked like beavers, and in a couple of hours the six boats, manned by six each, were alongside waiting for the word of release. Serames says : "I could not but be amused when I looked over the side into these boats at the amount of plunder that the rapacious fellow had packed in them. They were literally loaded down with all sorts of traps, from the seamen's chests aud bedding to the tabby cat and parrot. Nor had the main chance been overlooked, for all the ' cabin stores' had been secured, and sundry barrels of beef and pork besides. I said to him, ' Captain, your boats appear to rae to be rather deeply laden ; are you not afraid to trust them ? ' ' Oh, no, ' he replied, 'they are as buoyant as ducks, and we shall not ship a drop of water.'" After being paroled, they shoved off, and set out to row to land. The scene aud the occasion touched Semraes' strain of sentiraent, and he has painted it all for us tenderly: "That night landing of this whaler's 184 BAPHAEL SEMMES crew was a beautiful spectacle. I stood on the horseblock watching it, my mind busy with many thoughts. The moon was shining brightly, though there were sorae passing clouds sailing lazUy in the upper air that flecked the sea. Flores, which was sending off to us, even at this distance, her perfuraes of shrub and flower, lay sleeping in the raoonlight, with a few fleecy white clouds round the mountain top like a turban. The rocky islets that rise like so many shafts out of the sea, devoid of all vegetation, and at different distances from the shore, looked weird and unearthly, like sheeted ghosts. The boats moving swiftly and mysteriously toward the shore might have been mistaken when they had gotten a little distance from us for Venetian gon dolas, with their peaked bows and sterns, especially when we heard coming over the sea a song sung by a powerful and rausical voice and chorused by all the boats. Those raerry fellows were thus making light of misfortune, and proving that the sailor after all is the true philosopher. The echo of that night song lingered long in my raemory, but I little drearaed as I stood on the deck of the Alabama and witnessed the scene I have described, that four years afterward it would be quoted agaiust me as a violation of the law of war. And yet so it was. ON THE "ALABAMA" 185 It was alleged . . . that miles away at sea, in rough and inclement weather, I compelled my prisoners to depart for the shore, in leaky and un sound boats, at the hazard of their lives, designing and desiring to drown them. And this was all the thanks I received for setting some of these fellows up as nabobs among the islanders. Why, the master of the Ocean Bover, with his six boats and their cargoes, was richer than the governor, when he landed in Flores ; where the simple islanders are content with a few head of cattle, a cast net and a canoe." Semraes was right ; this act and the romance of this flight to land were considered at first most damaging to him when the Navy Department was searching for evidence against hira as he lay in jail in Washington in the early part of 1866. Happily for the judicial calm of the legal adviser, the case was investigated, and the actors cheerfully exoner ated him frora all blarae. Conscious of having dealt generously with the defeated, Serames of course could feel none of these apprehensions, and turned in and slept soundly till aroused at midnight to be informed that a large ship was near. Without disturbing the regular routine of officers and crew, as it was his rule in 186 BAPHAEL SEMMES such cases to use only those on custoraary duty un less in an eraergency, Semmes came on deck and supervised the chase himself. It was a close race for four hours, as she was hurrying for the shelter of the marine league, and disdained to heed a blank cartridge. Bnt a thirty-two pound shot behind her stern gave her such a drenching that she hauled up at once. She was the Alert frora Connecticut, ont only six teen days, with an ample outfit to reach a whaling station in the islands of the South ludian Ocean. It was a very opportune catch for Semraes as he got from her a quantity of clothing, canned meats, and tobacco. The crew was sent ashore in their own boats, and the Alabama tars sraoked to their fill of good " Virginia twist." As he could take no prizes into a neutral port, there were soon three pyres burning around Semmes at the same time. A fresh boat, seeing that the triple volumes of sraoke carae from vessels afire, wheeled aud made off, but not fast enough, and he soon had the Weatherguage, a whaler from Massa chusetts. Perhaps her crew enjoyed that night as the Alabama bayed after more flying prey until dawn, only to discover then that she had been pur suing a Dane for Hamburg. The poor, tired ON THE "ALABAMA" 187 Alabama could only limp back on her tracks, aud cheer herself with destroying her prize, the Weather guage, after landing the crew. No other excitement followed for two days, theu the Alabama raet the Altamaha, which had beeu out only five raouths and had but little oil. It was a stirring run the ensuing night under a soft raoon light after the Benjamin Tucker, eight mouths from home, with over three huudred barrels of oil, and, what was still more welcorae, sorae tobacco. As soon as she stopped, Semmes turned in to conclude his nap, leaving the boarding party to fluish opera tions. Within the next four days, three other " birds ofthe sea" were caught ; the Courser, which was flrst devoted to target practice, the Virginia, whose name did not save her, and the Elisha Dunbar, which last was taken on Septeraber 18, 1862. The capture ofthe Dunbar seriously tested the Alabama' s powers in bad weather, as a stiff breeze was whip ping the ocean into buffeting waves. Serames was charmed with the ship's behavior. He says : "It was soon quite evident that ray gallant little ship was entirely at home in the roughest weather. She seemed, like a trained racer, to enjoy the sport, and though she would tremble now and theu, as she leaped from sea to sea, it was the tremor of excite- 188 BAPHAEL SEMMES raent, not of weakness." The wind was flerce but there were daring souls with Semmes who would risk all whenever he gave command. The boarding squad went down with the wind and after applying the torch continued with the sarae help to the Alabama which had raanceuvered to windward of the prize. It was the last whaler to be got, and nature angrily helped to celebrate the event : "This burn ing ship was a beautiful spectacle, the scene being wild and picturesque beyond description. The black clouds were mustering thefr forces in fearful array. Already the entfre heavens had been over cast. The thunder began to roll and crash, and the lightning to leap from cloud to cloud iu a thousand eccentric liues. The sea was in a tumult of rage ; the winds howled and the floods of rain descended. Araid this turmoil of the elements, the Dunbar, all in flames, and with disordered gear and unfurled canvas, lay rolling and tossing upon the sea. Now au ignited sail would fly away frora a yard, and scud off before the gale ; and now the yard itself, re leased from the control of its braces, would swing about wildly as if in the madness of despair, and then drop into the sea. Finally the masts went by the board, and then the hull rocked to and fro a while ON THE "ALABAMA" 189 until it was filled with water, and the fire nearly quenched, when it settled to the bottom of the great deep, a victira to the passions of man and the fiiry ofthe eleraents." CHAPTEE X THE SINKING OF THE " HATTEEAS " The storra that had sounded the dirge of the Dunbar heralded a series of similar disturbances that put au eud to the whaling season several days earlier than usual. Semraes set out for new pastures, the Grand Bauks of Newfoundland, to intercept the great American "junk fleet," or bearers of the grain from the Mississippi valley to the hungry raouths of Europe. Fortunately stocks of heavier clothing had been got from the whaler in time for this excursion northward. Semraes was all the tirae very thoughtful of the health aud welfare of his men, and during his career on both boats never lost a man by disease, though he had in all some flve hundred iu his crew and two thousand prisoners. Good luck went with him into the Gulf Stream ; in the first half of October he took seven vessels : Brilliant, Emily Farnum, Wave Crest, Dunkirk, Tonawanda, Manchester, aud Lamplighter. All were burned except the Farnum which had neutral cargo, and the Tonawanda which had some sixty THE SINKING OF THE " HATTEEAS" 191 passengers, one-half being women and children. Although chivalrous to the weak, Semraes did not want the Alabama converted into a nursery, aud the stewards set to feeding babies. He kept her by under a prize crew, hoping for some vessel with neutral freight to come aloug ; but, no such fortune turning up, he was compelled by the circumstances to give her freedom under a ransom bond. There were English goods on the Manchester, but they were not so documented. The owners afterward wanted their government to make a diplomatic contention based on this fact, but were informed by the Eng lish Secretary of Foreign Affairs that they must "look for redress to the country ofthe captor," as that was the principle in the law of nations, when there was no evidence that the material was the property of an outsider. Serames was now so constantly hailing vessels out of American ports that his mail was almost as regu lar as if he had been on land, often tri-weekly aud sometimes daily. It was his habit to scan the papers for news of the raoveraents of opposing ves sels, and thus learn how to escape traps and avoid dangers. In his diary of October 12th, he notes that, according to the New York Herald of October 5th, of one hundred and ninety-two of " the eneray's 192 EAPHAEL SEMMES gunboats" only thirteen were superior in force to him. After he had extracted what he considered the essentials, he passed the papers on to the officers and theu to the crew. Some of the younger mera bers of the staff got to expect the morning news at every breakfast, and when " it was not forthcom ing, they would wonder what the d — 1 the Alabama had been about the past night that she had not gotten hold of a raail." Of course many batches of papers were generously furnished him by boats of other nationalities which he would hold up. All the letters Seraraes opened hiraself, as his right un der the laws of war, and scanned them for any con fidential relation either as to the progress of the war or on the character of the cargo aboard. Twice during this time did he feel himself in jeopardy. Once he unlirabered his guus and cleared for action with what he thought was a United States war- vessel, but she turned out to be Spanish. Still he was pleased with the creditable showing of his men in making the ship ready.' It was a furious cyclonic gale that raost endangered the safety of all. This lasted over four hours, the vortex passing over the ship, which hardly changed her position while the wind carae upou her frora opposite directions for ' " Naval War Records," Series I, Vol. I, p. 795. THE SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 193 two hours at a time in turn. She rode through the storm almost buoyantly, though all hands were set to repairing minor damages the next day. For several days after this outburst of the ele meuts, there were no captures. By this time the Alabama's force had become "very expert in de tecting the nationalities of ships." One of the sub ordinate officers was unusually good in this respect, and scarcely ever made a mistake. Only once did he blunder iu declaring a boat "Yankee," and that one had been built in Canada, and consequently had aU the earmarks of ships constructed in the United States. Not only did Semmes see something dis tinctive and excellent about the American ships that he was destroying, but he frankly adraired ' ' the seamanship of my enemies. " " The Yankee, " he said, " is certainly a reraarkable speciraen of the genus homo. He is at once a duck aud a chicken, and takes to the water or to the land with equal facility. " Neither were the raerchants without dexterity and shrewdness as Semmes now began to find out. After the word of his first captures in the Gulf Stream reached the shippers, they started iu to " cover cargoes" with certificates of foreign ownership. Knotty questions came up before " The Confederate States Adrairalty Court held on the Confederate 194 EAPHAEL SEMMES States Steamer .4Z«6ama on the High Seas." Some plain-spoken persons on the other side indignantly declared that this august tribunal consisted of oue mau ouly. Captain Eaphael Semmes, commanding the Alabama. Of course there could be no appeal from his decision, but so thorough was his mastery of the law touching such raatters, and so careful was he of the rights of neutrals, that it is safe to say that he would never have been overruled, even if his cases had beeu taken to a regularly constituted unprejudiced court on land. He would sit in his cabin, hear evidence, exaraine the ship's papers, render his decisions aud enter forraal decrees on his records. The atterapts at deception were often very apparent, especially at first. Some blanket docu raent would be exhibited to the effect that all the cargo belonged to neutrals or to subjects of His Majesty, the King of Italy, or to subjects of Great Britain or sorae other country. Again the goods would be consigned to a firm abroad, but subject to the order of the consignor, thus of course making them the property of the merchant in the Araerican port. Semmes was charged by the New York news papers with deciding such matters very abruptly, even profanely, but he would have been justified in his impatience with such fraudulent impositions. THE SINKING OF THE " HATTEEAS " 195 Thanks to the enterprise ofthe Araerican reporter and editor, Serames was apprised iu the last week of October that several gunboats were rushing out of New York harbor after him. He turned south ward and westward ; or, as he puts it, " while they are running from New York, I am running toward it. ' ' He had another reason for this move ; he boldly aimed to raake a capture alraost in the very face of the metropolis, aud actually got within two hun dred and twenty miles of the city when he was forced to give up his daring scheme as his coal would last ouly four days longer.' After adding the Lafayette, Crenshaw, Lauretta, Baron de Castine, and Levi Starbuck to his spoils, Semmes got raore than he had counted ou iu the T. B. Wales, au East India trader, because she car ried several lady passengers and children, the faraily of the captain, aud an ex-consul on his return horae. Serames gallantly allowed thera to bring all their wardrobes aboard without any in spection, and some of his lieutenants relinquished their quarters for these prisoners. The boat as sumed a doraestic air with the cries of childish voices aud the pattering of tiny feet. Tbe ex-consul at least, if not the others, appreciated the kindness ' "Naval War Records," Series I, Vol. I, p. 802. 196 EAPHAEL SEMMES all received, and when Semmes, because of unreason ing hatred, seemed under the shadow of the gallows sorae years later he volunteered hiraself as a witness in Semmes' behalf. The Wales proved almost a floating shipyard, as she provided spars and rigging to replace the losses incurred iu the terriflc storms of the Gulf Streara. Her raain-yard "was alraost of the precise dimen sions of that of the Alabama," which had been car ried away in the cyclone of the middle of October. Best of all, perhaps, there were eight recruits frora her for the Alabama, bringing her corapleraent nearly to the standard of one hundred aud twenty. Having despoiled her of all he wanted, Semmes let the torch fluish the work. It was ten days before his cramped quarters were relieved of the congestion. He passed along the coast of the island of Dominica, which had looked so soft and peaceful to hira just a year before when he made his escape from the Iroquois in the slow little Sumter. He lowered his propeller, put on steam, glided by iu sight of St. Pierre, and shortly after dropped anchor iu Fort de France, ou the 18th of November, 1862. This was the Alabama's first harbor since her baptism off Terceira not quite three months before. THE SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 197 The prospect of leave ashore and the smuggling of Uquor aboard were too much for his irresponsible crew. They biu'st all bonds, defied all discipline and tried to disable their officers. But Semmes mastered the riot. He left his dinner and carae ou deck, had the lieutenant "beat to quarters," aud passed along the platoons. All drunken raen were arrested, taken to the gangway, and doused rapidly with buckets of water. It only araused them at first, and they swore all the raore volubly, but Serames had tried this method aud knew it would be entfrely efficacious if kept up long and rapidly enough. They soon began to gasp for breath and then to shiver, then to beg for raercy and to proraise to behave ever afterward. For two hours the treat ment was applied and then all were docile and peni tent. This, the only semblance of mutiny on the Alabama, was effectively quelled because as the sailors put it : " Old Beeswax was hell upon water ing a fellow's grog." This little flare up did not delay the execution of the purpose of Semmes' call to port. The indefati gable Bullock had despatched the coal ship, and it had arrived several days before, in ample time for her loquacious Scotch master to divulge her mission. Semmes expected a gunboat to be nosing about, and 198 EAPHAEL SEMMES he shrewdly sent the coal ship out to a sraall island. Before he followed her, the San Jacinto carae up, aud raade all preparations for corabat. Seraraes had no intention of meeting her as she had twice as much metal as the Alabama, but he felt no alarm because he knew she was only an "old wagon ofa ship ' ' for speed. The weather was far kinder to the Alabama than to the Sumter a year before, as the night was dark and rainy. Semmes was very cool about it as we see in his narration : " We ran up our boats, lighted our flres, and when the steam was ready, got under way, as we would have done ou any ordinary occa sion, except only that there were no lights permitted to be seen about the ship, and that the guus were loaded and cast loose, and the crew at quarters. In the afternoon, a French naval officer had come on board, kindly bringing rae a chart ofthe harbor, from which it appeared I could run out in almost any di rection I might choose. I chose the most southern route, and giving my ship a full head of steam, we passsed out without so rauch as getting a glirapse of the San Jacinto." In fact so neatly was the escape effected that, according to a British subordinate, the San Jacinto reraained there, looking around for four days and nights before discovering that the THE SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 199 quarry had eluded him, aud was free from all pur suit.' Semmes tranquilly sailed ou to Blanquilla, a small coral island off the coast of Venezuela, barren ex cept for a few goats pastured there by sorae herders frora the mainland. There he found a whaling schooner boiling out blubber ou the beach. As he was withiu the saving grace of the marine league, he could only frighten the skipper by divulging to him the dreaded narae of the Alabama, aud ordering him not to depart before she did. " He gladly as sented to these terras," and, although an enemy, carae on board in a quite friendly raanner. Here the Alabama lay for five days "coaling ship and getting ready for another cruise. " It was thoroughly safe to let the crew go on land as there were neither bar-rooras nor dance- halls in the place. Peaceful picnics, happy fishing trips, and success ful hunts for water fowl, while not so exciting as evenings in a port, were far more healthful for the crew, and more conducive to discipline. The whole ship was put iu the best physical condition. It was necessary to have raen aud material in the highest state of efficiency, as Semraes had deterrained ou a very daring deed. From the energetic Ameri- ' Cornhill Magazine, May, 1897. 200 EAPHAEL SEMMES can newspapers, got from his captures, he had learned of General Banks's expedition against Texas, with his rendezvous at Galveston. He knew a large number of transports would set out for that port. As the water over the bar was only twelve feet, the raost of thera would have to anchor outside. It was his aira to make a night raid on them aud throw the whole into such confusion that they would faU afoul of each other, when raany would be burned or sunk aud the whole fleet crippled. If he could attack the arraed convoys unexpectedly, they would be off guard aud would likely not be very harraful to hira. He was very hopeful of this as the press had spread it far that the Alabama " was well on her way to the coast of Brazil and the East Indies. " He was sure no passing vessel had noted his presence at Blan quilla, so he raight slip into the Gulf of Mexico without detection, if all went well. But Banks would not arrive at his destination till about the tenth of Jauuary, and as it was now only the latter part of November, there were several weeks for active work meanwhile. A good diversion to fill in this tirae would be the capture of a Califor nia treasure-stearaer. He reflected how much the Southern cause could be encouraged and aided by a deposit of a million or so of gold in European THE SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 201 capitals, to be drawn on for new Alabamas, raras, and ironclads. After dfrecting his coal consort to repair to Areas, a desert island on the Gulf coast of the peninsula of Yucatan, so as to refurnish him about Christmas for his final dash at Galveston, Semraes set out for the east end of Cuba. He thought the passage there raore likely for the California boats than the one at the west end of the island. On the way he caught the Parker Cooke, a godsend to the Alaba-mM, as she was full of crackers, bread, butter, meats, aud dried fruits. After she had been despoiled, she lighted her captor's passage until near midnight. Five days later, the Union came along to break the monotony, but happily for her, she had neutral property aboard, aud hence was dismissed under ransom bond. Sorae forty- eight hours later, on December 7, 1862, high hopes were followed by deepest disappointment. As all hands were getting ready for the usual Sun day raorning rauster, a musical voice floated down from aloft of "Sail ho !" and a large steamer was sighted. All were sure of the California gold, but she was going in the wrong direction. As the ships neared each other, the stranger's upper deck was seen crowded with passengers, male aud female, the uniforms, veils, gay dresses, aud fluttering ribbons 202 BAPHAEL SEMMES making a bright, joyous scene, soon to be one of fright and consternation. She did not heed a blank cartridge except to put ou steara and speed, but a round shot splintered her raast, caused a wild panic araong the ladies and a scampering below, and brought the ship to at once. Instead of gold, Semmes got what he little knew how to take care of, as there were flve hundred women and children on the ship, besides a squad of raarines. He paroled the latter, and sent his handsoraest young officer aboard, in his nattiest uniforra, to calra the nerves of the ladies. This officer was so gallant that all fear and alarm disappeared, and his coat buttons were cut off as mementoes of the occasion. So polite were all on both sides that the entire cabin, at his request, drank the health of Jefferson Davis, but a bright American girl on the other side evened up raatters by roguishly proposing a toast to Abrahara Lincoln, which the chivalrous officer had to accept amid the hurrahs of all.' Such was the festive afr on the A-riel, which Semmes kept by him for several days with a view to transferring all the souls to sorae neutral bottom. None coming, however, he was forced to send her away uuder written obligation, since he could not take her into any port. 'Sinclair, "Two Years on the Alabama," p. 59. THB SINKING OF THB "HATTEEAS" 203 Au accident to her engine was responsible for the Alabama's withdrawing from thetracks of coraraerce, and keeping still like a wounded animal for a couple of days. Her eugineer was skilful, and mended the very serious break. Then she went ou to the Areas Island to coal and gird herself for the sortie against Banks's expedition for Galveston. Luck was with Semmes, as he spoke no sail after leaving the vicinity of Jamaica, and slipped to his breath ing quarters unseen by any eye, either on land or water. Two days before Christmas he was alongside the faithful Agrippina, and ceased his wanderings for a week, " coaling ship, refittiug, aud repaint ing," careening her over, and scrubbing her bottom below the water line. The Alabama was soon in such excellent trim that the sailors affectionately said of her that she could be made to do anything but talk. Like a racer trained almost to a razor edge, she was ready for this daring venture into the midst of a fleet of vessels of uuknown speed aud arraaraent. Porter generously renders his raced of adrairation for the audacity of the move. It was " a bold and feasible plan," he says, " aud no one can deny that Semmes displayed great daring in thus bearding the 204 EAPHAEL SEMMES lion iu his den, and entering waters that he knew to be full of his enemy's gunboats." ' The run up the Gulf was uneveutf ul, and the crew, off duty, killed time as best they could, reading, playing games, and telling yarns. But the most entertaining diversion was the speculations as to the amount of prize money each would receive from the lump appropriation the Confederate Congress would vote for the total value of aU the captures made, after the cruise was ended. Excitement climbed to its greatest height on the afternoon of the eleventh of January (1863) when they got in sight of a lot of ships off Galveston. It was the crafty scheme to hover near until night, and then dart into the immense fleet, for which the lookout had been instructed to scan the horizon. He soon cried, "Sail ho!" "Land ho !" but no transports were in sight — only flve war steamers. Presently, one of these threw a shell over the city, aud the dream of devastation of the foe's sail raelted away. The South had retaken Galveston, and Banks's huge armada had put into New Orleans in stead. Semmes surraised all this, and he pondered over his predicaraent. It would shock the morale of his ' "Nav. Hist. Civ. War," p. 639. THE SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 205 men, undermine their faith iu him, to run away without striking a blow, and yet it would be fool hardy, even suicidal, to pit himself against flve ad versaries, any one perhaps his equal. But one of the opposing force relieved all his perplexity by coming out after him. That was what Seraraes desired. He had no wish for au engagement so near the others, and he slowly moved seaward. He turned his propeller slowly, even stopping it at times, and thus decoyed his pursuer some twenty miles from his comrades. Theu, he says, " I furled my sails, beat to quarters, prepared my ship for action, and wheeled to meet hira. The two ships now approached each other very rapidly. As we carae within speaking distance, we simultaneously stopped our engines, the ships being about one hun dred yards apart. The enemy was the flrst to hail. 'What ship is that?' cried he. 'This is her Britannic Majesty's Petrel,' we replied. We now hailed in turn and demanded to know who he was. The reply not coming to us very distinctly, we re peated our question, wheu we heard the words, ' This is the United States ship ,' the name of the ship being lost to us. But we had heard enough. All that we wanted to know was that the stranger was a United States ship, and therefore our enemy. 206 BAPHAEL SEMMES A pause now ensued, a rather awkward pause, as the reader may suppose. Presently the stranger hailed again, and said, ' If you please, I will send a boat ou board of you.' His object of course was to verify or discredit the answer we had given him, that we were oue of her Britannic Majesty's cruisers. We replied, ' Certainly, we shall be happy to receive your boat ; ' and we heard a boat swain's mate call away a boat, and could hear the creaking of the tackles, as she was lowered into the water. "Things were now corae to a crisis, aud it being useless to delay our engagement with the enemy any longer, I turned to my flrst lieutenant and said, ' I suppose you are all ready for action.' 'Weare,' he replied ; ' the meu are eager to begin and are only waiting for the word.' I said, 'Tell the eneray who we are for we mnst not strike hira in disguise, and when you have done so, give him the broadside.' Kell now sang out in his powerful clarion voice through his trumpet, 'This is the Confederate States Stearaer Alabama,' and . . . gave the order, ' Fire ! ' " The raen had beeu instructed beforehand that the signal to flre would be "Alabaraa," aud hence im raediately they poured a broadside into the Hatteras. THB SINKING OF THE "HATTEEAS" 207 The English sailors on the Alabama had been nettled at reading in New York papers the slurring refer ences to the low character of the crew, and they took this occasion to season thefr shots with pungent comments, such as, " That's from the scum of Eng land." "That's a British pill for you to swallow." One of the officers reports that Semmes stood calraly on his quarter-deck throughout the engage ment with the shot flying about him, encouraging the gunners by word aud gesture : " Give it to the rascals. Pire low, men. Don't be aU night sinking that fellow ! " Of course he did not know whether he was flghting an ironclad or a ram. The Alabama fought with her starboard broadside and the Hatteras with her port. Semmes was highly pleased with the steadiness of his force, as they "handled thefr pieces with great spfrit aud com mendable coolness, and the action was sharp and exciting while it lasted, which, however, was not very long, for in just thirteen minutes after firing the first gun, the enemy hoisted a light and dis charged an off-gun as a signal that he had been beaten. We at once withheld our fire, and such a cheer went up from the brazen throats of my fellows as must have 'astonished even a Texan if he had heard it." 208 BAPHAEL SEMMES The captain of the Hatteras wrote a concise, manly account of his defeat, indulging iu no heat of feeling or aniraosity aside from a reference to " piratical craft" and "rebel steamer," making in all what Semmes frankly admitted was " a pretty fair report of the engagement." He pointed out what Semmes generously granted, that "the great superiority of the Alabama, with her powerful battery and her raachinery under water line " made victory a fore gone conclusion. To his antagonist he "behaved like a man of courage and made the best fight he could." The Hatteras was one hundred tons larger than the Alabama, with eight guns and a crew of one hundred and eight ; the Alabama had nine guns and a crew of one hundred and teu, but there was considerable disparity in favor of the Alabama " iu the weight of the pivot guns, and the Alabama ought to have won the flght," says her coraraander. There were two men killed and flve wounded on the Hattera,s, and oue man wounded, only slightly, on the Alabama. Semmes was very quick in taking all off the sinking Hatteras. " In just nineteen rainutes from the open ing broadside the officers and crew of the Hatteras, wounded included, were on our decks, aud the AlabamM was steaming away at her best speed for THE SINKING OP THE "HATTEEAS" 209 the Yucatan passage. This is probably one of the quickest naval duels on record, " and also, perhaps, " the flrst yard-arm engagement between steamers at sea," as at times during the combat the boats were only a few yards apart, and the most of the while only a hundred yards or less. There was no time for delay. Assistance was rapidly coming up from the other ships off Gal veston, and the twinkling lights warned Semmes to glide off in the darkness. The Alabama was un hurt, not a shot hole to be plugged in the hull and not a rope to be spliced in order to steam away at once. She was raore than a match in speed for her pursuers. They spread out like hounds hunting for the scent and beat to and fro through the night, but all they got was the sight next morning of the tops of the royal masts of the Hatteras just above the waters. Her courageous comraander and her valiant crew were aboard the Alabama on the path to Jamaica. Thefr captors did all they could to soothe their spirits. The captain shared the com forts of Semraes' cabin, whUe the rank and file received all the attention it was possible to give thera iu the crowded quarters, which were rendered still raore uncorafortable by the raging gales during raost of the teu days' passage to Kingston. 210 EAPHAEL SEMMES The boat that had been lowered to board the AlabamM stayed by till the Hatteras surrendered, and then the officer very discreetly stole away to the base at Galveston. The obloquy that so often during the Civil War followed the vanquished did not fall to the portion of the captain of the Hatteras at all, as he had fearlessly faced heavy odds and been beaten fairly. He was exonerated as having borne himself in "an efficient and praiseworthy manner." He took part in several briUiant en gagements later and rose to the rank of commodore just before his death iu 1880. CHAPTEE XI SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN The Alabama had had a wide sweep, and had lighted her passage with triuraphant bonfires. She had raet a foe in combat and beaten him, and her men had shown their spirit and worth. Thus far there had been no check, either frora mau or from nature. She had breasted the storms and ridden the gales victoriously ; she had sailed the highways of trade and threaded the islands of the seas, truly an em press of the waves. Her exulting career was not due to the supineness or stupidity of her opponents. The Navy Depart ment under Secretary Welles had been fertile in schemes and vigilant in pursuit. They soon saw that here was a far swifter and more dangerous rover than the Sumter. Because of the long stretch of sinuous coast line to be blockaded from Norfolk to Mexico, hundreds of boats were needed for that service and only a very few could be spared for chasing the Confederate cruisers, but ready and daring souls were deeply intent on the problem of 212 EAPHAEL SEMMES strangling this serpent of speed aud destructiveness. On the same day two officials iu the New York Navy Yard had unfolded a scheme. They urged the fit ting out of a fast side- wheel steamer arraed with two hundred raen and protected and disguised with bales of hay, with the purpose of running alongside the Alabama as a raerchantman or neutral, suddenly boarding her aud overcoming all resistance. It is hardly likely that such a device would have ever deceived Semmes' sharp eyes. Some better heads must have recollected also that hay burns very readily, and the project might have ended in a wholesale cremation of the fearless fellows aboard. Nothing came of the novel suggestion.' But far more practical and far more energetic were the orders issued frora Washington to sorae half dozen vessels to range over alraost the entire Atlantic on the hunt for Semraes. The Mohican was directed to cruise to Cape Verde, thence on toward the Cape of Good Hope ; the San Jacinto to Berrauda, the Windward Islands and Trinidad ; the Onward to patrol between England aud the United States ; the Sabine to go to the Azores, Cape Verde and Brazil ; the Ino to St. Helena ; the Kearsarge, Tuscarora, and St. Louis around the Azores to be helpful to the ' "Naval War Eecords," Series I, Vol. I, p. 529. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 213 whalers in those waters. Besides the alert consuls and commercial agents were always on the watch, sending news, sketches, and photographs from all points at which the Alabama touched. But the inquisitive reporter and the ambitious editor in Washington and iu the seaports were just as unwearied as ever in gathering the news and giving it to the public, and hence to Semmes, who could thus easily learn where danger lurked. He plotted the courses and marked the positions of the various pursuers, and could cut across thefr trails and elude their traps. But being on the rack all the while wore on his nerves. It strained even his dauntless spirit to feel that all over the face of the waters were bold, relentless hunters looking for his ship. Especially was it a tax to glide into that snare, the Gulf of Mexico, with only two outlets, one by Florida meaning alraost sure ruin, the other by Yucatan that almost as surely threatened extinc tion if by chance a couple of vessels were guarding the channel. He was glad to find relaxation among his English friends on the island of Jamaica. As soon as he entered the harbor of Port Eoyal, near Kingston, " the most cordial relations were at once established between the officers " of the three British boats 214 BAPHAEL SEMMES there and those of the Alabama. An English resi dent invited Semraes to spend a few days up in the mountains. After lauding his prisoners, he turned over affairs to his efficient First Officer Kell, while he went up into the heights to enjoy the untram meled hospitality of an English admirer. Semmes had not had a holiday since leaving England to command the Alabama some five months before. He had been cramped in his cabin, had breathed only the salt air, had cast his eyes seaward on the same wide waste of waters. It was monotonous in spite of the changeful moods of the ocean. He wanted the steadiness of the land, the green vegetation, the hills firm and unyielding in their verdure. His pen registered his throbbing delight in the pictures of the tropical luxuriance and lush- ness. He writes : "For the first ten miles, we rode over a beauti ful macadamized road, or rather avenue, lined with the gigantic cactus, growing frequently to the height of twenty and thirty feet, and several specimens of the palra ; chief among which was the cocoanut tree, shooting its trunk with the straight ness of an arrow to a great height, and waving gracefully in the breeze its superb, feather-Uke foliage. The way was lined with many picturesque country houses, each surrounded by its extensive and well-kept grounds, on which were growing crops, chiefly of fruits and vegetables, but inter- SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 215 spersed occasionally with a field of Indian corn or sugar-cane. Hedgerows and shade trees adorned the front yards. . . , We occasionally obtained glimpses of beautiful valleys . . . in which fairy cottages were nestled. The scenery was continually changing, uow skirting the base of abrupt hills, now running over a streara, and now plunging into the recesses of a wood, with the trees arching over head, like the groined work of a cathedral. " At the end of our ten railes of carriage-drive, we found ourselves at the foot of the raountains . . . and after some refreshment raounted sad dle-horses which we found in waiting. As we as cended the slopes of the mountains, we changed rapidly the character of the vegetation, every hun dred feet bringing us in the presence of new forest trees and new plants, until we dismounted on the lawn of my friend, the imraediate surroundings of which were all English, the cedar and other well- known trees and shrubs of the teraperate latitudes supplanting the tropical vegetation we had left. The afr was so delightfully changed frora the sultry heats of the coast that we found a fire quite pleasant as the night set in. " How magical the change was to the ample halls aud elegant leisure of an English home, perched on the mountainside and overlooking a perfect wilder ness of tropical vegetation ! . . . How soundly I slept . . . fanned by the gentlest of sea breezes . . . and luUabied by the distant breaker ! I was awakened the next morning by the merry songs of a hundred birds, that came appro priately blended with the perfurae of the flowers that clustered around ray windows ; and I have seldom looked upon a more beautiful picture than when I threw back the blinds and caught a view of the 216 EAPHAEL SEMMES landscape, rejoicing in the raorning's sun, with all its wealth of tropical fruits and flowers, and the sea — the glorious sea — glittering like a rairror iu the distance. Nothing cau be raore charming thau the interior of an English household wheu the ice has been broken. The successful entertainraent of a guest is one of those artless arts of which the English gentleman above all others is raaster ; aud the art consists in putting the guest so entirely at his ease as to raake him feel at horae in the first half hour. "We raade several agreeable visits to neighbor ing plantations. I was in au entirely new world — those mountains of Jamaica — and was charmed with everything I saw. All was nature ; and nature presented herself in her most lovely aspect, whether we viewed the sky overhead, the sea at our feet, or the broken aud picturesque country around us. Tirae flew rapidly, and what with delightful rides aud lunches and evening parties, where rausic aud the bright eyes of fair women beguiled the senses, I should have beeu iu danger of forgetting the war and the Alabama, if Kell had not sent me a courier on the third or fourth day informing rae that he was nearly ready for sea. I descended at once from the empyrean iu which I had beeu wandering . . . and rode back to the coast. ' ' Upou ray arrival iu town I found that my friends ,had kindly put a notice in the papers informing the good people that I would be at the Exchange at twelve, etc. Was obliged to go, and made a speech to the people, which was well received." ' But there was other work of a much more dis agreeable kind, which Semmes did not in the least ' " Naval War Eecords," Series I, Vol. II, p. 724. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 217 shirk. His paymaster had got drunk, and was "hail feUow well met " on shore with all the sailors he saw. KeU had arrested him, and held him for Semraes to deal with. Of course the case was settled alraost in a moment. In half an hour the man was landed bag and baggage. He deserted to the other side, and went to England, and was always ready to swear to evidence against the Confederate cause. He was the only instance among the officers on either of Semmes' boats of disloyalty to his chief. The sailors also had been carousing and rioting ou shore, in deflance of the police. Many had been dragged on board, ironed, and passed below. Two others, not liking the prospect, seized a dugout alongside, took the paddles from the negroes and began to make for the shore. Instantly a boat was sent after the fugitives. As the pursuers came near, the two sailors pitched one of the negroes overboard, and the chase was of course delayed to haul him in so as to save him frora the sharks, always prowling in this bay. The sarae trick was resorted to by the sailors when they seemed again about to be overtaken, but at last they were over hauled, aud were put in frons on being returned to the Alabama. Semmes' courtmartialed the offenders after the 218 EAPHAEL SEMMES Alabama was out on the high seas again. They were penitent in answers aud profuse iu proraises. Even the two runaways who had had such a thrill ing race protested that they had meant only a frolic ou shore to bid the girls "good-bye." All the cul prits made out a fair defense for themselves and were soon set at liberty to go about thefr appointed tasks. Thus again had Semmes proved the quali ties of flrmness and quickness terapered with judg ment. The whole force was needed as active days were immediately at hand. Two prizes were soon in the hands of Semraes, the Golden Bule, and the Chate laine. The islanders of St. Domingo and Jamaica witnessed a bonfire of the two sail. The prisoners were put ashore at St. Domingo, where the Alabama anchored for a few hours in one of the most historic spots of the New World, since it was for years the chief seat of the Spanish empire in the western hemi sphere. Here Columbus, Cortez, and other Spanish explorers and adventurers had lived at tiraes. The events of this roraantic era passed through Serames' mind ; he called up the stfrring scenes of that by gone tirae as he strolled through the town, loitered in the decaying palace and mused in the ruined cathedral. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 219 But he dared not tarry ; there were always keen hounds at his heels, and there was prey for him to seek and faU upon. The first capture after quitting this ancient port was the Palmetto, which was soon lighting the waves, as the AlabamM went on with her quest. She next ran down the Olive Jane and the Golden Eagle. The former was fiUed with choice wine and delicacies from Bordeaux, but Semmes dared not put the cargo at the disposal of his crew, as every one would have soon been drunk. The fire consumed it all. It was pathetic to Seraraes to destroy the Golden Eagle, as she was near the end of a long voyage from Sau Francisco to Cork. ' ' This ship had buffeted the gales of the frozen latitudes of Cape Horn, threaded her pathway among its ice bergs, been parched with the heats of the tropics, and drenched with the rains of the equator, to fall into the hands of her enemy, only a few hundred miles from her port." She was freighted with guano of the best quality, which would have en riched the fields and magnified the yield several fold, but she was sacrificed to the god of the flaraes. The prisoners were placed on the Washington the next to the last day of February, as she, though American, had neutral goods aboard, and hence was forwarded under bond. 220 BAPHAEL SEMMES Two days after the John A. Paries, with her white pine lumber, delighted Semraes' carpenter, as he was sorely in want of such supplies. She was docu- raented correctly, but unfortunately for her a letter in her bag gave away the deception as the dealer chartering the boat in New York wrote that he was going to have the cargo " certified to by the British consul as the property of British subjects." She went up in smoke like so mauy of her sisters. Her unlucky crew saw two ships bonded, the Bethiah Thayer and the Punjaub, on the last of which they were placed. Semmes still headed south and came near crossing the equator with the sun as he was less than three degrees north ou March 21st. Sorae forty-eight hours later the Morning Star and the Kingfisher be carae his victims. The former sailed on under bond. The Kingfisher was a whaler, and the oU in her hold made the flames bravely defiant of the torrents of rain that seemed to battle for her agaiust the raging fire. With the thunder rumbling, and the black clouds overhead, the Alabama was uniquely cele brating her course in tropic waters. Before the close of March, she had two raore bonfires to her credit, thoiigh not with such draraatic effects — the Charles HUl and the Nora. Both had made pitifully SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 221 awkward attempts to , document their cargoes as neutral, but the trick was too transparent. Ou the third of AprU, five days after crossing the line, Semmes made a most valuable capture, the Louisa Hatch with her thousand tons of the best Welsh coal, bound for Ceylon. The Alabama was running short of fuel, and was headed for her tryst- ing place, Fernando de Noronha, to meet the Agrippina. Semmes knew it was a violation of the neutral stand of Brazil to take his prize into the port of this volcanic island, off Cape St. Eoque, but he dared attempt it as it was out of the question to transfer the coal on the high seas. It was a penal station for Brazil. "It is too insignificant for traffic, and has no good harbor where a ship could repair damages or refit." Semmes' arrival was announced, and he began to coal from the Louisa Hatch. When the governor's messengers carae aboard, there was a popping of charapagne corks and a clinking of glasses, but no objection was made to the nearness of the prizes, and Serames continued to take on fuel. The next morning he went ashore to pay his re spects to the governor. He rode the governor's horses up to the mansion and sat at table with that dig nitary, whose skin was about the color " of tanned 222 BAPHAEL SEMMES sole leather," while his wife " was a very sprightly and not uncomely mulatto," and the two children whom Semmes praised and patted on the head had "rather kinky, or perhaps I should say curly, hair." Though he was battling for the South in the interest of slavery, and though he always re fused to treat negro captives as prisoners, it was far frora any wish of Seraraes to call up the race issue now, as he " was a man of the world aud was not at all dismayed" at the discovery that he was iu the midst of a faraily of inferior blood. He drank the wine, sraoked the cigars, aud chatted at full ease with the other guests at the levee ; then went on horseback across the island, stopped at a country house, where he ate grapes, figs, raelous and the delicious " green cocoanut." He returned that afternoon to his berth, and the next morning carae a fat turkey aud a beautiful bouquet from the governor's wife, who, Semraes very astutely thought, reraerabered the gentle pat ting of her children's curly heads. It was plain sailing henceforth. " My diploraacy frora this time onward was all right. I did not hear a word frora the governor or any one in authority about neutral rights or the violation of neutral jurisdictions. Brazil had, I knew, followed the lead of the Euro- SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 223 pean powers in excluding prizes from her ports, and I had fuUy expected to receive some re monstrance against my bringing in the Louisa Hatch, but madarae was too strong for the gov ernor." His conquests were not yet over. He had not in the least counted on any prize in this unfrequented place, but just as he got ou his last boatload of coal "the ubiquitous Yankee" turned up, two of them at the same time, whalers. They heaved to out side, and the two masters pulled in to do sorae bartering. They went to the Louisa Hatch and very amicably struck up a conversation with the prize master, who, being English, tried to play American as thoroughly as he could. He lied smoothly and pleasantly, saying that his boat had sprung a leak and that the other one was a Brazilian packet. Not being in uniforra on account of warrath and rain, he was getting on flnely when a Con federate flag was accidentally exposed. Orders were bawled out and both began to puU back to their own quarters. But the Alabama, was now ready, and she passed out to take a look. There was nothing doubtful about the nationality, and the Lafayette and the Kate Cory increased the Alabama's list by two naraes. Both, with the Hatch, were 224 EAPHAEL SEMMES burnt, the prisoners from all three vessels being sent to Pernambuco on a Brazilian vessel. Semraes could now carry out the cherished object of cruising off the coast of Brazil, as his bunkers were full, his crew in flne shape, and his ship in the best order. He had raade the effort with the Sumter but had been forced to give it up. He passed out of the tropical rain belt, and in less than twenty-four hours after his departure, the whaler, Nye, with over four hundred barrels of oil, on her homeward stretch after nearly three years' absence, dropped into his hands. It seemed such a bitter disappointment after so many months of exposure to all the flerceness of the seas, but she was well soaked in oil and made a magnfficeut blaze. The Dorcas Prince, with coal for the far China coast, shared the same fate. A day or so later, on May 3d, there were two more victims, the Sea Lark and the Union Jack ; they were trapped in two hours. These four crews crowded the AlabamM, the more because several women and children were included among them. Semmes ran into Bahia, the secoud port of the Brazilian empire. No sooner was he at anchor than, thanks to the activity of a United States consul, he was served with a proclamation of the President of SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 225 the Province of Pernarabuco, charging hira with sundry violations of neutrality and ordering him to depart from Fernando de Noronha within twenty- four hours, where it was supposed that he still was. Seraraes' answer is not extant, but it was scarcely couched in gentle terms. Whatever it was, it was " perfectly satisfactory," though the governor kept asking him to get away. Another Confederate ship, the Georgia, came in to load up from a consort ordered there, the Castor, which, being a neutral, had the right to land her coal, and then the Georgia and the Alabama had the right to take it on board. It was a delicate question of neutrality that Semmes raised when he wanted to coal direct from the con sort, but flnally it was brought off to him in lighters. With these two Confederate boats in Bahia, and the Florida at Pernambuco, within wiring coramunica tion, the South had a squadron in foreign waters, perhaps for the only time during the entire four years of war. But the Alabama went her way alone, and soon had at her belt two more trophies, the Gildersleeve, which was burnt, aud the Justina, which was sent on uuder bond, with the prisoners. Now the Alabama's powers were severely tested. She espied a corapetitor in speed aud about nine in the evening 226 EAPHAEL SEMMES set off after her. She put on all sail, had her best steersraan at the wheel, and all night she strained in the chase with Seraraes on deck. At half-past seven the next morning, after a race of eleven hours, she won, and found her prey was a Dutchman. Semraes admits that he was a little sour at his breakfast, and perhaps excusably so, as his steed had never been so nearly distanced. His humor was softened in the coraing few days, when the Jabez Snow and the Amazonian, both bound for Montevideo, the first with coal, the other with assorted freight, were taken. Both went up in smoke. An Englishman took off the captives in return for some provisions and a valuable chro nometer. With the taking of the Talisman, on which Semraes noted four twelve-pounders, he determined to'commission a ship hiraself, as he could spare some officers aud a dozen seamen, aud arm her with a couple of the Talisman's pieces. He did not have to wait long after burning the Talisman. The Conrad soon fell into his grip. Being " a tidy little bark of about three hundred and fifty tons, with good sail ing qualities, I resolved to commission her as a cruiser. . . . Never perhaps was a ship of war fitted out so proraptly before. The Conrad was a SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 227 coraraissioned ship, with armament, crew, and provisions on board, flying her pennant and with sailing orders, signed, sealed, and delivered, before sunset on the day of her capture." Being a child of the Alabama, it was meet that she should be chris tened the Tuscaloosa, after the town of that name in the state of Alabaraa. She went through the cere- raony far out on the ocean, but the legitiraacy of her birth was undoubted. Semmes placed her former crew on an English boat, and the three vessels went their several ways. Semmes turned to the South and soon came to the forks of the road, oue way leading to Cape Horn, aud the other, which Semraes took, to the Cape of Good Hope. But before going far, he found that his bread was infested with weevils. He raust go back to Bio de Janeiro unless he could capture a craft with a supply aboard. Luck saved hira that long trip of some eight hundred miles to the baker's shop, as the Anna F. Schmidt crossed his path on her journey from Boston to California. She had heels also, aud gave the Alabama another all night chase, but it was worth the pursuit as she not only had bread " put up in the nicest kind of air-tight casks," but also a quantity of "ready-made clothing, hats, boots, and shoes." It rau^t have been hard to put 228 EAPHAEL SEMMES the torch to such a generous raother after spending almost a day iu " robbing " her. After two more exciting experiences Semmes dropped anchor iu Saldanha Bay, ou the coast of Africa, not far from Cape Town. But before set ting foot on this continent for the first time in his life, he had a long race, nearly all night, after a boat that answered his shot with another, and thus set his whole force on edge, as they felt sure of a fight with the euemy. She looked almost raountain high as the Alabama neared her, and five guns could be raade out through her port-holes. Wheu Kell in thundering tones demanded, " What ship is that? " there floated back the quiet answer : " This is her Britannic Majesty's ship Diomede." A few remarks passed and each went on. Shortly after, the god of the waves smiled on Semraes as the Express carae into his keeping. Her guano, though really the property of the Peruvian governraent, was not properly attested and Semmes treated a sovereign power just as he would have treated an individual. There was not the proper legal evidence that it was neutral, aud hence boat and all received the torch. Then the Alabama glided into the land-locked harbor of Saldanha Bay, with an anchorage spacious SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 229 enough to accomraodate a large fleet. Serames wanted to overhaul his vessel, recaulk inside and out, and repaint. He had also to learn what danger there raight be at Cape Town as the fame of the " British pirate" had spread to these distant lands, and oue or two United States cruisers might be lying in wait thereabouts for him. The Boers were not inquisitive on neutrality questions, perhaps did not kuow there was such a matter, while their English overlords were more than content to let it all alone unless prodded by some busy, or aggrieved person. Nevertheless the South Africans were very curious about this strange visitor. They flocked in from their farms, with presents of game, railk, skins, and horns, went over the boat with the fresh eagerness of children, wondered at the hugeness of the guns, tested their rauscle in handling the hundred pound shot, aud invited all to go ashore, hunt, eat, and partake of their hospitality generally. As raany as could get relief from the work ou the ship fished, shot water fowl, or enjoyed other diversions, but none returned with big game. One of these joyous excursions brought the only death that occurred among the Alabama's crew dur ing her career dowu to the engagement at Cherbourg. A young engineer officer, in pulling his fowling 230 EAPHAEL SEMMES piece toward himself, discharged the load into his heart. Naturally the accident carried gloom to all the little band, and with impressive ceremony he was left to rest in the graveyard of a benevolent Dutch farmer, under a marble slab. Having satisfied hiraself that no adversary was waiting for hira at Cape Town and having been assured of English friendliness there, Semraes drew out of his snug retreat and saUed for the objective, some sixty miles away. On the trip he spoke his bantling, the Tuscaloosa, which had not yet accora plished anything of raoment. Semraes continued toward Cape Town, and in sight of the point he scooped in the Sea Bride, from New York, with goods for trading along the African coast. It was a grand spectacle, and a gala day for all the inhab itants who could scrarable to any place of vantage for viewing it. A daily paper, the Argus, gave a Uvely, efflores cent description of the occasion : "Here was to be a capture by the celebrated Con federate craft, close to the entrance of Table Bay. The inhabitants rushed off to get a sight. Crowds of people rau up the Lion's hill, and to the Kloof road. All the cabs were chartered — every one of them ; . . . no questions asked, but orders were given to drive as hard as possible. . . . As we reached SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 231 the corner, there lay the Alabama within fifty yards of the unfortunate Yankee. . . . The Yankee was evidently taken by surprise. . . . Like a cat watching and playing with a victimized mouse. Captain Semmes permitted his prize to draw, off a few yards, aud then he got up steam again, and pounced down upon her. She flrst saUed round the Yankee from stera to stern, and from stern to stem agaiu. The way that flne, saucy, rakish craft was handled was worth going a hundred railes to see. . . . She sent a boat with a prize crew off, took possession . . . and sent the bark off to sea. ' ' The Alabama then made for the port. We came round to visit Captain Serames ou board. . . . We found the heights . . . covered with people ; the road . . . lined with cabs. . . . The windows were all thrown up and ladies waved their handkerchiefs, ... all joined in the general enthusiasm. . . . There were raasses of people, nothing but a sea of heads as far as the eye could reach. . . . The roofs of all the houses frora which Table Bay is overlooked were made available as standing places for the people. . . . The jetties were all crowded ; ... it was almost impossible to . . . get a boat. How ever ... we did get a boat, and went off, in the raidst of dingies, cargo-boats, gigs, and wherries, all as full as they could hold. Nearly all the city was upon the bay. . . . On getting alongside the Alabama, we found about a dozen boats before us, and we had not been ou board five minutes be fore she was surrounded by nearly every boat in Table Bay, and as boat after boat arrived, three hearty cheers were given for Captain Semraes and his gallant privateer. This, upon the part of a 232 EAPHAEL SEMMES ueutral people, is perchance wrong ; but we are not arguing a case — we are recording facts. They did cheer, and cheer with a will too. It was not per haps taking the view of either side. Federal or Con federate, but in adrairation of the skill, pluck, and daring of the Alabama, her captain and her crew, who afford a general therae of admiration the world over. " Visitors were received by the officers of the ship most courteously aud without distinction, and the officers conversed freely and unreservedly of their exploits. There was nothing like brag in their manner of answering questions put to them. They are as fine and gentlemanly a set of fellows as ever we saw. . . . She had a very large crew, fine, lithe-looking fellows, the very picture of English man-of-war's raen." Semmes says that this picture of the interest aroused by the Alabama was not overdrawn, as the deck was so crowded that one could hardly stfr, and that, too, not with the merely curious and idle, but with "the better classes, gentlemen and ladies of distinction." He was especially gratified at the endorsement of the ladies, since, he declares, "I have always found the instincts of women to be right." And he was delighted with their spon taneous sympathy. Of course the officers were all hospitably entertained and the crew's temper for service was little improved by the incense offered to their valor and fame. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 233 The international aspect of the capture off the harbor that aU the town had rushed to see led to a legal contention. The alert consul claimed that it was doue in English waters, and he bolstered up his case with affidavits, but the decision went to Semmes, who was always scrupulous about the marine league. Both principle and policy favored the utmost care, as it would be short-sighted to fly in the face of such good friends as the English. He was soon tested agaiu. On his way to Simon's Town he overhauled the Martha Wenzel within the mouth of False Bay. Semmes dumbfounded the captain by "releasing instead of burning his ship," though he might have strained the evidence, and have held the boat for an indefinite time while the case was befogged with technicalities and delayed by red tape to a tiresome degree. He did not stay here longer thau necessary to coal. Having ordered the Tuscaloosa aud the Sea Bride to go to Angra Pequena on the west coast of Africa, he pulled out into the great roadway around South Africa, keeping a lookout for his prey, but without any catches. He then beat his way up to the rendezvous, sold the Sea Bride to an English man for English sovereigns, consigned the wool on the Tuscaloosa to dealers for sale, two-thirds of the 234 EAPHAEL SEMMES proceeds to be credited to the Confederacy in some English bank. All these transactions in a port of savage Hottentots, where there were no hints of civilized jurisdiction, bordered closely on the ex ploits of pirates of several centuries before, but of course the aims were all different no matter how close the reserablance in the steps taken to gain thera. As the raoney was counted, the rich clink of gold could be heard by the sailors as they passed conveniently near, but so weUwere they disciplined that there was not a raurraur of discontent araong thera or a scowl of envy. In these acts, "sorae what suggesting the pranks of the buccaneers, our crew were as well held iu hand as though serving on an English raan-of-war in tiraes of profound peace, and at the sarae time in a state of perfect contentment." ' The trio parted. What diplomatic snarls might have been heard over this transfer of a ship in the twilight of law and order cannot be known, but aU trouble was forestalled by the loss of the Sea Bride ou the African coast shortly after." Semraes hira self sailed away to haunt the roadstead off the Cape, but all to no purpose in spite of his watchfulness. 'Sinclair, "Two Years on the Alabama," p. 158. ^lUd., p. 159. SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 235 Not caring to put into Cape Town without having had any fortune, about the middle of Septeraber he ran into Siraon' s Town again, preparatory to his in cursion into far eastern waters. While on sentry duty outside oue night, a mighty ship flew past, which might have been the Vander bilt. Since leaving the island of Jamaica, araid all her wanderings southward, zigzagging across the Atlantic, the Alabama had sighted no war vessel of her enemy, though the faithful hounds of the hunt had unflaggingly followed her "cold trail." A fox-sleuth was the Vanderbilt, presented to the United States government by, and naraed in honor of, one of the first multi-millionaires of the new world. Like a shuttlecock, she had been steaming between Cape Town and Simon's Town, and one day the two boats were almost in sight of each other's smoke. She won the admiration of the Ala ba-mM' s staff. Sinclair~considered that her captain, Baldwin, had used the best judgment. He had fol lowed his prey from the West Indies to the Brazil thoroughfare, and thence to the Cape without loss of the scent at any time. But it took eighty tons of coal a day to heat her boilers, and in consequence she had to retrace her steps and lose time. Except for such a contingency she might have been stationed 236 EAPHAEL SEMMES in the Strait of Sunda, to grapple with the Alabama there, aud the famous conflict might have been viewed by naked East Indian islanders instead of the polite natives of France. These lurking dangers from man and the ever- present perils of the sea would wear on nerves of steel. The Alabama was unscathed, the plaudits of the English swelled around her, the eyes of the world were turned toward her, but her resolute, self-con tained commander was growing weary from the strain of his anxious service. No raan heard it frora his lips, no shade of it flitted over his face, bnt it trickled frora his pen on the pages of his diary, that solace of the solitary soul shut off from fellow creatures, yearning to commune with some one. Perhaps his spirits were sinking with the waning of Confederate hopes, or raelancholy was creeping on hira with his increasing distance from home, as he approached the antipodal point in the Southern hemisphere frora his own hearth and fireside. At any rate, from some or all these influences, the note of depression began to sound in his confidential ut terances. Down in the wintry air of the Southern hemi sphere, he felt the change : "I ara quite knocked up with cold and fever, but sick as I may be, I can SOUTHWAED TO CAPE TOWN 237 never Ue by, and be quiet, the demands of duty being inexorable and incessant." The physical despondency grew on him, aud some two weeks later he wrote : "Ship rolling and pitch ing in the sea and all things dreary looking and un corafortable. I ara supremely disgusted with the sea aud all its belongings. The fact is I am past the age wheu men ought to be subjected to all the hardships and discomforts of the soa. Seagoing is one of those constant strifes which none but the vigorous, the hardy, and the hopeful — iu short, the youthful, or at raost the raiddle-aged — should be en gaged in. The very roar of the wind through the rigging with its accorapaniraent of rolling and trerabling, hard, overcast skies, etc., gives rae the blues." Several days afterward, he iraparted to the silent receptacle of his thoughts and feelings one Sunday wLen the regular muster was over : " How tiresome is the routine of cruising becoming. An ugly, short, chopping sea got up during the night into which the ship plunged and rolled so as to awaken rae every now and then." ' Araid these physical distresses and mental dis cordances, about the raiddle of October, he calcu- ' " Naval War Records," Series I, Vol. II, pp. 762-5. 238 BAPHAEL SEMMES lated that he was alraost diametrically opposite the dearest spot ou earth to him : " I am to-day about antipodal with my home in Alabaraa." But he drew oue consolation from his position: "Well, there is one comfort, I cannot very well get any farther away from home. Every day's run from this point, whether east or west, raust carry me nearer to it." But neither the weaknesses of the flesh nor the anguish of the heart could obscure his insight or slacken his energy. CHAPTEE XII IN EASTERN WATEES Semmes had hunted over the marine roads of the Atlantic, passing frora winter in the north to winter in the south, with all the attendant afflictions of these extremes. With the few other Confederate cruisers, he had practically swept the flag of the United States from the commercial highways of that greatest area of water transportation in the world. If he was to beat up more game, he must hunt in other flelds. Under directions from Secretary Mal lory, he was now to cross the Indian Ocean. But he must flrst replenish his crew, which had beeu reduced by the dissipations and debaucheries of Cape Town, and seduced by the purse and the proraises of the wily and indomitable Araerican consul there. Though Semmes applied to the po lice and they were willing to do all they could, there were the barriers of extra-territoriality around the consul. In some cases, the sailors found refuge within the consular grounds, or at least claimed protection. 240 EAPHAEL SEMMES Semmes, however, was not the mau to be balked by any but irapassable obstacles. He was also a master of the nicest strategy and the most delicate diplomacy. He might violate the spirit of neu trality, but he must not ruffle the form in the slight est. The fourteen men lost by desertion must be replaced in a manner consonant with the respect due her Majesty, whose subjects in South Africa had been so cordial to the Alabama. He reasoned out the case very logically: "I said to myself, my sailors have gone on shore in her Majesty's dominions and refuse to come back to me. When I apply to her Majesty's police, they tell me that so sacred is the soil of England, no raan raust be coerced to do what he doesn't want to do. Good ! I reply, a ship of war is a part of the terri tory to which she belongs, and that if some of the subjects of the Queen should think proper to come into my territory, aud refuse to go back, I may surely apply the same principle and refuse to com pel them." At this juncture a landlord came along to say that he had eleven boarders ready to volunteer. Semmes turned to hira and quietly said, "And so you have some gentlemen boarding at your house who desire to take passage with me ? " It is thus IN EASTEEN WATEES 241 that he tells of the incident : "The landlord smiled and nodded assent. I continued, ' You know I can not ship seamen in her Majesty's ports, but I see no reason why I should not take passengers to sea with me if they desire to go.' ' Certainly, your honor — they can work their passage, you know.' 'I sup pose you will charge something for bringing these gentlemen on board?' 'Somewhat, your honor.' Here the landlord pulled out a memoraudura and began to read. ' Bill Bunting, board and lodging, ten shilUngs — drinks, one pound ten. Tom Bow line, board and lodging, six shillings — ^Tom only landed yesterday from a Dutch ship — drinks, twelve shiUings.' 'Hold,' said I, 'never mind the board and lodging and drinks— go to the paymaster' — aud turning to Kell, I told him to give the pay master the necessary instructions, — 'and he will pay you your fares for bringing the passengers ou board.' The 'passengers' were afready alongside, and, being sent down to the surgeon, were ex arained, and passed as sound and able-bodied raen." It was nine at night before all was ready, and, though a stiff gale was blowing, Serames got off ; he was afraid the Vanderbilt, which was faster than the Alabama aud threw twice as much metal, might come up and blockade him. He headed his boat, 242 BAPHAEL SEMMES under steam, against wind and wave. "This struggle of the little ship with the elements was a thing to be remembered. The moon . . . was near her full, shedding a flood of light upon the scene. The bay was whitened with foam, as the waters were lashed into fury by the storm. Around the curve of the ' horseshoe ' arose broken, bald, rocky mountains, on the crests of which were piled fleecy white clouds, blinking in the moonlight like banks of snow. It appeared as if the Devil . . . had touched the mountains with the stUlness of death, and wreathed thera with winding sheets. The scene was wild and weird beyond description. It was a picture for the eye of poet or painter to dwell upon. Nor was the imagination less touched, when from time to tirae the revolving Ught upon the grira old Cape — that Cape which had so long divided the Eastern frora the Western world — threw its full blaze upon the deck of the struggling ship. Overhead the sky was perfectly clear, there being not so much as a speck of cloud to be seen — and this in the midst of a howUng gale of wind. At three A. M. we cleared the Cape, and, keeping the ship off a few points, gave her the trysails with the bonnets off. She bounded over the seas like a stag hound unleashed. I had been up all night. IN EASTEEN WATEES 243 aud now went below to snatch sorae brief repose before the toils of another day should begin." Thus he set off. Six raonths would elapse before he should see the storray Cape of Good Hope again. He made south at once for the fortieth parallel to follow that for his easting, so as to get the push from the "brave west winds " that blow so steadily all the year round in the Indian Ocean, since they are not interrupted by auy large bodies of laud. They are also more unfavorably known as " the roaring forties," and Semraes found them deserving of their evil name. He passed in sight of two lonely islets, St. Peter aud St. Paul, in the faint hope of sighting some whalers there, as that was a sort of rendezvous for them ; but no sail rewarded his search. The gales, unimpeded by any headlands of size, piled up enormous rollers that came towering over Serames' ship. After passing these specks of rock, he rau into another gale. " The scene was a sublime one to look upou. The seas — those long swells before described — were literally running mountains high, the wind was howling with more than usual fury, and a dense snow-storm was pelting us from the blackest and mo.st angry looking of clouds." This storra subsided only to be succeeded by another one 244 EAPHAEL SEMMES in which the ship lay for ten hours. One of the crew graphically wrote of some of these storms : " We were actually running in a deep valley be tween hills of dark green water, and striking a huge cross wave that would bury our bows, bringing tbe vessel to with a shock that made her vibrate in every timber." ' So gallant and staunch was the ship, however, that, in spite of " every variety of bad weather," she made some 4,400 railes in twenty- four days, about 178 miles daily. Semmes turned northward and soon the atmos phere became softer and gentler. The raen aired their bedding and raended their garments. Word was spread around that the United States gunboat Wyoming was waiting for them. Things were put to rights aud drilling went forward almost daily. " The ship is soon sparkling as a diamond, in fresh paint and polished brasswork, aud is verily a nau tical school. . . . The various warlike exercises are going on for hours together. . . . It is an active and at times stirring and exciting drill, par ticularly in the boarding rushes where exaraples of wonderful activity aud quickness may be observed ; for Jack takes real iuterest iu his exercises and studies, if we except the handUng of small fire- ' " The Cruise ot the Alabama," p. 99. IN" EASTEEN WATEES 245 arms. . . . He has a thorough contempt for this sort of weapon ; ... he will slight and avoid it as far as he dares to the bitter end. . . . Later on the news that the Wyoming is holding the passage of the strait emphasizes the excitement, and the crew feel that something more than playing fighting may take place in a few hours. " ' In the latter part of October, an English ship gave the definite information that the Wyoming was cruising iu the Strait of Sunda, but anchoring every night uuder the island of Krakatoa, which just a score of years later blew up, causing nearly forty thousand souls to perish, the most awful natural catastrophe that history records. As Semmes drew near this narrow passage, numerous sail were seen, but all neutral except oue, the Amanda, the first catch on this trip. Her hemp and sugar were not protected, as the awkward certificates that claimed the property for British subjects had not been sworn to, aud hence all, with the ship, went to the torch, throwing "a grim aud ominous glare to the very mouth of the strait." Even this conflagration at night did not draw the Wyoming. After resting in the narrow channel one evening, Semmes passed on, and at the other en- 'Sinclair, "Two Years on the Alabama," p. 168. , 246 BAPHAEL SEMMES trance bagged the Winged Bacer, " a perfect beauty — oue of those New York ships of superb model, with taut, graceful masts, and square yards, known as clippers,' ' with a cargo chiefly of sugar, hides and jute, and sorae provisions. These last the Alabama took iu large part, but allowed the two captured crews at their request to supply theraselves with all that the rowboats could carry to Batavia. Thus " robbed," the ship made a bonflre in the darkness, and the historic Strait of Sunda was Ughted up at both ends. All merchant craft had now such clear warning that Semraes felt it was useless to hover here longer, and he shot out into the China Sea. Now carae a severe test for the Alabama, and she showed her age, aud the effects of the straining and racking she had undergone in her arduous days since leaving Liverpool. A flne clipper ship, the Contest, was sighted. Four miles away, she was or dered to heave to, but instead of "obeying our com mand, the gallant ship kept off a point or two, prob ably her best point of saiUng — gave herself top-gal lant and topmast studdingsails and away she went. " The breeze was tolerably fresh but not stiff. . . . The chase was evidently gaining on us. It was some flfteen or twenty minutes before the en gineer had a head of steara on. We now gave the IN EASTEEN WATEES 247 ship all steam, and trimmed the sails to the best possible advantage. Still the fugitive ship retained her distance from us, if she did not increase it. It was the first time the Alaba-ma had appeared dull. She was under both sail and steam, and yet here was a ship threatening to run away from her. She must surely be out of trira. I tried therefore the effect of getting my crew aft on the quarter-deck, and shifting aft sorae of the forward guns. This helped us visibly, and the ship sprang forward with increased speed. We were now at least holding our own, but it was impossible to say as yet whether we were gaining an inch. If the breeze had freshened, the chase wonld have run away from us beyond all question. I watched the signs of the weather anx iously. It was between nine and ten o'clock A. M. Fortunately as the sun gained power and drove away the mists of the raorning, the breeze began to decline. Now carae the triuraph of steam. When we had corae within long range, I threw the spray over the quarter-deck of the chase with a rifle shot from my bow chaser. Still she kept on, and it was not until all hope was evidently lost that the proud clipper ship, which had been beaten rather by the failure of the wind than the speed of the AlabamM, shortened saU and hove to." 248 EAPHAEL SEMMES Semmes cordially congratulated the captain on his skilful handling of his ship, and expressed his re gret that he must burn her and her cargo of Japa nese goods. He stretched on northward through the Karimata Strait, and lay to at Souriton Island while he sent out his launch to cruise around for merchantmen. Though he got no reward for this effort, he overhauled a larger number of ships, and got one of thera, an Englishraan, to take his pris oners to Batavia. Beating araong the rayriad islands of the East In dian archipelago, he crossed and skirted the west coast of Borneo for many miles, aud then went over the China Sea to Cochin China, and to Pulo Con- dore, a coral island, opposite the mouths of the Mekong Eiver. Expecting to flnd it uninhabited except by Malays, he counted ou making it tempo rary Confederate soil as he had done with Angra Pequena, on the west coast of Africa; but to his astonishment he saw the French flag iu the harbor, aud met the French governor in control, that nation having taken possession two years before. He was a raost courteous, generous fellow, and received the Alabama with due honor, raade presents of food to the crew, aud gave the whole force the run of the land. Beiug hardly raore thau a beardless youth, he IN EASTEEN WATEES 249 had very likely never heard of those thorny thickets of beUigerent rights aud neutral liraitations. At least he asked no embarrassing questions and threw out no meddlesome hints as to Semraes' length of stay. Untrammeled iu raoveraent, undisturbed by points of international etiquette, the crew when off duty disported theraselves at will, — swimming, flsh ing, hunting, exploring every cranny of the island, studying the antics of the monkeys, bagging huge vampires, killing snakes, getting fresh meat, fruits and vegetables. One of the sailors, of whom we shall hear iu noble roles later, was an adept in a peculiar exercise with the serpents. It was his pride to catch a dangerous reptile by the tail, and while swinging him out at full length, give a sudden snap as one does in cracking a whip, and break the creature's neck. But there were no dance-halls and no rum shops ashore here, so Jack had full leave when not at work ; and there was no insubordination. It was a fortnight of rest aud ease aud healthy relaxation ; it was a better, stronger crew at the eud. In the meantirae very serious and difficult work had been done on the ship to improve her speed. Sorae of the copper had fallen off below the water liue. There was enough mechanical ability aboard 250 BAPHAEL SEMMES to construct a sort of coffer to fit along the hull so closely that the water could be pumped out, leaving a dry box for the men to work in to replace the sheets, and make other repairs. After these two weeks of wholesome enjoyment and pleasure, the boat set out for Singapore. Here Seraraes unlocked the mystery of the disappearance of the American flag from these far eastern routes. He saw twenty-two ships tied up in the harbor, and he learned of some eight or ten others at different ports on the eastern coast of Asia. The rays from the two bonfires in the Strait of Sunda had frightened the fleet so badly that aU were idly moored in some haven. They would certainly not leave these secure retreats so long as there was danger. The Alabama could not seize them, but once she was away, they might creep out and make a dash for home, and she might be able to pounce down on some of them. Her sending the American coveys scurrying to cover had unintentionally inconvenienced her best friends in sorae arausing ways. An English official relates a huraorous instance of the coraplaint made in a social club whose members otherwise sympa thized strongly with the South : " One hot season when Madras lay gasping for breath, there were no m EASTEEN WATEES 251 cooling drinks to be had — the ice ship from Boston to Madras had not arrived. The Alabama was known to be out, and to her account the fact of the ice ship's being missing was at once laid. The Southern cause had many supporters among us at the time but . . . had not our mess rights . . . been violated? So, for a time at least, there was pause in debate araong us, until one day ' the ice ship was seen in the offing, aud the Federal cause went dowu again to zero like the temperature in our tumblers. " ' In Singapore, the meeting center for all Asiatic peoples, Semmes could gather up all the threads of rumors about his career and his purposes, but he stayed only long enough to see the uselessness of re maining in the East. So he repaired his boat, took on coal, and, so far as the exigencies of the situation permitted, accepted the English hospitalities which were profusely offered. The recreations aud arause- raents of the land seduced some half dozen of Semmes' fellows to desert, while many of the rest were bodily dragged aboard by searching parties from the vessel. Semmes' retirement from Eastern waters was all the more to be recommended in view of the fact that ' Sir William Butler's " Autobiography," pp. 42-43. 252 EAPHAEL SEMMES his ship's strength and usefulness were much im paired. The copper on the bottora, which could not be reached unless in dry dock, was falling off in sheets. The constant fires iu the furnace prevented cleaning, so that the boilers were dangerously weak. As there were uo facilities in that distant quarter for putting her in trim again, he determined to cross to the shores of India, coast along the peninsula around to the western side, thence sailing for the east line of Africa, and ou southward to Cape Town once more. Semmes hauled out into the strait and started on his trip. The uext day, he hiraself for the first and last time during the war boarded a prize, the Texan Star, or Martaban. When sighted, she looked American, but was flying the English colors. The boarding officer found all the papers regular, but as she had been transferred within the last teu days from American to British ownership, aud as the general appearances were all American, he requested the captain to go aboard the Alabama to visit Serames. He refusing and Semmes having no authority to compel a foreigner to come aboard, there was nothiug to be done except for the captain of the Alabama to go to the other boat. As he noted her graceful liues, and splendid sails and rig- IN EASTEEN WATEES 253 ging, Semmes could see only "American" written all over her. The flgures and faces of the officers almost shouted "New England" to him. These traits were still more irapressed on the captain of the captive. " No amount of English customhouse paper or sealing wax could by any possibility con vert hira into that rotund, florid, jocund Briton who personates the English shipmaster." " When the papers were produced, I found among them no bill of sale or other evidence of the transfer of the property. . . . His crew list, which had been very neatly prepared, was a raute but power ful witness against him. It was written throughout, signatures and all, in the same hand — the signatures all being as like as two peas. After glancing atthe papers, aud making these raental observations as I went along, I asked the master a few questions. As well as I recollect he was from Hallowell, Maine. His ship had been two years in the Bast Indies, trading from port to port. . . . The freshly painted assumed narae on her stern was scarcely dry. The raaster had sat with coraparative coraposure during this exaraination and questioning, relying with great confidence upon his English flag and papers ; but when I turned to him and told hira that I should burn his ship, he sprang from his chair. 254 EAPHAEL SEMMES and said with excited manner and voice : ' You dare not do it, sir. That flag,' pointing to the flag flying frora his peak, 'won't staud it.' ' Keep cool, cap tain,' I replied; 'the weather is warra, and as for the flag, I shall not ask it whether it will stand it or not — the flag that ought to be at your peak will have to staud it though.' In half an hour . . . the Texan Star, alias Martaban, was in flames." It was a daring thing to do, almost a foolhardy oue, as Semraes was taking desperate chances of a raistake that might have been fatal. If it had turned out to be a bona fide sale, theu he would have affronted the ouly friends he had in this eastern venture. But his insight was keen, his judgment true, as subsequent confession proved. In the afternoon, after the captain had had leisure to calm dowu aud thiuk matters over, he was called into Serames' cabin, put under oath before the prize court, and addressed: "Now, captain, when you and I had that little conversation in your cabin, you had hopes of saving your ship, and moreover what you said to me was not under oath. You were perhaps ouly practicing a pardonable ruse de guerre. But uow the case is altered. Your ship being des troyed, you have no longer any possible interest in misstating the truth. Be frank ; was, or was IN EASTEEN WATEES 255 not, the transfer of your ship a bona fide transac tion?" "I will be frank with you, captain," he replied. "It was not a bona fide transaction. I was alarmed when I heard of your arrival iu the East Indies, and I resorted to a sham sale in the hope of saving my ship." Semmes tersely remarks : "Upon this an swer being recorded, the court adjourned." That night the captives were landed on English territory. Some two days later, on the morning after Christ mas, 1863, two Massachusetts boats, in ballast, were captured, the Sonora and the Highlander, both "monster ships" of some twelve hundred tons burden. They had been safe iu Singapore harbor. Judging that the Alabama had gone on up the Asiatic coast, they had started through the Straits of Malacca, but had been delayed by head winds aud were at anchor waiting for a fair breeze to bear them on out into the Indian Ocean. Oue of the captains took the mishap quite good-humoredly. As he came on the Alabama's deck, he offered his hand, and cheerily said : "Well, Captain Semmes, I have been expecting every day for the last three years to fall in with you, and here I ara at la.st." Semraes pleasantly replied that it was a nice thing to find him after so long a search. "Search!" 256 EAPHAEL SEMMES said he ; "it is some such search as the devil may be supposed to make after holy water. The fact is, I have had constant visions of the Alabama by night and by day ; she has been chasing me in my sleep, and riding me Uke a nightmare, aud now that it is all over, I feel quite relieved." Such a superior soul may have felt keen pangs at seeing the torch applied to his ship, but it is a safe deduction that no weakness shone iu his face. Under his fearless lead, it was possibly an agreeable trip back to Singapore in the boats which Semraes perraitted to be loaded with provisions aud other necessaries be fore the flaraes devoured both vessels. Semmes passed out into the Indian Ocean, thence on across it, doubled the island of Ceylon, and sailed up the Malabar coast, taking the Emma Jane about the middle of January, 1864, the ouly haul made on that long sail frora the Straits of Malacca to Cape Town. The Emma Jane had no cargo, and there were no complications as to neutral property. She was burned and her crew landed on Indian ground. Enveloped and driven bythe northeast "trades," the Alabama stretched across the Arabian Sea for the Comoro Islands. It was a blessed voyage nearly all the way, — fair wind, delightful weather. "For m EASTEEN WATEES 257 twelve successive days we did not have occasion to lower a studdingsail, day or night. We had a constant series of clear skies and gentle breezes. The nights were serene and transparent, and the sunsets were magnificent beyond description. The trade wind is par excellence the wind of beautiful sunsets. Bright, gauzy clouds float along lazily be fore it, and soraetiraes the most charraing cumuli are piled up on the western horizon while the sun is going dowu. Stately cathedrals, with their domes and spires coraplete, raay be traced by the eye of fancy, and the most gorgeous of golden, violet, orange, purple, green and other hues, light up now a colonnade, now a dome, and now a spire of the aerial edifice. And theu carae on the twilight, with its gray and purple blended, and with the twilight the sound of merriment on board the Alabama." Thus tenderly aud eloquently does this imperious coraraander paint the glories of the heavens and the rapturous influence it exerted on the spirits of raen seeking to harm their enemies wherever they might flnd them. He anchored at Johanna, the chief of the Comoro group. He reraained there for about a week, being kindly received by the dark-skinned Moharamedau peoples. It was a good chance to get fresh meat 258 EAPHAEL SEMMES and provisions, but was a dull episode for the sail ors. There were no grog, no dancing, no merry partners. Jack tried going ashore once, but he was glad to get back, and happy that the Alabama went southward toward the theater of civilized amusements. Though wayward in mood, turbulent in anger, and riotous in liquor, the sailor often has the noblest impulse in the heart of man, — love for his brother, to the risking of his owu life for hira, the sacrifice of it if need be. A precious instance was afforded on the Alabama after she had got far down toward the Cape of Good Hope. Oue of the officers has left a fine appreciation of the deed, as well as Serames' hearty recognition of it. " The wind is blowing a good topgallant breeze, with a clear sky and rather a frisky sea. One of the crew, who had beeu on the sick list for a long time, now convalescent, was ordered by the surgeon to be carried on deck for sun and fresh air. While lying ou the topgallant forecastle, by some means not positively known, the mau went overboard to leeward. At once the cry was given, ' Man over board ! ' . . . The vessel was at a standstill in a twinkling, with the struggling invalid some distance astern, battling with feeble strength for life. Mars took in the situation instantly. Seizing a grating, he rushed to the lee gangway, and throwing it over board ahead of him mounted the rail. Meanwhile IN EASTEEN WATEES 259 the first lieutenant reached the deck, and observing the intent of Mars, ordered him not to go to the rescue of his comrade in such rough water ; the boat could pick the mau up, and one of the crew was enough to lose if auy. But his order was not heeded ; humanity had asserted itself, and all thought of the gravity of the disobedience of orders was thrown by Mars to the winds. Ouly replying, ' Keep cool, Mr. Kell, I will save the poor fellow,' he swam rapidly to the uow nearly exhausted sailor. He reached him, aud, shoving the grating under him, awaited the approach of the life- boat, . . . the invalid being raore dead than alive. A wild yell broke frora the throats of the gallant tars. The boat hoisted to the davits, the vessel was once raore ou her course. " Seraraes had officers and crew mustered on the quarter-deck, aud, mounting the horse-block, in a speech of teu minutes, delivered a flattering tribute to the superb gallantry of the man. He called upon the rest of the officei's and crew to emulate his ex ample in all hours of danger and trial. The speech was an indorsement any man might be proud to receive from his coraraander. At the conclusiou of the reraarks, ... as the crew were strolling forward. Mars, with a hitch of the trousers so com mon with Jack Tars, remarked, 'The captain lias made a bloody fuss over nothing. ' During the entire time occupied by Semmes in addressing officers and crew, Mars stood hat in hand, head down, and blush ing like a schoolgirl at the well-earned compliments showered upon him." ' It is the mark of a great leader to seize the ' Sinclair, " Two Years on the Alabama," pp. 227-9. 260 EAPHAEL SEMMES psychological moment for bestowing a tribute upon a subordinate for gallant conduct. Such executive wisdom inspires his followers, aud strengthens the bond of loyalty. It may have nerved Mars a few months later to other acts of heroism and devotion at the sinking of the Alabama. Without further incident of note, the Alaba-ma soon anchored in Cape Towu, just six mouths away on her bold run to the East Indies. Semmes was at once involved in a diplomatic battle, and, as nearly always in these contests, he vanquished his adversa ries. The Tuscaloosa, the tender which Semmes had coraraissioned on the Atlantic outside of all jurisdic tion, had obeyed orders to cruise along the Brazilian coast aud then return to South Africa. Wheu she raade the British port of Siraon' s Town, she had beeu apprehended by the authorities under orders from the Home Governraent on the ground that she had not been conderaned in a prize court, and in consequence should not have been allowed in a British harbor since that nation along with other great powers had refused the right of entry to prizes of either belligerent iu the Civil War in the United States. Semmes, of course, demolished that position, basing his reasoning ou the principle of international law accepted by the United States supreme court, IN EASTEEN WATEES 261 that a nation could not inquire into the antecedents of a ship of war, and that her commission from cora petent authority constitutes her a part of the terri tory of that sovereign body, and she can no more be seized thau a portion of the soil without such seizure becoming an act of war. He, Seraraes, was an officer of a belligerent, with full right to cora mission a tender, a right that the British admirals often exercised. The Tuscaloosa under the protection of this document had visited British ports and been treated as a belligerent. It was true that she had not been put through a prize court, but her com mission as a tender of the Alabama was a far stronger title than a court could give. Of course she had been the property of the citizens of the other belligerent, and had been captured and sent forth as a cruiser, but no nation had the right to ask for anything further thau her commission. If that was in due form, she was just as much entitled to belligerent privileges as the Alabama or any other ship of war. The local officials could not return the boat to her commander or to Semmes ; they could only transmit his protests and arguments to the central power in London. In due time an order came for the res toration of the Tuscaloosa to her comraander, but 262 BAPHAEL SEMMES he had long since departed, and as the war was drawing near its close, she fell back into the hands of her original owners. But Seraraes had gained one legal triumph ; he had got one point of law settied, that "one nation cannot inquire into the antecedents of the ships of war of another nation " CHAPTEE XIII the end OF THE " ALABAMA " This little international duel with pens had no ef fect upon the general heartiness of the English greeting of the Alabama on her second visit. Her decks were thronged with civilians aud officials, with sightseers, and with well-wishers from shore. But she did not allow either welcorae or curiosity to hold her. As rapidly as possible she was refur nished and recoaled and after three days she was off again, — this time up the Atlantic looking for some avaUable repafr yard. Before she came to Cape Town, Semraes had ad raitted : "My ship is weary too, as well as her com mander, and will need a general overhauling by the time I can get her into a dock." It was his inten tion "to make the best of ray way to England or France, for the purpose of docking and thoroughly overhauling aud repairing ray ship." Yet he had a presentiment that the cruises of the AlabamM were about at an end. Confederate fortunes on land were sinking, and it seemed a draraatic fltness that the 264 EAPHAEL SEMMES greatest Confederate charapion on water shotdd go dowu at the sarae pace. Her captain's spirit was still unconquerable, but his body, like the Alabama's frame, was racking down : " Vigils by night and by day, the storra aud the drenching rain, the frequent and rapid change of climate, now freezing, now melting or broiling, and the constant exciteraent of the chase and capture had laid, in the three years of war he had been afloat, the load of a dozen years on his shoulders. The shadows of a sorrowful future, too, begau to rest upon his spirit." Though the Alabama was liraping to her lafr, she added two raore nurabers to her roster of conquest, the Bockingham and the Tycoon, both caught below the equator, aud both burnt. She passed on by the Azores, boarding nuraerous neutrals, but finding no hostile flag. Eariy in the raorning with hope still ahead, in spite of gloomy news frora home, the Ala bama raade the port of Cherbourg, France, on June 11, 1864. Semmes aimed to go into dock, give his crew two mouths' leave, wait till all was ready, and theu take to sea again. But there were only govern raent docks here, and the Eraperor's permission had to be obtained before the privilege of using one of them could be granted. He was at Biarritz, and would not be back in Paris for several days. In THE END OF THE "ALABAMA" 265 the meantime, the Kearsarge, off Flushing, hearing of the Alabama's presence down the channel, came on the 14th, steamed into the harbor, and then out beyond the breakwater aud there stationed herself. Semraes saw his chance for a trial of strength with his foe. He had been fully deterrained over in the East Indies to engage the Wyoming if he had come across her, and now he sent for Kell aud announced that he was going to flght the Kearsarge. He had had target practice at the Bockingham, and while the gunnery was good, the shells in several instances had not exploded, and it was clear that the quality of the powder had deteriorated. Kell knew all this, and gently intimated that it was a handicap ; but he saw that Semraes was firm iu his decision, and he discussed what it was best to do in preparation. Kell himself was always ready for a set-to, and had long wanted one. Of course the other officers were just as wiUing as soou as they learned "of the chance of it. The British tars, composing most of the crew, were eager for the fray. From tradition and frora ancestry, the fighting instinct in them was strong, and they were keen for auy danger. Besides they were within sound of Old England, the home of so many of them, and their ardor was kindled, and 266 BAPHAEL SEMMES their pulses quickened by a song, the last song, of the ship's poet : " We're homeward, we're homeward bound. And soon shall stand on English ground. But ere that English land we see. We first must fight the Kearaargee." ' On the 15th, the day after the Kearsarge got to Cherbourg, her captain, John A. Winslow, received word that Serames wanted to fight hira, coraraunica tion having beeu raade through the respective con sular representatives. Semmes had notified his superior in Paris of his purpose, and had been directed to use his discretion. A presentiment of battle was felt among the crew, and there were con jectures and rumors, gossip and idle predictions on land araong the French townspeople, but Semmes was not the man to keep a still tongue iu his head for three years as to his plans, and then at the supreme crisis to turn it loose to wag at random. It was not known generally, in fact it was positively known to only a few, though of course all the crew and other observers could infer for one or two days preceding the engagement what was ahead. The train-load from Paris did not corae down to ' " Cruise of the Alaba-na," p. 135. THE END OP THE "ALABAMA" 267 witness the battle. It was a regular Sunday excur sion made weekly through the warm season, and that was the first of the series that summer.' In fact Bullock, who was iu a position to speak authorita tively, says that outside of the special officials very few had notice of the coming contest. Of course wheu the Alabama began to move out, all who could rushed to the highest places to view the struggle. The " congregation was dismissed and peasants, soldiers, nuns, and cur6 passed out of the church to watch the fight from the cliffs." Others climbed towers, stood on roofs, and looked out of windows. Outside, a few miles away from shore, quietly lay the Kearsarge, with the captain going through the usual routine of Sunday morning. She had been idly raoving to and fro for several days waiting for her challenger to come out. Although made ou opposite sides of the Atlantic, the two ships were almost "evenly matched in size, armament, and crew. " The Alabama was 220 feet long, the Kear sarge 214 ; the Alabama's beam was thirty-two feet, the Kearsarge's thirty-four ; the Alabama's depth was seventeen feet, the Kearsarge's sixteen ; the Alabama's tonnage was 1,150, the Kearsarge's 1,031 ; the Alabama's armament was one 8-inch Blakely, ' Prentice in Harper's Monthl-y, Nov., 1910, Vol, 121, p. 873. 268 BAPHAEL SEMMES one 8-inch shell guu, aud six 32-pounders, all British, — the Kearsarge's was two 11-inch guns, one 30-pounder, and four 32-pounders, all Ameri can ; the Alabama had a total force of 149, the majority being British, fifty-nine being of the original eighty-flve that enlisted at Terceira when the Alabama was commissioned ; the Kearsarge force was 163, all but eleven being native Americans.' While the Alabama had eight guns to the Kear sarge's seven, the total weight of raetal frora the Kearsarge was about twenty per cent, more than that from the Alabama. The Alabama was about two years old, the Kearsarge six months older. The Kearsarge had been in dock for repairs less thau three months before, the Alabama had never been iu dock since she was launched. But taking it all in all, aside from the Kearsarge's recent dock ing, "it is hardly probable that two ships more equally matched will ever fight in single combat." " There is also historic significance in the fact that it was the first open sea fight of iraportance between two steara vessels substantially equal, provided with raodern ordnance. There was also a parallelism in the careers of the 'Bennett, "Steam Navy ot U. S.," p. 431. 'EUicott's "Winslow," p. 191. THE END OP THE "ALABAMA" 269 two captains. They were born at nearly the same time, Semmes being two years the senior. Both were Southerners, Semmes from Maryland, Winslow from North Carolina. Both had beeu raidshipmen in the Old Navy. Both had served gallantly in the Mexican War, and, singular to relate, each had lost a vessel in a storm off Vera Cruz. They had after ward beeu shipmates, messmates, and roomraates. Winslow had been on the Kearsarge two months over one year, while Semmes lacked two raonths of corapleting two years ou the Alabama. They had been playing the game of hide-and-seek in the Atlantic siuce Winslow had beeu assigned to the Kearsarge. Of course both meu were of the highest character and courage. Exactly a week before Winslow had been coming dowu the Scheldt, the inhabitants beiug crowded on the banks to take a look at the boat. The crew were all mustered and Winslow uttered a few plain, manly words to them : " Meu, I congratulate you in saying that the Alabama has arrived at Cher bourg, and the Kearsarge, having a good name iu France and England, is to have her cruising ground off that port." Upon this, " a patriotic young Irishman stepped forward and proposed three cheers for the success of the Kearsarge, and was 270 BAPHAEL SEMMES responded to by both crew aud officers ; aud theu three cheers for Captain Winslow, aud they were given with a will. Captain Winslow said he hoped that every man would be on the lookout, and ready at a moraeut's notice, as we were leaving the Bel gium and Holland coast, perhaps never to look on them again."' Now a raore mercurial folk, farther south on the Atlantic shore, were massed on the prominences to see these two enemies corae together in deadly en counter. As they neared oue another on that bright Sabbath mom in June, sorae of those aboard raay have thought of the historic waters they were to battle in, that in that stretch between Continental Europe and England had beeu enacted stirring scenes ; — that Csesar with his raighty Eoman legions had crossed that arm of the ocean, that along the shores the Northmen had ravaged, that in that channel the Spanish Armada had been dispersed. Perhaps the martial ardor and the fighting blood of the French had something to do with Semmes' decision here and now to cast his die on the issue. In military circles it was considered a challenge for the Kearsarge to steam into the harbor in proximity 'Diary kept on Kearsarge, "N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg.," Vol. 35, p. 341. THE END OF THE "ALABAMA" 271 to the Alabama, and then pass out again. As no word had corae from the Eraperor, Seraraes could not go into dock, and he did not care to reraain there bottled up. The local papers may have spurred him on by thefr sentiments, as they de clared that he and his men must be tired of a life of attacking only defenseless craft. They thought it would be glorious for him to grapple with the foe even if he should be defeated. The Confederate representative in Paris declared that Semmes, when delayed in his aim to dock, was placed " in a situa tion which prevented him from declining without dishonor a corabat in which his vessel was lost." Public opinion, in a word, seeraed to look on the engageraent as a matter of honor on the part of the Alabama's captain and crew. "Wliatever his mo tives, it was a deed of daring to go boldly out in his limping ship against a watchful enemy in flrst class trim. He was attended by a French war-ship to guard against any violation of neutrality. Semmes says : "Everything being in readiness, between nine and ten o'clock, we got uuder way aud proceeded to sea, through the western entrance of the harbor ; the Couronne foUowing us. As we eraerged frora behind the mole, we discovered the Kearsarge at a distance of between six and seven miles from the 272 EAPHAEL SEMMES land. She had been apprised of our intention of coming out that morning aud was awaiting us. We were three-quarters of an hour in running out to the Kearsarge, during which time we had gotten our people to quarters, cast loose the battery, and made all necessary preparations for battle. The crew had been particularly neat in their dress ou that raorn ing, and the officers were all in the uniforras ap propriate to their rank. As we were approaching the eneray's ship, I caused the crew to be sent aft, within convenient reach of my voice, aud mounting a gun carriage delivered them the foUowing brief address. I had not spoken to them in this formal way since I had addressed them on the memorable occasion of commissioniug my ship : "'Officers and Seamen of the Alabama: You have at length another opportunity of meeting the eneray — the flrst that has been presented to you since you sank the Hatteras. In the raeantime you have been all over the world, and it is not too much to say that you have destroyed and driven for protec tion under neutral flags one-half of the enemy's commerce, which at the beginning of the war cov ered every sea. This is an achievement of which you may well be proud ; and a grateful country will not be unmindful of it. The narae of your ship has becorae a household word wherever civilization ex tends. Shall that narae be tarnished by defeat? The thing is irapossible. Eeraember that you are in the English Cbaunel, the theater of so much of the naval glory of our race, aud that the eyes of all Europe are at this moraent upon you. The flag that floats over you is that of a young Eepublic, who bids defiance to her eneraies whenever and wherever found. Show the world that you know how to uphold it. Go to your quarters.' " THB END OP THE "ALABAMA" 273 He adds : " The utmost silence prevailed during the delivery of this address, broken only once iu an enthusiastic outburst of 'Never! Never!'" wheu he asked his sailors " if they would perrait the name of their ship to be tarnished by defeat." The Kearsarge had been keenly watching for flve days for this crisis, with every soul on board keyed up to the highest pitch. On this morning, while the captain was conducting religious services, the raan aloft sang out, "A steamer is coming and I be lieve it to be the Alabama." It is said that "the drum immediately beat to quarters and in two minutes every man was at his station ready for action."' Winslow had been urged by the United States Minister iu Paris to be careful not to corae within the marine league of shore, and if he felt safe it would be better to get off six or seven miles so as to avoid all chance of diplomatic protests. Bearing all this caution in miud, he stearaed out farther to sea. When he was certain of his distance he carae back aud one of the most meraorable conflicts of naval warfare opened. Seraraes had counted the sun flashing on the waters as a good sign for the Alabama, and had unbent so 'Diary in " N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg.," Vol. 35, p. 343. 274 BAPHAEL SEMMES far as to do something very unusual with him. After saying, " If the bright, beautiful day is shin ing for our beneflt, we should be happy at the omen," he asked one of his lieutenants, "How do you think it will turn out to-day, Mr. Sinclafr ? " This surprised the officer very much as " he rarely addressed any of us off duty, and never asked advice or opinion of his subordinates on weighty matters ; at least not to my knowledge." He got only the cautious reply of a subordinate : "I cannot answer the question, sir, but can assure you the crew will do thefr full duty, and follow you to the death." Semmes knew that this was true, and he resumed his usual pacing of the quarter-deck, and so con tinued as the ship bore the brave crew down toward the Kearsarge, for so many a scene of death. With glass in hand Semraes stood on one of the horse-blocks in an exposed but advantageous posi tion for directing the work of his force and for ob serving the Kearsarge. When the latter was some seven miles from land, she wheeled and came for the Alabama end-on, intending if it seemed feasible to ram her foe ; but the Alabama sheered to one side, and, when the two were about a mile apart, Semraes opened fire. The flrst broadside did no damage, as most of the shot went wild, only one THB END OF THE "ALABAMA" 275 striking the Kearsarge's rigging. Two raore broad sides followed so rapidly that Winslow gave up all thought of boarding, and began action hiraself, now that he was in sufficient nearness for his guns to take effect, as the Alabama had the longer range. The fight speedily becarae very warm, and, in order not to pass each other, each ship sheered so that they fought in circles or loops, some seven in all, bearing toward the shore all the while. Early in the action, one mau was killed and another wounded on the Alabama, and then for a tirae neither seeraed able to get the range of the other and no daraage of any moment was done. In fact in the first half of the contest the advantage seemed to be with Semraes. He sent a 100-pouud shell crashing into the Kear sarge amidship, and his crew, believing that it had penetrated her boilers, cheered loudly, but it had passed through the engine-room skylight. Eight after this, another of these shells struck uuder her counter, glanced aud lodged iu her stern-post, but unfortunately for Semmes did not explode. If it had done so, he was sure that it would have per manently disabled her, but some expert opinion ou the other side is just as positive that no substantial harm would have beeu suffered, although six weeks later in an official despateh Winslow stated that it 276 EAPHAEL SEMMES bound " the rudder so hard as to require four men at the helm," and Browne, the Kearsarge surgeon, twenty years after admits that "luckily the shell did not explode, otherwise the result would have beeu serious, if not fatal." Almost at the sarae tirae another shell exploded ou the quarter-deck wounding three men, oue of whom afterward died. Another exploded in the smoke-stack, tearing an enormous hole. Semraes had been closely watching the effect of his guns, and noted that raany shells that struck the Kearsarge fell back into the water. He called Kell's attention to this and ordered the use of solid shot, but these did not penetrate the Kearsarge any better, because of the chain arraor upon her sides. But there are competent judges to assert that the shots struck at such height above the water line that no serious hurt would have been inflicted, even if they had entered. Here, again, Semmes believed the victory would have beeu his if the Kearsarge had not been protected as she was. By this time, how ever, Winslow' s gunner had their range, and the distance was all iu favor of his heavy pieces. His weighty charges began to pierce their way into the Alabama, doing terrible havoc. Oue hit her best cannon, put it entirely out of gear, and disabled THB END OP THE "ALABAMA" 277 eighteen meu. He ordered his gunners to aira low so as to plough through below the water line. A lucky shot daraaged the rudder so that substitutes had to be devised for steering. The ship was hulled repeat edly, and her decks were like shambles. Semmes, having great faith in the prowess of his men in a hand to hand struggle, wanted to run up to the Kearsarge aud board her, but Winslow easily kept off as he had the superior speed. Finally two eleven- inch shells passed through the Alabama's bunkers at the water line, the water poured into the heart of the ship, and she began to sink. Semmes tried to head for the shore, and set out sails for that purpose. Winslow saw the raove and got inshore to rake her, but she settled so fast that there was no hope of reaching the raarine league. Semmes or dered her colors down, sent an officer to make a sur render of his ship and men to the foe, and set to work to get out his wouuded for despatch to the Kearsarge. The bulk of the boats on both vessels had been des troyed, and at the most there were only some four or flve in all available. Many of the wounded were placed on these, when the AlabamM could float no longer. Lifting her bow straight up in the air, something after midday and less than an hour and a half after she flred her first gun, "the scourge of 278 BAPHAEL SEMMES the seas" that had beeu pursued by twenty-flve war-ships at a cost of seven raillion dollars, sank into the ocean over which she had beeu a matchless queen for nearly two years. Not even a splinter from her passed to her conquerors as a memento of their triumph. Two of her boats and the shell which lodged in the stern-post of the Kearsarge were the only souvenirs. Just before her flnal plunge into the deep, the order had been given, "All hands save yourselves !" The captain and his flrst officer, the faithful aud ef ficient Kell, threw off thefr outer clothing. For the second time in his life, Semmes sprang into the sea from a sinking boat of which he had just been in coraraand. He could not act with any vigor in the water as his right arra was almost nseless, having been struck by the fragment of a shell during the battle, although he continued in full charge after having it bound up by a quartermaster. With Kell's aid he kept afloat until he was picked up by a boat from the English yacht Deerhound, which, after viewing the contest, had come near the Kearsarge and had been asked to help save the unfortunates. While one of her boats was passing near a drowning man, a sailor recognized hira as Serames, who spoke up, " I am the captain ; save me. I cannot keep up THE END OF THB "ALABAMA" 279 any longer. ' ' He was quickly pulled aboard, placed on the bottom and covered with a sail to conceal him from the Kearsarge searchers. He is reported to have said, "For God's sake, don't put rae on board the Kearsarge, but put me ou your yacht." Kell was rescued at the same time, and it was he who suggested the concealment of Seraraes to pre vent recognition by any of the Kearsarge's raen. Kell put on one of the Deerhound hats, took an oar, and answered a Kearsarge inquiry as to whether or not Semmes was saved by saying clearly and posi tively, "No, he is drowned."' In a few minutes they were both ou the Deerhound, and that sarae day were lauded at Southampton.' With the months of Semmes' training on ship, aud under his guidance and inspiration during the flght, these men, gathered from all parts of the globe, uniformly faced death unblenched. The surgeon. '^ London News, June 21, 1864; and Sinclair's "Two Years on the Alabama," p. 279. ' An English colonial officer of standing and experience, Sir George F. Bowen, relates, in Vol. I, p. 332 of his " Auto biography," that on the visit of the Kearsarge to New Zealand in 1868 he was informed by her captain that the Kearsarge offi cers recognized Semmes in the water and let the Deerhov/nd boat save him, as they were afraid if he waa captured by the Federal forces he " might be tried, and hanged, for treason, in the civil courts — a fate from which they wished to save a gal lant enemy." 280 EAPHAEL SEMMES an Englishman, who had joined the Southern cause purely out of a sense of what he considered just aud right, forgot all of self, remained until knee-deep iu the water that had entered his sick bay, doing all he could to save the wounded. When told the ship was sinking, and that he had better haste, he calmly answered: "I raust wait for orders, you kuow." Finally he did get his charges off, but again he may have waited for orders to go with them. After the boat had pushed off, he let it be known that he could not swim, and a float was arranged for him, but by its shifting he very likely lost his life. Oue of the sailors, though mortally wounded, denied that he was hurt and continued on duty until he fell dead on deck. Another was sent aloft on some task. When descending he was " completely disemboweled," but in this desperate plight he climbed down to the spar-deck, "and with shrieks of agony, aud his hands over his head, beating the air convulsively, reached the port gangway, where he fell and expired." The lower part of the arm of the captain's coxswain was so shattered that it hung by the skin. He coolly took out his knife, cut it off, tied up the stump aud went on with his work as well as he could with one arm. THE END OF THE " ALABAMA " 281 A pathetic instance of the tender attachraent existing between superior and subordinate is pre served in the case of a generous whole-souled Irish man, of powerful frame, but au awkward landsman, nicknaraed Conneraara from his native heath, — the butt of his comrades, whose pranks he so often and so hotly resented that he was a burden of anxiety to the executive officer. With death ouly a little way from him, he was being passed over to one of the Kearsarge boats, when he desfred to see the first lieutenant. Stretehing out his feeble hand he said : "I have sent for you, Mr. Kell, to ask your for giveness for all the trouble I've caused you since ray enlistment on the ship. Please forgive poor Conne raara now he is going to his long home." Kell knelt down and stroking his head assured him : "My poor, dear boy, I have nothing to forgive; nothing against you, my brave lad ; and I trust you will be in better trim soon." "No," was the an swer, " Conneraara is going fast. Good-bye, Mr. KeU; God bless you, Mr. Kell," as he reverently and loyally kissed Kell's hand. But no man ou either side exhibited greater cool ness or finer devotion to his chief than another son of Erin, Michael Mars, the same who had been signally honored by Semraes before the entire ship's 282 EAPHAEL SEMMES company for his daring unselfishness in the rescue of a sick sailor who had fallen overboard in the In dian Ocean. He, with a companion, caught up an eleven-inch sheU that was about to explode on the deck and threw it over the rail. A few minutes later all his mates were struck in the bursting of an other shell, many being horribly mangled, and the huraan flesh scattered all around. He himself was thrown down but not injured, and instantly rising and seizing a shovel he soon had the ghastly frag ments overboard aud the decks again sanded. When it was time to desert the sinking vessel, Semmes en trusted his valuable papers to Mars, who, holding them in one hand above the water, swam to a Kearsarge boat, but learning this sprang out and was picked up by a French boat. He again jumped into the water, and was rescued by a Deerhound boat. When he at last got to that ship, he would give his precious packet to no one but Semmes him self. But whatever the fiery spfrit, the martial ardor, the dauntless control, and the noble self-sacrifice of these men, they were matched by their enemies on the Kearsarge in the same glorious qualities. For over a year she had been going to and fro on the Atlantic, steaming hither and thither at the beck of THE END OP THE "ALABAMA" 283 consul or minister, or at the call of rumor, hunting for the elusive, cunning Alabama. With tireless drill they had perfected thefr gunnery, had hard ened their muscles, had tempered their sinews, and steadied thefr nerves. For five days had they been strained to the highest tension outside of Cherbourg. At last they were at the apex of fate, at the culmina tion of dreams. But their discipUne held them firm at this crisis in thefr days. They were calm, thefr hands unshaken, their sight direct. Deliberately they planted shot and sheU on the AlabamM. As their deadly work began to tell, thefr enthusiasm fiamed forth. "Cheer succeeded cheer, caps were thrown in the air or overboard, jackets discarded, one encouraging the other, sanguine of victory, shouting as each projectile took effect : ' That's a good one ! ' ' That told ! ' ' Give her another ! ' ' Down, boys, give her another like the last ! ' ' Now we have her.' " Only one man was hurt badly enough to make op portunity for noble fortitude or forgetfulness of self, but he was so simple, so sincere in his heroism as to be a beacon light for the entfre ship's corapany. His bearing was well worthy to be embalmed in the official despatches: "Gowin was brought with a smile upon his face, although suffering acutely from 284 EAPHAEL SEMMES his injury. He said, ' It is aU right and I am satis fied, for we are whipping the Alabama,' adding, ' I willingly wiU lose my leg or life if it is necessary.' During the progress of the action he comforted his suffering comrades by assuring thera, 'Victory is ours.' Whenever the gun's crew cheered at the successful effect of their shot, Gowin would wave his hand over his head and join in the shout. In the hospital he was calraly resigned to his fate, repeat ing again and again his willingness to die, since his ship had won a glorious victory." This was the surgeon's testimony. Similar tribute to his singleness of character did the executive offi cer render: "William Gowin, ordinary seaman, was severely wouuded by the explosion of a shell. He dragged himself to the forward hateh, refusing to allow the men to leave his guu for the purpose of assisting hira. His cheerful willingness to sacrifice his life for victory's sake was expressed in terras that aniraated and encouraged others." ' It is no wonder that his shipraates deterrained to erect a monument to him in Cherbourg, aud that the Ameri can residents in Paris contributed a sum for a meraorial to hira iu his native town iu Michigan. Of course a crew of his type could appreciate the ' " Naval War Records," Series I, Vol. Ill, pp. 62, 70. THE END OF THB " ALABAMA " 285 fearlessness of their foes, and were too brave to exult in the hour of the Alabama's defeat. All were silent, when the terrible rover of the oceans went down, carrying many brave men to death. It is not possible to state accurately the fate of each man, but virtually all are accounted for by one of the raost careful investigations of the catastrophe. Of her roster of 147-149, twenty-six were killed and drowned, seventy wounded and sound were taken to the Kearsarge, while forty-two were placed on the Deerhound, and nine on a French pilot boat.' Such was the sacrifice of brave men for a mistress that was worthy of the imraolation. She had been a thing of life for ouly twenty -two raonths, but she had swept in her pride unharraed over two oceans, had entered numerous ports, had coaled at ten, re ceiving on board in all about 1, 800 tons of fuel. She had taken two thousand prisoners, had boarded 386 vessels, had constituted cartel-ships of some half a dozen, had bonded ten, had raade a tender of one, had sold another, had sunk a third, and had burnt fifty-two. No trophies were left of her victories, as the flags she had won went down with her. What lords of lucre would the crew have been if ' Ellicott 's " Winslow," p. 207. 286 EAPHAEL SEMMES they could have got their prize money, as she had destroyed at a raodest calculation nearly five raillion dollars' worth of property. Nothiug of the wealth that was hers carae to any of thera except frora the seventy odd chronoraeters, which, being transferred to a British ship before the fight, eventually reached land and were sold, the proceeds being shared out by Seraraes in due proportion to the officers. The entfre crew were all paid in full by the pay- raaster from funds he had deposited on shore be fore going out that Sunday morning. In tirae the legal heirs of those lost in the battle also got their wages. A third of a century after, the Kearsarge rounded out her days with a theatrical climax. Her victory raarked the final drop of the curtain on sails and wooden walls, but popular sentiment kept her on the register although she was of no service except as a patriotic relic. Three decades later she went ashore on a reef in the Gulf of Mexico, aud a party of wreckers dismantled and fired her. Araong them was said to be a child ofa meraber ofthe Alabama's crew, named " Adrairal Serames " by reason of the admiration the father had for his commander. ""WTien everything worth saving was taken from the vessel, the hulk was burned and 'Admiral THE END OF THE "ALABAMA" 287 Semmes,' the son of the seaman, applied the torch," thus, in a way, dramaticaUy placing Semmes beside Winslow, each now having destroyed the other's boat.' ' MobUe Begister, Jnne 7, 1900. CHAPTEE XIV AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE A BLAZING meteor tn life, the Alabama shone with greater brUliancy after death through the re flection of her rays. The dfrges of defeat and the paeans of victory through the South and the North respectively were echoed in the expressions of sym pathy and the felicitations on success in the civU ized world. The officers made their reports, the ob servers gave their opinions, and controversies broke forth that raged for years, aud that can stUl faintly be heard. The world gazed upon the lurid path that Semraes had lighted. His work affected the world's theories of naval warfare. It signalized a revolution in naval architecture, and a reconstruc tion of fleets. It marked the end of sails and opened vistas of steara for the ocean flghting of the future. The hour aud a half off Cherbourg on that bright Sunday was Semraes' last battle, and also the crown ing point of his reraarkable career. His official re port of that momentous event shows how he feltr The utterances of his foes furnish correctives. The AFTEExiATH OF THE BATTLE 289 comments of contemporaries, of students and adrair ers are of great interest and weight. Two days after the battle, as soon as his condition would allow, he penned the following to his superior iu Paris : "I have the honor to inform you that, in accord ance with my intention as previously announced to you, I stearaed out of the harbor of Cherbourg be tween nine and ten o'clock on the morning of the 19th of Juue, for the purpose of engaging the enemy' s steamer Kearsarge, which had beeu lying off, and in the port, for several days previously. After clearing the harbor, we descried the enemy, with his head offshore, at a distance of about seven my^es. We were three-quarters of an hour in com ing up with him. I had previously pivoted ray guns to starboard, and raade all preparations for engag ing the enemy on that side. " When within about a mile aud a quarter of the enemy, he suddenly wheeled, and, bringing his head inshore, presented his starboard battery to me. By this time we were distant about one raile frora each other, when I opened on hira with solid shot, to which he replied in a few rainutes, and the action became active on both sides. The euemy now pressed his ship uuder a full head of steara, aud to prevent our passing each other too speedily, and to keep our respective broadsides bearing, it became necessary to fight in a circle ; the two ships steam ing around a common center, aud preserving a dis tance from each other of from three-quarters to half a raile. " "When we got withiu good shell range, we opened upou him with shell. Some ten or fifteen 290 EAPHAEL SEMMES minutes after the commencement of the action, our spanker-gaff was shot away, and our ensign came down by the run. This was iraraediately replaced by another at the raizzenraast-head. The firing now becarae very hot, aud the eneray's shot and shell soon begau to tell upon our hull, knocking dowu, killing, and disabling a nuraber of men, at the same tirae, iu different parts of the ship. Per ceiving that our shell, though apparently exploding against the eneray's sides, were doing him but Uttle daraage, I returned to solid-shot flring, and frora this time onward alternated with shot and shell. "After the lapse of about oue hour and ten minutes, our ship was ascertained to be in a sink ing condition, the enemy's shell having exploded in our side, and between decks, opening large apertures through which the water rushed with great rapidity. Por some few minutes I had hopes of being able to reach the French coast, for which purpose I gave the ship all steam, and set such of the fore-and-aft sails as were available. The ship filled so rapidly, however, that before we had raade rauch progress, the fires were extinguished in the furnaces, and we were evidently ou the point of sinking. I now hauled down my colors, to prevent the further destruction of life, and despatehed a boat to inforra the eneray of our condition. Al though we were now but four hundred yards frora each other, the enemy fired upon me five tiraes after my colors had been struck. It is charitable to sup pose that a ship of war of a Christian nation could not have done this intentionally. ' ' We now directed all our exertions toward saving the wouuded, and such of the boys of the ship as were unable to swim. These were despatched in my quarter-boats, the only boats remaining to me ; the AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 291 waist-boats having been torn to pieces. Some twenty minutes after ray furnace-fires had been ex tinguished, and when the ship was on the point of settling, every man, in obedience to a previous order which had beeu given the crew, jumped over board, and endeavored to save himself. There was no appearance of any boat coming to me from the euemy, uutil after ray ship went down. Fortunately, however, the steam yacht Deerhound, owned by a gentleman of Lancashire, England — Mr. John Lau caster — who was himself ou board, steamed up iu the midst of ray drowning men and rescued a number of both officers and men from the water. I was fortunate enough myself thus to escape to the shelter of the neutral flag, together with about forty others, all told. About this tirae the Kearsarge sent one, aud then, tardily, another boat. "Accompanying, you will find lists ofthe killed aud wounded, and of those who were picked up by the Deerhound^ the remainder, there is reason to hope, were picked up by the enemy, and by a couple of French pilot boats, which were also fortunately near the scene of action. At the end of the engagement it was discovered by those of our officers who went alongside of the enemy's ship with the wouuded, that her raid-ship section, on both sides, was thoroughly iron-coated ; this hav ing been done with chains, constructed for the pur pose, placed perpendicularly, frora the rail to the water's edge, the whole covered over by a thin outer planking, which gave uo indication of the armor beneath. This planking had been ripped off, iu every direction, by our shot and shell, the chain broken, And indented in raany places, and forced partly into the ship's side. She was effectu ally guarded, however, in this section, frora pene- 292 BAPHAEL SEMMES tration. The eneray was much daraaged in other parts, but to what extent it is now impossible to say. It is believed he is badly crippled. " My officers and men behaved steadily and gallantly, and though they have lost their ship, they have not lost honor. Where all behaved so well, it would be invidious to particularize ; but I cannot deny myself the pleasure of saying that Mr. Kell, my first lieutenant, deserves great credit for the fiue condition in which the ship went into action, with regard to her battery, magazine, and shell-rooms, and that he rendered me great assistance, by his cool ness aud judgment, as the fight proceeded. The eneray was heavier than myself, both in ship, bat tery, aud crew ; but I did not know until the action was over that she was also iron-clad. Our total loss iu killed aud wounded is thirty, to wit : nine killed, twenty- one wounded." His opponent, Winslow, that afternoon at Cher bourg, wrote his forraal account to Secretary Welles, as follows : "I have the honor to inform the De partraent that the day subsequent to the arrival of the Kearsarge off this port, ou the 14th instant, I received a note from Captain Semmes, begging that the Kearsarge would not depart, as he in tended to fight her, and would not delay her bnt a day or two. "According to this notice the Alabama \e&. the port of Cherbourg this morning at about 9 : 30 o'clock. AFTEEMATH OP THB BATTLE 293 " At 10 : 20 A. M. we discovered her steering toward us. Fearing the question of jurisdiction might arise, we steamed to sea until a distance of six or seven raUes was attained from the Cherbourg breakwater, wheu we rounded to and commenced stearaing for the Alabama. As we approached her within 1,200 yards she opened flre, we receiving two or three broadsides before a shot was returned. The action continued, the respective steamers making a circle round and round at a distance of about 900 yards from each other. At the expiration of an hour, the Alabama struck, going down in about twenty minutes afterward, and carrying many persons with her. " It affords me great gratification to announce to the Department that every officer and mau did his duty, exhibiting a degree of coolness and fortitude which gave promise at the outset of certain victory." On the next day he drew up another report in which he states : " Although we received some twenty -five or thirty shots, twelve or fifteen taking effect in the hull, by the mercy of God we have been spared the loss of any one life, whereas in the case of the AlabamM the carnage I learn was dread ful." He states further that "the only shot which I fear will give us any trouble is one 100-pound 294 BAPHAEL SEMMES rifle, which entered our stern-post aud remains at present unexploded." The day following, while at Cherbourg, he for warded to the Secretary of the Navy this report : " I have the honor to report that toward the close of the action between the Alaba-ma aud this vessel all available sail was made on the former for the purpose of agaiu reaching Cherbourg. When the object was apparent the Kearsarge was steered across the bow of the Alabama for a raking flre, but before reaching this point, the Alaba-mM struck. Uncertain whether Captain Semraes was not using some ruse, the Kearsarge was stopped. It was seen shortly afterward that the Alabama was lowering her boats, and an officer came alongside in one of them to say that they had surrendered aud were fast sinking, aud begging that boats would be des patched immediately for saving of life. The two boats not disabled were at once lowered, and it was apparent that the Alabama was settUng. This offlcer was permitted to leave iu his boat to afford assistance. "An English yacht, the Deerhound, had ap proached near the Kearsarge at this time, when I hailed and begged the comraander to run down to the Alabama as she was fast sinking, aud we had but two boats, aud assist in picking up the raen. He answered affirmatively aud steamed toward the Alabama, but the latter sank almost imraediately. The Deerhound, however, sent her boats aud was actively engaged, aided by several others which had come from shore. "These boats were busy in bringing the wouuded and others to the Kearsarge, whom we were trying AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 295 to make as comfortable as possible, wheu it was re ported to me that the Deerhound was moving off. I could not believe that the commander of that boat could be guilty of so disgraceful an act as taking our prisoners off, and therefore took no means to prevent it, but continued to keep our boats at work rescuing the meu in the water. I am sorry to say that I was mistaken ; the Deerhound raade off with Captain Serames and others, and also the very officer who had come on board to surrender. "I learned subsequently that the Deerhound was a consort of the Alabama, aud that she received ou board all the valuable personal effects of Captain Semraes the night before the engagement." It was perhaps unavoidable that sharp differences of attitude should develop on some points. Semmes was very bitter over the flre of the Kearsarge, as he believed, after he had hauled down his colors. Wiuslow in his longest despatch, that of July 30th, admits that he flred upou the Alabama after her flag was lowered, saying : "A few more guns, well directed, brought down her flag. I was unable to ascertain whether they had been hauled dowu or shot away, but a white flag having been displayed over the stern, our flre was reserved. Two minutes had not more than elapsed before she again opened on us with the two guns on the port side. This drew our flre again, and the Kearsarge was im mediately steamed ahead, aud laid across her bows 296 EAPHAEL SEMMES for raking. The white flag was still flying, and our flre was again reserved. Shortly after this her boats were seen to be lowering and au officer in one of them came alongside and informed us that the ship had surrendered and was fast sinking." Browne, the Kearsarge surgeon, testifies that Wins low was amazed at this renewal of firing and ex clairaed : "He is playing us a trick; give hira another broadside." Kell and Sinclair, of the Alabama's officers, were both of the view that the Kearsarge fired on the Alabama after the latter had surrendered. But Kell grants that he did cease firing while the battery was being shifted to port and then begau again. After a bit he hauled down his colors, ceased action entirely, and for good, and yet the Kearsarge dis charged five shots upon them. As noted above Wiuslow says the Alabama ceased firing, " a white flag having been displayed over the stern," and then " again opened on us with the two guns on the port side," and he adds, " this drew our flre again." With the exception of the white flag there is per fect uniformity in the two accounts up to this point as to the raain facts, siuce both say the Alabama ceased flring, both say she began again on the port side, and both say the Kearsarge flred on her AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 297 after this, aud both say thatthe Alabama theu ceased absolutely. It is from this point onward that the two accounts diverge. The three Alabama officers assert that after this unmistakable submission the Kearsarge fired upon them, while Winslow denies that he did so. If the three Alabama witnesses were independent, the burden of presumption would force acceptance of thefr version, but Kell and Sinclair writing after Semmes and following him so closely throughout, it is only a reasonable judgraent that they uncon sciously adopted his notion of this rainor detail. That leaves the two captains balanced against each other. Both being iutelligent, experienced, aud honorable, they are equally entitled to credence and the question reraains open, every one deciding it according to which captain he puts the more faith iu. Earlier in the action, when the Alabama, after cessation, started again with the port guns, Winslow was apprehensive of a ruse, and possibly uuder the same fear he raight have fired after the undoubted surrender. Or, with the lapse of two days, Semmes' memory may have played hira a trick and confused two events, shifting the Kearsarge's firing after the Alabama's first cessation until it seeraed to be after the Alabama's second cessation. Such psycholog- 298 BAPHAEL SEMMES ical raovements are not unknown even during quiet, norraal life ; they are much more possible during great stress of mind and body. After all, probably the best conclusion as to this painful matter is the charitable one reached by Sinclair : " The Kearsarge evidently failed to dis cover at once our surrender, for she continued her fire after our colors were struck ; perhaps frora the difficulty of noting the absence of a fiag with so much white in it, in the powder smoke. But, be the reason what it may, a naval officer, a gentleman by birth aud education, would certainly not be guilty of firing ou a surrendered foe ; hence we may disraiss the raatter as an undoubted accident."' In full blend with this noble spirit is the character ization of Winslow at his death by Serames himself: "He was the Christian gentleman." Semmes' criticisra of the Kearsarge for the chain armor along her sides was without any justification. Even if it had not beeu generally known, it would have been one of those deceptions wholly fair in war, just as allowable as tricks he had made use of in running up foreign colors to mislead a merchant boat. Besides, the device had been placed in posi tion the year before, in the Azores, having been ' " Two Years on the Alabama," p. 259. AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 299 adopted after similar precautious had been taken in the early part of the war along the coast or on the rivers in the United States. There had been no secret about the matter. The Kearsarge had been in dock in England several months before the battle, and the officials there had full knowledge of her condition. Within a week after the loss of the Alabama the ministry were questioned in the House of Comraons whether it was advisable or not to learn about this method of protection, and it was auswered that the government already had full in formation which was obtained when the Kearsarge was repaired in an Euglish port.' Furthermore, Sinclair asserts that a sympathetic French officer "manifested a fellow feeling and interest in the lone, expatriated exponent of the Confederacy by informing Semmes a day or so before the fight that an officer detailed to visit the Kearsarge in the offing had reported the fact of the chain armor arranged on the ship, and strongly ad vised Semraes not to engage her, for that nothing but unlooked-for good luck could throw the scales our way." Semraes' contention that he would have been the conqueror if it had not been for this arraor is ' London Times, June 25, 1864. 300 BAPHAEL SEMMES strongly backed up by the executive officer of the Kearsarge, who wrote to a frieud four days after the combat "the chain was struck twice by the heaviest projectiles and unquestionably saved us from dam age.'" The whole device consisted of spare cables hung in bights over the sides of the Kearsarge to protect the raachinery. It was all painted black. There were a huudred and twenty fathoms of sheet chains of one and seven-tenths inch iron, "covering a space amidships of forty-nine and one-half feet in length by six feet two inches in depth." This use of chains had attracted notice in the European ports visited, and there was every opportunity for Semmes to know about it. There is a coimter assertion that this advantage was offset by the full coal bunkers of the Alabama. Those of the Kearsarge were defi cient sorae seventy tons. But the collateral incident that caused the most pleasure araong Southern syrapathizers, the most "thoughtless wailing" among the Federals, the greatest acerbity in the English press, and the wid est and longest discussion in naval and international circles, was the escape of Seraraes and a part of his force in the Deerhound. Yet shorn of triumph, ' EUicott 's "Winslow," p. 245. AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 301 stripped of prejudice, aud divested of disappoint ment, it becomes a very simple aud natural act, oue that would have aroused no feeling beyond interest at the dramatic finish of a wonderful cruise, if it had not been dragged into the whirlpool ofthe bitterness of a Civil War. The battle was over, the Alabama was forever in her watery grave, but here were a number of human beings struggling and drowning in the waves. At this instant the English yacht which had been hovering around viewing the con test carae up. It was simple humanity for Wins low, whose boats had been mostly destroyed, to shout, "For God's sake, save all you can," aud it was the most instinctive prorapting for the Deerhound to get as many aboard as she could. After once set ting foot on her, the rescued were on English soil, and of course were free from their conquerors. The owner, John Lancaster, being "a gentleman of ease and fortune," had corae to Cherbourg from a Continental trip iu order to embark ou his steam yacht Deerhound which had been ordered to meet him there for a cruise of a few weeks northward. Hearing of the anticipated contest, he consulted with his family about going out to view the engage ment. The story runs that it was a tie vote among his children, till his little daughter voted " yes " at 302 EAPHAEL SEMMES the instigation of a brother who, boy -like of course, wanted to see the fight. Semmes and Lancaster were entire strangers. The former says that they had never "seen each other, or held the least coraraunication together, until I was drawn out of the water by his boat's crew, and taken on board his yacht after the battle." Lancas ter raakes the sarae emphatic declaration frora his side, asserting, " Neither I nor any member of my family had any knowledge of, or communication with. Captain Seraraes, or any of his officers, or any of his crew. Since the fight I have inquired from my captain whether he, or any of my crew, had had any communication with the captain or crew of the Alabama prior to meeting thera on the Deerhound after the engageraent, and his answer given in the raost eraphatic manner has been, 'None whatever.' As to the deposit of chronometers and other valua ble articles, the whole story is a myth." Mr. Lancaster was wholly neutral and when he was thanked by sorae of those he had saved he re plied : " Gentleraen, you have no need to give rae any special thanks. I should have done exactly the sarae for the other people if they had needed it." Of course as "au English ship is English territory . . . I ara unable to discover why I was more AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 303 bound to surrender the people ofthe Alabama whom I had on board my yacht, than the owner of a garden on the south coast of England would have been if they had swum to such a place aud landed there ; or than the mayor of Southampton was when they were lodged in that city ; or than the British Governraent is, uow that they are somewhere iu England." Of a certainty he was right. The principles of international law established through centuries of usage marked the way for him. It was ouly the passion of the hour that threw officials off their balance, infiamed the press, and heated the pens of controversialists. An American author of rank on naval history has amusingly and convincingly ap plied the conditions to an imaginary case, placing the Uuited States in the position of England : " Suppose Ireland should secede from Great Britain, and an Irish cruiser should be sunk in the presence of a Yankee yacht? Would the Yankee yacht owner deliver up the Irishraan' s crew to the trium phant British war-ship ? Certainly, if the Yankee yacht owner was a politician he would not do so." ' On another point has there also been a raass of discussion, as to Seraraes' obligation to deliver hira self to Winslow even though he had set foot on the 'Spears, " Hist. Navy," Vol. IV, p. 442. 304 EAPHAEL SEMMES deck of an English vessel. It was argued that he was a prisoner, and that a sense of honor would have sent him back to his captors. Considering that in the Civil War on both sides, as well as in all wars of history, men have become heroes because they dared even death to escape frora prison, this view seeras quixotic and ethereal. Besides it is a question whether Semraes was a prisoner at aU. He had lowered his flag, it is true, but he contends that this was only an offer to surrender, a confession, — " I am beaten ; if you will take possession of me, I will not resist." But in order that he become a prisoner, he raust be, if only for a moment, in the possession of the captor, in his actual, physical possession. If he had swum to the French shore, there would have been no altercation over his case. If the Kearsarge had herself been so disabled that she could not have sent after the drowning men, no one would have insisted for an instant that they should have raade their way to her or even to the shores across the Atlantic in order to surrender their persons to the victors. In spite of the plain dictates of the case, a dip loraatic discussion went on between Washington and London for sorae six raonths, and " a searching in quiry was made by the United States officials in AFTEEMATH OP THE BATTLE 305 England and France to learn how far the yacht had been an accomplice of the Confederate cruiser, but no positive evidence was ever found. The corre spondence finally ceased with no official concession ou either side." However, international opinion seems to be crystallizing against the exercise ofsuch a liberty on the part of a neutral. The United States Navy Departraent adopted a regulation in 1900 to the effect that a neutral flag, rescuing the wouuded or shipwrecked of belligerents, wUl violate neutrality if it attempts to carry off any it has so succored.' While the debate raged among the participants, and caustic notes of diplomacy passed from capital to capital, sobs of grief and the shouts of exultation resounded on both sides of the ocean over the tragic fate of the Alabama. Two days after the event, the London Times, the greatest paper of the day in the English language, and one of the most commanding in existence, in a leader devoted to the famous boat said : " On Sunday morning, just as all good people were coming down to breakfast, an awful Sunday morning's work was preparing within sight of the British Isles, if araong these isles we may include 'Ellicott's "Winslow," p. 231. 306 EAPHAEL SEMMES the barren rock upon which a raillion has been spent to raake it a sentry box to watch the port of Cher bourg. Frora the latter port, just about nine o' clock, there issued the Alabama, the ship that has sfruck terror into the hearts of the raost confldent and almost the strongest naval power of the world. More than a huudred tiraes over the very name of the Alabama, thundered through a speaking trum pet, has brought dowu the rival flag as if by magic, and corapelled the luckless crew to subrait to the inglorious process of exaraination, surrender, spoliation, and imprisonment, aud to see their ship plundered aud sent to the bottom. In the shape of chronometers aud other valuables the Alabama carried the spolia opima of a whole mercantile fleet. This time, however, it was not to order a merchant- raau to lie to while his papers were exarained that this scourge of the Federal navy came out of Cher bourg. It is not in our power to say why Captain Semraes, who has gained so rauch glory and so un questionable a reputation for courage that he could afford to be prudent, carae out with a ship just re turned from a long voyage and much in want of repair, to encounter a foe, larger, better manned, better armed, provided with some special contri vances for protection, and quite as likely to be as well handled as his owu ship. . . . The captain of the Kearsarge had assumed that if they raet there could be ouly oue possible result. Why, then, did not Captain Semmes see that this was an occasion for the exercise of that discretion or that ingenuity which the greatest generals have thought rather an addition to their farae ? . . . He stearaed nine railes out to sea, and entered into raortal combat with the euemy. , . . At the distanceof a mile, never less than a quarter of a mile, a formidable AFTEEMATH OF THB BATTLE 307 ship, the terror of Araerican commerce, well handled, well armed, well manned, is sent to the bottom in an hour." Across the water Mr. Welles, the Secretary of the Navy iu Washington, in his annual report the foUowing Deceraber, raved iu childish anger aud pitiful prejudice and ignorance. One wonders how the raau who would indulge in such abuse and vituperation could sit at the sarae council table with Lincoln, who breathed in his last annual message the divine spirit of charity. That paper went to Congress the sarae week that Mr. Welles made the attack upon Serames : "Some latent remains of pride, which belongs to the profession, and which animated his earlier and more honorable life while sailing uuder the American flag, undoubtedly had au influeuce iu inducing the pirate coraraander to raeet a naval antagonist, after his long career of robbery and plunder of unarmed vessels, iu the vain hope that it might, if successful, restore to hira sorae portion of the respect which he had forfeited, aud at the same time relieve him of some of the debasement he has never ceased to feel, even wheu applauded by those foreign partisans who hated the country he had deserted. But the same dishonor marked his conduct on this occasion 308 EAPHAEL SEMMES as during his whole ignoble career. Before leaving Cherbourg he deposited the chronometers and other trophies of his robberies on shore. When beaten aud compelled to surrender, he threw overboard the sword that was no longer his own, aud abusing the generous confldence of his brave antagonist he stole away iu the English tender, whose owner proved himself by his conduct a flt companion for the dis honored and beaten corsair. " Having surrendered, he cannot relieve himself of his obligations as a prisoner of war until he shall be regularly exchanged. He and each of his surviving officers and crew, whether received upon the Kear sarge or the Deerhound, are and wiU be held to be prisoners of war and amenable to the laws which govern civilized communities. A predatory rover may set the laws of nations as weU as those of his owu country at defiance, but in doing so he must abide the consequences." Newspapers work in the glare of public passion, aud voice the hot exciteraent ofthe moment, butthe editors of the great American dailies, writing im mediately on receipt of the news the first week iu July, show far more poise in their utterances than this official of so elevated a rank that he should have been superior to the fury of the hour. Aside AFTEEMATH OF THB BATTLE 309 frora the foolish fling at Semraes as a pirate, so uni versally heard ou all sides for three years as to be reaUy excusable iu these journals, aU their deliver ances show a restraint of rejoicing, a moderation of boasting, that are truly admirable. Without so intending, the New York Times places Semmes on a pedestal for skill aud daring : "The pirate Alabama has at last gone to the bottom of the sea. After a bloody and lurid career of two years on the high seas — in which career she has passed frora one continent to another, from the North and South Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, from the Gulf of Mexico to the China seas, following in the wake of our commercial ships wherever they could be found, and burning and destroying them wherever they were overtaken — she has been anni hilated on the very flrst occasion that one of our ships-of-war was enabled to get an opportunity to measure metal with her." The New York Herald exhibits a very pardonable pride : "Our national anniversary has again brought victory with it, and a victory most delightful to the national heart. Captain Winslow, a native of North Carolina, and a citizen of Massachusetts, is the hero of the hour — the happy and gallant raan 310 EAPHAEL SEMMES who has had the good fortune to give the country the intense thrill of patriotic pleasure caused by the announceraent of the destruction of the Alabama. He has wiped away gloriously a reproach on the narae of our navy, and has revived the old pride the people felt in the salt water history of the Stars and Stripes. He has earned nobly every distinction that the governraent can confer upon hira, and he has earned also an honorable place iu that brilliant record that tells of the achievements of John Paul Jones, Oliver Hazard Perry, aud Stephen Decatur. " The battle between the Kearsarge aud the Ala bama is a very remarkable one in several respects. It is the second battle between wooden steamships, and exemplifies pretty clearly the changes that have been wrought in naval warfare by steara and heavy guus. Both ships were raanceuvered hand somely under fire, to such an extent that they are said to have described seven complete cfrcles as they neared each other. It was a cool, steady, stand-up fight, in which with no great discrepancy in weight of metal, and accidents aside, the best handled ship was sure to win." The stabs at the British in the Tribune are gentle enough for that season of fiery patriotism, only two days after the fourth of July : AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 311 "Captain Eaphael Serames of Dixie will hence forth have araple leisure for those literary pursuits for which his nuraerous contributions to the British journals evince so rare an aptitude. His latest effort is a bulletin of the defeat and destruction of his lost ship, in which he contrives to insinuate that Captain Winslow sought to drown him and his fugitive crew — an insinuation emphatically re futed by the published log of the Deerhound, by which vessel he was rescued from the ocean and saved from capture. It is hardly possible that Semmes did not see that log, or hear the material fact stated by Mr. Lancaster, his rescuer, so as to know his insinuation was false when he uttered it. He was beaten in fair fight — a fight which he began — and wherein he needed only to be the better sea man and warrior to have achieved success. But burning unarmed merchantmen is a business more congenial to his tastes, and those of his British patrons and crew, than fighting an honest ship-of- war with the Stars and Stripes waving above her and a crew of brave bluejackets at her guns." The gratification of a victory over the English, in the Evening Post, is mild beside Mr. Welles' flaming invective : "The news which we print this morning, that 312 EAPHAEL SEMMES the Alabama has been sunk by the Kearsarge, will affect the owners and seamen of our merchant marine with the same feeling of satisfaction that is felt by the little boys at school wheu a big bully for the first time meets a fellow of his size, and is thoroughly frounced. The Alabama has been a kind of sea bully ; she has for more than two years devoted herself to robbing and burning defenseless merchant ships ; her captain constantly and care fully ran away from our men-of-war sent in pur suit of him. To all this we should have little tc say, if Semraes had not everywhere boasted of his exploits, and at the same tirae on every occasion asserted for his ship the character of a man-of-war, and for hiraself that of a naval officer. "The Alabama was built in Liverpool ; she was raanned by English searaen ; a majority of her offlcers were Englishmen ; her guns were of Eng lish make ; her shot and shell were cast in Eng land ; her powder was manufactured in England ; her coal was mined in England and sent out to her in English ships under the English fiag. Even the colors she bore were made in England. She had never entered a Confederate port. She had not a single quality of a Confederate man-of-war except this, that her comraander was a deserter frora the AFTEEMATH OF THE BATTLE 313 United States navy. In all else, in every char acteristic but this one, she was a British ship." In the South was a strain of grief, tempered with a chivalrous contentment, that Serames braved all rather than hide behind a neutral barrier. The South was gasping in exhaustion, and not much was printed in the newspapers. Still less has beeu preserved to the present, but one of the strongest of the journals, the Eichmond Enquirer, voices in two of its issues, July 7th and llth, the sadness felt in that section by reason of this defeat abroad when disasters were crowding thick upon those at home. The Enquirer says on July 7th: "So the noble Alabama sleeps fuU fathoms five. She has well eamed a glorious repose on the bed of old ocean. How many Yankee clippers full of riches has she sent before her? The statistics are not at hand — but the nuraber rises considerably over the huudred. The average pecuniary value of each oue of those ships (with their cargoes) was probably greater than the original cost of the Alabama ; and if the loss to the enemy by the perturbation, inter ruption, and delay of their coraraerce is added thereto, it is safe to say that the Alabama has paid for herself five huudred tiraes. She could afford to die. There are those who blarae Captain Serames 314 BAPHAEL SEMMES for going to fight a heavier vessel and a more numerous crew ; a vessel specially prepared with all the naval resources of the United States, expressly to terapt hira into a corabat where he would be destroyed. He could indeed have reraained in harbor, or skulked away without fighting, and long continued to be the terror of Yankee commerce. But not without some disgrace. Such a course would have sunk the warrior in the hangman. It is better as it is. The Alabama neither rau away, nor was she taken. She fell by the chance of battle fighting to the last, and not a shadow now dims her glory. Her narae is written in the pages of history aud not written with water. Her phantom wUl long trouble the night watch of the Yankee skipper. Even now the enemy does not believe she is verUy dead, " ' But doth sufier a sea change Into something rich and strange. ' " The spirit which gave her life, and the necessi ties which created her, still exist, and will repro duce the lost rover in sorae other form, with some other name." Four days later, the editor haviug at hand more details of the tragedy again recurs to the mournful theme : AFTEEMATH OP THE BATTLE 315 "We have lost the gallant Alabama, but no Federal fiag floats in triumph from her masthead. In the caves of the ocean she lies with all but honor lost. Captain Serames, notwithstanding the fortunes of war have gone against him, will enjoy the ap proval of his countrymen in accepting the challenge of the Federal captain, and flghting his ship to destruction, rather than run away before the eyes of the world. He fought against the heaviest and greatest odds, a superior ship built for strength and for war, with heavier guns, against a light-built, fast-sailing chaser ; and these odds destroyed his ves sel. He fought for the honor of his country's navy, and though he lost his little ship, yet he saved the honor of his flag. While the country and theworld will regret the fate of the Alabama, yet all will agree that, having run her course, having fully and effectually served the material interest of her coun try, her captain was right in making her last fight for the moral effect of illustrating the courage and gallantry of Confederate seamen. Her sacrifice was rightly made ; her former career had been oue of triumph, principally over unarmed vessels ; and when challenged before the world even by an enemy far her superior, we rejoice that Captain Semraes deterrained to fight his eneray rather than, by slip- 316 BAPHAEL SEMMES ping off in the night, incur the suspicion of coward ice. Ships raay be replaced, but honor once tarnished requires far heavier sacrifices than the cost of navies." But the Alabama lived ou, gUding the iraagina tion and enshrined iu the fancy. Facile pens con stantly revived her exploits and the poets sang of her career. Nearly fifty years after her death, at the centennial celebration of Semmes' birth, in metric measure agaiu her spirit moved over the waters : — " What spirit stirs 'neath the sunless keel And wakes in her silent shrouds, O, hearts ot oak, with the grip of steel ? Or was it the passing clouds ? " She has lain so long by a foreign shore. With never a watch on deck. With her sunken bells sounding o'er and o'er To the dead men in her wreck. " And the tides sweep over her mizzenmast Through the sails that the channels laved. And the seaweed clings to the thing of the past Where the stars and bars once waved. " But, hearts ot oak, with the grip ot steel. Wherever ye are, what reck ? For the spirit ot chivalry stirs the keel Aud truth treads the quarter-deok. AFTEEMATH OP THB BATTLE 317 " Full twenty fathoms below she lies, But she wakes to-night trom the dead ; Through her ghastly rigging the night wind plies. Or was it a cloud that sped ? " Yea, come trom your graves, ye tars that have shared Her glory, her anguish, her pain ! For the mysticali moment ot time is bared And she sweeps the ocean again ! " Nor port, nor harbor, nor home is hers As she breaks from her silent lair ; But the mighty heart of the great South stirs. For the spirit of Semmes is there. " Yea, corsair or viking, pirate or king ? Let history, answering, speak ! For out of the years shall her record ring While honor stands at her peak ! " The day breaks soon and the night winds sleep And the moon goes down blood-red ; The mists of the years have veiled the deep Aud shrouded the deathless dead. " For the night is done and the mellowed age Ot the past breathes out its tone ; Bnt the truth ot history holds its page. Though the sea takes back its own." ' ' Virginia Frazer Boyle, in Confederate Veteran, Sept., 1909. CHAPTEE XV LATEE LIFE AND DEATH "I CONSIDEEED ray career upou the high seas closed by the loss of ray ship. . . . We had a number of gallant Confederate naval officers, both in England and Prance, eager and anxious to go afioat, ... it would have been ungenerous iu me to accept another command. " In accord with this unselfish sentiment which Semraes communicated to his superior, he set out with some English friends on a tour of the Conti nent to visit other scenes and to restore his health. He was ou this pleasure trip only six weeks ; the martial fire burned within hira, and he wished to get back to battle for his South, which needed all the help that could be rendered her. Doubtless his scorn of Southern "Carpet Knights," whora he raet in nurabers on his jaunt, hastened his steps horaeward. Under the English flag, he made his way to the raouth of the Eio Grande, to the village of Bagdad, from whence he went overland to Matamoras, and LATEE LIPE AND DEATH 319 thence across the river to Brownsville, by special coach for part of the way, and onward by the reg ular conveyances. He soon covered the long, tire some ride across the state to Shreveport, Louisiana. Fourteen days in all brought him into that place. It was now almost the last of Noveraber. His fame preceded him even in the hamlets and at the cross roads. " I w;as received everywhere with enthu siasm by the warm-hearted brave Texans," he writes, "the hotels being all thrown open to me free of ex pense, and salutes of artillery greeting my entrance into the towns. I was frequently compelled to make short speeches to the people, merely that they might hear, as they said, how the pirate talked." At Shreveport, his entry was raarked by all the honor of which the harassed and distressed people were capable. Both the civil and military authori ties accorded him formal welcorae. A journey of some one huudred and fifty miles through raud and- swamp put hira beside his son, who, like his father, had withdrawn frora the United States service and joined the South. Frora a pupil at West Poiut at the outbreak of hostilities, he had risen to the grade of major. Of course Semmes' arrival on American soil soou became known to the Federal forces, and, 320 EAPHAEL SEMMES judging that he would first aira for his horae iu Mobile, orders had been issued to watch for hira as he tried to cross the Mississippi. As he drew near that barrier, he was very cautious. The path across the lowlands was varied aud trying. It led uow through groves of raagnificent trees, again through tangled thickets with vines which almost dragged the rider from his steed. He forded some waters, swara others, and boated over the widest and deepest streams. He reached the banks of the Mississippi just be fore dark, but remained under cover of the forest till the proper raoraent of safety and "then em barked in a sraall skiff, sending back the greater part of our escort. Our boat was scarcely able to float the nurabers that were packed in her. Her gunwales were no raore than six inches above the water's edge. " But the night was still, the river sraooth, and after a signal of precaution frora his conductor, Semmes and the others leaped on shore. The stream was strung with gunboats, Semmes gliding between two, ouly three miles apart. The man who had so deftly taken the Sumter and Alabama out of dangerous situations must have laughed to himself to see the efforts now made to entrap him. Once on the eastern side of the river, he rapidly LATEE LIPE AND DEATH 321 passed to Mobile, and returned, one of the celebrities of the earth, to the spot that he had left, unknown to fame, not quite four years before. Without delay he telegraphed his chief in Eich mond, and was instructed to come on when he was ready. That was in some five days, aud again he set forth on his course. So disorganized was travel that he was two weeks in getting to headquarters. His keen eye pierced all the confusion that he witnessed in this extended trip through the length of the Confederacy. Desolation, poverty, and dis tress were painful, but far more heart-breaking was the demoralization of the people. ' ' Men, generally, seeraed to have given up the cause as lost, and to have set themselves to work, like wreckers, to save as much as possible from the sinking ship. The civilians had betaken themselves to speculation and money getting, and the soldiers to drinking aud debauchery." Semraes was received with great courtesy by Davis and Lee. He gave his observations and im pressions as to the state of affairs to Lee, but found that wonderfully poised raau fully aware of the glooray conditions, although utterly powerless to correct them. He was signally honored by both Congress aud the Virginia Legislature, being in- 322 BAPHAEL SEMMES vited to a privileged seat ou the floor in each body. Shortly afterward, ou the nomination of President Davis, he was unaniraously conflrmed as Eear- Ad miral, and put in comraand of the Jaraes Eiver fleet, consisting of three fronclads and flve wooden gunboats. With the energy and zeal with which he had made the Sumter ready for service, he set to work in this larger field, but the odds were all against him. Outside of a few officers, his crews were all lands men, just as discouraged and discordant as their comrades on shore, being like them seautily clad and on half rations, clamorously applying for leaves of absence, and deserting singly and in squads when their requests were refused. The far raore refrac tory eleraents ou the Alabama had beeu wielded into discipline in a very few weeks, but that was on the high seas, shut in on oue ship. In a narrow river, necessitating driUs on shore, even Seraraes' power of coramand failed to effect much result. Semmes considered the circumstances hourly, plotted Sherraan's advance nightly alone in his cabin, and visited the Navy Departraent weekly, being told every time to do what he thought best. Spring came on, nature awakened and grew brighter, but the poor Confederacy sank deeper in depression. LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 323 At last on the second of April, on Sunday, so often the eventful day iu Seraraes' life, as he was sitting at dinner, at four o'clock in the afternoon, he read a des patch that he must destroy his vessels, aud march his force to join Lee who was iu retreat after the break ing of his lines of defense that morning. Seraraes was an adept at burning ships. He had perhaps fired raore thau any other raan of raodern times. But they were all of his euemy. Now they were to be his own. He was just as fearless and thorough and his pen was just as vivid and literary, though excusably briefer, as when it described the leaping, hissing flames of the Golden Bocket, afar off down in the Gulf of Mexico, nearly four years before. We detect no shrinking over the inevitable duty as we read : " My little squadron of wooden boats now raoved off up the river by the glare ofthe burning ironclads. They had not proceeded far before an explosion like the shock of an earthquake took place, and the air was fllled with raissiles. It was the blowing up of the Virginia, my late flag ship. The spectacle was grand beyond description. Her shell-rooms had been full of loaded shells. The explosion of the magazine threw all these shells, with their fuses lighted, into the air. The fuses were of different lengths, and as the shells exploded by 324 BAPHAEL SEMMES twos and threes, and by the dozen, the pyrotechnic effect was very fine. The explosion shook the houses in Eichmond, aud must have waked the echoes of the night for forty miles around." When he got to the city he did not forget to set the torch to his wooden gunboats also. Disasters could not daunt him. On landing his command of five hundred he was told that there were no trains, that the last one had gone that morning at daylight. But he had to see for him self. He moved his force to the station, there to find a small engine, but " no one iu charge of any thing and no one knew anything." Semmes was not dismayed, as he had half a dozen engineers among his men. He tore down a fence for fuel, got up steam, made up a train, put his troops aboard and went off till he came to a grade. Here he was stalled, though " the fireraen stirred their fires, the engineer turned on all his steam, the engine panted and struggled and screamed." About this time, when even he was feeling a little blue over his predicament, another engine was found in the workshops. Both were set to the task and off the whole party went in triumph. This incident was arausing to Semraes, after all his desperate ex periences at sea. His " railroad cruise ended the LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 325 next day," at Danville, after a narrow escape, as Sheridan's cavalry carae to the line just an hour and a half after Seraraes had passed there. His was the last train to get out of Eichmond before its capture.' He reraained at Danville ten days, and then took his men, now reduced to less than half, especially after the surrender of Lee, to North Carolina, where he effected a junction with Johnston, reraaining with him till he aud Sherman made their terms for the dispersion of Johnston's army. Semraes was paroled on the first of May, and at once started for home, getting there the latter part of the same month, to begin the practice of law. Seven and a half months after, on December 15th, he was arrested by a detail from the United States Marine Corps on an order from the Secretary of the Navy, transferred to Washington, and "was kept a close prisoner, with a sentinel at my door, for nearly four months." Just as in the retirement of his cabin on board a vessel under his comraand, Serames turned to his ever-constant confidant and solace, his diary. He rejoiced that he had learned self-control and patience in the navy, as he would have been ex- ' " So. Hist. Soo. Papers," Vol. 21, p. 306. 326 BAPHAEL SEMMES hausted with the contradictory ruraors, the specula tions of his counsel, aud the delays of the authori ties. He went to history and Uterature for relief, and then started seriously into an investigation of the law of his case. Very early he began shrewdly to suspect that the government was not over-anxious to prosecute hira, even though Winslow was brought to Washington aud the prosecution was "raking up sailor testimony about the wharves of New York aud Boston, and pious New Bedford." He thought such industry should flnd something to try him upon. He was certain the lawyers knew they could not convict him, yet the Secretary of the Navy would be the winner, as he would accoraplish his purpose of wreaking vengeance and inflicting pun ishment; the long incarceration would satisfy the ends as well as a verdict of guilty. Eventually he saw that his enemies wanted to let him go, but they did not know how to do so and yet justify them selves for having proceeded against him. In close confinement, unaware of what net might be weaving outside for his entanglement, debarred frora his faraily, with all the circurastances of a nature to make him serious and apprehensive, his sarcasm melts into humor when held up for viola tion of faith in beiug rescued by the Deerhound : "I LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 327 am busy preparing a paper answering the charge of illegal escape, but the deraonstration is like an at terapt to elucidate an axiora or first principle iu matheraatics. It is so clear upon its flrst statement that the demonstration is not ouly superfluous but does not tend to make the proposition more clear." It comes to his knowledge that his acrid antago nist. Secretary Welles, "though very bitter in the beginning, is much modified," and " speaks respect fully aud kindly of me, inquires whether my diet is good and well served, etc., and says he is ready to release me at anytime," and "regrets that I re turned to the country ; a good deal of trouble might have been saved if I had not done so." Outside of his walls other channels were being opened to aid him. Johnston had communicated with Grant, who promised his great influence. Notwithstanding the efforts of his friends, the ex pedients of his counsel, and his owu sense of inno cence, he was in a cage. For decades he had beeu in the ocean breezes on the deck of a boat, and here he was cut off from fresh air, shut iu by four walls. His philosophy bore it all, but it is a fair thing for us to take a glimpse into the recesses of his heart through the entries of one day iu his diary : 328 BAPHAEL SEMMES " The ground is covered with snow this morning to the depth of six or eight inches ; wind from the north singing its mournful song by ray nailed windows, and there is a leaden sky overhead. The only raerry sound that comes to me is the occasional jingling of a sleigh bell. " Within I have the usual routine of a prison life. This routine I have not yet described. "My roora is in the attic; it is very plainly furnished, but has sufficient for comfort. One of its two windows looks to the east, iu the direction of the eastern branch of the Potomac, and of my good old native state of Maryland. The other window gives me a view of the Potomac, in whose waters I used to swira aud fish as a boy, and of the distant hills in the direction of Alexandria, of the grand old mother of states aud statesmen, now mourning in her desolation, and looking down, as I cau fancy, with sad reproach upon her parricidal offspring, the states of her own loins that have be trayed her and destroyed her glorious old doctrines of '76 aud '98. In unison with this, her raelancholy situation, with the unfinished Washington raonu raent, speaking of the ingratitude of the nation, is seen nearly in the same dfrection with Lee's raan sion and the dome of the Capitol, and from the lat ter flaunts the flag, the old flag made new by the war, which daily covers in their deliberations the faction of the Eump Congress which daily and hourly proclaims the Southern states to be con quered provinces aud refuses admission to their representatives. " As I pass restlessly to and fro in my narrow quarters, endeavoring to take a little of that tread mill exercise which my inhuman jailers deny me out-of-doors, even in the walled barrack yard of a LATEE LIPE AND DEATH 329 military post, I cast alternate glances upon Mary land and Virginia through these two windows, re flect upon the past aud speculate upon the future, aud such a past aud such a future ! But a kind Providence interposes His veil between us and the dread events of the unknown future that awaits a people who seem to have abandoned themselves to their passions, regardless of all precepts, moral or divine. "My routine life, which I had begun to describe when these reflections led me astray, is as follows : I rise in the morning about 8 : 30, when the drum uuder ray window beats the flrst call for raorning inspection aud parade ; my attendant in the mean time has made me a fire. I proceed to wash and dress. I have plenty of water, soap, aud towels furnished me. I am usually ready for breakfast by a quarter past nine, at which hour my breakfast is brought in. I am supplied by a restaurant in the neighborhood ; my meals are satisfactory. I ara frequently asked to call for any particular viands that I may desire, but I decline, leaving the selec tion to the restaurateur. My newspaper is brought iu with my breakfast. It is the National IntelK- gencer ! But how changed from the days of Clay and Calhoun ! I read in it sometiraes such a para graph as this : ' The trial of Eaphael Semraes ' (it does not even call me the late admiral, or the so- called adrairal, or the so-called late admiral ofthe so- called Confederate States), 'Late Comraander ofthe Eebel Stearaer Alabama, it is generally believed, will take place very shortly. The full detail for the court has not yet been made, but it is believed that the arrival iu this city of Commodore Wiuslow has something to do with the subject. ' " I do not think I shall be speedily tried. This 330 BAPHAEL SEMMES would not be in accord with the Bastile system im ported from a bygone age and the French Eevolu tion into the latter part of the nineteenth century and the American Eevolution. Nor do I think I shall be tried at all, as the government has no case aud can raake none, though it is even now scouring the ' raappings ' of the Northern comraercial cities for evidence agaiust the pirate. N'importe, I shall be punished. Have already beeu punished by a close conflneraent of thirty days, and the ends of justice shall thus be secured. " But to proceed with ray daily routine. My newspaper and breakfast occupy me until eleven o'clock. I then rise aud walk about in my room to stretch my cramped lirabs and prevent the life cur rent in my veins from actual stagnation. I then sit down and read. I have sorae law books and histories with me by the thoughtful providence of friends. I have ever found wheu in trouble that the best remedy is to chain down the iraagination in its flights aud set the reason at work, at such work that she could not relax her hold of her sub ject without haviug it all to do over again, like Sisy phus at his rock. Mathematics and law are such subjects. The mind from the necessity of close ap plication loses itself, becomes absorbed in the sub ject before it, and thus shuts out the prison walls and makes the prisoner forget his imprisonment. Blessed faculty ! "But sometiraes even araid those stern pages lov ing eyes will intrude, the racist and saddened eyes of loving hearts in our far-off and now disconsolate horae ! Aud then the philosopher is overcorae, bis raanhood is about to give way, he throws down his book and agaiu is heard the trarap, trarap, of his narrow cell, as you raay have observed, . . . the LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 331 ceaseless turnings about of the tiger or the lion in his cage. I thus alternately walk and read, soraetimes throwing myself on ray sofa in my weariness and heart-sickness, until the lock is heard to grate and turn in my door, and my guard reenters with ray dinner, ray solitary dinner ! "It is now three o'clock iu the afternoon aud two-thirds of the weary day has been gotten through with. A day without a word of intelligence from my captors, or their intentions or designs. They are all too busy with the gay world to heed the groans of the prisoner. Let the hated rebel pine aud suffer. He struck at the life of this great aud glorious nation. Yes, I did strike at its life, but I struck as the surgeon strikes, to save the life of the nation. The patient struggled and was stronger than the surgeon, and now the patient is dead. The government of our fathers has been changed. There are now, says the dominant party, no more state liues ; the states are dead aud a great consoli dated republic has arisen upon the ruins. May God save the life which the South was unable to save, and grant this nation raay survive longer than I believe it will. "The day now wanes, the sun is sinking over the hills of Virginia, the navy yard bell rings, and a stream of working meu coraes out of the gates aud is tramping up the avenue that leads by my prison. These men are all going to their homes, to their fire sides, to their little ones. Happy working men ! " Night has strewn her shadows over the land scape and darkened my windows and my servant enters with a light. It is dark at 5 : 30 o'clock and I have thus five hours of candle-light before 10 : 30, bedtime, the hour of sweet oblivion! 'Blessed,' said the innocent Sancho, ' is the man who invented 332 EAPHAEL SEMMES sleep.' You knew not, Sancho, when you uttered these words how much philosophy they embraced. Blessed, thrice blessed, is sleep to the prisoner. It shuts out those soft eyes that looked out at him frora between the pages of his book. It quiets his teeming brain and throbbing heart. It withdraws him [from] the contemplation of raan's injustice, and iu dreams it sometiraes even restores him to his far-off home. I have always been a good sleeper, aud I sleep soundly. Once or twice in the night I ara disturbed by the officer looking iu upou me with a lantern to see that I have not yet escaped ! The tramp of the sentinel at ray door then lulls me again into forgetfulness. This ... is one of my days in prison." Secretary Welles also kept a diary, which has seen the light of day in the last few years. He, too, was frank in his record. He threw open the portals of his heart and he lets any one who cares to read see his squirmiugs aud wrigglings. Farther back, during the heat aud noise of the war, he was alraost pitiable iu the torrent of foolish epithets he hurled at Serames, such as "pirate," "corsafr," "bucca neer," and similar terras without an atora of founda tion. But our respect rises when we see that he has the strength to show us his weakness. Still better would it have been if he had bluntly written that he was wrong. His anger had cooled during those seven months LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 333 after the Sherman- Johnston convention, and it is a safe judgment that in the secret chambers of his own soul he saw there was no ground for molesting Semmes. But his latent prejudice stirred him, a partisan press prodded him, and he was likely egged on by pedantic politicians like Suraner. "It is a duty which I could not be justifled in evading," he wrote, " yet I shall acquire no laurels in the movement. But . . . the proceedings agaiust this man will be approved by pos terity." He got no triumph in his course, and just so surely sober thought could not have endorsed it. He cousulted lawyers and publicists, and tried to get the suit raade an administrative matter, or at least a combination of the two railitary departraents, through a raixed commission of soldiers and sailors. He wanted to drop all counts of treason, piracy, or offenses amenable in civil courts, and rely on ah indictment of Semmes for violation of the laws of war in escaping on the Deerhound. Even here, re ferring to Semmes, Welles could only "suppose he was guilty of violating the usages and laws of war," and further he confessed that on exaraination "the points had been narrowed and mitigated so that his offense was really less aggravated than had been 334 BAPHAEL SEMMES charged and believed." Of course President John- sou procrastinated, conferred with other officials, called for a list of members for a railitary com mission, promised to sign the coraraission, then decided he would have no more of such bodies, then found out that the courts were not acting in matters of treason or piracy, then wanted to parole Serames. Welles by this time was abashed at the unjust, ar bitrary treatment of Semmes, aud saw clearly that, as the President would not have a comraission and as the courts would not act for treason, there was nothing to do but to release Seraraes uncondi tionally, as far as the executive branch was con cerned. As nothing could be done adrainistratively, the endeavor was raade judiciaUy, a drag net of law having been cast out to cateh Semmes in some of its meshes. The solicitor of the Navy Department, J. A. BoUes, was raaking raost prodigious efforts to frame a case against him. To the layman, drink ing in the opinions of the street, the halter was already around Seraraes' neck. The wildest, most savage animosity had raged against him since he had begun his exploits on the Sumter, not confined to reckless editors or thoughtless partisans. So distinguished a raan as Edward Everett had LATEE LIPE AND DEATH 335 bitterly denounced Semmes as a pirate, even after the Alabama's crew had been treated as prisoners of war. This was perhaps to be condoned iu au orator and rhetorician, but Secretary Welles, blindly fatuous as to all law aud logic, in one aud the same report had stigmatized Serames as a "corsair" and a "pirate" and then recognized him asa "prisoner of war" entitled to exchange. It was the whip and spur of this unreasoning hatred that drove the lawyer to his disagreeable task, as it had been guaranteed Semmes at his sur render that he was not to be disturbed for any acts of war anterior to that tirae. But this phrase could be twisted, and the attorneys did so at once. They argued that it did not debar prosecutions for viola tions of the laws of war. The issue was raade upon that ground. The question arose : "What were Semmes' viola tions of the laws of war, and what was the evidence ? Five lines of inquiry were carried on : Was it wrong to destroy ships instead of taking them into port ? Had he been cruel to his captives? Was he justifi able in hoisting false flags to deceive his enemy ? Was it an offense to capture United States vessels in neutral waters? Had he been perfidious in the fight with the Kearsarge ? 336 BAPHAEL SEMMES The putting of these queries in ordinary language shows the flimsiness of the case against Semmes, and it is to the credit of the solicitor that he unquali fiedly dropped four ofthe counts, and posterity has just as entirely dropped the fifth one. If Solicitor BoUes had not been carried away by the passion of the hour, he himself would just as quickly have discarded that one also. A little cool reflection soon showed that three of the positions were hopelessly untenable. Captures in neutral waters were matters for the neutral powers themselves to consider. Fooling the enemy with foreign flags, and burning prizes on the high seas, had been too often practiced successfully by Ameri can sailors in wars with England for this country to raise a point ou them against Semmes. He had doue only what Americans had proudly done times without nuraber, aud raight want to do again, and it would not do now finally to debar themselves frora the use of such devices. As to cruelty toward prisoners, Mr. BoUes pro ceeded in a coraprehensive, well-balanced manner. The very air was rife with charges against Semmes that he had been guilty of the oppression of his captives, and hundreds of rumors carae frora all quarters. BoUes caught up all he could, advertised LATEE LIPE AND DEATH 337 for raore, and then fearlessly aud impartially sifted the evidence. At the start it looked black for Semmes, especially with regard to the Solferino and the Amazonian. The consul at Queenstown, Ireland, in 1866, had transmitted to his superior the information that some of the Alabama's crew had declared that Semmes had fallen iu with a vessel of the build of the Solferino, had fired into her, and had sunk her with all on board, even though she had imraediately ou being hailed surrendered without any resistance whatever. But one of the Alabama's crew was brought over frora England. He denied it all, and fully established the fact that she could never have been nearer than five hundred miles to the Solferino, which had undoubtedly foundered at sea. The accusations of harsh treatment of some of the crew of the Amazonian were seen to be just as groundless. It was alleged that one man was handled so roughly and starved so barbarously that he died on the Alabama, all because he had resisted the lowering of his ship's flag when he was ordered to do so. It was learned from the captain of the burnt boat that nothing of this kind had occurred, that all had been cared for "as well as they could expect, " that all had beeu set ashore at a foreign 338 EAPHAEL SEMMES port, that the person in question had found passage horae on board a neutral, and that he had died on the voyage from sickness, not from violence or rough treatraent. Two other cases were investigated, and both turned out to be just as baseless. BoUes closed this chapter of "slanderous rumors and idle gossip " by the judicial conclusion that "in not one solitary in stance was there furnished a particle of proof that . . . Semmes . . . had ever maltreated his captives. " Nothing was left but the question of Semmes' con duct in the last fight of the Alabama. The five counts against him had dwindled to one, and still better would it have been had they dwindled to none. When arrested, Seraraes was charged with triple perfidy ; he had begun firing again after hav ing shown a white flag, had broken faith in escap ing, and had reentered the " rebel service " without having been exchanged. At this distance from the raging tumult of the day, it is hard to see how a man of BoUes' s judicial experieuce could have had any patience with such childish clamor, but he was calm, and exhaustively followed out all three lines to the end. He went through all of Winslow's official despatches and LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 339 found no complaint against Semmes until thirty- seven days after the battle. Winslow gave no hint of such charge either in the report ou the day ofthe conflict or in that of the next day ; in fact he had charged nothing of the sort at all until he had seen Serames' accusation that the Kearsarge flred on the Alabama after the flag had corae down. Aud yet "this dilatory complaint was the basis of the charge ou which Seraraes was ultimately arrested." Seven of the Kearsarge officers, including the cap tain, were called to Washington aud examined as to the Alabama's beginning to fire after she had sur rendered. They were so at variance in their state ments that it was folly to attempt a suit on their evidence. By this time all were weary aud ashamed of the matter and felt that it was best to release Seraraes, siuce the trial could take on ouly the forra of parti san persecution. Dozens of witnesses had been ex amined, hundreds of letters had been written, nu merous advertisements for proof had appeared, the Atlantic seaports had been raked over, the utter most corners of the earth had been invited to offer evidence of guilt, and nothing against Semmes' con duct or character had been found. He remained unscorched in this baptism of legal fire. Neverthe- 340 EAPHAEL SEMMES less, it was BoUes's deliberate belief that had he been tried iraraediately on his arrest, he would have been convicted and hanged.' Perhaps Seraraes' own exertions had as rauch to do with his regaining his liberty as the briefs of counsel or the pleadings of friends. He had not been behind the bars a month before he sent a keen, clear-cut argument to President Johnson, proving how Ulegal aud unconstitutional his arrest and imprisonment were. He took his stand ou a few profound prin ciples, strongly expounded. He reasoned that his parole, based on the terms of the surrender by General Johnston, guaranteed him against all molestation for " any act of war comraitted anterior to the date of that convention." Of course, he grauted, he could be held for trans gressions that were not acts of war, — forgery for in stance ; — but classifying all possible acts of war, a violation of the laws of war would fall uuder the head of acts of war, and under the terras of his dis charge he could not be held liable for such act. His escape on the Deerhound was either iu consonance with the laws of war or was in defiance of thera, but in either case it was au act of war, aud of course he was not legally accountable for it, siuce the conven- ^ Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 30, July, Aug., 1872. LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 341 tion between Sherman and Johnston was an "obliv ion of all acts of war of whatever nature." Neither, during the war nor after the war, could he be tried for treason, as the Constitution of the United States " declares in words that treason against the United States shall consist only in levy ing war against them, or in adhering to their ene mies, giving them aid and comfort, — all of which ad herence, giving of aid and comfort, etc., are equaUy acts of war." The Attorney General had argued that Semmes could be tried after the close of the war by the civU tribunals, since the military convention would then expire, just as a parole ceases in such circumstauces, and of course such person could be haled before the courts for previous offenses. He confused two terms, asserted Semraes, because the instruraent of his sur render expressly provides that he is " not to be dis turbed ' ' so long as he observes the agreement, not alone during war time, but for all time whether in peace or not ; and he is "not to be disturbed " by any branch of the United States government. Semraes had been seized for an act coraraitted ten mouths before the surrender in North Carolina, widely known over the entire land, indeed over the world, and therefore certainly to the "Federal 342 EAPHAEL SEMMES Government. " " If, " says Semraes, ' ' that authority then entertained the design, which it has since developed, of arresting and trying me for this al leged breach of the laws of war, was it not its duty, both to itself and to me, to have made me an excep tion to any military terms it raight have been dis posed to grant to our armies ? I put it to you, Mr. President, . . . whether it was consistent with honor and fair dealing for the government first to entrap me, by means of a military convention, and then, having me iu its power, to arrest me and de clare the convention null and void." He eloquently besought the President not to tarnish the pages of that history which he was raak ing aud of which " ray record aud that of the gal lant South " were a part, by any deed of perfidy. The " passions of men. North and South, were tossed into a whirlwind by the current events of the most bloody and terrific war that the human race had ever seen," but " I shall hope to justify and defend rayself agaiust any and all charges affecting the honor and reputation of a man and a soldier. Whatever else may be said of me, I have at least brought no discredit upon the American name and character." Through his own burning words, through the col- LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 343 lapse of the legal case against hira, through the cooling of Welles' s fury, through the softening of the hearts of politicians, through the spreading spirit of forgiveness for the past, through the complica tions of politics, or through a combination of all these influences, happily for the American memory, the record was saved from the stain of Semmes' blood by his release in the spring.' The mighty captain in Washington had not trod the quarter-deck for the past twelvemonth, and his ward-room reeked with feverish forebodings, frantic fears, and the futile frothiugs of auger, but time meUowed the hearts and kind fate guided the destiny of the nation. The victors kept their pledges, with one or two bare exceptions. Seraraes was allowed his freedora, and he turned his back for ever on that awful draraa of pain aud death iu which he had played so signal and so worthy a part. His career of arras was over, but his fame went to ' On April 6, 1866, Secretary Welles officially addressed Pres ident Johnson, that " In viewot the recent decision of theU. S. Supreme Court in the Indiana military commission cases, and of the present condition of aflairs, it is respectfully advised that Eaphael Semmes, unless you shall deem it proper to have him tried forthwith, be unconditionally discharged from cus tody under his present arrest, and that he be remitted to his original written parole." Johnson endorsed on this, "The recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy is approved, let the prisoner be released from custody." — No. 7 of Vol. II, "Executive Letters, April, June, 1866," Navy Dept. Archives. 344 EAPHAEL SEMMES the uttermost bounds of the earth. His wondrous adventures have been weighed and reraarked by the erainent of the world, one of the most notable in stances beiug the war lord of to-day, the Eraperor of Germany, who observed to au American consul : "I reverence the uame of Semmes. In my opinion he was the greatest admfral of the nineteenth century. At every conference with my admfrals, I counsel them to closely read and study Semmes' ' Memofrs of Service Afloat.' I rayself feel constant delight in reading aud rereading the mighty career of the wonderful Stormy Petrel." ' Seraraes wended his way again to Mobile, and was soon elected probate judge of Mobile county, but was not allowed by the Federal authorities to serve. He was also cut off frora legal practice by the test oath demanded of former military men. In the autumn of 1866 came to him an appointment on the academic staff of the Louisiana State Serainary, at Alexandria, to teach raoral philosophy and English literature, at a salary of $3,000 per annum. Seven years before, the head of this institution, which was afterward removed to Baton Eouge and ' " So. Hist. Soc. Papers," Vol. 38, p. 24, 1910. Uttered in 1894 to Frederick Opp who certifies as to correctness in private letter ot Aug. 26, 1912. LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 346 eventually there developed into the present State University, was W. T. Sherman, who resigned to go North and offer his services to the governraent of the United States, and who flnally became the famous general that captured Atlanta and marched to the sea at Savannah. There was such desire to obtain Semraes that the superintendent offered to vacate his post and be demoted, so that the admiral could be put iu con trol, but the board in charge deeraed it best not to do this. With his knowledge of law and philosophy, with his taste for literature, with his wide experience of men and life, and with his trained intellect, it was a matter of course that he would be well fltted for his new duties, and that he should be successful in this strange fleld. " His work at the seminary was with the junior and senior classes," with the usual text books of the time, in metaphysics, ethics, criticisra, logic, rhetoric and Christian evidences. ' ' Not rauch is known of his raethod of teaching, except that for the raost part he lectured to the students, quizzing but little. In daily life at the serainary and in his intercourse with the faculty and students, he was quiet and dignifled, of easy manners and rather re tiring disposition. Of his unique naval career. 346 EAPHAEL SEMMES about which all wished to hear, he would say but little." He had left his family in Alabama, and boarded with one of the professors. But political storms were brewing. The throes aud woes of reconstruction were upon the hapless people. Denunciation poured forth upon a corps of teachers consisting of "rebel officers just from the Confederacy " aud a body of students raainly "late Confederate soldiers and sons of rebel plant ers." Semmes was too keen a judge not to scent trouble ahead frora these radical assaults. Besides, he felt a little out of place, as he was so much older than his colleagues, none of whom was over thirty. In addition he was offered the editorship of the Memphis BuUetin. He got leave of absence in 1867, went to Memphis, and in June of that year sent in his resignation.' In savage vindictiveness. President Johnson pur sued him, and "caused a controUing interest [in the paper] to be purchased by partisans who ousted the adrairal from the position. " Semmes took up lecturing on his thrilling career ou the Sumter and Alabama, toured the South, and netted about a thousand dollars per month, which, considering the 'The best sketch ot his last years is the article by Prof. W. L. Fleming, in N. O. Picayune, May 14, 1911. LATEE LIFE AND DEATH 347 circumstances of his audience, was princely com pensation. Still he preferred the instructor's chair, as " I would much rather be lecturing to a class of young raen than to a promiscuous multitude." He applied for the place of superintendent of the in stitution he had withdrawn from upon misinforma tion of the death of the incumbent, but he was only too glad to drop his scheme on learning that his frieud was yet alive. An effort was made to induce him to become a teacher again, but the salary offered was not enough to tempt him frora the path of lec turing and law. He lived quietly in Mobile, prac ticing his profession, writing his raemoirs, diversi fying the routine of life by trips to Confederate reunions and visits to friends. A very delightful recreation of the sort was a short time spent with his efficient executive officer, Kell, in the horae of the latter on his farm in Georgia. Kell had named his son "for the ad miral, his dear narae being associated with my last dream of glory," as Kell states it. The two officers talked over the stirring life they had lived on the ocean, and Kell records with deep gratitude that Semraes declared that he (Kell) had been his right hand. " That he should have beeu satisfled that I had done my duty," Kell writes, "was very dear 348 EAPHAEL SEMMES praise to me, and I record it not frora vainglorious pride but frora the desire that my posterity raay kuow that I did ray duty." Serames' days moved on in tranquillity in his home in Mobile until the end, on August 30, 1877. His illness was brief and coraparatively pain less. He died as he had Uved, devoutly in the faith of the Catholic Church, and it was with her rites he was buried in Mobile. Civic and mUitary honors were paid to his meraory. Nearly a quarter of a century afterward, on June 27, 1900, a bronze statue of hira was unveiled in Mobile, one of those Gulf storms that he had so often faced coraing on during the proceedings with the same suddenness with which he used to burst upon the unsuspecting merchantmen in that inland sea. Nine years later, on the centennial of his birth, the laud for which he had boldly skfrted the wave for nearly four years, iu defiance of a great naval nation, proudly recalled his daring services. CHAPTEB XVI THE "ALABAMA" CLAIMS— A SEQUEL The Alabama ceased her destructiveness on Juue 19, 1864 ; the results of her work were stiU in course of legal dispute and settlement in Washing ton at least a third of a century later. In the raean time endless speeches and discussions had been heard, volumes of reports, despatches, and decisions had been published, and a great forward step had been taken in international relations. The two great branches of the English race had nearly come to blows, and had theu set a fiue example to the world of the peaceful solution of vexatious and harassing questions by arbitration instead of by war. Friction had arisen between England and Amer ica over the meaning and interpretation of neutral rights and duties. Both powers were thoroughly committed by their own acts to the principles of non-interference in contests between belligerents. Before the end of the eighteenth century, in 1794, .350 EAPHAEL SEMMES this young republic, only half a decade old, had signed a treaty with her raother to raake pecuniary inderanity for failure to perforra her duties of neu trality, and under this stipulation she had paid out nearly one hundred and fifty thousand dollars.' She had followed up this adherence to her doc trines by passing an act not quite a quarter of a century later prohibiting her citizens from giving military aid to any country in a contest. England had done the same through parliamentary measures. It was upou the solid ground thus provided by both that the United States took her stand in asking compensation for the damages inflicted by the Ala bama and other cruisers. Because of her preemi nence iu the warfare on American coraraerce, and because of the strong evidence against England in her case, she has beeu made sponsor for all the others, and her name has been given to the entire raatter. All are spoken of as the ' ' Alabama cl airas. " Another cruiser, the Florida, preceded the Ala bama in escaping to the high seas, and almost equaled her in the extent of the daraage she inflicted, but English reraissness was not so flagrant, nor was her career so extensive, so prolonged, and so world- renowned. American feeling was excited by her ' J. B. Moore, "Digest of Int. Law," Vol. VI, p. 999. THE "ALABAMA" CLAIMS— A SEQUEL 351 case ; it was inflamed by the Alabama coming close upon the heels of it. Both of them were sharp incitements to the rising tide of indignation in the North against England for the undoubted sympathy of her ruling class with the South. The utterances of sorae public men, the editorials in some papers, notably the Times, were highly exasperating to American pride. But when the Queen's proclamation of neutrality was issued, on May 13, 1861, a virtual recognition of belliger ency, bitter and angry words beat the air on the other side of the ocean, and the seeds were sown that were to ripen into the demand for reparation irarae diately the home dissensions were stilled enough for attention to be given to the matter. The founda tions for this action, however, were laid at the time firm and deep, by the vigilance and foresight of the American rainister in London, the coldly intellectual Charles Francis Adaras. He it was who, after the tumult had subsided in America, took up the negotiations for a day of reckoning with the Briton. But both he and his chief, W. H. Seward, were fairly obsessed with what they thought the frightful wrong aud awful conse quences of the Queen's proclamation of neutrality. They asserted that this was premature and in defiance 352 EAPHAEL SEMMES of international comity, an utterly indefensible posi tion, as, of course, each nation must be its own judge of the proper tirae for such a step. Adams was superseded by Beverdy Johnson, who simply ignored this preposterous contention and succeeded in getting a treaty from England provid ing for arbitration in the settlement of individual claims for losses, but having nothing to do with the foolish dispute over unfriendly haste in issuing the proclamation, and nothing specific about the national aspects of the operations of the cruisers that the Confederates had got in England. Charles Sumner, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Senate, in a speech as wrong as it was long, ag absurd as it was grandiose, denounced the agreement as near an insult to the dignity and rights of this nation, and secured its rejection by a vote vfrtuaUy unanimous. He was so fanatical as to attribute the vastness and prolongation of the Civil War to that piece of paper with the Queen's signature at the bottom of it put before the public iu a foreign realm three thousand miles away. To him that little flourish of the pen was responsible not only for the destruction of coraraerce ou the seas, but for at least half of the huge expense of the entire conflict both on land and water, and for staggering losses of the THB '* ALABAMA" CLAIMS— A SEQUEL 353 growth in wealth we might have enjoyed otherwise. He modestly put the money liability of England at twenty-five hundred million dollars. Sumner's figures became really humorous when a great Eng lish leader adopting Sumner's method made out England liable for over seventy -five hundred million doUars — a reductio ad absurdum that effectually an swered Sumner. But Sumner's address, although bereft of reason and comraon sense, was given an official endorsement through its publication by special order of the Senate, such action being necessary, since it was spoken in secret session. Standing thus as the view of the government of the United States, it blocked the path of diplomacy, as no Englishman with an atom of self-respect, could for a second entertain such propositions. But trade between the two countries grew, inter course between the peoples increased, sensitiveness faded, and friendliness mounted higher, — above all, America ignored Sumner's monstrous anglophobia, dropped all foolish thought of indirect or conse quential damages, and settled down to sensible claims of compensation for the depredations of the cruisers. On the other haud, England also lost something of her lofty attitude. At first, during the war, Bug- 354 EAPHAEL SEMMES lish official tone was aloof, then cool, then con temptuous. The Foreign Secretary bluntly declared that the clairas were not " founded ou any grouuds of law or justice." But his successors were raore open to arguraent. Two grave cfrcurastances helped to hasten their change of heart ; the rapid success of Germany in the war with Prance in 1870, and President Grant's raessage in Deceraber of the sarae year urging that the United States governraent it self take over the private claims against England. Germany dominating on the continent might shade England's prestige, and humble her pride. In case of conflict, England might need friends across the Atlantic. Grant's veiled threat precluded all hope of sympathy, unless a better understanding could be reached. With both sides inclined to the same end, a juncture was soon effected, aud the Treaty of Wash ington was ratified iu the spring of 1871. It provided for the arbitration of all the claims growing out ofthe Civil War against England under three rules of neutrality that were incorporated in the docuraent. These three priuciples stipulated that a neutral governraent raust not perrait cruising operations to start from its limits against any power with which it is at peace, that it must not allow any of its territory to be used as a base of movements THE "ALABAMA" CLAIMS— A SEQUEL 355 against either belligerent, and that it must "exer cise due diligence" to discharge these "foregoing obligations and duties. " ' A tribunal of arbitoatiou was enjoined in the first article, which refers to " the Alabama and other ves sels," mentioning by name the Alabama only. Under the terras of the treaty the United States, England, Italy, Switzerland, and Brazil appointed, each, a raeraber of a court that met at Geneva with every prospect that it would almost iraraediately dis solve, and the whole scheme fail, over the vexatious question of indirect claims. Happily, America had wise men among her counselors, and they dropped all notions of anything of the sort. The Tribunal itself eliminated all the cruisers from consideration except the Florida, Alabama, and Shenandoah, exonerating England from any blame for the others, The vote affirraing England's responsibUity was unaniraous on the Alabama alone. In her case the evidence was so clear and strong that even her own representative, who all through the proceedings had fought so persistently for his side of the case, de clared that his govemraent was properly liable for damages. The final decision of the Tribunal was > Art. 6 of Treaty ot Washington, p. 550 of Vol. I of Moore's " International Arbitration." 356 EAPHAEL SEMMES that England should pay to the United States the lump sum of 115,500,000. The essentials of the testimony as to the Alabama show : "That the attention ofthe British Government was called to the suspicious character of the vessel on the 23d of June ; that her adaptation to warlike use was admitted ; that her readiness for sea was known ; that evidence was submitted on the 21st) the 23d, aud finally on the 25th of July that put her character beyond a doubt ; and that in spite of all this, she was allowed to sail on the 29th." These facts formed the real foundation of the case against Great Britain.' A part ofthe data subraitted by the American side was an extract from a speech by Cobden in the House of Comraons in 1864. He gave most striking statistics of the ruinous effects of the cruises of the Alabama and her sister ships on the American carry ing trade. He declared that " in 1860 two-thirds of the commerce of New York was carried on in American bottoms ; in 1863 three-fourths was car ried on in foreign bottoms." England profited directly by this change as the ships were transferred to the British fiag and to British capitalists. The ' Soley, " Blockade and Cruisers," p. 191. THE "ALABAMA" CLAIMS— A SEQUEL 357 figures demonstrate that there were transferred to England, in 1860, 41 vessels with a tonnage of 13,638 ; in 1861, 126 vessels, tonnage of 71,673 ; in 1862, 135 vessels, tonnage of 64,578 ; in 1863, 348 vessels, tonnage of 252,579 ; in 1864, 106 vessels, tonnage of 92,052.' Another speaker, the president ofthe Euglish Board of Trade, about the same time, asserted that British shipping had grown from a total tonnage of about seven million to something like fourteen mil lion. The American Government constituted a Claims Court to apportion the award araong the various applicants who were scattered the wide world over. Commissions were sent to various points to take de positions aud make examinations. The matter dragged its tedious length for years, but nearly half of the total indemnity, or alraost seven million dol lars, was assigned to the sufferers from the Alabama, a wonderful testimonial to the destructive skill and energy of Eaphael Semmes. ' " Case of the United States," p. 474. BIBLIOGRAPHY Raphael Semmes. Service Afloat and Ashore during the Mexi can War. Cincinnati, 1851. H. H. Bancroft in his His tory of Mexico, Vol. V, p. 551, says of this book: '• The work met with so favorable a reception by the public that within a year a second edition was issued." Later, in ab sence of author it was abridged to The Campaign of General Scott in the Valley of Mexico — in aid 01 Scott's candidacy for the presidency. Raphael Semmks. Service Afloat, or the remarkable career of the Confederate cruisers Sumter and Alabama during the War between the States. Kennedy and Sons, New York. Official Record of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. The Cruise of the Alabama and the Sumter, from the Private Journals and Other Papers of Commander R. Semmes, C. S. N., and Other Officers. Two volumes in one. New York, 1864 (a duplicate, except verbal changes, of the two volume edition of Saunders, Otley & Co., London). John McIntosh Kell. Recollections of a Naval Life. 1900. Arthur Sinclair, Lieut. C. S. A. Two Years on the Alabama. 1895. Frederick Milnes Edge. The Alabama and the Kearsarge. London, 1864. The Cruise of the .^/a^awa. By an Officer on Board. 1864. The Cruise of the y^/aiawa. By One of the Crew. 1886. Narrative of the Cruise of the Alabama and List of her Officers and Men. By One of the Crew. London, 1864. Albert M. Goodrich. Cruise and Captures of the Alabama. 1906. BIBLIOGEAPHY 359 James D. Bullock. The Secret Service of the Confederate States in Europe. 1884. John M. Ellicott. The Life of John Ancrum Winslow. 1902. J. Thomas Scharf. History of the Confederate States' Navy. 1887. David D. Porter. The Naval History of the Civil War. 1886. The Photographic History ofthe Civil War. 1911. Reports of the Secretary of the Navy. December, 1861, 1862, 1865. Gideon Welles. Diary. Three Vols. 1911. James Russell Soley. The Blockade and the Cruisers. 1883, 1890. Winthrop I. Marvin. The American Merchant Marine. 1902. Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 1884. Frank M. Bennett. The Steam Navy of the United States. 1896. Edward Stanton Maclay. A History of the United States Navy. 1 90 1. John R. Spears. The History ofour Navy. 1899. James Ford Rhodes. History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. Mrs. Clay OF Alabama. A Belle of the Fifties. 1904. Park Benjamin. The United States Naval Academy. 1900. Charles Oscar Paullin. Dueling in the Old Navy. 1909. Sir William Butler. An Autobiography. London, 19 11. Frederick Trevor Hill. Decisive Battles of the Law. 1907. The Case of the United States to be laid before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva. Washington, 187 1. Papers Relating to the Proceedings of the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva. Two parts, London, 1873. Newspapers, of appropriate dates : New York Times, Herald, Tribune, R-veni-ng Post ; New Orleans Times-Democrat, Picayune; Mobile Register; Montgomery Advertiser; Richmond Inquirer ; London Times. 360 BIBLIOGEAPHY Confederate Veteran, Monthly Magazine. Nashville, Tenn. Our Living and Our Dead, Magazine. 1874-1876. Southern Bivouac, Magazine. Louisville, Ky. About 1882. Soldiers and Sailors. Historical Society of Rhode Island. Fifth Series, No. 2, 1894. New England Historical and General Register. Vol. 35. INDEX Abby Bradford, capture of, 137. Adams, C. F., eftbrts to hold the Alabama, 166-168; on Ala bama claims, 351. Admiralty Court, 193-194. Agrippina, the, 203, 221. Alabama, the, building and es cape, 166-168 ; description of, 173-176; crew of, 177- 178 ; officers of, 179 ; battle with Hatteras, 205-209 ; dis order on in Jamaica, 217 ; repaired at Pulo Condore, 249-250 ; at anchor in Cher bourg, 264 ; comparison of with the Kearsarge, 267- 268 ; battle with Kearsarge, 274-278 ; casualties in Kear sarge battle, 285 ; poem on, 3'6-3i7- Alabama admiralty court, 193- 194. Alabama claims, 349-357. Alabama- Kearsarge battle, 274- 278 ; newspaper comment on, 305-317. Albert Adams, capture of, 1 32. Alert, capture of, 186. Altamaha, capture of, 187. Amanda, capture of, 245. Amazonian, capture of, 226, 337- Angra Pequena, Semmes at, 233-234- Anna F. Schmidt, capture of, 227. Arbitration on Alabama case, 349-357- Arcade, capture of, 153. Areas, island, 201. Argus, account of Alabama at Cape Town, 230-232. Ariel, capture of, 202. Armstrong, Lieutenant, 179. Azores, Semmes at, 171. Bahia, Semmes at, 224. Baldwin, Captain, 235. Banks, General, 200. Baron de Castine, capture of, '9S- Battle, Alabama and Hatteras, 205-209; Alabama and Kearsarge, 274-278; papers on. 305-3 '7- Ben Dunning, capture of, 132. Benjamin Tucker, capture of, 187. Bethtah Thayer, capture of, 220. Blanquilla, island, 199. Boers, neutrality of, 229-230. BoUes, J. A., prosecutor of Semmes, 334-340. Boyle, v. F., poem by on Ala bama, 316-317. Brazil, neutrality of, 221. Brilliant, capture of, 190. Brooklyn, I18-122. Browne, Kearsarge surgeon, 276. Bullock, J. D., Confederate agent, 166, 178. 362 nfDEX BuUock, Lieutenant, 179. Cadiz, Semmes at, 154-157. California " treasure ship," 200-202. Cape Town, Semmes at, 230- 233. Castor, at Bahia, 225. Causes for Southern secession, 97-99- Cavalier in South, lol. Cienfuegos, prizes in, 131-134. Chain armor on the Alabama, 298-300. Charies Hill, capture of, 220. Chatelaine, capture of, 218. Cherbourg, battle off harbor, 274-278. Cipher adopted by Semmes, 115. Comoro Islands, 257. Confederate cruisers, effects of, 356-357- Connemara, death of, 281. Conner, Commodore, 70. Conrad, capture of, 226. Consort, 34. Contest, capture of, 246-247. Courser, capture of, 187. " Covering cargoes," 193. Crensha-w, capture of, 195. Creole, 36. Cuba, capture of, 131. Cuban neutrality, 13 1- 1 34. Cura?oa, Semmes in, 135. Daniel Trowbridge, capture of, 141. Davis, Jefferson, toast to, 202. Deerhound, the, rescue work of, 278-279 ; controversy over, 300-305. Diomede, 228. Documenting property, 193- 194, 220. Dominica, island of, 196. Dorctis Prince, capture of, 224. Dunkirk, capture of, 190. Dutch West Indies, neutrality of. i35-'37- Eben Dodge, capture of, 154. Electra, the, 84. Elisha Dunbar, capture of, 187-189. Emerson, R. W., on Texas an nexation, 79. Emily Farnum, captiire of, 190. Emma Jane, capture of, 256. Emperor of Germany on Semmes, 344. England, neutrality of, 157- 160; Tuscaloosa case, 261- 262. English Channel, scenes in, 270. English West Indies, neutral ity of, 140. Escape of the Sumter, II 6- 122, 151-153. Express, capture of, 228. Eytinge, Captain, 144. Fanaticism, political, 81. Farragut, Admiral, midshipman, 30- Feeling between England and United States, 349-351. Fernando de Noronha, 221. Feudal system in Mexico, 72. Flirt, the, 84, 85. Flores, island of, 181. Florida, at Pernambuco, 225, 35°. 355- Fort de France, Semmes in, 148, 196. France, neutrality in Myers case, 160-163 ; neutrality in INDEX 363 East, 249 ; neutrality, at Cherbourg, 264-265. Freeman, Engineer, 179. Friction between Scott and Worth, 57. Fugitive Slave Law, too. Galt, Surgeon, 179. Georgia, at Bahia, 225. Gibraltar, the, 165. Gildersleeve, capture of, 225. Golden Eagle, capture of, 219. Golden Rocket, destruction of, 128-131. Golden Rule, capture of, 218. Gowin, William, 284. Grand Banks, 190. Grant, President, on Alabama case, 354. Guianas, Semmes at, 140. Gulf Stream, captures in, 190- 195- Halls of the Montezumas, 49. Hartford Convention, Semmes on, 95-96. Hatteras, the, battle with, 205- 210. Highlander, capture of, 255. Holland, neutrality of, 135-137. Housatonic, the, 104. Ino, the, 212. Investigator, capture of, 157. Iroquois, 143 ; at St. Pierre, "49-I53- Jabez Snow, capture of, 226. Jalapa, 5 1 ; climate of, 62 ; women of, 65. Jamaica, Semmes at island of, 213-217. Johanna, 257. John Parks, capture of, 220. Johnson, President, and Semmes, 334, 340-343- Johnson, Reverdy, 352. Joseph Maxwell, capture of, 139-140. Justina, capture of, 225. Kate Cory, capture of, 223. Kearney, Captain, 56. Kearsarge, pursuit of Alabama, 212; arrival at Cherbourg, 264 ; comparison of with the Alabama, 267-268 ; battle with Alabama, 274-278; conduct of crew in battle, 283 ; chain armor on, 298- 299 ; wreck of, 286-287. Kell, J. M., midshipman, 123; on Alabama, 1 79; in battle with Kearsarge, 274-278 ; views of Alabama battle, 296 ; visit of Semmes to, 347-348- Kingfisher, capture of, 220. Kingston, 209. Krakatoa, 245. Lafayette, capture of, 195 ; cap ture of at Fernando de No ronha, 223. Laird, John, Alabama builder, 172. Lairds, Alabama builders, 169. Lancaster, John, neutrality of, 301-305. Lauretta, capture of, 195. Lee, R. E., Semmes on, 59. Levi Starbuck, capture of, I95. Lincoln, President, proclama tion on privateering, 124- 125; toast to, 202. Llewellyn, Surgeon, 179 ; death of, 280. 364 INDEX London Times, on Alabama- Kearsarge battle, 305-307. Louisa Hatch, capture of, 221. Louisa Kilham, capture of, '32- Low, Lieutenant, 179. Machias, capture of, 131. Maffitt, J. W., 35. Mahan, A. T., 143. Mallory, S. R., 109. Manchester, capture of, 190. Maranham, Semmes at, 140. Mars, Michael, rescue by, 258- 259 ; heroism of, 282. Martaban, capture of, 252. Martha Wenzel, release of, 233. Martinique, Semmes at, 142. Maury, Commodore, 27. Memphis Bulletin, 346. Merrimac, the, 104. Mexico, industries of, 67 ; lower class of, 67-68 ; social classes in, 73-75 ; two races in, 75. Midshipmen, regulations for, 15 ; quarters for, 16; discipline of, 18-19 ; duelingamong, 20-22; education of, 22—28 ; numbers, 29. Mohican, the, 212. Montmorenci, capture of, 153. Monument to Semmes, 348. Moore, E. W., 69. Moors, Myers captured by, 160- 163. Morning Star, capture of, 220. Morocco, neutrality of, 160- '63. Myers, Paymaster, capture of, 160-163. Naiad, capture of, 132. Nassau, Semmes at, 170. Naval strength of North and South, 105. Navy promotions, 69. Neapolitan, capture of, 157. Neutrality, Cuba, 131 ; Spanish West Indies, 133 ; Dutch West Indies, 135 ; British West Indies, 140; French West Indies, 148 ; Spanish, 154-157; English at Gi braltar, 157-160 ; Morocco (Myers case), 160-163 ; Eng lish on captured property, 191 ; Brazilian, 221 ; Tusca loosa case at Cape Town, 261-262. New York, Semmes' neamess to, 195- New York Evening Post, on Alabama-Kearsarge battle, 3«i-3'3- New York Herald,on Alabama- Kearsarge battle, 309-3 10. New York limes, on Alabama- Kearsarge battle, 309. New York Tribune, on Ala bama-Kearsarge battle, 310^ 3"- Nora, capture of, 220. Northers, 62. Nye, capture of, 224. Ocean Raver, capture of, 1 82. Ocmulgee, capture of, 180. Olive Jane, capture of, 219. Onward, the, 212. Orizaba, 61 Palmer, Captain, pursuit of Sumter, 144 ; at St. Pierre, '49-153- Palmetto, capture of, 219. Parker Cooke, capture of, 201. Peons compared with slaves, 68. INDEX 365 Pernambuco, 225. Perry, M. C, 45, 49, 50. Piracy, charge of, 125-127,335. Polk, President, protest to Mexico, 49. Porpoise, the, 34, 85. Porter, Admiral, midshipman, 30; on Semmes, 111-112; on Semmes' trail, 145-146. Port Royal, 213. Portuguese, neutrality at Azores, 171-172. Priesthood in Mexico, 73. Prisoners released at Flores, 183-185. Privateering, in Mexican War, 70 ; in Civil War, 7 1 ; Lin coln's proclamation on, 124- 125 ; Soley on, 125-127. Puebla, scene of, 64. Pulo Condore, island of, 248. Punjaub, capture of, 220. Puritan in North, loi. Pursuit of the Sumter, 142- 146; Alabama, 21 1-2 1 3. Quitman, General, 59. Release of captives at Flores, 183-185. Richmond Enquirer, on Ala bama-Kearsarge battle, 313— 315- Riot on Alabama, 197. Rockingham, capture of, 264. Rogers, Passed Midshipman, 49. Sabine, the, 212. St. Domingo, Semraes at, 218. St. Louis, the, 212. St. Paul, islet of, 243. St. Peter, islet of, 243. St. Pierre, 148. Saldanha Bay, 228. San Jacinto, the, 198-199,212. Scott, General W., at Vera Cruz, 45 ; despatch to Santa Anna, 54, 56; Semmes on, 58. Sea Bride, capture of, 230 ; on west coast, 233 ; loss of, 234- Sea Lark, capture of, 224. Secession, justification of, 87- 100 ; Lodge on, 102. Secretary of the Navy of United States on Semmes, 124-125. Semmes, Raphael, early life, 12-14; midshipman, 14-31 ; marriage, 33 ; appointed lieu tenant, 34 ; first visit to Mex ico, 34 ; loss of the Somers, 39-45 ; with army invading Mexico, 49-57 ; character izations of officers, 58-59 ; description of Mexican women, 65-66 ; on navy promotions, 69 ; on privateer ing, 70 ; on future of Mexico, 76 ; expansionist, 76-83 ; justification of secession, 87- 100 ; resignation from United States service, 106 ; special mission to North, 108 ; choos ing the Sumter, 1 10 ; char acterization of, III-II2; es cape on Sumter, 116- 1 22; at Cienfuegos, 131-134; at Cura?oa, 135-137; in Venezuela, 137-139; escape at St. Pierre, 149-153; at Cadiz, 154-157 ; at Gibraltar, 157-160; takes command of Alabama, 172-176 ; speech to Alabama crew at Azores, 177; in Gulf Stream, 190; destruction of Hatteras, 205- 210; in Jamaica, 213-217; 366 INDEX at Saldanha Bay, 228-230 ; at Singapore, 250-252 ; in Comoro Islands, 258 ; de spondency of, 263-264 ; par allelism with Winslow, 269; speech to Alabama crew, 27 1- 272 ; in battle with the Kear sarge, 274-278; report of Kearsarge battle, 289-292 ; return home, 318-321 ; made rear-admiral, 322 ; last mili tary service, 323-325 ; im prisonment of, 325-344 ; ca reer after war, 344-348. Seward, W. H., on Alabama case, 351. Shenandoah, the, 355. Shipyards, Southern, 103. Simon's Town, Semmes at, 233, 235, 260. Sinclair, testimony of on Ala bama battle, 296, 298. Sinclair, Lieutenant, 179. Singapore, Semmes at, 250- 252. Soley, J. R., on privateering, 125-127. Solferino, the, 337. Somers, the, 35 ; loss of, 39-45. Sonora, capture of, 255. South, grief over loss of Ala bama, 313-315. Spencer, Anne E., 33. State rights, Semmes on, 87- 100. Sumner, Charles, 352. Sumter, commissioned, 115; officers of, 123-124; sale of, 165. T. B. Wales, capture of, 195. Talisman, capture of, 226. Tangier, 160. TatnaU, Commodore, 27-28. Texan Star, capture of, 252. Tonawanda, capture of, 190. Trade winds and fair weather, 257. Treaty of Washington, 354. Trinidad, Serames at, 140. Tuscaloosa, commissioning of, 227 ; near Cape Town, 230 ; on west coast, 233 ; at Cape Town, 260, 261. Tuscarora, the, 1 69-2 1 2. Tuspapan, 48. Twiggs, General, 59. " 290," the, 167-168. Tycoon, capture of, 264. Union, capture of, 201. Union Jack, capture of, 224. Vanderbilt, pursuit of Alabama, 235. 241- Venezuela, neutrality of, 137- 139- Vera Cruz, bombardment of, 45-47- Vigilant, capture of, 153. Virginia, capture of, 187. Warren, the, 34. Washington, capture of, 219. Wave Crest, capture of, 190. Weatherguage, capture of, 186. Webster, D., Semmes on, 90- 91- Wells, Gideon, epithets applied to Semmes, 124-125 ; report on Semmes, 307-308 ; diary of on Semmes, 332-333. West Wind, capture of, 132. Wilson, Lieutenant, 179. Winged Racer, capture of, 246. Winslow, John A., reception of INDEX 367 Semmes' challenge, 266 ; parallelism with Semraes, 269 ; speech to men, 269 ; report of Alabama battle, 292-295 ; witness against Semmes, 326, 339. Women of Mexico, 65-66. Work of Confederate cruisers, 356-357- Worth, General W. J., 57 ; on Semmes, 60; his slave, 68. Wyoming, in Strait of Sunda, 245. "Yankee" seamanship, 193. Yellow fever, Semmes on, 62— 63- Yucatan, American rule in, 77. oa