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MEMOIRS

GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN.

BY HIMSELF.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

NEW YORK :
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY,
649 AND 551 BROADWAY.
1875.

Esteeed, ftccordlng to Act of Congress, in the year 1875, by
D. APPLETON & COMPANY,
In the OflSce of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN
TO
HIS COMRADES IN AEMS,
VOLT/NTEEBS AND KEGULARS.

Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil
war in America, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is ac
cessible to the public ; nor should any be attempted until the
Government has published, and placed within the reach of
students, the abundant materials that are buried in the War
Department at Washington. These are in process of compila
tion ; but, at the rate of progress for the past ten years, it is
probable that a new century will come before they are pub
lished and circulated, with full indexes to enable the historian
to make a judicious selection of materials.
What is now offered is not designed as a history of the war,
or even as a complete account of all the incidents in which the
writer bore a part, but merely his recollection of events, cor
rected by a reference to his own memoranda, which may assist
the future historian when he comes to describe the whole, and
account for the motives and reasons which influenced some of
the actors in the grand drama of war.
I trust a perusal of these pages will prove interesting to the

4 DEDICATION.
survivors, who have manifested so often their intense love of
the " cause " which moved a nation to vindicate its own author
ity; and, equally so, to the rising generation, who therefrom
may learn that a country and government such as ours are
worth fighting for, and dying for, if need be.
If successful in this, I shall feel amply repaid for departing
from the usage of military men, who seldom attempt to publish
their own deeds, but rest content with simply contributing by
their acts to the honor and glory of their country.
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN,
General.
St. Loots, Missouri, January 21, 1875.

NOTE.
It was my purpose to accompany this work with detailed
maps, of which I have many that would be appropriate ; but
the cost of engraving would be heavy, and I am aware that
there is in course of preparation by the Engineer Department
a series of war-maps, which will soon be issued, and which are
far better than any I can offer. I therefore omit all, and be
lieve that each reader can follow the incidents of the narrative
by the usual maps found in every library.

CONTENTS.

VOLUME I.
CHAP. TAGS
I. — Early Recollections of California — 1846-1848 .... 9
II. — Early Recollections of California (Continued) — 1849-1850 . 61
in. — Missouri, Louisiana, and California — 1850-1855 .... 84
IV.— California— 1855-1857  108
V. — California, New York, and Kansas — 1857-1859 .... 134
VI.— Louisiana— 1859-1861  144
VII. — Missouri — April and May, 1861  166
VIII. — From the Battle of Bull Run to Paducah — Kentucky and Mis
souri — 1861-1862  176
IX. — Battle of Shiloh — March and April, 1862  223
X. — Shiloh to Memphis — April to July, 1862 .... 248
XI. — Memphis to Arkansas Post — July, 1862, to January, 1863 . . 265
XII. — Vicksburg — January to July, 1863  304
XIII. — Chattanooga and Knoxyille — July to December, 1863 . . 344
XIV. — Meridian Campaign — January and February, 1864 . . 387

CONTENTS.

VOLUME II.
CHAP. FAGB
XV. — Atlanta Campaign — Nashville and Chattanooga to Kenesaw —
March, April, and May, 1864  5
XVI. — Atlanta Campaign — Battles about Kenesaw Mountain — June,
1864  50
XVII. — Atlanta Campaign — Battles about Atlanta — July, 1864 . . 65
XVITI. — Capture of Atlanta — August and September, 1864 ... 96
XIX. — Atlanta and after — Pursuit of Hood — September and October,
1864  137
XX. — The March to the Sea — From Atlanta to Savannas — Novembfr
and December, 1864  171
XXI. — Savannah and Pocotaligo — December, 1864, and January, 1865 . 230
XXH. — Campaign of the Carolinas — February and March, 1865 . 268
XXIII. — End of the War — From Goldsboro' to Raleigh and Washing
ton — April and May, 1865 ....:.. 322
XXIV. — Conclusion — Military Lessons of the War .... 381

A Military Map, showing the Marches of the United States Forces
under General Sherman's Command . ... At end of Volume.
(Inserted by the Publishers.)

MEMOIRS

GENEEAL WILLIAM T. SHEEMAN.

OHAPTEE I.
EAELT EECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA.
1846-1848.
In the spring of 1846 I was a first-lieutenant of Company
G, Third Artillery, stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina.
The company was commanded by Captain Robert Anderson;
Henry B. Judd was the senior first-lieutenant, and I was
the junior first-Lieutenant, and George B. Ayres the second-
lieutenant. Colonel William Gates commanded the post and
regiment, with First-Lieutenant William Austine as his ad
jutant. Two other companies were at the post, viz., Martin
Burke's and E. D. Keyes's, and among the officers were T. W.
Sherman, Morris Miller, H. B. Field, William Churchill, Joseph
Stewart, and Surgeon McLaren.
The country now known as Texas had been recently ac
quired, and war with Mexico was threatening. One of our
companies (Bragg's), with George H. Thomas, John F. Reynolds,
and Frank Thomas, had gone the year previous and was at that
time with General Taylor's army at Corpus Christi, Texas,
In that year (1846) I received the regular detail for recruit
ing service, with orders to report to the general superintendent
at Governor's Island, New York; and accordingly left Fort
Moultrie in the latter part of April, and. reported, to the- super-

10 EARLY KECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
intendent, Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, at New Tork,
on the 1st day of May. I was assigned to the Pittsburg ren
dezvous, whither I proceeded and relieved Lieutenant Scott.
Early in May I took up my quarters at the St. Charles Hotel,
and entered upon the discharge of my duties. There was a
regular recruiting-station already established, with a sergeant,
corporal, and two or three men, with a citizen physician, Dr.
McDowell, to examine the recruits. The threatening war with
Mexico made a demand for recruits, and I received authority to
open another sub-rendezvous at Zanesville, Ohio, whither I took
the sergeant and established him. This was very handy to me,
as my home was at Lancaster, Ohio, only thirty-six miles off, so
that I was thus enabled to visit my friends there quite often.
In the latter part of May, when at Wheeling, Virginia, on
my way back from Zanesville to Pittsburg, I heard the first
news of the battle of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, which
occurred on the 8th and 9th of May, and, in common with every
body else, felt intensely excited. That I should be on recruiting
service, when my comrades were actually fighting, was intolera
ble, and I hurried on to my post, Pittsburg. At that time the
railroad did not extend west of the AUeghanies, and all journeys
were made by stage-coaches. In this instance I traveled from
Zanesville to Wheeling, thence to Washington (Pennsylvania),
and thence to Pittsburg by stage-coach. On reaching Pittsburg
I found many private letters; one from Ord, then a first-lieu
tenant in Company F, Third Artillery, at Fort McHenry, Balti
more, saying that his company had just received orders for
California, and asking me to apply for it. Without committing
myself to that project, I wrote to the Adjutant-General, R.
Jones, at Washington, D. O, asking him to consider me as an
applicant for any active service, and saying that I would
willingly forego the recruiting detail, which I well knew plenty
of others would jump at. Impatient to approach the scene of
active operations, without authority (and I suppose wrongfully),
I left my corporal in charge of the rendezvous, and took all the
recruits I had made, about twenty-five, in a steamboat to Cin
cinnati, and turned .them over to Major NT. C. McCrea, com

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. H
manding at Newport Barracks. I then reported in Cincinnati,
to the superintendent of the Western recruiting service, Colonel
Fanning, an old officer with one arm, who inquired by what
authority I had come away from my post. I argued that I took
it for granted he wanted all the recruits he could get to forward
to the army at Brownsville, Texas ; and did not know but that
he might want me to go along. Instead of appreciating my
volunteer zeal, he cursed and swore at me for leaving my post
without orders, and told me to go back to Pittsburg. I then
asked for an order that would entitle me to transportation back,
which at first he emphatically refused, but at last he gave the
order, and I returned to Pittsburg, all the way by stage, stopping
again at Lancaster, where I attended the wedding of my school
mate Mike Effinger, and also visited my sub-rendezvous at
Zanesville. R. S. Ewell, of my class, arrived to open a cavalry
rendezvous, but, finding my depot there, he went on to Colum
bus, Ohio. Tom Jordan afterward was ordered to Zanesville,
to take charge of that rendezvous, under the general War De
partment orders increasing the number of recruiting-stations.
I reached Pittsburg late in June, and found the order relieving
me from recruiting service, and detailing my classmate H. B.
Field to my place. I was assigned to Company F, then under
orders for California. By private letters from Lieutenant Ord,
I heard that the company had already started from Fort
McHenry for Governor's Island, New York Harbor, to take
passage for California in a naval transport. I worked all that
night, made up my accounts current, and turned over the balance
of cash to the citizen physician, Dr. McDowell ; and also closed
my clothing and property returns, leaving blank receipts with the
same gentleman for Field's signature, when he should get there,
to be forwarded to the Department at Washington, and the
duplicates to me. These I did not receive for more than a year.
I remember that I got my orders about 8 p. m. one night, and
took passage in the boat for Brownsville, the next morning
traveled by stage from Brownsville to Cumberland, Maryland,
and thence by cars to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York,
in a great hurry lest the ship might sail without me. I found

12 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
Company F at Governor's Island, Captain C. Q. Tompkins in
command, Lieutenant E. O. C. Ord senior first-lieutenant, my
self junior first-lieutenant, Lucien Loeser and Charles Minor the
second-lieutenants. The company had been filled up to one hundred privates,
twelve non-commissioned . officers, and one ordnance sergeant
(Layton), making one hundred and thirteen enlisted men and five
officers. Dr. James L. Ord had been employed as acting assist
ant surgeon to accompany the expedition, and Lieutenant H. W.
Halleck, of the engineers, was also to go along. The United
States store-ship Lexington was then preparing at the Navy- Yard,
Brooklyn, to carry us around Cape Horn to California. She
was receiving on board the necessary stores for the long voyage,
and for service after our arrival there. Lieutenant-Commander
Theodoras Bailey was in command of the vessel, Lieutenant
William H. Macomb executive officer, and Passed-Midshipmen
Muse, Spotts, and J. W. A. Nicholson, were the watch-officers ;
Wilson purser, and Abernethy surgeon. The latter was caterer
of the mess, and we all made an advance of cash for him to lay
in the necessary mess-stores. To enable us to prepare for so
long a voyage and for an indefinite sojourn in that far-off coun
try, the War Department had authorized us to draw six months'
pay in advance, which sum of money we invested in surplus
clothing and such other things as seemed to us necessary. At
last the ship was ready, and was towed down abreast of Fort
Columbus, where we were conveyed on board, and on the 14th
of July, 1846, we were towed to sea by a steam-tug, and cast off.
Colonel R. B. Mason, still superintendent of the general recruit
ing service, accompanied us down the bay and out to sea, return
ing with the tug. A few other friends were of the party, but at
last they left us> and we were alone upon the sea, and the sailors
were busy with the sails and ropes. The Lexington was an old
ship, changed from a sloop-of-war to a store-ship, with an after-
cabin, a " ward-room," and " between-decks." In the cabin were
Captains Bailey and Tompkins, with whom messed the purser,
Wilson. In the ward-room were all the other officers, two in
each stateroom ; and Minor, being an extra lieutenant, had to

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 13
sleep in a hammock slung in the ward-room. Ord and I roomed
together; Halleck and Loeser and the others were scattered
about. The men were arranged in bunks " between-decks," one
set along the sides of the ship, and another, double tier, amid
ships. The crew were slung in hammocks well forward. Of
these there were about fifty. We at once subdivided the com
pany into four squads, under the four lieutenants of the com
pany, and arranged with the naval officers that our men should
serve on deck by squads, after the manner of their watches ; that
the sailors should do all the work aloft, and the soldiers on deck.
On fair days we drilled our men at the manual, and generally
kept them employed as much as possible, giving great attention
to the police and cleanliness of their dress and bunks ; and so
successful were we in this, that, though the voyage lasted nearly
two hundred days, every man was able to leave the ship and
march up the hill to the fort at Monterey, California, carrying
Ms own knapsack and equipments.
The voyage from New York to Rio Janeiro was without
accident or any thing to vary the usual monotony. We soon
settled down to the humdrum of a long voyage, reading some,
not much ; playing games, but never gambling ; and chiefly en
gaged in eating our meals regularly. In crossing the equator
we had the usual visit of Neptune and his wife, who, with a
large razor and a bucket of soapsuds, came over the sides and
shaved some of the greenhorns ; but naval etiquette exempted
the officers, and Neptune was not permitted to come aft of the
mizzen-mast. At last, after sixty days of absolute monotony,
the island of Raza, off Rio Janeiro, was descried, and we slowly
entered the harbor, passing a fort on our right hand, from which
came a hail, in the Portuguese language, from a huge speaking-
trumpet, and our officer of the deck answered back in gibberish,
according to a well-understood custom of the place. Sugar-loaf
Mountain, on the south of the entrance, is very remarkable and
well named; is almost conical, with a slight lean. The man-of-
war anchorage is about five miles inside the heads, directly in
front of the city of Rio Janeiro. Words will not describe the
beauty of this perfect harbor, nor the delightful feeling after a

14 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
Iqng voyage of its fragrant airs, and the entire contrast between
all things there and what we had left in New York.
We found the United States frigate Columbia anchored there,
and after the Lexington was properly moored, nearly all the of
ficers went on shore for sight-seeing and enjoyment. We landed
at a wharf opposite which was a famous French restaurant, Fa-
roux, and after ordering supper we all proceeded to the Rua da
Ouvador, where most of the shops were, especially those for
making feather flowers, as much to see the pretty girls as the
flowers which they so skillfully made ; thence we went to the
theatre, where, besides some opera, we witnessed the audience
and saw the Emperor Dom Pedro, and his Empress, the daughter
of Louis Philippe of France. After the theatre we went back
to the restaurant, where we had an elegant supper, with fruits
of every variety and excellence, such as we had never seen be
fore, or even knew the names of. Supper being over, we called
for the bill, and it was rendered in French, with Brazilian cur
rency. It footed up some twenty-six thousand reis. The figures
alarmed us, so we all put on the waiters' plate various coins in
gold, which he took to the counter and returned the change,
making the total about sixteen dollars. The millreis is about a
dollar, but being a paper-money was at a discount, so as only to
be worth about fifty-six cents in coin.
The Lexington remained in Rio about a week, during which
we visited the Palace, a few miles in the country, also the Bo
tanic Gardens, a place of infinite interest, with its specimens of
tropical fruits, spices, etc., etc., and indeed every place of note.
The thing I best recall is a visit Halleck and J. made to the
Corcovado, a high mountain whence the water is conveyed for
the supply of the city. We started to take a walk, and passed
along the aqueduct, which approaches the city by a series of
arches ; thence up the point of the hill to a place known as tht
Madre, or fountain, to which all the water that drips from the
leaves is conducted by tile gutters, and is carried to the city by
an open stone aqueduct.
Here we found Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Yirginia, the United
States minister to Brazil, and a Dr. Garnett, United States

1846- '48.] EARL1 RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 15
Navy, his intended son-in-law. We had a very interesting con
versation, in which Mr. Wise enlarged on the fact that Rio was
supplied from the " dews of heaven," for it rarely rains there,
and the water comes from the mists and fogs which hang around
the Corcovado, drips from the leaves of the trees, and is con
ducted to the Madre fountain by miles of tile gutters. Halleck
and I continued our ascent of the mountain, catching from points
of the way magnificent views of the scenery round about Rio
Janeiro. We reached near the summit what was called the
emperor's coffee-plantation, where we saw coffee-berries in their
various stages, and the scaffolds on which the berries were dried
before being cleaned. The coffee-tree reminded me of the red
haw-tree of Ohio, and the berries were somewhat like those of
the same tree, two grains of coffee being inclosed in one berry.
These were dried and cleaned of the husk by hand or by ma
chinery. A short, steep ascent from this place carried us to the
summit, from which is beheld one of the most picturesque views
on earth. The Organ Mountains to the west and north, the
ocean to the east, the city of Rio with its red-tiled houses at our
feet, and the entire harbor like a map spread out, with innumer
able bright valleys, make up a landscape that cannot be described
by mere words. This spot is universally visited by strangers,
and has often been described. After enjoying it immeasurably,
we returned to the city by another route, tired but amply repaid
by our long walk.
In due time all had been done that was requisite, and the
Lexington put to sea and resumed her voyage. In October we
approached Cape Horn, the first land descried was Staten Isl
and, white with snow, and the ship seemed to be aiming for
the channel to its west, straits of Le Maire, but her course was
changed and we passed around to the east. In time we saw
Cape Horn; an island rounded like an oven, after which it
takes its name (Ornos) oven. Here we experienced very rough
weather, buffeting about under storm stay-sails, and spending
nearly a month before the wind favored our passage and enabled
the course of the ship to be changed for Valparaiso. One day
we sailed parallel with a French sloop-of-war, and it was sublime

16 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846 -'48.
to watch the two ships rising and falling in those long deep
swells of the ocean. All the time we were followed by the
usual large flocks of Cape-pigeons and albatrosses of every color.
The former resembled the common barn-pigeon exactly, but are
in fact gulls of beautiful and varied colors, mostly dove-color.
We caught many with fishing-lines baited with pork. We also
took in the same way many albatrosses. The white ones are
very large, and their down is equal to that of the swan. At last
Cape Horn and its swelling seas were left behind, and we
reached Yalparaiso in about sixty days from Rio. We anchored
in the open roadstead, and spent there about ten days, visiting
all the usual places of interest, its foretop, main-top, mizzen-top,
etc. Halleck and Ord went up to Santiago, the capital of Chili,
some sixty miles inland, but I did not go. Yalparaiso did not
impress me favorably at all. Seen from the sea, it looked like
a long string of houses along the narrow beach, surmounted
with red banks of earth, with little verdure, and no trees at all.
Northward the space widened out somewhat, and gave room for
a plaza, but the mass of houses in that quarter were poor. We
were there in November, corresponding to our early spring, and
we enjoyed the large strawberries which abounded. The Inde
pendence frigate, Commodore Shubrick, came in while we were
there, having overtaken us, bound also for California. We met
there also the sloop-of-war Levant, from California, and from
the officers heard of many of the events that had transpired
about the time the navy, under Commodore Sloat, had taken
possession of the country.
All the necessary supplies being renewed in Yalparaiso, the
voyage was resumed. For nearly forty days we had uninterrupted
favorable winds, being in the " trades," and, having settled down
to sailor habits, time passed without notice. We had brought
with us all the books we could find in New York about Califor
nia, and had read them over and over again : Wilkes's " Explor
ing Expedition ; " Dana's " Two Years before the Mast ; " and
Forbes's " Account of the Missions." It was generally under
stood we were bound for Monterey, then the capital of Upper
California. We knew, of course, that General Kearney was en

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 17
route for the same country overland ; that Fremont was there
with his exploring party ; that the navy had already taken pos
session, and that a regiment of volunteers, Stevenson's, was to
follow us from New York ; but nevertheless we were impatient
to reach our destination. About the middle of January the ship
began to approach the California coast, of which the captain
was duly cautious, because the English and Spanish charts dif
fered some fifteen miles in the longitude, and on all the charts
a current of two miles an hour was indicated northward along
the coast. At last land was made one morning, and here
occurred one of those accidents so provoking after a long and
tedious voyage. Macomb, the master and regular navigator,
had made the correct observations, but Nicholson during the
night, by an observation on the north star, put the 6hip some
twenty miles farther south than was the case by the regular
reckoning, so that Captain Bailey gave directions to alter the
course of the ship more to the north, and to follow the coast
up, and to keep a good lookout for Point Pinos that marks the
location of Monterey Bay. The usual north wind slackened, so
that when noon allowed Macomb to get a good observation, it
was found that we were north of Ano Nuevo, the northern
headland of Monterey Bay. The ship was put about, but little
by little arose one of those southeast storms so common on the
coast in winter, and we buffeted about for several days, cursing
that unfortunate observation on the north star, for, on first
sighting the coast, had we turned for Monterey, instead of away
to the north, we would have been snugly anchored before the
storm. But the southeaster abated, and the usual northwest
wind came out again, and we sailed steadily down into the
roadstead of Monterey Bay. This is shaped somewhat like a
fish-hook, the barb being the harbor, the point being Point
Pinos, the southern headland. Slowly the land came out of the
water, the high mountains about Santa Cruz, the low beach of
the Salinas, and the strongly-marked ridge terminating in the
sea in a point of dark pine-trees. Then the line of whitewashed
houses of adobe, backed by the groves of dark oaks, resembling
old apple-trees ; and then we saw two vessels anchored close to

LS EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
the town. One was a small merchant-brig and another a largo
ship apparently dismasted. At last we saw a boat coming out
to meet us, and when it came alongside, we were surprised to
find Lieutenant Henry Wise, master of the Independence
frigate, that we had left at Yalparaiso. Wise had come off to
pilot us to our anchorage. While giving orders to the man at
the wheel, he, in his peculiar fluent style, told to us, gathered
about him, that the Independence had sailed from Yalparaiso a
week after us and had been in Monterey a week ; that the Cali-
fornians had broken out into an insurrection; that the naval
fleet under Commodore Stockton was all down the coast about
San Diego ; that General Kearney had reached the country, but
had had a severe battle at San Pascual, and had been worsted,
losing several officers and men, himself and others wounded ;
that war was then going on at Los Angeles ; that the whole
country was full of guerrillas, and that recently at Yerba Buena
the alcalde, Lieutenant Bartlett, United States Navy, while out
after cattle, had been lassoed, etc., etc. Indeed, in the short
space of time that Wise was piloting our ship in, he told us
more news than we could have learned on shore in a week, and,
being unfamiliar with the great distances, we imagined that we
should have to debark and begin fighting at once. Swords were
brought out, guns oiled and made ready, and every thing was in
a bustle when the old Lexington dropped her anchor on January
26, 1847, in Monterey Bay, after a voyage of one hundred and
ninety-eight days from New York. Every thing on shore
looked bright and beautiful, the hills covered with grass and
flowers, the live-oaks so serene and homelike, and the low adobe
houses, with red-tiled roofs and whitened walls, contrasted well
with the dark pine-trees behind, making a decidedly good im
pression upon us who had come so far to spy out the land.
Nothing could be more peaceful in its looks than Monterey in
January, 1847. We had already made the acquaintance of Com
modore Shubrick and the officers of the Independence in Yal
paraiso, so that we again met as old friends. Immediate prep
arations were made for landing, and, as I was quartermaster and
commissary, I nad plenty to do. There was a small wharf and

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 19
an adobe custom-house in possession of the navy; also a bar
rack of two stories, occupied by some marines, commanded by
Lieutenant Maddox; and on a hill to the west of the town
had been built a two-story block-house of hewed logs occupied
by a guard of sailors under command of Lieutenant Baldwin,
United States Navy. Not a single modern wagon or cart was
to be had in Monterey, nothing but the old Mexican cart with
wooden wheels, drawn by two or three pairs of oxen, yoked by
the horns. A man named Tom Cole had two or more of these,
and he came into immediate requisition. The United States
consul, and most prominent man there at the time, was Thomas
O. Larkin, who had a store and a pretty good two-story house
occupied by his family. It was soon determined that our com
pany was to land and encamp on the hill at the block-house,
and we were also to have possession of the warehouse, or
custom-house, for storage. The company was landed on the
wharf, and we all marched in full dress with knapsacks and
arms, to the hill and relieved the guard under Lieutenant Bald
win. Tents and camp-equipage were hauled up, and soon the
camp was established. I remained in a room at the custom
house, where I could superintend the landing of the stores and
their proper distribution. I had brought out from New York
twenty thousand dollars commissary funds, and eight thousand
dollars quartermaster funds, and as the ship contained about
six months' supply of provisions, also a saw-mill, grist-mill, and
almost every thing needed, we were soon estabhshed comfort
ably. We found the people of Monterey a mixed set of Ameri
cans, native Mexicans, and Indians, about one thousand all
told. They were kind and pleasant, and seemed to have noth
ing to do, except such as owned ranches in the country for the
rearing of horses and cattle. Horses could be bought at any
price from four dollars up to sixteen, but no horse was ever
valued above a doubloon or Mexican ounce (sixteen dollars).
Cattle cost eight dollars fifty cents for the best, and this made
beef net about two cents a pound, but at that time nobody
bought beef by the pound, but by the carcass.
Game of all kinds — elk, deer, wild geese, and ducks — was

20 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
abundant ; but coffee, sugar, and small stores, were rare and
costly. There were some half-dozen shops or stores, but their shelves
were empty. The people were very fond of riding, dancing,
and of shows of any kind. The young fellows took great de
light in showing off their horsemanship, and would dash along,
picking up a half-dollar from the ground, stop their horses in
full career and turn about on the space of a bullock's hide, and
their skill with the lasso was certainly wonderful. At full
speed they could cast their lasso about the horns of a bull, or so
throw it as to catch any particular foot. These fellows would
work all day on horseback in driving cattle or catching wild-
horses for a mere nothing, but all the money offered would not
have hired one of them to walk a mile. The girls were very
fond of dancing, and they did dance gracefully and well. Every
Sunday, regularly, we had a baile, or dance, and sometimes in
terspersed through the week.
I remember very well, soon after our arrival, that we were
all invited to witness a play called " Adam and Eve." Eve was
personated by a pretty young girl known as Dolores Gomez, who,
however, was dressed very unlike Eve, for she was covered with
a petticoat and spangles. Adam was personated by her brother
j  , the same who has since become somewhat famous as
the person on whom is founded the McGarrahan claim. God
Almighty was personated, and heaven's occupants seemed very
human. Yet the play was pretty, interesting, and elicited uni
versal applause. All the month of February we were by day pre
paring for our long stay in the country, and at night making the
most of the balls and parties of the most primitive kind, picking
up a smattering of Spanish, and extending our acquaintance
with the people and the costumbres del pais. I can well
recall that Ord and I, impatient to look inland, got permission
and started for the Mission of San Juan Bautista. Mounted on
horses, and with our carbines, we took the road by El Toro, quite
a prominent hill, around which passes the road to the south,
following the Salinas or Monterey River. After about twenty
miles over a sandy country covered with oak-bushes and scrub,

184G-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 21
we entered quite a pretty valley in which there was a ranch at
the foot of the Toro. Resting there a while and getting some in
formation, we again started in the direction of a mountain to the
north of the Salinas, called the Gavillano. It was quite dark
when we reached the Salinas River, which we attempted to pass
at several points, but found it full of water, and the quicksands
were bad. Hearing the bark of a dog, we changed our course
in that direction, and, on hailing, were answered by voices
which directed us where to cross. Our knowledge of the lan
guage was limited, but we managed to understand, and to flounder
through the sand and water, and reached a small adobe-house on
the banks of the Salinas, where we spent the night. The house
was a single room, without floor or glass; only a rude door,
and window with bars. Not a particle of food but meat, yet
the man and woman entertained us with the language of lords,
put themselves, their house, and every thing, at our " disposi
tion," and made little barefoot children dance for our entertain
ment. We made our supper of beef, and slept on a bullock's
hide on the dirt-floor. In the morning we crossed the Salinas
Plain, about fifteen miles of level ground, taking a shot occa
sionally at wild-geese, which abounded there, and entering the
well-wooded valley that comes out from the foot of the Gavil
lano. We had cruised about all day, and it was almost dark
when we reached the house of a Sefior Gomez, father, of those
who at Monterey had performed the parts of Adam and Eve.
His house was a two-story adobe, and had a fence in front. It
was situated well up among the foot-hills of the Gavillano, and
could not be seen until within a few yards. We hitched our
horses to the fence and went in just as Gomez was about to sit
down to a tempting supper of stewed hare and tortillas. We
were officers and caballeros and could not be ignored. After
turning our horses to grass, at his invitation we joined him at
supper. The allowance, though ample for one, was rather short
for three, and I thought the Spanish grandiloquent politeness
of Gomez, who was fat and old, was not over-cordial. How
ever, down we sat, and I was helped to a dish of rabbit, with
what I thought to be an abundant sauce of tomato. Taking a

22 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
good mouthful, I felt as though I had taken liquid fire ; the
tomato was chile Colorado, or red pepper, of the purest kind.
It nearly killed me, and I saw Gomez's eyes twinkle, for he saw
that his share of supper was increased. I contented myself
with bits of the meat, and an abundant supply of tortillas.
Ord was better case-hardened, and stood it better. We staid at
Gomez's that night, sleeping, as all did, on the ground, and the
next morning we crossed the hill by the bridle-path to the old
Mission of San Juan Bautista. The Mission was in a beautiful
valley, very level, and bounded on all sides by hills. The plain
was covered with wild-grasses and mustard, and had abundant
water. Cattle and horses were seen in all directions, and it was
manifest that the priests who first occupied the country were
good judges of land. It was Sunday, and all the people, about
a hundred, had come to church from the country round about.
Ord was somewhat of a Catholic, and entered the church with
his clanking spurs and kneeled down, attracting the attention
of all, for he had on the uniform of an American officer. As
soon as church was out, all rushed to the various sports. I saw
the priest, with his gray robes tucked up, playing at billiards,
others were cock-fighting, and some at horse-racing. My horse
had become lame, and I resolved to buy another. As soon as it was
known that I wanted a horse, several came for me, and displayed
their horses by dashing past and hauling them up short. There
was a fine black stallion that attracted my notice, and, after
trying him myself, I concluded a purchase. I left with the
seller my own lame horse, which he was to bring to me at Mon
terey, when I was to pay him ten dollars for the other. The
Mission of San Juan bore the marks of high prosperity at a for
mer period, and had a good pear-orchard just under the plateau
where stood the church. After spending the day, Ord and I
returned to Monterey, about thirty-five miles, by a shorter route.
Thus passed the month of February, and, though there were no
mails or regular expresses, we heard occasionally from Yerba
Buena and Sutter's Fort to the north, and from the army and
navy about Los Angeles at the south. We also knew that a
quarrel had grown up at Los Angeles, between General Kearnev,

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 23
Colonel Fremont, and Commodore Stockton, as to the right to
control affairs in California. Kearney had with him only the
fragments of the two companies of dragoons, which had come
across from New Mexico with him, and had been handled very
roughly by Don Andreas Pico, at San Pascual, in which en
gagement Captains Moore and Johnson, and Lieutenant Ham
mond, were killed, and Kearney himself wounded. There re
mained with him Colonel Swords, quartermaster ; Captain H. S.
Turner, First Dragoons; Captains Emory and Warner, Topo
graphical Engineers ; Assistant Surgeon Griffin, and Lieutenant
J. W. Davidson. Fremont had marched down from the north
with a battalion of volunteers; Commodore Stockton had
marched up from San Diego to Los Angeles, with General
Kearney, his dragoons, and a battalion of sailors and marines,
and was soon joined there by Fremont, and they jointly received
the surrender of the insurgents under Andreas Pico. We also
knew that General R. B. Mason had been ordered to California ;
that Colonel John D. Stevenson was coming out to California
with a regiment of New York Yolunteers ; that Commodore
Shubrick had orders also from the Navy Department to control
matters afloat ; that General Kearney, by virtue of his rank, had
the right to control all the land-forces in the service of the United
States ; and that Fremont claimed the same right by virtue of a
letter he had received from Colonel Benton, then a Senator, and
a man of great influence with Polk's Administration. So that
among the younger officers the query was very natural, " Who the
devil is Governor of California ? " One day I was on board the
Independence frigate, dining with the ward-room officers, when
a, war-vessel was reported in the offing, which in due time was
made out to be the Cyane, Captain DuPont. After dinner, we
were all on deck, to watch the new arrival, the ships meanwhile
exchanging signals, which were interpreted that General Kearney
was on board. As the Cyane approached, a boat was sent to
meet her, with Commodore Shubrick's flag-officer, Lieutenant
Lewis, to carry the usual messages, and to invite General Kearney
to come on board the Independence as the guest of Commodore
Shubrick. Quite a number of officers were on deck, among them

2L EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
Lieutenants Wise, Montgomery Lewis, William Chapman, and
others, noted wits and wags of the navy. In due time the Cyane
anchored close by, and our boat was seen returning with a stran
ger in the stern-sheets, clothed in army-blue. As the boat came
nearer, we saw that it was General Kearney with an old dragoon
coat on, and an army-cap, to which the general had added the
broad visor, cut from a full-dress hat, to shade his face and eyes
against the glaring sun of the Gila region. Chapman ex
claimed : " Fellows, the problem is solved ; there is the grand-
vizier (visor) by G— d ! Se is Governor of California."
All hands received the general with great heartiness, and he
soon passed out of our sight into the commodore's cabin. Be
tween Commodore Shubrick and General Kearney existed from
that time forward the greatest harmony and good feeling, and
no further trouble existed as to the controlling power on the Pa
cific coast. General Kearney had dispatched from San Diego
his quartermaster, Colonel Swords, to the Sandwich Islands, to
purchase clothing and stores for his men, and had come up to
Monterey, bringing with him Turner and Warner, leaving Emory
and the company of dragoons below. He was delighted to find
a full strong company of artillery, subject to his orders, well
supplied with clothing and money in all respects, and, much to
the disgust of our Captain Tompkins, he took half of his com
pany clothing and part of the money held by me for the relief
of his worn-out and almost naked dragoons left behind at Los
Angeles. In a few days he moved on shore, took up his quarters
at Larkin's house, and established his headquarters, with Captain
Turner as his adjutant-general. One day Turner and Warner were
at my tent, and, seeing a store-box full of socks, drawers, and calico
shirts, of which I had laid in a three years' supply, and of which
they had none, made known to me their wants, and I told them
to help themselves, which Turner and Warner did. The latter,
however, insisted on paying me the cost, and from that date to
this Turner and I have been close friends. Warner, poor fellow,
was afterward killed by Indians. Things gradually came into
shape, a semi-monthly courier line was established from Yerba
Bnena to San Diego, and we were thus enabled to keep pace

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 25
with events throughout the country. In March Stevenson's
regiment arrived. Colonel Mason also arrived by sea from
Callao in the store-ship Erie, and P. St. George Cooke's bat
talion of Mormons reached San Luis Rey. A. J. Smith and
George Stoneman were with him, and were assigned to the com
pany of dragoons at Los Angeles. All these troops and the
navy regarded General Kearney as the rightful commander,
though Fremont still remained at Los Angeles, styling himself as
Governor, issuing orders and holding his battalion of California
Volunteers in apparent defiance of General Kearney. Colonel
Mason and Major Turner were sent down by sea with a pay
master, with muster-rolls and orders to muster this battalion into
the service of the United States, to pay and then to muster them
out ; but on their reaching Los Angeles Fremont would not con
sent to it, and the controversy became so angry that a challenge
was believed to have passed between Mason and Fremont, but
the duel never came about. Turner rode up by land in four or
five days, and Fremont, becoming alarmed, followed him, as we
supposed, to overtake him, but he did not succeed. On Fre
mont's arrival at Monterey, he camped in a tent about a mile out
of town and called on General Kearney, and it was reported that
the latter threatened him very severely and ordered him back to
Los Angeles immediately, to disband his volunteers, and to cease
the exercise of authority of any kind in the country. Feeling a
natural curiosity to see Fremont, who was then quite famous by.
reason of his recent explorations and the still more recent conflicts
with Kearney and Mason, I rode out to his camp, and found him
in a conical tent with one Captain Owens, who was a mountain
eer, trapper, etc., but originally from Zanesville, Ohio. I spent
an hour or so with Fremont in his tent, took some tea with him,
and left, without being much impressed with him. In due time
Colonel Swords returned from the Sandwich Islands and re
lieved me as quartermaster. Captain Wilham G. Marcy, son of
the Secretary of War, had also come out in one of Stevenson's
ships as an assistant commissary of subsistence, and was stationed
at Monterey and relieved me as commissary, so that I reverted
to the condition of a company-officer. While acting as a staff-

26 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48
officer I had hved at the custom-house in Monterey, but when
relieved I took a tent in line with the other company-officers on
the hill, where we had a mess. \.
Stevenson's regiment reached San Francisco Bay early in
March, 1847. Three companies were stationed at the Presidio
under Major James A. Hardie ; one company (Brackett's) at So
noma ; three, under Colonel Stevenson, at Monterey ; and three,
under Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, at Santa Barbara. One day
I was down at the headquarters at Larkin's house, when General
'Kearney remarked to me that he was going down to Los Angeles
in the ship Lexington, and wanted me to go along as his aide.
Of course this was most agreeable to me. Two of Stevenson's
companies, with the headquarters and the colonel, were to go
also. They embarked, and early in May we sailed for San
Pedro. Before embarking, the United States line-of-battle-ship
Columbus had reached the coast from China with Commodore
Biddle, whose rank gave him the supreme command of the navy
on the coast. He was busy in calling in — " lassooing " — from
the land-service the various naval officers who under Stockton
had been doing all sorts of military and civil service on shore.
Knowing that I was to go down the coast with General Kear
ney, he sent for me and handed me two unsealed parcels ad
dressed to Lieutenant Wilson, United States Navy, and Major
Gillespie, United States Marines, at Los Angeles. These were
written orders pretty much in these words : " On receipt of this
order you will repair at once on board the United States ship
Lexington at San Pedro, and on reaching Monterey you will
report to the undersigned. — James Biddle." Of course, I ex
ecuted my part to the letter, and these officers were duly " las-
sooed." We sailed down the coast with a fair wind, and anchored
inside the kelp, abreast of Johnson's house. Messages were forth
with dispatched up to Los Angeles, twenty miles off, and prepa
rations for horses made for us to ride up. We landed, and, as
Kearney held to my arm in ascending the steep path up the
bluff, he remarked to himself, rather than to me, that it was
strange that Fremont did not want to return north by the Lex
ington on account of sea-sickness, but preferred to go by land

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 27
over five hundred miles. The younger officers had been discuss
ing what the general would do with Fremont, who was supposed
to be in a state of mutiny. Some thought he would be tried and
shot, some that he would be carried back in irons ; and all agreed
that if any one else than Fremont had put on such airs, and had
acted as he had done, Kearney would have shown him no mercy,
for he was regarded as the strictest sort of a disciplinarian. We
had a pleasant ride across the plain which hes between the sea
shore and Los Angeles, which we reached in about three hours,
the infantry following on foot. We found Colonel P. St.
George Cooke living at the house of a Mr. Pryor, and the com
pany of dragoons, with A. J. Smith, Davidson, Stoneman, and
Dr. Griffin, quartered in an adobe-house close by. Fremont held
his court in the only two-story frame-house in the place. After
some time spent at Pryor's house, General Kearney ordered me to
call an Fremont to notify him of his arrival, and that he desired
to see him. I walked round to the house which had been pointed
out to me as his, inquired of a man at the door if the colonel
was in, was answered " Yes," and was conducted to a large room
on the second floor, where very soon Fremont came in, and I
delivered my message. As I was on the point of leaving, he in
quired where I was going to, and I answered that I was going
back to Pryor's house, where the general was, when he remarked
that if I would wait a moment he would go along. Of course
I waited, and he soon joined me, dressed much as a Californian,
with the peculiar high, broad-brimmed hat, with a fancy cord,
and we walked together back to Pryor's, where I left him with
General Kearney. We spent several days very pleasantly at
Los Angeles, then, as now, the chief pueblo of the south, famous
for its grapes, fruits, and wines. There was a hill close to the
town, from which we had a perfect view of the place. The sur
rounding country is level, utterly devoid of trees, except the
willows and cotton-woods that line the Los Angeles Creek and
the acequias, or ditches, which lead from it. The space of ground
cultivated in vineyards seemed about five miles by one, embrac
ing the town. Every house had its inclosure of vineyard, which
resembled a miniature orchard, the vines being very old, ranged

28 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
in rows, trimmed very close, with irrigating ditches so arranged
that a stream of water could be diverted between each row of
vines. The Los Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers are fed by
melting snows from a range of mountains to the east, and the
quantity of cultivated land depends upon the amount of water.
This did not seem to be very large ; but the San Gabriel River,
close by, was represented to contain a larger volume of water,
affording the means of greatly enlarging the space for cultivation.
The climate was so moderate that oranges, figs, pomegranates,
etc., were generally to be found in every yard or inclosure.
At the time of our visit, General Kearney was making his
preparations to return overland to the United States, and he
arranged to secure a volunteer escort out of the battalion of
Mormons that was then stationed at San Luis Rey, under Colonel
Cooke and a Major Hunt. This battalion was only enlisted for
one year, and the time for their discharge was approaching, and
it was generally understood that the majority of the men wanted
to be disehaa-ged so as to join the Mormons who had halted at
Salt Lake, but a lieutenant and about forty men volunteered to
return to Missouri as the escort of General Kearney. These
were mounted on mules and horses, and I was appointed to con
duct them to Monterey by land. Leaving the party at Los
Angeles to follow by sea in the Lexington, I started with the
Mormon detachment and traveled by land. We averaged about
thirty miles a day, stopped one day at Santa Barbara, where I
saw Colonel Burton, and so on by the usually traveled road to
Monterey, reaching it in about fifteen days, arriving some days
in advance of the Lexington. This gave me the best kind of an
opportunity for seeing the country, which was very sparsely pop
ulated indeed, except by a few families at the various Missions.
We had no wheeled vehicles, but packed our food and clothing
on mules driven ahead, and we slept on the ground in the open
air, the rainy season having passed. Fremont followed me by
land in a few days, and, by the end of May, General Kearney
was all ready at Monterey to take his departure, leaving to
succeed him in command Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons.
Our Captain (Tompkins), too, had become discontented at his

I846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 29
separation from his family, tendered his resignation to General
Kearney, and availed himself of a sailing-vessel bound for Callao
to reach the East. Colonel Mason selected me as his adjutant-
general ; and on the very last day of May General Kearney, with
his Mormon escort, with Colonel Cooke, Colonel Swords
(quartermaster), Captain Turner, and a naval officer, Captain
Radford, took his departure for the East overland, leaving us
in full possession of California and its fate. Fremont also left
California with General Kearney, and with him departed all
cause of confusion and disorder in the country. From that time
forth no one could dispute the authority of Colonel Mason as in
command of all the United States forces on shore, while the
senior naval officer had a like control afloat. This was Com
modore James Biddle, who had reached the station from China
in the Columbus, and he in turn was succeeded by Commodore
T. Ap Catesby Jones in the line-of-battle-ship Ohio. At that
time Monterey was our headquarters, and the naval commander
for a time remained there, but subsequently San Francisco Bay
became the chief naval rendezvous.
Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, was an officer of greai
experience, of stern character, deemed by some harsh and severe,
but in all my intercourse with him he was kind and agreeable.
He had a large fund of good sense, and, during our long period
of service together, I enjoyed his unlimited confidence. He
had been in his day a splendid shot and hunter, and often enter
tained me with characteristic anecdotes of Taylor, Twiggs,
Worth, Harney, Martin Scott, etc., etc , who were then in
Mexico, gaining a national fame. California had settled down
to a condition of absolute repose, and we naturally repined at our
fate in being so remote from the war in Mexico, where our com
rades were reaping large honors. Mason dwelt in a house not
far from the Custom-House, with Captain Lanman, United States
Navy; I had a small adobe-house back of Larkin's. HalleGk
and Dr. Murray had a small log-house not far off. The company
of artillery was still on the hill, under the command of Lieu
tenant Ord, engaged in building a fort whereon to mount the
guiis we had brought out in the Lexington, and also in con-

30 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846 48.
structing quarters out of hewn pine-logs for the men. Lieuten
ant Minor, a very clever young officer, had taken violently sick
and died about the time I got back from Los Angeles, leaving
Lieutenants Ord and Loeser alone with the company, with As-
nstant-Surgeon Robert Murray. Captain Wilham G. Marcy
was the quartermaster and commissary. Naglee's company of
Stevenson's regiment had been mounted and was sent out
against the Indians in the San Joaquin Valley, and Shannon's
company occupied the barracks. Shortly after General Kearney
had gone East, we found an order of his on record, removing one
Mr. Nash, the Alcalde of Sonoma, and appointing to his place
ex-Governor L. W. Boggs. A letter came to Colonel and Gov
ernor Mason from Boggs, whom he had personally known in
Missouri, complaining that, though he had been appointed
alcalde, the then incumbent (Nash) utterly denied Kearney's
right to remove him, because he had been elected by the peo
ple under the proclamation of Commodore Sloat, and refused to
surrender his office or to account for his acts as alcalde. Such
a proclamation had been made by Commodore Sloat shortly
after the first occupation of California, announcing that the
people were free and enlightened American citizens, entitled to
all the rights and privileges as such, and among them the right
to elect their own officers, etc. The people of Sonoma town and
valley, some forty or fifty immigrants from the United States,
and very few native Calif ornians, had elected Mr. Nash, and, as
stated, he refused to recognize the right of a mere military
commander to eject him and to appoint another to his place.
Neither General Kearney nor Mason had much respect for this
kind of " buncombe," but assumed the true doctrine that Cali
fornia was yet a Mexican province, held by right of conquest,
that the military commander was held responsible to the coun
try, and that the province should be held in statu quo until a
treaty of peace. This letter of Boggs was therefore referred to
Captain Brackett, whose company was stationed at Sonoma, with
orders to notify Nash that Boggs was the rightful alcalde ; that
he must quietly surrender his office, with the books and records
thereof, and that he must account for any moneys received

,84C-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 31
from the sale of town-lots, etc., etc. ; and in the event of refusal
he (Captain Brackett) must compel him by the use of force.
In due time we got Brackett's answer, saying that the httle
community of Sonoma was in a dangerous state of effervescence
caused by his orders ; that Nash was backed by most of the
Americans there who had come across from Missouri with
American ideas; that as he (Brackett) was a volunteer offi
cer, likely* to be soon discharged, and as he designed to settle
there, he asked in consequence to be excused from the execu
tion of this (to him) unpleasant duty. Such a request, com
ing to an old soldier like Colonel Mason, aroused his wrath,
and he would have proceeded rough-shod against Brackett, who,
by-the-way, was a West Point graduate, and ought to have
known better ; but I suggested to the colonel that, the case being
a test one, he had better send me up to Sonoma, and I would
settle it quick enough. He then gave me an order to go to
Sonoma to carry out the instructions already given to Brackett.
I took one soldier with me, Private Barnes, with four
horses, two of which we rode, and the other two we drove
ahead. The first day we reached Gilroy's and camped by a
stream near three or four adobe-huts known as Gilroy's ranch.
The next day we passed Murphy's, San Jose, and Santa
Clara Mission, camping some four miles beyond, where a kind
of hole had been dug in the ground for water. The whole of
this distance, now so beautifully improved and settled, waB
then scarcely occupied, except by poor ranches producing
horses and cattle. The pueblo of San Jose was a string of low
adobe-houses festooned with red peppers and garlic; and the
Mission of Santa Clara was a dilapidated concern, with its
church and orchard. The long line of poplar-trees lining the
road from San Jose to Santa Clara bespoke a former period
when the priests had ruled the land. Just about dark I was
lying on the ground near the well, and my soldier Barnes had
watered our horses and picketed them to grass, when we heard
a horse crushing his way through the high mustard-bushes
which filled the plain, and soon a man came to us to inquire if
we had seen a saddle-hrrse pass up the road. . We explained to

32 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1B46- '48.
him what we had heard, and he went off in pursuit of his
horse. Before dark he came back unsuccessful, and gave his
name as BidweU, the same gentleman who has since been a
member of Congress, who is married to Miss Kennedy, of
Washington City, and now lives in princely style at Chico,
California. He explained that he was a surveyor, and had been in the
lower country engaged in surveying land ; that the horse had
escaped him with his saddle-bags containing all his notes and
papers, and some six hundred dollars in money, all the money
he had earned. He spent the night with us on the ground,
and the next morning we left him there to continue the search
for his horse, and I afterward heard that he had found his
saddle-bags all right, but never recovered the horse. The next
day toward night we approached the Mission of San Francisco,
and the village of Yerba Buena, tired and weary — the wind as
usual blowing a perfect hurricane, and a more desolate region
it was impossible to conceive of. Leaving Barnes to work his
way into the town as best he could with the tired animals, I
took the freshest horse and rode forward. I fell in with Lieu
tenant Fabius Stanley, United States Navy, and we rode into
Yerba Buena together about an hour before sundown, there be
ing nothing but a path from the Mission into the town, deep
and heavy with drift-sand. My horse could hardly drag one
foot after the other when we reached the old Hudson Bay
Company's house, which was then the store of Howard and
Melius. There I learned where Captain Folsom, the quarter
master, was to be found. He was staying with a family of the
name of Grimes, who had a small house back of Howard's store,
which must have been near where Sacramento Street now
crosses Kearney. Folsom was a classmate of mine, had come
out with Stevenson's regiment as quartermaster, and was at the
time the chief-quartermaster of the department. His office was
in the old custom-house standing at the northwest corner of the
Plaza. He had hired two warehouses, the only ones there at
the time, of one Liedsdorff, the principal man of Yerba Buena,
who also owned the only public-house, or tavern, called the

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 33
City ILotel, on Kearney Street, at the southeast corner of the
Plaza. I stopped with Folsom at Mrs. Grimes's, and he sent my
horse, as also the other three when Barnes had got in after
dark, to a corral where he had a little barley, but no hay. At
that time nobody fed a horse, but he was usually turned out to
pick such scanty grass as he could find on the side-hills. The
few government horses used in town were usually sent out to
the Presidio, where the grass was somewhat better. At that
time (July, 1847), what is' now called San Francisco was called
Yerba Buena. A naval officer, Lieutenant Washington A.
Bartlett, its first alcalde, had caused it to be surveyed and laid
out into blocks and lots, which were being sold at sixteen dol
lars a lot of fifty varan square ; the understanding being that
no single person could purchase of the alcalde more than one
in-lot of fifty varas, and one out-lot of a hundred varas. Fol
som, however, had got his clerks, orderlies, etc., to buy lots,
and they, for a small consideration, conveyed them to him, so
that he was nominally the owner of a good many lots. Lieu
tenant Halleck had bought one of each kind, and so had War
ner. Many naval officers had also invested, and Captain Folsom
advised me to buy some, but I felt actually insulted that he
should think me such a fool as to pay money for property in
such a horrid place as Yerba Buena, especially ridiculing his
quarter of the city, then called Happy Valley. At that day
Montgomery Street was, as now, the business street, extending
from Jackson to Sacramento, the water of the bay leaving
barely room for a few houses on its east side, and the public
warehouses were on a sandy beach about where the Bank of
California now stands, viz., near the intersection of Sansome
and California Streets. Along Montgomery Street were the
stores of Howard & Melius, Frank Ward, Sherman & Ruckel,
Ross & Co., and it may be one or two others. Around the
Plaza were a few houses, among them the City Hotel and the
Custom-House, single-story adobes with tiled roofs, and they
were by far the most substantial and best houses in the place.
The population was estimated at about four hundred, of whom
Kanakas (natives of the Sandwich Islands) formed the bulk.
3

34 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
At the foot of Clay Street was a small wharf which small boats
could reach at high tide ; but the principal landing-place was
where some stones had fallen into the water, about where
Broadway now intersects Battery Street. On the steep bluff
above had been excavated, by the navy, during the year before,
a bench, wherein were mounted a couple of navy-guns, styled
the lattery, which, I suppose, gave name to the street. I ex
plained to Folsom the object of my visit, and learned from him
that he had no boat in which to send me to Sonoma, and that
the only chance to get there was to borrow a boat from the
navy. The line-of-battle-ship Columbus was then lying at
anchor off the town, and he said if I would get up early the
next morning I could go off to her in one of the market-hosAs.
Accordingly, I was up bright and early, down at the wharf,
found a boat, and went off to the Columbus to see Commodore
Biddle. On reaching the ship and stating to the officer of the
deck my business, I was shown into the commodore's cabin, and
soon made known to him my object. Biddle was a small-sized
man, but vivacious in the extreme. He had a perfect contempt
for all humbug, and at once entered into the business with ex
treme alacrity. I was somewhat amused at the importance he
attached to the step. He had a chaplain, and a private secre
tary, in a small room latticed off from his cabin, and he first
called on them to go out, and, when we were alone, he en
larged on the folly of Sloat's proclamation, giving the people
the right to elect their own officers, and commended Kear
ney and Mason for nipping that idea in the bud, and keep
ing the power in their own hands. He then sent for the first
lieutenant (Drayton), and inquired if there were among the
officers on board any who had ever been in the Upper Bay, and
learning that there was a midshipman (Whittaker) he was sent
for. It so happened that this midshipman had been on a frolic
on shore a few nights before, and was accordingly much fright
ened when summoned into the commodore's presence, but as
soon as he was questioned as to his knowledge of the bay, he was
sensibly relieved, and professed to know every thing about it.
Accordingly, the long-boat was ordered with this midship

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 35
man and eight sailors, prepared with water and provisions for
several days' absence. Biddle then asked me if I knew any of
his own officers, and which one of them I would prefer to ac
company me. I knew most of them, and we settled down on
Louis McLane. He was sent for, and it was settled that McLane
and I were to conduct this important mission, and the commo
dore enjoined on us complete secrecy, so as to insure success,
and he especially cautioned us against being pumped by his
ward-room officers, Chapman, Lewis, Wise, etc., while on board
his ship. With this injunction I was dismissed to the ward
room, where I found Chapman, Lewis, and Wise, dreadfully ex
ercised at our profound secrecy. The fact that McLane and I
had been closeted with the commodore for an hour, that orders
for the boat and stores had been made, that the chaplain and
clerk had been sent out of the cabin, etc., etc., all excited their
curiosity ; but McLane and I kept our secret well. The general
impression was, that we had some knowledge about the fate of
Captain Montgomery's two sons and the crew that had been lost
the year before. In 1846 Captain Montgomery commanded at
Yerba Buena, on board the St. Mary sloop-of-war, and he had
a detachment of men stationed up at Sonoma. Occasionally a
boat was sent up with provisions or intelligence to them. Mont
gomery had two sons on board his ship, one a midshipman, the
other his secretary. Having occasion to send some money up
to Sonoma, he sent his two sons with a good boat and crew.
The boat started with a strong breeze and a very large sail, was
watched from the deck until she was out of sight, and has never
been heard of since. There was, of course, much speculation
as to their fate, some contending that the boat must have been
capsized in San Pablo Bay, and that all were lost ; others con
tending that the crew had murdered the officers for the money,
and then escaped ; but, so far as I know, not a man of that crew
has ever been seen or heard of since. When at last the boat
was ready for us, we started, leaving all hands, save the commo
dore, impressed with the belief that we were going on some er
rand connected with the loss of the missing boat and crew of
the St. Mary. We sailed directly north, up the bay and across

36 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
San Pablo, reached the mouth of Sonoma Creek about dark, and
during the night worked up the creek some twelve miles by
means of the tide, to a landing called the Embarcadero. To
maintain the secrecy which the commodore had enjoined on us,
McLane and I agreed to keep up the delusion by pretending to
be on a marketing expedition to pick up chickens, pigs, etc., for
the mess of the Columbus, soon to depart for home.
Leaving the midshipman and four sailors to guard the boat,
we started on foot with the other four for Sonoma Town, which
we soon reached. It was a simple open square, around which
were some adobe-houses, that of General Vallejo occupying one
side. On another was an unfinished two-story adobe building,
occupied as a barrack by Brackett's company. We soon found
Captain Brackett, and I told him that I intended to take Nash a
prisoner and convey him back to Monterey to answer for his
mutinous behavior. I got an old sergeant of his company, whom
I had known in the Third Artillery, quietly to ascertain the
whereabouts of Nash, who was a bachelor, stopping with the
family of a lawyer named Green. The sergeant soon returned,
saying that Nash had gone over to Napa, but would be back
that evening ; so McLane and I went up to a farm of some pre
tensions, occupied by one Andreas Hoepner, with a pretty Sitka
wife, who lived a couple of miles above Sonoma, and we bought
of him some chickens, pigs, etc. We then visited Governor
Boggs's family and that of General Vallejo, who was then, as
now, one of the most prominent and influential natives of Cali
fornia. About dark I learned that Nash had come back, and
then, giving Brackett orders to have a cart ready at the corner
of the plaza, McLane and I went to the house of Green. Post
ing an armed sailor on each side of the house, we knocked at the
door and walked in. We found Green, Nash, and two women,
at supper. I inquired if Nash were in, and was first answered
" No," but one of the women soon pointed to him, and he rose.
We were armed with pistols, and the family was evidently
alarmed. I walked up to him and took his arm, and told him
to come along with me. He asked me, " Where ? " and I said
" Monterey." " Why 1 " I would explain that more at leisure

1846-M8.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 37
Green put himself between me and the door, and demanded, in
theatrical style, why I dared arrest a peaceable citizen in his
house. I simply pointed to my pistol, and told him to get out
of the way, which he did. Nash asked to get some clothing, but
I told him he should want for nothing. We passed out, Green
following us with loud words, which brought the four sailors to
the front-door, when I told him to hush up or I would take him
prisoner also. About that time one of the sailors, handling his
pistol carelessly, discharged it, and Green disappeared very sud
denly. We took Nash to the cart, put him in, and proceeded
back to our boat. The next morning we were gone.
Nash being out of the way, Boggs entered on his office, and
the right to appoint or remove from civil office was never again
questioned in California during the military regime. Nash was
an old man, and was very much alarmed for his personal safety.
He had come across the Plains, and had never yet seen the sea.
While on our way down the bay, I explained fully to him the
state of things in California, and he admitted he had never looked
on it in that light before, and professed a willingness to surrender
his office ; but, having gone so far, I thought it best to take him
to Monterey. On our way down the bay the wind was so strong,
as we approached the Columbus, that we had to take refuge be
hind Yerba Buena Island, then called Goat Island, where we
landed, and I killed a gray seal. The next morning, the wind
being comparatively light, we got out and worked our way
up to the Columbus, where I left my prisoner on board, and
went on shore to find Commodore Biddle, who had gone to
dine with Frank Ward. I found him there, and committed
Nash to his charge, with the request that he would send him
down to Monterey, which he did in the sloop-of-war Dale, Cap
tain Self ridge commanding. I then returned to Monterey by
land, and, when the Dale arrived, Colonel Mason and I went on
board, found poor old Mr. Nash half dead with sea-sickness and
fear, lest Colonel Mason would treat him with extreme military
rigor. But, on the contrary, the colonel spoke to him kindly,
released him as a prisoner on his promise to go back to Sono
ma, surrender his office to Boggs, and account to him for his

38 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
acts while in office. He afterward came on shore, was provided
with clothing and a horse, returned to Sonoma, and I never have
seen him since.
Matters and things settled down in Upper California, and
all moved along with peace and harmony. The war still con
tinued in Mexico, and the navy authorities resolved to employ
their time with the capture of Mazatlan and Guaymas. Lower
California had already been occupied by two companies of Ste
venson's regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, who had
taken post at La Paz, and a small party of sailors was on shore
at San Josef, near Cape San Lucas, detached from the Lexington,
Lieutenant-Commander Bailey. The orders for this occupation
were made by General Kearney before he left, in pursuance
of instructions from the War Department, merely to. subserve a
political end, for there were few or no people in Lower Califor
nia, which is a miserable, wretched, dried-up peninsula. I
remember the proclamation made by Burton and Captain Bai
ley, in taking possession, which was in the usual florid style.
Bailey signed his name as the senior naval officer at the station,
but, as it was necessary to put it into Spanish to reach the in
habitants of the newly-acquired country, it was interpreted,
" El mas antiguo de todos los oficiales de la marina," etc., which,
literally, is " the most ancient of all the naval officers," etc., a
translation at which we made some fun.
The expedition to Mazatlan was, however, for a different
purpose, viz., to get possession of the ports of Mazatlan and
Guaymas, as a part of the war against Mexico, and not for per
manent conquest.
Commodore Shubrick commanded this expedition, and took
Halleck along as his engineer-officer. They captured Mazatlan
and Guaymas, and then called on Colonel Mason to send soldiers
down to hold possession, but he had none to spare, and it was
found impossible to raise other volunteers either in California or
Oregon, and the navy held these places by detachments of sail
ors and marines till the end of the war. Burton also called for
reinforcements, and Naglee's company was sent to him from
Monterey, and these three companies occupied Lower California

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 39
at the end of the Mexican War. Major Hardie still commanded
at San Francisco and above ; Company F, Third Artillery, and
Shannon's company of volunteers, were at Monterey ; Lippett's
company at Santa Barbara ; Colonel Stevenson, with one com
pany of his regiment, and the company of the First Dragoons,
was at Los Angeles ; and a company of Mormons, reenlisted
out of the Mormon Battalion, garrisoned San Diego — and thus
matters went along throughout 1847 into 1848. I had occasion
to make several trips to Yerba Buena and baek, and in the
spring of 1848 Colonel Mason and I went down to Santa Bar
bara in the sloop-of-war Dale.
I spent much time in hunting deer and bear in the mountains
back of the Carmel Mission, and ducks and geese in the plains
of the Salinas. As soon as the fall rains set in, the young oats
would sprout up, and myriads of ducks, brant, and geese, made
their appearance. In a single day, or rather in the evening of
one day and the morning of the next, I could load a pack-mule
with geese and ducks. They had grown somewhat wild from
the increased number of hunters, yet, by marking well the place
where a flock lighted, I could, by taking advantage of gullies
or the shape of the ground, creep up within range ; and, giving
one barrel on the ground, and the other as they rose, I have
secured as many as nine at one discharge. Colonel Mason
on one occasion killed eleven geese by one discharge of small
shot. The seasons in California are well marked. About
October and November the rains begin, and the whole country,
plains and mountains, becomes covered with a bright-green grass,
with endless flowers. The intervals between the rains give the
finest weather possible. These rains are less frequent in March,
and cease altogether in April and May, when gradually the grass
dies and the whole aspect of things changes, first to yellow, then
to brown, and by midsummer all is burnt up and dry as an ash-
heap. When General Kearney first departed we took his office at
Larkin's j but shortly afterward we had a broad stairway con
structed to lead from the outside to the upper front porch of
the barracks. By cutting a large door through the adobe-wall,

£0 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [18-i-6-'48.
we made the upper room in the centre our office ; and another
side-room, connected with it by a door, was Colonel Mason's
private office.
I had a single clerk, a soldier named Baden ; and William
E. P. Hartnell, citizen, also had a table in the same room. He
was the government interpreter, and had charge of the civil
archives. After Halleck's return from Mazatlan, he was, by
Colonel Mason, made Secretary of State ; and he then had
charge of the civil archives, including the land-titles, of which
Fremont first had possession, but which had reverted to us when
he left the country.
I remember one day, in the spring of 1848, that two men,
Americans, came into the office and inquired for the Governor.
I asked their business, and one answered that they had just come
down from Captain Sutter on special business, and they wanted
to see Governor Mason in person. I took them in to the colo
nel, and left them together. After some time the colonel came
to his door and called to me. I went in, and my attention was
directed to a series of papers unfolded on his table, in which
lay about half an ounce of placer-gold. Mason said to me,
" What is that ? " I touched it and examined one or two of the
larger pieces, and asked, " Is it gold ? " Mason asked me if I
had ever seen native gold. I answered that, in 1844, I was
in Upper Georgia, and there saw some native gold, but it was
much finer than this, and that it was in phials, or in transparent
quills ; but I said that, if this were gold, it could be easily tested,
first, by its malleability, and next by acids. I took a piece in
my teeth, and the metallic lustre was perfect. I then called to
the clerk, Baden, to bring an axe and hatchet from the back
yard. When these were brought, I took the largest piece and
beat it out flat, and beyond doubt it was metal, and a pure
metal. Still, we attached little importance to the fact, for gold
was known to exist at San Fernando, at the south, and yet was
not considered of much value.
Colonel Mason then handed me a letter from Captain Sutter,
addressed to him, stating that he (Sutter) was engaged in erecting
a saw-mill at Coloma, about forty miles up the American Fork,

1846-'48.J EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 41
above his fort at New Helvetia, for the general benefit of the
settlers in that vicinity ; that he had incurred considerable ex
pense, and wanted a "preemption" to the quarter-section of
land on which the mill was located, embracing the tail-race
in which this particular gold had been found. Mason in
structed me to prepare a letter, in answer, for his signature.
I wrote off a letter, reciting that California was yet a Mexican
province, simply held by us as a conquest ; that no laws of the
United States yet applied to it, much less the land laws or
preemption laws, which could only apply after a public survey.
Therefore it was impossible for the Governor to promise him
(Sutter) a title to the land ; yet, as there were no settlements
within forty miles, he was not likely to be disturbed by tres
passers. Colonel Mason signed the letter, handed it to one of
the gentlemen who had brought the sample of gold, and they
departed. That gold was the first discovered in the Sierra Nevada,
which soon revolutionized the whole country, and actually moved
the whole civilized world. About this time (May and June,
1848), far more importance was attached to quicksilver. One
mine, the New Almaden, twelve miles south of San Jose, was
well known, and was in possession of the agent of a Scotch gentle
man named Forbes, who at the time was British consul at Tepic,
Mexico. Mr. Forbes came up from San Bias in a small brig,
which proved to be a Mexican vessel ; the vessel was seized,
condemned, and actually sold, but Forbes was wealthy, and
bought her in. His title to the quicksilver-mine was, however,
never disputed, as he had bought it regularly, before our con
quest of the country, from another British subject, also named
Forbes, a resident of Santa Clara Mission, who had purchased
it of the discoverer, a priest ; but the boundaries of the land
attached to the mine were even then in dispute. Other men
were in search of quicksilver ; and the whole range of moun
tains near the New Almaden mine was stained with the brilliant
red of the sulphuret of mercury (cinnabar). A company com
posed of T. O. Larkin, J. R. Snyder, and others, among them
one John Ricord (who was quite a character), also claimed a

£2 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
valuable mine near by. Ricord was a lawyer from about Buf
falo, and by some means had got to the Sandwich Islands, where
he became a great favorite of the king, Kamehameha ; was his
attorney-general, and got into a difficulty with the Rev. Mr.
Judd, who was a kind of prime-minister to his majesty. One
or the other had to go, and Ricord left for San Francisco, where
he arrived while Colonel Mason and I were there on some busi
ness connected with the customs. Ricord at once made a dead
set at Mason with flattery, and all sorts of spurious arguments,
to convince him that our military government was too simple
in its forms for the new state of facts, and that he was the
man to remodel it. I had heard a good deal to his prejudice,
and did all I could to prevent Mason taking him into his
confidence. We then started back for Monterey. Ricord was
along, and night and day he was harping on his scheme ; but he
disgusted Colonel Mason with his flattery, and, on reaching Mon- '
terey, he opened what he called a law-office, but there were
neither courts nor clients, so necessity forced him to turn his
thoughts to something else, and quicksilver became his hobby.
In the spring of 1848 an appeal came to our office from San
Jose, which compelled the Governor to go up in person. Lieu
tenant Loeser and I, with a couple of soldiers, went along. At
San Jose the Governor held some kind of a court, in which
Ricord and the alcalde had a warm dispute about a certain
mine which Ricord, as a member of the Larkin Company, had
opened within the limits claimed by the New Almaden Com
pany. On our way up we had visited the ground, and were
therefore better prepared to understand the controversy. We
had found at New Almaden Mr. Walkinshaw, a fine Scotch
gentleman, the resident agent of Mr. Forbes. He had built in
the valley, near a small stream, a few board-houses, and some
four or five furnaces for the distillation of the mercury. These
were very simple in their structure, being composed of whalers'
kettles, set in masonry. These kettles were filled with broken
ore about the size of McAdam-stone, mingled with lime. An
other kettle, reversed, formed the lid, and the seam was luted
with clay. On applying heat, the mercury was volatilized and

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 43
carried into a chimney-stack, where it condensed and flowed
back into a reservoir, and then was led in pipes into another
kettle outside. After witnessing this process, we visited the
mine itself, which outcropped near the apex of the hill, about a
thousand feet above the furnaces. We found wagons hauling
the mineral down the hill and returning empty, and in the
mines quite a number of Sonora miners were blasting and driv
ing for the beautiful ore (cinnabar). It was then, and is now, a
most valuable mine. The adit of the mine was at the apex of
the hill, which drooped off to the north. We rode along this
hill, and saw where many openings had been begun, but these,
proving of httle or no value, had been abandoned. Three miles
beyond, on the west face of the hill, we came to the opening
of the " Larkin Company." There was evidence of a good deal
of work, but the mine itself was filled up by what seemed a
land-slide. The question involved in the lawsuit before the
alcalde at San Jose was, first, whether the mine was or was not
on the land belonging to the New Almaden property ; and, next,
whether the company had complied with all the conditions of
the mining laws of Mexico, which were construed to be still in
force in California.
These laws required that any one who discovered a valuable
mine on private land should first file with the alcalde, or judge
of the district, a notice and claim for the benefits of such dis
covery ; then the mine was to be opened and followed for a
distance of at least one hundred feet within a specified time, and
the claimants must take out samples of the mineral and deposit
the same with the alcalde, who was then required to inspect per
sonally the mine, to see that it fulfilled all the conditions of the
law, before he could give a written title. In this case the
alcalde had been to the mine and had possession of samples of
the ore ; but, as the mouth of the mine was closed up, as alleged,
from the act of God, by a land-slide, it was contended by Ricord
and his associates that it was competent to prove by good
witnesses that the mine had been opened into the hill one
hundred feet, and that, by no negligence of theirs, it had caved
in. It was generally understood that Robert J. Walker, United

i4 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
States Secretary of the Treasury, was then a partner in this
mining company ; and a vessel, the bark Gray Eagle, was ready
at San Francisco to sail for New York with the title-papers on
which to base a joint-stock company for speculative uses. I
think the alcalde was satisfied that the law had been complied
with, that he had given the necessary papers, and, as at that
time there was nothing developed to show fraud, the Governor
(Mason) did not interfere. At that date there was no public
house or tavern in San Jose where we could stop, so we
started toward Santa Cruz and encamped about ten miles out,
to the west of the town, where we fell in with another party of
explorers, of whom Ruckel, of San Francisco, was the head ; and
after supper, as we sat around the camp-fire, the conversation
turned on quicksilver in general, and the result of the contest in
San Jose in particular. Mason was "relating to Ruckel the points
and the arguments of Ricord, that the company should not suffer
from an act of God, viz., the caving in of the mouth of the mine,
when a man named Cash, a fellow who had once been in the
quartermaster's employ as a teamster, spoke up : " Governor
Mason, did Judge Ricord say that \ " " Yes," said the Gov
ernor; and then Cash related how he and another man, whose
name he gave, had been employed by Ricord to undemiine a
heavy rock that rested above the mouth of the mine, so that it
tumbled down, carrying with it a large quantity of earth, and
completely filled it up, as we had seen ; " and," said Cash, " it
took us three days of the hardest kind of work." This was the
act of God, and on the papers procured from the alcalde at that
time, I understand, was built a huge speculation, by which
thousands of dollars changed hands in the United States and
were lost. This happened long before the celebrated McGarra-
han claim, which has produced so much noise, and which still is
being prosecuted in the courts and in Congress.
On the next day we crossed over the Santa Cruz Mountains,
from which we had sublime views of the scenery, first looking
east toward the lower Bay of San Francisco, with the bright
plains of Santa Clara and San Jose, and then to the west upon
the ocean, the town of Monterey being visible sixtv miles off.

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 45
If my memory is correct, we beheld from that mountain the
firing of a salute from the battery at Monterey, and counted the
number of guns from the white puffs of smoke, but could not
hear the sound. That night we slept on piles of wheat in a
mill at Soquel, near Santa Cruz, and, our supplies being short, I
advised that we should make an early start next morning, so as
to reach the ranch of Don Juan Antonio Vallejo, a particular
friend, who had a large and valuable cattle-ranch on the Pajaro
River, about twenty miles on our way to Monterey. Accordingly,
we were off by the first light of day, and by nine o'clock we had
reached the ranch. It was on a high point of the plateau,
overlooking the plain of the Pajaro, on which were grazing
numbers of horses and cattle. The house was of adobe, with a
long range of adobe-huts occupied by the semi-civilized Indians,
who at that time did all the labor of a ranch, the herding and
marking of cattle, breaking of horses, and cultivating the lit
tle patches of wheat and vegetables which constituted all the
farming of that day. Every thing about the house looked
deserted, and, seeing a small Indian boy leaning up against a
post, I approached him and asked him in Spanish, " Where is the
master ? " " Gone to the Presidio " (Monterey). " Is anybody in
the house ? " " No." " Is it locked up % " " Yes." " Is no one
about who can get in ? " " No." " Have you any meat ? "
"No." "Any flour or grain?" "No." "Any chickens?"
"No." "Any eggs?" "No." "What do you live on?"
" JVada" (nothing). The utter indifference of this boy, and the
tone of his answer " JVada," attracted the attention of Colonel
Mason, who had been listening to our conversation, and who
knew enough of Spanish to catch the meaning, and he exclaimed
with some feeling, " So we get nada for our breakfast." I
felt mortified, for I had held out the prospect of a splendid
breakfast of meat and tortillas with rice, chickens, eggs, etc., at
the ranch of my friend Jose Antonio, as a justification for
taking the Governor, a man of sixty years of age, more than
twenty miles at a full canter for his breakfast. But there was
no help for it, and we accordingly went a short distance to a
pond, where we unpacked our mules and made a slim breakfast

46 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
on some scraps of hard bread and a bone of pork that remained
in our alforjas. This was no uncommon thing in those days,
when many a ranchero with his eleven leagues of land, his
hundreds of horses and thousands of cattle, would receive us
with all the grandiloquence of a Spanish lord, and confess that
he had nothing in his house to eat except the carcass of a beef
hung up, from which the stranger might cut and cook, without
money or price, what he needed. That night we slept on
Salinas Plain, and the next morning reached Monterey. All the
missions and houses at that period were alive with fleas, which
the natives looked on as pleasant titillators, but they so tortured
me that I always gave them a wide berth, and slept on a
saddle-blanket, with the saddle for a pillow and the serape, or
blanket, for a cover. We never feared rain except in winter.
As the spring and summer of 1848 advanced, the reports came
faster and faster from the gold-mines at Sutter's saw-mill.
Stories reached us of fabulous discoveries, and spread throughout
the land. Everybody was talking of " Gold ! gold ! ! " until it
assumed the character of a fever. Some of our soldiers began
to desert ; citizens were fitting out trains of wagons and pack-
mules to go to the mines. We heard of men earning fifty, five
hundred, and thousands of dollars per day, and for a time it
seemed as though somebody would reach solid gold. Some of
this gold began to come to Yerba Buena in trade, and to disturb the
value of merchandise, particularly of mules, horses, tin pans, and
articles used in mining. I of course could not escape the infec
tion, and at last convinced Colonel Mason that it was our duty to
go up and see with our own eyes, that we might report the truth
to our Government. As yet we had no regular mail to any part
of the United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals,
around Cape Horn, and one or two overland. I well remember
the first overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in
saddle-bags from Taos in New Mexico. We heard of his arrival
at Los Angeles, and waited patiently for his arrival at head
quarters. His fame then was at its height, from the publica
tion of Fremont's books, and I was very anxious to see a man
who had achieved such feats of daring among the wild animals

1846-'48.J EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 47
of the Rocky Mountains, and still wilder Indians of the Plains.
At last his arrival was reported at the tavern at Monterey, and
I hurried to hunt him up. I cannot express my surprise at be
holding a small, stoop-shouldered man, with reddish hair,
freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing to indicate extraor
dinary courage or daring. He spoke but little, and answered
questions in monosyllables. I asked for his mail, and he picked
up his light saddle-bags containing the great overland mail,
and we walked together to headquarters, where he delivered his
parcel into Colonel Mason's own hands. He spent some days in
Monterey, during which time we extracted with difficulty some
items of his personal history. He was then by commission a
lieutenant in the regiment of Mounted Rifles serving in Mexico
under Colonel Sumner, and, as he could not reach his regiment
from California, Colonel Mason ordered that for a time he
should be assigned to duty with A. J. Smith's company, First
Dragoons, at Los Angeles. He remained at Los Angeles some
months, and was then sent back to the United States with dis
patches, traveling two thousand miles almost alone, in prefer
ence to being encumbered by a large party.
Toward the close of June, 1848, the gold-fever being at its
height, by Colonel Mason's orders I made preparations for his
trip to the newly-discovered gold-mines at Sutter's Fort. I se
lected four good soldiers, with Aaron, Colonel Mason's black ser
vant, and a good outfit of horses and pack-mules, we started by
the usually traveled route for Yerba Buena. There Captain Fol
som and two citizens joined our party. The first difficulty was
to cross the bay to Saucelito. Folsom, as quartermaster, had a
sort of scow with a large sail, with which to discharge the car
goes of ships, that could not come within a mile of the shore.
It took nearly the whole day to get the old scow up to the only
wharf there, and then the water was so shallow that the scow,
with its load of horses, would not float at the first high tide, but
by infinite labor on the next tide she was got off and safely
crossed over to Saucelito. We followed in a more comfortable
schooner. Having safely landed our horses and mules, we
packed up and rode to San Rafael Mission, stopping with Don

48 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
Timoteo Murphy. The next day's journey took us to Bodega,
where lived a man named Stephen Smith, who had the only steam
saw-mill in California. He had a Peruvian wife, and employed a
number of absolutely naked Indians in making adobes. We spent
a day very pleasantly with him, and learned that he had come to
California some years before, at the personal advice of Daniel
Webster, who had infonned him that sooner or later the United
States would be in possession of California, and that in conse
quence it would become a great country. From Bodega we trav
eled to Sonoma, by way of Petaluma, and spent a day with Gen
eral Vallejo. I had been there before, as related, in the business
of the alcalde Nash. From Sonoma we crossed over by way of
Napa, Suisun, and Vaca's ranch, to the Puta. In the rainy season,
the plain between the Puta and Sacramento Rivers is impassable,
but in July the waters dry up ; and we passed without trouble, by
the trail for Sutter's Embarcadero. We reached the Sacramento
River, then full of water, with a deep, clear current. The only
means of crossing over was by an Indian dugout canoe. We be
gan by carrying across our packs and saddles, and then our people.
When all things were ready, the horses were driven into the wa
ter, one being guided ahead by a man in the canoe. Of course,
the horses and mules at first refused to take to the water, and
it was nearly a day's work to get them across, and even then
some of our animals after crossing escaped into the woods and
undergrowth that lined the river, but we secured enough of
them to reach Sutter's Fort, three miles back from the embar
cadero, where we encamped at the old slough, or pond, near
the fort. On application, Captain Sutter sent some Indians
back into the bushes, who recovered and brought in all our
animals. At that time there was not the sign of a habitation
there or thereabouts, except the fort, and an old adobe-house,
east of the fort, known as the hospital. The fort itself was one
of adobe-walls, about twenty feet high, rectangular in form,
with two-story block-houses at diagonal corners. The entrance
was by a large gate, open by day and closed at night, with two
iron ship's guns near at hand. Inside there was a large house,
with a good shingle-roof, used as a storehouse, and all round the

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 49
walls were ranged rooms, the fort - wall being the outer wall
of the house. The inner wall also was of adobe. These rooms
were used by Captain Sutter himself and by his people. He
had a blacksmith's shop, carpenter's shop, etc., and other rooms
where the women made blankets. Sutter was monarch of all he
surveyed, and had authority to inflict punishment even unto
death, a power he did not fail to use. He had horses, cattle, and
sheep, and of these he gave liberally and without price to all in
need. He caused to be driven into our camp a beef and some
sheep, which were slaughtered for our use. Already the gold
mines were beginning to be felt. Many people were then en
camped, some going and some coming, all full of gold-stories,
and each surpassing the other. We found preparations in prog
ress for celebrating the Fourth of July, then close at hand, and
we agreed to remain over to assist on the occasion ; of course, be
ing the high officials, we were the honored guests. People came
from a great distance to attend this celebration of the Fourth of
July, and the tables were laid in the large room inside the store
house of the fort. A man of some note, named Sinclair, presided,
and after a substantial meal and a reasonable supply of aguar
diente we began the toasts. All that I remember is that Folsom
and I spoke for our party ; others, Captain Sutter included, made
speeches, and before the celebration was over Sutter was very
" tight," and many others showed the effects of the aguardiente.
The next day (namely, July 5, 1848) we resumed our journey
toward the mines, and, in twenty-five miles of as hot and dusty
a ride as possible, we reached Mormon Island. I have hereto
fore stated that the gold was first found in the tail-race of the
saw-mill at Coloma, forty miles above Sutter's Fort, or fifteen
above Mormon Island, in the bed of the American Fork of the
Sacramento River. It seems that Sutter had employed an
American named Marshall, a sort of millwright, to do this
work for him, but Marshall afterward claimed that in the matter
of the saw-mill they were copartners. At all events, Marshall
and his family, in the winter of 1847-48, were living at Coloma,
where the pine-trees afforded the best material for lumber. He
had under him four white men, Mormons,, who had been dis-
t

50 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
charged from Cooke's battalion, and some Indians. These were
engaged in hewing logs, building a mill-dam, and putting up a
saw-mill. Marshall, as the architect, had made the " tub-wheel,"
and had set it in motion, and had also furnished some of the
rude parts of machinery necessary for an ordinary up-and-down
saw-mill. Labor was very scarce, expensive, and had to be economized.
The mill was built over a dry channel of the river which was
calculated to be the tail-race. After arranging his head-race,
dam, and tub-wheel, he let on the water to test the goodness
of his machinery. It worked very well until it was found that
the tail-race did not carry off the water fast enough, so he put
his men to work in a rude way to clear out the tail-race. They
scratched a kind of ditch down the middle of the dry channel,
throwing the coarser stones to one side ; then, letting on the
water again, it would run with velocity down the channel, wash
ing away the dirt, thus saving labor. This course of action was
repeated several times, acting exactly like the long Tom after
ward resorted to by the miners. As Marshall himself was work'
ing in this ditch, he observed particles of yellow metal which
he gathered up in his hand, when it seemed to have suddenly
flashed across his mind that it was gold. After picking up about
an ounce, he hurried down to the fort to report to Captain
Sutter his discovery. Captain Sutter himself related to me
Marshall's account, saying that, as he sat in his room at the fort
one day in February or March, 1848, a knock was heard at his
door, and he called out, " Come in." In walked Marshall, who
was a half-crazy man at best, but then looked strangely wild.
" What is the matter, Marshall ? " Marshall inquired if any one
was within hearing, and began to peer about the room, and look
under the bed, when Sutter, fearing that some calamity had be
fallen the party up at the saw-mill, and that Marshall was really
crazy, began to make his way to the door, demanding of Mar
shall to explain what was the matter. At last he revealed his
discovery, and laid before Captain Sutter the pellicles of gold
he had picked up in the ditch. At first, Sutter attached little
or no importance to the discovery, and told Marshall to go

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA 51
back to the mill, and say nothing of what he had seen to his
family, or any one else. Yet, as it might add value to the loca
tion, he dispatched to our headquarters at Monterey, as I have
already related, the two men with a written application for a
preemption to the quarter-section of land at Coloma. Marshall
returned to the mill, but could not keep out of his wonderful
ditch, and by some means the other men employed there learned
bis secret. They then wanted to gather the gold, and Marshall
threatened to shoot them if they attempted it ; but these men
had sense enough to know that if " placer "-gold existed at Co
loma, it would also be found farther down-stream, and they
gradually "prospected" until they reached Mormon Island,
fifteen miles below, where they discovered one of the richest
placers on earth. These men revealed the fact to some other
Mormons who were employed by Captain Sutter at a grist-mill
he was building still lower down the American Fork, and six
miles above his fort. All of them struck for higher wages, to
which Sutter yielded, until they asked ten dollars a day, which
he refused, and the two mills on which he had spent sc much
money were never built, and fell into decay.
In my opinion, when the Mormons were driven -from Nau-
voo, Blinois, in 1844, they cast about for a land where they
would not be disturbed again, and fixed on California. In the
year 1845 a ship, the Brooklyn, sailed from New York for
California, with a colony of Mormons, of which Sam Brannan
was the leader, and we found them there on our arrival in Jan
uary, 1847. When General Kearney, at Fort Leavenworth, was
collecting volunteers early in 1846, for the Mexican War, he,
through the instrumentality of Captain James Allen, brother to
our quartermaster, General Robert Allen, raised the battalion
of Mormons at Kanesville, Iowa, now Council Bluffs, on the ex
press understanding that it would facilitate their migration to
California. But when the Mormons reached Salt Lake, in 1846,
they learned that they had been forestalled by the United States
forces in Calif ornia, and they then determined to settle down
where they were. Therefore, when this battalion of five com
panies of Mormons (raised bj Allen, who died on the way, and

52 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
was succeeded by Cooke) was discharged at Los Angeles, Cali
fornia, in the early summer of 1847, most of the men went to
their people at Salt Lake, with all the money received, as pay
from the United States, invested in cattle and breeding-horses ;
one company reenlisted for another year, and the remainder
sought work in the country. As soon as the fame of the gold dis
covery spread through California, the Mormons naturally turned
to Mormon Island, so that in July, 1848, we found about three
hundred of them there at work. Sam Brannan was on hand as
the high-priest, collecting the tithes. Clark, of Clark's Point,
one of the elders, was there also, and nearly all the Mormons
who had come out in the Brooklyn, or who had staid in California
after the discharge of their battalion, as herein related. I re
call the scene as perfectly to-day as though it were yesterday.
In the midst of a broken country, all parched and dried by the
hot sun of July, sparsely wooded with live-oaks and straggling
pines, lay the valley of the American River, with its bold moun
tain-stream coming out of the Snowy Mountains to the east. In
this valley is a flat, or gravel-bed, which in high water is an
island, or is overflown, but at the time of our visit was simply
a level graVel-bed of the river. On its edges men were digging,
and filling buckets with the finer earth and gravel, which was
carried to a machine made like a baby's cradle, open at the foot,
and at the head a plate of sheet-iron or zinc, punctured full
of holes. On this metallic plate was emptied the earth, and
water was then poured on it from buckets, while one man shook
the cradle with violent rocking by a handle. On the bottom
were nailed cleats of wood. With this rude machine four men
could earn from forty to one hundred dollars a day, averaging
sixteen dollars, or a gold ounce, per man per day. While the
sun blazed down on the heads of the miners with tropical heat,
the water was bitter cold, and all hands were either standing in
tlie water or had their clothes wet all the time ; yet there were
no complaints of rheumatism or cold. We made our camp on
a small knoll, a little below the island, and from it could overlook
the busy scene. A few bush-huts near by served as stores, board
ing-houses, and for sleeping ; but all hands slept on the ground,

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 53
with pine-leaves and blankets for bedding. As soon as the news
spread that the Governor was there, persons came to see us, and
volunteered all kinds of information, illustrating it by samples
of the gold, which was of a uniform kind, " scale-gold," bright and
beautiful. A large variety, of every conceivable shape and form,
was found in the smaller gulches round about, but the gold in
the river-bed was uniformly " scale-gold." I remember that
Mr. Clark was in camp, talking to Colonel Mason about matters
and things generally, when he inquired, " Governor, what busi
ness has Sam Brannan to collect the tithes here ? " Clark ad
mitted that Brannan was the head of the Mormon church in
California, and he was simply questioning as to Brannan's
right, as high-priest, to compel the Mormons to pay him the
regular tithes. Colonel Mason answered, " Brannan has a per
fect right to collect the tax, if you Mormons are fools enough
to pay it." " Then," said Clark, " I for one won't pay it any
longer." Colonel Mason added : " This is public land, and the
gold is the property of the United States ; all of you here are
trespassers, but, as the Government is benefited by your getting
out the gold, I do not intend to interfere." I understood,
afterward, that from that time the payment of the tithes
ceased, but Brannan had already collected enough money where
with to hire Sutter's hospital, and to open a store there, in
which he made more money than any merchant in California,
during that summer and fall. The understanding was, that the
money collected by him as tithes was the foundation of his for
tune, which i6 still very large in San Francisco. That evening
we all mingled freely with the miners, and witnessed the pro
cess of cleaning up and "panning" out, which is the last pro
cess for separating the pure gold from the fine dirt and black
sand. The next day we continued our journey up the valley of
the American Fork, stopping at various camps, where mining
was in progress ; and about noon we reached Coloma, the place
where gold had been first discovered. The hills were higher,
and the timber of better quality. The river was narrower and
bolder, and but few miners were at work there, by reason of

54 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
Marshall's and Sutter's claim to the site. There stood the saw
mill unfinished, the dam and tail-race just as they were left
when the Mormons ceased work. Marshall and his family of
wife and half a dozen tow-head children were there, guarding
their supposed treasure ; hving in a house made of clapboards.
Here also we were shown many specimens of gold, of a coarser
grain than that found at Mormon Island. The next day we
crossed the American River to its north side, and visited many
small camps of men, in what were called the " dry diggings."
Little pools of water stood in the beds of the streams, and these
were used to wash the dirt ; and there the gold was in every
conceivable shape and size, some of the specimens weighing
several ounces. Some of these " diggings " were extremely rich,
but as a whole they were more precarious in results than at
the river. Sometimes a lucky fellow would hit on a " pocket,"
and collect several thousand dollars in a few days, and then
again he would be shifting about from place to place, " pros
pecting," and spending all he had made. Little stores were
being opened at every point, where flour, bacon, etc., were sold ;
every thing being a dollar a pound, and a meal usually costing
three dollars. Nobody paid for a bed, for he slept on the
ground, without fear of cold or rain. We spent nearly a week
in that region, and were quite bewildered by the fabulous tales
of recent discoveries, which at the time were confined to the sev
eral forks of the American and Yuba Rivers. All this time our
horses had nothing to eat but the sparse grass in that region,
and we were forced to work our way down toward the Sacra
mento Valley, or to see our animals perish. Still we contem
plated a visit to the Yuba and Feather Rivers, from which we
had heard of more wonderful " diggings ; " but met a courier,
who announced the arrival of a ship at Monterey, with dispatches
of great importance from Mazatlan. We accordingly turned our
horses back to Sutter's Fort. Crossing the Sacramento again by
swimming our horses, and ferrying their loads in that solitary
canoe, we took our back track as far as the Napa, and then
turned to Benicia, on Carquinez Straits. We found there a soli
tary adobe-house, occupied by Mr. Hastings and his family,

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 55
embracing Dr. Semple, the proprietor of the ferry. This ferry
was a ship's-boat, with a latteen-sail, which could carry across at
one tide six or eight horses.
It took us several days to cross over, and during that time
we got well acquainted with the doctor, who was quite a character.
He had come to California from Illinois, and was brother to
Senator Semple. He was about seven feet high, and very in
teUigent. When we first reached Monterey, he had a printing-
press, which belonged to the United States, having been cap
tured at the custom-house, and had been used to print custom
house blanks. With this Dr. Semple, as editor, published the
Cdlifornian, a small sheet of news, once a week ; and it was a
curiosity in its line, using two i>'s for a w, and other combina
tions of letters, made necessary by want of type. After some
time he removed to Yerba Buena with his paper, and it grew up
to be the Alta California of to-day. Foreseeing, as he thought,
the growth of a great city somewhere on' the Bay of San Fran
cisco, he selected Carquinez Straits as its location, and obtained
from General Vallejo a title to a league of land, on condition of
building up a city thereon to bear the name of Vallejo's wife
This was Francisca Benicia ; accordingly, the nsw city was
named " Francisca." At this time, the town near the mouth of
the bay was known universally as Yerba Buena ; but that name
was not known abroad, although San Francisco was familiar to
the whole civilized world. Now, some of the chief men of
Yerba Buena, Folsom, Howard, Leidesdorf, and others, know
ing the importance of a name, saw their danger, and, by some
action of the ayuntamiento, or town council, changed the name
of Yerba Buena to " San Francisco." Dr. Semple was outraged
at their changing the name to one so like his of Francisca, and
he in turn changed his town to the other name of Mrs. Vallejo,
viz., " Benicia ;" and Benicia it has remained to this day. I am
convinced that this little circumstance was big with consequences.
That Benicia has the best natural site for a commercial city,
I am satisfied ; and had half the money and half the labor
since bestowed upon San Francisco been expended at Benicia,
we should have at this day a city of palaces on the Carquinez

56 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-M8,
Straits. The name of " San Francisco," however, fixed the
city where it now is ; for every ship in 1848-49, which cleared
from any part of the world, knew the name of San Francisco,
but not Yerba Buena or Benicia ; and, accordingly, ships con
signed to California came pouring in with their contents, and
were anchored in front of Yerba Buena, the first town. Cap
tains and crews deserted for the gold-mines, and now half the
city in front of Montgomery Street is built over the hulks thus
abandoned. But Dr. Semple, at that time, was all there was of
Benicia ; he was captain and crew of his ferry-boat, and man
aged to pass our party to the south side of Carquinez Straits in
about two days.
Thence we proceeded up Amador Valley to Alameda Creek,
and so on to the old mission of San Jose ; thence to the pueblo
of San Jose, where Folsom and those belonging in Yerba Buena
went in that direction, antl we continued on to Monterey, our
party all the way giving official sanction to the news from the
gold-mines, and adding new force to the " fever."
On reaching Monterey, we found dispatches from Commo
dore Shubrick, at Mazatlan, which gave almost positive assur
ance that the war with Mexico was over ; that hostilities had
ceased, and commissioners were arranging the terms of peace at
Guadalupe Hidalgo. It was well that this news reached Cali
fornia at that critical time ; for so contagious had become the
" gold-fever " that everybody was bound to go and try his fortune,
and the volunteer regiment of Stevenson's would have deserted
en masse, had the men not been assured that they would very
soon be entitled to an honorable discharge.
Many of our regulars did desert, among them the very men
who had escorted us faithfully to the mines and back. Our ser
vants also left us, and nothing less than three hundred dollars a
month would hire a man in California ; Colonel Mason's black
boy, Aaron, alone of all our then servants proving faithful. We
were forced to resort to all manner of shifts to live. First, we
had a mess with a black fellow we called Bustamente as cook ;
but he got the fever, and had to go. We next took a soldier,
but he deserted, and carried off my double-barreled shot-gun,

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 57
which I prized very highly. To meet this condition of facts,
Colonel Mason ordered that liberal furloughs should be given to
the soldiers, and promises to all in turn, and he allowed all the
officers to draw their rations in kind. As the actual value of
the ration was very large, this enabled us to live. Halleck,
Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dofia Augustias, and turned
in our rations as pay for our board.
Some time in September, 1848, the official news of the treaty
of peace reached us, and the Mexican War was over. This treaty
was signed in May, and came to us all tbe way by land by a
courier from Lower California, sent from La Paz by Lieutenant-
Colonel Burton. On its receipt, orders were at once made for
the muster-out of all of Stevenson's regiment, and our military
forces were thus reduced to the single company of dragoons at
Los Angeles, and the one company of artillery at Monterey.
Nearly all business had ceased, except that connected with
gold ; and, during that fall, Colonel Mason, Captain Warner,
and I, made another trip up to Sutter's Fort, going also to the
newly-discovered mines on the Stanislaus, called " Sonora,"
named from the miners of Sonora, Mexico, who had first discov
ered them. We found there pretty much the same state of facts
as before existed at Mormon Island and Coloma, and we daily
received intelligence of the opening of still other mines north
and south.
But I have passed over a very interesting fact. As soon as
we had returned from our first visit to the gold-mines, it became
important to send home positive knowledge of this valuable dis
covery. The means of communication with the United States
were very precarious, and I suggested to Colonel Mason that a
special courier ought to be sent ; that Second-Lieutenant Loeser
had been promoted to first - lieutenant, and was entitled to
go home. He was accordingly detailed to carry the news. I
prepared with great care the letter to the adjutant - general
of August 17, 1848, which Colonel Mason modified in a few
particulars ; and, as it was important to send not only the
specimens which had been presented to us along our route of
travel, I advised the colonel to allow Captain Folsom to pur-

58 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
chase and send to Washington a large sample of the commercial
gold in general use, and to pay for the same out of the money
in his hands known as the " civil fund," arising from duties col
lected at the several ports in California. He consented to this,
and Captain Folsom bought an oyster-can full at ten dollars the
ounce, which was the rate of value at which it was then received
at the custom-house. Folsom was instructed further to contract
with some vessel to carry the messenger to South America, where
he could take the English steamers as far east as Jamaica, with a
conditional charter giving increased payment if the vessel could
catch the October steamer. Folsom chartered the bark La Lam-
bayecana, owned and navigated by Henry D. Cooke, who has
since been the Governor of the District of Columbia. In due
time this vessel reached Monterey, and Lieutenant Loeser, with
his report and specimens of gold, embarked and sailed. He
reached the South American Continent at Payta, Peru, in time,
took the English steamer of October to Panama, and thence
went on to Kingston, Jamaica, where he found a sailing-vessel
bound for New Orleans. On reaching New Orleans, he tele
graphed to the War Department his arrival ; but so many de
lays had occurred that he did not reach Washington in time to
have the matter embraced in the President's regular message of
1848, as we had calculated. Still, the President made it the
subject of a special message, and thus became " official " what
had before only reached the world in a very indefinite shape.
Then began that wonderful development, and the great emigra
tion to California, by land and by sea, of 1849 and 1850.
As before narrated, Mason, Warner, and I, made a second
visit to the mines in September and October, 1848. As the
winter season approached, Colonel Mason returned to Monterey,
and I remained for a time at Sutter's Fort. In order to share
somewhat in the riches of the land, we formed a partnership in
a store at Coloma, in charge of Norman S. Bestor, who had
been Warner's clerk. We supplied the necessary money, fifteen
hundred dollars (five hundred dollars each), and Bestor carried
on the store at Coloma for his share. Out of this investment
each of us realized a profit of about fifteen hundred dollars.

1846-'48.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 59
Warner also got a regular leave of absence, and contracted with
Captain Sutter for surveying and locating the town of Sacra
mento. He received for this sixteen dollars per day for his ser
vices as surveyor ; and Sutter paid all the hands engaged in the
work. The town was laid off mostly up about the fort, but a
few streets were staked off along the river-bank, and one or two
leading to it. Captain Sutter always contended, however, that
no town could possibly exist on the immediate bank of the river,
because the spring freshets rose over the bank, and frequently
it was necessary to swim a horse to reach the boat-landing.
Nevertheless, from the very beginning the town began to be
built on the very river -bank, viz., First, Second, and Third
Streets, with J and K Streets leading back. Among the prin
cipal merchants and traders of that winter, at Sacramento, were
Sam Brannan and Hensley, Reading & Co. For several years
the site was annually flooded ; but the people have persevered
in building the levees, and afterward in raising all the streets,
so that Sacramento is now a fine city, the capital of the State,
and stands where, in 1848, was nothing but a dense mass of
bushes, vines, and submerged land. The old fort has disap
peared altogether.
During the fall of 1848, Warner, Ord, and I, camped on the
bank of the American River, abreast of the fort, at what was
known as the " Old Tan-Yard." I was cook, Ord cleaned up the
dishes, and Warner looked after the horses ; but Ord was de
posed as scullion because he would only wipe the tin plates with
a tuft of grass, according to the custom of the country, whereas
Warner insisted on having them washed after each meal with
hot water. Warner was in consequence promoted to scullion,
and Ord became the hostler. We drew our rations in kind from
the commissary at San Francisco, who sent them up to us by a
boat ; and we were thus enabled to dispense a generous hospi
tality to many a poor devil who otherwise would have had noth
ing to eat.
The winter of 1848-'49 was a period of intense activity
throughout California. The rainy season was unfavorable to the
operations of gold-mining, and was very hard upon the thousands

60 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1846-'48.
of houseless men and women who dwelt in the mountains, and
even in the towns. Most of the natives and old. inhabitants had
returned to their ranches and houses ; yet there were not roofs
enough in the country to shelter the thousands who had arrived
by sea and by land. The news had gone forth to the whole
civilized world that gold in fabulous quantities was to be had
for the mere digging, and adventurers came pouring in blindly
to seek their fortunes, without a thought of house or food.
Yerba Buena had been converted into San Francisco. Sacra
mento City had been laid out, lots were being rapidly sold, and
the town was being built up as an entrepot to the mines. Stock
ton also had been chosen as a convenient point for trading with
the lower or southern mines. Captain Sutter was the sole pro
prietor of the former, and Captain Charles Weber was the owner
of the site of Stockton, which was as yet known as " French
Camp."

CHAPTER II.
EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA  (CONTINUED).
1849-1850.
The department headquarters still remained at Monterey,
but, with the few soldiers, we had next to nothing to do. In
midwinter we heard of tbe approach of a battalion of the Second
Dragoons, under Major Lawrence Pike Graham, with Captains
Rucker, Coutts, Campbell, and others, along. So exhausted
were they by their long march from Upper Mexico that we had
to send relief to meet them as they approached. When this
command reached Los Angeles, it was left there as the garrison,
and Captain A. J. Smith's company of the First Dragoons was
brought up to San Francisco. We were also advised that the
Second Infantry, Colonel B. Riley, woidd be sent out around
Cape Horn in sailing-ships; that the Mounted Rifles, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Loring, would march overland to Oregon;
and that Brigadier-General Persifer F. Smith would come out
in chief command on the Pacific coast. It was also known that
a contract had been entered into with parties in New York and
New Orleans for a monthly line of steamers from those cities to
California, via Panama. Lieutenant-Colonel Burton had come
up from Lower California, and, as captain of the Third Artil
lery, he was assigned to command Company F, Third Artillery,
at Monterey. Captain Warner remained at Sacramento, survey
ing; and Halleck, Murray, Ord, and I, boarded with Dona
Augustias. The season was unusually rainy and severe, but we
passed the time with the usual round of dances and parties.
The time fixed for the arrival of the mail-steamer was under
stood to be about January 1, 1849, but the day came and went

62 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
without any tidings of her. Orders were given to Captain Bur
ton to announce her arrival by firing a national salute, and each
morning we listened for the guns from the fort. The month
of January passed, and the greater part of February, too. As
was usual, the army officers celebrated the 22d of February
with a grand ball, given in the new stone school-house, which
Alcalde Walter Colton had built. It was the largest and best
hall then in California. The ball was really a handsome affair,
and we kept it up nearly all night. The next morning we were
at breakfast : present, Dofia Augustias, and Manuelita, Halleck,
Murray, and myself. We were dull and stupid enough until a
gun from the fort aroused us, then another and another. " The
steamer ! " exclaimed all, and, without waiting for hats or any
thing, off we dashed. I reached the wharf hatless, but the
dona sent my cap after me by a servant. The white puffs
of smoke hung around the fort, mingled with the dense fog,
which hid all the water of the bay, and well out to sea could be
seen the black spars of some unknown vessel. At the wharf I
found a group of soldiers and a small row-boat, which belonged
to a brig at anchor in the bay. Hastily ordering a couple of
willing soldiers to get in and take the oars, and Mr. Larkin and
Mr. Hartnell asking to go along, we jumped in and pushed off.
Steering our boat toward the^ spars, which Joomed up above the
fog clear and distinct, in about a mile we came to the black hull
of the strange monster, the long-expected and most welcome
steamer California. Her wheels were barely moving, for her
pilot could not see the shore-line distinctly, though the hills and
Point of Pines could be clearly made out over the fog, and occa
sionally a glimpse of some white walls showed where the town
lay. A "Jacob's ladder" was lowered for us from the steamer,
and in a minute I scrambled up on deck, followed by Larkin
and Hartnell, and we found ourselves in the midst of many old
friends. There was Canby, the adjutant-general, who was to
take my place ; Charley Hoyt, my cousin ; General Persif er F.
Smith and wife ; Gibbs, his aide-de-camp ; Major Ogden, of the
Engineers, and wife ; and, indeed, many old Californians, among
them Alfred Robinson, and Frank Ward with his pretty bride.

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 63
By the time the ship was fairly at anchor we had answered a
million of questions about gold and the state of the country ;
and, learning that the ship was out of fuel, had informed the
captain (Marshall) that there was abundance of pine- wood, but
no willing hands to cut it ; that no man could be hired at less
than an ounce of gold a day, unless the soldiers would volunteer
to do it for some agreed-upon price. As for coal, there was not
a pound in Monterey, or anywhere else in California. Vessels
with coal were known to be en route around Cape Horn, but
none had yet reached California.
The arrival of this steamer was the beginning of a new
epoch on the Pacific coast ; yet there she lay, helpless, with
out coal or fuel. The native Californians, who had never
seen a steamship, stood for days on the beach looking at her,
with the universal exclamation, " Tan feo ! " — how ugly ! —
and she was truly ugly when compared with the clean, well-
sparred frigates and sloops-of-war that had hitherto been seen
on the North Pacific coast. It was first supposed it would take
ten days to get wood enough to prosecute her voyage, and there
fore all the passengers who could took up their quarters on shore.
Major Canby relieved me, and took the place I had held so long
as adjutant-general of the Department of California. The time
seemed most opportune for me to leave the service, as I had
several splendid offers of employment and of partnership, and,
accordingly, I made my written resignation ; but General Smith
put his veto upon it, saying that he was to command the Division
of the Pacific, while General Riley was to have the Department
of California, and Colonel Loring that of Oregon. He wanted
me as his adjutant-general, because of my familiarity with the
country, and knowledge of its then condition. At the time, he
had on his staff Gibbs as aide-de-camp, and Fitzgerald as quarter
master. He also had along with him quite a retinue of servants,
hired with a clear contract to serve him for a whole year after
reaching California, every one of whom deserted, except a young
black fellow named Isaac. Mrs. Smith, a pleasant but delicate
Louisiana lady, had a- white maid-servant, in whose fidelity she
had unbounded confidence ; but this girl was married to a

64 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
perfect stranger, and off before she had even landed in San
Francisco. It was, therefore, finally arranged that, on the Cali
fornia, I was to accompany General Smith to San Francisco
as his adjutant-general. I accordingly sold some of my horses,
and arranged for others to go up by land ; and from that time I
became fairly enlisted in the military family of General Persifer
F. Smith. I parted with my old commander, Colonel Mason, with sin
cere regret. To me he had ever been kind and considerate, and,
while stern, honest to a fault, he was the very embodiment of
the principle of fidelity to the interests of the General Govern
ment. He possessed a native strong intellect, and far more
knowledge of the principles of civil government and law than
he got credit for. In private and public expenditures he was
extremely economical, but not penurious. In cases where the
officers had to contribute money for parties and entertainments,
he always gave a double share, because of his allowance of double
rations. During our frequent journeys, I was always caterer,
and paid all the bills. In settling with him he required a
written statement of the items of account, but never disputed
one of them. During our time, California was, as now, full of
a bold, enterprising, and speculative set of men, who were en
gaged in every sort of game to make money. I know that Colonel
Mason was beset by them to use his position to make a fortune
for himself and his friends ; but he never bought land or town-
lots, because, he said, it was his place to hold the public estate
for the Government as free and unencumbered by claims as pos
sible ; and when I wanted him to stop the public-land sales in San
Francisco, San Jose, etc., he would not ; for, although he did
not believe the titles given by the alcaldes worth a cent, yet they
aided to settle the towns and public lands, and he thought, on
the whole, the Government would be benefited thereby. The
same thing occurred as to the gold-mines. He never took a title
to a town-lot, unless it was one, of no real value, from Alcalde
Colton, in Monterey, of which I have never heard since. He
did take a share in the store which Warner, Bestor, and I, opened
at Coloma, paid his -share of the capital, five hundred dollars,

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 65
and received his share of the profits, fifteen hundred dollars. I
think also he took a share in a venture to China with Larkin and
others ; but, on leaving California, he was glad to sell out without
profit or loss. In the stern discharge of his duty he made some
bitter enemies, among them Henry M. Naglee, who, in the news
papers of the day, endeavored to damage his fair fame. But,
knowing him intimately, I am certain that he is entitled to all
praise for having so controlled the affairs of the country that,
when his successor arrived, all things were so disposed that a
civil form of government was an easy matter of adjustment.
Colonel Mason was relieved by General Riley some time in April,
and left California in the steamer of the 1st May for Washington
and St. Louis, where he died of cholera in the summer of 1849,
and his body is buried in Bellefontaine Cemetery. His widow
afterward married Major (since General) Don Carlos Buell, and
is now living in Kentucky.
In overhauling the hold of the steamer California, as she lay
at anchor in Monterey Bay, a considerable amount of coal was
found under some heavy duplicate machinery. With this, and
such wood as had been gathered, she was able to renew her voy
age. The usual signal was made, and we all went on board.
About the 1st of March we entered the Heads, and anchored off
San Francisco, near the United States line-of-battle-ship Ohio,
Commodore T. Ap Catesby Jones. As was the universal cus
tom of the day, the crew of the California deserted her ; and
she lay for months unable to make a trip back to Panama, as
was expected of her. As soon as we reached San Francisco, the
first thing was to secure an office and a house to live in. The
weather was rainy and stormy, and snow even lay on the hills
back of the Mission. Captain Folsom, the quartermaster, agreed
to surrender for our office the old adobe custom-house, on the
upper corner of the plaza, as soon as he could remove his
papers and effects down to one of his warehouses on the beach ;
and. he also rented for us as quarters the old Hudson Bay Com
pany house on Montgomery Street, which had been used by
Howard & Melius as a store, and at that very time they were
moving their goods into a larger brick building just completed
5

66 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50,
for them. As these changes would take some time, General
Smith and Colonel Ogden, with their wives, accepted the hos
pitality offered by Commodore Jones on board the Ohio. I
opened the office at the custom-house, and Gibbs, Fitzgerald,
and some others of us, slept in the loft of the Hudson Bay Com
pany house until the lower part was cleared of Howard's store,
after which General Smith and the ladies moved in. There we
had a general mess, and the efforts at house-keeping were simply
ludicrous. One servant after another, whom General Smith
had brought from New Orleans, with a solemn promise to
stand by him for one whole year, deserted without a word of
notice or explanation, and in a few days none remained but
little Isaac. The ladies had no maid or attendants ; and the
general, commanding all the mighty forces of the United States
on the Pacific coast, had to scratch to get one good meal a day
for his family ! He was a gentleman of fine social qualities,
genial and gentle, and joked at every thing. Poor Mrs. Smith
and Mrs. Ogden did not bear it so philosophically. Gibbs, Fitz
gerald, and I, could cruise around and find a meal, which cost
three dollars, at some of the many restaurants whicli had sprung
up out of red-wood boards and cotton lining ; but the general
and ladies could not go out, for ladies were rara aves at that
day in California. Isaac was cook, chamber-maid, and every
thing, thoughtless of himself, and struggling, out of the slim
mest means, to compound a breakfast for a large and hungry
family. Breakfast would be announced any time between ten
and twelve, and dinner according to circumstances. Many a
time have I seen General Smith, with a can of preserved meat
in his hands, going toward the house, take off his hat on meet
ing a negro, and, on being asked the reason of his politeness, he
would answer that they were the only real gentlemen in Cali
fornia. I confess that the fidelity of Colonel Mason's boy
"Aaron," and of General Smith's boy " Isaac," at a time when
every white man laughed at promises as something made to be
broken, has given me a kindly feeling of respect for the negroes,
and makes me hope that they will find an honorable " status "
in the jumble of affairs in which we now live. That was a dull,

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 67
hard winter in San Francisco ; the rains were heavy, and the
mud fearful. I have seen mules stumble in the street, and
drown in the liquid mud ! Montgomery Street had been filled
up with brush and clay, and I always dreaded to ride on horse
back along it, because the mud was so deep that a horse's legs
would become entangled in the bushes below, and the rider was
likely to be thrown and drowned in the mud. The only side
walks were made of stepping-stones of empty boxes, and here
and there a few planks with barrel-staves nailed on. All the
town lay along Montgomery Street, from Sacramento to Jack
son, and about the plaza. Gambling was the chief occupation
of the people. While they were waiting for the cessation of
the rainy season, and for the beginning of spring, all sorts of
houses were being .put up, but of the most flimsy kind, and
all were stores, restaurants, or gambling - saloons. Any room
twenty by sixty feet would rent for a thousand dollars a month.
I had, as my pay, seventy dollars a month, and no one would
even try to hire a servant under three hundred dollars. Had it
not been for the fifteen hundred dollars I had made in the store
at Coloma, I could not have lived through the winter. About
the 1st of April arrived the steamer Oregon ; but her captain
(Pearson) knew what was the state of affairs on shore, and ran
his steamer alongside the line-of-battle-ship Ohio at Saucelito,
and obtained the privilege of leaving his crew on board as "pris
oners " until he was ready to return to sea. Then, discharging
his passengers and getting coal out of some of the ships which
had arrived, he retook his crew out of limbo and carried the
first regular mail baek to Panama early in April. In regular
order arrived the third steamer, the Panama ; and, as the ves
sels were arriving with coal, the California was enabled to hire
a crew and get off. From that time forward these three ships
constituted the regular line of mail-steamers, which has been
kept up ever since. By the steamer Oregon arrived out Major
R. P. Hammond, J. M. Williams, James Blair, and others ; also
the gentlemen who, with Major Ogden, were to compose a joint
commission to select the sites for the permanent forts and navy-
yard of California. This commission was composed of Majors

68 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
Ogden, Smith, and Leadbetter, of the army, and Captains Golds-
borough, Van Brunt, and Blunt, of the navy. These officers,
after a most careful study of the whole subject, selected Mare
Island for the navy-yard, and " Benicia " for the storehouses and
arsenals of the army. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company
also selected Benicia as their depot. Thus was again revived
the old struggle for supremacy of these two points as the site
of the future city of the Pacific. Meantime, however, San
Francisco had secured the name. About six hundred ships
were anchored there without crews, and could not get away ;
and there the city was, and had to be.
Nevertheless, General Smith, being disinterested and un
prejudiced, decided on Benicia as the point where the city
ought to be, and where the army headquarters should be. By
the Oregon there arrived at San Francisco a man who deserves
mention here — Baron Steinberger. He had been a great cattle-
dealer in the United States, and boasted that he had helped
to break the United States Bank, by being indebted to it five
million dollars ! At all events, he was a splendid - looking
fellow, and brought with him from Washington a letter to
General Smith and another for Commodore Jones, to the effect
that he was a man of enlarged experience in beef ; that the au
thorities in Washington knew that there existed in California
large herds of cattle, which were only valuable for their hides
and tallow ; that it was of great importance to the Government
that this beef should be cured and salted so as to be of use to
the army and navy, obviating the necessity of shipping salt-
beef around Cape Horn. I know he had such a letter from the
Secretary of War, Marcy, to General Smith, for it passed
into my custody, and I happened to be in Commodore Jones's
cabin when the baron presented the one for him from the
Secretary of the Navy. The baron was anxious to pitch in at
once, and said that all he needed to start with were salt and bar
rels. After some inquiries of his purser, the commodore prom
ised to let him have the barrels with their salt, as fast as they
were emptied by the crew. Then the baron explained that he
could get a nice lot of cattle from Don Timoteo Murphy, at the

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 69
Mission of San Rafael, on the north side of the bay, but he could
not get a boat and crew to handle them. Under the authority
from the Secretary of the Navy, the commodore then promised
him the use of a boat and crew, until he (the baron) could find
and purchase a suitable one for himself. Then the baron
opened the first regular butcher-shop in San Francisco, on the
wharf about the foot of Broadway or Pacific Street, where we
eould buy at twenty-five or fifty cents a pound the best roasts,
steaks, and cuts of beef, which had cost him nothing, for he
never paid anybody if he could help it, and he soon cleaned
poor Don Timoteo out. At first, every boat of his, in com
ing down from the San Rafael, touched at the Ohio, and left
the best beefsteaks and roasts for the commodore, but soon
the baron had enough money to dispense with the borrowed
boat, and set up for himself, and from this small beginning,
step by step, he rose in a few months to be one of the richest
and most influential men in San Francisco ; but in his wild
speculations he was at last caught, and became helplessly bank
rupt. He followed General Fremont to St. Louis in 1861,
where I saw him, but soon afterward he died a pauper in one
of the hospitals. When General Smith had his headquarters
in San Francisco, in the spring of 1849, Steinberger gave
dinners worthy any baron of old ; and when, in after-years, I
was a banker there, he used to borrow of me small sums of
money in repayment for my share of these feasts ; and some
where among my old packages I hold one of his confidential
notes for two hundred dollars, but on the whole I got off easily.
I have no doubt that, if this man's history could be written out,
it would present phases as wonderful as any of romance ; but in
my judgment he was a dangerous man, without any true sense
of honor or honesty.
Little by little the rains of that season grew less and less, and
the hills once more became green and covered with flowers. It
became perfectly evident that no family could live in San Fran
cisco on such a salary as Uncle Sam allowed his most favored
officials ; so General Smith and Major Ogden concluded to send
their families back to the United States, and afterward we men-

70 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
folks could take to camp and live on our rations. The Second
Infantry had arrived, and had been distributed, four companies
to Monterey, and the rest somewhat as Stevenson's regiment
had been. A. J. Smith's company of dragoons was sent up
to Sonoma, whither General Smith had resolved to move our
headquarters. On the steamer which sailed about May 1st (I
think the California), we embarked, the ladies for home and we
for Monterey. At Monterey we went on shore, and Colonel
Mason, who meantime had been relieved by General Riley, went
on board, and the steamer departed for Panama. Of all that
party I alone am alive.
General Riley had, with his family, taken the house which
Colonel Mason had formerly used, and Major Canby and wife
had secured rooms at Alvarado's. Captain Kane was quarter
master, and had his family in the house of a man named Garner,
near the redoubt. Burton and Company F were still at the fort ;
the four companies of the Second Infantry were quartered in
the barracks, the same building in which we had had our head
quarters ; and the company officers were quartered in hired
buildings near by. General Smith and his aide, Captain Gibbs,
went to Larkin's house, and I was at my old rooms at Dona
Augustias. As we intended to go back to San Francisco by
land and afterward to travel a good deal, General Smith gave
me the necessary authority to fit out the party. There happened
to be several trains of horses and mules in town, so I purchased
about a dozen horses and mules at two hundred dollars a head,
on account of the Quartermaster's Department, and we had them
kept under guard in the quartermaster's corral.
I remember one night being in the quarters of Lieutenant
Alfred Sully, where nearly all the officers of the garrison
were assembled, listening to Sully's stories. Lieutenant Derby,
" Squibob," was one of the number, as also Fred Steele, " Neigh
bor " Jones, and others, when, just after " tattoo," the orderly-
sergeants came to report the result of "tattoo" roll-call; one
reported five men absent, another eight, and so on, until it be
came certain that twenty-eight men had deserted; and they
were so bold and open in their behavior that it amounted to

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 71
defiance. They had deliberately slung their knapsacks and
started for the gold-mines. Dr. Murray and I were the only
ones present who were familiar with the country, and I ex
plained how easy they could all be taken by a party going
out at once to Salinas Plain, where the country was so open
and level that a rabbit could not cross without beinp- seen:
that the deserters could not go to the mines without crossing
that plain, and could not reach it before daylight. All agreed
that the whole regiment would desert if these men were not
brought back. Several officers volunteered on the spot to go
after them ; and, as the soldiers could not be trusted, it was
useless to send any but officers in pursuit. Some one went to
report the affair to the adjutant-general, Canby, and he to Gen
eral Riley. I waited some time, and, as the thing grew cold,
I thought it was given up, and went to my room and to bed.
About midnight I was called up and informed that there
were seven officers willing to go, but the difficulty was to
get horses and saddles. I went down to Larkin's house and
got General Smith to consent that we might take the horses
I had bought for our trip. It was nearly three o'clock a. m.
before we were all mounted and ready. I- had a musket
which I used for hunting. With this I led off at a canter,
followed by the others. About six miles out, by the faint
moon, I saw ahead of us in the sandy road some blue coats, and,
fearing lest they might resist of escape into the dense bushes
which lined the road, I halted and found with me Paymaster
Hill, Captain N. H. Davis, and Lieutenant John Llamilton. We
waited some time for the others, viz:, Canby, Murray, Gibbs,
and Sully, to come up, but as they were not in sight we made a
dash up the road and captured six of the deserters, who were
Germans, with heavy knapsacks on, trudging along the deep,
sandy road. They had not expected pursuit, had not heard
our horses, and were accordingly easily taken. Finding myself
the senior officer present, I ordered Lieutenant Hamilton to
search the men and then to march them back to Monterey, sus
pecting, as was the fact, that the rest of our party had taken a
road that branched off a couple of miles back. Daylight broke

72 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
as we reached the Salinas River, twelve miles out, and there
the trail was broad and fresh leading directly out on the Salinas
Plain. This plain is about five miles wide, and then the ground
becomes somewhat broken. The trail continued very plain, and
I rode on at a gallop to where there was an old adobe-ranch on
the left of the road, with the head of a lagoon, or pond, close
by. I saw one or two of the soldiers getting water at the pond,
and others up near the house. I had the best horse and was
considerably ahead, but on looking back could see Hill and
Davis coming up behind at a gallop. I motioned to them to
hurry forward, and turned my horse across the head of the pond,
knowing the ground well, as it was a favorite place for shooting
geese and ducks. Approaching the house, I ordered the men
who were outside to go in. They did not know me personally,
and exchanged glances, but I had my musket cocked, and, as
the two had seen Davis and Hill coming up pretty fast, they
obeyed. Dismounting, I found the house full of deserters, and
there was no escape for them. They naturally supposed that
I had a strong party with me, and when I ordered them to
" fall in " they obeyed from habit. By the time Hill and Davis
came up I had them formed in two ranks, the front rank facing
about, and I was taking away their bayonets, pistols, etc. We
disarmed them, destroying a musket and several pistols, and, on
counting them, we found that we three had taken eighteen,
which, added to the six first captured, made twenty-four. We
made them sling their knapsacks and begin their homeward march.
It was near night when we got back, so that these deserters had
traveled nearly forty miles since " tattoo " of the night before.
The other party had captured three, so that only one man had
escaped. I doubt not this prevented the desertion of the bulk
of the Second Infantry that spring, for at that time so demoral
izing was the effect of the gold-mines that everybody not in
the military service justified desertion, because a soldier, if free,
could earn more money in a day than he received per month.
Not only did soldiers and sailors desert, but captains and masters
of ships actually abandoned their vessels and cargoes to try their
luck at the mines. Preachers and professors forgot their creeds

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 73
and took to trade, and even to keeping gambling-houses. I re
member that one of our regular soldiers, named Reese, in de
serting stole a favorite double-barreled gun of mine, and when
the orderly-sergeant of the company, Carson, was going on fur
lough, I asked him when he came across Reese to try and get
my gun back. When he returned he told me that he had found
Reese and offered him a hundred dollars for my gun, but Reese
sent me word that he liked the gun, and would not take a hun
dred dollars for it. Soldiers or sailors who could reach the
mines were universally shielded by the miners, so that it was
next to useless to attempt their recapture. In due season Gen
eral Persifer Smith, Gibbs, and I, with some hired packers,
started back for San Francisco, and soon after we transferred
our headquarters to Sonoma. About this time Major Joseph
Hooker arrived from the East — the regular adjutant-general of
the division — relieved me, and I became thereafter one of Gen
eral Smith's regular aides-de-camp.
As there was very little to do, General Smith encouraged us
to go into any business that would enable us to make money.
R. P. Hammond, James Blair, and I, made a contract to survey
for Colonel J. D. Stevenson his newly-projected city of " New
York of the Pacific," situated at the mouth of the San Joaquin
River. The contract embraced, also, the making of soundings
and the marking out of a channel through Suisun Bay. We
hired, in San Francisco, a small metallic boat, with a sail, laid
in some stores, and proceeded to the United States ship Ohio,
anchored at Saucelito, where we borrowed a sailor -boy and
lead-lines with which to sound the channel. We sailed up to
Benicia, and, at General Smith's request, we surveyed and
marked the line dividing the city of Benicia from the govern
ment reserve. We then sounded the bay back and forth, and
staked out the best channel up Suisun Bay, from which Blair
made out sailing directions. We then made the preliminary
surveys of the city of " New York of the Pacific," all of which
were duly plotted ; and for this work we each received from
Stevenson five hundred dollars and ten or fifteen lots. I sold
enough lots to make up another five hundred dollars, and let

74 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
the balance go ; for the city of " New York of the Pacific "
never came to any thing. Indeed, cities at the time were be
ing projected by speculators all round the bay and all over the
country. While we were surveying at " New York of the Pacific,"
occurred one of those little events that showed the force of the
gold-fever. We had a sailor-boy with us, about seventeen years
old, who cooked our meals and helped work the boat. On shore,
we had the sail spread so as to shelter us against the wind and
dew. One morning I awoke about daylight, and looked out to see
if our sailor-boy was at work getting breakfast ; but he was not
at the fire at all. Getting up, I discovered that he had converted
a tule-bolsa into a sail-boat, and was sailing for the gold-mines.
He was astride this bolsa, with a small parcel of bread and meat
done up in a piece of cloth ; another piece of cloth, such as we
used for making our signal-stations, he had fixed into a sail ; and
with a paddle he was directing his precarious craft right out
into the broad bay, to follow the general direction of the schoon
ers and boats that he knew were ascending the Sacramento
River. He was about a hundred yards from the shore. I jerked
up my gun, and hailed him to come back. After a moment's
hesitation, he let go his sheet and began to paddle back. This
bolsa was nothing but a bundle of tule, or bullrush, bound to
gether with grass-ropes in the shape of a cigar, about ten feet
long and about two feet through the butt. With these the Cal
ifornia Indians cross streams of considerable size. When he
came ashore, I gave him a good overhauling for attempting
to desert, and put him to work getting breakfast. In due time
we returned him to his ship, the Ohio.
Subsequently, I made a bargain with Mr. Hartnell to survey
his ranch at Cosumnes River, Sacramento Valley. Ord and a
young citizen, named Seton, were associated with me in this. I
bought of Rodman M. Price a surveyor's compass, chain, etc.,
and, in San Francisco, a small wagon and harness. Availing
ourselves of a schooner, chartered to carry Major Miller and two
companies of the Second Infantry from San Francisco to Stock
ton, we got up to our destination at httle cost. I recall an oo

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 75
currence that happened when the schooner was anchored in Car
quinez Straits, opposite the soldiers' camp on shore. We were
waiting for daylight and a fair wind ; the schooner lay anchored
at an ebb-tide, and about daylight Ord and I had gone ashore
for something. Just as we were pulling off from shore, we
heard the loud shouts of the men, and saw them all running
down toward the water. Our attention thus drawn, we saw some
thing swimming in the water, and pulled toward it, thinking it
a coyote ; but we soon recognized a large grizzly bear, swimming
directly across the channel. Not having any weapon, we hur
riedly pulled for the schooner, calling out, as we neared it, " A
bear ! a bear ! " It so happened that Major Miller was on deck,
washing his face and hands. He ran rapidly to the bow of the
vessel, took the musket from the hands of the sentinel, and fired
at the bear, as he passed but a short distance ahead of the schooner.
The bear rose, made a growl or howl, but continued his course.
As we scrambled up the port-side to get oui' guns, the mate, with
a crew, happened to have a boat on the starboard-side, and,
armed only with a hatchet, they pulled up alongside the bear,
and the mate struck him in the head with the hatchet. The bear
turned, tried to get into the boat, but the mate struck his claws
with repeated blows, and made him let go. After several passes
with him, the mate actually killed the bear, got a rope round
him, and towed him alongside the schooner, where he was
hoisted on deck. The carcass weighed over six hundred pounds.
It was found that Major Miller's shot had struck the bear in the
lower jaw, and thus disabled him. Had it not been for this,
the bear would certainly have upset the boat and drowned all in
it. As it was, however, his meat served us a good turn in our
trip up to Stockton. At Stockton we disembarked our wagon,
provisions, and instruments.
There I bought two fine mules at three hundred dollars each,
and we hitched up and started for the Cosumnes River. About
twelve miles off was the Mokelumne, a wide, bold stream, with
a canoe as a ferry-boat. We took our wagon to pieces, and fer
ried it and its contents across, and then drove our mules into the
water. In crossing, one mule became entangled in the rope of

76 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
the other, and for a time we thought he was a gone mule ; but
at last he revived and we hitched up. The mules were both
pack-animals ; neither had ever before seen a wagon. Young
Seton also was about as green, and had never handled a mule.
We put on the harness, and began to hitch them in, when one
of the mules turned his head, saw the wagon, and started. We
held on tight, but the beast did not stop until he had shivered
the tongue-pole into a dozen fragments. The fact was, that
Seton had hitched the traces before he had put on the blind-
bridle. There was considerable swearing done, but that would
not mend the pole. There was no place nearer than Sutter's
Fort to repair damages, so we were put to our wits' end. We
first sent back a mile or so, and bought a raw-hide. Gathering
up the fragments of the pole and cutting the hide into strips, we
fished it in the rudest manner. As long as the hide was green,
the pole was very shaky ; but gradually the sun dried the hide,
tightened it, and the pole actually held for about a month. This
cost us nearly a day of delay ; but, when damages were repaired,
we harnessed up again, and reached the crossing of the Co
sumnes, where our survey was to begin. The expediente, or title-
papers, of the ranch described it as containing nine or eleven
leagues on the Cosumnes, south side, and between the San Joa
quin River and Sierra Nevada Mountains: We began at the
place where the road crosses the Cosumnes, and laid down a line
four miles south, perpendicular to the general direction of the
stream ; then, surveying up the stream, we marked each mile so
as to admit of a subdivision of one mile by four. The land was
dry and very poor, with the exception of here and there some
small pieces of bottom-land, the great bulk of the bottom-land
occurring on the north side of the stream. We continued the
survey up some twenty miles into the hills above the mill of
Dailor and Sheldon. It took about a month to make this survey,
which, when finished, was duly plotted ; and for it we received
one-tenth of the land, or two subdivisions. Ord and I took the
land, and we paid Seton for his labor in cash. By the sale of
my share of the land, subsequently, I realized three thousand
dollars. After finishing Hartnell's survey, we crossed over to

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 77
Dailor's,. and did some work fox him at five hundred dollars a
day for the party. Having finished our work on the Cosumnes,
we proceeded to Sacramento, where Captain Sutter employed us
to connect the survey of Sacramento City, made by Lieutenant
Warner, and that of Sutterville, three miles below, which was
then being surveyed by Lieutenant J. W. Davidson, of the First
Dragoons. At Sutterville, the plateau of the Sacramento ap
proached quite near the river, and it would have made a better
site for a town than the low, submerged land where the city now
stands ; but it seems to be a law of growth that all natural ad
vantages are disregarded wherever once business chooses a loca
tion. Old Sutter's embarcadero became Sacramento City, simply
because it was the first point used for unloading boats for Sut
ter's Fort, just as the site for San Francisco was fixed by the use
of Yerba Buena as the hide-landing for the Mission of " San
Francisco de Asis."
I invested my earnings in this survey in three lots in Sacra
mento City, on which I made a fair profit by a sale to one
McNulty, of Mansfield, Ohio. I only had a two months' leave
of absence, during which General Smith, his staff, and a retinue
of civil friends, were making a tour of the gold-mines, and
hearing that he was en route back to his headquarters at So
noma, I knocked off my work, sold my instruments, and left
my wagon and mules with my cousin Charley Hoyt, who had
a store in Sacramento, and was on the point of moving up to a
ranch, for which he had bargained, on Bear Creek, on which
was afterward estabhshed Camp " Far West." He afterward
sold the mules, wagon, etc., for me, and on the whole I think
I cleared, by those two months' work, about six thousand dol
lars. I then returned to headquarters at Sonoma, in time to
attend my fellow aide-de-camp Gibbs through a long and dan
gerous sickness, during which he was on board a store-ship,
guarded by Captain George Johnson, who now resides in San
Francisco. General Smith had agreed that on the first good
opportunity he would send me to the United States as a
bearer of dispatches, but this he could not do until he had
made the examination of Oregon, which was also in his com-

78 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50-
mand. During the summer of 1849 there continued to pour
into California a perfect stream of people. Steamers came,
and a line was estabhshed from San Francisco to Sacramento,
of which the Senator was the pioneer, charging sixteen dollars a
passage, and actually coining money. Other boats were built,
out of materials which had either come around Cape Horn or
were brought from the Sandwich Islands. Wharves were built,
houses were springing up as if by magic, and the Bay of San
Francisco presented as busy a scene of life as any part of the
world. Major Allen, of the Quartermaster's Department, who
had come out as chief -quartermaster of the division, was building
a large warehouse at Benicia, with a row of quarters, out of lum
ber at one hundred dollars per thousand feet, and the work was
done by men at sixteen dollars a day. I have seen a detailed
soldier, who got only his monthly pay of eight dollars a month,
and twenty cents a day for extra duty, nailing on weather-boards
and shingles, alongside a citizen who was paid sixteen dollars a
day. This was a real injustice, made the soldiers discontented,
and it was hardly to be wondered at that so many deserted.
While the mass of people were busy at gold and in mammoth
speculations, a set of busy politicians were at work to secure the
prizes of civil government. Gwin and Fremont were there,
and T. Butler King, of Georgia, had come out from the East,
scheming for office. He staid with us at Sonoma, and was gen
erally regarded as the Government candidate for United States
Senator. General Riley as Governor, and Captain Halleck as
Secretary of State, had issued a proclamation for the election of
a convention to frame a State constitution. In due time the
elections were held, and the convention was assembled at Mon
terey. Dr. Semple was elected president; and Gwin, Fre
mont, Halleck, Butler King, Sherwood, Gilbert, Shannon, and
others, were members. General Smith took no part in this
convention, but sent me down to watch the proceedings, and
report to him. The only subject of interest was the slavery
question. There were no slaves then in California, save a few
who had come out as servants, but the Southern people at that
time claimed their share of territory, out of that acquired b«

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 79
the common labors of all sections of the Union in the war with
Mexico. Still, in California there was little feeling on the sub
ject. I never heard General Smith, who was a Louisianian,
express any opinion about it. Nor did Butler King, of Geor
gia, ever manifest any particular interest in the matter. A
committee was named to draft a constitution, which in due time
was reported, with the usual clause, then known as the Wilmot
Proviso, excluding slavery ; and during the debate which ensued
very httle opposition was made to this clause, which was finally
adopted by a large majority, although the convention was made
up in large part of men from our Southern States. This mat
ter of California being a free State, afterward, in the national
Congress, gave rise to angry debates, which at one time threat
ened civil war. The result of the convention was the election
of State officers, and of the Legislature which sat in San Jose in
October and November, 1849, and which elected Fremont and
Gwin as the first United States Senators in Congress from the
Pacific coast.
Shortly after returning from Monterey, I was sent by Gen
eral Smith up to Sacramento City to instruct Lieutenants War
ner and Williamson, of the Engineers, to push their surveys of
the Sierra Nevada Mountains, for the purpose of ascertaining
the possibility of passing that range by a railroad, a subject that
then ehcited universal interest. It was generally assumed that
such a road could not be made along any of the immigrant roads
then in use, and Warner's orders were to look farther north up
the Feather River, or some one of its tributaries. Warner was
engaged in" this survey during the summer and fall of 1849, and
had explored, to the very end of Goose Lake, the source of Feath
er River. Then, leaving Williamson with the baggage and part
of the men, he took about ten men and a first-rate guide,
crossed the summit to the east, and had turned south, having
the range of mountains on his right hand, with the intention of
regaining his camp by another pass in the mountain. The party
was strung out, single file, with wide spaces between, Warner
ahead. He had just crossed a small valley and ascended one of
the spurs covered with sage-brush and rocks, when a band of In-

80 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
dians rose up and poured in a shower of arrows. The mule
turned and ran back to the valley, where Warner fell off dead,
punctured by five arrows. The mule also died. The guide,
who was next to Warner, was mortally wounded; and one
or two men had arrows in their bodies, but recovered. The
party gathered about Warner's body, in sight of the Indians,
who whooped and yelled, but did not venture away from their
cover of rocks. This party of men remained there all day with
out burying the bodies, and at night, by a wide circuit, passed
the mountain, and reached Williamson's camp. The news of
Warner's death cast a gloom over all the old Californians, who
knew him well. He was a careful, prudent, and honest officer,
well qualified for his business, and extremely accurate in all his
work. He and I had been intimately associated during our four
years together in California, and I felt his loss deeply. The
season was then too far advanced to attempt to avenge his death,
and it was not until the next spring that a party was sent out to
gather up and bury his scattered bones.
As winter approached, the immigrants overland came pour
ing into California, dusty and worn with their two thousand
miles of weary travel across the plains and mountains. Those
who arrived in October and November reported thousands
still behind them, with oxen perishing, and short of food.
Appeals were made for help, and General Smith resolved to at
tempt relief. Major Rucker, who had come across with Pike
Graham's Battalion of Dragoons, had exchanged with Major
Fitzgerald, of the Quartermaster's Department, and was de
tailed to conduct this relief. General Smith ordered him to
be supplied with one hundred thousand dollars out of the civil
fund, subject to his control, and with this to purchase at Sac
ramento flour, bacon, etc., and to hire men and mules to send
out and meet the immigrants. Major Rucker fulfilled this duty
perfectly, sending out pack-trains loaded with food by the many
routes by which the immigrants were known to be approaching,
went out himself with one of these trains, and remained in the
mountains until the last immigrant had got in. No doubt this
expedition saved many a life which has since been most useful

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 81
to the country. I remained at Sacramento a good part of the
fall of 1849, recognizing among the immigrants many of my old
personal friends — John C. Fall, William King, Sam Stambaugh,
Hugh Ewing, Hampton Denman, etc. I got Rucker to give
these last two employment along with the train for the relief of
the immigrants. They had proposed to begin a ranch on my
land on the Cosumnes, but afterward changed their minds, and
went out with Rucker.
While I was at Sacramento General Smith had gone on his
jontemplated trip to Oregon, and promised that he would be back
in December, when he would send me home with dispatches.
Accordingly, as the winter and rainy season was at hand, I went
to San Francisco, and spent some time at the Presidio, waiting
patiently for General Smith's return. About Christmas a vessel
arrived from Oregon with the dispatches, and an order for me to
deliver them in person to General Winfield Scott, in New York
City. General Smith had sent them down, remaining in Oregon
for a time. Of course I was all ready, and others of our set were
going home by the same conveyance, viz., Rucker, Ord, A. J.
Smith — some under orders, and the others on leave. Wanting
to see my old friends in Monterey, I arranged for my passage in
the steamer of January 1, 1850, paying six hundred dollars for
passage to New York, and went down to Monterey by land,
Rucker accompanying me. The weather was unusually rainy,
and all the plain about Santa Clara was under water ; but we
reached Monterey in time. I again was welcomed by my friends,
Dofia Augustias, Manuelita, and the family, and it was resolved
that I should take two of the boys home with me and put them at
Georgetown College for education, viz., Antonio and Porfirio,
thirteen and eleven years old. The dofia gave me a bag of gold-
dust to pay for their passage and to deposit at the college. On
the 2d day of January punctually appeared the steamer Oregon.
We were all soon on board and off for home. At that time the
steamers touched at San Diego, Acapulco, and Panama. Our
passage down the coast was unusually pleasant. Arrived at
Panama, we hired mules and rode across to Gorgona, on the
Cruces River, where we hired a boat and paddled down to the
6

82 EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. [1849-'50.
mouth of the river, off which lay the steamer Crescent City.
It usually took four days to cross the isthmus, every passenger
taking care of himself, and it was really funny to watch the
efforts of women and men unaccustomed to mules. It was an
old song to us, and the trip across was easy and interesting. In
due time we were rowed off to the Crescent City, rolling back
and forth in the swell, and we scrambled aboard by a "Jacob's
ladder " from the stern. Some of the women had to be hoisted
aboard by lowering a tub from the end of a boom ; fun to us
who looked on, but awkward enough to the poor women, es
pecially to a very fat one, who attracted much notice. General
Fremont, wife and child (Lillie) were passengers with us down
from San Francisco ; but Mrs. Fremont not being well, they re
mained over one trip at Panama.
- Senator Gwin was one of our passengers, and went through
to New York. We reached New York about the close of Jan
uary, after a safe and pleasant trip. Our party, composed of
Ord, A. J. Smith, and Rucker, with the two boys, Antonio and
Porfirio, put up at Delmonico's, on Bowling Green ; and, as
soon as we had cleaned up somewhat, I took a carriage, went to
General Scott's office in Ninth Street, delivered my dispatches,
was ordered to dine with him next day, and then went forth to
hunt up my old friends and relations, the Scotts, Hoyts, etc., etc.
On reaching New York, most of us had rough soldier's cloth
ing, but we soon got a new outfit, and I dined with General
Scott's family, Mrs. Scott being present, and also their son-in-
law and daughter (Colonel and Mrs. H. L. Scott). The general
questioned me pretty closely in regard to things on the Pacific
coast, especially the pohtics, and startled me with the asser
tion that " our country was on the eve of a terrible civil war."
He interested me by anecdotes of my old army comrades in
his recent battles around the city of Mexico, and I felt deeply
the fact that our country had passed through a foreign war,
that my comrades had fought great battles, and yet I had not
heard a hostile shot. Of course, I thought it the last and only
chance in my day, and that my career as a soldier was at an end.
After some four or five days spent in New York, I was, by

1849-'50.] EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF CALIFORNIA. 83
an order of General Scott, sent to Washington, to lay before
the Secretary of War (Crawford, of Georgia) the dispatches
which I had brought from California. On reaching Wash
ington, I found that Mr. Ewing was Secretary of the Interior,
and I at once became a member of his family. The family
occupied the house of Mr. Blair, on Pennsylvania Avenue,
directly in front of the War Department. I immediately re
paired to the War Department, and placed my dispatches in the
hands of Mr. Crawford, who questioned me somewhat about
California, but seemed little interested in the subject, except so
far as it related to slavery and the routes through Texas. I then
went to call on the President at the White House. I found Major
Bliss, who had been my teacher in mathematics at West Point,
and was then General Taylor's son-in-law and private secretary.
He took me into the room, now used by the President's private
secretaries, where President Taylor was. I had never seen him
before, though I had served under him in Florida in 1 840-'41,
and was most agreeably surprised at his fine personal appear
ance, and his pleasant, easy manners. - He received me with
great kindness, told me that Colonel Mason had mentioned my
name with praise, and that he would be pleased to do me any act
of favor. We were with him nearly an hour, talking about Cali
fornia generally, and of his personal friends, Persifer Smith,
'Riley, Canby, and others. Although General Scott was gener
ally regarded by the army as the most accomplished soldier of
the Mexican War, yet General Taylor had that blunt, honest,
and stern character, that endeared him to the masses of the peo
ple, and made him President. Bliss, too, had gained a large
fame by his marked skill and intelligence as an adjutant-general
and military adviser. His manner was very unmilitary, and in
his talk he stammered and hesitated, so as to make an unfavor
able impression on a stranger ; but he was wonderfully accurate
and skillful with his pen, and his orders and letters form a
model of military precision and clearness.

CHAPTER III.
MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, AND CALIFORNIA.
1850-1855.
Having returned from California in January, 1850, with
dispatches for the War Department, and having delivered
them in person first to General Scott in New York City, and
afterward to the Secretary of War (Crawford) in Washington
City, I applied for and received a leave of absence for six
months. I first visited my mother, then living at Mansfield,
Ohio, and returned to Washington, where, on the 1st day of
May, 1850, I was married to Miss Ellen Boyle Ewing, daughter
of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Interior. The
marriage ceremony was attended by a large and distinguished
company, embracing Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, T. H. Benton,
President Taylor, and ah his cabinet. This occurred at the
house of Mr. Ewing, the same now owned and occupied by Mr.
F. P. Blair, senior, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the War
Department. We made a wedding-tour to Baltimore, New
York, Niagara, and Ohio, and returned to Washington by the
1st of July. General Taylor participated in the celebration of
the Fourth of July, a very hot day, by hearing a long speech
from the Hon. Henry S. Foote, at the base of the Washington
Monument. Returning from the celebration much heated and
fatigued, he partook too freely of his favorite iced milk with
cherries, and during that night was seized with a severe colic,
which by morning had quite prostrated him. It was said that
he sent for his son-in-law, Surgeon Wood, United States Army,
stationed in Baltimore, and declined medical assistance from

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 85
anybody else. Mr. Ewing visited him several times, and was
manifestly uneasy and anxious, as was also his son-in-law, Ma
jor Bliss, then of the army, and his confidential secretary. He
rapidly grew worse, and died in about four days.
At that time there was a high state of political feeling per
vading the country, on account of the questions growing out of
the new Territories just acquired from Mexico by the war.
Congress was in session, and General Taylor's sudden death
evidently created great alarm. I was present in the Senate-gal
lery, and saw the oath of office administered to the Vice-Presi
dent, Mr. Fillmore, a man of splendid physical proportions and
commanding appearance ; but on the faces of Senators and peo
ple could easily be read the feelings of doubt and uncertainty
that prevailed. All knew that a change in the cabinet and
general policy was likely to result, but at the time it was sup
posed that Mr. Fillmore, whose home was in Buffalo, would be
less liberal than General Taylor to the politicians of the South,
who feared, or pretended to fear, a crusade against slavery ; or,
as was the political cry of the day, that slavery would be prohib
ited in the Territories and in the places exclusively under the
jurisdiction of the United States. Events, however, proved the
contrary. I attended General Taylor's funeral as a sort of aide-de
camp, at the request of the Adjutant-General of the army, Roger
Jones, whose brother, a militia-general, commanded the escort,
composed of militia and some regulars. Among the regulars I
recall the names of Captains John Sedgwick and W. F. Barry.
Hardly was General Taylor decently buried in the Congres
sional Cemetery when the political struggle recommenced, and
it became manifest that Mr. Fillmore favored the general com
promise then known as Henry Clay's " Omnibus Bill," and that
a general change of cabinet would at once occur. Webster was
to succeed Mr. Clayton as Secretary of State, Corwin to succeed
Mr. Meredith as Secretary of the Treasury, and A. H. H. Stuart
to succeed Mr. Ewing as Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Ewing,
however, was immediately appointed by the Governor of the
State to succeed Corwin in the Senate. These changes made it

86 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1860-'6b,
necessary for Mr. Ewing to "discontinue house-keeping, and Mr.
Corwin took his house and furniture off his hands. I escorted
the family out to their home in Lancaster, Ohio ; but, before
this had occurred, some most interesting debates took place in
the Senate, which I regularly attended, and heard Clay, Benton,
Foote, King of Alabama, Dayton, and the many real orators of
that day. Mr. Calhoun was in his seat, but he was evidently ap
proaching his end, for he was pale and feeble in the extreme. I
heard Mr. Webster's last speech on the floor of the Senate,
under circumstances that warrant a description. It was publicly
Known that he was to leave the Senate, and enter the new cab
inet of Mr. Fillmore, as his Secretary of State, and that prior
to leaving he was to make a great speech on the " Omnibus
Bill." Resolved to hear it, I went up to the Capitol on the day
named, an hour or so earlier than usual. The speech was to be
delivered in the old Senate-chamber, now used by the Supreme
Court. The galleries were much smaller than at present, and I
found them full to overflowing, with a dense crowd about the
door, struggling to reach the stairs. I could not get near, and
then tried the reporters' gallery, but found it equally crowded ;
so I feared I should lose the only possible opportunity to hear
Mr. Webster.
I had only a limited personal acquaintance with any of the
Senators, but had met Mr. Corwin quite often at Mr. Ewing's
house, and I also knew that he had been extremely friendly
to my father in his lifetime ; so I ventured to send in to him
my card, "W. T. S., First-Lieutenant, Third Artillery." He
came to the door promptly, when I said, "Mr. Corwin, I be
lieve Mr. Webster is to speak to-day." His answer was, " Yes,
he has the floor at one o'clock." I then added that I was ex
tremely anxious to hear him. " Well," said he, " why don't you
go into the gallery ? " I explained that it was full, and I had
tried every access, but found all jammed with people. " Well "
said he, " what do you want of me? " I explained that I would
like him to take me on the floor of the Senate ; that I had often
seen from the gallery persons on the floor, no better entitled to
it than I. He then asked in his quizzical way, "Are you a

18£0-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 87
foreign embassador ? " " No." " Are you the Governor of a
State ? " " No." " Are you a member of the other House ? "
" Certainly not." " Have you ever had a vote of thanks by
name ? " " No." " Well, these are the only privileged mem
bers." I then told him he knew well enough who I was, and
that if he chose he could take me in. He then said, " Have
you any impudence ? " I told him, " A reasonable amount if
occasion called for it." " Do you think you could become so
interested in my conversation as not to notice the door-keeper?"
(pointing to him). I told him that there was not the least doubt
of it, if he would tell me one of his funny stories. He then took
my arm, and led me a turn in the vestibule, talking about some in
different matter, but all the time directing my looks to his left
hand, toward which he was gesticulating with his right ; and thus
we approached the door-keeper, who began asking me, " Foreign
embassador? Governor of a State? Member of Congress?"
etc. ; but I caught Corwin's eye, which said plainly, " Don't
mind him, pay attention to me," and in this way we entered the
Senate-chamber by a side-door. Once in, Corwin said, "Now
you can take care of yourself," and I thanked him cordially.
I found a seat close behind Mr. Webster, and near General
Scott, and heard the whole of the speech. It was heavy in the
extreme, and I confess that I was disappointed and tired long
before it was finished. No doubt the speech was full of fact
and argument, but it had none of the fire of oratory, or intensity
of feeling, that marked all of Mr. Clay's efforts.
Toward the end of July, as before stated, all the family went
home to Lancaster. Congress was still in session, and the bill
adding four captains to the Commissary Department had not
passed, but was reasonably certain to, and I was equally sure of
being one of them. At that time my name was on the mus
ter-roll of (Light) Company C, Third Artillery (Bragg's), sta
tioned at Jefferson Barracks, near St. Louis. But, as there
was cholera at St. Louis, on application, I was permitted to
delay joining my company until September. Early in that
month, I proceeded to Cincinnati, and thence by steamboat to
St. Louis, and then to Jefferson Barracks, where I reported

88 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
for duty to Captain and Brevet-Colonel Braxton Bragg, com
manding (Light) Company C, Third Artillery. The other offi
cers of the company were First-Lieutenant Hackaliah Brown
and Second-Lieutenant James A. Hardie. New horses had just
been purchased for the battery, and we were preparing for work,
when the mail brought the orders announcing the passage of the
bill increasing the Commissary Department by four captains, to
which were promoted Captains Skiras, Blair, Sherman, and
Bowen. I was ordered to take post at St. Louis, and to relieve
Captain A. J. Smith, First Dragoons, who had been acting in
that capacity for some months. My commission bore date
September 27, 1850. I proceeded forthwith to the city, relieved
Captain Smith, and entered on the discharge of the duties of
the office.
Colonel N. S. Clarke, Sixth Infantry, commanded the de
partment ; Major D. C. Buell was adjutant-general, and Captain
W. S. Hancock was regimental quartermaster ; Colonel Thomas
Swords was the depot quartermaster, and we had our offices in
the same building, on the corner of Washington Avenue and
Second. Subsequently Major S. Van Vliet relieved Colonel
Swords. I remained at the Planters' House until my family
arrived, when we occupied a house on Chouteau Avenue, near
Twelfth. During the spring and summer of 1851, Mr. Ewing and Mr.
Henry Stoddard, of Dayton, Ohio, a cousin of my father, were
much in St. Louis, on business connected with the estate of
Major Amos Stoddard, who was of the old army, as early as the
beginning of this century. He was stationed at the village of
St. Louis at the time of the Louisiana purchase, and when Lewis
and Clarke made their famous expedition across the continent
to the Columbia River. Major Stoddard at that early day had
purchased a small farm back of the village, of some Spaniard
or Frenchman, but, as he was a bachelor, and was killed at
Fort Meigs, Ohio, during the War of 1812, the title was for
many years lost sight of, and the farm was covered over by
other claims and by occupants. As St. Louis began to grow, his
brothers and sisters, and their descendants, concluded to look up

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 89
the property. After much and fruitless litigation, they at last
retained Mr. Stoddard, of Dayton, who in turn employed Mr.
Ewing, and these, after many years of labor, established the title,
and in the summer of 1851 they were put in possession by the
United States marshal. The ground was laid off, the city sur
vey extended over it, and the whole was sold in partition. I
made some purchases, and acquired an interest, which I have re
tained more or less ever since.
We continued to reside in St. Louis throughout the year
1851, and in the spring of 1852 I had occasion to visit Fort
Leavenworth oh duty, partly to inspect a lot of cattle which a
Mr. Gordon, of Cass County, had contracted to deliver in New
Mexico, to enable Colonel Sumner to attempt his scheme of
making the soldiers in New Mexico self-supporting, by raising .
their own meat, and in a measure their own vegetables. I found
Fort Leavenworth then, as now, a most beautiful spot, but in the
midst o-f a wild Indian country. There were no whites settled
in what is now the State of Kansas. Weston, in Missouri, was
the great town, and speculation in town-lots there and there
about burnt the fingers of some of the army-officers, who
wanted to plant their scanty dollars in a fruitful soil. I rode
on horseback over to Gordon's farm, saw the cattle, concluded
the bargain, and returned by way of Independence, Missouri.
At Independence I found F. X. Aubrey, a noted man of that
day, who had just made a celebrated ride of six hundred miles
in six days. That spring the United States quartermaster,
Major L. C. Easton, at Fort Union, New Mexico, had occasion
to send some message east by a certain date, and contracted
with Aubrey to carry it to the nearest post-office (then Inde
pendence, Missouri), making his compensation conditional on
the time consumed. He was supphed with a good horse,
and an order on the outgoing trains for an exchange. Though
the whole route was infested with hostile Indians, and not
a house on it, Aubrey started alone with his rifle. He was
fortunate in meeting several outward-bound trains, and there
by made frequent changes of horses, some four or five, and
reached Independence in six days, having hardly rested or slept

90 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55
the whole way. Of course, he was extremely fatigued, and said
there was an opinion among the wild Indians that if a man
" sleeps out his sleep," after such extreme exhaustion, he will
never awake; and, accordingly, he instructed his landlord to
wake him up after eight hours of sleep. When aroused at
last, he saw by the clock that he had been asleep twenty hours,
and he was dreadfully angry, threatened to murder his landlord,
who protested he had tried in every way to get him up, but
found it impossible, and had let him " sleep it out." Aubrey,
in describing his sensations to me, said he took it for granted
he was a dead man ; but in fact he sustained no ill effects, and
was off again in a few days. I met him afterward often in
California, and always esteemed him one of the best samples of
that bold race of men who had grown up on the Plains, along
with the Indians, in the service of the fur companies. He was
afterward, in 1856, killed by R. C. Weightman, in a bar-room
row, at Taos, New Mexico, where he had just arrived from
California. In going from Independence to Fort Leavenworth, I had to
swim Milk Creek, and sleep all night in a Shawnee camp. The
next day I crossed the Kaw or Kansas River in a ferry-boat,
maintained by the blacksmith of the tribe, and reached the
fort in the evening. At that day the whole region was un
settled, where now exist many rich counties, highly cultivated,
embracing several cities of from ten to forty thousand in
habitants. From Fort Leavenworth I returned by steamboat to
St. Louis.
In the summer of 1852, my family went to Lancaster,
Ohio ; but I remained at my post. Late in the season, it
was rumored that I was to be transferred to New Orleans,
and in due time I learned the cause. During a part of the
Mexican War, Major Seawell, of the Seventh Infantry, had
been acting commissary of subsistence at New Orleans, then
the great depot of supplies for the troops in Texas, and of
those operating beyond the Rio Grande. Commissaries at
that time were allowed to purchase in open market, and were
not restricted to advertising and awarding contracts to the

1860-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 91
lowest bidders." It was reported that Major Sea well had pur
chased largely of the house of Perry Seawell & Co., Mr. Sea-
well being a relative of his. When he was relieved in his
duties by Major Waggaman, of the regular Commissary Depart
ment, the latter found Perry Seawell & Co. so prompt and
satisfactory that he continued the patronage ; for which there
was a good reason, because stores for the use of the troops at re
mote posts had to be packed in a particular way, to bear trans
portation in wagons, or even on pack-mules ; and this firm had
made extraordinary preparations for this exclusive purpose.
Some time about 1849, a brother of Major Waggaman, who had
been clerk to Captain Casey, commissary of subsistence, at Tam
pa Bay, Florida, was thrown out of office by the death of the
captain, and he naturally applied to his brother in New Orleans
for employment ; and he, in turn, referred him to his friends,
Messrs. Perry Seawell & Co. These first employed him as a
clerk, and afterward admitted him as a partner. Thus it re
sulted, in fact, that Major Waggaman was dealing largely, if not
exclusively, with a firm of which his brother was a partner.
One day, as General Twiggs was coming across Lake Pont-
chartrain, he fell in with one of his old cronies, who was an
extensive grocer. This gentleman gradually led the conversation
to the downward tendency of the times since he and Twiggs
were young, saying that, in former years, all the merchants of
New Orleans had a chance at government patronage ; but now,
in order to sell to the army commissary, one had to take a
brother in as a partner. General Twiggs resented this, but the
merchant again affirmed it, and gave names. As soon as General
Twiggs reached his office, he instructed his adjutant-general,
Colonel Bliss — who told me this — to address a categorical note
of inquiry to Major Waggaman. The major very frankly stated
the facts as they had arisen, and insisted that the firm of Perry
Seawell & Co. had enjoyed a large patronage, but deserved it
richly by reason of their promptness, fairness, and fidelity. The
correspondence was sent to Washington, and the result was, that
Major Waggaman was ordered to St. Louis, and I was ordered
to New Orleans.

92 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
I went down to New Orleans in a steamboat' in the month of
September, 1852, taking with me a clerk, and, on arrival, as
sumed the office, in a bank-building facing Lafayette Square, in
which were the offices of all the army departments. General
D. Twjggs was in command of the department, with Colonel W.
W. S. Bliss (son-in-law of General Taylor) as his adjutant-gen
eral. Colonel A. C. Myers was quartermaster, Captain John F.
Reynolds aide-de-camp, and Colonel A. J. Coffee paymaster. I
took rooms at the St. Louis Hotel, kept by a most excellent
gentleman, Colonel Mudge.
Mr. Perry Seawell came to me in person, soliciting a contin
uance of the custom which he had theretofore enjoyed; but I
told him frankly that a change was necessary, and I never saw
or heard of him afterward. I simply purchased in open market,
arranged for the proper packing of the stores, and had not the
least difficulty in supplying the troops and satisfying the head
of the department in Washington.
About Christmas, I had notice that my family, consisting of
Mrs. Sherman, two children, and nurse, with my sister Fanny
(now Mrs. Moulton, of Cincinnati, Ohio), were en route for
New Orleans by steam-packet ; so I hired a house on Magazine
Street, and furnished it. Almost at the moment of their arrival,
also came from St. Louis my personal friend Major Turner,
with a parcel of documents, which, on examination, proved to
be articles of copartnership for a bank in California under
the title of " Lucas, Turner & Co.," in which my name was
embraced as a partner. Major Turner was, at the time, actu
ally en route for New York, to embark for San Francisco, to
inaugurate the bank, in the nature of a branch of the firm
already existing at St. Louis under the name of " Lucas &
Symonds." We discussed the matter very fully, and he left
Tith me the papers for reflection, and went on to New York
«nd California.
Shortly after arrived James H. Lucas, Esq., the principal of
the banking-firm in St. Louis, a most honorable and wealthy
gentleman. He further explained the full programme of the
branch in California ; that my name had been included at the

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 93
instance of Major Turner, who was a man of family and prop
erty in St. Louis, unwilling to remain long in San Francisco,
and who wanted me to succeed him there. He offered me a very
tempting income, with an interest that would accumulate and
grow. He also disclosed to me that, in establishing a branch
in California, he was influenced by the apparent prosperity of
Page, Bacon & Co., and further that he had received the
principal data, on which he had founded the scheme, from B. R.
Nisbet, who was then a teller in the firm of Page, Bacon & Co.,
of San Francisco ; that he also was to be taken in as a partner,
and was fully competent to manage all the details of the busi
ness ; but, as Nisbet was comparatively young, Mr. Lucas wanted
me to reside in San Francisco permanently, as the head of the
firm. All these matters were fully discussed, and I agreed to
apply for a six months' leave of absence, go to San Francisco,
see for myself, and be governed by appearances there. I accord
ingly, with General Twiggs's approval, applied to the adjutant-
general for a six months' leave, which was granted ; and Cap
tain John F. Reynolds was named to perform my duties during
my absence.
During the stay of my family in New Orleans, we en
joyed the society of the families of General Twiggs, Colonel
Myers, and Colonel Bliss, as also of many citizens, among whom
was the wife of Mr. Day, sister to my brother-in-law, Judge
Bartley. General Twiggs was then one of the oldest officers of
the army. His history extended back to the War of 1812, and
he had served in early days with General Jackson in Florida
and in the Creek campaigns. He had fine powers of descrip
tion, and often entertained us, at his office, with accounts of
his experiences in the earlier settlements of the Southwest.
Colonel Bliss had been General Taylor's adjutant in the Mexi
can War, and was universally regarded as one of the most fin
ished and accomplished scholars in the army, and his wife was a
most agreeable and accomplished lady.
Late in February, I dispatched my family up to Ohio in the
steamboat Tecumseh (Captain Pearce); disposed of my house
and furniture ; turned over to Major Reynolds the funds, prop-

94 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
erty, and records of the office ; and took passage in a small
steamer for Nicaragua, en route for California. We embarked
early in March, and in seven days reached Greytown, where
we united with the passengers from New York, and proceeded,
by the Nicaragua River and Lake, for the Pacific Ocean.
The river was low, and the little steam canal-boats, four in
number, grounded often, so that the passengers had to get into
the water, to help them over the bars. In all there were about
six hundred passengers, of whom about sixty were women and
children. In four days we reached Castillo, where there is
a decided fall, passed by a short railway, and above this fall
we were transferred to a larger boat, which carried us up
the rest of the river, and across the beautiful lake Nicaragua,
studded with volcanic islands. Landing at Virgin Bay, we rode
on mules across to San Juan del Sur, where lay at anchor the
propeller S. S. Lewis (Captain Partridge, I think). Passengers
were carried through the surf by natives to small boats, and
rowed off to the Lewis. The weather was very hot, and quite
a scramble followed for state-rooms, especially for those on
deck. I succeeded in reaching the purser's office, got my ticket
for a berth in one of the best state-rooms on deck, and, just as I
was turning from the window, a lady who was a fellow-passenger
from New Orleans, a Mrs. D  , called to me to secure her and
her lady-friend berths on deck, saying that those below were un
endurable. I spoke to the purser, who, at the moment perplexed
by the crowd and clamor, answered : " I must put their names
down for the other two berths of your state-room ; but, as soon
as the confusion is over, I will make some change whereby you
shall not suffer." As soon as these two women were assigned
to a state-room, they took possession, and I was left out. Their
names were recorded as " Captain Sherman and ladies." As soon
as things were quieted down I remonstrated with the purser,
who at last gave me a lower berth in another and larger state
room on deck, with five others, so that my two ladies had the
state-room all to themselves. At every meal the steward would
come to me and say, " Captain Sherman, will you bring your
ladies to the table ? " and we had the best seats in the ship.

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 95
This continued throughout the voyage, and I assert that " my
ladies " were of the most modest and best-behaved in the ship ;
but some time after we had reached San Francisco one of our
fellow-passengers came to me and inquired if I personally knew
Mrs. D  , with flaxen tresses, who sang so sweetly for us,
and who had come out under my especial escort. I replied
I did not. more than the chance acquaintance of the voyage,
and what she herself had told me, viz., that she expected to
meet her husband, who lived about Mokelumne Hill. He then
informed me that she was a woman of the town. Society in
California was then decidedly mixed.
In due season the steamship Lewis got under weigh. She was
a wooden ship, long and narrow, bark-rigged, and a propeller ;
very slow, moving not over eight miles an hour. We stopped
at Acapulco, and, in eighteen days, passed in sight of Point
Pinos at Monterey, and at the speed we were traveling expected
to reach San Francisco at 4 a. m. the next day. The cabin-
passengers, as was usual, bought of the steward some cham
pagne and cigars, and we had a sort of ovation for the captain,
purser, and surgeon of the ship, who were all very clever fellows,
though they had a slow and poor ship.
Late at night all the passengers went to bed, expecting to
enter the port at daylight. I did not undress, as I thought the
captam could and would run in at night, and I lay down with
my clothes on. About 4 a. k. I was awakened by a bump
and sort of grating of the vessel, which I thought was our arri
val at the wharf in San Francisco; but instantly the ship
struck heavily; the engines stopped, and the running to and fro
on deck showed that something was wrong. In a moment I
was out of my state-room, at the bulwark, holding fast to a
stanchion, and looking over the side at the white and seething
water caused by her sudden and violent stoppage. The sea was
comparatively smooth, the night pitch-dark, and the fog deep
and impenetrable ; the ship would rise with the swell, and come
down with a bump and quiver that was decidedly unpleasant.
Soon the passengers were out of their rooms, undressed, calling
for help, and praying as though the ship were going to sink im-

96 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
mediately. Of course she could not sink, being already on the
bottom, and the only question was as to the strengh of hull to
stand the bumping and straining. Great confusion for a time
prevailed, but soon I realized that the captain had taken all
proper precautions to secure his boats, of which there were six
at the davits. These are the first things that steerage-passengers
make for in case of shipwreck, and right over my head I heard
the captain's voice say in a low tone, but quite decided : " Let
go that falls, or, damn you, I'll blow your head off ! " This seem
ingly harsh language gave me great comfort at the time, and on
saying so to the captain afterward, he explained that it was ad
dressed to a passenger who attempted to lower one of the boats.
Guards, composed of the crew, were soon posted to prevent any
interference with the boats, and the officers circulated among
the passengers the report that there was no immediate danger ;
that, fortunately, the sea was smooth; that we were simply
aground, and must quietly await daylight.
They advised the passengers to keep quiet, and the ladies
and children to dress and sit at the doors of their state-rooms,
there to await the advice and action of the officers of the ship,
who were perfectly cool and self-possessed. Meantime the ship
was working over a reef — for a time I feared she would break in
two ; but, as the water gradually rose inside to a level with the
sea outside, the ship swung broadside to the swell, and all her
keel seemed to- rest on the rock or sand. At no time did the
sea break over the deck — but the water below drove all the
people up to the main-deck and to the promenade-deck, and
thus we remained for about three hours, when daylight came ;
but there was a fog so thick that nothing but water could be
seen. The captain caused a boat to be carefully lowered, put
in her a trustworthy officer with a boat-compass, and we saw her
depart into the fog. During her absence the ship's bell was
kept tolling. Then the fires were all out, the ship full of water,
and gradually breaking up, wriggling with every swell like a
willow basket — the sea all round us full of the floating frag
ments of her sheeting, twisted and torn into a spongy condition.
In less than an hour the boat returned, saying that the beach

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 97
was quite near, not more than a mile away, and had a good
place for landing. All the boats were then carefully lowered,
and manned by crews belonging to the ship ; a piece of the
gangway, on the leeward side, was cut away, and all the women,
and a few of the worst-scared men, were lowered into the boats,
which pulled for shore. In a comparatively short time the
boats returned, took new loads, and the debarkation was after
ward carried on quietly and systematically. No baggage was
allowed to go on shore except bags or parcels carried in the
hands of passengers. At times the fog lifted so that we could
see from the wreck the tops of the hills, and the outline of the
shore ; and I remember sitting on the upper or hurricane deck
with the captain, who had his maps and compass before him,
and was trying to make out where the ship was. I thought I
recognized the outline of the hills below the mission of Dolores,
and so stated to him ; but he called my attention to the fact that
the general line of hills- bore northwest, whereas the coast south
of San Francisco bears due north and south. He therefore con
cluded that the ship had overrun her reckoning, and was then to
the north of San Francisco. He also explained that, the passage
up being longer than usual, viz., eighteen days, the coal was
short ; that at the time the firemen were using some cut-up spars
along with the slack of coal, and that this fuel had made more
than usual steam, so that the ship must have glided along faster
than reckoned. This proved to be the actual case, for, in fact,
the steamship Lewis was wrecked April 9, 1853, on "Duck
worth Reef," Baulinas Bay, about eighteen miles above the en
trance to San Francisco.
The captain had sent ashore the purser in the first boat, with
orders to work his way to the city as soon as possible, to re
port the loss of his vessel, and to bring back help. I remained
on the wreck till among the last of the passengers, managing to
get a can of crackers and some sardines out of the submerged
pantry, a thing the rest of the passengers did not have, and then
I went quietly ashore in one of the boats. The passengers were
all on the beach, under a steep bluff; had built fires to dry
their clothes, but had seen no human being, and had no idea
7

98 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
where they were. Taking along with me a fellow-passenger, a
young chap about eighteen years old, I scrambled up the bluff,
and walked back toward the hills, in hopes to get a good view of
some known object. It was then the month of April, and the
hills were covered with the beautiful grasses and flowers of that
season of the year. We soon found horse paths and tracks, and
following them we came upon a drove of horses grazing at large,
some of which had saddle-marks. At about two miles from the
beach we found a corral ; and thence, following one of the
strongest-marked paths, in about a mile more we descended into
a valley, and, on turning a sharp point, reached a board shanty,
with a horse picketed, near by. Four men were inside eating a
meal. I- inquired if any of the Lewis's people had been there ;
they did not seem to understand what I meant, when I ex
plained to them that about three miles from them, and beyond
the old corral, the steamer Lewis was wrecked, and her passen
gers were on the beach. I inquired where we were, and they
answered, " At Baulinas Creek ; " that they were employed at a
saw-mill just above, and were engaged in shipping lumber to
San Francisco ; that a schooner loaded with lumber was then
about two miles down the creek, waiting for the tide to get
out, and doubtless if we would walk down they would take us
on board. I wrote a few words back to the captain, telling him where
he was, and that I would hurry to the city to send him help.
My companion and I then went on down the creek, and soon
descried the schooner anchored out in the stream. On being
hailed, a small boat came in and took us on board. The
" captain " willingly agreed for a small sum to carry us down
to San Francisco ; and, as his whole crew consisted of a small
boy about twelve years old, we helped him to get up his an
chor and pole the schooner down the creek and out over the
bar on a high tide. This must have been about 2 p. m. Once
over the bar, the sails were hoisted, and we glided along
rapidly with a strong, fair, northwest wind. The fog had lifted,
so we could see the shores plainly, and the entrance to the bay.
In a couple of hours we were entering the bay, and running

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 99
" wing-and-wing." Outside the wind was simply the usual
strong breeze ; but, as it passes through the head of the Golden
Gate, it increases, and there, too, we met a strong ebb-tide.
The schooner was loaded with lumber, much of which was on
deck, lashed down to ring-bolts with raw-hide thongs. The cap
tain was steering, and I was reclining on the lumber, looking at
the familiar shore, as we approached Fort Point, when I heard a
sort of cry, and felt the schooner going over. As we got into the
throat of the " Heads," the force of the wind, meeting a strong
ebb-tide, drove the nose of the schooner under water ; she dove
like a duck, went over on her side, and began to drift out with
the tide. I found myself in the water, mixed up with pieces of
plank and ropes ; struck out, swam round to the stern, got on the
keel, and clambered up on the side. Satisfied that she could not
sink, by reason of her cargo, I was not in the least alarmed, but
thought two shipwrecks in one day not a good beginning for
a new, peaceful career. Nobody was drowned, however; the
captain and crew were busy in securing such articles as were
liable to float off, and I looked out for some passing boat or
vessel to pick us up. We were drifting steadily out to sea,
while I was signaling to a boat about three miles off, tow
ard Saucelito, and saw her tack and stand toward us. I was
busy watching this sail-boat, when I heard a Yankee's voice,
close behind, saying, "This is a nice mess you've got your
selves into," and looking about I saw a man in a small boat, who
had seen us upset, and had rowed out to us from a schooner
anchored close under the fort. Some explanations were made,
and when the sail-boat coming from Saucelito was near enough
to be spoken to, and the captain had engaged her to help his
schooner, we bade him good-by, and got the man in the
small boat to carry us ashore, and land us at the foot of the
bluff, just below the fort. Once there, I was at home, and
we footed it up to the Presidio. Of the sentinel I inquired
who was in command of the post, and was answered, " Major
Merchant." He was not then in, but his adjutant, Lieutenant
Gardner, was. I sent my card to him ; he came out, and
was much surprised to find me covered with sand, and dripping

100 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55.
with water, a good specimen of a shipwrecked mariner. A few
words of explanation sufficed; horses were provided, and we
rode hastily into the city, reaching the office of the Nicaragua
Steamship Company (0. K. Garrison, agent) about dark, just as
the purser had arrived, by a totally different route. It was too
late to send relief that night, but by daylight next morning
two steamers were en route for and reached the place of wreck
in time to relieve the passengers and bring them, and most of
the baggage. I lost my carpet-bag, but saved my trunk. The
Lewis went to pieces the night after we got off, and, had there
been an average sea during the night of our shipwreck, none
of us probably would have escaped. That evening in San
Francisco I hunted up Major Turner, whom I found boarding,
in company with General E. A. Hitchcock, at a Mrs. Ross's, on
Clay Street, near Powell. I took quarters with them, and be
gan to make my studies, with a view to a decision whether it
was best to undertake this new and untried scheme of banking,
or to return to New Orleans and hold on to what I then had,
a good army commission.
At the time of my arrival, San Francisco was on the top
wave of speculation and prosperity. Major Turner had rented
at six hundred dollars a month the office formerly used and
then owned by Adams & Co., on the east side of Montgomery
Street, between Sacramento and Cahfornia Streets. B. R. Nis
bet was the active partner, and James Reilly the teller. Al
ready the bank of Lucas, Turner & Co. was established, and
was engaged in selling bills of exchange, receiving deposits, and
loaning money at three per cent, a month.
Page, Bacon & Co., and Adams & Co., were in full blast
across the street, in Parrott's new granite building, and other
bankers were doing seemingly a prosperous business, among
them Wells, Fargo & Co. ; Drexel, Sather & Church; Burgoyne
& Co. ; James King of Wm. ; Sanders & Brenham ; Davidson
& Co. ; Palmer, Cook & Co., and others. Turner and I had rooms
at Mrs. Ross's, and took our meals at restaurants down-town,
mostly at a Frenchman's named Martin, on the southwest corner
of Montgomery and California Streets. General Hitchcock, of

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 101
the army, commanding the Department of California, usually
messed with us ; also a Captain Mason, and Lieutenant Whiting,
of the Engineer Corps. We soon secured a small share of busi
ness, and became satisfied there was room for profit. Every
body seemed to be making money fast ; the city was being rapid
ly extended and improved; people paid their three per cent.
a month interest without fail, and without deeming it excessive.
Turner, Nisbet, and I, daily discussed the prospects, and gradu
ally settled down to the conviction that with two hundred thou
sand dollars capital, and a credit of fifty thousand dollars in
New York, we could build up a business that would help the
St. Louis house, and at the same time pay expenses in California,
with a reasonable profit. Of course, Turner never designed to
remain long in California, and I consented to go back to St.
Louis, confer with Mr. Lucas and Captain Simonds, agree upon
further details, and then return permanently.
I have no memoranda by me now by which to determine
the fact, but think I returned to New York in July, 1853, by
the Nicaragua route, and thence to St. Louis by way of Lancaster,
Ohio, where my family still was. Mr. Lucas promptly agreed
to the terms proposed, and further consented, on the expiration
of the lease of the Adams & Co. office, to erect a new banking-
house in San Francisco, to cost fifty thousand dollars. I then
returned to Lancaster, explained to Mr. Ewing and Mrs. Sher
man all the details of our agreement, and, meeting their ap
proval, I sent to the Adjutant-General of the army my letter
of resignation, to take effect at the end of the six months' leave,
and the resignation was accepted, to take effect September 6,
1853. Being then a citizen, I engaged a passage out to Cali
fornia by the Nicaragua route, in the steamer leaving New York
September 20th, for myself and family, and accordingly pro
ceeded to NewYork, where I had a conference with Mr. Meigs,
cashier of the American Exchange Bank, and with Messrs.
Wadsworth & Sheldon, bankers, who were our New York
correspondents; and on the 20th embarked for San Juan del
Norte, with the family, composed of Mrs. Sherman, Lizzie, theD
less than a year old, and her nurse, Mary Lynch. Our passage

102 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850 -'55.
down was uneventful, and, on the boats up the Nicaragua River,
pretty much the same as before. On reaching Virgin Bay, l
engaged a native with three mules to carry us across to the
Pacific, and as usual the trip partook of the ludicrous— Mrs.
Sherman mounted on a donkey about as large as a Newfound
land dog ; Mary Lynch on another, trying to carry Lizzie on a
pillow before her, but her mule had a fashion of lying down,
which scared her, till I exchanged mules, and my California
spurs kept that mule on his legs. I carried Lizzie some time
till she was fast asleep, when I got our native man to carry her
awhile. The child woke up, and, finding herself in the hands
of a dark-visaged man, she yelled most lustily till I got her
away. At the summit of the pass, there was a clear-running
brook, where we rested an hour, and bathed Lizzie in its sweet
waters. We then continued to the end of our journey, and,
without going to the tavern at San Juan del Sur, we passed di
rectly to the vessel, then at anchor about two miles out. To
reach her we engaged a native boat, which had to be kept out
side the surf. Mrs. Sherman was first taken in the arms of two
stout natives ; Mary Lynch, carrying Lizzie, was carried by two
others ; and I followed, mounted on the back of a strapping
fellow, while fifty or a hundred others were running to and
fro, cackling like geese.
Mary Lynch got scared at the surf, and began screaming like
a fool, when Lizzie became convulsed with fear, and one of the
natives rushed to her, caught her out of Mary's arms, and carried
her swiftly to Mrs. Sherman, who, by that time, was in the boat,
but Lizzie had fainted with fear, and for a long time sobbed as
though permanently injured. For years she showed symptoms
that made us believe she had never entirely recovered from the ef
fects of the scare. In due time we reached the steamer Sierra
Nevada, and got a good state-room. Our passage up the coast
was pleasant enough ; we reached San Francisco ; on the 15th
of October, and took quarters at an hotel on Stockton Street,
near Broadway.
Major Turner remained till some time in November, when
he also departed for the East, leaving me and Nisbet to man-

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 103
age the bank. I endeavored to make myself familiar with
the business, but of course Nisbet kept the books, and gave his
personal attention to the loans, discounts, and drafts, which
yielded the profits. I soon saw, however, that the three per
cent, charged as premium on bills of exchange was not all profit,
but out of this had to come one and a fourth to one and a
half for freight, one and a third for insurance, with some
indefinite promise of a return premium; then, the cost of
blanks, boxing of the bullion, etc., etc. Indeed, I saw no margin
for profit at all. Nisbet, however, who had long been familiar
with the business, insisted there was a profit, in the fact that
the gold-dust or bullion shipped was more valuable than its
cost to us. We, of course, had to remit bullion to meet our
bills on New York, and bought crude gold-dust, or bars refined
by Kellogg & Humbert or E. Justh & Co., for at that time
the United States Mint was not in operation. But, as the re
ports of our shipments came back from New York, I discovered
that I was right, and Nisbet was wrong ; and, although we could
not help selling our checks on New York and St. Louis at the
same price as other bankers, I discovered that, at all events, the
exchange business in San Francisco was rather a losing business
than profitable. The same as to loans. We could loan, at
three per cent, a month, all our own money, say two hundred
and fifty thousand dollars, and a part of our deposit account.
This latter account in California was decidedly uncertain. The
balance due depositors would run down to a mere nominal sum
on steamer-days, which were the 1st and 15th of each month, and
then would increase till the next steamer-day, so that we could
not make use of any reasonable part of this balance for loans
beyond the next steamer-day ; or, in other words, we had an
expensive bank, with expensive clerks, and all the machinery
for taking care of other people's money for their benefit, with
out corresponding profit. I also saw that loans were attended
with risk commensurate with the rate ; nevertheless, I could not
attempt to reform the rules and customs established by others
before me, and had to drift along with the rest toward that
Niagara that none foresaw at the time.

104 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'65.
Shortly after arriving out in 1853, we looked around for a
site for the new bank, and the only place then available on
Montgomery Street, the Wall Street of San Francisco, was a lot
at the corner of Jackson Street, facing Montgomery, with an
alley on the north, belonging to James Lick. The ground was
sixty by sixty-two feet, and I had to pay for it thirty-two
thousand dollars. I then made a contract with the builders,
Keyser & Brown, to erect a three-story brick building, with fin
ished basement, for about fifty thousand dollars. This made
eighty-two thousand instead of fifty thousand dollars, but I
thought Mr. Lucas could stand it and would approve, which he
did, though it resulted in loss to him. After the civil war, he
told me he had sold the building for forty thousand dollars,
about half its cost, but luckily gold was then at 250, so that
he could use the forty thousand dollars gold as the equivalent
of one hundred thousand dollars currency. The building was
erected ; I gave it my personal supervision, and it was strongly
and thoroughly built, for I saw it two years ago, when sev
eral earthquakes had made no impression on it; still, the
choice of site was unfortunate, for the city drifted in the oppo
site direction, viz., toward Market Street. I then thought that
all the heavy business would remain toward the foot of Broad
way and Jackson Street, because there were the deepest water
and best wharves, but in this I made a mistake. Never
theless, in the spring of 1854, the new bank was finished, and
we removed to it, paying rents thereafter to our Mr. Lucas
instead of to Adams & Co. A man named Wright, during the
same season, built a still finer building just across the street
from us; Pioche, Bayerque & Co. were already established
on another corner of Jackson Street, and the new Metropolitan
Theatre was in progress diagonally opposite us. During the
whole of 1854 our business steadily grew, our average deposits
going up to half a million, and our sales of exchange and con
sequent shipment of bullion averaging two hundred thousand
dollars per steamer. I signed' all bills of exchange, and insisted
on Nisbet consulting me on loans and discounts. Spite of every
caution, however, we lost occasionally by bad loans, and worse

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 105
by the steady depreciation of real estate. The city of San Fran
cisco was then extending her streets, sewering them, and plank
ing them, with three-inch lumber. In payment for the lumber
and the work of contractors, the city authorities paid scrip in
even sums of one hundred, five hundred, one thousand, and
five thousand dollars. These formed a favorite collateral for
loans at from fifty to sixty cents on the dollar, and no one
doubted their ultimate value, either by redemption or by being
converted into city bonds. The notes also of H. Meiggs, Neeley
Thompson & Co., etc., lumber-dealers, were favorite notes, for
they paid their interest promptly, and lodged large margins of
these street-improvement warrants as collateral. At that time,
Meiggs was a prominent man, lived in style in a large house on
Broadway, was a member of the City Council, and owned large
saw-mills up the coast about Mendocino. In him Nisbet had
unbounded faith, but, for some reason, I feared or mistrusted
him, and remember that I cautioned Nisbet not to extend his
credit, but to gradually contract his loans. On looking over our
bills receivable, then about six hundred thousand dollars, I found
Meiggs, as principal or indorser, owed us about eighty thousand
dollars — all, however, secured by city warrants ; still, he kept
bank accounts elsewhere, and was generally a borrower. I in
structed Nisbet to insist on his reducing his line as the notes
matured, and, as he found it indelicate to speak to Meiggs, I in
structed him to refer him to me ; accordingly, when, on the next
steamer-day, Meiggs appeared at the counter for a draft on
Philadelphia, of about twenty thousand dollars, for which he
offered his note and collateral, he was referred to me, and I ex
plained to him that our draft was the same as money ; that he
could have it for cash, but that we were already in advance to
him some seventy-five or eighty thousand dollars, and that in
stead of increasing the amount I must insist on its reduction.
He inquired if I mistrusted his ability, etc. I explained,
certainly not, but that our duty was to assist those who did aU
their business with us, and, as our means were necessarily lim
ited, I must restrict him to some reasonable sum, say, twenty-five
thousand dollars. Meiggs invited me to go with him to a rich

106 MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. [1850-'55
mercantile house on Clay Street, whose partners belonged in
Hamburg, and there, in the presence of the principals of the
house, he demonstrated, as clearly as a proposition in mathe
matics, that his business at Mendocino was based on calculations
that could not fail. The bill of exchange which he wanted, he
said would make the last payment on a propeller already built in
Philadelphia, which would be sent to San Francisco, to tow into
and out of port the schooners and brigs that were bringing
his lumber down the coast. I admitted all he said, but renewed
my determination to limit his credit to twenty-five thousand
dollars. The Hamburg firm then agreed to accept for him the
payment of all his debt to us, except the twenty-five thousand
dollars, payable in equal parts for the next three steamer-days.
Accordingly, Meiggs went back with me to our bank, wrote his
note for twenty-five thousand dollars, and secured it by mortgage
on real estate and city warrants, and substituted the three ac
ceptances of the Hamburg firm for the overplus. I surrendered
to him all his former notes, except one for which he was in
dorse!. The three acceptances duly matured and were paid;
one morning Meiggs and family were missing, and it was dis
covered they had embarked in a sailing-vessel for South Ameri
ca. This was the beginning of a series of failures in San Fran
cisco, that extended through the next two years. As soon as it
was known that Meiggs had fled, the town was full of rumors,
and everybody was running to and fro to secure his money.
His debts amounted to nearly a million dollars. The Hamburg
house which, had been humbugged, were heavy losers and failed,
I think. I took possession of Meiggs's dwelling-house and other
property for which I held his mortgage, and in the city warrants
thought I had an overplus ; but it transpired that Meiggs, being
in the City Council, had issued various quantities of street scrip,
which was adjudged a forgery, though, beyond doubt, most of it,
if not all, was properly signed, but fraudulently issued. On
this city scrip our bank must have lost about ten thousand dol
lars. Meiggs subsequently turned up in Chili, where again he
rose to wealth and has paid much of his San Francisco debts,
but none to us. He is now in Peru, living like a prince. With

1850-'55.] MISSOURI, LOUISIANA, CALIFORNIA. 107
Meiggs fell all the lumber-dealers, and many persons dealing in
city scrip. Compared with others, our loss was a trifle. In a
short time things in San Francisco resumed their wonted course,
and we generally laughed at the escapade of Meiggs, and the
cursing of his deluded creditors.
Shortly after our arrival in San Francisco, I rented of a Mr.
Marryat, son of the English Captain Marryat, the author, a small
frame-house on Stockton Street, near Green, buying of him his
furniture, and we removed to it about December 1, 1853. Close
by, around on Green Street, a man named Dickey was building
two small brick-houses, on ground which he had leased of Nich
olson. I bought one of these houses, subject to the ground-rent,
and moved into it as soon as finished. Lieutenant T. H. Ste
vens, of the United States Navy, with his family, rented the
other; we lived in this house throughout the year 1854, and
up to April 17, 1855.

CHAPTER IV.
CALIFORNIA.
1855-1857.
., During the winter of 1854-'55, I received frequent intima
tions in my letters from the St. Louis house, that the bank of
Page, Bacon & Co. -was in trouble, growing out of their rela
tions to the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad, to the contractors for
building which they had made large advances, to secure which
they had been compelled to take, as it were, an assignment of the
contract itself, and finally to assume all the liabilities of the con
tractors. Then they had to borrow money in New York, and
raise other money from time to time, in the purchase of iron
and materials for the road, and to pay the hands. The firm in
St. Louis and that in San Francisco were different, having dif
ferent partners, and the St. Louis house naturally pressed the
San Francisco firm to ship largely of "gold-dust," which gave
them a great name ; also to keep as large a balance as possible
in New York to sustain their credit. Mr. Page was a very
wealthy man, but his wealth consisted mostly of land and prop
erty in St. Louis. He was an old man, and a good one ; had
been a baker, and knew little of banking as a business. This
part of his general business was managed exclusively by his son-
in-law, Henry D. Bacon, who was young, handsome, and gener
ally popular. How he was drawn into that affair of the Ohio
& Mississippi road I have no means of knowing, except by
hearsay. Their business in New York was done through the
American Exchange Bank, and through Duncan, Sherman &
Co. As we were rival houses, the St'. Louis partners removed

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 109
our account from the American Exchange Bank to the Metro
politan Bank ; and, as Wadsworth & Sheldon had failed, I was
instructed to deal in time bills, and in European exchange, with
Schuchardt & Gebhard, bankers in Nassau Street.
In California the house of Page, Bacon & Co. was ..composed
of the same partners as in St. Louis, with the addition of Henry
Haight, Judge Chambers, and young Frank Page. The latter
had charge of the " branch " in Sacramento. Haight was the
real head-man, but he was too fond of lager-beer to be in
trusted with so large a business. Beyond all comparison, Page,
Bacon & Co. were the most prominent bankers in California in
1853-55. Though I had notice of danger in that quarter,
from our partners in St. Louis, nobody in California doubted
their wealth and stabihty. They must have had, during that
winter, an average deposit account of nearly two million dol
lars, of which seven hundred thousand dollars was in " certifi
cates of deposit," the most stable of all accounts in a bank.
Thousands of miners invested their earnings in such certificates,
which they converted into drafts on New York, when they
were ready to go home or wanted to send their " pile " to their
families. Adams & Co. were next in order, because of their
numerous offices scattered throughout the mining country. A
gentleman named Haskell had been in charge of Adams & Co.
in San Francisco, but in the winter of 1854-'55 some changes
were made, and the banking department had been transferred
to a magnificent office in Halleck's new Metropolitan Block.
James King of Wm. had discontinued business on bis own ac
count, and been employed by Adams & Co. as their cashier and
banker, and Isaiah C. Wood had succeeded Haskell in chief con
trol of the express department. Wells, Fargo & Co. were also
bankers as well as expressmen, and William J. Pardee was the
resident partner.
As the mail-steamer came in on February 17, 1855, accord
ing to her custom, she ran close to the Long Wharf (Meiggs's)
on North Beach, to throw ashore the express-parcels of news for
speedy delivery. Some passenger on deck called to a man of
his acquaintance standing on the wharf, that Page & Bacon had

HO CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
failed in New York. The news spread like wild-fire, but soon
it was met by the newspaper accounts to the effect that some
particular acceptances of Page & Bacon, of St. Louis, in the
hands of Duncan, Sherman & Co., in New York, had gone
to protest. All who had balances at Page, Bacon & Co.'s, or
held certificates of deposit, were more or less alarmed, wanted
to secure their money, and a general excitement pervaded the
whole community. Word was soon passed round that the mat
ter admitted of explanation, viz., that the two houses were
distinct and separate concerns, that every draft of the Cali
fornia house had been paid in New York, and would continue
to be paid. It was expected that this assertion would quiet the
fears of the California creditors, but for the next three days
there was a steady " run " on that bank. Page, Bacon & Co.
stood the first day's run very well, and, as I afterward learned,
paid out about six hundred thousand dollars in gold coin. On
tlie 20th of February Henry Haight came to our bank, to see
what help we were willing to give him; but I was out, and
Nisbet could not answer positively for the firm. Our condition
was then very strong. The deposit account was about six
himdred thousand dollars, and we had in oui' vault about five
hundred thousand dollars in coin and bullion, besides an equal
amount of good bills receivable. Still I did not like to weaken
ourselves to help others; but in a most friendly spirit, that
night after bank-hours, I went down to Page, Bacon & Co., and
entered their office from the rear. I found in the cashier's
room Folsom, Parrott, Dewey and Payne, Captain Ritchie, Don-
ohue, and others, citizens and friends of the house, who had
been called in for consultation. Passing into the main office,
where all the book-keepers, tellers, etc., with gas-lights, were
busy writing up the day's work, I found Mr. Page, Henry
Haight, and Judge Chambers. I spoke to Haight, saying
that I was sorry I had been out when he called at our bank,
and had now come to see him in the most friendly spirit.
Haight had evidently been drinking, and said abruptly that
" all the banks would break," that " no bank could instantly pay
all its obligations," etc. I answered he could speak for himself.

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. Ill
but not for me ; that I had come to offer to buy with cash a fair
proportion of his bullion, notes, and bills; but, if they were
going to fail, I would not be drawn in. Haight's manner was
extremely offensive, but Mr. Page tried to smooth it over, say
ing they had had a bad day's run, and could not answer for the
result till their books were written up.
I passed back again into the room where the before-named
gentlemen were discussing some paper which lay before them,
and was going to pass "rat, when Captain Folsom, who was an
officer of the army, a class-mate and intimate friend of mine,
handed me the paper the contents of which they were discuss
ing. It was very short, and in Henry Haight's handwriting,
pretty much in these terms : " We, the undersigned property-
holders of San Francisco, having personally examined the
books, papers, etc., of Page, Bacon & Co., do hereby certify
that the house is solvent and able to pay all its debts," etc.
Haight had drawn up and asked them to sign this paper, with
the intention to publish it in the next morning's papers, for
effect. While I was talking with Captain Folsom, Haight came
into the room to listen. I admitted that the effect of such a
publication would surely be good, and would probably stave off
immediate demand till their assets could be in part converted or
realized ; but I naturally inquired of Folsom, " Have you per
sonally examined the accounts, as herein recited, and the assets,
enough to warrant your signature to this paper ? " for, " there
by you in effect become indorsers." Folsom said they had not,
when Haight turned on me rudely and said, " Do you think the
affairs of such a house as Page, Bacon & Co. can be critically
examined in an hour ? " I answered : " These gentlemen can
do what they please, but they have twelve hours before the
bank will open on the morrow, and if the ledger is written up "
(as I believed it was or could be by midnight), "they can
(by counting the coin, bullion on hand, and notes or stocks of
immediate realization) approximate near enough for them to
indorse for the remainder." But Haight pooh-poohed me, and
I left. Folsom followed me out, told me he could not afford
to imperil all he had, and asked my advice. I explained to

112 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
him that my partner Nisbet had been educated and trained in
that very house of Page, Bacon & Co. ; that we kept our books
exactly as they did ; that every day the ledger was written up, so
that from it one could see exactly how much actual money
was due the depositors and certificates; and then by counting
the money in the vault, estimating the bullion on hand, which,
though not actual money, could easily be converted into coin,
and supplementing these amounts by "bills receivable," they
ought to arrive at an approximate result. After Folsom had
left me, John Parrott also stopped and talked with me to the
same effect. Next morning I looked out for the notice, but no
such notice appeared in the morning papers, and I afterward
learned that, on Parrott and Folsom demanding an actual count
of the money in the vault, Haight angrily refused unless they
would accept his word for it, when one after the other dechned
to sign his paper.
The run on Page, Bacon & Co. therefore continued through
out the 21st, and I expected all day to get an invitation to
close our bank for the next day, February 22, which we could
have made a holiday by concerted action; but each banker
waited for Page, Bacon & Co. to ask for it, and, no such circular
coming, in the then state of feeling no other banker was willing
to take the initiative. On the morning of February 22, 1855,
everybody was startled by receiving a small slip of paper, de
livered at all the houses, on which was printed a short notice
that, for " want of coin," Page, Bacon & Co. found it necessary
to close their bank for a short time. Of course, we all knew the
consequences, and that every other bank in San Francisco would
be tried. During the 22d we all kept open, and watched our
depositors closely ; but the day was generally observed by the
people as a holiday, and the firemen paraded the streets of San
Francisco in unusual strength. But, on writing up our books
that night, we found that our deposit account had diminished
about sixty-five thousand dollars. Still, there was no run on us,
or any other of the banks, that day ; yet, observing little knots
of men on the street, discussing the state of the banks generally,
and overhearing Haight's expression quoted, that, in case of the

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 113
failure of Page, Bacon & Co., " all the other banks would break,"
I deemed it prudent to make ready. For some days we had re
fused all loans and renewals, and we tried, without success, some
of our call-loans ; but, like Hotspur's spirits, they would not come.
Our financial condition on that day (February 22, 1855)
was : Due depositors and demand certificates, five hundred and
twenty thousand dollars ; to meet which, we had in the vault —
coin, three hundred and eighty thousand dollars ; bullion, seven
ty-five thousand dollars ; and bills receivable, about six hundred
thousand dollars. Of these, at least one hundred thousand dol
lars were on demand, with stock collaterals. Therefore, for the
extent of our business, we were stronger than the Bank of Eng
land, or any bank in New York City.
Before daylight next morning, our door-bell was rung, and
I was called down-stairs by E. Casserly, Esq. (an eminent lawyer
of the day, since United States Senator), who informed me he
had just come up from the office of Adams & Co., to tell me
that their affairs were in such condition that they would not open
that morning at all ; and that this, added to the suspension of
Page, Bacon & Co., announced the day before, would surely
cause a general run on all the banks. I informed him that I
expected as much, and was prepared for it.
In going down to the bank that morning, I found Montgom
ery Street full ; but, punctually to the minute, the bank opened,
and in rushed the crowd. As usual, the most noisy and clamor
ous were men and women who held small certificates ; still,
others with larger accounts were in the crowd, pushing forward
for their balances. All were promptly met and paid. Several
gentlemen of my personal acquaintance merely asked my word
of honor that their money was safe, and went away ; others, who
had large balances, and no immediate use for coin, gladly ac
cepted gold-bars, whereby we paid out the seventy-five thousand
dollars of bullion, relieving the coin to that amount.
Meantime, rumors from the street came pouring in that
Wright & Co. had failed; then Wells, Fargo & Co.; then
Palmer, Cook & Co., and indeed all, or nearly all, the banks
of the city ; and I was told that parties on the street were bet-
8

114 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57
ting high, first, that we would close our doors at eleven o'clock ;
then twelve, and so on ; but we did not, till the usual hour that
night. We had paid every demand, and still had a respectable
amount left.
This run on the bank (the only one I ever experienced) pre
sented all the features, serious and comical, usual to such occa
sions. At our counter happened that identical case, narrated
of others, of the Frenchman, who was nearly squeezed to death
in getting to the counter, and, when he received his money, did
not know what to do with it. " If you got the money, I no
want him ; but if you no got him, I want it like the devil ! "
Toward the close of the day, some of our customers depos
ited, rather ostentatiously, small amounts, not aggregating more
than eight or ten thousand dollars. Book-keepers and tellers
were kept at work to write up the books ; and these showed :
Due depositors and certificates, about one hundred and twenty
thousand dollars, for which remained of coin about fifty thousand
dollars. I resolved not to sleep until I had collected from those
owing the bank a part of their debts ; for I was angry with them
that they had stood back and allowed the panic to fall on the
banks alone. Among these were Captain Folsom, who owed us
twenty-five thousand dollars, secured by a mortgage on the
American Theatre and Tehama Hotel ; James Smiley, contractor
for building the Custom-House, who owed us two notes of twenty
thousand and sixteen thousand dollars, for which we held, as col
lateral, two acceptances of the collector of the port, Major R. P.
Hammond, for twenty thousand dollars each ; besides other pri
vate parties that I need not name. The acceptances given to
Smiley were for work done on the Custom-House, but could not
be paid until the work was actually laid in the walls, and certi
fied by Major Tower, United States Engineers ; but Smiley had
an immense amount of granite, brick, iron, etc., on the ground,
in advance of construction, and these acceptances were given him
expressly that he might raise money thereon for the payment of
such materials.
Therefore, as soon as I got my dinner, I took my saddle-
horse, and rode to Captain Folsom's house, where I found him

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 115
in great pain and distress, mental and physical. He was sittiag
in a chair, and bathing his head with a sponge. I explained to
him the object of my visit, and he said he had expected it, and
had already sent his agent, Van Winkle, down-town, with in
structions to raise what money he could at any cost ; but he did
not succeed in raising a cent. So great was the shock to public
confidence, that men slept on their money, and would not loan
it for ten per cent, a week, on any security whatever — even
on mint certificates, which were as good as gold, and only re
quired about ten days to be paid in coin by the United States
Mint. I then rode up to Hammond's house, on Rincon Hill,
and found him there. I explained to him exactly Smiley's af
fairs, and only asked him to pay one of his acceptances. He
inquired, " Why not both ? " I answered that was so much the
better ; it would put me under still greater obligations. He
then agreed to meet me at our bank at 10 p. m. I sent word to
others that I demanded them to pay what they could on their
paper, and then returned to the bank, to meet ILammond. In
due time, he came down with Palmer (of Palmer, Cook &
Co.), and there he met Smiley, who was, of course, very anx
ious to retire his notes. We there discussed the matter fully,
when Hammond said, " Sherman, give me up my two accept
ances, and I will substitute therefor my check of forty thou
sand dollars," with "the distinct understanding that, if the
money is not needed by you, it shall be returned to me, and
the transaction then to remain statu, quo." To this there was a
general assent. Nisbet handed him his two acceptances, and he
handed me his check, signed as collector of the port, on Major
J. R. Snyder, United States Treasurer, for forty thousand dollars.
I afterward rode out, that night, to Major Snyder's house on
North Beach, saw him, and he agreed to meet me at 8 a. m.
next day, at the United States Mint, and to pay the check, so
that I could have the money before the bank opened. The next
morning, as agreed on, we met, and he paid me the check in two
sealed bags of gold-coin, each marked twenty thousand dollars,
which I had carried to the bank, but never opened them, or even
broke the seals.

116 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
That morning our bank opened as usual, but there was no
appearance of a continuation of the " run ; " on the contrary,
money began to come back on deposit, so that by night we had
a considerable increase, and this went on from day to day, till
nearly the old condition of things returned. After about three
days, finding I had no use for the money obtained on Ham
mond's check, I took the identical two bags back to the cashier
of the Custom-House, and recovered the two acceptances which
had been surrendered as described ; and Smiley's two notes were
afterward paid in their due course, out of the cash received on
those identical acceptances. But, years afterward, on settling
with Hammond for the Custom-House contract when completed,
there was a difference, and Smiley sued Lucas, Turner & Co. for
money had and received for his benefit, being the identical forty
thousand dollars herein explained, but he lost his case. Ham
mond, too, was afterward removed from office, and indicted in
part for this transaction. He was tried before the United States
Circuit Court, Judge McAlister presiding, for a violation of the
sub-Treasury Act, but was acquitted. Our bank, having thus
passed so well through the crisis, took at once a first rank ; but
these bank failures had caused so many mercantile losses, and
had led to such an utter downfall in the value of real estate, that
everybody lost more or less money by bad debts, by deprecia
tion of stocks and collaterals, that became unsalable, if not
worthless. About this time (viz., February, 1855) I had exchanged my
house on Green Street, with Mr. Sloat, for the half of a fifty-
vara lot on Harrison Street, between Fremont and First, on
which there was a small cottage, and I had contracted for the
building of a new frame-house thereon, at six thousand dollars.
This house was finished on the 9th of April, and my family
moved into it at once.
For some time Mrs. Sherman had been anxious to go home
to Lancaster, Ohio, where we had left our daughter Minnie, with
her grandparents, and we arranged that S. M. Bowman, Esq.,
and wife, should move into our new house and board us, viz.,
Lizzie, Willie with the nurse Biddy, and myself, for a fair con-

1855-'57.j CALIFORNIA. 117
sideration. It so happened that two of my personal friends,
Messrs. Winters and Cunningham of Marysville, and a young
fellow named Eagan, now a captain in the Commissary Depart
ment, were going East in the steamer of the middle of April,
and that Mr. Wilham H. Aspinwall, of New York, and Mr.
Chauncey, of Philadelphia, were also going back ; and they all
offered to look to the personal comfort of Mrs. Sherman on the
voyage. They took passage in the steamer Golden Age (Com
modore Watkins), which sailed on April 17, 1855. Their pas
sage down the coast was very pleasant till within a day's dis
tance of Panama, when one bright moonlit night, April 29th,
the ship, running at full speed, between the Islands Quibo and
Quicara, struck on a sunken reef, tore out a streak in her
bottom, and at once began to fill with water. Fortunately
she did not stick fast, but swung off into deep water, an 1
Commodore Watkins happening to be on deck at the moment,
walking with Mr. Aspinwall, learning that the water was
rushing in with great rapidity, gave orders for a full head of
steam, and turned the vessel's bow straight for the Island
Quicara. The water rose rapidly in the hold, the passengers
were all assembled, fearful of going down, the fires were out,
and the last revolution of the wheels made, when her bow
touched gently on the beach, and the vessel's stern sank in deep
water. Lines were got out, aud the. ship held in an upright po
sition, so that the passengers were safe, and but little incom
moded. I have often heard Mrs. Sherman tell of the boy Eagan,
then about fourteen years old, coming to her state-room, and
calling to her not to be afraid, as he was a good swimmer ; but
on coming out into the cabin, partially dressed, she felt more con
fidence in the cool manner, bearing, and greater strength of Mr.
Winters. There must have been nearly a thousand souls on board
at the time, few of whom could have been saved had the steamer
gone down in mid-channel, which surely would have resulted,
had not Commodore Watkins been on deck, or had he been less
prompt in his determination to beach his ship. A sail-boat was
dispatched toward Panama, which luckily met the steamer John
L. Stephens, just coming out of the bay, loaded with about a

118 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
thousand passengers bound for San Francisco, and she at once
proceeded to the rehef of the Golden Age. Her passengers
were transferred in small boats to the Stephens, which vessel,
with her two thousand people crowded together with hardly
standing-room, returned to Panama, whence the passengers for
the East proceeded to their destination without further delay.
Luckily for Mrs. Sherman, Purser Goddard, an old Ohio friend
of ours, was on the Stephens, and most kindly gave up his own
room to her, and such lady friends as she included in her party.
The Golden Age was afterward partially repaired at Quicara,
pumped out, and steamed to Panama, when, after further re
pairs, she resumed her place in the line. I think she is still in
existence, but Commodore Watkins afterward lost his life in
China, by f ailing down a hatchway.
Mrs. Sherman returned in the latter part of November of
the same year, when Mr. and Mrs. Bowman, who meantime had
bought a lot next to us and erected a house thereon, removed to
it, and we thus continued close neighbors and friends until we
left the country for good in 1857.
During the summer of 1856, in San Francisco, occurred one
of those unhappy events, too common to new countries, in
which I became involved in spite of myself.
William Neely Johnson was Governor of California, and re
sided at Sacramento City ;. General John E. Wool commanded
the Department of California, having succeeded General Hitch
cock, and had his headquarters at Benicia ; and a Mr. Van Ness
was mayor of the city. Politics had become a regular and
profitable business, and politicians were more than suspected of
being corrupt. It was reported and currently believed that the
sheriff (Scannell) had been required to pay the Democratic Central
Committee a hundred thousand dollars for his nomination, which
was equivalent to an election, for an office of the nominal salary
of twelve thousand dollars a year for four years. In the election
all sorts of dishonesty were charged and believed, especially of
"ballot-box stuffing," and too generally the better classes
avoided the elections and ^dodged jury-duty, so that the affairs
of the city government necessarily passed into the hands of a

1855-'5T.] CALIFORNIA. 119
low set of professional pohticians. Among them was a man
named James Casey, who edited a small paper, the printing
office of which was in a room on the third floor of our banking-
office. I hardly knew him by sight, and rarely if ever saw his
paper ; but one day Mr. Sather, of the excellent banking firm of
Drexel, Sather & Church, came to me, and called my attention
to an article in Casey's paper so full of falsehood and malice,
that we construed it as an effort to black -mail the banks
generally. At that time we were all laboring to restore con
fidence, which had been so rudely shaken by the panic, and I
went up-stairs, found Casey, and pointed out to him the objec
tionable nature of bis article, told him plainly that I could not
tolerate his attempt to print and circulate slanders in our
building, and, if he repeated it, I would cause him and his press
to be thrown out of the windows. He took the hint and moved
to more friendly quarters. I mention this fact, to show my
estimate of the man, who became a figure in the drama I am
about to describe. James King of Wm., as before explained,
was in 1853 a banker on his own account, but some time in 1854
he had closed out his business, and engaged with Adams & Co.,
as cashier. When this firm failed, he, in common with all the
employes, was thrown out of employment, and had to look
around for something else. He settled down to the publication
of an evening paper, called the Bulletin, and, being a man of
fine manners and address, he at once constituted himself the
champion of society against the public and private characters
whom he saw fit to arraign.
As might have been expected, this soon brought him into
the usual newspaper war with other editors, and especially with
Casey, and epithets a la "Eatanswill" were soon bandying back
and forth between them. One evening of May, 1856, King
published, in the Bulletin, copies of papers procured from New
York, to show that Casey had once been sentenced to the State
penitentiary at Sing Sing. Casey took mortal offense, and
called at the Bulletin office, on the corner of Montgomery and
Merchant Streets, where he found King, and violent words
passed between them, resulting in Casey giving King notice

120 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
that he would shoot him on sight. King remained in his office
till about 5 or 6 p. m., when he started toward his home on
Stockton Street, and, as he neared the corner of Washington,
Casey approached him from the opposite direction, called to him,
and began firing. King had on a short cloak, and in his breast
pocket a small pistol, which he did not use. One of Casey's
shots struck him high up in the breast, from which he reeled,
was caught by some passing friend, and carried into the express-
office on the corner, where he was laid on the counter, and a
surgeon sent for. Meantime, Casey escaped up Washington
Street, went to the City Hall, and delivered himself, to the
sheriff (Scannell), who conveyed him to jail and locked him in a
cell. Meantime, the news spread like wildfire, and all the city
was in commotion, for King was very popular. Nisbet, who
boarded with us on Harrison Street, had been delayed at the
bank later than usual, so that he happened to be near at the
time, and, when he came out to dinner, he brought me the news
of this affair, and said that there was every appearance of a riot
down-town that night. This occurred toward the evening of
May 14, 1856.
It so happened that, on the urgent solicitation of Van Winkle
and of Governor Johnson, I had only a few days before agreed
to accept the commission of major-general of the Second Division
of Militia, embracing San Francisco. I had received the com
mission, but had not as yet formally accepted it, or even put
myself in communication with the volunteer companies of the
city. Of these, at that moment of time, there was a company
of artillery with four guns, commanded by a Captain Johns,
cormerly of the army, and two or three uniformed companies of
infantry. After dinner I went down-town to see what was
going on ; found that King had been removed to a room in the
Metropolitan Block ; that his life was in great peril ; that Casey
was safe in jail, and the sheriff had called to his assistance a
posse of the city police, some citizens, and one of the militia
companies. The people were gathered in groups on the streets,
and the words " Vigilance Committee " were freely spoken, but
I saw no signs of immediate violence. The next morning, I

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 121
again went to the jail, and found all things quiet, but the militia
had withdrawn. I then went to the City Hall, saw the mayor,
Van Ness, and some of the city officials, agreed to do what I
could to maintain order with such militia as were on hand, and
then formally accepted the commission, and took the " oath."
In 1851 (when I was not in California) there had been a Vigi
lance Committee, and it was understood that its organization
still existed. All the newspapers took ground in favor of tho
Vigilance Committee, except the Herald (John Nugent, editor),
and nearly all the best people favored that means of redress.
I could see they were organizing, hiring rendezvous, collecting
arms, etc., without concealment. It was soon manifest that
the companies of volunteers would go with the " committee,"
and that the public authorities could not rely on them for aid or
defense. Still, there were a good many citizens who contended
that, if the civil authorities were properly sustained by the
people at large, they could and would execute the law. But the
papers inflamed the public mind, and the controversy spread
to the country. About the third day after the shooting of
King, Governor Johnson telegraphed me that he would be down
in the evening boat, and asked me to meet him on arrival for
consultation. I got C. K. Garrison to go with me, and we met
the Governor and his brother on the wharf, and walked up
to the International Hotel on Jackson Street, above Mont
gomery. We discussed the state of affairs fully ; and Johnson,
on learning that his particular friend, William T. Coleman, was
the president of the Vigilance Committee, proposed to go and
see him. En route we stopped at King's room, ascertained that
he was slowly sinking, and could not live long ; and then near
midnight we walked to the Turnverein Hall, where the com
mittee was known to be sitting in consultation. This hall was
on Bush Street, at about the intersection of Stockton. It was
all lighted up within, but the door was locked.
The Governor knocked at the door, and on inquiry from in
side — " Who's there ? " — gave his name. After some delay we
were admitted into a sort of vestibule, beyond which was a large
hall, and we could hear the suppressed voices of a multitude.

122 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'5T.
We were shown into a bar-room to the right, when the Governor
asked to see Coleman. The man left us, went into the main
hall, and soon returned with Coleman, who was pale and agitated.
After shaking hands all round, the Governor said, " Coleman,
what the devil is the matter here ? " Coleman said, " Governor,
it is time this shooting on our streets should stop." The Gov
ernor replied, " I agree with you perfectly, and have come down
from Sacramento to assist." Coleman rejoined that " the peo
ple were tired of it, and had no faith in the officers of the law."
A general conversation then followed, in which it was admitted
that King would die, and that Casey must be executed ; but the
manner of execution was the thing to be settled, Coleman con
tending that the people would do it without trusting the courts
or the sheriff. It so happened that at that time Judge Norton
was on the bench of the court having jurisdiction, and he was
universally recognized as an able and upright man, whom no
one could or did mistrust ; and it also happened that a grand-
jury was then in session. Johnson argued that the time had
passed in California for mobs and vigilance committees, and
said if Coleman and associates would use their influence to sup
port the law, he (the Governor) would undertake that, as soon
as King died, the grand-jury should indict, that Judge Norton
would try the murderer, and the whole proceeding should be as
speedy as decency would allow. , Then Coleman said " the peo
ple had no confidence in Scannell, the sheriff," who was, he said,
in collusion with the rowdy element of San Francisco. Johnson
then offered to be personally responsible that Casey should be
safely guarded, and should be f orthcoining for trial and execu
tion at the proper time. I remember very well Johnson's asser
tion that he had no right to make these stipulations, and maybe
no power to fulfill them ; but he did it to save the city and
state from the disgrace of a mob. Coleman disclaimed that the
vigilance organization was a " mob," admitted that the proposi
tion of the Governor was fair, and all he or any one should
ask ; and added, if we would wait awhile, he would submit it to
the council, and bring back an answer.
We waited nearly an hour, and could hear the hum of voices

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 123
in the hall, but no words, when Coleman came back, accom
panied by a committee, of which I think the two brothers Ar
lington, Thomas Smiley the auctioneer, Seymour, Truett, and
others, were members. The whole conversation was gone over
again, and the Governor's proposition was positively agreed to,
with this further condition, that the Vigilance Committee should
send into the jail a small force of their own men, to make cer
tain that Casey should not be carried off or allowed to escape.
The Governor, his brother William, Garrison, and I, then
went up to the jail, where we found the sheriff and his posse
comitatus of police and citizens. These were styled the " Law-
and-Order party," and some of them took offense that the Gov
ernor should have held communication with the " damned rebels,"
and several of them left the jail ; but the sheriff seemed to agree
with the Governor that what he had done was right and best ;
and, while we were there, some eight or ten armed men arrived
from the Vigilance Committee, and were received by the sheriff
(Scannell) as a part of his regular posse.
The Governor then, near daylight, went to his hotel, and I
to my house for a short sleep. Next day I was at the bank, as
usual, when about noon the Governor called, and asked me to
walk with him down-street. He said he had just received a
message from the Vigilance Committee to the effect that they
were not bound by Coleman's promise not to do any thing till
the regular trial by jury should be had, etc. He was with reason
furious, and asked me to go with him to Truett's store, over
which the Executive Committee was said to be in session. We
were admitted to a front-room up-stairs, and heard voices in the
back-room. The Governor inquired for Coleman, but he was
not forthcoming. Another of the committee, Seymour, met us,
denied in toto the promise of the night before, and the Governor
openly accused him of treachery and falsehood.
The quarrel became public, and the newspapers took it up,
both parties turning on the Governor ; one, the Vigilantes, deny
ing the promise made by Coleman, their president; and the
other, the " Law-and-Order party," refusing any further assist
ance, because Johnson had stooped to make terms with rebels.

124 CALIFORNIA [1855-'57.
At all events, he was powerless, and had to let matters drift to
a conclusion. King died about Friday, May 20th, and the funeral was ap
pointed for the next Sunday. Early on that day the Governoi
sent for me at my house. I found him on the roof of the Inter
national, from which we looked down on the whole city, and
more especially the face of Telegraph Hill, which was already
covered with a crowd of people, while others were moving tow
ard the jail on Broadway. Parties of armed men, in good order,
were marching by platoons in the same direction, and formed in
line along Broadway, facing the jail-door. Soon a small party
was seen to advance to this door, and knock ; a parley ensued,
the doors were opened, and Casey was led out. In a few
minutes another prisoner was brought out, who proved to be
Cora, a man who had once been tried for killing Richardson,
the United States Marshal, when the jury disagreed, and he
was awaiting a new trial. These prisoners were placed in car
riages, and escorted by the armed force down to the rooms of the
Vigilance Committee, through the principal streets of the city.
The day was exceedingly beautiful, and the whole proceeding
was orderly in the extreme. I was under the impression that
Casey and Cora were hanged that same Sunday, but was prob
ably in error ; but in a very few days they were hanged by the
neck — dead — suspended from beams projecting from the win
dows of the committee's rooms, without other trial than could
be given in secret, and by night.
We all thought the matter had ended there, and accordingly
the Governor returned to Sacramento in disgust, and I went
about my business. But it soon became manifest that the Vigi
lance Committee had no intention to surrender the power thus
usurped. They took a building on Clay Street, near Front,
fortified it, employed guards and armed sentinels, sat in mid
night council, issued writs of arrest and banishment, and utterly
ignored all authority but their own. A good many men were
banished and forced to leave the country, but they were of that
class we could well spare. Yankee Sullivan, a prisoner in their
custody, committed suicide, and a feeling of general insecurity

1855-'57.J CALIFORNIA. 125
pervaded the city. Business was deranged ; and the Bulletin,
then under control of Tom King, a brother of James, poured
out its abuse on some of our best men, as well as the worst.
Governor Johnson, being again appealed to, concluded to go to
work regularly, and telegraphed me about the 1st of June to
meet him at General Wool's headquarters at Benicia that night.
I went up, and we met at the hotel where General Wool was
boarding. Johnson had with him his Secretary of State. We
discussed the state of the country generally, and I had agreed
that if Wool would give us arms and ammunition out of the
United States Arsenal at Benicia, and if Commodore Farragut,
of the navy, commanding the navy-yard on Mare Island, would
give us a ship, I would call out volunteers, and, when a suffi
cient number had responded, I would have the arms come down
from Benicia in the ship, arm my men, take possession of a
thirty -two-pound-gun battery at the Marine Hospital on Rincon
Point, thence command a dispersion of the unlawfully-armed
force of the Vigilance Committee, and arrest some of the leaders.
We played cards that night, carrying on a conversation, in
which Wool insisted on a proclamation commanding the Vigi
lance Committee to disperse, etc., and he told us how he had on
some occasion, as far back as 1814, suppressed a mutiny on the
Northern frontier. I did not understand him to make any dis
tinct promise of assistance that night, but he invited us to
accompany him on an inspection of the arsenal the next day,
which we did. On handling some rifled muskets in the arse
nal storehouse he asked me how they would answer our pur
pose. I said they were the very things, and that we did not
want cartridge boxes or belts, but that I would have the car
tridges carried in the breeches-pockets, and the caps in the vest-
pockets. I knew that there were stored in that arsenal four
thousand muskets, for I recognized the boxes which we had
carried out in the Lexington around Cape Horn in 1846. After
ward we all met at the quarters of Captain D. R. Jones of the
army, and I saw the Secretary of State, D. F. Douglass, Esq.,
walk out with General Wool in earnest conversation, and this
Secretary of State afterward asserted that Wool there and then

126 CALIFORNIA [1855-'57.
promised us the arms and ammunition, provided the Governor
would make his proclamation for the committee to disperse, and
that I should afterward call out the militia, etc. On the way
back to the hotel at Benicia, General Wool, Captain Callendar
of the arsenal, and I, were walking side by side, and I was tell
ing him (General Wool) that I would also need some ammuni
tion for the thirty-two-pound guns then in position at Rincon
Point, when Wool turned to Callendar and inquired, " Did I
not order those guns to be brought away ? " Callendar said :
" Yes, general. I made a requisition on the quartermaster for
transportation, but his schooner has been so busy that the guns
are still there." Then said Wool : " Let them remain ; we may
have use for them." I therefrom inferred, of course, that it was
all agreed to so far as he was concerned.
Soon after we had reached the hotel, we ordered a buggy,
and Governor Johnson and I drove to Vallejo, six miles, crossed
over to Mare Island, and walked up to the commandant's house,
where we found Commodore Farragut and his family. We
stated our business fairly, but the commodore answered very
frankly that he had no authority, without orders from his depart
ment, to take any part in civil broils ; he doubted the wisdom
of the attempt ; said he had no ship available except the John
Adams, Captain Boutwell, and that she needed repairs. But he
assented at last to the proposition to let the sloop John Adams
drop down abreast of the city after certain repairs, to lie off
there for moral effect, which afterward actually occurred.
We then returned to Benicia, and Wool's first question was,
" What luck ? " We answered, " Not much," and explained what
Commodore Farragut could and would do, and that, instead of
having a naval vessel, we would seize and use one of the Pacific
Mail Company's steamers, lying at their dock in Benicia, to
carry down to San Francisco the arms and munitions when the
time came.
As the time was then near at hand for the arrival of the
evening boats, we all walked down to the wharf together, where
I told Johnson that he could not be too careful ; that I had not
heard General Wool make a positive promise of assistance.

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 127
Upon this, Johnson called General Wool to one side, and we
three drew together. Johnson said : " General Wool, General
Sherman is very particular, and wants to know exactly what
you propose to do." Wool answered : " I understand, Governor,
that in the first place a writ of habeas corpus will be issued
commanding the jailers of the Vigilance Committee to produce
the body of some one of the prisoners held by them (which, of
course, will be refused) ; that you then issue your proclamation
commanding them to disperse, and, faihng this, you will call
out the militia, and command General Sherman with it to sup
press the Vigilance Committee as an unlawful body ; " to which
the Governor responded, " Yes." " Then," said Wool, " on Gen
eral Sherman's making his requisition, approved by you, I will
order the issue of the necessary arms and ammunition." I re
member well that I said, emphatically : " That is all I want. —
Now, Governor, you may go ahead." We soon parted ; John
son and Douglas taking the boat to Sacramento, and I to San
Francisco. The Chief -Justice, Terry, came to San Francisco the next
day, issued a writ of habeas corpus for the body of one Maloney,
which writ was resisted, as we expected. The Governor then
issued his proclamation, and I published my orders, dated June
4, 1855. The Quartermaster-General of the State, General
Kibbe, also came to San Francisco, took an office in the City
Hall, engaged several rooms for armories, and soon the men be
gan to enroll into companies. In my general orders calling out
the militia, I used the expression, " When a sufficient number
of men are enrolled, arms and ammunition will be supplied."
Some of the best men of the " Vigilantes " came to me and re
monstrated, saying that collision would surely result ; that it
would be terrible, etc. All I could say in reply was, that it was
for them to get out of the way. " Remove your fort ; cease
your midnight councils ; and prevent your armed bodies from
patrolling the streets." They inquired where I was to get arms,
and I answered that I had them certain. But personally I went
right along with my business at the bank, conscious that at any
moment we might have trouble. Another ¦ committee of citi-

128 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57
zens, a conciliatory body, was formed to prevent collision if
possible, and the newspapers boiled over with vehement vitu
peration. This second committee was composed of such men
as Crockett, Ritchie, Thornton, Bailey Peyton, Foote, Donohue,
Kelly, and others, a class of the most intelligent and wealthy
men of the city, who earnestly and honestly desired to prevent
bloodshed. They also came to me, and I told them that our
men were enrolling very fast, and that, when I deemed the right
moment had come, the Vigilance Committee must disperse, else
bloodshed and destruction of property would inevitably follow.
They also had discovered that the better men of the Vigilance
Committee itself were getting tired of the business, and thought
that in the execution of Casey and Cora, and the banishment of
a dozen or more rowdies, they had done enough, and were then
willing to stop. It was suggested that, if our Law-and-Order
party would not arm, by a certain day near at hand the com
mittee would disperse, and some of their leaders would sub
mit to an indictment and trial by a jury of citizens, which they
knew would acquit them of crime. One day in the bank a man
called me to the counter and said, " If you expect to get arms of
General Wool, you will be mistaken, for I was at Benicia yes
terday, and heard him say he would not give them." This per
son was known to me to be a man of truth, and I immediately
wrote to General Wool a letter telling him what I had heard, and
how any hesitation on his part would compromise me as a man
of truth and honor ; adding that I did not believe we should ever
need the arms, but only the promise of them, for " the com
mittee was letting down, and would soon disperse and submit to
the law," etc. I further asked him to answer me categorically
that very night, by the Stockton boat, which would pass Benicia
on its way down about midnight, and I would sit up and wait
for his answer. I did wait for his letter, but it did not come,
and the next day I got a telegraphic dispatch from Governor
Johnson, who, at Sacramento, had also heard of General Wool's -
"back-down," asking me to meet him again at Benicia that
night. T went up in the evening boat, and found General Wool's

1855-'57.J CALIFORNIA 129
aide-de-camp, Captain Arnold, of the army, on the wha f , with
a letter in his hand, which he said was for me. I asked for it,
but he said he knew its importance, and preferred we should go
to General Wool's room together, and the general could hand it
to me in person. We did go right up to General Wool's, who
took the sealed parcel and laid it aside, saying that it was lit
erally a copy of one he had sent to Governor Johnson, who
would doubtless give me a copy ; but I insisted that I had made
a written communication, and was entitled to a written answer.
At that moment several gentlemen of the " Conciliation
party," who had come up in the same steamer with me, asked
for admission and came in. I recall the names of Crockett,
Foote, Bailey Peyton, Judge Thornton, Donohue, etc., and the
conversation became general, Wool trying to explain away the
effect of our misunderstanding, taking good pains not to deny
his promise made to me personally on the wharf. I renewed
my application for the letter addressed to me, then lying on
his table. On my statement of the case, Bailey Peyton said,
" General Wool, I think General Sherman has a right to a writ
ten answer from you, for he is surely compromised." Upon this
Wool handed me the letter. I opened and read it, and it denied
any promise of arms, but otherwise was extremely evasive and
non-committal. I had heard of the arrival at the wharf of
the Governor and party, and was expecting them at Wool's room,
but, instead of stopping at the hotel where we were, they passed
to another hotel on the block above. I went up and found
there, in a room on the second floor over the bar-room, Gov
ernor Johnson, Chief-Justice Terry, Jones, of Palmer, Cooke
& Co., E. D. Baker, Volney E. Howard, and one or two others.
All were talking furiously against Wool, denouncing him as
a d  d liar, and not sparing the severest terms. I showed
the Governor General Wool's letter to me, which he said was
in effect the same as the one addressed to and received by
him at Sacramento. He was so offended that he would not
even call on General Wool, and said he would never again
recognize him as an officer or gentleman. We discussed mat
ters generally, and Judge Terry said that the Vigilance Com-
9

130 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
mittee were a set of d  d pork-merchants ; that they were
getting scared, and that General Wool was in collusion with
them to bring the State into contempt, etc. I explained that
there were no arms in the State except what General Wool had,
or what were in the hands of the Vigilance Committee of San
Francisco, and that the part of wisdom for us was to be patient
and cautious. About that time Crockett and his associates sent
up their cards, but Terry and the more violent of the Governor's
followers denounced them as no better than " Vigilantes," anc
wanted the Governor to refuse even to receive them. I ex
plained that they were not " Vigilantes," that Judge Thornton
was a " Law-and-Order " man, was one of the first to respond to
the call of the sheriff, and that he went actually to the jail with
his one arm the night we expected the first attempt at rescue,
etc. Johnson then sent word for them to reduce their business
to writing. They simply sent in a written request for an au
dience, and they were then promptly admitted. After some
general conversation, the Governor said he was prepared to hear
them, when Mr. Crockett rose and made a prepared speech em
bracing a clear and fair statement of the condition of things
in San Francisco, concluding with the assertion of the willing
ness of the committee to disband and submit to trial after a cer
tain date not very remote. All the time Crockett was speaking,
Terry sat with his hat on, drawn over his eyes, and with his feet
on a table. As soon as Crockett was through, they were dis
missed, and Johnson began to prepare a written answer. This
was scratched, altered, and amended, to suit the notions of his
counselors, and at last was copied and sent. This answer
amounted to little or nothing. Seeing that we were powerless
for good, and that violent counsels would prevail under the influ
ence of Terry and others, I sat down at the table, and wrote my
resignation, which Johnson accepted in a complimentary note on
the spot, and at the same time he appointed to my place General
Volney E. Howard, then present, a lawyer who had once been a
member of Congress from Texas, and who was expected to drive
the d  d pork-merchants into the bay at short notice.
I went soon arfter to *General Wool's room, where I found

1855- ,!S7.] CALIFORNIA. 131
Crockett and the rest of his party ; told them that I was out of
the fight, having resigned my commission ; that I had neglected
business that had been intrusted to me by my St. Louis part
ners ; and that I would thenceforward mind my own business,
and leave public affairs severely alone. We all returned to San
Francisco that night by the Stockton boat, and I never after
ward had any thing to do with pohtics in Calif ornia, perfectly
satisfied with that short experience. Johnson and Wool fought
out their quarrel of veracity in the newspapers and on paper.
But, in my opinion, there is not a shadow of doubt that General
Wool did deliberately deceive us ; that he had authority to issue
arms, and that, had he adhered to his promise, we could have
checked the committee before it became a fixed institution, and
a part of the common law of California. Major-General Volney
E. Howard came to San Francisco soon after ; continued the
organization of militia which I had begun ; succeeded in getting
a few arms from the country ; but one day the Vigilance Com
mittee sallied from their armories, captured the arms of the
"Law -and -Order party," put some of their men into prison,
while General Howard, with others, escaped to the country;
after which the Vigilance Committee had it all their own way.
Subsequently, in July, 1856, they arrested Chief-Justice Terry,
and tried him for stabbing one of their constables, but he man
aged to escape at night, and took refuge on the John Adams.
In August, they hanged Hetherington and Brace in broad day
light, without any jury-trial ; and, soon after, they quietly dis
banded. As they controlled the press, they wrote their own
history, and the world generally gives them the credit of having
purged San Francisco of rowdies and roughs ; but their success
has given great stimulus to a dangerous principle, that would at
any time justify the mob in seizing all the power of government ;
and who is to say that the Vigilance Committee may not be com
posed of the worst, instead of the best, elements of a community ?
Indeed, in San Francisco, as soon as it was demonstrated that
the real power had passed from the City Hall to the committee-
room, the same set of bailiffs, constables, and rowdies that had
infested the City Hall were found in the employment of the

132 CALIFORNIA. [1855-'57.
" Vigilantes ; " and, after three months' experience, the better
class of people became tired of the midnight sessions and left
the business and power of the committee in the hands of a
court, of which a Sydney man was reported to be the head or
chief-justice. During the winter of 1855-56, and indeed throughout the
year 1856, all kinds of business became unsettled in California.
The mines continued to yield about fifty millions of gold a year ;
but little attention was paid to agriculture or to any business
other than that of " mining," and, as the placer-gold was becom
ing worked out, the miners were restless and uneasy, and were
shifting about from place to place, impelled by rumors put afloat
for speculative purposes. A great many extensive enterprises
by joint-stock companies had been begun, in the way of water-
ditches, to bring water from the head of the mountain-streams
down to the richer alluvial deposits, and nearly all of these com
panies became embarrassed or bankrupt. Foreign capital, also,
which had been attracted to California by reason of the high
rates of interest, was being withdrawn, or was tied up in prop
erty which could not be sold ; and, although our bank's having
withstood the panic gave us great credit, still the community
itself was shaken, and loans of money were risky in the ex
treme. A great many merchants, of the highest name, availed
themselves of the extremely liberal bankrupt law to get dis
charged of their old debts, without sacrificing much, if any, of
their stocks of goods on hand, except a lawyer's fee ; thus realiz
ing Martin Burke's saying that " many a clever fellow had been
ruined by paying his debts." The merchants and business-men
of San Francisco did not intend to be ruined by such a course.
I raised the rate of exchange from three to three and a half,
while others kept on at the old rate ; and I labored hard to col
lect old debts, and strove, in making new loans, to be on the
safe side. The State and city both denied much of their pubhc
debt ; in fact, repudiated it ; and real estate, which the year be
fore had been first-class security, became utterly unsalable.
The office labor and confinement, and the anxiety attending
the business, aggravated my asthma to such an extent that at

1855-'57.] CALIFORNIA. 133
times it deprived me of sleep, and threatened to become chronic
and serious ; and I was also conscious that the first and original
cause which had induced Mr. Lucas to establish the bank in Cal
ifornia had ceased. I so reported to him, and that I really
believed that he could use his money more safely and to better
advantage in St. Louis. This met his prompt approval, and he
instructed me gradually to draw out, preparatory to a removal
to New York City. Accordingly, early in April, 1857, I pub
lished an advertisement in the San Francisco papers, notifying
our customers that, on the 1st day of May, we would discontinue
business remove East, requiring all to withdraw their ac
counts, and declaring that, if any remained on the 1st day of
May, their balances would be transferred to the banking-house
of Parrott & Co. Punctually to the day, this was done, and the
business of Lucas, Turner & Co., of San Francisco, was discon
tinued, except the more difficult and disagreeable part of col
lecting their own moneys and selling the real estate, to which
the firm had succeeded by purchase or foreclosure. One of the
partners, B. R. Nisbet, assisted by our attorney, S. M. Bowman,
Esq., remained behind to close up the business of the bank.

CHAPTER V.
CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, AND KANSAS.
1857-1859.
Having closed the bank at San Francisco on the 1st day of
May, 1857, accompanied by my family I embarked in the steamei
Sonora for Panama, crossed the isthmus, and sailed to New
York, whence we proceeded to Lancaster, Ohio, where Mrs.
Sherman and the family stopped, and I went on to St. Louis.
I found there that some changes had been made in the parent-
house, that Mr. Lucas had bought out his partner, Captain Sy
monds, and that the firm's name had been changed to that of
James H. Lucas & Co.
It had also been arranged that an office or branch was to be
established in New York City, of which I was to have charge,
on pretty much the same terms and conditions as in the previous
San Francisco firm.
Mr. Lucas, Major Turner, and I, agreed to meet in New
York, soon after the 4th of July. We met accordingly at the
Metropolitan Hotel, selected an office, No. 12 Wall Street,
purchased the necessary furniture, and engaged a teller, book
keeper, and porter. The new firm was to bear the same title of
Lucas, Turner & Co., with about the same partners in interest,
but the nature of the business was totally different. We opened
our office on the 21st of July, 1857, and at once began to re
ceive accounts from the West and from California, but our chief
business was as the resident agents of the St. Louis firm of
James H. Lucas & Co. Personally I took rooms at No. 100
Prince Street, in which house were also quartered Major J. G.

1837-'59.] CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. 135
Barnard, and Lieutenant J. B. McPherson, United States En
gineers, both of whom afterward attained great fame in the civil
war. My business relations in New York were with the Metropoli
tan Bank and Bank of America ; and with the very wealthy and
most respectable firm of Schuchhardt & Gebhard, of Nassau
Street. Every thing went along swimmingly till the 21st of Au
gust, when all Wall Street was thrown into a spasm by the failure
of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, and the panic so resembled
that in San Francisco, that, having nothing seemingly at stake, I
felt amused. But it soon became a serious matter even to me.
Western stocks and securities tumbled to such a figure, that all
Western banks that held such securities, and had procured ad
vances thereon, were compelled to pay up or substitute increased
collaterals. Our own house was not a borrower in New York
at all, but many of our Western correspondents were, and it
taxed my time to watch their interests. In September, the
panic extended so as to threaten the safety of even some of the
New York banks not connected with the West ; and the alarm
became general, and at last universal.
In the very midst of this panic came the news that the
steamer Central America, formerly the George Law, with six
hundred passengers and about sixteen hundred thousand dollars
of treasure, coming from Aspinwall, had foundered at sea, off
the coast of Georgia, and that about sixty of the passengers had
been providentially picked up by a Swedish bark, and brought
into Savannah. The absolute loss of this treasure went to swell
the confusion and panic of the day.
A few days after, I was standing in the vestibule of the Me
tropolitan Hotel, and heard the captain of the Swedish bark
tell his singular story of the rescue of these passengers. He
was a short, sailor-like-looking man, with a strong German or
Swedish accent. He said that he was sailing from some port in
Honduras for Sweden, running down the Gulf Stream off Sa
vannah. The weather had been heavy for some days, and, about
nightfall, as he paced his deck, he observed a man-of-war hawk
circle about his vessel, gradually lowering, until the bird was as

136 CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. [1857-'59.
it were aiming at him. He jerked out a belaying-pin, struck at
the bird, missed it, when the hawk again rose high in the air,
and a second time began to descend, contract his circle, and
make at him again. The second time he hit the bird, and struck
it to the deck. This strange fact made him uneasy, and he
thought it betokened danger ; he went to the binnacle, saw the
course he was steering, and without any particular reason he
ordered the steersman to alter the course one point to the east.
After this it became quite dark, and he continued to prome
nade the deck, and had settled into a drowsy state, when as in a
dream he thought he heard voices all round his ship. Waking
up, he ran to the side of the ship, saw something struggling in
the water, and heard clearly cries for help. Instantly heaving
his ship to, and lowering aU his boats, he managed to pick up
sixty or more persons who were floating about on skylights,
doors, spars, and whatever fragments remained of the Central
America. Had he not changed the course of his vessel by rea
son of the mysterious conduct of that man-©f-war hawk, not a soul
would probably have survived the night. It was stated by the
rescued passengers, among whom was Billy Birch, that the Cen
tral America had sailed from Aspinwall with the passengers and
freight which left San Francisco on the 1st of September, and
encountered the gale in the Gulf Stream somewhere off Savan
nah, in which she sprung a leak, filled rapidly, and went down.
The passengers who were saved had clung to doors, skylights,
and such floating objects as they could reach, and were thus res
cued ; all the rest, some five hundred in number, had gone down
with the ship.
The panic grew worse and worse, and about the end of Sep
tember there was a general suspension of the banks of New
York, and a money crisis extended all over the country. In
New York, Lucas, Turner & Co. had nothing at risk. We had
large cash balances in the Metropolitan Bank and in the Bank of
America, all safe, and we held, for the account of the St. Louis
house, at least two hundred thousand dollars, of St. Louis city
and county bonds, and of acceptances falling due right along,
none extending beyond ninety days. I was advised from St

1857-'5<».] CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. 137
Louis that money matters were extremely tight ; but I did not
dream of any danger in that quarter. I knew well that Mr.
Lucas was worth two or three million dollars in the best real
estate, and inferred from the large balances to their credit with
me that no mere panic could shake his credit ; but, early on the
morning of October 7th, my cousin, James M. Hoyt, came to
me in bed, and read me a paragraph in the morning paper, to
the effect that James H. Lucas & Co., of St. Louis, had sus
pended. I was, of course, surprised, but not sorry ; for I had
always contended that a man of so much visible wealth as Mr.
Lucas should not be engaged in a business subject to such vicis
situdes. I hurried down to the office, where I received the same
information officially, by telegraph, with instructions to make
proper disposition of the affairs of the bank, and to come out to
St. Louis, with such assets as would be available there. I trans
ferred the funds belonging to all our correspondents, with hsts
of outstanding checks, to one or other of our bankers, and with
the cash balance of the St. Louis house and their available assets
started for St. Louis. I may say with confidence that no man
lost a cent by either of the banking-firms of Lucas, Turner &
Co., of San Francisco or New York ; but, as usual, those who
owed us were not always as just.
I reached St. Louis October 17th, and found the partners
engaged in liquidating the balances due depositors as fast as col
lections could be forced ; and, as the panic began to subside, this
process became quite rapid, and Mr. Lucas, by making a loan in
Philadelphia, was enabled to close out all accounts without hav
ing made any serious sacrifices. Of course, no person ever lost
a cent by him : he has recently died, leaving an estate of eight
million dollars. During his lifetime, I had opportunities to
know him well, and take much pleasure in bearing testimony to
his great worth and personal kindness. On the failure of his
bank, he assumed personally all the liabilities, released his part
ners of all responsibility, and offered to assist me to engage in
business, which he supposed was due to me because I had re
signed my army commission.
I remained' in St. Louis till the 7th of December, 1857, as-

138 CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. [1857-'59.
sisting in collecting for the bank, and in controlling all matters
which came from the New York and San Francisco branches.
B. R. Nisbet was still in San Francisco, but had married a Miss
Thornton, and was coming home. There still remained in Cali
fornia a good deal of real estate, and notes, valued at about two
hundred thousand dollars in the aggregate ; so that, at Mr. Lu
cas's request, I agreed to go out again, to bring matters, if pos
sible, nearer a final settlement. I accordingly left St. Louis,
reached Lancaster, where my family was, on the 10th, staid there
till after Christmas, and then went to New York, where I re
mained till January 5th, when I embarked on the steamer Moses
Taylor (Captain McGowan) for Aspinwall ; caught the Golden
Gate (Captain Whiting) at Panama, January 15, 1858; and
reached. San Francisco on the 28th of January. I found that
Nisbet and wife had gone to St. Louis, and that we had passed
each other at sea. He had carried the ledger and books to St.
Louis, but left a schedule, notes, etc., in the hands of S. M.
Bowman, Esq., who passed them over to me.
On the 30th of January I published a notice of the dissolu
tion of the partnership, and called on all who were still indebted
to the firm of Lucas, Turner & Co. to pay up, or the notes would
be sold at auction. I also advertised that all the real property
was for sale.
Business had somewhat changed since 1857. Parrott & Co.;
Garrison, Fritz & Ralston; Wells, Fargo & Co.; Drexel, Sather
& Church, and Tallant & Wilde, were the principal bankers.
Property continued almost unsalable, and prices were less than a
half of what they had been in 1853-54. William Blanding, Esq.,
had rented my house on Harrison Street ; so I occupied a room
in the bank, No. 11, and boarded at the Meiggs House, corner
of Broadway and Montgomery, which we owned. Having reduced
expenses to a minimum, I proceeded, with all possible dispatch,
to collect outstanding debts, in some instances making sacrifices
and compromises. I made some few sales, and generally aimed
to put matters in such a shape that time would bring the best
result. Some of our heaviest creditors were John M. Rhodes &
Co., of Sacramento and Shasta ; Langton & Co., of Downieville ;

1857-'59.] CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. 139
and E. M. Strange, of Murphy's. In trying to put these debts
in course of settlement, I made some arrangement in Downie-
ville with the law-firm of Spears & Thornton, to collect, by suit,
a certain note of Green & Purdy for twelve thousand dollars.
Early in April, I learned that Spears had collected three thou
sand seven hundred dollars in money, had appropriated it to his
own use, and had pledged another good note taken in part pay
ment of three thousand and fifty-three dollars. He pretended
to be insane. I had to make two visits to Downieville on this
business, and there made the acquaintance of Mr. Stewart, now
a Senator from Nevada. He was married to a daughter of Gov
ernor Foote ; was living in a small frame-house on the bar just
below the town ; and his little daughter was playing about the
door in the sand. Stewart was then a lawyer in Downieville, in
good practice; afterward, by some lucky stroke, became part
owner of a valuable silver-mine in Nevada, and is now accounted
a millionaire. I managed to save something out of Spears, and
more out of his partner Thornton. This affair of Spears ruined
him, because his insanity was manifestly feigned.
I remained in San Francisco till July 3d, when, having
collected and remitted every cent that I could raise, and got
all the property in the best shape possible, hearing from St
Louis that business had revived, and that there was no need of
further sacrifice, I put all the papers, with a full letter of in
structions, and power of attorney, in the hands of William Bland-
ing, Esq., and took passage on the good steamer Golden Gate,
Captain Whiting, for Panama and home. I reached Lancaster
on July 28, 1858, and found all the family well. I was then
perfectly unhampered, but the serious and greater question re
mained, what was I to do to support my family, consisting of a
wife and four children, all accustomed to more than the average
comforts of life ?
I remained at Lancaster all of August, 1858, during which
time I was discussing with Mr. Ewing and others what to do
next. Major Turner and Mr. Lucas, in St. Louis, were willing to
do any thing to aid me, but I thought best to keep independent.
Mr. Ewing had property at Chauncey, consisting of salt- wells and

140 CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. [1857-'59.
coal-mines, but for that part of Ohio I had no fancy. Two of
his sons, Hugh and T. E., Jr., had established themselves at
Leavenworth, Kansas, where they and their father had bought
a good deal of land, some near the town, and some back in the
country. Mr. Ewing offered to confide to me the general man
agement of his share of interest, and Hugh and T. E., Jr., offered
me an equal copartnership in their law-firm. Accordingly, about
the 1st of September, I started for Kansas, stopping a couple of
weeks in St. Louis, and reached Leavenworth. I found about
two miles below the fort, on the river-bank, where in 1851 was
a tangled thicket, quite a handsome and thriving city, growing
rapidly in rivalry with Kansas City, and St. Joseph, Missouri.
After looking about and consulting with friends, among them
my classmate Major Stewart Van Vliet, quartermaster at the
fort, I concluded to accept the proposition of Mr. Ewing, and
accordingly the firm of Sherman & Ewing was duly announced,
and our services to the public offered as attorneys-at-law.
We had an office on Main Street, between Shawnee and
Delaware, On the second floor, over the office of Hampton Den-
man, Esq., mayor of the city. This building was a mere shell,
and our office was reached by a stairway on the outside. Al
though in the course of my military reading I had studied a few
of the ordinary law-books, such as Blackstone, Kent, Starkie,
etc., I did not presume to be a lawyer ; but our agreement
was that Thomas Ewing, Jr., a good and thorough lawyer,
should manage all business in the courts, while I gave attention
to collections, agencies for houses and lands, and such business
as my experience in banking had qualified me for. Yet, as
my name was embraced in a law-firm, it seemed to me proper to
take out a license. Accordingly, one day when United States
Judge Lecompte was in our office, I mentioned the matter to
him; he told me to go down to the clerk of his court, and
he would give me the license. I inquired what examination I
would have to submit to, and he rephed, "None at all;" he
¦would admit me on the ground of general intelligence.
During that summer we got our share of the business of the
profession, then represented by several eminent law-firms, em-

1857 '59.] CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. 141
bracing name» that have since flourished in the Senate, and in
the higher courts of the country. But the most lucrative single
case was given me by my friend Major Van Vliet, who em
ployed me to go to Fort Riley, one hundred and thirty-six
miles west of Fort Leavenworth, to superintend the repairs to
the military road. For this purpose he supplied me with a
four-mule ambulance and driver. The country was then sparsely
settled, and quite as many Indians were along the road as white
people ; still there were embryo towns all along the route, and a
few farms sprinkled over the beautiful prairies. On reaching
Indianola, near Topeka, I found everybody down with the
chills and fever. My own driver became so shaky that I had
to act as driver and cook. But in due season I reconnoitred the
road, and made contracts for repairing some bridges, and for
cutting such parts of the road as needed it. I then returned to
Fort Leavenworth, and reported, receiving a fair compensation.
On my way up I met Colonel Sumner's column, returning from
their summer scout on the plains, and spent the night with the
officers, among whom were Captains Sackett, Sturgis, etc. Also
at Fort Riley I was cordially received and entertained by some
old army-friends, among them Major Sedgwick, Captains Tot-
ten, Eli Long, etc.
Mrs. Sherman and children arrived out in November, and we
spent the winter very comfortably in the house of Thomas
Ewing, Jr., on the corner of Third and Pottawottamie Streets.
On the 1st of January, 1859, Daniel McCook, Esq., was ad
mitted to membership in our firm, which became Sherman, Ew
ing & McCook. Our business continued to grow, but, as the in
come hardly sufficed for three such expensive personages, I con
tinued to look about for something more certain and profitable,
and during that spring undertook for the Hon. Thomas Ewing,
of Ohio, to open a farm on a large tract of land he owned on
Indian Creek, forty miles west of Leavenworth, for the benefit
of his grand-nephew, Henry Clark, and his grand-niece, Mrs.
Walker. These arrived out in the. spring, by which time I had
caused to be erected a small frame dwelling-house, a barn, and
fencing for a hundred acres. This helped to pass away time,

142 CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. [1857-'59.
but afforded little profit ; and on the 11th of June, 1859, I
wrote to Major D. C. BueJ, assistant adjutant-general, on duty
in the War Department with Secretary of War Floyd, inquiring
if there was a vacancy among the army paymasters, or any thing
in his line that I could obtain. He replied promptly, and sent
me the printed programme for a military college about to be
organized in Louisiana, and advised me to apply for the superin
tendent's place, saying that General G. Mason Graham, the half-
brother of my old commanding general, R. B. Mason, was very
influential in this matter, and would doubtless befriend me on
account of the relations that had existed between General Mason
and myself in California. Accordingly, I addressed a letter of
applicatipn to the Hon. R. C. Wickliffe, Baton Rouge, Louisiana,
asking the answer to be sent to me at Lancaster, Ohio, where ]
proposed to leave my family. But, before leaving this branch of
the subject, I must explain a little matter of which I have seen
an account in print, complimentary or otherwise of the firm
of Sherman, Ewing & McCook, more especially of the senior
partner. One day, as I sat in our office, an Irishman came in and
said he had a case and wanted a lawyer. I asked him to sit
down and give me the points of his case, all the other members
of the firm being out. Our client stated that he had rented a
lot of an Irish landlord for five dollars a month ; that he had
erected thereon a small frame shanty, which was occupied by his
family ; that he had paid his rent regularly up to a recent period,
but to his house he had appended a shed which extended over a
part of an adjoining vacant lot belonging to the same landlord,
for which he was charged two and a half dollars a month, which
he refused to pay. The consequence was, that his landlord had
for a few months declined even his five dollars monthly rent
until the arrears amounted to about seventeen dollars, for which
he was sued. I told him we would undertake his case, of which
I took notes, and a fee of five dollars in advance, and in due or
der I placed the notes in the hands of McCook, and thought no
more of it.
A month or so after, our client rushed into the office and sair1

1857-'59.] CALIFORNIA, NEW YORK, KANSAS. 143
his case had been called at Judge Gardner's (I think), and he
wanted his lawyer right away. I sent him up to the Circuit
Court, Judge Pettit's, for McCook, but he soon returned, saying
he could not find McCook, and accordingly I hurried with him
up to Judge Gardner's office, intending to ask a continuance,
but I found our antagonist there, with his lawyer and witnesses,
and Judge Gardner would not grant a continuance, so of
necessity I had to act, hoping that at every minute McCook
would come. But the trial proceeded regularly to its end;
we were beaten, and judgment was entered against our client
for the amount claimed, and costs. As soon as the matter was
explained to McCook, he said " execution " could not be taken
for ten days, and, as our client was poor, and had nothing on
which the landlord could levy but his house, McCook advised
him to get his neighbors together, to pick up the house, and
carry it on to another vacant lot, belonging to a non-resident,
so that even the house could not be taken in execution. Thus
the grasping landlord, though successful in his judgment, failed
in the execution, and our client was abundantly satisfied.
In due time I closed up my business at Leavenworth, and
went to Lancaster, Ohio, where, in July, 1859, I received notice
from Governor Wickliffe that I had been elected superin
tendent of the proposed college, and inviting me to come
down to Louisiana as early as possible, because they were anx
ious to put the college into operation by the 1st of January fol
lowing. For this honorable position I was indebted to Major D.
C. Buell and General G. Mason Graham, to whom I have made
full and due acknowledgment. During the civil war, it was re
ported and charged that I owed my position to the personal
friendship of Generals Bragg and Beauregard, and that, in taking
up arms against the South, I had been guilty of a breach of
hospitality and friendship. I was not indebted to General
Bragg, because he himself told me that he was not even aware
that I was an applicant, and had favored the selection of Major
Jenkins, another West Point graduate. General Beauregard
had nothing whatever to do with the matter.

CHAPTER VL
LOUISIANA.
1859-1861.
In the autumn of 1859, having made arrangements for my
family to remain in Lancaster, I proceeded, via Columbus, Cin
cinnati, and Louisville, to Baton Rouge, Louisiana, where I
reported for duty to Governor Wickliffe, who, by virtue of
his office, was the president of the Board of Supervisors of
the new institution over which I was called to preside. He ex
plained to me the act of the Legislature under which the insti
tution was founded ; told me that the building was situated near
Alexandria, in the parish of Rapides, and was substantially
finished ; that the future management would rest with a Board
of Supervisors, mostly citizens of Rapides Parish, where also
resided the Governor-elect, T. O. Moore, who would soon suc
ceed him in his office as Governor and president ex officio / and
advised me to go at once to Alexandria, and put myself in
communication with Moore and the supervisors. Accordingly
I took a boat at Baton Rouge, for the mouth of Red River.
The river being low, and its navigation precarious, I there took
the regular mail-coach, as the more certain conveyance, and con
tinued on toward Alexandria. I found, as a fellow-passenger
in the coach, Judge Henry Boyce, of the United States District
Court, with whom I had made acquaintance years before, at
St. Louis, and, as we neared Alexandria, he proposed that we
should stop at Governor Moore's and spend the night. Moore's
house and plantation were on Bayou Robert, about eight miles
from Alexandria. We found him at home, with his wife and a

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA. 145
married daughter, and spent the night there. He sent us for
ward to Alexandria the next morning, in his own carriage. On
arriving at Alexandria, I put up at an inn, or boarding-house,
and almost immediately thereafter went about ten miles farther
up Bayou Rapides, to the plantation and house of General G.
Mason Graham, to whom I looked as the principal man with
whom I had to deal. He was a high-toned gentleman, and his
whole heart was in the enterprise. He at once put me at ease.
We acted together most cordially from that time forth, and
it was at his house that all the details of the seminary were ar
ranged. We first visited the college-building together. It was
located on an old country place of four hundred acres of pine-
land, with numerous springs, and the building was very large
and handsome. A carpenter, named James, resided there, and
had the general charge of the property ; but, as there was not a
table, chair, black-board, or any thing on hand, necessary for a
beginning, I concluded to quarter myself in one of the rooms
of the seminary, and board with an old black woman who
cooked for James, so that I might personally push forward the
necessary preparations. There was an old rail-fence about the
place, and a large pile of boards in front. I immediately en
gaged four carpenters, and set them at work to make out of
these boards mess-tables, benches, black-boards, etc. I also
opened a correspondence with the professors-elect, and with all
parties of influence in the State, who were interested in our
work. At the meeting of the Board of Supervisors, held at
Alexandria, August 2, 1859, five professors had been elected:
1. W. T. Sherman, Superintendent, and Professor of Engineer
ing, etc. ; 2. Anthony Vallas, Professor of Mathematics, Philos
ophy, etc. ; 3. Francis W. Smith, Professor of Chemistry, etc. ;
4. David F. Boyd, Professor of Languages, English and An
cient ; 5. E. Berti St. Ange, Professor of French and Modern
Languages. These constituted the Academic Board, while the general
supervision remained in the Board of Supervisors, composed of
the Governor of the State, the Superintendent of Public Edu
cation, and twelve members, nominated by the Governor, and
10

146 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
confirmed by the Senate. The institution was bound to educate
sixteen beneficiary students, free of any charge for tuition. These
had only to pay for their clothing and books, while all others
had to pay their entire expenses, including tuition.
Early in November, Profs. Smith, Vallas, St. Ange, and I,
met a committee of the Board of Supervisors, composed of T. C.
Manning, G. Mason Graham, and W. W. Whittington, at General
Graham's house, and resolved to open the institution to pupils
on the 1st day of January, 1860. We adopted a series of by
laws for the government of the institution, which was styled
the " Louisiana Seminary of Learning and Military Academy."
This title grew out of the original grant, by the Congress of the
United States, of a certain township of public land, to be sold
by the State, and dedicated to the use of a "seminary of
learning." I do not suppose that Congress designed thereby to
fix the name or title ; but the subject had so long been debated
in Louisiana that the name, though awkward, had become fa
miliar. We appended to it " Military Academy," as explanatory
of its general design.
On the 17th of November, 1859, the Governor of the State,
Wickliffe, issued officially a general circular, prepared by us,
giving public notice that the " Seminary of Learning " would
open on the 1st day of January, 1860; containing a description
of the locality, and the general regulations for the proposed insti
tution ; and authorizing parties to apply for further inf ormation
to the " Superintendent," at Alexandria, Louisiana.
The Legislature had appropriated for the sixteen beneficiaries
at the rate of two hundred and eighty-three dollars per annum,
to which we added sixty dollars as tuition for pay cadets ; and,
though the price was low, we undertook to manage for the first
year on that basis.
Promptly to the day, we opened, with about sixty cadets
present. Major Smith was the commandant of cadets, and
I the superintendent. 1 had been to New Orleans, where
I had bought a supply of mattresses, books, and every thing
requisite, and we started very much on the basis of West
Point and of the Virginia Military Institute, but without uni-

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA. 147
forms or muskets; yet with roll-calls, sections, and recitations,
we kept as near the standard of West Point as possible. I kept
all the money accounts, and gave general directions to the stew
ard, professors, and cadets. The other professors had their reg
ular classes and recitations. We all lived in rooms in the
college-building, except Vallas, who had a family, and rented a
house near by. A creole gentleman, B. Jarreau, Esq., had been
elected steward, and he also had his family in a house not far
off. The other professors had a mess in a room adjoining the
mess-hall. A few more cadets joined in the course of the win
ter, so that we had in all, during the first term, seventy-three
cadets, of whom fifty-nine passed the examination on the
30th of July, 1860. During our first term many defects in the
original act of the Legislature were demonstrated, and, by the
advice of the Board of Supervisors, I went down to Baton Rouge
during the session of the Legislature, to advocate and urge the
passage .of a new bill, putting the institution on a better footing.
Thomas 0. Moore was then Governor, Bragg was a member
of the Board of Public Works, and Richard Taylor was a Sena
tor. I got well acquainted with all of these, and with some
of the leading men of the State, and was always treated
with the greatest courtesy and kindness. In conjunction with
the proper committee of the Legislature, we prepared a new
bill, which was 'passed and approved on the 7th of March, 1860,
by which we were to have a beneficiary cadet for each parish, in
all fifty-six, and fifteen thousand dollars annually for their
maintenance ; also twenty thousand dollars for the general use
of the college. During that session we got an appropriation of
fifteen thousand dollars for building two professors' houses,
for the purchase of philosophical and chemical apparatus, and for
the beginning of a college library. The seminary was made a
State Arsenal, under the title of State Central Arsenal, and I
was allowed five hundred dollars a year as its superintendent.
These matters took me several times to Baton Rouge that win
ter, and I recall an event of some interest, which must have
happened in February. At that time my brother, John Sher
man, was a candidate, in the national House of Representatives,

14S LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
for Speaker, against Bocock, of Virginia. In the South he
was regarded as an "abolitionist," the most horrible of all
monsters; and many people of Louiisana looked at me with
suspicion, as the brother of the abolitionist, John Sherman, and
doubted the propriety of having me at the head of an important
State institution. By this time I was pretty well acquainted
with many of their prominent men, was generally esteemed
by all in authority, and by the people of Rapides Parish es
pecially, who saw that I was devoted to my particular business,
and that I gave no heed to the political excitement of the day.
But the members of the State Senate and House did not know
me so well, and it was natural that they should be suspicious
of a Northern man, and the brother of him who was the " aboli
tion " candidate for Speaker of the House.
One evening, at a large dinner-party at Governor Moore's,
at which were present several members of the Louisiana Leg
islature, Taylor, Bragg, and the Attorney-General Hyams, after
the ladies had left the table, I noticed at Governor Moore's
end quite a lively discussion going on, in which my name
was frequently used; at length the Governor called to me,
saying : " Colonel Sherman, you can readily understand that,
with your brother the abolitionist candidate for Speaker, some
of our people wonder that you should be here at the head of
an important State institution. Now, you are at my table, and
I assure you of my confidence. Won't you speak your mind
freely on this question of slavery, that so agitates the land ?
You are under my roof, and, whatever you say, you have my
protection." I answered : " Governor Moore, you mistake in calling my
brother, John Sherman, an abolitionist. We have been sepa
rated since childhood — I in the army, and he pursuing his pro
fession of law in Northern Ohio ; and it is possible we may differ
in general sentiment, but I deny that he is considered at home
an abolitionist; and, although he prefers the free institutions
under which he lives to those of slavery which prevail here, he
would not of himself take from you by law or force any prop
erty whatever, even slaves."

1859-'6L] LOUISIANA. 149
Then said Moore : " Give us your own views of slavery as
you see it here and throughout the South."
I answered in effect that "the people of Louisiana were
hardly responsible for slavery, as they had inherited it ; that I
found two distinct conditions of slavery, domestic and field hands.
The domestic slaves, employed by the families, were probably
better treated than any slaves on earth ; but the condition of the
field-hands was different, depending more on the temper and
disposition of their masters and overseers than were those em
ployed about the house ; " and I went on to say that, " were I a
citizen of Louisiana, and a member of the Legislature, I would
deem it wise to bring the legal condition of the slaves more near
the status of human beings under all Christian and civilized
governments. In the first place, I argued that, in sales of slaves
made by the State, I would forbid the separation of families,
letting the father, mother, and children, be sold together to one
person, instead of each to the highest bidder. And, again, I
would advise the repeal of the statute which enacted a severe
penalty for even the owner to teach his slave to read and write,
because that actually qualified property and took away a part of
its value ; illustrating the assertion by the case of Henry Samp
son, who had been the slave of Colonel Chambers, of Rapides
Parish, who had gone to California as the servant of an officer
of the army, and who was afterward employed by me in the
bank at San Francisco. At first he could not write or read, and
I could only afford to pay him one hundred dollars a month ;
but he was taught to read and write by Reilley, our bank-teller,
when his services became worth two hundred and fifty doUars a
month, which enabled .him to buy his own freedom and that of
his brother and his family."
What I said was listened to by all with the most profound
attention ; and, when I was through, some one (I think it was
Mr. Hyams) struck the table with his fist, making the glasses jin
gle, and said, " By God, he is right ! " and at once he took up the
debate, which went on, for an hour or more, on both sides with
ability and fairness. Of course, I was glad to be thus relieved,
because at the time aU men in Louisiana were dreadfully ex

150

LOUISIANA. [1859-'61

cited on questions affecting their slaves, who constituted the
bulk of their wealth, and without whom they honestly believed
that sugar, cotton, and rice, could not possibly be cultivated.
On the 30th and 31st of July, 1860, we had an examination
at the seminary, winding up with a ball, and as much publicity
as possible to attract general notice ; and immediately thereafter
we all scattered— the cadets to their homes, and the professors
wherever they pleased — all to meet again on the 1st day of the
next November. Major Smith and I agreed to meet in New
York on a certain day in August, to purchase books, models,
etc. I went directly to my family in Lancaster, and after a few
days proceeded to Washington, to endeavor to procure from the
General Government the necessary muskets and equipments for
our cadets by the beginning of the next term. I was in Wash
ington on the 17th day of August, and hunted up my friend
Major Buell, of the Adjutant-General's Department, who was
on duty with the Secretary of War, Floyd. I had with me a
letter of Governor Moore's, authorizing me to act in his name.
Major Buell took me into Floyd's room at the War Department,
to whom I explained my business,* and I was agreeably surprised
to meet with such easy success. Although the State of Louisi
ana had already drawn her full quota of arms, Floyd promptly
promised to order my requisition to be filled, and I procured the
necessary blanks at the Ordnance-Office, filled them with two
hundred cadet muskets, and aU equipments complete, and was
. assured that all these articles would be shipped to Louisiana in
season for our use that fall. These assurances were faithfully
carried out.
I then went on to New York, there met Major Smith accord
ing to appointment, and together we selected and purchased a
good supply of uniforms, clothing, and text-books, as well as a
fair number of books of history and fiction, to commence a
library. When this business was completed, I returned to Lancaster,
and remained with my family till the time approached for me to
return to Louisiana. I again left my family at Lancaster, until
assured of the completion of the two buildings designed for the

1859-'B1.] LOUISIANA. . 151
married professors for which I had contracted that spring with
Mr. MiUs, of Alexandria, and which were well under progress
when I left in August. One of these was designed for me and
the other for Vallas. Mr. Ewing presented me with a horse,
which I took down the river with me, and en route I ordered
from Grimsley & Co. a full equipment of saddle, bridle, etc.,
the same that I used in the war, and which I lost with my horse,
shot under me at Shiloh.
Reaching Alexandria early in October, I pushed forward the
construction of the two buildings, some fences, gates, and all
other work, with the object of a more perfect start at the open
ing of the regular term November 1, 1860.
About this time Dr. Powhatan Clark was elected Assistant
Professor of Chemistry, etc., and acted as secretary of the Board
of Supervisors, but no other changes were made in our small
circle of professors.
November came, and with it nearly if not quite all our first
set of cadets, and others, to the number of about one hundred
and thirty. We divided them into two companies, issued arms
and clothing, and began a regular system of drills and in
struction, as weU as the regular recitations. I had moved into
my new house, but prudently had not sent for my family, nomi
nally on the ground of waiting until the season was further ad
vanced, but really because of the storm that was lowering heavy
on the political horizon. The presidential election was to occur
in November, and the nominations had already been made in
stormy debates by the usual conventions. Lincoln and Hamlin
(to the South utterly unknown) were the nominees of the Re
publican party, and for the first time both these candidates were
from Northern States. The Democratic party divided — one set
nominating a ticket at Charleston, and the other at Baltimore.
Breckenridge and Lane were the nominees of the Southern or
Democratic party ; and Bell and Everett, a kind of compromise,
mostly in favor in Louisiana. Political excitement was at its
very height, and it was constantly asserted that Mr. Lincoln's
election would imperil the Union. I purposely kept aloof from
polities, would take no part, and remember that on the day

152 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
of the election in November I was notified that it would be
advisable for me to vote for Bell and Everett, but I openly said
I would not, and I did not. The election of Mr. Lincoln fell
upon us all like a clap of thunder. People saw and felt that
the South had threatened so long that, if she quietly submitted,
the question of slavery in the Territories was at an end for
ever. I mingled freely with the members of the Board of
Supervisors, and with the people of Rapides Parish generally,
keeping aloof from all cliques and parties, and I certainly
hoped that the threatened storm would blow over, as had so
often occurred before, after similar threats. At our seminary
the order of exercises went along with the regularity of the
seasons. Once a week, I had the older cadets to practise read
ing, reciting, and elocution, and noticed that their selections
were from Calhoun, Yancey, and other Southern speakers, all .
treating of the defense of their slaves and their home insti
tutions as the very highest duty of the patriot. Among boys
this was to be expected; and among the members of our
board, though most of them declaimed against politicians gen
erally, and especially abolitionists, as pests, >et there was
a growing feeling that danger was in the wind. I recall the
visit of a young gentleman who had been sent from Jack
son, by the Governor of Mississippi, to confer with Governor
Moore, then on his plantation at Bayou Robert, and who had
come over to see our college. He spoke to me openly of seces
sion as a fixed fact, and that its details were only left open for
discussion. I also recall the visit of some man who was said to
be a high officer in the order of " Knights of the Golden Cir
cle," of the existence of which order I was even ignorant, until
explained to me by Major Smith and Dr. Clark. But in No
vember, 1860, no man ever approached me offensively, to as
certain my views, or my proposed course of action in case of se
cession, and no man in or out of authority ever tried to induce
me to take part in steps designed to lead toward disunion. I
think my general opinions were well known and understood,
viz., that " secession was treason, was war ; " and that in no event
could the North and West permit the Mississippi River to pass

1859-'6L] LOUISIANA 153
out of their control. But some men at the South actually sup
posed at the time that the Northwestern States, in case of a
disruption of the General Government, would be drawn in self-
interest to an alliance with the South. What I now write I
do not offer as any thing like a history of the important events
of that time, but rather as my memory of them, the effect they
had on me personally, and to what extent they influenced my
personal conduct.
South Carolina seceded December 20, 1860, and Mississippi
soon after. Emissaries came to Louisiana to influence the Gov
ernor, Legislature, and people, and it was the common assertion
that, if all the Cotton States would f oUow the lead of South Caro
lina, it would diminish the chances of civil war, because a bold
and determined front would deter the General Government from
any measures of coercion. About this time also, viz., early in
December, we received Mr. Buchanan's annual message to Con
gress, in which he publicly announced that the General Govern
ment had no constitutional power to " coerce a State." I con
fess this staggered me, and I feared that the prophecies and
assertions of Alison and other European commentators on our
form of government were right, and that our Constitution was
a mere rope of sand, that would break with the first pressure.
The Legislature of Louisiana met on the 10th of Decem
ber, and passed an act calling a convention of delegates from
the people, to meet at Baton Rouge, on the 8th of January,
to take into consideration the state of the Union; and, al-
although it was universally admitted that a large majority of
the voters of the State were opposed to secession, disunion, and
all the steps of the South Carolinians, yet we saw that they
were powerless, and that the politicians would sweep them along
rapidly to the end, prearranged by their leaders in Washington.
Before the ordinance of secession was passed, or the convention
had assembled, on the faith of a telegraphic dispatch sent by
the two Senators, Benjamin and Slidell, from their seats in the
United States Senate at Washington, Governor Moore ordered
the seizure of all the United States forts at the mouth of the
Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain, and of the United States

154 LOUISIANA. [1859 -'61.
arsenal at Baton Rouge. The forts had no garrisons, but the
arsenal was held by a small company of artillery, commanded
by Major Haskins, a most worthy and exceUent officer, who had
lost an arm in Mexico. I remember well that I was strongly
and bitterly impressed by the seizure of the arsenal, which
occurred on January 10, 1861.
When I went first to Baton Rouge, in 1859, en route to
Alexandria, I found Captain Rickett's company of artillery
stationed in the arsenal, but soon after there was somewhat of a
clamor on the Texas frontier about Brownsville, which induced
the War Department to order Rickett's company to that frontier.
I remember that Governor Moore remonstrated with the Secre
tary of War because so much dangerous property, composed of
muskets, powder, etc., had been left by the United States un
guarded, in a parish where the slave population was as five or
six to one of whites ; and it was on his official demand that the
United States Government ordered Haskins's company to replace
Rickett's. This company did not number forty men. In the
night of January 9th, about five hundred New Orleans militia,
under command of a Colonel Wheat, went up from New Orleans
by boat, landed, surrounded the arsenal, and demanded its
surrender. Haskins was of course unprepared for such a step,
yet he at first resolved to defend the post as he best could with
his small force. But Bragg, who was an old army acquaintance
of his, had a parley with him, exhibited to him the vastly
superior force of his assailants, embracing two field-batteries,
and offered to procure for him honorable terms, to march out
with drums and colors, and to take unmolested passage in a
boat up to St. Louis; alleging, further, that the old Union
was at an end, and that a just settlement would be made be
tween the two new fragments for all the property stored in the
arsenal. Of course it was Haskins's duty to have defended his
post to the death ; but up to that time the national authorities
in Washington had shown such pusillanimity, that the officers
of the army knew not what to do. The result, anyhow, was
that Haskins surrendered his post, and at once embarked for
St. Louis. The arms and munitions stored in the arsenal were

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA. 155
scattered — some to Mississippi, some to New Orleans, some to
Shreveport ; and to me, at the Central Arsenal, were consigned
two thousand muskets, three hundred Jager rifles, and a large
amount of cartridges and ammunition. The invoices were signed
by the former ordnance-sergeant, Olodowski, as a captain of
ordnance, and I think he continued such on General Bragg's
staff through the whole of the subsequent civil war. These
arms, etc., came up to me at Alexandria, with orders from Gov
ernor Moore to receipt for and account for them. Thus I was
made the receiver of stolen goods, and these goods the property
of the United States. This grated hard on my feelings as an
ex-army-officer, and on counting the arms I noticed that they
were packed in the old familiar boxes, with the " U. S." simply
scratched off. General G. Mason Graham had resigned as the
chairman of the Executive Committee, and Dr. S. A. Smith, of
Alexandria, then a member of the State Senate, had succeeded
him as chairman, and acted as head of the Board of Super
visors. At the time I was in most intimate correspondence with
all of these parties, and our letters must have been full of poli
tics, but I have ouly retained copies of a few of the letters,
which I will embody in this connection, as they will show, bet
ter than by any thing I can now recall, the feelings of parties at
that critical period. The seizure of the arsenal at Baton Rouge
occurred January 10, 1861, and the secession ordinance was not
passed until about the 25th or 26th of the same month. At all
events, after the seizure of the arsenal, and before the passage
of the ordinance of secession, viz., on the 18th of January, I
wrote as follows : Louisiana State Seminary of Learning and )
Military Academy, January 18, 1861. J
Governor Thomas 0. Mooee, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
Sie : As I occupy a gmm-military position under the laws of tbe State, I
deem it proper to acquaint you that I accepted such position -when Louisi
ana was a State in the Union, and when the motto of this seminary was
inserted in marhle over the main door: "By the liberality of the General
Government of the United States. The Union— esto perpetual
Eecent events foreshadow a great change, and it becomes all men to
choose. If Louisiana withdraw from the Federal Union, I prefer to main-

156 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
tain my allegiance to the Constitution as long as a fragment of it survives;
and my longer stay here would be wrong in every sense of the word.
In that event, I beg you will send or appoint some authorized agent to
take charge of the arms and munitions of war belonging to the State, or
advise me what disposition to make of them.
And furthermore, as president of the Board of Supervisors, I beg you to
take immediate steps to relieve me as superintendent, the moment the
State determines to secede, for on no earthly account will I do any act or
think any thought hostile to or in defiance of the old Government of the
United States.
With great respect, your obedient servant, "W. T. Sherman, Superintendent.

[Peivatb.] January 18, 1861.
To Governor Moore.
Mt dear Sir : I take it for granted that you have been expecting for
some days the accompanying paper from me (the above official letter). I
have repeatedly and again made known to General Graham and Dr. Smith
that, in the event of a severance of the relations hitherto existing between
the Confederated States of this Union, I would be forced to choose the old
Union. It is barely possible all the States may secede, South and North,
that new combinations may result, but this process will be one of time and
uncertainty, and I cannot with my opinions await the subsequent develop
ment. I have never been a politician, and therefore undervalue the excited
feelings and opinions of present rulers, but I do think, if this people cannot
execute a form of government like the present, that a worse one will result.
I will keep the cadets as quiet as possible. They are nervous, but I
think the interest of the State requires them here, guarding this property,
and acquiring a knowledge which will be useful to your State in after-
times. "When I leave, which I now regard as certain, the present professors can
manage well enough, to afford you leisure time to find a suitable successor
to me. You might order Major Smith to receipt for the arms, and to
exercise military command, while the academic exercises could go on under
the board. In time, some gentleman will turn up, better qualified than I am,
to carry on the seminary to its ultimate point of success. I entertain the
kindest feelings toward all, and would leave the State with much regret •
only in great events we must choose, one way or the other.
Truly, your friend,
"W. T. Sherman.

1859-'6L] LOUISIANA. 157
January 19, 1861— Saturday.
Dr. S. A. Smith, President Board of Supervisors, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
Dear Sir : I have just finished my quarterly reports to the parents of
all the cadets here, or who have been here. All my books of account are
written up to date. All bills for the houses, fences, etc., are settled, and
nothing now remains but tbe daily routine of recitations and drills. I have
written officially and unofficially to Governor Moore, that with my opinions
of the claimed right of seccession, of the seizure of public forts, arsenals,
etc., and the ignominious capture of a United States garrison, stationed
in your midst, as a guard to the arsenal and for the protection of your
own people, it would be highly improper for me longer to remain. No
great inconvenience can result to the seminary. I will be the chief loser.
I came down two months before my pay commenced. I made sacrifices in
Kansas to enable me thus to obey the call of Governor Wickliffe, and you
know that last winter I declined a most advantageous offer of employment
abroad ; and thus far I have received nothing as superintendent of the
arsenal, though I went to Washington and New York (at my own ex
pense) on the faith of the five hundred dollars salary promised.
These are all small matters in comparison with those involved in the
present state of the country, which will cause sacrifices by millions, instead
of by hundreds. The more I think of it, the more I think I should be away,
the sooner the better ; and therefore I hope you will join with Governor
Moore in authorizing me to turn over to Major Smith the military command
here, and to the academic board tbe control of the daily exercises and
recitations. There will be no necessity of your coming up. You can let Major
Smith receive the few hundreds of cash I have on hand, and I can meet
you on a day certain in New Orleans, when we can settle the bank account.
Before I leave, I can pay the steward Jarreau his account for the month,
and there would be no necessity for other payments till about the close of
March, by which 'time the board can meet, and elect a treasurer and superin
tendent also.
At present I have no class, and there will be none ready till about the
month of May, when there will be a class in " surveying." Even if you do
not elect a superintendent in the mean time, Major Smith could easily teach
this class, as he is very familiar with the subject-matter. Indeed, I think
you will do well to leave the subject of a new superintendent until one per
fectly satisfactory turns up.
There is only one favor I would ask. The seminary has plenty of money
in bank. The Legislature will surely appropriate for my salary as superin
tendent of this arsenal. Would you not let me make my drafts on the
State Treasury, send them to you, let the Treasurer note them for payment
when the appropriation is made, and then pay them out of the seminary

158 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61
fund? The drafts will be paid in March, and the seminary will lose
nothing. This would be just to me ; for I actually spent two hundred dol
lars and more in going to Washington and New York, thereby securing
from the United State's, in advance, three thousand dollars' worth of the
very best arms ; and clothing and books, at a clear profit to the seminary
of over eight hundred dollars. I may be some time in finding new employ
ment, and will stand in need of this money (five hundred dollars) ; other
wise I would abandon it.
I will not ask you to put the Board of Supervisors to the trouble of
meeting, unless you can get a quorum at Baton Bouge.
With great respect, your friend, W. T. Sherman.
By course of mail, I received the following answer from
Governor Moore, the original of which I still possess. It is all
in General Bragg's handwriting, with which I am familiar :

Executive Office, )
Baton Eouqe, Louisiana, January 23, 1361. f
Mt dear Sir : It is with the deepest regret I acknowledge receipt of
your communication of the 18th inst. In the pressure of official business,
I can now only request you to transfer to Prof. Smith the arms, muni
tions, and funds in your hands, whenever you conclude to withdraw from
the position you have filled with so much distinction. You cannot regret
more than I do the necessity which deprives us of your services, and you
will bear with you the respect, confidence, and admiration, of all who have
been associated with you. Very truly, your friend,
Thomas O. Moore.
Colonel W. T. Sherman, Superintendent Military Academy, Alexandria.
I must have received several letters from Bragg, about this
time, which have not been preserved ; for I find that, on the
1st of February, 1861, I wrote him thus :

Seminary of Learning, )
Alexandria, Louisiana, February 1, 1861. J
Colonel Braxton Bragg, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.
Dear Sir: Yours of January 23d and 27th are received. I thank you
most kindly, and Governor Moore through you, for the kind manner in
which you have met my wishes.
Now that I cannot be compromised by political events, I will so shape

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA. 159
my course as best to serve the institution, which has a strong hold on my
affections and respect.
The Board of Supervisors will be called for the 9th instant, and I will co
operate with them in their measures to place matters here on a safe and
secure basis. I expect to be here two weeks, and will make you full re
turns of money and property belonging to the State Central Arsenal. All
the arms and ammunition are safely stored here. Then I will write you
more at length. With sincere respect, your friend, W. T. Sherman.
Major Smith's receipt to me, for the arms and property be
longing both to the seminary and to the arsenal, is dated Febru
ary 19, 1861. I subjoin also, in this connection, copies of one or
two papers that may prove of interest : Baton Hough, January 28, 1861.
To Major Sherman, Superintendent, Alexandria.
Mt dear Sir : Your letter was duly received, and would have been
answered ere this time could I have arranged sooner the matter of the
five hundred dollars. I shall go from here to New Orleans to-day or to
morrow, and will remain there till Saturday after next, perhaps. I shall
expect to meet you there, as indicated in your note to me.
I need not tell you that it is with no ordinary regret that I view your
determination to leave us, for»really I believe that the success of our insti
tution, now almost assured, is jeopardized thereby. I am sure that we will
never have a superintendent with whom I shall have more pleasant rela
tions than those which have existed between yourself and me.
I fully appreciate the motives which have induced you to give up a
position presenting so many advantages to yourself, and sincerely hope that
you may, in any future enterprise, enjoy the success which your character
and ability merit and deserve.
Should you come down on the Rapides (steamer), please look after my
wife, who will, I hope, accompany you on said boat, or some other good one.
Colonel Bragg informs me that the necessary orders have been given for
the transfer and receipt by Major Smith of the public property.
I herewith transmit a request to the secretary to convene the Board of
Supervisors, that they may act as seems best to them in the premises.
In the mean time, Major Smith will command by seniority the cadets,
and the Academic Board will be able to conduct the scientific exercises of
the institution until the Board of Supervisors can have time to act. Hoping
to meet you soon at the St. Charles, I am,
Most truly, your friend and servant, S. A. Smith.
P. S. — Governor Moore desires me to express his profound regret that

160 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
the State is about to lose one who we all fondly hoped had cast his desti
nies for weal or for woe among us ; and that he is sensible that we lose
thereby an officer whom it will he difficult, if not impossible, to replace. S. A. S.

Baton Bouge, February 11, 1861.
To Major Sherman, Alexandria.
Dear Sir : I have been in New Orleans for ten days, and on returning
here find two letters from you, also your prompt answer to the resolution
of the House of Representatives, for which I am much obliged.
The resolution passed the last day before adjournment. I was purposing
to respond, when your welcome reports came to hand. I have arranged to
pay you your five hundred dollars.
I will say nothing of general politics, except to give my opinion that
there is not to be any war.
In that event, would it not be possible for you to become a citizen of
our State? Everyone deplores your determination to leave us. At the
same time, your friends feel that you are abandoning a position that might
become an object of desire to any one.
I will try to meet you in New Orleans at any time you may indicate ;
but it would be best for you to stop here, when, if possible, I will accom
pany you. Should you do so, you will find me just above the State-House,
and facing it.
Bring with you a few copies of the " Rules of the Seminary."
Yours truly, S. A. Smith.

Louisiana State Seminary of Learning and )
Military Academy, February 14, 1861. f
Colonel W. T. Sherman.
Sir : I am instructed by the Board of Supervisors of this institution to
present a copy of the resolutions adopted by them at their last meeting :
" Resolved, That the thanks of the Board of Supervisors are due, and are
hereby tendered, to Colonel William T. Sherman for the able and efficient
manner in which he has conducted the affairs of the seminary during the
time tbe institution has been under his control — a period attended with
unusual difficulties, requiring on the part of the superintendent to success
fully overcome them a high order of administrative talent. And the board
further hear willing testimony to the valuable services that Colonel Sher
man has rendered them in their efforts to establish an institution of learn
ing in accordance with the beneficent design of the State and Federal Gov
ernments ; evincing at all times a readiness to adapt himself to the ever-
varying requirements of an institution of learning in its infancy, struggling
to attain a position of honor and usefulness.

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA 161
" Resolved, further, That, in accepting the resignation of Colonel Sher
man as Superintendent of the State Seminary of Learning and Military
Academy, we tender to him assurances of our high personal regard, and
our sincere regret at the occurrence of causes that render it necessary to
part with so esteemed and valued a friend, as well as co-laborer in the
cause of education." Powhatan Clarke, Secretary to the Board.
A copy of the resolution of the Academic Board, passed at
their session of April 1, 1861 :
"Resolved, That in the resignation of the late superintendent, Colonel
W. T. Sherman, the Academic Board deem it not improper to express their
deep conviction of the loss the institution has sustained in being thus de
prived of an able head. They cannot fail to appreciate the manliness of
character which has always marked the actions of Colonel Sherman. While
he is personally endeared to many of them as a friend, they consider it their
high pleasure to tender to him in this resolution their regret on his separa
tion, and their sincere wish for his future welfare."
I have given the above at some length, because, during the
civil war, it was in Southern circles asserted that I was guilty
of a breach of hospitality in taking up arms against the South.
They were manifestly the aggressors, and we could only defend
our own by assailing them. Yet, without any knowledge of
what the future had in store for me, I took unusual precautions
that the institution should not be damaged by my withdrawal.
About the 20th of February, having turned over all property,
records, and money, on hand, to Major Smith, and taking with
me the necessary documents to make the final settlement with
Dr. S. A. Smith, at the bank in New Orleans, where the funds
of the institution were deposited to my credit, I took passage
from Alexandria for that city, and arrived there, I think, on the
23d. Dr. Smith met me, and we went to the bank, where I
turned over to him the balance, got him to audit all my ac
counts, certify that they were correct and just, and that there re
mained not one cent of balance in my hands. I charged in my
account current for my salary up to the end of February, at the
rate of four thousand dollars a year, and for the five hundred
dollars due me as superintendent of the Central Arsenal, all of
11

162 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
which was due and had been fairly earned, and then I stood free
and discharged of any and every obligation, honorary or busi
ness, that was due by me to the State of Louisiana, or to any
corporation or individual in that State.
This business occupied two or three days, during which I
staid at the St. Louis Hotel. I usually sat at table with Colo
nel and Mrs. Bragg, and an officer who wore the uniform of
the State of Louisiana, and was addressed as captain. Bragg
wore a colonel's uniform, and explained to me that he was a
colonel in the State service, a colonel of artillery, and that some
companies of his regiment garrisoned Forts Jackson and St.
Philip, and the arsenal at Baton Rouge.
Beauregard at the time had two sons at the Seminary of
Learning. I had given them some of my personal care at the
father's request, and, wanting to tell him of their condition and
progress, I went to his usual office in the Custom-House Build
ing, and found him in the act of starting for Montgomery, Ala
bama. Bragg said afterward that Beauregard had been sent for
by Jefferson Davis, and that it was rumored that he had been
made a brigadier-general, of which fact he seemed jealous, be
cause in the old army Bragg was the senior.
Davis and Stephens had been inaugurated President and
Vice-President of the Confederate States of America, February
18, 1860, at Montgomery, and those States only embraced the
seven cotton States. I recall a conversation at the tea-table, one
evening, at the St. Louis Hotel. When Bragg was speaking
of Beauregard's promotion, Mrs. Bragg, turning to me, said,
" You know that my husband is not a favorite with the new
President." My mind was resting on Mr. Lincoln as the new
President, and I said I did not know that Bragg had ever met
Mr. Lincoln, when Mrs. Bragg said, quite pointedly, " I didn't
mean your President, but our President." I knew that Brago-
hated Davis bitterly, and that he had resigned from the army
in 1855, or 1856, because Davis, as Secretary of War, had or
dered him, with his battery, from Jefferson Barracks, Missouri
to Fort Smith or Fort Washita, in the Indian country, as Bragw
expressed it, "±o chase Indians with six-pounders."

1859-'6L] LOUISIANA. 163
I visited the quartermaster, Colonel A. C. Myers, who had
resigned from the army, January 28, 1861, and had accepted
service under the new regime. His office was in the same
old room in the Lafayette Square building, which he had in
1853, when I was there a commissary, with the same pictures
on the wall, and the letters " U. S." on every thing, including
his desk, papers, etc. I asked him if he did not feel funny.
" No, not at all. The thing was inevitable, secession was a com
plete success ; there would be no war, but the two Governments
would settle all matters of business in a friendly spirit, and each
would go on in its allotted sphere, without further confusion."
About this date, February 16th, General Twiggs, Myers's father-
in-law, had surrendered his entire command, in the Department
of Texas, to some State troops, with all the Government prop
erty, thus consummating the first serious step in the drama of
the conspiracy, which was to form a confederacy of the cotton
States, before working upon the other slave or border States,
and before the 4th of March, the day for the inauguration of
President Lincoln.
I walked the streets of New Orleans, and found business
going along as usual. Ships were strung for miles along the
lower levee, and steamboats above, all discharging or receiving
cargo. The Pelican flag of Louisiana was flying over the Custom-
House, Mint, City Hall, and everywhere. At the levee ships
carried every flag on earth except that of the United States, and
I was told that during a procession on the 22d of February, cele
brating their emancipation from the despotism of the United
States Government, only one national flag was shown from a
house, and that the house of Cuthbert Bullitt, on Lafayette
Square. He was commanded to take it down, but he refused,
and defended it with his pistol.
The only officer of the army that I can recall, as being there
at the time, who was faithful, was Colonel C. L. Kilburn, of
the Commissary Department, and he was preparing to escape
North. Everybody regarded the change of Government as final;
that Louisiana, by a mere declaration, was a free and indepen-

164 LOUISIANA. [1859-'61.
dent State, and could enter into any new alliance or combination
she chose.
Men were being enlisted and armed, to defend the State, and
there was not the least evidence that the national Administration
designed to make any effort, by force, to vindicate the national
authority. I therefore bade adieu to all my friends, and about
the 25th of February took my departure by railroad, for Lan
caster, via Cairo and Cincinnati.
Before leaving this subject, I will simply record the fate of
some of my associates. The seminary was dispersed by the war,
and all the professors and cadets took service in the Confederacy,
except Vallas, St. Ange, and Cadet Taliaferro. The latter joined
a Union regiment, as a lieutenant, after New Orleans was re
taken by the United States fleet, under Farragut. I think that
both Vallas and St. Ange have died in poverty since the war.
Major Smith joined the rebel army in Virginia, and was killed
in April, 1865, as he was withdrawing his garrison, by night,
from the batteries at Drury's Bluff, at the time General Lee
began his final retreat from Richmond. Boyd became a captain
of engineers on the staff of General Richard Taylor, was captured,
and was in jail at Natchez, Mississippi, when I was on my Me
ridian expedition. He succeeded in getting a letter to me on
my arrival at Vicksburg, and, on my way down to New Orleans,
I stopped at Natchez, took him along, and enabled him to effect
an exchange through General Banks. As soon as the war was
over, he returned to Alexandria, and reorganized the old insti
tution, where I visited him in 1867 ; but, the next winter, the
building took Ire ind burned to the ground. The students,
library, apparatus, etc., were transferred to Baton Rouge, where
the same institution now is, under the title of the Louisiana
University. I have been able to do them many acts of kind
ness, and am still in correspondence with Colonel Boyd, its
president. General G. Mason Graham is still living on his plantation
on Bayou Rapides, old and much respected.
Dr. S. A. Smith became a surgeon in the rebel army, and at
the close of the war was medical director of the trans-Missis-

1859-'61.] LOUISIANA. 165
sippi Department, with General Kirby Smith. I have seen him
Bince the war, at New Orleans, where he died about a year ago.
Dr. Clark was in Washington recently, applying for a place
as United States consul abroad. I assisted him, but with no
success, and he is now at Baltimore, Maryland.
After the battle of Shiloh, I found among the prisoners
Cadet  , fitted him out with some clean clothing, of which
he was in need, and from him learned that Cadet Workman
was killed in that battle.
Governor Moore's plantation was devastated by General
Banks's troops. After the war he appealed to me, and through
the Attorney-General, Henry Stanbery, I aided in having hia
land restored to him, and I think he is now living there.
Bragg, Beauregard, and Taylor, enacted high parts in the
succeeding war, and now reside in Louisiana or Texas.

CHAPTER VII.
MISSOURI.
APRIL AND MAT, 1861.
During the time of these events in Louisiana, I was in con
stant correspondence with my brother, John Sherman, at Wash
ington ; Mr. Ewing, at Lancaster, Ohio ; and Major H. S. Turner,
at St. Louis. I had managed to maintain my family comfortably
at Lancaster, but was extremely anxious about the future. It
looked like the end of my career, for I did not suppose that
" civil war " could give me an employment that would provide
for the family. I thought, and may have said, that the national
crisis had been brought about by the politicians, and, as it
was upon us, they "might fight it out." Therefore, when I
turned North from New Orleans, I felt more disposed to look to
St. Louis for a home, and to Major Turner to find me employ
ment, than to the public service.
I left New Orleans about the 1st of March, 1861, by rail to
Jackson and Clinton, Mississippi, Jackson, Tennessee, and
Columbus, Kentucky, where we took a boat to Cairo, and thence,
by rail, to Cincinnati and Lancaster. All the way, I heard, in
the cars and boats, warm discussions about politics ; to the effect
that, if Mr. Lincoln should attempt coercion of the seceded
States, the other slave or border States would make common
cause, when, it was believed, it would be madness to attempt
to reduce them to subjection. In the South, the people were
earnest, fierce and angry, and were evidently organizing for
action ; whereas, in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, I saw not the

1861.] MISSOURI. 1G7
least sign of preparation. It certainly looked to me as though
the people of the North would tamely submit to a disruption of
the Union, and the orators of the South used, openly and con
stantly, the expressions that there would be no war, and that a
lady's thimble would hold all the blood to be shed. On reaching
Lancaster, I found letters from my brother John, inviting me to
come to Washington, as he. wanted to see me; and from Major
Turner, at St. Louis, that he was trying to secure for me the
office of president of the Fifth Street Railroad, with a salary
of twenty-five hundred dollars ; that Mr. Lucas and D. A.
January held a controlling interest of stock, would vote for
me, and the election would occur in March. This suited me
exactly, and I answered Turner that I would accept, with thanks.
But I also thought it right and proper that I should first go to
Washington, to talk with my brother, Senator Sherman.
Mr. Lincoln had just been installed, and the newspapers were
filled with rumors of every kind indicative of war ; the chief act
of interest was that Major Robert Anderson had taken by night
into Fort Sumter all the troops garrisoning Charleston Harbor,
and that he was determined to defend it against the demands of
the State of South Carolina and of the Confederate States. I
must have reached Washington about the 10th of March. I found
my brother there, just appointed Senator, in place of Mr. Chase,
who was in the cabinet, and I have no doubt my opinions,
thoughts, and feelings, wrought up by the events in Louisiana, .
seemed to him gloomy and extravagant. About Washington I
saw but few signs of preparation, though the Southern Senators
and Representatives were daily sounding their threats on the floors
of Congress, and were publicly withdrawing to join the Confed
erate Congress at Montgomery. Even in the War Department
and about the public offices there was open, unconcealed talk,
amounting to high-treason.
One day, John Sherman took me with him to see Mr. Lincoln.
He walked into the room where the secretary to the President
now sits, we found the room full of people, and Mr. Lincoln
sat at the end of the table, talking with three or four gentle
men, who soon left. John walked up, shook hands, and took a

L68 MISSOURI. [1861
chair near him, holding in his hand some papers referring to
minor appointments in the State of Ohio, which formed the
subject of conversation. Mr. Lincoln took the papers, said he
would refer them to the proper heads of departments, and
would be glad to make the appointments asked for, if not
already promised. John then turned to me, and said, "Mr.
President, this is my brother, Colonel Sherman, who is just up
from Louisiana, he may give you some information you want."
" Ah ! " said Mr. Lincoln, " how are they getting along down
there ? " I said, " They think they are getting along swimming
ly — they are preparing for war." " Oh, well ! " said he, " I
guess we'll manage to keep house." I was silenced, said no more
to him, and we soon left. I was sadly disappointed, and remem
ber that I broke out on John, d — ning the politicians generally,
saying, " You have got things in a hell of a fix, and you may get
them out as you best can," adding that the country was sleeping
on a volcano that might burst forth at any minute, but that I was
going to St. Louis to take care of my family, and would have
no more to do with it. John begged me to be more patient,
but I said I would not; that I had no time to wait, that I
was off for St. Louis ; and off I went. At Lancaster I found
¦letters from Major Turner, inviting me to St. Louis, as the
place in the Fifth Street Railroad was a sure thing, and that
Mr. Lucas would rent me a good house on Locust Street, suitable
for my family, for six hundred dollars a year.
Mrs. Sherman and I gathered our family and effects together,
started for St. Louis March 27th, where we rented of Mr.
Lucas the house on Locust Street, between Tenth and Eleventh,
and occupied it on the 1st of April. Charles Ewing and John
Hunter had formed a law-partnership in St. Louis, and agreed
to board with us, taking rooms on the third floor In the latter
part of March, I was duly elected president of the Fifth Street
Railroad, and entered on the discharge of my duties April 1
1861. We had a central office on the corner of Fifth and Lo
cust, and also another up at the stables in Bremen. The road
was well stocked and in full operation, and all I had to do was
to watch the economical administration of existing affairs, which

1861.] MISSOURI. 169
I endeavored to do with fidelity and zeal. But the whole air
was full of wars and rumors of wars. The struggle was going
on politically for the border States. Even in Missouri, which
was a slave State, it was manifest that the Governor of the State,
Claiborne Jackson, and all the leading politicians, were for the
South in case of a war. The house on the northwest corner of
Fifth and Pine was the rebel headquarters, where the rebel flag
was hung publicly, and the crowds about the Planters' House
were all more or less rebel. There was also a camp in Lindell's
Grove, at the end of Olive Street, under command of General
D. M. Frost, a Northern man, a graduate of West Point, in
open sympathy with the Southern leaders. This camp was
nominally a State camp of instruction, but, beyond doubt, was
in the interest of the Southern cause, designed to be used against
the national authority in the event of the General Government's
attempting to coerce the Southern Confederacy. General Wil
liam S. Harney was in command of the Department of Missouri,
and resided in his own house, on Fourth Street, below Market ;
and there were five or six companies of United States troops in
the arsenal, commanded by Captain N. Lyon ; throughout the
city, there had been organized, almost exclusively out of the
German part of the population, four or five regiments of " Home
Guards," with which movement Frank Blair, B. Gratz Brown,
John M. Schofield, Clinton B. Fisk, and others, were most
active on the part of the national authorities. Frank Blair's
brother Montgomery was in the cabinet of Mr. Lincoln at
Washington, and to him seemed committed the general man
agement of affairs in Missouri.
The newspapers fanned the public excitement to the high
est pitch, and threats of attacking the arsenal on the one
hand, and the mob of d  d rebels in Camp Jackson on
the other, were bandied about. I tried my best to keep out
of the current, and only talked freely with a few men : among
them Colonel John O'Fallon, a wealthy gentleman who re
sided above St. Louis. He daily came down to my office in
Bremen, and we walked up and down the pavement by the
hour, deploring the sad condition of our country, and the seem-

170 MISSOURI. [1861.
ing drift toward dissolution and anarchy. I used also to go
down to the arsenal occasionally to see Lyon, Totten, and other
of my army acquaintance, and was glad to see them making
preparations to defend their post, if not to assume the offensive.
The bombardment of Fort Sumter, which was announced
by telegraph, began April 12th, and ended on the 14th. We then
knew that the war was actually begun, and though the South was
openly, manifestly the aggressor, yet her friends and apologists
insisted that she was simply acting on a justifiable defensive,
and that in the forcible seizure of the public forts within her
limits the people were acting with reasonable prudence and fore
sight. Yet neither party seemed willing to invade, or cross the
border. Davis, who ordered the bombardment of Sumter, knew
the temper of his people well, and foresaw that it would precipi
tate the action of the border States; for almost immediately
Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Tennessee, followed
the lead of the cotton States, and conventions were deliberating
in Kentucky and Missouri.
On the night of Saturday, April 6th, I received the follow
ing dispatch : Washington, April 6, 1861.
Major W. T. Sherman :
Will you accept the chief clerkship of the War Department? We will
make you assistant Secretary of War when Congress meets.
M. Blair, Postmaster- General.
To which I replied by telegraph, Monday morning, " I can
not accept ; " and by mail as follows :
Oeeioe St. Lotus Eailroad Company, )
Monday, April 8, 1861. )
Eon. M. Blair, Washington, B. C. :
I received, about nine o'clock Saturday night, your telegraph dispatch
which I have this moment answered, " I cannot accept."
I have quite a large family, and when I resigned my place in Louisiana
on account of secession, I had no time to lose ; and, therefore, after my
hasty visit to Washington, where I saw no chance of employment I came
to St. Louis, have accepted a place in this company, have rented a house
and incurred other obligations, so that I am not at liberty to change.

1861.] MISSOURI. 171
I thank you for the compliment contained in your offer, and assure you
that I wish the Administration all success in its almost impossible task of
governing this distracted and anarchical people.
Yours truly, W. T. Sherman.

I was afterward told that this letter gave offense, and that
some of Mr. Lincoln's cabinet concluded that I too would
prove false to the country.
Later in that month, after the capture of Fort Sumter by
the Confederate authorities, a Dr. Comyn came to our house
on Locust Street, one night after I had gone to bed, and told
me he had been sent by Frank Blair, who was not well, and
wanted to see me that night at his house. I dressed and walked
over to his house on Washington Avenue, near Fourteenth, and
found there, in the front-room, several gentlemen, among whom
I recall Henry T. Blow. Blair was in the back-room, closeted
with some gentleman, who soon left, and I was called in. He
there told me that the Government was mistrustful of General
Harney, that a change in the command of the department was
to be made ; that he held it in his power to appoint a brigadier-
general, and put him in command of the department, and he
offered me the place. I told him I had once offered my services,
and they were declined ; that I had made business engagements
in St. Louis, which I could not throw off at pleasure ; that I had
long deliberated on my course of action, and must decline his
offer, however tempting and complimentary. He reasoned with
me, but I persisted. He told me, in that event, he should ap
point Lyon, and he did so.
Finding that even my best friends were uneasy as to my po
litical status, on the 8th of May I addressed the following official
letter to the Secretary of War :
Office of St. Lotus Eailroad Company, I
May 8, 1861. J
Ron. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, B. G.
Dear Sir : I hold myself now, as always, prepared to serve my country
in the capacity for which I was trained. I did not and will not volunteer
for three months, because I cannot throw my family on the cold charity of

172 MISSOURI. t1861'
the world. But for the three-years nail, made by the President, an officer
can prepare his command and do good service.
I will not volunteer as a soldier, because rightfully or wrongfully I feel
unwilling to take a mere private's place, and, having for many years lived
in California and Louisiana, the men are not well enough acquainted with
me to elect me to my appropriate place.
Should my services be needed, the records of the War Department will
enable you to designate the station in which I can render most service.
Yours truly, W. T. Sherman.
To this I do not think I received a direct answer ; but, on the
14th of the same month, I was appointed colonel of the Thir
teenth Regular Infantry.
I remember going to the arsenal on the 9th of May, taking
my children with me in the street-cars. Within the arsenal wall
were drawn up in parallel lines four regiments of the " Home
Guards," and I saw men distributing cartridges to the boxes.
I also saw General Lyon running about with his hair in the
wind, his pockets full of papers, wild and irregular, but I knew
him to be a man of vehement purpose and of determined action.
I saw of course that it meant business, but whether for defense
or offense I did not know. The next morning I went up to the
railroad-office in Bremen, as usual, and heard at every corner of
the streets that the "Dutch" were moving on Camp Jackson.
People were barricading their houses, and men were running in
that direction. I hurried through my business as quickly as I
could, and got back to my house on Locust Street by twelve
o'clock. Charles Ewing and Hunter were there, and insisted on
going out to the camp to see " the fun." I tried to dissuade them,
saying that in case of conflict the by-standers were more likely
to be killed than the men engaged, but they would go. I felt as
much interest as anybody else, but staid at home, took my little
son Willie, who was about seven years old, and walked up and
down the pavement in front of our house, listening for the
sound of musketry or cannon in the direction of Camp Jackson.
While so engaged Miss Eliza Deans, who lived opposite us;
called me across the street, told me that her brother-in-law,
Dr. Scott, was a surgeon in Frost's camp, and she was dread-

1861.J MISSOURI. 173
fully afraid h6 would be killed. I reasoned with her that Gen
eral Lyon was a regular officer; that if he had gone out, as
reported, to Camp Jackson, he would take with him such a force
as would make resistance impossible ; but she would not be com
forted, saying that the camp was made up of the young men
from the first and best families of St. Louis, and that they were
proud, and would fight. I explained that young men of the
best families did not like to be killed better than ordinary
people. Edging gradually up the street, I was in Olive Street
just about Twelfth, when I saw a man running from the di
rection of Camp Jackson at full speed, caUing, as he went,
" They've surrendered, they've surrendered ! " So I turned back
and rang the bell at Mrs. Deans's. Eliza came to the door,
and I explained what I had heard; but she angrily slammed
the door in my face ! Evidently she was disappointed to find
she was mistaken in her estimate of the rash courage of the
best families.
I again turned in the direction of Camp Jackson, my boy
Willie with me still. At the head of Olive Street, abreast of
Lindell's Grove, I found Frank Blair's regiment in the street,
with ranks opened, and the Camp Jackson prisoners inside. A
crowd of people was gathered around, calling to the prisoners
by name, some hurrahing for Jeff Davis, and others encouraging
the troops. Men, women, and children, were in the crowd. I
passed along till I found myself inside the grove, where I met
Charles Ewing and John Hunter, and we stood looking at the
troops on the road, heading toward the city. A band of music
was playing at the head, and the column made one or two in
effectual starts, but for some reason was halted. ¦ The battalion
of regulars was abreast of me, of which Major Rufus Saxton
was in command, and I gave him an evening paper, which
I had bought of the newsboy on my way out. He was read
ing from it some piece of news, sitting on his horse, when
the column again began to move forward, and he resumed
his place at the head of his command. At that part of the
road, or street, was an embankment about eight feet high, and a
drunken fellow tried to pass over it to the people opposite.

174 MISSOURI. [1861.
One of the regular sergeant file-closers ordered him back, but
he attempted to pass through the ranks, when the sergeant
barred his progress with his musket "a-port." The drunken
man seized his musket, when the sergeant threw him off with
violence, and he rolled over and over down the bank. By the
time this man had picked himself up and got his hat, which had
fallen off, and had again mounted the embankment, the regulars
had passed, and the head of Osterhaus's regiment of Home
Guards had come up. The man had in his hand a small pistol,
which he fired off, and I heard that the ball had struck the leg
of one of Osterhaus's staff ; the regiment stopped; there was a
moment of confusion, when the soldiers of that regiment began
to fire over our heads in the grove. I heard the balls cutting
the leaves above our heads, and saw several men and women
running in all directions, some of whom were wounded. Of <
course there was a general stampede. Charles Ewing threw
Willie on the ground and covered him with his body. Hunter
ran behind the hill, and I also threw myself on the ground.
The fire ran back from the head of the regiment toward its
rear, and as I saw the men reloading their pieces, I jerked
Willie up, ran back with him into a gulley which covered us,
lay there until I saw that the fire had ceased, and that the
column was again moving on, when I took up Willie and started
back for home round by way of Market Street. A woman and
child were killed outright ; two or three men were also killed,
and several others were wounded. The great mass of the people
on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though men
were sprinkled through the crowd calling out, " Hurrah for Jeff
Davis ! " and others were particularly abusive of the " damned
Dutch." Lyon posted a guard in charge of the vacant camp, and
marched his prisoners down to the arsenal ; some were paroled,
and others held, till afterward they were regularly exchanged.
A very few days after this event, May 14th, I received
a dispatch from my brother Charles in Washington, telling me
to come on at once ; that I had been appointed a colonel of the
Thirteenth Regular Infantry, and that I was wanted at Wash
ington immediately.

1861.] MISSOURI. 175
Of course I could no longer defer action. I saw Mr. Lucas,
Major Turner, and other friends and parties connected with
the road, who agreed that I should go on. I left my family,
because I was under the impression that I would be allowed
to enlist my own regiment, which would take some time, and
I expected to raise the regiment and organize it at Jefferson
Barracks. I repaired to Washington, and there found that
the Government was trying to rise to a level with the occa
sion. Mr. Lincoln had, without the sanction of law, authorized
the raising of ten new regiments of regulars, each infantry
regiment to be composed of three battalions of eight companies
each ; and had called for seventy-five thousand State volunteers.
Even this call seemed to me utterly inadequate ; still it was none
of my business. I took the oath of office, and was furnished
with a list of officers, appointed to my regiment, which was still
incomplete. I reported in person to General Scott, at his office
on Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, and applied
for authority to return West, and raise my regiment at Jefferson
Barracks, but the general said my lieutenant-colonel, Burbank,
was fully qualified to superintend the enlistment, and that he
wanted me there ; and he at once dictated an order for me to
report to him in person for inspection duty.
Satisfied that I would not be permitted to return to St.
Louis, I instructed Mrs. Sherman to pack up, return to Lan
caster, and trust to the fate of war.
I also resigned my place as president of the Fifth Street
Railroad, to take effect at the end of May, so that in fact I
received pay from that road for only two months' service, and
then began my new army career.

CHAPTER VIII.
FEOM THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN TO PADUCAH  KENTUCKY AND
MISSOURI.
1861-1862.
And now that, in these notes, I have fairly reached the
period of the civil war, which ravaged our country from 1861
to 1865 — an event involving a conflict of passion, of prejudice,
and of arms, that has developed results which, for better or
worse, have left their mark on the world's history — I feel that
I tread on delicate ground.
I have again and again been invited to write a history of
the war, or to record for publication my personal recollections
of it, with large offers of money therefor; all of which I have
heretofore declined, because the truth is not always palatable,
and should not always be told. Many of the actors in the grand
drama still live, and they and their friends are quick to contro
versy, which should be avoided. The great end of peace has
been attained, with little or no change in our form of govern
ment, and the duty of all good men is to allow the passions of
that period to subside, that we may direct our physical and
mental labor to repair the waste of war, and to engage in the
greater task of continuing our hitherto wonderful national
development. What I now propose to do is merely to group some of my
personal recollections about the historic persons and events of
the day, prepared not with any view to their publication, but
rather for preservation till I am gone ; and then to be allowed

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 177
to follow into oblivion the cords of similar papers, or to be used
by some historian who may need them by way of illustration.
I have heretofore recorded how I again came into the mili
tary service of the United States as a colonel of the Thirteenth
Regular Infantry, a regiment that had no existence at the time,
and that, instead of being allowed to enlist the men and instruct
them, as expected, I was assigned in Washington City, by an
order of Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, to inspection duty
near him on the 20th of June, 1861.
At that time Lieutenant-General Scott commanded the army
in chief, with Colonel E. D. Townsend as his adjutant-general,
Major G. W. Cullum, United States Engineers, and Major Schuy
ler Hamilton, as aides-de-camp. The general had an office up
stairs on Seventeenth Street, opposite the War Department, and
resided in a house close by, on Pennsylvania Avenue. All fears
for the immediate safety of the capital had ceased, and quite a
large force of regulars and volunteers had been collected in and
about Washington. Brigadier-General J. K. Mansfield com
manded in the city, and Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell on
the other side of the Potomac, with his headquarters at Arling
ton House. His troops extended in a semicircle from Alexan
dria to above Georgetown. Several forts and redoubts were
either built or in progress, and the people were already clamor
ous for a general forward movement. Another considerable
army had also been collected in Pennsylvania under General
Patterson, and, at the time I speak of, had moved forward to
Hagerstown and Williamsport, on the Potomac River. My
brother, John Sherman, was a volunteer aide-de-camp to General
Patterson, and, toward the end of June, I went up to Hagers
town to see him. I found that army in the very act of moving,
and we rode down to Williamsport in a buggy, and were
present when the leading division crossed the Potomac River by
fording it waist-deep. My friend and classmate, George H.
Thomas, was there, in command of a brigade in the leading di
vision. I talked with him a good deal, also with General Cad
walader, and with the staff-officers of General Patterson, viz.,
Fitz-John Porter, Belger, Beckwith, and others, all of. whom
12

178 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
seemed encouraged to think that the war was to be short and
decisive, and that, as soon as it was demonstrated that the Gen
eral Government meant in earnest to defend its rights and prop
erty, some general compromise would result.
Patterson's army crossed the Potomac River on the 1st or
2d of July, and, as John Sherman was to take his seat as a Sen
ator in the called session of Congress, to meet July 4th, he
resigned his place as aide-de-camp, presented me his two horses
and equipment, and we returned to Washington together.
The Congress assembled punctually on the 4th of July, and
the message of Mr. Lincoln was strong and good : it recognized
the fact that civil war was upon us, that compromise of any
kind was at an end ; and he asked for four hundred thousand
men, and four hundred million dollars, wherewith to vindicate
the national authority, and to regain possession of the captured
forts and other property of the United States.
It was also immediately demonstrated that the tone and tem
per of Congress had changed since the Southern Senators and
members had withdrawn, and that we, the military, could now
go to work with some definite plans and ideas.
The appearance of the troops about Washington was good,
but it was manifest they were far from being soldiers. Their
uniforms were as various as the States and cities from which
they came ; their arms were also of every pattern and calibre ;
and they were so loaded down with overcoats, haversacks, knap
sacks, tents, and baggage, that it took from twenty-five to fifty
wagons to move the camp of a regiment from one place to an
other, and some of the camps had bakeries and cooking estab
lishments that would have done credit to Delmonico.
While I was on duty with General Scott, viz., from June
20th to about June 30th, the general frequently communicated
to those about him his opinions and proposed plans. He seemed
vexed with the clamors of the press for immediate action, and
the continued interference in details by the President, Secretary
of War, and Congress. He spoke of organizing a grand army
of invasion, of which the regulars were to constitute the " iron
column," and seemed to intimate that he himself would take tli6

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 179
field in person, though he was at the time very old, very heavy,
and very unwieldy. His age must have been about seventy-
five years.
At that date, July 4, 1861, the rebels had two armies in
front of Washington ; the one at Manassas Junction, commanded
by General Beauregard, with his advance guard at Fairfax Court-
House, and indeed almost in sight of Washington. The other,
commanded by General Joe Johnston, was at Winchester, with
its advance at Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry ; but the advance
had fallen back before Patterson, who then occupied Martins
burg and the line of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad.
. The temper of Congress and the people would not permit
the slow and methodical preparation desired by General Scott ;
and the cry of " On to Richmond ! " which was shared by the
volunteers, most of whom had only engaged for ninety days,
forced General Scott to hasten his preparations, and to order a
general advance about the middle of July. McDowell was to
move from the defenses of Washington, and Patterson from
Martinsburg. In the organization of McDowell's army into
divisions and brigades, Colonel David Hunter was assigned to
command the Second Division, and I was ordered to take com
mand of his former brigade, which was composed of five regi
ments in position in and about Fort Corcoran, and on the ground
opposite Georgetown. I assumed command on the 30th of
June, and proceeded at once to prepare it for the general ad
vance. My command constituted the Third Brigade of the First
Division, which division was commanded by Brigadier-General
Daniel Tyler, a graduate of West Point, but who had seen
little or no actual service. I applied to General McDowell for
some staff-officers, and he gave me, as adjutant-general, Lieu
tenant Piper, of the Third Artillery, and, as aide-de-camp,
Lieutenant McQuesten, a fine young cavalry-officer, fresh from
West Point.
I selected for the field the Thirteenth New York, Colonel
Quimby; the Sixty-ninth ISTew York, Colonel Corcoran; the
Seventy-ninth New York, Colonel Cameron ; and the Second
Wisconsin, Lieutenant - Colonel Peck. These were all good,

180 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62,
strong, volunteer regiments, pretty well commanded ; and I
had reason to believe that I had one of the best brigades in
the whole army. Captain Ayres's battery of the Fifth Regular
Artillery was also attached to my brigade. The other regiment,
the Twenty-ninth New York, Colonel Bennett, was destined
to be left behind in charge of the forts and camps during our
absence, which was expected to be short. Soon after I had as
sumed the command, a difficulty arose in the Sixty-ninth, an
Irish regiment. This regiment had volunteered in New York,
early in April, for ninety days ; but, by reason of the difficulty
of passing through Baltimore, they had come via Annapolis,
had been held for duty on the railroad as a guard for nearly
a month before they actually reached Washington, and were
then mustered in about a month after enrollment. Some of the
men claimed that they were entitled to their discharge in ninety
days from the time of enrollment, whereas the muster-roll read
ninety days from the date of muster-in. One day, Colonel Cor
coran explained this matter to me. I advised him to reduce
the facts to writing, and that I would submit it to the War
Department for an authoritative decision. He did so, and the
War Department decided that the muster-roll was the only
contract of service, that it would be construed literally ; and
that the regiment would be held till the expiration of three
months from the date of muster-in, viz., to about August 1,
1861. General Scott at the same time wrote one of his char
acteristic letters to Corcoran, telling him that we were about to
engage in battle, and he knew his Irish friends would not leave
him in such a crisis. Corcoran and the officers generally wanted
to go to the expected battle, but a good many of the men were
not so anxious. In the Second Wisconsin, also, was developed
a personal difficulty. The actual colonel was Dr. Coon, a good-
hearted gentleman, who knew no more of the military art than
a child ; whereas his lieutenant-colonel, Peck, had been to West
Point, and knew the drill. Preferring that the latter should
lemain in command of the regiment, I put Colonel Coon on my
personal staff, which reconciled the difficulty.
In due season, about July 15th, our division moved forward,

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 181
leaving our camps standing ; Keyes's brigade in the lead, then
Schenck's, then mine, and Richardson's last. We marched via
Vienna, Germantown, and Centreville, where all the army, con>
posed of five divisions, seemed to converge. The march demon
strated little save the general laxity of discipline ; for with all
my personal efforts I could not prevent the men from strag
gling for water, blackberries, or any thing on the way they
fancied. At Centreville, on the 18th, Richardson's brigade was sent
by General Tyler to reconnoitre Blackburn's Ford across Bull
Run, and he found it strongly guarded. From our camp, at
Centreville, we heard the cannonading, and then a sharp mus
ketry-fire. I received orders from General Tyler to send for
ward Ayres's battery, and very soon after another order came
for me to advance with my whole brigade. We marched
the three miles at the double-quick, arrived in time to re
lieve Richardson's brigade, which was just drawing back from
the ford, worsted, and stood for half an hour or so under a fire
of artillery, which killed four or five of my men. General
Tyler was there in person, giving directions, and soon after he
ordered us all back to our camp in Centreville. This reconnois-
sance had developed a strong force, and had been made without
the orders of General McDowell ; however, it satisfied us that
the enemy was in force on the other side of Bull Run, and had no
intention to leave without a serious battle. We lay in camp at
Centreville all of the 19th and 20th, and during that night
began the movement which resulted in the battle of Bull Run,
on July 21st. Of this so much has been written that more
would be superfluous ; and the reports of the opposing com
manders, McDowell and Johnston, are fair and correct. It is
now generally admitted that it was one of the best-planned bat
tles of the war, but one of the worst-fought. Our men had been
told so often at home that all they had to do was to make a bold
appearance, and the rebels would run ; and nearly all of us for
the first time then heard the sound of cannon and muskets in
anger, and saw the bloody scenes common to all battles, with
which we were soon to be familiar. We had good organiza-

182 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861 -'62.
tion, good men, but no cohesion, no real discipline, no respect
for authority, no real knowledge of war. Both armies were fair!)'
defeated, and, whichever had stood fast, the other would have
run. Though the North was overwhelmed with mortification
and shame, the South really had not much to boast of, for in
the three or four hours of fighting their organization was so
broken up that they did not and could not follow our army,
when it was known to be in a state of disgraceful and causeless
flight. It is easy to criticise a battle after it is over, but all
now admit that none others, equally raw in war, could have
done better than we did at Bull Run ; and the lesson of that
battle should not be lost on a people like ours.
I insert my official report, as a condensed statement of my
share in the battle : HEADQUARTERS THIRD BrISADE, FlRST DIVISION, I
Fort Corcoran, July 25, 18B1. f
To Captain A. Bated, Assistant Adjutant- General, First Division (General
Tyler's).
Sir : I have the honor to submit this my report of the operations of
my brigade during the action of the 21st instant. The brigade is composed
of the Thirteenth New York Volunteers, Colonel Quimby ; Sixty-ninth New
York, Colonel Corcoran ; Seventy-ninth New York, Colonel Cameron ; Sec
ond Wisconsin, Lieutenant-Colonel Peck; and Company E, Thiid Artillery,
under command of Captain R. B. Ayres, Fifth Artillery. We left our camp
near Centreville, pursuant to orders, at half-past 2 a. m., taking place in
your column, next to the brigade of General Schenck, and proceeded as far
as the halt, before the enemy's position, near the stone bridge across Bull
Run. Here the brigade was deployed in line along the skirt of timber to
the right of the Warrenton road, and remained quietly in position till after
10 a. m. The enemy remained very quiet, but about that time we saw a
rebel regiment leave its cover in our front, and proceed in double-quick time
on the road toward Sudley Springs, by which we knew the columns of Colo
nels Hunter and Heintzelman were approaching. About the same time we
observed in motion a large mass of the enemy, below and on the other side
of the stone bridge. I directed Captain Ayres to take position with his bat
tery near our right, and to open fire on this mass; but you had previously de
tached the two rifle-guns belonging to this battery, and, finding that the
Bmooth-bore guns did not reach the enemy's position, we ceased firing, and
I sent a request that you would send to me the thirty-pounder rifle-gun
attached to Captain Carlisle's battery. At the same time I shifted the New
York Sixty-ninth to the extreme right of the brigade. Thus we remained till

1861-'62.] BULL RUN Tu PADUOAH. 183
we heard the musketry-fire across Bull Run, showing that the head of Colo
nel Hunter's column was engaged. This firing was brisk, and showed that
Hunter was driving before him the enemy, till about noon, when it became
certain the enemy had come to a stand, and that our forces on the other side
of Bull Run were all engaged, artillery and infantry.
Here you sent me the order to cross over with the whole brigade, to the
assistance of Colonel Hunter. Early in the day, when reconnoitring the
ground, I had seen a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the
stream, and show himself in the open field on this side; and, inferring that
we could cross over at the same point, I sent forward a company as skir
mishers, and followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth
leading. We found no difficulty in crossing over, and met with no opposition
in ascending the steep bluff opposite with our infantry, but it was impas
sable to the artillery, and I sent word back to Captain Ayres to follow if
possible, otherwise to use his discretion. Captain Ayres did not cross Bull
Run, but remained on that side, with the rest of your division. His report
herewith describes his operations during the remainder of the day. Ad
vancing slowly and cautiously with the head of the column, to give time for
the regiments in succession to close up their rank3, we first encountered a
party of the enemy retreating along a cluster of pines ; Lieatenant-Oolonel
Haggerty, of the Sixty-ninth, without orders, rode out alone, and endeavored
to intercept their retreat. One of the enemy, in full view, at short range,
shot Haggerty, and he fell dead from his horse. The Sixty-ninth opened fire
on this party, which was returned; but, determined to effect our junction
with Hunter's division, I ordered this fire to cease, and we proceeded with
caution toward the field where we then plainly saw our forces engaged.
Displaying our colors conspicuously at the head of our column, we succeeded
in attracting the attention of our friends, and soon formed the brigade in rear
of Colonel Porter's. Here I learned that Colonel Hunter was disabled by a
severe wound, and that General McDowell was on the field. I sought him
out, and received his orders to join in pursuit of the enemy, who was falling
back to the left of the road by which the army had approached from Sudley
Springs. Placing Colonel Quimby's regiment of rifles in front, in column,
by division, I directed the other regiments to follow in line of hattie, in the
order of the Wisconsin Second, New York Seventy-ninth, and New York
Sixty-ninth. Quimby's regiment advanced steadily down the hill and up
the ridge, from which he opened fire upon the enemy, who had made
another stand on ground very favorable to him, and the regiment continued
advancing as the enemy gave way, till the head of the column reached the
point near which Rickett's battery was so severely cut np. The other regi
ments descended the hill in line of battle, under a severe cannonade ; and,
the ground affording comparative shelter from the enemy's artillery, they

184 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
changed direction, by the right flank, and followed the road before men
tioned. At the point where this road crosses the ridge to our left front, the
ground was swept by a most severe fire of artillery, rifles, and musketry, and
we saw, in succession, several regiments driven from it; among them the
Zouaves and battalion of marines. Before reaching the crest of this hill,
the roadway was worn deep enough to afford shelter, and I kept the several
regiments in it as long as possible ; but when tbe Wisconsin Second was
abreast of the enemy, by order of Major Wadsworth, of General McDowell's
staff, I ordered it to leave the roadway, by the left flank, and to attack the
enemy. This regiment ascended to the brow of the hill steadily, received the
severe fire of the enemy, returned it with spirit, and advanced, deliver
ing its fire. This regiment is uniformed in gray cloth, almost identical with
that of the great bulk of the secession army ; and, when the regiment fell
into confusion and retreated toward the road, there was a universal cry
that they were being fired on by our own men. The regiment rallied again,
passed the brow of the hill a second time, but was again repulsed in dis
order. By this time the New York Seventy-ninth had closed up, and in like
manner it was ordered to cross the brow of the hill, and drive the enemy
from cover. It was impossible to get a good view of this ground. In it
there was one battery of artillery, which poured an incessant fire upon our
advancing column, and the ground was very irregular with small clusters of
pines, affording shelter, of which the enemy took good advantage. The fire
of rifles and musketry was very severe. The Seventy-ninth, headed by its
colonel, Cameron, charged across the hill, and for a short time the contest
was severe; they rallied several times under fire, but finally broke, and
gained the cover of the hill.
This left the field open to the New York Sixty-ninth, Colonel Corcoran,
who, in his turn, led his regiment over the crest, and had in full, open view
the ground so severely contested; the fire was very severe, and the roar of
cannon, musketry, and rifles, inoessant ; it was manifest the enemy was here
in great force, far superior to us at that point. The Sixty-ninth held the
ground for some time, but finally fell back in disorder.
All this time Quimby's regiment occupied another ridge, to our left,
overlooking the same field of action, and similarly engaged. Here, about
half-past 3 p. m., began the scene of confusion and disorder that char
acterized the remainder of the day. Up to that time, all had kept their
places, and seemed perfectly cool, and used to the shell and shot that fell,
comparatively harmless, all around us ; but the short exposure to an intense
fire of small-arms, at close range, had killed many, wounded more, and had
produced disorder in all of the battalions that had attempted to encounter
it. Men fell away from their ranks, talking, and in great oonfusion. Colo
nel Cameron had been mortally wounded, was carried to an ambulance,

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 185
and reported dying. Many other officers were reported dead or missing,
and many of the wounded were making their way, with more or less as,7
sistance, to the buildings used as hospitals, on the ridge to the west. We
succeeded in partially reforming the regiments, but it was manifest that they
would not stand, and I directed Colonel Corcoran to move along the ridge
to the rear, near the position where we had first formed the brigade. Gen
eral McDowell was there in person, and used all possible efforts to reassure
the men. By the active exertions of Colonel Corcoran, we formed an irreg
ular square against the cavalry which were then seen to issue from the po
sition from which we had been driven, and we began our retreat toward the
same ford of Bull Bun by which we had approached the field of battle.
There was no positive order to retreat, although for an hour it had been
going on by the operation of the men themselves. The ranks were thin and
irregular, and we found a stream of people strung from the hospital across
Bull Run, and far toward Centreville. After putting in motion the irregular
square in person, I pushed forward to find Captain Ayres's battery at the
crossing of Bull Run. I sought it at its last position, before the brigade had
crossed over, but it was not there ; then passing through the woods, where,
in the morning, we had first formed line, we approached the blacksmith's
shop, but there found a detachment of the secession cavalry and thence
made a circuit, avoiding Cub Run Bridge, into Centreville, where I found
General McDowell, and from him understood that it was his purpose to rally
the forces, and make a stand at Centreville.
But, about nine o'clock at night, I received from General Tyler, in per
son, the order to continue the retreat to the Potomac. This retreat was by
night, and disorderly in the extreme. The men of different regiments min
gled together, and some reached the river at Arlington, some at Long
Bridge, and tbe greater part returned to their former camp, at or near Fort
Corcoran. I reached this point at noon the next day, and found a miscel
laneous crowd crossing over the aqueduct and ferries. Conceiving this to
be demoralizing, I at once commanded the guard to be increased, and all
persons attempting to pass over to be stopped. This soon produced its effect ;
men sought their proper companies and regiments. Comparative order was
restored, and all were posted to the best advantage.
I herewith inclose the official report of Captain Kelly, commanding
officer of the New York Sixty -ninth ; also, full lists of the killed, wounded,
and missing.
Our loss was heavy, and occurred chiefly at the point near where Rick
ett's battery was destroyed. Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty was killed about
noon, before we had effected a junction with Colonel Hunter's division.
Colonel Cameron was mortally wounded leading his regiment in the charge,
and Colonel Corcoran has been missing since the cavalry-charge near the
building used as a hospital.

L86 BULL RUN TO PADUOAH. [1861-'62.

REGIMENTS, Eio.

Killed.

Wounded.

Missing.

Total.

6
11
8882 24

3
2T6951 65

'20 95
115 (53

9

58

192

198
152
111
205
293
609
For names, rank, etc., of the above, I refer to the lists herewith.
Lieutenants Piper and McQuesten, of my personal staff, were under fire
all day, and carried orders to and fro with as much coolness as on parade.
Lieutenant Bagley, of the New York Sixty-ninth, a volunteer aide, asked
leave to serve with his company, during the action, and is among those
reported missing. I have intelligence that he is a prisoner, and slightly
wounded. Colonel Coon, of Wisconsin, a volunteer aide, also rendered good service
during the day. W. T. Sherman, Colonel commanding Brigade.
This report, which I had not read probably since its date till
now, recalls to me vividly the whole scene of the affair at Black
burn's Ford, when for the first time in my life I saw cannon-
balls strike men and crash through the trees and saplings above
and around us, and realized the always sickening confusion as
one approaches a fight from the rear ; then the night-march from
Centreville, on the Warrenton road, standing for hours won
dering what was meant; the deployment along the edge of
the field that sloped down to Bull Run, and waiting for Hun
ter's approach on the other side from the direction of Sudley
Springs, away off to our right ; the terrible scare of a poor negro
who was caught between our lines ; the crossing of Bull Run,
and the fear lest we should be fired on by our own men ; the
killing of Lieutenant-Colonel Haggerty, which occurred in plain
sight ; and the first scenes of a field strewed with dead men
and horses. Yet, at that period of the battle, we were the vic
tors and felt jubilant. At that moment, also, my brigade passed
Hunter's division ; but Heintzelman's was still ahead of us, and
we followed its lead along the road toward Manassas Junction,
crossing a small stream and ascending a long hill, at the summit
of which the battle was going on. Here my regiments came into
1861-'62.J BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 187
action well, but successively, and were driven back, each in ita
turn. For two hours we continued to dash at the woods on
our left front, which were full of rebels ; but I was convinced
their organization was broken, and that they had simply halted
there and taken advantage of these woods as a cover, to reach
which we had to pass over the intervening fields about the Henry
House, which were clear, open, and gave them a decided advan
tage. After I had put in each of my regiments, and had them
driven back to the cover of the road, I had no idea that we were
beaten, but reformed the regiments in line in their proper order,
and only wanted a little rest, when I found that my brigade was
almost alone, except Syke's regulars, who had formed square
against cavalry and were coming back. I then realized that the
whole army was " in retreat," and that my own men were indi
vidually making back for the stone bridge. Corcoran and I
formed the brigade into an irregular square, but it fell to pieces ;
and, along with a crowd, disorganized but not much scared,
the brigade got back to Centreville to our former camps. Cor
coran was captured, and held a prisoner for some time ; but 1
got safe to Centreville. I saw General McDowell in Centreville,
and understood that several of his divisions had not been en
gaged at all, that he would reorganize them at Centreville, and
there await the enemy. I got my four regiments in parallel
lines in a field, the same in which we had camped before the
battle, and had lain down to sleep under a tree, when I heard
some one asking for me. I called out where I was, when Gen
eral Tyler in person gave me orders to march back to our camps
at Fort Corcoran. I aroused my aides, gave them orders to
call up the sleeping men, have each regiment to leave the field
by a flank and to take the same road back by which we had
come. It was near midnight, and the road was full of troops,
wagons, and batteries. We tried to keep our regiments separate,
but 'all became inextricably mixed. Toward morning we reached
Vienna, where I slept some hours, and the next day, about noon,
we reached Fort Corcoran.
A slow, mizzling rain had set in, and probably a more gloomy
day never presented itself. All organization seemed to be at an

188 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
end ; but I and my staff labored hard to collect our men into
their proper companies and into their former camps, and, on the
23d of July, I moved the Second Wisconsin and Seventy-ninth
New York closer in to Fort Corcoran, and got things in better
order than I had expected. Of course, we took it for granted
¦ that the rebels would be on our heels, and we accordingly pre
pared to defend our posts. By the 25th I had collected all the
materials, made my report, and had my brigade about as well
governed as any in that army ; although most of the ninety-day
men, especially the Sixty-ninth, had become extremely tired of
the war, and wanted to go home. Some of them were so mu
tinous, at one time, that I had Ayres's battery to unlimber,
threatening, if they dared to leave camp without orders, I would
open fire on them. Drills and the daily exercises were resumed,
and I ordered that at the three principal roll-calls the men
should form ranks with belts and muskets, and that they should
keep their ranks until I in person had received the reports and
had dismissed them. The Sixty-ninth still occupied Fort Cor
coran, and one morning, after reveille, when I had just received
the report, had dismissed the regiment, and was leaving, I found
myself in a crowd of men crossing the drawbridge on their way
to a barn close by, where they had their sinks ; among them
was an officer, who said : " Colonel, I am going to New York to
day. What can I do for you ? " I answered : " How can you
go to New York ? I do not remember to have signed a leave
for you." He said, " No ; he did not want a leave. He had
engaged to serve three months, and had already served more
than that time. If the Government did not intend to pay him,
he could afford to lose the money ; that he was a lawyer, and had
neglected his business long enough, and was then going home."
I noticed that a good many of the soldiers had paused about us
to listen, and knew that, if this officer could defy me, they
also would. So I turned on him sharp, and said : " Captain, this
question of your term of service has been submitted to the right
ful authority, and the decision has been published in orders.
You are a soldier, and must submit to orders till you are prop
erly discharged. H you attempt to leave without orders, it will

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 189
be mutiny, and I will shoot you like a dog ! Go back into the
fort now, instantly, and don't dare to leave without my consent."
I had on an overcoat, and may have had my hand about the
breast, for he looked at me hard, paused a moment, and then
turned back into the fort. The men scattered, and I returned
to the house where I was quartered, close by.
That same day, which must have been about July 26th, I was
near the river-bank, looking at a block-house which had been
built for the defense of the aqueduct, when I saw a carriage
coming by the road that crossed the Potomac River at George
town by a ferry. I thought I recognized in the carriage the
person of President Lincoln. I hurried across a bend, so as to
stand by the road-side as the carriage passed. I was in uniform,
with a sword on, and was recognized by Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
Seward, who rode side by side in an open hack. I inquired if
they were going to my camps, and Mr. Lincoln said : " Yes ;
we heard that you had got over the big scare, and we thought
we would come over and see the ' boys.' " The roads had been
much changed and were rough. I asked if I might give direc
tions to his coachman, he promptly invited me to jump in
and to tell the coachman which way to drive. Intending to
begin on the right and follow round to the left, I turned the
driver into a side-road which led up a very steep hill, and, seeing
a soldier, called to him and sent him up hurriedly to announce to
the colonel (Bennett, I think) that the President was coming.
As we slowly ascended the hill, I discovered that Mr. Lincoln
was full of feeling, and wanted to encourage our men. I asked
if he intended to speak to them, and he said he would like to.
I asked him then to please discourage all cheering, noise, or any
sort of confusion ; that we had had enough of it before Bull
Run to ruin any set of men, and that what we needed were cool,
thoughtful, hard-fighting soldiers— no more hurrahing, no more
humbug. He took my remarks in the most perfect good-nature.
Before we had reached the first camp, I heard the drum beating
the " assembly," saw the men running for their tents, and in a
few minutes the regiment was in line, arms presented, and then
brought to an order and " parade rest ! "

190 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
Mr. Lincoln stood up in the carriage, and made one of the
neatest, best, and most feeling addresses I ever listened to, re
ferring to our late disaster at Bull Run, the high duties that
still devolved on us, and the brighter days yet to come. At one
or two points the soldiers began to cheer, but he promptly
checked them, saying : " Don't cheer, boys. I confess I rather
like it myself, but Colonel Sherman here says it is not military ;
and I guess we had better defer to his opinion." In winding
up, he explained that, as President, he was commander-in-chief ;
that he was resolved that the soldiers should have every thing
that the law allowed ; and he called on one and all to appeal to
him personally in case they were wronged. The effect of this
speech was excellent.
We passed along in the same manner to all the camps of
my brigade ; and Mr. Lincoln complimented me highly for the
order, cleanliness, and discipline, that he observed. Indeed, he
and Mr. Seward both assured me that it was the first bright
moment they had experienced since the battle.
At last we reached Fort Corcoran. The carriage could not
enter, so I ordered the regiment, without arms, to come outside,
and gather about Mr. Lincoln, who would speak to them. He
made to them the same feeling address, with more personal al
lusions, because of their special gallantry in the battle under
Corcoran, who was still a prisoner in the hands of the enemy ;
and he concluded with the same general offer of redress in case
of grievance. In the crowd I saw the officer with whom I had
had the passage at reveille that morning. His face was pale,
and lips compressed. I foresaw a scene, but sat on the front
seat of the carriage as quiet as a lamb. This officer forced his
way through the crowd to the carriage, and said : " Mr. Presi
dent, I have a cause of grievance. This morning I went to
speak to Colonel Sherman, and he threatened to shoot me."
Mr. Lincoln, who was still standing, said, " Threatened to shoot
you ? " " Yes, sir, he threatened to shoot me." Mr. Lincoln
looked at him, then at me, and stooping his tall, spare form
toward the officer, said to him in a loud stage-whisper, easily
heard for some yards around: "Well, if I were y<ri, and he

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 191
threatened to shoot, I would not trust him, for I believe he
would do it." The officer turned about and disappeared, and
the men laughed at him. Soon the carriage drove on, and, as
we descended the hill, I explained the facts to the President,
who answered, " Of course I didn't know any thing about it,
but I thought you knew your own business best." I thanked
him for his confidence, and assured him that what he had done
would go far to enable me to maintain good discipline, and it did.
By this time the day was well spent. I asked to take my
leave, and the President and Mr. Seward drove back to Wash
ington. This spirit of mutiny was common to the whole army,
and was not subdued till several regiments or parts of regiments
had been ordered to Fort Jefferson, Florida, as punishment.
General McDowell had resumed his headquarters at the Ar
lington House, and was busily engaged in restoring order to his
army, sending off the ninety-days men, and replacing them by
regiments which had come under the three-years call. We were
all trembling lest we should be held personally accountable for
the disastrous result of the battle. General McClellan had been
summoned from the West to Washington, and changes in the
subordinate commands were announced almost daily. I remem
ber, as a group of officers were talking in the large room of the
Arlington House, used as the adjutant-general's office, one even
ing, some young officer came in with a list of the new brigadiers
just announced at the War Department, which embraced the
names of Heintzelman, Keyes, Franklin, Andrew Porter, W.
T. Sherman, and others, who had been colonels in the battle,
and all of whom had shared the common stampede. Of course,
we discredited the truth of the list ; and Heintzelman broke out
in his nasal voice, " By  , it's all a lie ! Every moth
er's son of you will be cashiered." We all felt he was right,
but, nevertheless, it was true ; and we were all announced in
general orders as brigadier-generals of volunteers.
General McClellan arrived, and, on assuming command, con
firmed McDowell's organization. Instead of coming over the
river, as we expected, he took a house in Washington, and only
came over from time to time to have a review or inspection.

192 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
I had received several new regiments, and had begun two new
forts on the hill or plateau, above and farther out than Fort
Corcoran; and I organized a system of drills, embracing the
evolutions of the line, all of which was new to me, and I had to
learn the tactics from books ; but I was convinced that we had
a long, hard war before us, and made up my mind to begin at
the very beginning to prepare for it.
August was passing, and troops were pouring in from all
quarters ; General McClellan told me he intended to organize an
army of a hundred thousand men, with one hundred field-bat
teries, and I still hoped he would come on our side of the Poto
mac, pitch his tent, and prepare for real hard work, but his
headquarters still remained in a house in Washington City. I
then thought, and still think, that was a fatal mistake. His
choice as general-in-chief at the time was fully justified by his
high reputation in the army and country, and, if he then had
any political views or ambition, I surely did not suspect it.
About the middle of August I got a note from Brigadier-
General Robert Anderson, asking me to come and see him at
his room at Willard's Hotel. I rode over and found him in
conversation with several gentlemen, and he explained to me
that events in Kentucky were approaching a crisis ; that the
Legislature was in session, and ready, as soon as properly backed
by the General Government, to take open sides for the Union
cause ; that he was offered the command of the Department of
the Cumberland, to embrace Kentucky, Tennessee, etc., and that
he wanted help, and that the President had offered to allow him
to select out of the new brigadiers four of his own choice. I
had been a lieutenant in Captain Anderson's company, at Fort
Moultrie, from 1843 to 1846, and he explained that he wanted
me as his right hand. He also indicated George H. Thomas, D.
C. Buell,' and Burnside, as the other three. Of course, I always
wanted to go West, and was perfectly willing to go with Ander
son, especiaUy in a subordinate capacity. We agreed to call on
the President on a subsequent day, to talk with him about it
and we did. It hardly seems probable that Mr. Lincoln should
have come to Willard's Hotel to meet us, but my impression ia

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 193
that he did, and that General Anderson had some difficulty in
prevailing on him to appoint George H. Thomas, a native of
Virginia, to be brigadier-general, because so many Southern
officers had already played false ; but I was still more emphatic
in my indorsement of him by reason of my talk with him at
the time he crossed the Potomac with Patterson's army, when
Mr. Lincoln promised to appoint him and to assign him to duty
with General Anderson. In this interview with Mr. Lincoln, I
also explained to him my extreme desire to serve in a subordi
nate capacity, and in no event to be left in a superior command.
He promised me this with promptness, making the jocular re
mark that his chief trouble was to find places for the too many
generals who wanted to be at the head of affairs, to command
armies, etc.
The official order is dated —
[Special Order No. 114.] Headquarters of the Army, )
WASHmaToir, August 24, 1861. j
The following assignment is made of the general officers of the volun
teer service, whose appointment was announced in General Orders No.' 62,
from the War Department :
To the Department of the Cumberland, Brigadier-General Robert An
derson commanding :
Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier-General George H. Thomas.
. . . . *•«•.
By command of Lieutenant-General Scott :
E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant- General..
After some days, I was relieved in command of my brigade*
and post by Brigadier General Fitz-John Porter, and at once
took my departure for Cincinnati, Ohio, via Cresson, Penn
sylvania, where General Anderson was with his family ; and
he, Thomas, and I, met by appointment at the house of his
brother, Larz Anderson, Esq., in Cincinnati. We were there on
the 1st and 2d of September, when several prominent gentlemen
of Kentucky met ns to discuss the situation, among whom were-
Jackson, Harlan, Speed, and others. At that time, William
13

194 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
Nelson, an officer of the navy, had been commissioned a briga
dier-general of volunteers, and had his camp at Dick Robinson,
a few miles beyond the Kentucky River, south of Nicholasville ;
and Brigadier-General L. H. Rousseau had another camp at
Jeffersonville, opposite Louisville. The State Legislature was
in session at Frankfort, and was ready to take definite action as
soon as General Anderson was prepared, for the State was
threatened with invasion from Tennessee, by two forces : one
from the direction of Nashville, commanded by Generals Albert
Sidney Johnston and Buckner ; and the other from the direction
of Cumberland Gap, commanded by Generals Crittenden and
Zollicoffer. General Anderson saw that he had not force enough
to resist these two columns, and concluded to send me in person
for help to Indianapolis and Springfield, to confer with the
Governors of Indiana, and Illinois, and to General Fremont,
who commanded in St. Louis.
McClellan and Fremont were the two men toward whom
the country looked as the great Union leaders, and toward them
were streaming the newly-raised regiments of infantry and cav
alry, and batteries of artillery ; nobody seeming to think of the
intervening link covered by Kentucky. While I was to make
this tour, Generals Anderson and Thomas were to go to Louis
ville and initiate the department. None of us had a staff, or any
of the machinery for organizing an army, and, indeed, we had
no army to organize. Anderson was empowered to raise regi
ments in Kentucky, and to commission a few brigadier-generals.
At Indianapolis I found Governor Morton and all the State
officials busy in equipping and providing for the new regi
ments, and my object was to divert some of them toward
Kentucky ; but they were called for as fast as they were mus
tered in, either for the army of McClellan or Fremont. At
Springfield also I found the same general activity and zeal,
Governor Yates busy in providing for his men ; but these men
also had been promised to Fremont. I then went on to St.
Louis, where all was seeming activity, bustle, and preparation.
Meeting R. M. Renick at the Planters' House (where I stopped),
I inquired where I could find General Fremont. Renick said,

1861-'62.] BULL BUN TO PADUCAH. 195
"What do you want with General Fremont?" I said I had
come to see him on business ; and he added, " You don't sup
pose that he will see such as you ? " and went on to retail ah the
scandal of the day : that Fremont was a great potentate, sur
rounded by sentries and guards; that he had a more showy
court than any real king ; that he kept senators, governors, and
the first citizens, dancing attendance for days and weeks before
granting an audience, etc. ; that if I expected to see him on
business, I would have to make my application in writing, and
submit to a close scrutiny by his chief of staff and by his civil
surroundings. Of course I laughed at all this, and renewed my
simple inquiry as to where Mras his office, aud was informed that
he resided and had his office at Major Brant's new house on
Chouteau Avenue. It was then late in the afternoon, and I con
cluded to wait till the next morning ; but that night I received
- a dispatch from General Anderson in Louisville to hurry back,
as events were pressing, and he needed me.
Accordingly, I rose early next morning before daybreak, got
breakfast with the early railroad-passengers, and about sunrise
was at the gate of General Fremont's headquarters. A sen
tinel with drawn sabre paraded up and down in front of the
house. I had on my undress uniform indicating my rank, and
inquired of the sentinel, " Is General Fremont up ? " He an
swered, " I don't know." Seeing that he was a soldier by his
bearing, I spoke in a sharp, emphatic voice, " Then find out."
He called for the corporal of the guard, and soon a fine-looking
German sergeant came, to whom I addressed the same inquiry.
He in turn did not know, and I bade him find out, as I had
immediate and important business with the general. The ser
geant entered the house by the front-basement door, and after
ten or fifteen minutes the main front-door above was slowly
opened from the inside, and who should appear but my old
San Francisco acquaintance Isaiah C. Woods, whom I had not
seen or heard of since his flight to Australia, at the time of the
failure of Adams & Co. in 1855 ! He ushered me in hastily,
closed the door, and conducted me into the office on the right
of the hall. We were glad to meet, after so long and event-

196

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-

tul an interval, and mutually inquired after our respective
families and special acquaintances. I found that he was a
commissioned officer, a major on duty with Fremont, and
Major Eaton, now of the Paymaster's Department, was in the
same office with him. I explained to them that I had come
from General Anderson, and wanted to confer with General
Fremont in person. Woods left me, but soon returned, said
the general would see me in a very few minutes, and within
ten minutes I was shown across the hall into the large parlor,
where General Fremont received me very pohtely. We had
met before, as early as 1847, in California, and I had also seen
him several times when he was senator. I then in a rapid
manner ran over all the points of interest in General Anderson's
new sphere of action, hoped he would spare us from the new
levies what troops he could, and generally act in concert with
us. He told me that his first business would be to drive the
rebel General Price and his army out of Missouri, when he
would turn his attention down the Mississippi. He asked my
opinion about the various kinds of field-artillery which manu
facturers were thrusting on him, especially the then newly-
invented James gun, and afterward our conversation took a
wide turn about the character of the principal citizens of St.
Louis, with whom I was well acquainted.
Telling General Fremont that I had been summoned to
Louisville, and that I should leave in the first train, viz., at 3
p. m., I took my leave of him. Returning to Wood's office, I
found there two more Californians, viz., Messrs. Palmer and
Haskell, so I felt that, while Fremont might be suspicious of
others, he allowed free ingress to his old California acquaint
ances. Returning to the Planters' House, I heard of Beard, an
other Californian, a Mormon, who had the contract for the
line of redoubts which Fremont had ordered to be constructed
around the city, before he would take his departure for the
interior of the State ; and while I stood near the office-counter
I saw old Baron Steinberger, a prince among our early California
adventurers, come in and look over the register. I avoided him

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 197
on purpose, but his presence in St. Louis recalled the maxim,
" Where the vultures are, there is a carcass close by ; " and I
suspected that the profitable contracts of the quartermaster,
McKinstry, had drawn to St. Louis some of the most enter
prising men of California. I suspect they can account for the
fact that, in a very short time, Fremont fell from his high estate
in Missouri, by reason of frauds, or supposed frauds, in the ad
ministration of the affairs of his command.
I left St. Louis that afternoon and reached Louisville the
next morning. I found General Anderson quartered at the
Louisville Hotel, and he had taken a dwelling house on 
Street as an office. Captain 0. D. Greene was his adjutant-gen
eral, Lieutenant Throckmorton his aide, and Captain Prime, of
the Engineer Corps, was on duty with him. General George
H. Thomas had been dispatched to camp Dick Robinson, to
relieve Nelson.
. The city was full of all sorts of rumors. The Legislature,
moved by considerations purely of a political nature, had taken
the step, whatever it was, that amounted to an adherence to the
Union, instead of joining the already-seceded States. This was
universally known to be the signal for action. For it we were
utterly unprepared, whereas the rebels were fully prepared.
General Sidney Johnston immediately crossed into Kentucky,
and advanced as far as Bowling Green, which he began to
fortify, and thence dispatched General Buekner with a division
forward toward Louisville ; General Zollicoffer, in like manner,
entered the State and advanced as far as Somerset. On the
day I reached Louisvihe the excitement ran high. It was
known that Columbus, Kentucky, had been occupied, September
7th, by a strong rebel force, under Generals Pillow and Polk,
and that General Grant had moved from Cairo and occupied
Paducah in force on the 6th. Many of the rebel families ex
pected Buekner to reach Louisville at any moment. That night,
General Anderson sent for me, and I found with him Mr.
Guthrie, president of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad,
who had in his hands a dispatch to the effect that the bridge
across the Rolling Fork of Salt Creek, less than thirty miles

198 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
out, had been burned, and that Buckner's force, en route for
Louisville, had been detained beyond Green River by a train
thrown from the track. We learned afterward that a man
named Bird had displaced a rail on purpose to throw the train
off the track, and thereby give us time.
Mr. Guthrie explained that in the ravine just beyond Salt
Creek were several high and important trestles which, if de
stroyed, would take months to replace, and General Anderson
thought it well worth the effort to save them. Also, on Mul-
draugh's Hill beyond, was a strong position, which had in former
years been used as the site for the State " Camp of Instruction,"
and we all supposed that General Buekner, who was familiar
with the ground, was aiming for a position there, from which
to operate on Louisville.
All the troops we had to counteract Buekner were Rousseau's
Legion, and a few Home Guards in Louisville. The former were
still encamped across the river at Jefferson ville ; so General
Anderson ordered me to go over, and with them, and such
Home Guards as we could collect, make the effort to secure pos
session of Muldraugh's Hill before Buekner could reach it. I
took Captain Prime with me, and crossed over to Rousseau's
camp. The long-roll was beaten, and within an hour the men,
to the number of about one thousand, were marching for the
ferry-boat and for the Nashville depot. Meantime General
Anderson had sent to collect some Home Guards, and Mr. Guth
rie to get the trains ready. It was after midnight before we
began to move. The trains proceeded slowly, and it was day
break when we reached Lebanon Junction, twenty-six miles out,
where we disembarked, and marched to tbe bridge over Salt
River, which we found had been burnt ; whether to prevent
Buekner coming into Louisville, or us from going out, was not
clear. Rousseau's Legion forded the stream and marched up to
the State Camp of Instruction, finding the high trestles all
secure. The railroad-hands went to work at once to rebuild the
bridge. I remained a couple of days at Lebanon Junction, dur
ing which General Anderson forwarded two regiments of volun
teers that had come to him. Before the bridge was done we

1861-'62.J BULL BUN TO PADUCAH. 199
advanced the whole camp to the summit of Muldraugh's Hill,
just back of Elizabethtown. There I learned definitely that
General Buekner had not crossed Green River at all, that Gen
eral Sidney Johnston was fortifying Bowling Green, and pre
paring for a systematic advance into Kentucky, of which he
was a native, and with whose people and geography he must
have been familiar.
As fast as fresh troops reached Louisville, they were sent
out to me at Muldraugh's Hill, where I was endeavoring to
put them into shape for service, and by the 1st of October I
had the equivalent of a division of two brigades preparing to
move forward toward Green River. The daily correspondence
between General Anderson and myself satisfied me that the
worry and harassment at Louisville were exhausting his strength
and health, and that he would soon leave. On a telegraphic
summons from him, about the 5th of October, I went down to
Louisville, when General Anderson said he could not stand the
mental torture of his command any longer, and that he must go
away, or it would kill him. On the 8th of October he actually
published an order relinquishing the command, and, by reason
of my seniority, I had no alternative but to assume command,
though much against the grain, and in direct violation of Mr.
Lincoln's promise to me. I am certain that, in my earliest com
munication to the War Department, I renewed the expression
of my wish to remain in a subordinate position, and that I re
ceived the assurance that Brigadier-General Buell would soon
arrive from California, and would be sent to relieve me.
By that time I had become pretty familiar with the geogra
phy and the general resources of Kentucky. We had parties
all over the State raising regiments and companies ; but it was
mauif est that the young men were generally inclined to the cause
of the South, while the older men of property wanted to be let
alone — i. e., to remain neutral. As to a forward movement that
fall, it was simply impracticable ; for we were forced to use
divergent lines, leading our columns farther and farther apart ;
and all I could attempt was to go on and collect force and ma
terial at the two points already chosen, viz., Dick Robinson and

200 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
Elizabethtown General George H. Thomas still continued to
command the former, and on the 12th of October I dispatched
Brigadier-General A. McD. McCook to command the latter,
which had been moved forward to Nolin Creek, fifty-two miles
out of Louisville, toward Bowling Green. Staff-officers began
to arrive to relieve us of the constant drudgery which, up to
that time, had been forced on General Anderson and myself ;
and these were all good men. Colonel Thomas Swords, quarter
master, arrived on the 13th ; Paymaster Lamed on the 14th ; and
Lieutenant Smyzer, Fifth Artillery, acting ordnance-officer, on
the 20th ; Captain Symonds was already on duty as the com
missary of subsistence ; Captain O. D. Greene was the adjutant-
general, and completed a good working staff.
The everlasting worry of citizens complaining of every petty
delinquency of a soldier, and forcing themselves forward to
discuss politics, made the position of a commanding general
no sinecure. I continued to strengthen the two corps forward
and their routes of supply ; all the time expecting that Sidney
Johnston, who was a real general, and who had as correct infor
mation of our situation as I had, would unite his force with Zol
licoffer, and fall on Thomas at Dick Robinson, or McCook at
Nolin. Had he done so in October, 1861, he could have walked
into Louisville, and the vital part of the population would have
hailed him as a deliverer. Why he did not, was to me a mys
tery then and is now ; for I know that he saw the move, and
had his wagons loaded up at one time for a start toward Frank
fort, passing between our two camps. Conscious of our weakness,
I was unnecessarily unhappy, and doubtless exhibited it too
much to those near me ; but it did seem to me that the- Govern
ment at Washington, intent on the larger preparations of Fre
mont in Missouri and McClellan in Washington, actually ignored
us in Kentucky.
About this time, say the middle of October, I received notice,
by telegraph, that the Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron (then in
St. Louis), would visit me at Louisville, on his way back to Wash
ington. I was delighted to have an opportunity to properly
represent the actual state of affairs, and got Mr. Guthrie to

1861'-62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 201
go with me across to Jeffersonville, to meet the Secretary of
War and escort him to Louisville. The train was behind time,
but Mr. Guthrie and I waited till it actually arrived. Mr.
Cameron was attended by Adjutant-General Lorenzo Thomas,
and six or seven gentlemen who turned out to be newspaper re
porters. Mr. Cameron's first inquiry was, when he could start
for Cincinnati, saying that, as he had been detained at St. Louis
so long, it was important he should hurry on to Washington.
I explained that the regular mail-boat would leave very soon
— viz., at 12 m. — but I begged him to come over to Louisville ;
that I wanted to see him on business as important as any in
Washington, and hoped he would come and spend at least a day
with us. He asked if every thing was not well with us, and I
told him far from it ; that things were actually bad, as bad as
bad could be. This seemed to surprise him, and Mr. Guthrie
added his persuasion to mine ; when Mr. Cameron, learning that
he could leave Louisville by rail via Frankfort next morning
early, and make the same connections at Cincinnati, consented
to go with us to Louisville, with the distinct understanding that
he must leave early the next morning for Washington.
We accordingly all took hacks, crossed the river by the ferry,
and drove to the Gait House, where I was then staying. Brig
adier-General T. J. Wood had come down from Indianapolis by
the same train, and was one of the party. We all proceeded to
my room on the first floor of the Gait House, where our excel
lent landlord, Silas Miller, Esq., sent ns a good lunch and some
thing to drink. Mr. Cameron was not well, and lay on my bed,
but joined in the general conversation. He and his party seemed
to be full of the particulars of the developments in St. Louis of
some of Fremont's extravagant contracts and expenses, which
were the occasion of Cameron's trip to St. Louis, and which
finally, resulted in Fremont's being relieved, first by General
Hunter, and after by General H. W. Halleck.
After some general conversation, Mr. Cameron called to me,
'' Now, General Sherman, tell us of your troubles." I said I
preferred not to discuss business with so many strangers present.
He said, " They are all friends, all members of my family, and

202 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
you may speak your mind freely and without restraint." I am
sure I stepped to the door, locked it to prevent intrusion, and
then fully and fairly represented the state of affairs in Ken
tucky, especially the situation and numbers of my troops. I com
plained that the new levies of Ohio and Indiana were diverted
East and West, and we got scarcely any thing ; that our forces
at Nolin and Dick Robinson were powerless for invasion, and
only tempting to a general such as we believed Sidney Johnston
to be ; that, if Johnston chose, he could march to Louisville any
day. Cameron exclaimed : " You astonish me ! Our informants,
the Kentucky Senators and members of Congress, claim that they
have in Kentucky plenty of men, and all they want are arms
and money." I then said it was not true ; for the young men
were arming and going out openly in broad daylight to the
rebel camps, provided with good horses and guns by their fa
thers, who were at best " neutral ; " and as to arms, he had, in
Washington, promised General Anderson forty thousand of the
best Springfield muskets, instead of which we had received only
about twelve thousand Belgian muskets, which the Governor
of Pennsylvania had refused, as had also the Governor of Ohio,
but which had been adjudged good enough for Kentucky.
I asserted that volunteer colonels raising regiments in various
parts of the State had come to Louisville for arms, and when
they saw what I had to offer had scorned to receive them — to
confirm the truth of which I appealed to Mr. Guthrie, who said
that every word I had spoken was true, and he repeated what 1
had often heard him say, that no man who owned a slave or a
mule in Kentucky could be trusted.
Mr. Cameron appeared alarmed at what was said, and turned
to Adjutant-General L. Thomas, to inquire if he knew of any
troops available, that had not been already assigned. He
mentioned Negley's Pennsylvania Brigade, at Pittsburg, and
a couple of other regiments that were then en route for St.
Louis. Mr. Cameron ordered him to divert these to Louisville,
and Thomas made the telegraphic orders on the spot. He
further promised, on reaching Washington, to give us more of
his time and assistance.

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 203
In the general conversation which followed, I remember tak
ing a large map of the United States, and assuming the people
of the whole South to be in rebellion, that our task was to subdue
them, showed that McClellan was on the left, having a frontage
of less than a hundred miles, and Fremont the right, about the
6ame ; whereas I, the centre, had from the Big Sandy to Padu
cah, over three hundred miles of frontier ; that McClellan had a
hundred thousand men, Fremont sixty thousand, whereas to me
had only been allotted about eighteen thousand. I argued that,
for the purpose of defense, we should have sixty thousand men
at once, and for offense, would need two hundred thousand, be
fore we were done. Mr. Cameron, who still lay on the bed,
threw up his hands and exclaimed, " Great God ! where are they
to come from 2 " I asserted that there were plenty of men at the
North, ready and willing to come, if he would only accept their
services ; for it was notorious that regiments had been formed
in all the Northwestern States, whose services had been refused
by the War Department, on the ground that they would not
be needed. We discussed all these matters fully, in the most
friendly spirit, and I thought I had aroused Mr. Cameron to a
realization of the great war that was before us, and was in fact
upon us. I heard him tell General Thomas to make a note of
our conversation, that he might attend to my requests on
reaching Washington. We all spent the evening together
agreeably in conversation, many Union citizens calling to pay
their respects, and the next morning early we took the train for
Frankfort ; Mr. Cameron and party going on to Cincinnati and
Washington, and I to Camp Dick Robinson to see General
Thomas and the troops there.
I found General Thomas in a tavern, with most of his regi
ments camped about him. He had sent a small force some miles
in advance toward Cumberland Gap, under Brigadier-General
Schoepf. Remaining there a couple of days, I returned to
Louisville ; on the 22d of October, General Negley's brigade
arrived in boats from Pittsburg, was sent out to Camp Nolin ;
and the Thirty-seventh Indiana, Colonel Hazzard, and Second
Minnesota, Colonel Van Cleve, also reached Louisville by rail,

204 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
and were posted at Elizabethtown and Lebanon Junction. These
were the same troops which had been ordered by Mr. Cameron
when at Louisville, and they were all that I received thereafter,
prior to my leaving Kentucky. On reaching Washington, Mr.
Cameron called on General Thomas, as he himself afterward told
me, to submit his memorandum of events during his absence,
and in that memorandum was mentioned my insane request for
two hundred thousand men. By some newspaper man this was
seen and published, and, before I had the least conception of it,
I was universally published throughout the country as " insane,
crazy," etc. Without any knowledge, however, of this fact, I
had previously addressed to the Adjutant-General of the army
at Washington this letter :
Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, \
Louisville, Kentucky, October 22, 1861. )
To Generall,. Thomas, Adjutant- General, Washington, D. C.
Sir : On my arrival at Camp Dick Robinson, I found General Thomas
had stationed a Kentucky regiment at Rock Castle Hill, beyond a river of
the same name, and had sent an Ohio and an Indiana regiment forward in
support. He was embarrassed for transportation, and I authorized him to
hire teams, and to move his whole force nearer to his advance-guard, so as
to support it, as he had information of the approach of Zollicoffer toward
London. I have just heard from him, that he had sent forward General
Schoepf with Colonel Wolford's cavalry, Colonel Steadman's Ohio regiment,
and a battery of artillery, followed on a succeeding day by a Tennessee
brigade. He had still two Kentucky regiment^ the Thirty-eighth Ohio and
another battery of artillery, with which he was to follow yesterday. This
force, if concentrated, should be strong enough for the purpose ; at all events,
it is all he had or I could give him.
I explained to you fully, when here, the supposed position of our adver
saries, among which was a force in the valley of Big Sandy, supposed to be
advancing on Paris, Kentucky. General Nelson atMaysville was instructed
to collect all the men he could, and Colonel Gill's regiment of Ohio Volun
teers. Colonel Harris was already in position at Olympian Springs, and a
regiment lay at Lexington, which I ordered to his support. This leaves
the line of Thomas's operations exposed, but I cannot help it. I explained
so fully to yourself and the Secretary of War the condition of things, that
I can add nothing new until further developements. You know my views
that this great centre of our field is too weak, far too weak, and I have
begged and implored till I dare not say more.

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 205
Buekner still is beyond Green Biver. He sent a detachment of his
men, variously estimated at from two to four thousand toward Greens-
burg. General Ward, with about one thousand men, retreated to Camp-
bellsburg, where he called to his assistance some partially-formed regi
ments to the number of about two thousand. The enemy did not advance,
and General Ward was at last dates at Campbellsburg. The officers
charged with raising regiments must of necessity be near their homes to
collect men, and for this reason are out of position ; but at or near Greens
burg and Lebanon, I desire to assemble as large a force of the Kentucky
Volunteers as possible. This organization is necessarily irregular, but the
necessity is so great that I must have them, and therefore have issued to
them arms and clothing during the process of formation. This has facili
tated their enlistment ; but inasmuch as the Legislature has provided
money for organizing the Kentucky Volunteers, and intrusted its dis
bursement to a board of loyal gentlemen, I have endeavored to cooperate
with them to hasten the formation of these corps.
The great difficulty is, and has been, that as volunteers offer, we have not
arms and clothing to give them. The arms sent us are, as you already
know, European muskets of uncouth pattern, which the volunteers will not
touch. General McCook has now three brigades — Johnson's, Wood's, and
Rousseau's. Negley's brigade arrived to-day, and will be sent out at once.
The Minnesota regiment has also arrived, and will be sent forward. Haz-
zard's regiment of Indiana troops I have ordered to the mouth of Salt
Creek, an important point on the turnpike-road leading to Elizabethtown.
I again repeat that our force here is out of all proportion to the impor
tance of the position. Our defeat would be disastrous to the nation ; and to
expect of new men, who never bore arms, to do miracles, is not right.
I am, with much respect, yours truly,
W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General commanding.

About this time my attention was drawn to the publication in
all the Eastern papers, which of course was copied at the West,
of the report that I was " crazy, insane, and mad," that " I had
demanded two hundred thousand men for the defense of Ken
tucky ; " and the authority given for this report was stated to be
the Secretary of War himself, Mr. Cameron, who never, to my
knowledge, took pains to affirm or deny it. My position was
therefore simply unbearable, and it is probable I resented the
cruel insult with language of intense feeling. Still I received
no orders, no reinforcements, not a word of encouragement or

206 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
relief. About November 1st, General McClellan was appointed
commander-in-chief of all the armies in the field, and by tele
graph called for a report from me. It is herewith given :
Headquarters Department oe the Cumberland, I
Louisville, Kentucky, November 4, 1861. )
General L. Thomas, Adjutant- General, Washington, D. C.
Sir : In compliance with the telegraphic orders of General McClellan,
received late last night, I submit this report of the forces in Kentucky,
and of their condition.
The tabular statement shows the position of the several regiments. The
camp at Nolin is at the present extremity of the Nashville Railroad. This
force was thrown forward to meet the advance of Buckner's army, which
then fell back to Green River, twenty-three miles beyond. These regi
ments were substantially without means of transportation, other than the
railroad, which is guarded at all dangerous points, yet is liable to interrup
tion at any moment, by the tearing up of a rail by the disaffected inhabi
tants or a hired enemy. These regiments are composed of good materials,
but devoid of company officers of experience, and have been put under
thorough drill since being in camp. They are generally well clad, and
provided for. Beyond Green River, the enemy has masked his forces, and
it is very difficult to ascertain even the approximate numbers. No pains
have been spared to ascertain them, but without success, and it is well
known that they far outnumber us. Depending, however, on the railroads
to their rear for transportation, they have not thus far advanced this side of
Green River, except in marauding parties. This is the proper line of ad
vance, but will require a very large force, certainly fifty thousand men, as
their railroad facilities south enable them to concentrate at Munfordsville
the entire Btrength of the South. General McCook's command is divided
into four brigades, under Generals Wood, R. W. Johnson, Rousseau, and
Negley. General Thomas's line of operations is from Lexington, toward Cumber
land Gap and Ford, which are occupied by a force of rebel Tennesseeans,
under the command of Zollicoffer. Thomas occupies the position at Lon
don, in front of two roads which lead to the fertile part of Kentucky, the
one by Richmond, and the other by Crab Orchard, with his reserve at
Camp Dick Robinson, eight miles south of the Kentucky River. His pro
visions and stores go by railroad from Cincinnati to Nicholasville, and
thence in wagons to his several regiments. He is forced to hire transpor
tation. Brigadier-General Nelson is operating by the line from Olympian Springs,
east of Paris, on the Covington & Lexington Railroad, toward Preston-
burg, in the valley of the Big Sandy, where is assembled a force of from

1861- '62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 207
twenty-five to thirty-five hundred rebel Kentuckians waiting reinforce
ments from Virginia. My last report from him was to October 28th, at
which time he had Colonel Harris's Ohio Second, nine hundred strong;
Colonel Norton's Twenty-first Ohio, one thousand; and Colonel Sill's Thir
ty-third Ohio, seven hundred and fifty strong ; with two irregular Kentucky
regiments, Colonels Marshall and Metcalf. These troops were on the road
near Hazel Green and West Liberty, advancing toward Prestonburg.
Upon an inspection of the map, you will observe these are all divergent
lines, but rendered necessary, from the fact that our enemies choose them
as places of refuge from pursuit, where they can receive assistance from
neighboring States. Our lines are all too weak, probably with the ex
ception of that to Prestonburg. To strengthen these, I am thrown on the
raw levies of Ohio and Indiana, who arrive in detachments, perfectly fresh
from the country, and loaded down with baggage, also upon the Kentuck
ians, who are slowly forming regiments all over the State, at points re
mote from danger, and whom it will be almost impossible to assemble to
gether. The organization of this latter force is, by the laws of Kentucky,
under the control of a military board of citizens, at the capital, Frankfort,
and they think they will be enabled to have fifteen regiments toward the
middle of this monthj but I doubt it, and deem it unsafe to rely on them.
There are four regiments forming in the neighborhood of Owensboro', near
the mouth of Green River, who are doing good service, also in the neigh
borhood of Campbellsville, but it is unsafe to rely on troops so suddenly
armed and equipped. They are not yet clothed or uniformed. I know
well you will think our force too widely distributed, but we are forced to it
by the attitude of our enemies, whose force and numbers the country never
has and probably never will comprehend.
I am told that my estimate of troops needed for this line, viz., two
hundred thousand, has been construed to my prejudice, and therefore leave
it for the future. This is the great centre on which our enemies can con
centrate whatever force is not employed elsewhere. Detailed statement
of present force inclosed with this.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman-, Brigadier- General commanding.
BEIGADIEE-GENEEAL MCCOOK'S CAMP, AT ITOLLN, FIFTY-TWO MILES
FEOM LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY, NOVEMBER 4, 1861.
First Brigade (General RotrssBAtr).^Third Kentucky, Colonel Bulkley ;
Fourth Kentucky, Colonel Whittaker ; First Cavalry, Colonel Board ;
Stone's battery ; two companies Nineteenth United States Infantry, and
two companies Fifteenth United States Infantry, Captain Gilman.
Second Brigade (General T. J. Wood). — Thirty-eighth Indiana, Colonel

208

BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.

Scribner ; Thirty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Harrison ; Thirtieth Indiana, Colo
nel Bass ; Twenty-ninth Indiana, Colonel Miller.
Third Brigade (General Johnson).— Forty-ninth Ohio, Colonel Gibson ;
Fifteenth Ohio, Colonel Dickey; Thirty-fourth Illinois, Colonel King ; Thir
ty-second Indiana, Colonel Willach.
Fourth Brigade (General Neglet).— Seventy-seventh Pennsylvania,
Colonel Hambright ; Seventy-eighth Pennsylvania, Colonel Sinnell ; Seven
ty-ninth Pennsylvania, Colonel Stambaugh ; Battery  , Captain Mueller.
Camp Dick Robinson (General G. H. Thomas).  Kentucky, Colo
nel Bramlette ;  Kentucky, Colonel Fry ;  Kentucky Cavalry, Colo
nel Woolford; Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Steadman ; First Artillery, Colonel
Barnett; Third Ohio, Colouel Carter;  East Tennessee, Colonel Byrd.
Bardstown, Kentucky. — Tenth Indiana, Colonel Manson.
Crab Orchard.— Thirty-third Indiana, Colonel Coburn.
Jeffersonville, Indiana.— Thirty-fourth Indiana, Colonel Steele ; Thirty-
Bixth Indiana, Colonel Grose ; First Wisconsin, Colonel Starkweather.
Mouth of Salt River.— Ninth Michigan, Colonel Duffield ; Thirty-
seventh Indiana, Colonel Hazzard.
Lebanon Junction. — Second Minnesota, Colonel Van Cleve.
Olympian Springs. — Second Ohio, Colonel Harris.
Cynthiana, Kentucky.— Thirty-fifth Ohio, Colonel Vandever.
Nicholasville, Kentucky— Twenty-first Ohio, Colonel Norton ; Thirty-
eighth Ohio, Colonel Bradley.
Big Hill. — Seventeenth Ohio, Colonel Connell.
Colesburg. — Twenty-fourth Illinois, Colonel Hecker.
Elizabethtown, Kentucky. — Nineteenth Illinois, Colonel Turchin.
Owensboro' or Henderson. — Thirty-first Indiana, Colonel Oruft; Colo
nel Edwards, forming Rock Castle ; Colonel Boyle, Harrodsburg ; Colonel
Barney, Irvine ; Colonel Hazzard, Burksville ; Colonel Haskins, Somerset.
And, in order to conclude this subject, I also add copies of
two telegraphic dispatches, sent for General McClellan's use
about the same time, which are all the official letters received at
his headquarters, as certified by the Adjutant-General, L. Thomas,
in a letter of February 1, 1862, in answer to an application of
my brother, Senator John Sherman, and on which I was ad
judged insane : Louisville, November 3, 10 p. m.
To General McClellan, Washington, D. G. :
Dispatch just received. We are forced to operate on three lines, all de
pendent on railroads of doubtful safety, requiring strong guards. From
Paris to Prestonburg, three Ohio regiments and some militia — enemy vari-

1861-'62.] BULL BUN TO PADUCAH. 209
ously reported from thirty-five hundred to seven thousand. From Lexing
ton toward Cumberland Gap, Brigadier-General Thomas, one Indiana and
five Ohio regiments, two Kentucky and two Tennessee ; hired wagons and
badly clad. Zollicoffer, at Cumberland Ford, about seven thousand. Lee
reported on the way with Virginia reinforcements. In front of Louisville,
fifty-two miles, McCook, with four brigades of about thirteen thousand, with
four regiments to guard the railroad, at all times in danger. Enemy along
the railroad from Green River to Bowling Green, Nashville, and Clarksville.
Buekner, Hardee, Sidney Johnston, Polk, and Pillow, the two former in im
mediate command, the force as large as they want or can subsist, from
twenty-five to thirty thousand. Bowling Green strongly fortified. Our
forces too small to do good, and too large to sacrifice.
W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General.
Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, )
Louisville, Kentucky, November 6, 1861. f
General L. Thomas, Adjutant- General.
Sir : General McClellan telegraphs me to report to him daily the situa
tion of affairs here. The country is so large that it is impossible to give
clear and definite views. Our enemies have a terrible advantage in the fact
that in our midst, in our camps, and along our avenues of travel, they have
active partisans, farmers and business-men, who seemingly pursue their
usual calling, but are in fact spies. They report all our movements and
strength, while we can procure information only by circuitous and unrelia
ble means. I inclose you the copy of an intercepted letter, which is but the
type of others. Many men from every part of the State are now enrolled
under Buekner — have gone to him — while ours have to be raised in neigh
borhoods, and cannot be called together except at long notice. These vol
unteers are being organized under the laws of the State, and the 10th of
November is fixed for the time of consolidating them into companies and
regiments. Many of them are armed by the United States as home guards,
and many by General Anderson and myself, because of the necessity of be
ing armed to guard their camps against internal enemies. Should w.e be
overwhelmed, they would scatter, and their arms and clothing will go to
the enemy, furnishing the very material they so much need. We should
have here a very large force, sufficient to give confidence to the Union men
of the ability to do what should be done— possess ourselves of all the State.
But all see and feel we are brought to a stand-still, and this produces doubt
and alarm. With our present force it would be simple madness to cross
Green River, and yet hesitation may be as fatal. In like manner the other
columns are in peril, not so much in front as rear, the railroads over which
our stores must pass being much exposed. I have the Nashville Railroad
guarded by three regiments, yet it is far from being safe ; and, the moment
14

210 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
actual hostilities commence, these roads will be interrupted, and we will be
in a dilemma. To meet this in part I have put a cargo of provisions at the
mouth of Salt River, guarded by two regiments. All these detachments
weaken the main force, and endanger the whole. Do not conclude, as be
fore, that I exaggerate the facts. They are as stated, and the future looks
as dark as possible. It would be better if some man of sanguine mind were
nere, for I am forced to order according to my convictions. Tours truly,
W. T. Sherman, Brigadier-General commanding.
After the war was over, General Thomas J. Wood, then in
command of the district of Vicksburg, prepared a statement ad
dressed to the public, describing the interview with the Secretary
of War, which he calls a " Council of War." I did not then
deem it necessary to renew a matter which had been swept into
oblivion by the war itself ; but, as it is evidence by an eye
witness, it is worthy of insertion here.
STATEMENT.
On the 11th of October, 1861, the writer, who had been personally on
mustering duty in Indiana, was appointed a brigadier-general of volun
teers, and ordered to report to General Sherman, then in command of the
Department of the Cumberland, with his headquarters at Louisville, having
succeeded General Robert Anderson. When the writer was about leaving
Indianapolis to proceed to Louisville, Mr. Cameron, returning from his
famous visit of inspection to General Fremont's department, at St. Louis,
Missouri, arrived at Indianapolis, and announced his intention to visit Gen
eral Sherman.
The writer was invited to accompany the party to Louisville. Taking
the early morning train from Indianapolis to Louisville on the 16th of
October, 1861, the party arrived in Jeffersonville shortly after mid-day.
General Sherman met the party in Jeffersonville, and accompanied it to the
Gait House, in Louisville, the hotel at which he was stopping.
During the afternoon General Sherman informed the writer that a council
of war was to be held immediately in his private room in tbe hotel, and
desired liim to be present at the council. General Sherman and the writer
proceeded directly to the room. The writer entered the room first and
observed in it Mr. Cameron, Adjutant-General L. Thomas, and some other
persons, all of whose names he did not know, but whom he recognized as
being of Mr. Cameron's party. The name of one of the party the writer
had learned, which he remembers as Wilkinson, or Wilkerson, and who
ho understood was a writer for the N~ew York Tribune newspaper. The

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 211
Hon. James Guthrie was also in the room, having been invited, on account
of his eminent position as a citizen of Kentucky, his high civic reputation,
and his well-known devotion to the Union, to meet the Secretary of War in
the council. When General Sherman entered the room he closed the door,
and turned the key in the lock.
Before entering on the business of the meeting, General Sherman re
marked substantially: "Mr. Cameron, we have met here to discuss mat
ters and interchange views which should be known only by persons high in
the confidence of the Government. There are persons present whom I do
not know, and I desire to know, before opening the business of the council,
whether they are persons who may he properly allowed to hear the views
which I have to submit to you." Mr. Cameron replied, with some little testi-
ness of manner, that the persons referred to belonged to his party, and
there was no objection to their knowing whatever might be communicated
to him. Certainly the legitimate and natural conclusion from this remark of Mr.
Cameron's was that whatever views might be submitted by General Sher
man would be considered under the protection of the seal of secrecy, and
would not be divulged to the public till all apprehension of injurious con
sequences from such disclosure had passed. And it may he remarked, fur
ther, that justice to General Sherman required that if, at any future time,
his conclusions as to the amount of force necessary to conduct the operations
committed to his charge should be made public, the. grounds on which his
conclusions were based should be made public at the same time.
Mr. Cameron then asked General Sherman what his plans were. To this
General Sherman replied that he had no plans; that no sufficient force
had been placed at his disposition with which to devise any plan of opera
tions; that, before a commanding general could project a plan of campaign,
he must know what amount of force he would have to operate with.
The general added that he had views which he would be happy to sub
mit for the consideration of the Secretary. Mr. Cameron desired to hear
General Sherman's views.
General Sherman began by giving his opinion of the people of Kentucky,
and the then condition of the State. He remarked that he believed a very
large majority of the people of Kentucky were thoroughly devoted to the
Union, and loyal to the Government, and that the Unionists embraced almost
all the older and more substantial men in the State ; but, unfortunately,
there was no organization nor arms among the Union men; that the rebel
minority, thoroughly vindictive in its sentiments, was organized and armed
(this having been done in advance by their leaders), and, beyond the reach
of the Federal forces, overawed and prevented the Union men from organ
izing; that, in his opinion, if Federal protection were extended throughout
the State to the Union men, a large force could be raised for the service of
the Government.

212 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'C2.
General Sherman next presented a resume of the information in his
possession as to the number of the rebel troops in Kentucky. Commencing
with the force at Columbus, Kentucky, the reports varied, giving the strength
from ten to twenty thousand. It was commanded by Lieutenant-General
Polk. General Sherman fixed it at the lowest estimate; say, ten thousand.
The force at Bowling Green, commanded by General A. S. Johnston, sup
ported by Hardee, Buekner, and others, was variously estimated at from
eighteen to thirty thousand. General Sherman estimated this force at the
lowest figures given to it by his information — eighteen thousand.
He explained that, for purposes of defense, these two forces ought, owing
to the facility with which troops might be transported from one to the
other, by the net-work of railroads in Middle and West Tennessee, to be
considered almost as one. General Sherman remarked, also, on the facility
with which reinforcements could be transported by railroad to Bowling
Green, from the other rebellious States.
The third organized body of rebel troops was in Eastern Kentucky, under
General Zollicoffer, estimated, according to the most reliable information, at
six thousand men. This force threatened a descent, if unrestrained, on the
blue-grass region of Kentucky, including the cities of Lexington, and Frank
fort, the capital of the State; and if successful in its primary movements,
as it would gather head as it advanced, might endanger the safety of Cin
cinnati. General Sherman said that the information in his possession indicated
an intention, on the part of the rebels, of a general and grand advance
toward the Ohio Biver. He further expressed the opinion that, if such ad
vance should be made, and not checked, the rebel force would be swollen by
at least twenty thousand recruits from the disloyalists in Kentucky. His low
computation of the organized rebel soldiers then in Kentucky fixed the
strength at about thirty-five thousand. Add twenty thousand for reen-
forcements gained in Kentucky, to say nothing of troops drawn from other
rebel States, and the effective rebel force in the State, at a low estimate,
would be fifty-five thousand men.
General Sherman explained forcibly how largely the difficulties of sup
pressing the rebellion would be enhanced, if the rebels should be allowed
to plant themselves firmly, with strong fortifications, at commanding point9
on the Ohio River. It would be facile for them to carry the war thence
into the loyal States north of the river.
To resist an advance of the rebels, General Sherman stated that he did
not have at that time in Kentucky more than some twelve to fourteen
thousand effective men. The bulk of this force was posted at camp Nolin
on the Louisville & Nashville Railway, fifty miles south of Louisville. A
part of it was in Eastern Kentucky, under General George H. Thomas and
a very small force was in the lower valley of Green River.

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 213
This disposition of the force had been made for the double purpose of
¦watching and checking the rebels, and protecting the raising and organiza
tion of troops among the Union men of Kentucky.
Having explained the situation from the defensive point of view, General
Sherman proceeded to consider it from the offensive stand-point. The Gov
ernment had undertaken to suppress the rebellion; the onus faciendi, there
fore, rested on the Government. The rebellion could never be put down,
the authority of the paramount Government asserted, and the union of the
States declared perpetual, by force of arms, by maintaining the defensive ;
to accomplish these grand desiderata, it was absolutely necessary the Gov
ernment should adopt, and maintain until the rebellion was crushed, the
offensive. For the purpose of expelling the rebels from Kentucky, General Sher
man said that at least sixty thousand soldiers were necessary. Considering
that the means of accomplishment must always be proportioned to the end
to be achieved, and bearing in mind the array of rebel force then in Ken
tucky, every sensible man must admit that the estimate of the force given
by General Sherman, for driving the rebels out of the State, and reestab
lishing and maintaining the authority of the Government, was a very low
one. The truth is that, before the rebels were driven from Kentucky,
many more than sixty thousand soldiers were sent into the State.
Ascending from the consideration of the narrow question of the politi
cal and military situation in Kentucky, and the extent of force necessary
to redeem the State from rebel thraldom, forecasting in his sagacious intel
lect the grand and daring operations which, three years afterward, he re
alized in a campaign, taken in its entirety, without a parallel in modern
times, General Sherman expressed the opinion that, to carry the war to the
Gulf of Mexico, and destroy all armed opposition to the Goverment, in the
entire Mississippi Valley, at least two hundred thousand troops were abso
lutely requisite.
So soon as General Sherman had concluded the expression of his views,
Mr. Cameron asked, with much warmth and apparent irritation, " Where do
you suppose, General Sherman, all this force is to come from ? " General
Sherman replied that he did not know ; that it was not his duty to raise,
organize, and put the necessary military force into the field ; that duty per
tained to the War Department. His duty was to organize campaigns and
command the troops after they had been put into the field.
At this point of the proceedings, General Sherman suggested that it
might be agreeable to the Secretary to hear the views of Mr. Guthrie.
Thus appealed to, Mr. Guthrie said he did not consider himself, being a
civilian, competent to give an opinion as to the extent of force necessary
to carry the war to the Gulf of Mexico ; but, being well informed of the
condition of things in Kentucky, he indorsed fully General Sherman's
opinion of tho force required to drivA the rebels out of the State.

214 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62
The foregoing is a circumstantial account of the deliberations of the
council that were of any importance.
A good deal of desultory conversation followed, on immaterial matters ;
and some orders were issued by telegraph, by the Secretary of War, for
some small reenforcements to be sent to Kentucky immediately, from Penn
sylvania and Indiana.
A short time after the council was held — the exact time is not now re
membered by the writer — an imperfect narrative of it appeared in the New
York Tribune. This account announced to the public the conclusions
uttered by General Sherman in the council, without giving the reasons on
which his conclusions were based. The unfairness of this course to General
Sherman needs no comment. All military men were shocked by the gross
breach of faith which had been committed.
Th. J. Wood, Major-General Volunteers.
Vioksbueo, Mississippi, August 24, 1866.
Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell arrived at Louisville
about the middle of November, with orders to relieve me, and I
was transferred for duty to the Department of the Missouri, and
ordered to report in person to Major-General H. W. Halleck
at St. Louis. I accompanied General Buell to the camp at
Xolin, where he reviewed and inspected the camp and troops
under the command of General A. McD. McCook, and on
our way back General Buell inspected the regiment of Hazzard
at Elizabethtown. I then turned over my command to him,
and took my departure for St. Louis.
At the time I was so relieved I thought, of course, it was
done in fulfillment of Mr. Lincoln's promise to me, and as a
necessary result of my repeated demand for the fulfillment of
that promise; but I saw and felt, and was of course deeply
moved to observe, the manifest belief that there was more or
less of truth in the rumor that the cares, perplexities, and anxie
ty of the situation had unbalanced my judgment and mind.
Still, on a review of the only official documents before the War
Department at the time, it was cruel for a Secretary of War to
give a tacit credence to a rumor which probably started without
his wish or intention, yet through his instrumentality. Of course
I could not deny the fact, and had to submit to all its painful
consequences for months ; and, moreover, I could not hide from

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 215
myself that many of the officers and soldiers subsequently placed
under my command looked at me askance and with suspicion.
Indeed, it was not until the following April that the battle of
Shiloh gave me personally the chance to redeem my good name.
On reaching St. Louis and reporting to General Halleck, 1
was received kindly, and was shortly afterward (viz., Novem
ber 23d) sent up to Sedalia to inspect the camp there, ani the
troops located along the road back to Jefferson City, and I was
ordered to assume command in a certain contingency. I found
General Steele at Sedalia with his regiments scattered about
loosely; and General Pope at Otterville, twenty miles back,
with no concert between them. The rebel general, Sterling
Price, had his forces down about Osceola and Warsaw. I advised
General Halleck to collect the whole of his men into one camp
on the La Mine River, near Georgetown, to put them into
brigades and divisions, so as to be ready to be handled, and I
gave some preliminary orders looking to that end. But the
newspapers kept harping on my insanity and paralyzed my
efforts. In spite of myself, they tortured from me some words
and acts of imprudence. General Halleck telegraphed me on
November 26th : " Unless telegraph-lines are interrupted, make
no movement of troops without orders;" and on November
29th : " No forward movement of troops on Osceola will be
made ; only strong reconnoitring-parties will be sent out in the
supposed direction of the enemy ; the bulk of the troops being
held in position till more reliable information is obtained."
About the same time I received the following dispatch :
Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, !
November 28, 1861. f
Brigadier-General Sherman, Sedalia:
Mrs. Sherman is here. General Halleck is satisfied, from reports of
scouts received here, that no attack on Sedalia is intended. Ton will there
fore return to this city, and report your observations on the condition of
the troops you have examined. Please telegraph when you will leave.
Sohuyler Hamilton, Brigadier- General and Aide-de- Camp.
I accordingly returned to St. Louis, where I found Mrs.
Sherman, naturally and properly distressed at the continued amY

216 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'S2.
reiterated reports of the newspapers of my insanity, and she had
come from Lancaster to see me. This recall from Sedalia
simply swelled the cry. It was alleged that I was recalled by
reason of something foolish I had done at Sedalia, though in
fact I had done absolutely nothing, except to recommend what
was done immediately thereafter on the advice of Colonel Mc
Pherson, on a subsequent inspection. Seeing and realizing that
my efforts were useless, I concluded to ask for a twenty days'
leave of absence, to accompany Mrs. Sherman to our home in
Lancaster, and to allow the storm to blow over somewhat. It
also happened to be mid-winter, when nothing was doing ; so
Mrs. Sherman and I returned to Lancaster, where I was born,
and where I supposed I was better known and appreciated.
The newspapers kept up their game as though instigated by
malice, and chief among them was the Cincinnati Commercial,
whose editor, Halsted, was generally believed to be an honorable
man. P. B. Ewing, Esq., being in Cincinnati, saw him and
asked him why he, who certainly knew better, would reiterate
such a damaging slander. He answered, quite cavalierly, that
it was one of the news-items of the day, and he had to keep up
with the time; but he would be most happy to publish any
correction I might make, as though I could deny such a mali
cious piece of scandal affecting myself. On the 12th of Novem
ber I had occasion to write to General Halleck, and I have a
copy of his letter in answer : St. Louis, December 18, 1861.
Brigadier- General W. T. Sherman, Lancaster, Ohio.
Mt dear General: Tours of the 12th was received a day or two ago
but was mislaid for the moment among private papers, or I should have an
swered it sooner. The newspaper attacks are certainly shameless and
scandalous, but I cannot agree with you, that they have us in their power
"to destroy us as they please."' I certainly get my share of abuse, but it
will not disturb me.
Tour movement of the troops was not countermanded by me because I
thought it an unwise one in itself, but because I was not then ready for it.
I had better information of Price's movements than you had, and I had no
apprehension of an attack. I intended to concentrate the forces on that
line, but I wished the movement delayed until I could determine on a better
position.

1861-'62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 217
After receiving Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson's report, I made precise
ly the location you had ordered. I was desirous at the time not to prevent
the advance of Price by any movement on our part, hoping that he would
move on Lexington ; but finding that he had determined to remain at Os
ceola for some time at least, I made the movement you proposed. As you
could not know my plans, you and others may have misconstrued the
reason of my countermanding your orders. . . .
I hope to see you well enough for duty soon. Our organization goes on
slowly, but we will effect it in time. Tours truly, H. W. Halleok.
And subsequently, in a letter to Hon. Thomas Ewing, in
answer to some inquiries involving the same general subject,
General Halleck wrote as follows : St. Louis, February 15, 1862.
Hon. Thomas Ewing, Lancaster, Ohio.
Dear Sir : Tour note of the 13th, and one of this date, from Mr. Sher
man, in relation to Brigadier-General Sherman's having being relieved from
command in Sedalia, in November last, are just received. General Sherman
was not put in command at Sedalia ; he was authorized to assume it, and
did so for a day or two. He did not know my plans, and his movement of
troops did not accord with them. I therefore directed him to leave them
as they were, and report here the result of his inspection, for which purpose
he had been ordered there.
No telegram or dispatch of any kind was sent by me, or by any one with
my knowledge or authority, in relation to it. After his return here, I gave
him a leave of absence of twenty days, for the benefit of his health. As I
was then pressing General McClellan for more officers, I deemed it necessary
to explain why I did so. I used these words: "I am satisfied that General
Sherman's physical and mental system is so completely broken by labor and
care as to render him, for the present, unfit for duty ; perhaps a few weeks'
rest may restore him." This was the only communication I made on the
subject. On no occasion have I ever expressed an opinion that his mind was
affected otherwise than by over-exertion; to have said so would have done
him the greatest injustice.
After General Sherman returned from his short leave, 1 found that his
health was nearly restored, and I placed him temporarily in command of
the camp of instruction, numbering over fifteen thousand men. I then
wrote to General McClellan that he would soon be able to again take the
field. I gave General Sherman a copy of my letter. This is the total of my
correspondence on the subject. As evidence that I have every confidence in
General Sherman, I have placed him in command of Western Kentucky — a
command only second in importance in this department. As soon as di-

218 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
visions and columns can be organized, I propose to send him into the field
where he can render most efficient service. I have seen newspaper squibs
charging him with being " crazy," etc. This is the grossest injustice ; I do
not, however, consider such attacks worthy of notice. The best answer ia
General Sherman's present position, and the valuable services he is ren
dering to the country. I have the fullest confidence in him.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. W. Halleok, Major-General.
On returning to St. Louis, on the expiration of my leave of
absence, I found that General Halleck was beginning to move
his troops : one part, under General IT. S. Grant, up the Tennes
see Eiver; and another part, under General S. P. Curtis, in the
direction of Springfield, Missouri. General Grant was then at
Paducah, and General Curtis was under orders for Eolla. I
was ordered to take Curtis's place in command of the camp of
instruction, at Benton Barracks, on the ground back of North
St. Louis, now used as the Fair Grounds, by the following
order : [Special Order No. 87].
Headquarters Department oe the Missouri, )
St. Louis, December 23, 1861. j
[extract.]
Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman, United States Volunteers, is hereby
assigned to the command of the camp of instruction and post of Benton
Barracks. He will have every armed regiment and company in his command
ready for service at a moment's warning, and will notify all concerned that,
when marching orders are received, it is expected that they will be instantly
obeyed ; no excuses for delay will be admitted. General Sherman will im
mediately report to these headquarters what regiments and companies, at
Benton Barracks, are ready for the field.
By order of Major-General Halleck,
J. C. Kelten, Assistant Adjutant- General.
I immediately assumed command, and found, in the build
ing constructed for the commanding officer, Brigadier-General
Strong, and the family of a captain of Iowa cavalry, with whom
we boarded. Major Curtis, son of General Curtis, was the
adjutant-general, but was soon relieved by Captain J. H.
Hammond, who was appointed assistant adjutant-general, and
assigned to duty with me.

1861-62.] BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 219
Brigadier-General Hurlbut was also there, and about a dozen
regiments of infantry and cavalry. I at once gave all matters
pertaining to the post my personal attention, got the regiments
in as good order as possible, kept up communication with Gen
eral Halleck's headquarters by telegraph, and, when orders
came for the movement of any regiment or detachment, it
moved instantly. The winter was very wet, and the ground
badly drained. The quarters had been erected by General Fre
mont, under contract ; they were mere shells, but well arranged
for a camp, embracing the Fair Grounds, and some forty acres
of flat ground west of it. I instituted drills, and was specially
ordered by General Halleck to watch Generals Hurlbut and
Strong, and report as to their fitness for their commissions as
brigadier-generals. I had known Hurlbut as a young lawyer,
in Charleston, South Carolina, before the Mexican War, at
which time he took a special interest in military matters, and I
found him far above the average in the knowledge of regi
mental and brigade drill, and so reported. General Strong had
been a merchant, and he told me that he never professed to be
a soldier, but had been urged on the Secretary of War for the
commission of a brigadier-general, with the expectation of be
coming quartermaster or commissary-general. He was a good,
kind-hearted gentleman, boiling over with patriotism and zeal.
I advised him what to read and study, was considerably amused
at his receiving instruction from a young lieutenant who knew
the company and battalion drill, and could hear him practise in
his room the words of command, and tone of voice, "Break
from the right, to march to the left!" " Battalion, halt ! " "For
ward into line ! " etc. Of course I made a favorable report in
his case. Among the infantry and cavalry colonels were some
who afterward rose to distinction — David Stuart, Gordon
Granger, Bussey, etc., etc.
Though it was mid-winter, General Halleck was pushing his
preparations most vigorously, and surely he brought order out
of chaos in St. Louis with commendable energy. I remember,
one night, sitting in his room, on the second floor of the Planters'
House, with him and General Cullum, his chief of staff, talking

220 BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. [1861 -'62.
of things generally, and the subject then was of the much-talked-
of " advance," as soon as the season would permit. Most people
urged the movement down the Mississippi Paver ; but Generals
Polk and Pillow had a large rebel force, with heavy guns in a
very strong position, at Columbus, Kentucky, about eighteen
miles below Cairo. Commodore Foote had his gunboat fleet at
Cairo ; and General U. S. Grant, who commanded the district,
was collecting a large force at Paducah, Cairo, and Bird's
Point. General Halleck had a map on his table, with a large
pencil in his hand, and asked, " Where is the rebel line ? "
Cullum drew the pencil through Bowling Green, Forts Donel-
son and Henry, and Columbus, Kentucky. " That is their
line," said Halleck. " Now, where is the proper place to break
it ? " And either Cullum or I said, "Naturally the centre."
Halleck drew a line perpendicular to the other, near its middle,
and it coincided nearly with the general course of the Ten
nessee Eiver ; and he said, " That's the true hne of operations."
This occurred more than a month before General Grant began
the movement, and, as he was subject to General Halleck's
orders, I have always given Halleck the full credit for that
movement, which was skillful, successful, and extremely rich
in military results ; indeed, it was the first real success on
our side in the civil war. The movement up the Tennessee
began about the 1st of February, and Fort Henry was captured
by the joint action of the navy under Commodore Foote, and
the land-forces under General Grant, on the 6th of February,
1862. About the same time, General S. E. Curtis had moved
forward from Kolla, and, on the 8th of March, defeated the
rebels under McCulloch, Van Dorn, and Price, at Pea Eidge.
As soon as Fort Henry fell, General Grant marched straight
across to Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland Eiver, invested the
place, and, as soon as the gunboats had come round from the
Tennessee, and had bombarded the water-front, he assaulted ;
whereupon Buekner surrendered the garrison of twelve thousand
men; Pillow and ex-Secretary of War General Floyd having
personally escaped across the river at night, occasioning a good
deal of fun and criticism at their expense.

1S61-'62.J BULL RUN TO PADUCAH. 221
Before the fall of Donelson, but after that of Henry, I re
ceived, at Benton Barracks, the following orders :
Headquarters Department oe the Missouri, )
St. Louis, February 13, 1862. j
Brigadier- General Sherman, Benton Barracks :
Tou will immediately repair to Paducah, Kentucky, and assume com
mand of that post. Brigadier-General Hurlbut will accompany you. The
command of Benton Barracks will be turned over to General Strong.
H. W. Halleok, Major- General.
I started for Paducah the same day, and think that General
Cullum went with me to Cairo ; General Halleck's purpose be
ing to push forward the operations up the Tennessee Eiver with
unusual vigor. On reaching Paducah, I found this dispatch :
Headquarters Department of the Missouri, \
St. Louis, February 15, 1862. J
Brigadier- General Sherman, Paducah, Kentucky :
Send General Grant every thing you can spare from Paducah and Smith
land ; also General Hurlbut.
Bowling Green has been evacuated entirely. H. W. Halleok, Major-General.

The next day brought us news of the surrender of Buekner,
and probably at no time during the war did we all feel so heavy
a weight raised from our breasts, or so thankful for a most
fruitful series of victories. They at once gave Generals Halleck,
Grant, and C. F. Smith, great fame. Of course, the rebels let
go their whole line, and fell back on Nashville and Island No.
Ten, and to the Memphis & Charleston Eailroad. Everybody
was anxious to help. Boats passed up and down constantly,
and very soon arrived the rebel prisoners from Donelson. I
saw General Buekner on the boat, he seemed self-sufficient, and
thought their loss was not really so serious to their cause as
we did.
From the time I had left Kentucky, General Buell had really
made no substantial progress, though strongly reenf orced beyond

222 BULL BUN TO PADUCAH. [1861-'62.
even what I had asked for. General Albert Sidney Johnston had
remained at Bowling Green until his line was broken at Henry
and Donelson, when he let go BowUng Green and fell back
hastily to Nashville ; and, on Buell's approach, he did not even
tarry there, but continued his retreat southward.

CHAPTEE IX.
BATTLE OF SHILOH.

In the middle of February, 1862, Major-General Halleck
commanded all the armies in the valley of the Mississippi, from
his headquarters in St. Louis. These were, the Army of the
Ohio, Major-General Buell, in Kentucky; the Army of the
Tennessee, Major-General Grant, at Forts Henry and Donelson ;
and General S. K. Curtis, in Southern Missouri. He posted his
chief of staff, General Cullum, at Cairo, and me at Paducah,
chiefly to expedite and facilitate the important operations then
in progress up the Tennessee and Cumberland Eivers.
Fort Donelson surrendered to General Grant on the 16th of
February, and there must have been a good deal of confusion
resulting from the necessary care of the wounded, and disposi
tion of prisoners, common to all such occasions, and there was
a real difficulty in communicating between St. Louis and Fort
Donelson. General Buell had also followed up the rebel army, which
had retreated hastily from Bowling Green to and through Nash
ville, a city of so much importance to the South, that it was at
one time proposed as its capital. Both Generals Grant and Buell
looked to its capture as an event of great importance. On the
21st General Grant sent General Smith with his division to
Clarksville, fifty miles above Donelson, toward Nashville, and
on the 27th went himself to Nashville to meet and confer with
General Buell, but returned to Donelson the next dav

221 BATTLE OP SHILOH. [1862
Meantime, General Halleck at St. Louis must have felt that
his armies were getting away from him, and began to send dis
patches to me at Paducah, to be forwarded by boat, or by a
rickety telegraph-line up to Fort Henry, which lay entirely in a
hostile country, and was consequently always out of repair.
On the 1st of March I received the following dispatch, and for
warded it to General Grant, both by the telegraph and boat :
St. Louis, March 1, 1862.
To General Grant, Fort Henry :
Transports will be sent you as soon as possible, to move your column up
the Tennessee River. The main object of this expedition will be to de
stroy the railroad-bridge over Bear Creek, near Eastport, Mississippi ; and
also the railroad connections at Corinth, Jackson, and Humboldt. It is
thought best that these objects be attempted in the order named. Strong
detachments of cavalry and light artillery, supported by infantry, may by
rapid movements reach these points from the river, without auy serious
opposition. Avoid any general engagements with strong forces. It will be better
to retreat than to risk a general battle. This should be strongly impressed
on the officers sent with expeditions from the river. General C. E. Smith
or some very discreet officer should be selected for such commands. Hav
ing accomplished these objects, or such of them as may be practicable, you
will return to Danville, and move on Paris.
Perhaps the troops sent to Jackson and Humboldt can reach Paris by
land as easily as to return to the transports. This must depend on the
character of the roads and the position of the enemy. All telegraphic
lines which can be reached must be cut. The gunboats will accompany the
transports for their protection. Any loyal Tennesseeans who desire it,
may be enlisted and supplied with arms. Competent officers should be
left to command Forts Henry and Donelson in your absence. I have in
dicated in general terms the object of this. H. W. Halleck, Major-General.
Again on the 2d : Cairo, March 2, 1862.
To General Grant :
General Halleck, February 25th, telegraphs me : " General Grant will
send no more forces to Clarksville. General Smith's division will come to
Fort Henry, or a point higher up on the Tennessee River ; transports will
also be collected at Paducah. Two gunboats in Tennessee River with
Grant. General Grant will immediately have small garrisons detailed for
Forts Henry and Donelson, and all other forces made ready for the field "

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 225
From your letter of the 28th, I learn you were at Fort Donelson, and
General Smith at Nashville, from which I infer you could not have received
orders. Halleck's telegram of last night says : " Who sent Smith's division
to Nashville ? I ordered it across to the Tennessee, where they are wanted
immediately. Order them back. Send all spare transports up Tennessee to
General Grant." Evidently the general supposes you to be on tbe Tennes
see. I am sending all the transports I can find for you, reporting to Gen
eral Sherman for orders to go up the Cumberland for you, or, if you march
across to Fort Henry, then to send them up the Tennessee.
G. W. Cullum, Brigadier- General.
On the 4th came this dispatch : St. Louis, March 4, 1862.
To Major- General U. S: Grant :
Tou will place Major-General 0. F. Smith in command of expedition,
and remain yourself at Fort Henry. Why do you not obey my orders to
report strength and positions of your command ?
H. W. Halleck, Major-General.
Halleck was evidently working himself into a passion, but he
was too far from the seat of war to make due allowance for the
actual state of facts. General Grant had done so much, that
General Halleck should have been patient. Meantime, at Padu
cah, I was busy sending boats in every direction — some under
the orders of General Halleck, others of General Cullum;
others for General Grant, and still others for General Buell at
Nashville ; and at the same time I was organizing out of the
new troops that were arriving at Paducah a division for myself
when allowed to take the field, which I had been promised by
General Halleck. His purpose was evidently to operate up the
Tennessee Eiver, to break up Bear Creek Bridge and the rail
road communications between the Mississippi and Tennessee
Eivers, and no doubt he was provoked that Generals Grant and
Smith had turned aside to Nashville. In the mean time several
of the gunboats, under Captain Phelps, United States Navy, had
gone up the Tennessee as far as Florence, and on their return
had reported a strong Union feeling among the people along
the river. On the 10th of March, having received the necessary
orders from General Halleck, I embarked my division at Padu-
15

226 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
cah. It was composed of four brigades. The First, commanded
by Colonel S. G. Hicks, was composed of the Fortieth Illinois,
Forty-sixth Ohio, and Morton's Indiana Battery, on the boats
Sallie List, Golden Gate, J. B. Adams, and Lancaster.
The Second Brigade, Colonel D. Stuart, was composed of
the Fifty-fifth Illinois, Seventy-first Ohio, and Fifty-fourth
Ohio ; embarked on the Hannibal, Universe, Hazel Dell, Cheese-
man, and Prairie Eose.
The Third Brigade, Colonel Hildebrand, was composed of
the Seventy-seventh Ohio, Fifty-seventh Ohio, and Fifty-third
Ohio ; embarked on the Poland, Anglo-Saxon, Ohio No. Three,
and Continental.
The Fourth Brigade, Colonel Buckland, was composed of
the Seventy-second Ohio, Forty-eighth Ohio, and Seventieth
Ohio ; embarked on the Empress, Baltic, Shenango, and Ma
rengo. We steamed up to Fort Henry, the river being high and in
splendid order. There I reported in person to General C. F.
Smith, and by him was ordered a few miles above, to the re
mains of the burned railroad bridge, to await the rendezvous
of the rest of his army. I had my headquarters on the Con
tinental. Among my colonels I had a strange character — Thomas
Worthington, colonel of the Forty-sixth Ohio. He was a grad
uate of West Point, of the class of 1827 ; was, therefore, older
than General Halleck, General Grant, or myself, and claimed to
know more of war than all of us put together. In ascending
the river he did not keep his place in the column, but pushed
on and reached Savannah a day before the rest of my division.
When I reached that place, I found that Worthington had
landed his regiment, and was flying about giving orders, as
though he were commander-in-chief. I made him get back
to his boat, and gave him to understand that he must there
after keep his place. General C. F. Smith arrived about the
13th of March, with a large fleet of boats, containing Hurl-
but's division, Lew. Wallace's division, and that of himself,
then commanded by Brigadier-General W. H. L. Wallace.

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 227
General Smith sent for me to meet him on his boat, and
ordered me to push on under escort of the two gunboats,
Lexington and Tyler, commanded by Captains Gwin and
Shirk, United States Navy. I was to land at some point be
low Eastport, and make a break of the Memphis & Charles
ton Eailroad, between Tuscumbia and Corinth. General-
Smith was quite unwell, and was suffering from his leg, which
was swollen and very sore, from a mere abrasion in stepping
into a small-boat. This actually mortified, and resulted in his
death about a month after, viz., April 25, 1862. He was ad
jutant of the Military Academy during the early part of my
career there, and afterward commandant of cadets. He was a
very handsome and soldierly man, of great experience, and at
Donelson had acted with so much personal bravery that to
him many attributed the success of the assault. I imme
diately steamed up the Tennessee Eiver, following the two
. gunboats, and, in passing Pittsburg Landing, was told by Cap
tain Gwin that, on his former trip up the river, he had found
a rebel regiment of cavalry posted there, and that it was the
usual landing-place for the people about Corinth, distant thirty
miles. I sent word back to General Smith that, if we were
detained up the river, he ought to post some troops at Pitts
burg Landing. We went on up the river cautiously, till we
saw Eastport and Chickasaw, both of which were occupied by
rebel batteries and a small rebel force of infantry.
We then dropped back quietly to the mouth of Yellow Eiver,
a few miles below, whence led a road to Burnsville, a place on
the Memphis & Charleston road, where were the company's
repair-shops. We at once commenced disembarking the com
mand : first the cavalry, which started at once for Burnsville,
with orders to tear up the railroad-track, and burn the depots,
shops, etc ; and I followed with the infantry and artillery as fast
as they were disembarked. It was raining very hard at the time.
Daylight found us about six miles out, where we met the cavalry
returning. They had made numerous attempts to cross the
streams, which had become so swollen that mere brooks covered
the whole bottom ; and my aide-de-camp, Sanger, whom I had

228 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
dispatched with the cavalry, reported the loss, by drowning, of
several of the men. The rain was pouring in torrents, and re
ports from the rear came that the river was rising very fast, and
that, unless we got back to our boats soon, the bottom would be
simply impassable. There was no alternative but to regain our
boats ; and even this was so difficult, that we had to unharness
the artillery-horses, and drag the guns under water through the
bayous, to reach the bank of the river. Once more embarked, I
concluded to drop down to Pittsburg Landing, and to make the
attempt from there. During the night of the 14th, we dropped
down to Pittsburg Landing, where I found Hurlbut's division
in boats. Leaving my command there, I steamed down to Sa
vannah, and reported to General Smith in person, who saw
in the flooded Tennessee the full truth of my report ; and he
then instructed me to disembark my own division, and that of
General Hurlbut, at Pittsburg Landing ; to take positions well
back, and to leave room for his whole army ; telling me that he
would soon come up in person, and move out in force to make
the lodgment on the railroad, contemplated by General Hal
leck's orders.
Lieutenant-Colonel McPherson, of General C. F. Smith's, or
rather General Halleck's, staff, returned with me, and on the
16th of March we disembarked and marched out about ten
miles toward Corinth, to a place called Monterey or Pea Eidge,
where the rebels had a cavalry regiment, which of course de
camped on our approach, but from the people we learned that
trains were bringing large masses of men from every direction
into Corinth. McPherson and I reconnoitred the ground well,
and then returned to our boats. On the 18th, Hurlbut disem
barked his division and took post about a mile and a half out,
near where the roads branched, one leading to Corinth and the
other toward Hamburg. On the 19th I disembarked my
division, and took post about three miles back, three of the
brigades covering the roads to Purdy and Corinth, and the other
brigade (Stuart's) temporarily at a place on the Hamburg Eoad,
near Lick Creek Ford, where the Bark Eoad came into the
Hamburg Eoad. Within a few days, Prentiss's division arrived

1862. BATTLE OF SHILOH. 229
and camped on my left, and afterward McClernand's and W H
L. Wallace's divisions, which formed a line to our rear. Lew
Wallace's division remained on the north side of Snake Creek,
on a road leading from Savannah or Crump's Landing to Purdy.
General C. F. Smith remained back at Savannah, in chief
command, and I was only responsible for my own division. I
kept pickets well out on the roads, and made myself familiar
with ah the ground inside and outside my lines. My personal
staff was composed of Captain J. H. Hammond, assistant ad
jutant-general ; Surgeons Hartshorn and L'Hommedieu ; Lieu
tenant Colonels Hascall and Sanger, inspector-generals ; Lieu
tenants McCoy and John Taylor, aides-de-camp. We were ail
conscious that the enemy was collecting at Corinth, but in what
force we could not know, nor did we know what was going on
behind us. On the 17th of March, General U. S. Grant was
restored to the command of all the troops up the Tennessee
Eiver, by reason of General Smith's extreme illness, and be
cause he had explained to General Halleck satisfactorily his
conduct after Donelson ; and he too made his headquarters at
Savannah, but frequently visited our camps. I always acted on
the supposition that we were an invading army ; that our
purpose was to move forward in force, make a lodgment on
the Memphis & Charleston road, and thus repeat the grand
tactics of Fort Donelson, by separating the rebels in the interior
from those at Memphis and on the Mississippi Eiver. We did
not fortify our camps against an attack, because we had no
orders to do so, and because such a course would have made our
raw men timid. The position was naturally strong, with Snake
Creek on, our right, a deep, bold stream, with a confluent (Owl
Creek) to our right front ; and Lick Creek, with a similar con
fluent, on our left, thus narrowing the space over which we
could be attacked to about a mile and a half or two miles.
At a later period of the war, we could have rendered this
position impregnable in one night, but at this time we did not do
It, and it may be it is well we did not. From about the 1st of
April we were conscious that the rebel cavalry in our front
was getting bolder and more saucy ; and on Friday, the 4th of

230 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
April, it dashed down and carried off one of our picket guards,
composed of an officer and seven men, posted a couple of miles
out on the Corinth road. Colonel Buckland sent a company
to its relief, then followed himself with a regiment, and, fear
ing lest he might be worsted, I called out his whole brigade
and followed some four or five miles, when the cavalry in
advance encountered artillery. I then, after dark, drew back to
our lines, and reported the fact by letter to General Grant, at
Savannah ; but thus far we had not positively detected the pres
ence of infantry, for cavalry regiments generally had a couple
of guns along, and I supposed the guns that opened on us on
the evening of Friday, April 4th, belonged to the cavalry that
was hovering along our whole front.
Saturday passed in our camps without any unusual event,
the weather being wet and mild, and the roads back to the
steamboat-landing being heavy with mud ; but on Sunday
morning, the 6th, early, there was a good deal of picket-firing,
and I got breakfast, rode out along my lines, and, about four
hundred yards to the front of Appier's regiment, received
from some bushes in a ravine to the left front a volley which
killed my orderly, Holliday. About the same time I saw the
rebel lines of battle in front coming down on us as far as
the eye could reach. All my troops were in line of battle,
ready, and the ground was favorable to us. I gave the necessary
orders to the battery (Waterhouse's) attached to Hildebrand's
brigade, and cautioned the men to reserve their fire till the
rebels had crossed the ravine of Owl Creek, and had begun the
ascent ; also, sent staff-officers to notify Generals McClernand
and Prentiss of the coming blow. Indeed, McClernand had al
ready sent three regiments to the support of my left flank, and
they were in position when the onset came.
In a few minutes the battle of " Shiloh " began with extreme
fury, and lasted two days. Its history has been well given, and
it has been made the subject of a great deal of controversy.
Hildebrand's brigade was soon knocked to pieces, but Buckland's
and McDowell's kept their organization throughout. Stuart's
was driven back to the river, and did not join me in person till

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 231
the second day of the battle. I think my several reports of that
battle are condensed and good, made on the spot, when all the
names and facts were fresh in my memory, and are herewith
given entire : Headquarters First Division, I
Pittsburg Lauding, March IT, 1862. j
Captain Wm. MoMiohael, Assistant Adjutant- General to General C. F
Smith, Savannah, Tennessee.
Sir : Last night I dispatched a party of cavalry, at 6 p. m., under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath, Fifth Ohio Cavalry, for a strong
reconnoissance, if possible, to be converted into an attack upon the Mem
phis road. The command got off punctually, followed at twelve o'clock at
night by the First -Brigade of my division, commanded by Colonel McDow
ell, the other brigades to follow in order. .„
About one at night the cavalry returned, reporting the road occupied in
force by the enemy, with whose advance-guard they skirmished, driving
them back about a mile, taking two prisoners, and having their chief guide,
Thomas Maxwell, Esq., and three men of the Fourth Illinois wounded.
Inclosed please find the report of Lieutenant-Colonel Heath ; also a
copy of his instructions, and the order of march. As soon as the cavalry
returned, I saw that an attempt on the road was frustrated, and accordingly
have placed McDowell's brigade to our right front, guarding the pass of
Snake Creek ; Stuart's brigade to the left front, to watch the pass of Lick
Creek ; and I shall this morning move directly out on the Corinth road,
about eight miles to or toward Pea Ridge, which is a key-point to the
southwest. General Hurlbut's division will be landed to-day, and the artillery and
infantry disposed so as to defend Pittsburg, leaving my division entire for
any movement by land or water.
As near as I can learn, there are five regiments of rebel infantry at
Purdy ; at Corinth, and distributed along the railroad to luca, are probably
thirty thousand men ; but my information from prisoners is very indis
tinct. Every road and path is occupied by the enemy's cavalry, whose or
ders seem to be, to fire a volley, retire, again fire and retire. The force on
the Purdy road attacked and driven by Major Bowman yesterday, was
about sixty strong. That encountered last night on the Corinth road was
about five companies of Tennessee cavalry, sent from Purdy about 2 p. m.
yesterday. I hear there is a force of two regiments on Pea Ridge, at the point
where the Purdy and Corinth roads come together.
I am satisfied we cannot reach the Memphis & Charleston road
without a considerable engagement, which is prohibited by General Hal
leck's instructions, so that I will be governed by your orders of yesterday,

232 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
to occupy Pittsburg strongly, extend the pickets so as to include a semi
circle of three miles, and push a strong reconnoissance as far out as Lick
Creek and Pea Ridge.
I will send down a good many boats to-day, to be employed as you
may direct ; and would be obliged if you would send a couple of thousand
sacks of corn, as much hay as you can possibly spare, and, if possible, a barge
of coal. I will send a steamboat under care of the gunboat, to collect corn from
cribs on the river-bank
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General commanding First Division.
a, Headquarters, Steamboat Continental, )
Pittsburg, March 18, 1862. J
Captain Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Grant.
Sir : The division surgeon having placed some one hundred or more sick
on board the Fanny Bullitt, I have permitted her to take them to Savan
nah. There is neither house nor building of any kind that can be used for
a hospital here.
I hope to receive an order to establish floating hospitals, but in the mean
time, by the advice of the surgeon, allow these sick men to leave. Let me
hope that it will meet your approbation.
The order for debarkation came while General Sherman was absent with
three brigades, and no men are left to move the effects of these brigades.
The landing, too, is small, with scarcely any chance to increase it ; there
fore there is a great accumulation of boats. Colonel McArthur has arrived,
and is now cutting a landing for himself.
General Sherman will return this evening. I am obliged to transgress
and write myself in the mean time,
Respectfully your obedient servant,
J. H. Hammond, Assistant Adjutant-General.
P. S — 4 p. m. — Just back ; have been half-way to Corinth and to Purdy.
All right. Have just read this letter, and approve all but floating hospitals ;
regimental surgeons can take care of all sick, except chronic cases, which can
always be sent down to Paducah.
Magnificent plain for camping and drilling, and a military point of great
strength. The enemy has felt us twice, at great loss and demoralization ;
will report at length this evening ; am now much worn out.
W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General.

BATTLE OF SHILOH. 233
Headquarters First Division, 1
Pittsburg Landing, March 19, 1862. )
Captain Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Grant, Savannah,
Tennessee.
Sir : I have just returned from an extensive reconnoissance toward
Corinth and Purdy, and am strongly impressed with the importance of this
position, both for its land advantages and its strategic position. The
ground itself admits of easy defense by a small command, and yet affords
admirable camping-ground for a hundred thousand men. I will as soon as
possible make or cause to be made a topographical sketch of the position.
The only drawback is that, at this stage of water, the space for landing is
contracted too much for the immense fleet now here discharging.
I will push the loading and unloading of boats, but suggest that you send
at once (Captain Dodd, if possible) the best quartermaster you can, that he
may control and organize this whole matter. I have a good commissary,
and will keep as few provisions afloat as possible. Tours, etc.,
W. T. Sherman, Brigadier- General commanding.
Headquarters Sherman's Division, )
Camp Shiloh, near Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, April 2, 1862. j
Captain J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Grant.
Sir : In obedience to General Grant's instructions of March 31st, with
one section of Captain Mnench's Minnesota Battery, two twelve-pound
howitzers, a detachment of Fifth Ohio Cavalry < • 1- ^ Jndred and fifty men,
under Major Ricker, and two battalions of infantry" -Ku 'the Fifty-seventh
and Seventy-seventh Ohio, under the command of Colonels Hildebrand and
Mungen, I marched to the river, and embarked on the steamers Empress
and Tecumseh. The gunboat Cairo did not arrive at Pittsburg, until after
midnight, and at 6 a. m. Captain Bryant, commanding the gunboat, noti
fied me that he was ready to proceed up the river. I followed, keeping
the transports within about three hundred yards of the gunboat. About
1 p. m., the Cairo commenced shelling the battery above the mouth of In
dian Creek, but elicited no reply. She proceeded up the river steadily and
cautiously, followed close by the Tyler and Lexington, all throwing shells
at the points where, on former visits of the gunboats, enemy's batteries
were found. In this order all followed, till it was demonstrated that all the
enemy's batteries, including that at Chickasaw, were abandoned.
I ordered the battalion of infantry under Colonel Hildebrand to disem
bark at Eastport, and with the other battalion proceeded to Chickasaw and
landed. The battery at this point had evidently been abandoned some
time, and consisted of the remains of an old Indian mound, partly washed
away by the river, which had been fashioned into a two-gun battery, with
a small magazine. The ground to its rear had evidently been overflowed

23* BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
during the late freshet, and led to the removal of the guns to Eastport,
where the batteries were on high, elevated ground, accessible at all seasons
from the country to the rear.
Upon personal inspection, I attach little importance to Chickasaw as a
military position. The people, who had fled during the approach of the
gunboats, returned to the village, and said the place had been occupied by
one Tennessee regiment and a battery of artillery from Pensacola. After
remaining at Chickasaw some hours, all the boats dropped back to East-
port, not more than a mile below, and landed there. Eastport Landing
during the late freshet must have been about twelve feet under water, but
at the present stage the landing is the best I have seen on the Tennessee
River. The levee is clear of trees or snags, and a hundred boats could land
there without confusion.
The soil is of sand and gravel, and very firm. The road back is hard,
and at a distance of about four hundred yards from the water begin the
gravel hills of the country. The infantry scouts sent out by Colonel Hilde
brand found the enemy's cavalry mounted, and watching the luca road,
about two miles back of Eastport. The distance to luca is only eight miles,
and luca is the nearest point and has the best road by which the Charles
ton & Memphis Railroad can be reached. I could obtain no certain informa
tion as to the strength of the enemy there, but am satisfied that it would
have been folly to have attempted it with my command. Our object being
to dislodge the enemy, t .. ^he batteries recently erected near Eastport,
and this being attained., ^ave returned, and report the river to be clear
to and beyond Chickasa/w.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General commanding Division.
Headquarters Fifth Division, )
Camp Shiloh, April 5, 1862. J
Captain J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General, District of Western
Tennessee.
Sir : I have the honor to report that yesterday, about 3 p. m., the lieu
tenant commanding and seven men of the advance pickets imprudently
advanced from their posts and were captured. I ordered Major Ricker, of
the Fifth Ohio Cavalry, to proceed rapidly to the picket-station, ascertain
the truth, and act according to circumstances. He reached the station,
found the pickets had been captured as reported, and that a company of
infantry sent by the brigade commander had gone forward in pursuit of
some cavalry. He rapidly advanced some two miles, and found them en
gaged, charged the enemy, and drove them along the Ridge road, till he

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 235
met and received three discharges of artillery, when he very properly
wheeled under cover, and returned till he met me.
As soon as I heard artillery, I advanced with two regiments of infantry,
and took position, and remained until the scattered companies of infantry
and cavalry had returned. This was after night.
I infer that the enemy is in some considerable force at Pea Ridge, that
yesterday morning they crossed a brigade of two regiments of infantry, one
regiment of cavalry, and one battery of field-artillery, to the ridge an which
the Corinth road lies. They halted the infantry and artillery at a point
about five miles in my front, sent a detachment to the lane of General
Meaks, on the north of Owl Creek, and the cavalry down toward our camp.
This cavalry captured a part of our advance pickets, and afterward en
gaged the two companies of Colonel Buckland's regiment, as described by
him in his report herewith inclosed. Our cavalry drove them back upon
their artillery and Infantry, killing many, and bringing off ten prisoners, all
of the First Alabama Cavalry, whom I send to you.
We lost of the pickets one first-lieutenant and seven men of the Ohio
Seventieth Infantry (list inclosed) ; one major, one lieutenant, and one pri
vate of the Seventy-second Ohio, taken prisoners ; eight privates wounded
(names in full, embraced in report of Colonel Buckland, inclosed herewith).
We took ten prisoners, and left two rebels wounded and many killed on
the field.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General, commanding Division.
Headquarters Fifth Division, I
Camp Shiloh, April 10, 1862. f
Captain J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Grant.
Sir : I had the honor to report that, on Friday the 4th inst., the enemy's
cavalry drove in our pickets, posted about a mile and a half in advance of
my centre, on the main Corinth road, capturing one first-lieutenant and
seven men; that I caused a pursuit by the cavalry Of my division, driving
them back about five miles, and killing many. On Saturday the enemy's
cavalry was again very bold, coming well down to our front ; yet I did not
believe they designed any thing but a strong demonstration. On Sunday
morning early, the 6th inst., the enemy drove our advance-guard back on the
main body, when I ordered under arms all my division, and sent word to
General McClernand, asking him to support my left ; to General Prentiss,
giving him notice that the enemy was in our front in force, and to General
Hurlbut, asking him to support General Prentiss. At that time — 7 a. m. —
my division was arranged as follows :
First Brigade, composed of the Sixth Iowa, Colonel J. A. McDowell ;

236 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
Fortieth Illinois, Colonel Hicks ; Forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel Worthington ;
and the Morton battery, Captain Behr, on the extreme right, guarding the
bridge on the Purdy road over Owl Creek.
Second Brigade, composed of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, Colonel D. Stuart ;
the Fifty-fourth Ohio, Colonel T. Kilby Smith ; and the Seventy-first Ohio,
Colonel Mason, on the extreme left, guarding the ford over Lick Creek.
Third Brigade, composed of the Seventy-seventh Ohio, Colonel Hilde
brand ; the Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel Appier ; and the Fifty-seventh Ohio,
Colonel Mungen, on the left of the Corinth road, its right resting on Shiloh
meeting-house. Fourth Brigade, composed of the Seventy-second Ohio, Colonel Buckland ;
the Forty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Sullivan ; and the Seventieth Ohio, Colonel
Cockerill, on the right of the Corinth road, its left resting on Shiloh
meeting-house. Two batteries of artillery — Taylor's and Waterhouse's — were posted, the
former at Shiloh, and the latter on a ridge to the left, with a front-fire over
open ground between Mungen's and Appier's regiments. The cavalry,
eight companies of the Fourth Illinois, under Colonel Dickey, were posted
in a large open field to the left and rear of Shiloh meeting-house, which I
regarded as the centre of my position.
Shortly after 7 a. m., with my entire staff, I rode along a portion of our
front, and when in the open field before Appier's regiment, the enemy's
pickets opened a brisk fire upon my party, killing my orderly, Thomas D.
Holliday, of Company H, Second Illinois Cavalry. The fire came from the
bushes which line a small stream that rises in the field in front of Appier's
camp, and flows to the north along my whole front.
This valley afforded the enemy partial cover ; but our men were so posted
as to have a good fire at them as they crossed the valley and ascended the
rising ground on our 6ide.
About 8 a. m. I saw the glistening bayonets of heavy masses of infantry
to our left front in the woods beyond the small stream alluded to, and be
came satisfied for the first time that the enemy designed a determined
attack on our whole camp.
All the regiments of my division were then in line of hattie at their
proper posts. I rode to Colonel Appier, and ordered him to hold his ground
at all hazards, as he held the left flank of our first line of battle, and I informed
him that he had a good battery on his right, and strong support to his rear.
General McClernand had promptly and energetically responded to my
request, and had sent me three regiments which were posted to protect
Waterhouse's battery and the left flank of my line.
The battle opened by the enemy's battery, in the woods to our front,
throwing shells into our camp. Taylor's and Waterhouse's batteries
promptly responded, and I then observed heavy battalions of infantry

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 237
passing obliquely to the left, across the open field in Appier's front; also,
other columns advancing directly upon my division. Our infantry and
artillery opened along the whole line, and the battle became general. Other
heavy masses of the enemy's forces kept passing across the field to our left,
and directing their course on General Prentiss. I saw at once that the
enemy designed to pass my left flank, and fall upon Generals McClernand
and Prentiss, whose line of camps was almost parallel with the Tennessee
River, and about two miles back from it. Very soon the sound of artillery
and musketry announced that General Prentiss was engaged ; and about
9 a. m. I judged that he was falling back. About this time Appier's regi
ment broke in disorder, followed by Mungen's regiment, and the enemy
pressed forward on Waterhouse's battery thereby exposed.
The three Illinois regiments in immediate support of this battery stood
for some time ; but the enemy's advance was so vigorous, and the fire so
severe, that when Colonel Raith, of the Forty-third Illinois, received a se
vere wound and fell from his horse, his regiment and the others manifested
disorder, and the enemy got possession of three guns of this (Waterhouse's)
battery. Although our left was thus turned, and the enemy was pressing
our whole line, I deemed Shiloh so important, that I remained by it and
renewed my orders to Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold their
ground ; and we did hold these positions until about 10 a. m., when the
enemy had got his artillery to the rear of our left flank and some change
became absolutely necessary. Two regiments of Hildebrand's brigade —
Appier's and Mungen's — -had already disappeared to the rear, and Hilde
brand's own regiment was in disorder. I therefore gave orders for Taylor's
battery — still at Shiloh — to fall back as far as the Purdy and Hamburg road,
and for McDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as their new line. I
rode across the angle and met Behr's battery at the cross-roads, and ordered
it immediately to come into battery, action right. Captain Behr gave the
order, but he was almost immediately shot from his horse, when drivers and
gunners fled in disorder, carrying off the caissons, and abandoning five out
of six guns, without firing a shot. The enemy pressed on, gaining this bat
tery, and we were again forced to choose a new line of defense. Hildebrand's
brigade had substantially disappeared from the field, though he himself
bravely remained. McDowell's and Buckland's brigades maintained their
orgauizations, and were conducted by my aides, so as to join on General
McClernand's right, thus abandoning my original camps and line. This was
about 10J- a. m., at which time the enemy had made a furious attack on
General McClernand's whole front. He struggled most determinedly, but,
finding him pressed, I moved McDowell's brigade directly against the left
flank of the enemy, forced him back some distance, and then directed tbe
men to avail themselves of every cover — trees, fallen timber, and a wooded
valley to our right. We held this position for four long hours, some-

238 BATTLE OF SHILOH. t1862-
times gaining and at others losing ground ; General McClernand and my
self acting in perfect concert, and struggling to maintain this line. While
we were so hard pressed, two Iowa regiments approached from the rear,
but could not be brought up to the severe fire that was raging in our front,
and General Grant, who visited us on that ground, will remember our situ
ation about 3 p. m. ; but about 4 p. m. it was evident that Hurlbut's line had
been driven back to the river ; and knowing that General Lew Wallace was
coming with reSnforcements from Crump's Landing,, General McClernand
and I, on consultation, selected a new line of defense, with its right covering
a bridge by which General Wallace had to approach. We fell back as well
as we could, gathering in addition to our own such scattered forces as we
could find, and formed the new line.
During this change the enemy's cavalry charged us, but were handsomely
repulsed by the Twenty-ninth Illinois Regiment. The Fifth Ohio Battery,
which had come up, rendered good service in holding the enemy in check
for some time, and Major Taylor also came up with another battery and got
into position, just in time to get a good flank-fire upon the enemy's column,
as he pressed on General McClernand's right, checking his advance ; when
General McClernand's division made a fine charge on the enemy and drove
him back into the ravines to our front and right. I had a clear field, about
two hundred yards wide, in my immediate front, and contented myself
with keeping the enemy's infantry at that distance during the rest of the
day. In this position we rested for the night. My command had become
decidedly of a mixed character. Buckland's brigade was the only one that
retained its organization. Colonel Hildebrand was personally there, but
his brigade was not. Colonel McDowell had been severely injured by a fall
off his horse, and had gone to the river, and the three regiments of his bri
gade were not in line. The Thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Crafts J. Wright,
had reported to me on the field, and fought well, retaining its regimental
organization ; and it formed a part of my line during Sunday night and all
Monday. Other fragments of regiments and companies had also fallen into
my division, and acted with it during the remainder of the battle. Generals
Grant and Buell visited me in our bivouac that evening, and from them I
learned the situation of affairs on other parts of the field. General Wallaoe
arrived from Crump's Landing shortly after dark, and formed his line to my
right rear. It rained hard during the night, but our men were in good
spirits, lay on their arms, being satisfied with such bread and meat as
could be gathered at the neighboring camps, and determined to redeem on
Monday the losses of Sunday.
At daylight of Monday I received General Grant's orders to advance and
recapture our original camps. I dispatched several members of my staff to
bring up all the men they could find, especially the brigade of Colonel
Stuart, which had been separated from the division all the day before ; and
at the appointed time the division, or rather what remained of it, with the

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 239
Thirteenth Missouri and other fragments, moved forward and reoccupied
the ground on the extreme right of General McClernand's camp, where we
attracted the fire of a battery located near Colonel McDowell's former head
quarters. Here I remained, patiently waiting for the sound of General
Buell's advance upon the main Corinth road. About 10 a. m. the heavy
firing in that direction, and its steady approach, satisfied me ; and General
Wallace being on our right flank with his well-conducted division, I led the
head of my column to General McClernand's right, formed line of hattie,
facing south, with Buckland's brigade directly across the ridge, and Stuart's
brigade on its right in the woods ; and thus advanced, steadily and slowly,
under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery. Taylor had just got to me
from the rear, where he had gone for ammunition, and brought up three
guns, which I ordered into position, to advance by hand firing. These
guns belonged to Company A, Chicago Light Artillery, commanded by
Lieutenant P. P. Wood, and did most excellent service. Under cover of
their fire, we advanced till we reached the point where the Corinth road
crosses the line of McClernand's camp, and here I saw for the first time the
well-ordered and compact columns of General Buell's Kentucky forces,
whose soldierly movements at once gave confidence to our newer and less
disciplined men. Here I saw Willich's regiment advance upon a point of
water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew the enemy was in great
strength, and enter it in beautiful style. Then arose the severest musketry-
fire I ever heard, and lasted some twenty minutes, when this splendid regi
ment had to fall back. This green point of timber is about five hundred
yards east of Shiloh meeting-house, and it was evident here was to he the
struggle. TV .enemy could also be seen forming his lines to the south.
General McC,5 aand sending to me for artillery, I detached to him the three
guns of Wood's battery, with which he speedily drove them back, and,
seeing some others to the rear, I sent one of my staff to bring them forward,
when, by almost providential decree, they proved to be two twenty-four-
pound howitzers belonging to McAlister's battery, and served as well as
guns ever could be.
This was about 2 p. m. The enemy had one battery close by Shiloh,
and another near the Hamburg road, both pouring grape and canister upon
any column of troops that advanced upon the green point of water-oaks.
Willich's regiment had been repulsed, but a whole brigade of McCook's di
vision advanced beautifully, deployed, and entered this dreaded wood. I
ordered my second brigade (then commanded by Colonel T. Kilby Smith,
Colonel Stuart heing wounded) to form on its right, and my fourth brigade,
Colonel Buckland, on its right; all to advance abreast with this Kentucky
brigade before mentioned, which I afterward found to be Rousseau's bri
gade of McCook's division. I gave personal direction to the twenty-four-
pounder guns, whose well-directed fire first silenced the enemy's guns to
the left, and afterward at the Shiloh meeting-house.

240 BATTLE OF SHILOH. U862-
Rousseau's brigade moved in splendid order steadily to the front, sweep
ing every thing before it, and at 4 p. m. we stood upon the ground of our
original front line ; and the enemy was in full retreat. I directed my sev
eral brigades to resume at once their original camps.
Several times during the battle, cartridges gave out; but General Grant
had thoughtfully kept a supply coming from the rear. When I appealed to
regiments to stand fast, although out of cartridges, I did so because, to re
tire a regiment for any cause, has a bad effect on others. I commend the
Fortieth Illinois and Thirteenth Missouri for thus holding their ground
under heavy fire, although their cartridge-boxes were empty.
I am ordered by General Grant to give personal credit where I think it is
due, and censure where I think it merited. I concede that General McCook's
splendid division from Kentucky drove back the enemy along the Corinth
road, which was the great centre of this field of battle, where Beauregard
commanded in person, supported by Bragg's, Polk's, and Breckenridge's
divisions. I think Johnston was killed by exposing himself in front of his
troops, at the time of their attack on Buckland's brigade on Sunday morn
ing ; although' in this I may be mistaken.
My division was made up of regiments perfectly new, nearly all having
received their muskets for the first time at Paducah. None of them had
ever been under fire or beheld heavy columns of an enemy bearing down
on them as they did on last Sunday.
To expect of them the coolness and steadiness of older troops would be
wrong. They knew not the value of combination and organization. When
individual fears seized them, the first impulse was to get away. My third
brigade did break much too soon, and I am not yet advised where they
were during Sunday afternoon and Monday morning. Colonel Hildebrand,
its commander, was as cool as any man I ever saw, and no one could have
made stronger efforts to hold his men to their places than he did. He kept
his own regiment with individual exceptions in hand, an hour after Ap
pier's and Mungen's regiments had left their proper field of action. Colonel
Buckland managed his brigade well. I commend him to your notice as a
cool, intelligent, and judicious gentleman, needing only confidence and ex
perience to make a good commander. His subordinates, Colonels Sullivan
and Cockerill, behaved with great gallantry ; the former receiving a severe
wound on Sunday, and yet commanding and holding his regiment well in
hand all day, and on Monday, until his right arm was broken by a shot.
Colonel Cockerill held a larger proportion of his men than any colonel in
my division, and was with me from first to last.
Colonel J. A. McDowell, commanding the first brigade, held his ground
on Sunday, till I ordered him to fall back, which he did in line of battle ;
and when ordered, he conducted the attack on the enemy's left in good
style. In falling back to the next position, he was thrown from his horse
and injured, and his brigade was not in position on Monday morning. His

1862.]

BATTLE OF SHILOH.

2«

subordinates, Colonels Hicks and Worthington, displayed great persona.
courage. Colonel Hicks led his regiment in the attack on Sunday, and re
ceived a wound, which it is feared may prove mortal. He is a brave and
gallant gentleman, and deserves well of his country. Lieutenant-Colonel
Walcutt, of the Ohio Forty-sixth, was severely wounded on Sunday, and
has been disabled ever since. My second brigade, Colonel Stuart, was
detached nearly two miles from my headquarters. He had to fight his own
battle on Sunday, against superior numbers, as the enemy interposed be
tween him and General Prentiss early in the day. Colonel Stuart was
wounded severely, and yet reported for duty on Monday morning, but was
compelled to leave during the day, when the command devolved on Colonel
T. Kilby Smith, who was always in the thickest of the fight, and led the
brigade handsomely.
I have not yet received Colonel Stuart's report of the operations of his
brigade during the time he was detached, and must therefore forbear to
mention names. Lieutenant-Colonel Kyle, of the Seventy-first, was mortally
wounded on Sunday, but the regiment itself I did not see, as only a small
fragment of it was with the brigade when it joined the division on Mon
day morning. Great credit is due the fragments of men of the disordered
regiments who kept in the advance. I observed and noticed them, but
until the brigadiers and colonels make their reports, I cannot venture to
name individuals, but will in due season notice all who kept in our front
line, as well as those who preferred to keep back near the steamboat-land
ing. I will also send a full list of the killed, wounded, and missing, by
name, rank, company, and regiment. At present I submit the result in
figures :

REGIMENTS, Etc

WOUNDED.

Sixth Iowa 
Fortieth Illinois 
Forty-sixth Ohio 
Fifty-fifth Illinois 
Fifty-fourth Ohio 
Seventy -first Ohio 
Seventy-seventh Ohio 
Fifty-seventh Ohio 
Fifty-third Ohio 
Seventy-second Ohio 
Forty-eighth Ohio 
Seventieth Ohio 
Taylor's battery, no report
Behr's 
Barrett's 
Waterhouse's 
Orderly Holliday 
Total 

16

16

49 428245 22 12
48 77
13 18 9

302

117
148 147183128 52
107

857053

5
14

45

1,230

45 5383 5
49
4589

438

242 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
EEOAPTTUXATTOW.
Officers killed  J*
Officers wounded  *^
Officers missing  J™
Soldiers killed  802
Soldiers wounded  ' qP
Soldiers missing  ^^
Aggregate loss in the division  2,034
The enemy captured seven of our guns on Sunday, but on Monday
we recovered seven; not the identical guns we had lost, but enough in
number to balance the account. At the time of recovering our camps our
men were so fatigued that we could not follow the retreating masses of the
enemy ; but on the following day I followed up with Buckland's and Hil
debrand's brigade for six miles, the result of which I have already reported.
Of my personal staff, I can only speak with praise and thanks. I think
they smelled as much gunpowder and heard as many cannon-balls and bullets
as must satisfy their ambition. Captain Hammond, my chief of staff, though
in feeble health, was very active in rallying broken troops, encouraging the
steadfast and aiding to form the lines of defense and attack. I recommend
him to your notice. Major Sanger's intelligence, quick perception, and rapid
execution, were of very great value to me, especially in bringing into line
the batteries that cooperated so efficiently in our movements. Captains
McCoy and Dayton, aides-de-camp, were with me all the time, carrying
orders, and acting with coolness, spirit, and courage. To Surgeon Harts-
horne and Dr*. L'Hommedieu hundreds of wounded men are indebted for
the kind and excellent treatment received on the field of battle and in the
various temporary hospitals created along the line of our operations. They
worked day and night, and did not rest till all the wounded of our own
troops as well as of the en'emy were in safe and comfortable shelter. To
Major Taylor, chief of artillery, I feel under deep obligations, for his good
sense and judgment in managing the batteries, on which so much depended.
I inclose his report and indorse his recommendations. The cavalry of my
command kept to the rear, and took little part in the action ; but it would
have been madness to have exposed horses to the musketry-fire under which
we were compelled to remain from Sunday at 8 a. m. till Monday at 4 p. m.
Captain Kossack, of the engineers, was with me all the time, and was of
great assistance. I inclose his sketch of the battle-field, which is the best I
have seen, and which will enable you to see the various positions occupied
by my division, as well as of the others that participated in the battle. I
will also send in, during the day, the detailed reports of my brigadiers and
colonels, and will indorse them with such remarks as I deem proper.
I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General commanding Fifth Division.

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 243
Headquarters Fifth Division, I
Tuesday, April 8, 1862. j
Sir : With the cavalry placed at my command and two brigades of my
fatigued troops, I went this morning out on the Corinth road. One after
another of the abandoned camps of the enemy lined the roads, with hospital-
flags for their protection ; at all we found more or less wounded and dead
men. At the forks of the road I found the head of General T. J. Wood's
division of Buell's Army. I ordered cavalry to examine both roads leading
toward Corinth, and found the enemy on both. Colonel Dickey, of the Fourth
Illinois Cavalry, asking for reenforcements, I ordered General Wood to ad
vance the head of his column cautiously on the left-hand road, while I con
ducted the head of the third brigade of my division up the right-hand road.
About half a mile from the forks was a clear field, through which the road
passed, and, immediately beyond, a space of some two hundred yards of
fallen timber, and beyond that an extensive rebel camp. The" enemy's cav
alry could he seen in this camp ; after reconnoissance, I ordered the two
advance companies of the Ohio Seventy-seventh, Colonel Hildebrand, to
deploy forward as skirmishers, and the regiment itself forward into line,
with an interval of one hundred yards. In this order we advanced cautiously
until the skirmishers were engaged. Taking it for granted this disposition
would clear the camp, I held Colonel Dickey's Fourth Illinois Cavalry ready
for the charge. The enemy's cavalry came down boldly at a charge, led by
General Forrest in person, breaking through our line of skirmishers ; when
the regiment of infantry, without cause, broke, threw away their muskets,
and fled. The ground was admirably adapted for a defense of infantry
against cavalry, being miry and covered with fallen timber.
As the regiment of infantry broke, Dickey's Cavalry began to discharge
their carbines, and fell into disorder. I instantly sent orders to the rear for
the brigade to form line of battle, which was promptly executed. The
broken infantry and cavalry rallied on this line, and, as the enemy's cavalry
came to it, our cavalry in turn charged and drove them from the field. I
advanced the entire brigade over the same ground and sent Colonel Dickey's
cavalry a mile farther on the road. On examining the ground which had
been occupied by the Seventy-seventh Ohio, we found fifteen of our men
dead and about twenty-five wounded. I sent for wagons and had all the
wounded carried back to camp, and caused the dead to be buried, also the
whole rebel camp to he destroyed.
Here we found much ammunition for field-pieces, which was destroyed ;
also two caissons, and a general hospital, with about two hundred and eighty
Confederate wounded, and about fifty of our own wounded men. Not
having the means of bringing them off, Colonel Dickey, by my orders, took
a surrender, signed by the medical director (Lyle) and by all the attending
surgeons, and a pledge to report themselves to you as prisoners of war ; also
a pledge that our wounded should be carefully attended to, and surrendered

244 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
¦ to us to-morrow as soon as ambulances could go out. I inclose this written
document, and request that you cause wagons or ambulances for our wound
ed to be sent to-morrow, and that wagons be sent to bring in the many
tents belonging to us which are pitched along the road for four miles
out. I did not destroy them, because I knew the enemy could not move
them. The roads are very bad, and are strewed with abandoned wagons,
ambulances, and limber-boxes. The enemy has succeeded in carrying off
the guns, but has crippled his batteries by abandoning the hind limber-
boxes of at least twenty caissons. I am satisfied the enemy's infantry
and artillery passed Lick Creek this morning, traveling all of last night,
and that he left to his rear all his cavalry, which has protected his
retreat ; but signs of confusion and disorder mark the whole road. The
check sustained by us at the fallen timber delayed our advance, so that night
came upon us before the wounded were provided for and the dead buried,
and our troops being fagged out by three days' hard fighting, exposure, and
privation, I ordered them hack to their camps, where they now are.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman,
Brigadier- General commanding Division.
General Grant did not make an official report of the battle
of Shiloh, but all its incidents and events were covered by the
reports of division commanders and subordinates. Probably no
single battle of the war gave rise to such wild and damaging re
ports. It was publicly asserted at the North that our army was
taken completely by surprise ; that the rebels caught us in our
tents ; bayoneted the men in their beds ; that General Grant was
drunk ; that Buell's opportune arrival saved the Army of the
Tennessee from utter annihilation, etc. These reports were in a
measure sustained by the published opinions of Generals Buell,
Nelson, and others, who had reached the steamboat-landing
from the east, just before nightfall of the 6th, when there was
a large crowd of frightened, stampeded men, who clamored and
declared that our army was all destroyed and beaten. Per
sonally I saw General Grant, who with his staff visited me about
10 a. m. of the 6th, when we were desperately engaged. But
we had checked the headlong assault of our enemy, and then
held our ground. This gave him great satisfaction, and he told
me that things did not look as well over on the left. He also
told me that on his way up from Savannah that morning he

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 245
had stopped at Crump's Landing, and had ordered Lew "Wallace's
division to cross over Lick Creek, so as to come up on my right,
tellmg me to look out for him. He again came to me just be
fore dark, and described the last assault made by the rebels at
the ravine, near the steamboat-landing, which he had repelled
by a heavy battery collected under Colonel J. D. "Webster and
other officers, and he was convinced that the battle was over for
that day. He ordered me to be ready to assume the offen
sive in the morning, saying that, as he had observed at Fort
Donelson at the crisis of the battle, both sides seemed defeated,
and whoever assumed the offensive was sure to win. General
Grant also explained to me that General Buell had reached the
bank of the Tennessee River opposite Pittsburg Landing, and
was in the act of ferrying his troops across at the time he was
speaking to me.
About half an hour afterward General Buell himself rode
up to where I was, accompanied by Colonels Fry, Michler,
and others of his staff. I was dismounted at the time, and Gen
eral Buell made of me a good many significant inquiries about
matters and things generally. By the aid of a manuscript
map made by myself, I pointed out to him our positions as
they had been in the morning, and our then positions ; I also
explained to him that my right then covered the bridge over Lick
Creek by which we had all day been expecting Lew "Wallace ;
that McClernand was on my left, Hurlbut on his left, and so on.
But Buell said he had come up from the landing, and had not
seen our men, of whose existence in fact he seemed to doubt.
I insisted that I had five thousand good men still left in line,
and thought that McClernand had as many more, and that with
what was left of Hurlbut's, "W. H. L. "Wallace's, and Prentiss's
divisions, we ought to have eighteen thousand men fit for
battle. I reckoned that ten thousand of our men were dead,
wounded, or prisoners, and that the enemy's loss could not be
much less. Buell said that Nelson's, McCook's, and Crittenden's
divisions of his army, containing eighteen thousand men, had
arrived and could cross over in the night, and be ready for the
next day's battle. I argued that with these reenforcements we

246 BATTLE OF SHILOH. [1862.
could sweep the field. Buell seemed to mistrust us, and re
peatedly said that lie did not like the looks of things, espe
cially about the boat-landing, and I really feared he would
not cross over his army that night, lest he should become in
volved in our general disaster. He did not, of course, under
stand the shape of the ground, and asked me for the use of my
map, which I lent him on the promise that he would return it.
He handed it to Major Michler to have it copied, and the origi
nal returned to me, which Michler did two or three days after
the battle. Buell did cross over that night, and the next day we
assumed the offensive and swept the field, thus gaining the
battle decisively. Nevertheless, the controversy was started and
kept up, mostly to the personal prejudice of General Grant, who
as usual maintained an imperturbable silence.
After the battle, a constant stream of civilian surgeons, and
sanitary commission agents, men and women, came up the Ten
nessee to bring relief to the thousands of maimed and wounded
soldiers for whom we had imperfect means of shelter and care.
These people caught up the camp-stories, which on their return
home they retailed through their local papers, usually elevating
their own neighbors into heroes, but decrying all others. Among
them was Lieutenant-Governor Stanton, of Ohio, who published
in Belfontaine, Ohio, a most abusive article about General Grant
and his subordinate generals. As General Grant did not and
would not take up the cudgels, I did so. My letter in reply to
Stanton, dated June 10, 1862, was published in the Cincinnati
Commercial soon after its date. To this Lieutenant-Governor
Stanton replied, and I further rejoined in a letter dated July
12, 1862. These letters are too personal to be revived. By this
time the good people of the North had begun to have their eyes
opened, and to give us in the field more faith and support.
Stanton was never again elected to any public office, and was
commonly spoken of as " the late Mr. Stanton." He is now
dead, and I doubt not in life he often regretted his mistake in
attempting to gain popular fame by abusing the army-leaders,
then as now an easy and favorite mode of gaining notoriety, if
not popularity. Of course, subsequent events gave General

1862.] BATTLE OF SHILOH. 247
Grant and most of the other actors in that battle their appropri
ate place in history, but the danger of sudden popular clamors
is well illustrated by this case.
Tho battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, was one of the
most fiercely contested of the war. On the morning of April 6,
1862, the five divisions of McClernand, Prentiss, Hurlbut, "W. II.
L. Wallace, and Sherman, aggregated about thirty-two thousand
men. We had no intrenchments of any sort, on the theory that
as soon as Buell arrived we would march to Corinth to attack the
enemy. The rebel army, commanded by General Albert Sidney
Johnston, was, according to their own reports and admissions,
forty-five thousand strong, had the momentum of attack, and
beyond all question fought skillfully from early morning till
about 2 p. ii., when their commander-in-chief was killed by a
Minie-ball in the calf of his leg, which penetrated the boot and
severed the main artery. There was then a perceptible lull for
a couple of hours, when the attack was renewed, but with much
less vehemence, and continued up to dark. Early at night the
division of Lew "Wallace arrived from the other side of Snake
Creek, not having fired a shot. A very small part of General
Buell's army was on our side of the Tennessee River that
evening, and their loss was trivial.
During that night, the three divisions of McCook, Nelson,
and Crittenden, were ferried across the Tennessee, and fought
with us the next day (7th). During that night, also, the
two wooden gunboats, Tyler, commanded by Lieutenant Gwin,
and Lexington, Lieutenant Shirk, both of the regular navy,
caused shells to be thrown toward that part of the field of battle
known to be occupied by the enemy. Beauregard afterward re
ported his entire loss as ten thousand six hundred and ninety-nine.
Our aggregate loss, made up from official statements, shows sev
enteen hundred killed, seven thousand four hundred and ninety-
five wounded, and three thousand and twenty-two prisoners ; ag
gregate, twelve thousand two hundred and seventeen, of which
twenty-one hundred and sixty-seven were in Buell's army, leav
ing for that of Grant ten thousand and fifty. This result is a
fair measure of the amount of fighting done by each army.

CHAPTER X.
SHILOH TO MEMPHIS.
APKIL TO JULY, 1862.
"While the "Army of the Tennessee," under Generals Grant
and C. F. Smith, was operating up the Tennessee River, another
force, styled the " Army of the Mississippi," commanded by Ma
jor-General John Pope, was moving directly down the Missis
sippi River, against that portion of the rebel line which, under
Generals Polk and Pillow, had fallen back fr,om Columbus,
Kentucky, to Island Number Ten and New Madrid. This army
had the full cooperation of the gunboat fleet, commanded by
Admiral Foote, and was assisted by the high flood of that season,
which enabled General Pope, by great skill and industry, to open
a canal from a point above Island Number Ten to New Madrid
below, by which he interposed between the rebel army and its
available line of supply and retreat. At the very time that we
were fighting the bloody battle on the Tennessee River, General
Pope and Admiral Foote were bombarding the batteries on
Island Number Ten, and the Kentucky shore abreast of it ; and
General Pope having crossed over by steamers a part of his
army to the east bank, captured a large part of this rebel army,
at and near Tiptonville.
General Halleck still remained at St. Louis, whence he gave
general directions to the armies of General Curtis, General
Grant, and General Pope ; and instead of following up his most
important and brilliant successes directly down the Mississippi,
he concluded to bring General Pope's army around to the Ten-

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 249
nessee, and to come in person to command there. The gunboat
fleet pushed on down the Mississippi, but was brought up again
all standing by the heavy batteries at Fort Pillow, about fifty
miles above Memphis. About this time Admiral Farragut,
with another large sea-going fleet, and with the cooperating
army of General Butler, was entering the Mississippi River by
the Passes, and preparing to reduce Forts Jackson and St,
Philip in order to reach New Orleans ; so that all minds were
turned to the conquest of the Mississippi River, and surely
adequate means were provided for the undertaking.
The battle of Shiloh had been fought, as described, on the
6th and 7th of April ; and when the movement of the 8th had
revealed that our enemy was gone, in full retreat, leaving killed,
wounded, and much property by the way, we all experienced a
feeling of relief. The struggle had been so long, so desperate
and bloody, that the survivors seemed exhausted and nerveless ;
we appreciated the value of the victory, but realized also its great
cost of life. The close of the battle had left the Army of the
Tennessee on the right, and the Army of the Ohio on the left ;
but I believe neither General Grant nor Buell exercised com
mand, the one over the other ; each of them having his hands full
in repairing damages. All the division, brigade, and regimental
commanders were busy in collecting stragglers, regaining lost
property, in burying dead men and horses, and in providing for
their wounded. Some few new regiments came forward, and
some changes of organization became necessary. Then, or very
soon after, I consolidated my four brigades into three, which
were commanded : First, Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith ;
Second, Colonel John A. McDowell; Third, Brigadier-Genera]
J. "W. Denver. About the same time I was promoted to major-
general of volunteers.
The Seventy-first Ohio was detached to Clarksville, Tennes
see, and the Sixth and Eighth Missouri were transferred to my
division. In a few days after the battle, General Halleck arrived by
steamboat from St. Louis, pitched his camp near the steamboat-
landing, and assumed personal command of all the armies. He ,

250 SHLLOH TO MEMPHIS. t1862-
was attended by his staff, composed of General G. W". Cullum,
U. S. Engineers, as his chief of staff; Colonel George Thorn, U.
S. Engineers; and Colonels Keltonand Kemper, adjutants-gen
eral. It soon became manifest that his mind had been preju
diced by the rumors which had gone forth to the detriment of
General Grant ; for in a few days he issued an order, reorgan
izing and rearranging the whole army. General Buell's Army
of the Ohio constituted the centre ; General Pope's army, then
arriving at Hamburg Landing, was the left ; the right was made
up of mine and Huiibut's divisions, belonging to the old Army
of the Tennessee, and two new ones, made up from the frag
ments of the divisions of Prentiss and C. F. Smith, and of
troops transferred thereto, commanded by Generals T. W. Sher
man and Davies. General George H. Tliomas was taken from
Buell, to command the right. McClernand's and Lew Wallace's
divisions were styled the reserve, to be commanded by McCler
nand. General Grant was substantially left out, and was named
" second in command," according to some French notion, with no
clear, well-defined command or authority. He still retained his
old staff, composed of Rawlins, adjutant-general ; Riggin, Lagow,
and Hilyer, aides ; and he had a small company of the Fourth
Illinois Cavalry as an escort. For more than a month he thus
remained, without any apparent authority, frequently visiting me
and others, and rarely complaining ; but I could see that he felt
deeply the indignity, if not insult, heaped upon him.
General Thomas at once assumed command of the right
wing, and, until we reached Corinth, 1 served immediately un
der his command. "We were classmates, intimately acquainted,
had served together before in the old army, and in Kentucky,
and it made to us little difference who commanded the other,
provided the good cause prevailed.
Corinth was about thirty miles distant, and we all knew that
we should find there the same army with which we had so fiercely
grappled at Shiloh, reorganized, reenforced, and commanded in
chief by General Beauregard in place of Johnston, who had
fallen at Shiloh. But we were also reenforced by Buell's and
Pope's armies; so that before the end of April aur army ex-

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 251
tended from Snake River on the right to the Tennessee River,
at Hamburg, on the left, and must have numbered nearly one
hundred thousand men.
Ample supplies of all kinds reached us by the Tennessee
River, which had a good stage of water ; but our wagon trans
portation was limited, and much confusion occurred in haul
ing supplies to the several camps. By the end of April, the
several armies seemed to be ready, and the general forward
movement on Corinth began. My division was on the extreme
right of the right wing, and marched out by the " White House,"
leaving Monterey or Pea Ridge to the south. Crossing Lick
Creek, we came into the main road about a mile south of Mon
terey, where we turned square to the right, and came into the
Purdy road, near "Elams." Thence we followed the Purdy
road to Corinth, my skirmishers reaching at all times the Mo
bile & Ohio Railroad. Of course our marches were gov
erned by the main centre, which followed the direct road from
Pittsburg Landing to Corinth ; and this movement was provok-
ingly slow. We fortified almost every camp at night, though
we had encountered no serious opposition, except from cavalry,
which gave ground easily as we advanced. The opposition
increased as we neared Corinth, and at a place called Russell's
we had a sharp affair of one brigade, under the immediate di
rection of Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith, assisted by the
brigade of General Denver. This affair occurred on the 19th
of May, and our line was then within about two miles of the
northern intrenchments of Corinth.
On the 27th I received orders from General Halleck " to
send a force the next day to drive the rebels from the house in
oui' front, on the Corinth road, to drive in their pickets as far as
possible, and to make a strong demonstration on Corinth itself ; "
authorizing me to call on any adjacent division for assistance.
I reconnoitred the ground carefully, and found that the main
road led forward along the fence of a large cotton-field to our
right front, and ascended a wooded hill, occupied in some force
by the enemy, on which was the farm-house referred to in
General Halleck's orders. At the farther end of the field was a

252 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 1*862.
double log-house, whose chinking had been removed; so that
it formed a good block-house from which the enemy could fire
on any person approaching from our quarter.
General Hurlbut's division was on my immediate left, and
General McClernand's reserve on our right rear. I asked of
each the assistance of a brigade. The former sent General
Veatch's, and the latter General John A. Logan's brigade. I
asked the former to support our left flank, and the latter our
right flank. The next morning early, Morgan L. Smith's brigade
was deployed under cover on the left, and Denver's on the right,
ready to move forward rapidly at a signal. I had a battery of
four twenty-pound Parrott guns, commanded by Captain Silver-
sparre. Colonel Ezra Taylor, chief of artillery, had two of
these guns moved up silently by hand behind a small knoll,
from the crest of which the enemy's block-house and position
could be distinctly seen ; when all were ready, these guns ,
were moved to the crest, and several quick rounds were fired at
the house, followed after an interval by a single gun. This was
the signal agreed on, and the troops responded beautifully,
crossed the field in line of battle, preceded by their skirmishers
who carried the position in good style, and pursued the enemy
for half a mile beyond.
The main line halted on the crest of the ridge, from which
we could look over the parapets of the rebel works at Corinth,
and hear their drum and bugle calls. The rebel brigade had
evidently been taken by surprise in our attack ; it soon rallied
and came back on us with the usual yell, driving in our skir
mishers, but was quickly checked when it came within range of
our guns and line of battle. Generals Grant and Thomas hap
pened to be with me during this affair, and were well pleased
at the handsome manner in which the troops behaved. That
night we began the usual entrenchments, and the next day
brought forward the artillery and the rest of the division, which
then extended from the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, at Bowie Hill
Cut, to the Corinth & Purdy road, there connecting with Hurl
but's division. That night, viz., May 29th, we heard unusual
sounds in Corinth, the constant whistling of locomotives, and

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 253
soon after daylight occurred a series of explosions followed by a
dense smoke rising high over the town. There was a telegraph
line connecting my headquarters with those of General Halleck,
about four miles off, on the Hamburg road. I inquired if he
knew the cause of the explosions and of the smoke, and he an
swered to " advance with my division and feel the enemy if still
in my front." I immediately dispatched two regiments from
each of my three brigades to feel the immediate front, and in a
very short time advanced with the whole division. Each brigade
found the rebel parapets abandoned, and pushed straight for the
town, which lies in the northeast angle of intersection of the
Mobile & Ohio and Memphis & Charleston Railroads. Many
buildings had been burned by the enemy on evacuation, which
had begun the night before at 6 p. m., and continued through
the night, the rear-guard burning their magazine at the time of
withdrawing, about daybreak. Morgan L. Smith's brigade fol
lowed the retreating rear-guard some four miles to the Tuscum-
bia Bridge, which was found burned. I halted the other brigades
at the college, about a mile to the southwest of the town, where
I was overtaken by General Thomas in person.
The heads of all the columns had entered the rebel lines
about the same time, and there was some rather foolish clamor
for the first honors, but in fact there was no honor in the event.
Beauregard had made a clean retreat to the south, and was only
seriously pursued by cavalry from General Pope's flank. But
he reached. Tupelo, where he halted for reorganization; and
there is no doubt that at the moment there was much disorgani
zation in his ranks, for the woods were full of deserters whom
we did not even take prisoners, but advised them to make their
way home and stay there. "We spent the day at and near the
college, when General Thomas, who applied for orders at Hal
leck's headquarters, directed me to conduct my division back to
the camp of tbe night before, where we had left our trains.
The advance on Corinth had occupied all of the month of May,
the most beautiful and valuable month of the year for cam
paigning in this latitude. There had been little fighting, save
on General Pope's left flank about Farmington; and on our

254 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. [1862.
right I esteemed it a magnificent drill, as it served for
the instruction of our men in guard and picket duty, and in
habituating them to out-door life; and by the time we had
reached Corinth I believe that army was the best then on this
continent, and could have gone where it pleased. The four
subdivisions were well commanded, as were the divisions and
brigades of the whole army. General Halleck was a man of
great capacity, of large acquirements, and at the time pos
sessed the confidence of the country, and of most of the army.
I held him in high estimation, and gave him credit for the
combinations which had resulted in placing this magnificent
army of a hundred thousand men, well equipped and provided,
with a good base, at Corinth, from which he could move in any
direction. Had he held his force as a unit, he could have gone tc
Mobile, or Vicksburg, or anywhere in that region, which would
by one move have solved the whole Mississippi problem ;
and, from what he then told me, I believe he intended such
a campaign, but was overruled from Washington. Be that
as it may, the army had no sooner settled down at Corinth
before it was scattered : General Pope was called to the East,
and hi3 army distributed among the others; General Thomas
was relieved from the command of the right wing, and reassigned
to his division in the Army of the Ohio ; and that whole army
under General Buell was turned east along the Memphis &
Charleston road, to march for Chattanooga. McClernand's
"reserve" was turned west to Bolivar and Memphis. General
Halleck took post himself at Corinth, assigned Lieutenant-Colo
nel McPherson to take charge of the railroads, with instructions
to repair them as far as Columbus, Kentucky, and to collect cars
and locomotives to operate them to Corinth and Grand Junction.
I was soon dispatched with my own and Hurlbut's divisions
northwest fourteen miles to Chewalla, to save what could be of
d,ny value out of six trains of cars belonging to the rebels which
iiad been wrecked and partially burned at the time of the evacu-
utJ m of Corinth.
A short time before leaving Corinth I rode from my camp

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 255
to General Halleck's headquarters, then in tents just outside of
the town, where we sat and gossiped for some time, when he
mentioned to me casually that General Grant was going away
the next morning. I inquired the cause, and he said that he
did not know, but that Grant had applied for a thirty days'
leave, which had been given him. Of course we all knew
that he was chafing under the slights of his anomalous position,
and I determined to see him on my way back. His camp was a
short distance off the Monterey road, in the woods, and con
sisted of four or five tents, with a sapling railing around the
front. As I rode up, Majors Rawlins, Lagow, and Hilyer, were
in front of the camp, and piled up near them were the usual office
and camp chests, all ready for a start in the morning. I inquired
for the general, and was shown to his tent, where I found him
seated on a camp-stool, with papers on a rude camp-table ; he
seemed to be employed in assorting letters, and tying them
up with red tape into convenient bundles. After passing the
usual compliments, I inquired if it were true that he was going
away. He said, " Yes." I then inquired the reason, and he said :
" Sherman, you know. You know that I am in the way here.
I have stood it as long as I can, and can endure it no longer."
I inquired where he was going to, and he said, " St. Louis." I
then asked if he had any business there, and he said, " Not a
bit." I then begged him to stay, illustrating his case by my
own. Before the battle of Shiloh, I had been cast down by a mere
newspaper assertion of " crazy ; " but that single battle had given
me new life, and now I was in high feather ; and I argued with
him that, if he went away, events would go right along, and he
would be left out ; whereas, if he remained, some happy accident
might restore him to favor and his true place. He certainly
appreciated my friendly advice, and promised to wait awhile ;
at all events, not to go without seeing me again, or communi
cating with me. Very soon after this, I was ordered to Che-
walla, where, on the 6th of June, I received a note from him,
saying that he had reconsidered his intention, and would remain.
I cannot find tho note, but my answer I have kept.

256 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. L1862.
Chewalla, June 6, 1802.
Major-General Grant.
Mt dear Sir : I have just received your note, and am rejoiced at your
conclusion to remain ; for you could not be quiet at home for a week when
armies were moving, and rest could not relieve your mind of the gnawing
sensation that injustice had been done you.
My orders at Chewalla were to rescue the wrecked trains
there, to reconnoitre westward and estimate the amount of
damage to the railroad as far as Grand Junction, about fifty
miles. "We camped our troops on high, healthy ground to the
south of Chewalla, and after I had personally reconnoitred the
country, details of men were made and volunteer locomotive-
engineers obtained to superintend the repairs. I found six loco
motives and about sixty cars, thrown from the track, parts
of the machinery detached and hidden in the surrounding
swamp, and all damaged as much by fire as possible. It seems
that these trains were inside of Corinth during the night of
evacuation, loading up with all sorts of commissary stores,
etc., and about daylight were started west ; but the cavalry-
picket stationed at the Tuscumbia bridge had, by mistake or
panic, burned the bridge before the trains got to them. The
trains, therefore, were caught, and the engineers and guards
hastily scattered the stores into the swamp, and disabled the
trains as far as they could, before our cavalry had discovered
their critical situation. The weather was hot, and the swamp
fairly stunk with the putrid flour and fermenting sugar and
molasses ; I was so much exposed there in the hot sun, pushing
forward the work, that I got a touch of malarial fever, which
hung on me for a month, and forced me to ride two days in an
ambulance, the only time I ever did such a thing during the
whole war. By the 7th I reported to General Halleck that the
amount of work necessary to reestablish the railroad between
Corinth and Grand Junction was so great, that he concluded
not to attempt its repair, but to rely on the road back to Jack
son (Tennessee), and forward to Grand Junction ; and I was
ordered to move to Grand Junction, to take up the repairs from
there toward Memphis.

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 257
The evacuation of Corinth by Beauregard, and the move
ments of General McClernand's force toward Memphis, had ne
cessitated the evacuation of Fort Pillow, which occurred about
June 1st ; soon followed by the further withdrawal of the Con
federate army from Memphis, by reason of the destruction of
the rebel gunboats in the bold and dashing attack by our gun
boats under command of Admiral Davis, who had succeeded
Foote. This occurred June 7th. Admiral Farragut had also
captured New Orleans after the terrible passage of Forts Jack
son and St. Philip on May 24th, and had ascended the river
as high as Vicksburg ; so that it seemed as though, before the
end of June, we should surely have full possession of the whole
river. But it is now known that the progress of our "Western
armies had aroused the rebel government to the exercise of the
most stupendous energy. Every man capable of bearing arms
at the South was declared to be a soldier, and forced to act as
such. All their armies were greatly reenforced, and the most
despotic power was granted to enforce discipline and supplies.
Beauregard was replaced by Bragg, a man of more ability — of
greater powers of organization, of action, and discipline — but
naturally exacting and severe, and not possessing the qualities
to attract the love of his officers and men. He had a hard task
to bring into order and" discipline that mass of men to whose
command he succeeded at Tupelo, with which he afterward
fairly outmanoeuvred General Buell, and forced him back from
Chattanooga to Louisville. It was a fatal mistake, however,
that halted General Halleck at Corinth, and led him to dis
perse and scatter the best materials for a fighting army that,.
up to that date, had been assembled in the "West.
During the latter part of June and first half of July, I had
my own and Hurlbut's divisions about Grand Junction, La
grange, Moscow, and Lafayette, building railroad-trestles and
bridges, fighting off cavalry detachments coming from the south,
and waging an everlasting quarrel with planters about their ne
groes and fences — they trying, in the midst of moving armies,
to raise a crop of corn. On the 17th of June I sent a detachment
of two brigades, under General M. L. Smith, to Holly Springs,
17

258 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. [1862.
in the belief that I could better protect the railroad from some
point in front than by scattering our men along it ; and, £>n the
23d, I was at Lafayette Station, when General Grant, with his
staff and a very insignificant escort, arrived from Corinth en route
for Memphis, to take command of that place and of the District
of "West Tennessee. He came very near falling into the hands
of the enemy, who infested the whole country with small but
bold detachments of cavalry. Up to that time I had received
my orders direct from General Halleck at Corinth, but soon.
after I fell under the immediate command of General Grant,
and so continued to the end of the war; but, on the 29th,
General Halleck notified me that " a division of troops under
General Charles Hamilton of ' Rosecrans's army corps,' had
passed the Hatchie from Corinth," and was destined for Holly
Springs, ordering me to " cooperate as far as advisable," but
" not to neglect the protection of the road." I ordered General
Hurlbut to leave detachments at Grand Junction and Lagrange,
and to march for Holly Springs. I left detachments at Moscow
and Lafayette, and, with about four thousand men, marched for
the same point. Hurlbut and I met at Hudsonville, and thence
marched to the Cold water, within four miles of Holly Springs.
We encountered only small detachments of rebel cavalry un
der Colonels Jackson and Pierson, and drove them into and
through Holly Springs ; but they hung about, and I kept an in
fantry brigade in Holly Springs to keep them out. I heard
nothing from General Hamilton till the 5th of July, when I re
ceived a letter from him dated Rienzi, saying that he had been
within nineteen miles of Holly Springs and had turned back
for Corinth ; and on the next day, July 6th, I got a telegraph
order from General Halleck, of July 2d, sent me by courier
from Moscow, " not to attempt to hold Holly Springs, but to
fall back and protect the railroad." "We accordingly marched
back twenty-five miles— Hurlbut to Lagrange, and I to Moscow.
The enemy had no infantry nearer than the Tallahatchee bridge,
but their cavalry was saucy and active, superior to ours, and I
despaired of ever protecting a railroad, presenting a broad front
of one hundred miles, from their dashes.

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 259
About this time, we were taunted by the Confederate sol
diers and citizens with the assertion that Lee had defeated
McClellan at Richmond ; that he would soon be in Washington ;
and that our turn would come next. The extreme caution of
General Halleck also indicated that something had gone wrong,
and, on the 16th of July, at Moscow, I received a dispatch
from him, announcing that he had been summoned to Wash
ington, which he seemed to regret, and which at that moment
I most deeply deplored. He announced that his command
would devolve on General Grant, who had been summoned
around from Memphis to Corinth by way of Columbus, Ken
tucky, and that I was to go into Memphis to take command of
the District of "West Tennessee, vacated by General Grant. By
this time, also, I was made aware that the great army that had
assembled at Corinth at the end of May had been scattered and
dissipated, and that terrible disasters had befallen our other
armies in Virginia and the East.
I soon received orders to move to Memphis, taking Hurlbut's
division along. We reached Memphis on the 21st, and on the
22d I posted my three brigades mostly in and near Fort Picker
ing, and Hurlbut's division next below on the river-bank by
reason of the scarcity of water, except in the Mississippi River
itself. The weather was intensely hot. The same order that
took us to Memphis required me to send the division of General
Lew Wallace (then commanded by Brigadier-General A. P.
Hovey) to Helena, Arkansas, to report to General Curtis, which
was easily accomplished by steamboat.^ I made my own camp
in a vacant lot, near Mr. Moon's house, and gave my chief at
tention to the construction of Fort Pickering, then in charge of
Major Prime, United States Engineers ; to perfecting the drill
and discipline of the two divisions under my command ; and to
the administration of civil affairs.
At the time when General Halleck was summoned from
Corinth to Washington, to succeed McClellan as commander-in-
chief, I surely expected of him immediate and important re
sults. The Army of the Ohio was at the time marching toward
Chattanooga, and was strung from Eastport by Huntsville to

260 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. P862-
Bridgeport, under the command of General Buell. In like man
ner, the Army of the Tennessee was strung along the same gen
eral line, from Memphis to Tuscumbia, and was commanded by
General Grant, with no common commander for both these
forces : so that the great army which General Halleck had so
well assembled at Corinth, was put on the defensive, with a
frontage of three hundred miles. Soon thereafter the rebels
displayed peculiar energy and military skill. General Bragg
had reorganized the army of Beauregard at Tupelo, carried it
rapidly and skillfully toward Chattanooga, whence he boldly
assumed the offensive, moving straight for Nashville and Louis
ville, and compelling General Buell to fall back to the Ohio
River at Louisville.
The army of Van Dorn and Price had been brought from
the trans-Mississippi Department to the east of the river, and
was collected at and about Holly Springs, where, reenforced by
Armstrong's and Forrest's cavalry, it amounted to about forty
thousand brave and hardy soldiers. These were General Grant's
immediate antagonists, and so many and large detachments had
been drawn from him, that for a time he was put on the defen
sive. In person he had his headquarters at Corinth, with the
three divisions of Hamilton, Davies, and McKean, under the
immediate orders of General Rosecrans. General Ord had
succeeded to the division of McClernand (who had also gone to
Washington), and held Bolivar and Grand Junction. I had in
Memphis my own and Hurlbut's divisions, and other smaller
detachments were strung along the Memphis & Charleston
road. But the enemy's detachments dould strike this road at so
many points, that no use could be made of it, and General
Grant had to employ the railroads, from Columbus, Kentucky,
to Corinth and Grand Junction, by way of Jackson, Tennessee,
a point common to both roads, and held in some force.
In the early part of September the enemy in our front
manifested great activity, feeling with cavalry at all points, and
on the 13th General Van Dorn threatened Corinth, while Gen
eral Price seized the town of Iuka, which was promptly aban
doned by a small garrison under Colonel Murphy. Price's force

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 261
was about eight thousand men, and the geneial impression was
that he was en route for Eastport, with the purpose to cross the
Tennessee River in the direction of Nashville, in aid of Gen
eral Bragg, then in full career for Kentucky. General Grant
determined to attack him in force, prepared to regain Corinth
before Van Dorn could reach it. He had drawn Ord to Cor
inth, and moved him, by Burnsville, on luka, by the main
road, twenty-six miles. General Grant accompanied this column
as far as Burnsville. At the same time he had dispatched
Roseerans by roads to the south, via Jacinto, with orders to ap
proach luka by the two main roads, coming into luka from the
south, viz., the Jacinto and Fulton roads.
On the 18th General Ord encountered the enemy about
four miles out of luka. His orders contemplated that he should
not make a serious attack, until Roseerans had gained his posi
tion on the south ; but, as usual, Roseerans had encountered
difficulties in the confusion of roads, his head of column did
not reach the vicinity of luka till 4 p. m. of the 19th, and
then his troops were long drawn out on the single Jacinto
road, leaving the Fulton road clear for Price's use. Price
perceived his advantage, and attacked with vehemence the head
of Rosecrans's column, Hamilton's division, beating it back,
capturing a battery, and killing and disabling seven hundred
and thirty-six men, so that when night closed in Roseerans was
driven to the defensive, and Price, perceiving his danger, de
liberately withdrew by the Fulton road, and the next morning
was gone. Although General Ord must have been within four
or six miles of this battle, he did not hear a sound ; and he or
General Grant did not know of it till advised the next morning
by a courier who had made a wide circuit to reach them. Gen
eral Grant was much offended with General Roseerans because
of this affair, but in my experience these concerted movements
generally fail, unless with the very best kind of troops, and then
in a country on whose roads some reliance can be placed, which
is not the case in Northern Mississippi. If Price was aiming
for Tennessee, he failed, and was therefore beaten. He made a
wide circuit by the south, and again joined Van Dorn.

262 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. L18e2-
On the 6th of September, at Memphis, I received an order
from General Grant dated the 2d, to send Hurlbut's division
to Brownsville, in the direction of Bolivar, thence to report by
letter to him at Jackson. The division started the same day,
and, as our men and officers had been together side by side from
the first landing at Shiloh, we felt the parting like the breaking
up of a family. But General Grant was forced to use every
man, for he knew well that Van Dorn eould attack him at
pleasure, at any point of his long line. To be the better pre
pared, on the 23d of September he took post himself at Jack
son, Tennessee, with a small reserve force, and gave Rose
erans command of Corinth, with his three divisions and some
detachments, aggregating about twenty thousand men. He
posted General Ord with his own and Hurlbut's divisions at
Bolivar, with outposts toward Grand Junction and Lagrange.
These amounted to nine or ten thousand men, and I held Mem
phis with my own division, amounting to about six thousand
men. The whole of General Grant's men at that time may
have aggregated fifty thousand, but he had to defend a front
age of a hundred and fifty miles, guard some two hundred
miles of railway, and as much river. Van Dorn had forty
thousand men, united, at perfect liberty to move in any direc
tion, and to choose his own point of attack, under cover of
woods, and a superior body of cavalry, familiar with every foot
of the ground. Therefore General Grant had good reason for
telegraphing to General Halleck, on the 1st of October, that his
position was precarious, " but I hope to get out of it all right."
In Memphis my business was to hold fast that important flank,
and by that date Fort Pickering had been made very strong,
and capable of perfect defense by a single brigade. I therefore
endeavored by excursions to threaten Van Dorn's detachments
to the southeast and east. I repeatedly sent out strong detach
ments toward Holly Springs, which was his main depot of sup
ply; and General Grierson, with his Sixth Blinois, the only
cavalry I had, made some bold and successful dashes at the
Coldwater, compelling Van Dorn to cover it by Armstrong's
whole division of cavalry. Still, by the 1st of October, General

1862.] SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. 263
Grant was satisfied that the enemy was meditating an attack in
force on Bolivar or Corinth ; and on the 2d Van Dorn made
his appearance near Corinth, with his entire army. On the 3d
he moved down on that place from the north and northwest.
General Roseerans went out some four miles to meet him, but
was worsted and compelled to fall back within the line of his
forts. These had been begun under General Halleck, but were
much strengthened by General Grant, and consisted of several
detached redoubts, bearing on each other, and inclosing the
town and the depots of stores at the intersection of the two rail
roads. Van Dorn closed down on the forts by the evening of
the 3d, and on the morning of the 4th assaulted with great vehe
mence. Our men, covered by good parapets, fought gallantly, and
defended their posts well, inflicting terrible losses on the enemy,
so that by noon the 'rebels were repulsed at all points, and drew
off, leaving their dead and wounded in our hands. Their losses,
were variously estimated, but the whole truth will probably never
be known, for in that army reports and returns were not the
fashion. General Roseerans admitted his own loss to be three
hundred and fifteen killed, eighteen hundred and twelve
wounded, and two hundred and thirty-two missing or prisoners,
and claimed on the part of the rebels fourteen hundred and
twenty-three dead, two thousand and twenty-five prisoners and
wounded. Of course, most of the wounded must have gone
off or been carried off, so that, beyond doubt, the rebel army
lost at Corinth fully six thousand men.
Meantime, General Grant, at Jackson, had dispatched Brig
adier-General McPherson, with a brigade, directly for Corinth,
which reached General Roseerans after the battle ; and, in an
ticipation of his victory, had ordered him to pursue instantly,
notifying him that he had ordered Ord's and Hurlbut's divisions
rapidly across to Pocahontas, so as to strike the rebels in flank.
On the morning of the 5th, General Ord reached the Hatchie
River, at Davis's bridge, with four thousand men; crossed over
and encountered the retreating army, captured a battery and sev
eral hundred prisoners, dispersing the rebel advance, and forcing
the main column to make a wide circuit by the south in order to

264 SHILOH TO MEMPHIS. C1862-
cross the Hatchie River. Had General Roseerans pursued
promptly, and been on the heels of this mass of confused and
routed men, Van Dorn's army would surely have been utterly
ruined ; as it was, Van Dorn regained Holly Springs somewhat
demoralized. General Roseerans did not begin his pursuit till the next
morning, the 5th, and it was then too late. General Grant
was again displeased with him, and never became fully recon
ciled. General Roseerans was soon after relieved, and trans
ferred to the Army of the Cumberland, in Tennessee, of which
he afterward obtained the command, in place of General Buell,
who was removed.
The effect of the battle of Corinth was very great. It was,
indeed, a decisive blow to the Confederate cause in our quarter,
and changed the whole aspect of affairs in "West Tennessee.
From the timid defensive we were at once enabled to assume
the bold offensive. In Memphis I could see its effects upon the
citizens, and they openly admitted that their cause had sustained
a death-blow. But the rebel government was then at its maxi
mum strength ; Van Dorn was reenforced, and very soon Lieu
tenant-General J. C. Pemberton arrived and assumed the com
mand, adopting for his line the Tallahatchie River, with an
advance-guard along the Coldwater, and smaller detachments
forward at Grand Junction and Hernando. General Grant, in
like manner, was reenforced by new regiments.
Out of those which were assigned to Memphis I organized
two new brigades, and placed them under officers who had
gained skill and experience during the previous campaign.

CHAPTER XI.
MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST.
JULY, 1862, TO JANUARY, 1863.
"When we first entered Memphis, July 21, 1862, 1 found the
place dead; no business doing, the stores closed, churches,
schools, and every thing shut up. The people were all more or
less in sympathy with our enemies, and there was a strong pros
pect that the whole civil population would become a dead weight
on our hands. Inasmuch as the Mississippi River was then in our
possession northward, and steamboats were freely plying with
passengers and freight, I caused all the stores to be opened,
churches, schools, theatres, and places of amusement, to be re
established, and very soon Memphis resumed its appearance of
an active, busy, prosperous place. I also restored the mayor
(whose name was Parks) and the city government to the per
formance of their public functions, and required them to main
tain a good civil police.
Up to that date neither Congress nor the President had made
any clear, well-defined rules touching the negro slaves, and the
different generals had issued orders according to their own po
litical sentiments. Both Generals Halleck and Grant regarded
the slave as still a slave, only that the labor -of the slave belonged
to his owner, if faithful to the Union, or to the United States,
if the master had taken up arms against the Government, or ad
hered to the fortunes of the rebellion. Therefore, in Memphis,
we received all fugitives, put them to work on the fortifications,
supplied them with food and clothing, and reserved the question
of payment of wages for future decision. No force was allowed

266 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
to be used to restore a fugitive slave to his master in any event ;
but if the master proved his loyalty, he was usually permitted to
see his slave, and, if he could persuade him to return home, it
was permitted. Cotton, also, was a fruitful subject of contro
versy. The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, was ex
tremely anxious at that particular time to promote the purchase
of cotton, because each bale was worth, in gold, about three hun
dred dollars, and answered the purpose of coin in our foreign
exchanges. He therefore encouraged the trade, so that hundreds
of greedy speculators flocked down the Mississippi, and resorted
to all sorts of measures to obtain cotton from the interior, often
purchasing it from negroes who did not own it, but who knew
where it was concealed. This whole business was taken from
the jurisdiction of the military, and committed to Treasury
agents appointed by Mr. Chase.
Other questions absorbed the attention of military com
manders ; and by way of illustration I here insert a few letters
from my "letter-book," which contains hundreds on similar
subjects : Headquaetees Fieth Division, I
Memphis, Tentjessee, August 11, 1862. )
Hon. S. P. Chase, Secretary cf the Treasury.
Sir : Your letter of August 2d, just received, invites my discussion of the
cotton question.
I will write plainly and slowly, because I know you have no time to lis
ten to trifles. This is no trifle ; when one nation is at war with another, all
the people of the one are enemies of the other : then the rules are plain and
easy of understanding. Most unfortunately, the war in which we are now
engaged has been complicated with the belief on the one hand that all on
the other are not enemies. It would have been better if, at the outset, this
mistake had not been made, and it is wrong longer to be misled by it. The
Government of the United States may now safely proceed on the proper
rule that all in the South are enemies of all in the North ; and not only are
they unfriendly, but all who can procure arms now bear them as organized
regiments, or as guerrillas. There is not a garrison in Tennessee where a
man can go beyond the sight of the flag-staff without being shot or captured.
It so happened that these people had cotton, and, whenever they appre
hended our large armies would move, they destroyed the cotton in the
belief that, of course, we would seize it, and convert it to our use. They
did not and could not dream that we would pay money for it. It had been

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO AEKANSAS POST. 267
condemned to destruction by their own acknowledged government, and
was therefore lost to their people; and could have been, without injustice,
taken by ns, and sent away, either as absolute prize of war, or for future
compensation. But the commercial enterprise of the Jews soon discovered
that ten cents would buy a pound of cotton behind our army ; that four cents
would take it to Boston, where they could receive thirty cents in gold.
The bait was too tempting, and it spread like fire, when here they discovered
that salt, bacon, powder, fire-arms, percussion-caps, etc., etc., were worth
as much as gold ; and, strange to say, this trafSo was not only permitted, but
encouraged. Before we in the interior could know it, hundreds, yea thou
sands of barrels of salt and millions of dollars had been disbursed ; and I
have no doubt that Bragg's army at Tupelo, and Van Dorn's at Vicksburg,
received enough salt to make bacon, without which they could not have
moved their armies in mass; and that from ten to twenty thousand fresh
arms, and a due supply of cartridges, have also been got, I am equally satisfied.
As soon as I got to Memphis, having seen the effect in the interior, I ordered
(only as to my own command) that gold, silver, and Treasury notes, were
contraband of war, and should not go into the interior, where all were hostile.
It is idle to talk about Union men here : many want peace, and fear war and
its results ; but all prefer a Southern, independent government, and are fight
ing or working for it. Every gold dollar that was spent for cotton, was sent
to the seaboard, to be exchanged for bank-notes and Confederate scrip, which
will buy goods here, and are taken in ordinary transactions. I therefore re
quired cotton to be paid for in such notes, by an obligation to pay at the end
of the war, or by a deposit of the price in the hands of a trustee, viz., the
United States Quartermaster. Under these rules cotton is being obtained
about as fast as by any other process, and yet the enemy receives no " aid or
comfort.'' Under the "gold" rule, the country people who had concealed
their cotton from the burners, and who openly scorned our greenbacks, were
willing enough to take Tennessee money, which will buy their groceries ;
but now that the trade is to be encouraged, and gold paid out, I admit that
cotton will be sent in by our open enemies, who can make better use of gold
than they can of their hidden bales of cotton.
I may not appreciate the foreign aspect of the question, but my views on
this may be ventured. If England ever threatens war because we don't
furnish her cotton, tell her plainly if she can't employ and feed her own
people, to send them here, where they cannot only earn an honest living,
but soon secure independence by moderate labor. We are not bound to
furnish her cotton. She has more reason to fight the South for burning
that cotton, than us for not shipping it. To aid the South on this ground
would be hypocrisy which the world would detect at once. Let her
make her ultimatum, and there are enough generous minds in Europe that
will counteract her in the balance. Of course her motive is to cripple a

268 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
power that rivals her in commerce and manufactures, that threatenes even
to usurp her history. In twenty more years of prosperity, it will require
a close calculation to determine whether England, her laws and history,
claim for a home the Continent of America or the Isle of Britain. There
fore, finding us in a death-struggle for existence, she seems to seek a quarrel
to destroy both parts in detail.
Southern people know this full well, and will only accept the alliance
of England in order to get arms and manufactures in exchange for their
cotton. The Southern Confederacy will accept no other mediation, because
she knows full well that in Old England her slaves and slavery will receive
no more encouragement than in New England.
France certainly does not need our cotton enough to disturb her equi
librium, and her mediation would be entitled to a more respectful consid
eration than on the part of her present ally. But I feel assured the French
will not encourage rebellion and secession anywhere as a political doctrine.
Certainly all the German states must be our ardent friends ; and, in case of
European intervention, they could not be kept down.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.

Headquartees Fifth Division-, Abmy oe the Tennessee, )
Memphis, July 23, 1862. j
Dr. E. S. Plummer and others, Physicians in Memphis, Signers to a Petition.
Gentlemen : I have this moment received your communication, and as
sure you that it grieves my heart thus to be the instrument of adding to the
seeming cruelty and hardship of this unnatural war.
On my arrival here, I found my predecessor (General Hovey) had issued
an order permitting the departure south of all persons subject to the con
script law of the Southern Confederacy. Many applications have been made
to me to modify this order, but I regarded it as a condition precedent by
which I was hound in honor, and therefore I have made no changes or mod
ifications ; nor shall I determine what action I shall adopt in relation to
persons unfriendly to our cause who remain after the time limited by Gen
eral Hovey's order has expired. It is now sunset, and all who have not
availed themselves of General Hovey's authority, and who remain in Mem
phis, are supposed to be loyal and true men.
I will only say that I cannot allow the personal convenience of even a
large class of ladies to influence me in my determination to make Memphis
a safe place of operations for an army, and all people who are unfriendly
should forthwith prepare to depart in such direction as I may hereafter
indicate. Surgeons are not liable to be made prisoners of war, but they should not

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 269
reside within the lines of an army which they regard as hostile. The situ
ation would be too delicate.
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.
Headqtjaeteks, Memphis, July 24, 1862.
Samuel Sawyer, Esq., Editor Union Appeal, Memphis.
Dear Sir : It is well I should come to an understanding at once with the
press as well as the people of Memphis, which I am ordered to command ;
which means, to control for the interest, welfare, and glory of the whole
Government of the United States.
Personalities in a newspaper are wrong and criminal. Thus, though you
meant to be complimentary in your sketch of my career, you make more
than a dozen mistakes of fact, which I need not correct, as I don't desire
my biography to be written till I am dead. It is enough for the world to
know that I live and am a soldier, bound to obey the orders of my superiors,
the laws of my country, and to venerate its Constitution ; and that, when
discretion is given me, I shall exercise it wisely and account to my superiors.
I regard your article headed " City Council — General Sherman and
Colonel Slack," as highly indiscreet. Of course, no person who can jeopard
ize the safety of Memphis can remain here, much less exercise public author
ity ; but I must take time, and be satisfied that injustice be not done.
If the parties named be the men you describe, the fa-ct should not be
published, to put them on their guard and thus to encourage their escape.
The evidence should be carefully collected, authenticated, and then placed
in my hands. But your statement of facts is entirely qualified, in my mind,
and loses its force by your negligence of the very simple facts within your
reach as to myself : I had been in the army six years in 1846; am not related
by blood to any member of Lucas, Turner &Oo. ; was associated with them
in business six years (instead of two) ; am not colonel of the Fifteenth In
fantry, but of the Thirteenth. Your correction, this morning, of the ac
knowledged error as to General Denver and others, is still erroneous. Gen
eral Morgan L. Smith did not belong to my command at the battle of Shi
loh at all, but he was transferred to my division just before reaching Corinth.
I mention these facts in kindness, to show you how wrong it is to speak of
persons. I will attend to the judge, mayor, Boards of Aldermen, and policemen,
all in good time.
Use your influence to reestablish system, order, government. You may
rest easy that no military commander is going to neglect internal safety, or
to guard against external danger ; but to do right requires time, and more
patience than I usually possess. If I find the press of Memphis actuated by

270 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1863-'63.
high principle and a sole devotion to their country, I will be their best
friend ; but, if I find them personal, abusive, dealing in innuendoes and hints
at a blind venture, and looking to their own selfish aggrandizement and fame,
then they had better look out; for I regard such persons as greater ene
mies to their country and to mankind than the men who, from a mistaken
sense of State pride, have taken up muskets, and fight us about as hard as
we care about. In haste, but in kindness, yours, etc.,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.
Headquaeters Fifth Division, )
Memphis, Tennessee, July 27, 1862. )
John Park, Mayor of Memphis, present.
Sir: Yours of July 24th is before me, and has received, as all similar
papers ever will, my careful and most respectful consideration. I have the
most unbounded respect for the civil law, courts, and authorities, and shall
do all in my power to restore them to their proper use, viz., the protection
of life, liberty, and property.
Unfortunately, at this time, civil war prevails in the land, and necessarily
the military, for the time being, must be superior to the civil authority, but
it does not therefore destroy it. ' Civil courts and executive officers should
still .exist and perform duties, without which civil or municipal bodies would
soon pass into disrespect — an end to be avoided. I am glad to find in Mem
phis a mayor and municipal authorities not only in existence, but in the co-
exercise of important functions, and I shall endeavor to restore one or
more civil tribunals for the arbitration of contracts and punishment of
crimes, which the military have neither time nor inclination to interfere
with. Among these, first in importance is the maintenance of order,
peace, and quiet, within the jurisdiction of Memphis. To insure this, I will
keep a strong provost guard in the city, but will limit their duty to guarding
public property held or claimed by the United States, and for the arrest and
confinement of State prisoners and soldiers who are disorderly or improperly
away from their regiments. This guard ought not to arrest citizens for dis
order or minor crimes. This should be done by the city police. I under
stand that the city police is too weak in numbers to accomplish this per
fectly, and I therefore recommend that the City Council at once take steps
to increase this force to a number which, in their judgment, day and night
can enforce your ordinances as to peace, quiet, and order; so that any
change in our military dispositions will not have a tendency to leave ' your
people unguarded. I am willing to instruct the provost guard to assist the
police force when any combination is made too strong for them to overcome ;
but the city police should be strong enough for any probable contingency.
The cost of maintaining this police force must necessarily fall upon all citi
zens equitably.

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 271
I am not willing, nor do I think it good policy, for the city authorities
to collect the taxes belonging to the State and County, as you recommend ;
for these would have to be refunded. Better meet the expenses at once by
a new tax on all interested. Therefore, if you, on consultation with the
proper municipal body, will frame a good bill for the increase of your police
force, and for raising the necessary means for their support and main
tenance, I will approve it and aid you in the collection of the tax. Of
course, I cannot suggest how this tax should be laid, but I think that it
should be made uniform on all interests, real estate, and personal property,
including money and merchandise.
All who are protected should share the expenses in proportion to the
interests involved. I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General commanding.
Headquaetees Fifth Division, )
Memphis, August t, 1862. J
Captain Fitoh, Assistant Quartermaster, Memphis, Tennessee.
Sir : The duties devolving on the quartermaster of this post, in addition
to his legitimate functions, are very important and onerous, and I am fully
aware that the task is more than should devolve on one man. I will en
deavor to get you help in the person of some commissioned officer, and, if
possible, one under bond, as he must handle large amounts of money in
trust ; but, for the present, we must execute the duties falling to our share
as well as possible. On the subject of vacant houses, General Grant's orders
are : " Take possession of all vacant stores and houses in the city, and have
them rented at reasonable rates ; rent to be paid monthly in advance. These
buildings, with their tenants, can be turned over to proprietors on proof of
loyalty; also take charge of such as have been leased out by disloyal
owners." I understand that General Grant takes the rents and profits of this class
of real property under the rules and laws of war, and not under the confis
cation act of Congress ; therefore the question of title is not involved —
simply the possession, and the rents and profits of houses belonging to our
enemies, which are not vacant, we hold in trust for them or the Government,
according to the future decisions of the proper tribunals.
Mr. McDonald, your chief agent in renting and managing this business,
called on me last evening and left with me written questions, which it would
take a volume to answer and a Webster to elucidate ; but as we can only
attempt plain, substantial justice, I will answer these questions as well as I
can, briefly and to the point :
First. When ground is owned by parties who have gone south, and
have leased the ground to parties now in the city who own the improve
ments on the ground ?

272 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
Answer. The United States takes the rents due the owner of the land ;
does not disturb the owner of the improvements.
Second. When parties owning houses have gone south, and the tenant
has given his notes for the rent in advance ?
Answer. Notes are mere evidence of the debt due landlord. The tenant
pays the rent to the quartermaster, who gives a bond of indenmity against
the notes representing the debt for the particular rent.
Third. When the tenant has expended several months' rent in repairs
on the house ?
Answer. Of course, allow all such credits on reasonable proof and
showing. Fourth. When the owner has gone south, and parties here hold liens on
the property and are collecting the rents to satisfy their liens ?
Answer. The rent of a house can only be mortgaged to a person in pos
session. If a loyal tenant be in possession and claim the rent from himself
as due to himself on some other debt, allow it ; but, if not in actual posses
sion of the property, rents are not good liens for a debt, but must be paid to
the quartermaster.
Fifth. Of parties claiming foreign protection ?
Answer. Many claim foreign protection who are not entitled to it. If
they are foreign subjects residing for business in this country, they are en
titled to consideration and protection so long as they obey the laws of the
country. If they occupy houses belonging to absent rebels, they must pay
rent to the quartermaster. If they own property, they must occupy it by
themselves, tenants, or servants.
Eighth. When houses are occupied and the owner has gone south, leav
ing an agent to collect rent for his benefit ?
Answer. Rent must be paid to the quartermaster. No agent can colleot
and remit money south without subjecting himself to arrest and trial for
aiding and abetting the public enemy.
Ninth. When houses are owned by loyal citizens, but are unoccupied ?
Answer. Such should not be disturbed, but it would be well to advise
them to have some servant at the house to occupy it.
Tenth. When parties who occupy the house are creditors of the owner,
who has gone south ?
Answer. You only look to collection of rents. Any person who trans
mits money south is liable to arrest and trial for aiding and abetting the
enemy ; but I do not think it our business to collect debts other than rents.
Eleventh. When the parties who own the property have left the city
under General Hovey's Order No. 1, but are in the immediate neighborhood,
on their plantations ?
Answer. It makes no difference where they are, so they are absent.
Twelfth. When movable property is found in stores that are closed ?

1882-'68.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 273
Answer. The goods are security for the rent. If the owner of the goods
prefers to remove the goods to paying rent, he can do so.
Thirteenth. When the owner lives in town, and refuses to take the oath
of allegiance ?
Answer. If the house be occupied, it does not fall under the order. If
the house be vacant, it does. The owner can recover his property by taking
the oath.
All persons in Memphis residing within our military lines are presumed
to be loyal, good citizens, and may at any moment be called to serve on
juries, posses comitatus, or other civil service required by the Constitution
and laws of our country. Should they be called upon to do such duty,
which would require them to acknowledge their allegiance and subordina
tion to the Constitution of the United States, it would then be too late to
refuse. So long as they remain quiet and conform to these laws, they are
entitled to protection in their property and lives.
We have nothing to do with confiscation. We only deal with possession,
and therefore the necessity of a strict accountability, because the United
States assumes the place of trustee, and must account to the rightful owner
for his property, rents, and profits. In due season courts will be established
to execute the laws, the confiscation act included, when we will be re
lieved of this duty and trust. Until that time, every opportunity should be
given to the wavering and disloyal to return to their allegiance to the Con
stitution of their birth or adoption. I am, etc.,
W. T. Sherman,
Major-General commanding.
Headquaktees Fifth Division, 1
Memphis, Tennessee, August 26, 1862. J
Major-General Grant, Corinth, Mississippi.
Sir: In pursuance of your request that I should keep you advised of
matters of interest here, in addition to the purely official matters, I now
write. I dispatched promptly the thirteen companies of cavalry, nine of Fourth
Illinois, and four of Eleventh Illinois, to their respective destinations,
punctually on the 23d instant, although the order was only received on the
22d. I received at the same time, from Colonel Dickey, the notice that
the bridge over Hatchie was burned, and therefore I prescribed their order
of march via Bolivar. They started at 12 m. of the 23d, and I have no
news of them since. None of the cavalry ordered to me is yet heard
from. The guerrillas have destroyed several bridges over Wolf Creek ; one at
Raleigh, on the road by which I had prescribed trade and travel to and
from the city. I have a strong guard at the lower bridge over Wolf River,
18

271 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [18G2-'G3.
by which we can reach the country to the north of that stream ; but, as
the Confederates have burned their own bridges, I will hold them to mj
order, and allow no trade over any other road than the one prescribed,
using the lower or Randolph road for our own convenience. I am still
satisfied there is no large force of rebels anywhere in the neighborhood. All
the navy gunboats are below except the St. Louis, which lies off the city.
When Commodore Davis passes down from Cairo, I will try to fee him,
and get him to exchange the St. Louis for a fleeter boat not iron-clad; one
that can move up and down the river, to break up ferry-boats and canoes,
and to prevent all passing across the river. Of course, in spite of all our
efforts, smuggling is carried on. We occasionally make hauls of clothing,
gold-lace, buttons, etc., but I am satisfied that salt and arms are got to
the interior somehow. I have addressed the Board of Trade a letter on
this point, which will enable us to control it better.
Yon may have been troubled at hearing reports of drunkenness here.
There was some after pay-day, but generally all is as quiet and orderly
as possible. I traverse the city every day and night, and assert that Mem
phis is and has been as orderly a city as St. Louis, Cincinnati, or New York.
Before the city authorities undertook to license saloons, there was as
much whiskey here as now, and it would take all my command as custom
house inspectors, to break open all the parcels and packages containing
liquor. 1 can destroy all groggeries and shops where soldiers get liquor
just as we would in St. Louis.
The newspapers are accusing me of cruelty to the sick; as base a
charge as was ever made. I would not let the Sanitary Committee carry
off a boat-load of sick, because I have no right to. We have good hospitals
here, and plenty of them. Our regimental hospitals are in the camps of the
men, and the sick do much better there than in the general hospitals; so
say my division surgeon and the regimental surgeons. The civilian doctors
would, if permitted, take away our entire command. General Curtis sends
his sick up here, but usually no nurses ; and it is not right that nurses
should be taken from my command for his sick. I think that, when we
are endeavoring to raise soldiers and to instruct them, it is bad policy to
keep them at hospitals as attendants and nurses.
I send you Dr. Derby's acknowledgment that he gave the leave of ab
sence of which he was charged. I have placed him in arrest, in obedience
to General Halleck's orders, but he remains in charge of the Overton Hos
pital, which is not full of patients.
The State Hospital also is not full, and I cannot imagine what Dr. Derby
wants with the Female Academy on Vance Street. I will see him again, and
now that he is the chief at Overton Hospital, I think he will not want tbe
academy. Still, if he does, under your orders I will cause it to be vacated
by the children and Sisters of Mercy. They have just advertised for

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 275
more scholars, and will be sadly disappointed. If, however, this building
or any other be needed for a hospital, it must be taken ; but really, in my
heart, I do not see what possible chance there is, under present circum
stances, of filling with patients the two large hospitals now in use, besides
the one asked for. I may, however, be mistaken in the particular building
asked for by Dr. Derby, and will go myself to see.
The fort is progressing well, Captain Jenney having arrived. Sixteen
heavy guns are received, with a large amount of shot and shell, but the
platforms are not yet ready ; still, if occasion should arise for dispatch, I
can put a larger force to work. Captain Prime, when here, advised that
the work should proceed regularly under tbe proper engineer officers and
laborers. I am, etc.,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General commanding.

Headquaeteks Fifth Division, )
Memphis, Tennessee, September i, 1862. f
Colonel 3. 0. Kelton, Assistant Adjutant- General, Headquarters of the
Army, Washington, D. C.
Dear Colonel: Please acknowledge to the major-general commanding
the receipt by me of his letter, and convey to him my assuranoes that I have
promptly modified my first instructions about cotton, so as to conform to
his orders. Trade in cotton is now free, but in all else I endeavor so to
control it that the enemy shall receive no contraband goods, or any aid
or comfort ; still I feel sure that the officers of steamboats are sadly
tempted by high prices to land salt and other prohibited articles at way-
points along the river. This, too, in time will be checked.
All seems well here and hereabout ; no large body of the enemy within
striking distance. A force of about two thousand cavairy passed through
Grand Junction north last Friday, and fell on a detachment of the Bolivar
army at Middleburg, the result of which is doubtless reported to you. As
soon as I heard of the movement, I dispatched a force to the southeast by
way of diversion, and am satisfied that the enemy's infantry and artillery
fell back in consequence behind the Tallahatchie.
The weather is very hot, country very dry, and dust as bad as possible.
I hold my two divisions ready, with their original complement of trans
portation, for field service.
Of course all things must now depend on events in front of Washington
and in Kentucky.
The gunboat Eastport and four transports loaded with prisoners of war
destined for Vicksburg have been lying before Memphis for two days, but
are now steaming up to resume their voyage.
Our fort progresses well, but our guns are not yet mounted. The engi-

270 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
neeia are now shaping the banquette to receive platforms. I expect Cap
tain Prime from Corinth in two or three days.
I am, with great respect, yours,
W. T. Sherman, Major- General commanding.

Headquaetees Fifth Division, I
Memphis, Tennessee, September 21, 1862. )
Editor Bulletin.
Sir: Your comments on the recent orders of Generals Halleck and
McClellan afford the occasion appropriate for me to make public the fact
that there is a law of Congress, as old as our Government itself, but
reenacted on the 10th of April, 1806, and in force ever since. That law
reads :
" All officers and soldiers are to behave themselves orderly in quarters
and on the march; and whoever shall commit any waste or spoil, either in
walks of trees, parks, warrens, fish-ponds, houses and gardens, cornfields,
inolosures or meadows, or shall maliciously destroy any property whatever
belonging to the inhabitants of the United States, unless by order of the
commander-in-chief of the armies of said United States, shall (besides such
penalties as they are liable to by law) be punished according to the nature
and degree of the offense, by the judgment of a general or regimental court-
martial." Such is the law of Congress; and the orders of the commander-in-chief
are, that officers or soldiers convicted of straggling and pillaging shall be
punished with death. These orders have not come to me officially, but I
have seen them in newspapers, and am satisfied that they express the de
termination of the commander-in-chief. Straggling and pillaging have ever
been great military crimes ; and every officer and eoldier in my command
knows what stress I have laid upon them, and that, so far as in my power
lies, I will punish them to the full extent of the law and orders.
The law is one thing, the execution of the law another. God himself
has commanded: "Thou shalt not kill," "thou shalt not steal," "thou
shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods," etc. Will any one say these things
are not done now as well as before these laws were announced at Sinai?
I admit the law to be that "no officer or soldier of the United States shall
commit waste or destruction of cornfields, orchards, potato-patches, or any
kind of pillage on the property of friend or foe near Memphis," and that I
stand prepared to execute the law as far as possible.
No officer or soldier should enter the house or premises of any peace
able citizen, no matter what his politics, unless on business; and no such
officer or soldier can force an entrance unless he have a written order from
a commanding officer or provost-marshal, which written authority must be
exhibited if demanded. When property such as forage, building or other

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 277
materials are needed by the Uaited States, a receipt will be given by the
officer taking them, which receipt should be presented to the quartermaster,
who will substitute therefor a regular voucher, to be paid according to the
circumstances of the case. If the officer refuse to give such receipt, the
citizen may fairly infer that the property is wrongfully taken, and he
should, for his own protection, ascertain the name, rank, and regiment of
the officer, and report him in writing. If any soldier commits waste or
destruction, the person whose property is thus wasted must find out the
name, company, and regiment of the actual transgressor. In order to
punish there must be a trial, and there must be testimony. It is not suf
ficient that a general accusation be made, that soldiers are doing this or
that. I cannot punish my whole command, or a whole battalion, because
one or two bad soldiers do wrong. The punishment must reach the per
petrators, and no one can identify them as well as the party who is in
terested. The State of Tennessee does not hold itself responsible for acts of
larceny committed by her citizens, nor does the United States or any other
nation. These are individual acts of wrong, and punishment can only be
inflicted on the wrong-doer. I know the difficulty of identifying particular
soldiers, but difficulties do not alter the importance of principles of justice.
They should stimulate the parties to increase their efforts to find out the
actual perpetrators of the crime.
Colonels of regiments and commanders of corps are liable to severe
punishment for permitting their men to leave their camps to commit waste
or destruction; but I know full well that many of the acts attributed to
soldiers are committed by citizens and negroes, and are charged to soldiers
because of a desire to find fault with them ; but this only reacts upon the
community and increases the mischief. While every officer would willingly
follow up an accusation against any one or more of his men whose names
or description were given immediately after the discovery of the act, he
would naturally resent any general charge against his good men, for the
criminal conduct of a few had ones.
I have examined into many of the cases of complaint made in this gen
eral way, and have felt mortified that our soldiers should do acts which are
nothing more or less than stealing, but I was powerless without some clew
whereby to reach the rightful party. I know that the great mass of our
soldiers would scorn to steal or commit crime, and I will not therefore
entertain vague and general complaints, but stand prepared always to
follow np any reasonable complaint when the charge is definite and the
names of witnesses furnished.
I know, moreover, in some instances when our soldiers are complained
of, that they have been insulted by sneering remarks about " Yankees,"
" Northern barbarians," " Lincoln's hirelings," etc. People who use such
language must seek redress through some one else, for I will not tolerate in-

278 • MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. ri862-'63.
suits to our country or cause. When people forget their obligations to a
Government that made them respected among the nations of tbe earth, and
speak contemptuously of the flag which is the silent emblem of that country,
I will not go out of my way to protect them or their property. I will punish
the soldiers for trespass or waste if adjudged by a court-martial, because
they disobey orders ; but soldiers are men and citizens as well as soldiers,
and should promptly resent any insult to their country, come from what
quarter it may. I mention this phase because it is too common. Insult to
a soldier does not justify pillage, but it takes from the officer the dis
position he would otherwise feel to follow up the inquiry and punish the
wrong-doers. Again, armies in motion or stationary must commit some waste. Flankers
must let down fences and cross fields ; and, when an attack is contemplated
or apprehended, a command will naturally clear the ground of houses,
fences, and trees. This is waste, but is the natural consequence of war,
chargeable on those who caused the war. So in fortifying a place, dwell
ing-houses must be taken, materials used, even wasted, and great damage
done, which in the end may prove useless. This, too, is an expense not
chargeable to us, but to those who made the war ; and generally war is
destruction and nothing else.
We must bear this in mind, that however peaceful things look, we
are really at war; and much that looks like waste or destruction is only
the removal of objects that obstruct our fire, or would afford cover to an
enemy. This class of waste must be distinguished from the wanton waste com
mitted by army-stragglers, which is wrong, and can be punished by the
death-penalty if proper testimony can be produced.
Yours, etc., W. T. Sherman, Major-General commanding.
Satisfied that, in the progress of the war, Memphis would
become an important depot, I pushed forward the construction
of Fort Pickering, kept most of the troops in camps back of
the city, and my own headquarters remained in tents on the
edge of the city, near Mr. Moon's house, until, on the approach
of winter, Mrs. Sherman came down with the children to visit
me, when I took a house nearer the fort.
All this time battalion and brigade drills were enforced,
so that, when the season approached for active operations
farther south, I had my division in the best possible order,
and about the 1st of November it was composed as follows :

18G2-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 279
First Brigade, Brigadier-General M. L. Smith. — Eighth Missouri, Colo
nel G. A. Smith ; Sixth Missouri, Colonel Peter E. Bland ; One Hundred
and Thirteenth Illinois, Colonel George B. Hoge ; Fifty-fourth Ohio, Colo
nel T. Kilby Smith ; One Hundred and Twentieth Illinois, Colonel G. W.
McKeaig. Second Brigade, Colonel John Adair MoDowell. — Sixth Iowa, Lieuten
ant-Colonel John M. Corse ; Fortieth Illinois, Colonel J. W. Booth ; Forty-
sixth Ohio, Colonel C. 0. Walcutt ; Thirteenth United States Infantry,
First Battalion, Major D. Chase.
Third Brigade, Brigadier-General J. W. Denver. — Forty-eighth Ohio,
Colonel P. J. Sullivan ; Fifty-third Ohio, Colonel W. S. Jones ; Seventieth
Ohio, Colonel J. R. Cockerill.
Fourth Brigade, Colonel David Stuart. — Fifty-fifth Illinois, Colonel 0.
Malmburg; Fifty-seventh Ohio, Colonel W. Mungen; Eighty-third Indiana,
Colonel B. Spooner ; One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois, Colonel Tupper;
One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Illinois, Lieutenant-Colonel Eldridge.
Fifth Brigade, Colonel R. P. Buokxand. — Seventy-second Ohio, Lieu
tenant-Colonel D. W. C. Loudon ; Thirty-second Wisconsin, Colonel J. W.
Howe ; Ninety-third Indiana, Colonel Thomas ; Ninety-third Illinois, Ma
jor J. M. Fisher.
Subsequently, Brigadier-General J. G. Lauman arrived at
Memphis, and I made up a sixth brigade, and organized these
six brigades into three divisions, under Brigadier-Generals M.
L. Smith, J. W. Denver, and J. G. Lauman.
About the 17th of November I received an order from
General Grant, dated — Laqbanse, November 15, 1862.
Meet me at Columbus, Kentucky, on Thursday next. If you have a
good map of the country south of you, take it up with you.
U. S. Grant, Major-General.
I started forthwith by boat, and met General Grant, who had
reached Columbus by the railroad from Jackson, Tennessee. He
explained to me that he proposed to move against Pemberton,
then intrenched on a line behind the Tallahatchie River below
Holly Springs ; that he would move on Holly Springs and Abber-
ville, from Grand Junction ; that McPherson, with the troops at
Corinth, would aim to make junction with him at Holly Springs ;
and that he wanted me to leave in Memphis a proper garrison,

280 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
and to aim for the Tallahatchie, so as to come up on his right
by a certain date. He further said that his ultimate object
was to capture Yicksburg, to open the navigation of the Mis
sissippi Eiver, and that General Halleck had authorized him to
call on the troops in the Department of Arkansas, then com
manded by General S. E. Curtis, for cooperation. I suggested
to him that if he would request General Curtis to send an expe
dition from some point on the Mississippi near Helena, then
held in force, toward Grenada, to the rear of Pemberton, it
would alarm him for the safety of his communications, and
would assist us materially in the proposed attack on his front.
He authorized me to send to the commanding officer at Helena
a request to that effect, and, as soon as I reached Memphis, I
dispatched my aide, Major McCoy, to Helena, who returned,
bringing me a letter from General Frederick Steele, who had
just reached Helena with Osterhaus's division, and who was
temporarily in command, General Curtis having gone to St.
Louis. This letter contained the assurance that he " would send
from Friar's Point a large force under Brigadier-General A. P.
Hovey in the direction of Grenada, aiming to reach the Talla
hatchie at Charleston, on the next Monday, Tuesday, or Wednes
day (December 1st) at furthest." My command was appointed
to start on Wednesday, November 24th, and meantime Major-
General S. A. Hurlbut, having reported for duty, was assigned
to the command of Memphis, with four regiments of infantry
one battery of artillery, two companies of Thielman's cavalry
and the certain prospect of soon receiving a number of new
regiments, known to be en route.
I marched out of Memphis punctually with three small
divisions, taking different roads till we approached the Talla
hatchie, when we converged on Wyatt to cross the river, there
a bold, deep stream, with a newly-constructed fort behind. I
had Grierson's Sixth Illinois Cavalry with me, and with it
opened communication with General Grant when we were
abreast of Holly Springs. We reached Wyatt on the 2d day of
December without the least opposition, and there learned that
Pemberton's whole army had fallen back to the Yalabusha,

1862-'63.J MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 281
near Grenada, in a great measure by reason of the exaggerated
reports concerning the Helena force, which had reached Charles
ton ; and some of General Hovey's cavalry, under General Wash
burn, having struck the railroad in the neighborhood of Coffee-
ville, naturally alarmed General Pemberton for the safety of his
communications, and made him let go his Tallahatchie line with
all the forts which he had built at great cost in labor. We had
to build a bridge at Wyatt, which consumed a couple of days,
and on the 5th of December my whole command was at College
Hill, ten miles from Oxford, whence I reported to General
Grant in Oxford.
On the 8th I received the following letter :
Oxfoed, Mississippi, December 8, 1862. — Morning.
General Sherman, College Hill.
Dear General : The following is a copy of dispatch just received from
Washington : Washington, December 7, 1862. — 12 m.
General Grant :
The capture of Grenada may change our plans in regard to Vicksburg.
You will move your troops as you may deem best to accomplish the great
object in view. You will retain, till further orders, all troops of General Cur
tis now in your department. Telegraph to General Allen in St. Louis for
all steamboats you may require. Ask Porter to cooperate. Telegraph
what are your present plans. H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief.
I wish you would come over this evening and stay to-night, or come in
the morning. I would like to talk with you about this matter. My notion
is to send two divisions back to Memphis, and fix upon a day when they
should effect a landing, and press from here with this command at the
proper time to cooperate. If I do not do this I will move our present force
to Grenada, including Steele's, repairing road as we proceed, and establish
a depot of provisions there. When a good ready is had, to move immedi
ately on Jackson, Mississippi, cutting loose from the road. Of the two
plans I look most favorably on the former.
Come over and we will talk this matter over.
Yours truly, U. S. Grant, Major-General.
I repaired at once to Oxford, and found General Grant
in a large house with all his staff, and we discussed every pos-

282 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'G3.
sible chance. He explained to me that large reenforcenients
had been promised, which would reach Memphis very soon, if
not already there ; that the entire gunboat fleet, then under the\
command of Admiral D. D. Porter, would cooperate ; that we
could count on a full division from the troops at Helena ; and
he believed that, by a prompt movement, I could make a lodg
ment up the Yazoo and capture Yicksburg from the rear ; that
its garrison was small, and he, at Oxford, would so handle hia
troops as to hold Pemberton away from Yicksburg. I also under
stood that, if Pemberton should retreat south, he would follow
him up, and would expect to find me at the Yazoo Eiver, if not
inside of Yicksburg. I confess, at that moment I did not dream
that General McClernand, or anybody else, was scheming for
the mere honor of capturing Yicksburg. We knew at the time
that General Butler had been reenforced by General Banks at
New Orleans, and the latter was supposed to be working his
way up-stream from New Orleans, while we were working down.
That day General Grant dispatched to General Halleck, in
Washington, as follows : Oxeoed, December 8, 1862.
Major- General H. W. Halleoet, Washington, D. C. :
General Sherman will command the expedition down the Mississippi.
ne will have a force of about forty thousand men ; will land above Vicks
burg (up the Yazoo, if practicable), and cut the Mississippi Central road and
the road running east from Vicksburg, where they cross Black River. I
will cooperate from here, my movements depending on those of the enemy.
With the large cavalry force now at my command, I will be able to have
them show themselves at different points on the Tallahatchie and Yalabusha ;
and, when an opportunity occurs, make a real attack. After cutting the
two roads, General Sherman's movements to secure the end desired will
necessarily be left to his judgment.
I will occupy this road to Coffeeville. U. S. Geant, Major-General.
I was shown this dispatch before it was sent, and afterward
the genera] drew up for me the following letter of instructions
in his own handwriting, which I now possess :

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 283
Headquaetees Thieteenth Aemt Coeps, (
Depaetment of the Tennessee, Oxford, Mississippi, December 8, 1862. J
Major- General W. T. Sherman, commanding Right Wing Army in the Field,
present.
General : You will proceed with as little delay as practicable to Mem
phis, Tennessee, taking with you one division of your present command.
On your arrival at Memphis you will assume command of all the troops
there, and that portion of General Curtis's forces at present east of the Mis
sissippi River, and organize them into brigades and divisions in your own
way. As soon as possible move with them down the river to the vicinity of
Vicksburg, and, with the cooperation of the gunboat fleet under command
of Flag-Officer Porter, proceed to the reduction of that place in such man
ner as circumstances and your own judgment may dictate.
The amount of rations, forage, land transportation, etc., necessary to
take, will be left entirely to yourself.
The quartermaster in St. Louis will be instructed to send you transpor
tation for thirty thousand men. Should you still And yourself deficient,
your quartermaster will be authorized to make up the deficiency from such
transports as may come into the port of Memphis.
On arriving in Memphis put yourself in communication with Admiral
Porter, and arrange with him for his cooperation.
Inform me at the earliest practicable day of the time when you will em
bark, and swsh plans as may then be matured. I will hold the forces here
in readiness to cooperate with you in such manner as the movements of the
enemy may make necessary.
Leave the District of Memphis in the command of an efficient officer
and with a garrison of four regiments of infantry, the siege-guns, and what
ever cavalry force may be there.
One regiment of infantry and at least a section of artillery will also be
left at Friar's Point or Delta, to protect the stores of the cavalry post that
will be left there. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, Major-General.
I also insert here another letter, dated the 14th instant, sent
afterward to me at Memphis, which completes all instructions
received by me governing the first movement against Yicks
burg: Headquaetees Depaetment of the Tennessee, )
Oxfoed, Mississippi, December 14, 1862. )
Major- General Sherman, commanding, etc., Memphis, Tennessee:
I have not had one word from Grierson since he left, and am getting
uneasy about him. I hope General Gorman will give you no difficulty

284 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
about retaining the troops on this side the river, and Steele to command
them. The twenty-one thousand men you have, with the twelve thousand
from Helena, will make a good force. The enemy are as yet on the Yala-
busha. I am pushing down on them slowly, but so as to keep up the im
pression of a continuous move. I feel particularly anxious to have the
Helena cavalry on this side of the river ; if not now, at least after you start.
If Srorman will send them, instruct them where to go and how to commu
nicate with me. My headquarters will probably be in Coffeeville one week
hence. In the mean time I will order transportation, etc. ... It would
be well if you could have two or three small boats suitable for navigating
the Yazoo. It may become necessary for me to look to that base for sup
plies before we get-through. . . . U. S. Grant, Major-General.
When we rode to Oxford from College Hill, there hap
pened a little circumstance which seems worthy of record.
While General Van Dorn had his headquarters in Holly
Springs, viz., in October, 1862, he was very short of the com
forts and luxuries of life, and resorted to every possible device
to draw from the abundant supplies in Memphis. He had no
difficulty whatever in getting spies into the town for infor
mation, but he had trouble in getting bulky supplies out through
Our guards, though sometimes I connived at his supplies of
cigars, liquors, boots, gloves, etc., for his individual use ; but
medicines and large supplies of all kinds were confiscated,
if attempted to be passed out. As we rode that morning
toward Oxford, I observed in a farmer's barn-yard a wagon
that looked like a city furniture-wagon with springs. We were
always short of wagons, so I called the attention of the quar
termaster, Colonel J. Condit Smith, saying, " There is a good
wagon; go for it." He dropped out of the retinue with an
orderly, and after we had ridden a mile or so he overtook us,
and I asked him, " What luck ? " He answered, " All right ; I
have secured that wagon, and I also got another," and explained
that he had gone to the fanner's house to inquire about the
furniture-wagon, when the farmer said it did not belong to him,
but to some party in Memphis, id ding that in his barn was
another belonging to the same party. They went to the barn,
and there found a handsome city hearse, with pall and plumes.

1862-'63.J MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 285
The farmer said they had had a big funeral out of Memphis,
but when it reached his house, the coffin was found to contain
a fine assortment of medicines for the use of Yan Dorn's army.
Thus under the pretense of a first-class funeral, they had car
ried through our guards the very things we had tried to pre
vent. It was a good trick, but diminished our respect for such
pageants afterward.
As soon as I was in possession of General Grant's instruc
tions of December 8th, with a further request that I should
dispatch Colonel Grierson, with his cavalry, across by land to
Helena, to notify General Steele of the general plan, I re
turned to College Hill, selected the division of Brigadier-Gen
eral Morgan L. Smith to return with me to Memphis ; started
Grierson on his errand to Helena, and ordered Generals Denver
and Lauman to report to General Grant for further orders.
We started back by the most direct route, reached Memphis
by noon of December 12th, and began immediately the prepara
tions for the Yicksburg movement. There I found two irregu
lar divisions which had arrived at Memphis in my absence, com
manded respectively by Brigadier-General A. J. Smith and
Brigadier-General George W. Morgan. These were designated
the First and Third Divisions, leaving the Second Division of
Morgan L. Smith to retain its original name and number.
I also sent orders, in the name of General Grant, to General
Gorman, who meantime had replaced General Steele in com
mand of Helena, in lieu of the troops which had been east of
the Mississippi and had returned, to make up a strong division
to report to me on my way down. This division was accord
ingly organized, and was commanded by Brigadier-General
Frederick Steele, constituting my Fourth Division.
Meantime a large fleet of steamboats was assembling from
St. Louis and Cairo, and Admiral Porter dropped down to Mem
phis with his whole gunboat fleet, ready to cooperate in the
movement. The preparations were necessarily hasty in the
extreme, but this was the essence of the whole plan, viz., to
reach Yicksburg as it were by surprise, while General Grant
held in check Pemberton's army about Grenada, leaving me

286 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
to contend only with the smaller garrison of Yicksburg and its
well-known strong batteries and defenses. On the 19th the
Memphis troops were embarked, and steamed down to Helena,
where on the 21st General Steele's division was also embarked;
and on the 22d we were all rendezvoused at Friar's Point, in
the following order, viz. :
Steamer Forest Queen, general headquarters, and battalion Thirteenth
United States Infantry.
First Division, Brigadier-General A. J. Smith. — Steamers Des Arc, di
vision headquarters and escort ; Metropolitan, Sixth Indiana ; J. H. Dickey,
Twenty-third Wisconsin; J. C. Snow, Sixteenth Indiana; Hiawatha, Nine
ty-sixth Ohio; J. S. Pringle, Sixty-seventh Indiana ; J. W. Cheeseman,
Ninth Kentucky; R. Campbell, Ninety-seventh Indiana; Duke of Ar-
gyle, Seventy-seventh Illinois; City of Alton, One Hundred and Eighth
and Forty-eighth Ohio ; City of Louisiana, Mercantile Battery ; Ohio Belle,
Seventeenth Ohio Battery; Citizen, Eighty-third Ohio; Champion, com
missary-boat ; General Anderson, Ordnance.
Second Division, Brigadier-General M. L. Smith. — Steamers Chancellor,
headquarters, and Thielman's cavalry; Planet, One Hundred and Sixteenth
Illinois; City of Memphis, Batteries A and B (Missouri Artillery), Eighth
Missouri, and section of Parrott guns ; Omaha, Fifty-seventh Ohio ; Sioux
City, Eighty-third Indiana; Spread Eagle, One Hundred and Twenty-
seventh Illinois; Ed. Walsh, One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois; West
moreland, Fifty -fifth Illinois, headquarters Fourth Brigade; Sunny South,
Fifty-fourth Ohio ; Universe, Sixth Missouri ; Robert Allen, commissary-
boat. Third Division, Brigadier-General G. W. Morgan. — Steamers Empress,
division headquarters; Key West, One Hundred and Eighteenth Indiana;
Sam Gaty, Sixty-ninth Indiana; Northerner, One Hundred and Twentieth
Ohio ; Belle Peoria, headquarters Second Brigade, two companies Forty-
ninth Ohio, and pontoons; Die Vernon, Third Kentucky; War Eagle,
Forty-ninth Indiana (eight companies), and Foster's battery; Henry von
Phul, headquarters Third Brigade, and eight companies Sixteenth Ohio,
Fanny Bullitt, One Hundred and Fourteenth Ohio, and Lamphere's bat
tery ; Crescent City, Twenty-second Kentucky and Fifty-fourth Indiana ;
Des Moines, Forty-second Ohio; Pembina, Lamphere's and Stone's bat
teries ; Lady Jackson, commissary-boat.
Fourth Division, Brigadier-General Frederick Steele. — Steamers Con
tinental, headquarters, escort and battery; John J. Roe, Fourth and Ninth
Iowa ; Nebraska, Th'rty-first Iowa ; Key West, First Iowa Artillery ; John
Warner, Thirteenth Illinois; Tecumseh, Twenty-sixth Iowa; Decatur,

lS62-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. OS 7
Twenty-eighth Iowa; Quitman, Thirty -fourth' Iowa ; Kennett, Twenty-
ninth Missouri; Gladiator, Thirtieth Missouri; Isabella, Thirty-first Mis
souri ; D. G. Taylor, quartermaster's stores and horses ; Sucker State,
Thirty-second Missouri; Dakota, Third Missouri; Tutt, Twelfth Missouri
Emma, Seventeenth Missouri ; Adriatic, First Missouri ; Meteor, Seventy-
sixth Ohio ; Polar Star, Fifty-eighth Ohio.
At the same time were communicated the following instruc
tions : Headquaetees Eioht Wino, Thieteenth Aemt Corps, I
Foeest Queen, December 23, 1862. \
To Commanders of Divisions, Generals F. Steele, George W. Morgan, A.
J. Smith, and M. L. Smith :
With this I hand to each of you a copy of a map, compiled from the
best sources, and which in the main is correct. It is the same used by Ad
miral Porter and myself. Complete military success can only be accom
plished by united action on some general plan, embracing usually a large
district of country. In the present instance, our object is to secure the
navigation of the Mississippi River and its main branches, and to hold them
as military channels of communication and for commercial purposes. The
river, above Vicksburg, has been gained by conquering the country to its
rear, rendering^ its possession by our enemy useless and unsafe to him, and
of great value to us. But the enemy still holds the river from Vicksburg
to Baton Rouge, navigating it with his boats, and the possession of it ena
bles him to connect his communications and routes of supply, east and
west. To deprive him of this will be a severe blow, and, if done effectu
ally, will be of great advantage to us, and probably the most decisive act of
the war. To accomplish this important result we are to act our part — an
important one of the great whole. General Banks, with a large force, has
reenforced General Butler in Louisiana, and from that quarter an expe
dition, by water and land, is coming northward. General Grant, with the
Thirteenth Army Corps, of which we compose the right wing, is moving
southward. The naval squadron (Admiral Porter) is operating with his
gunboat fleet by water, each in perfect harmony with the other.
General Grant's left and centre were at last accounts approaching the
Yalabusha, near Grenada, and the railroad to his rear, by which he drew
his supplies, was reported to be seriously damaged. This may disconcert
him somewhat, but only makes more important our line of operations. At
the Yalabusha General Grant may encounter the army of General Pember
ton, the same which refused him battle on the line of the Tallahatchie,
which was strongly fortified ; hut, as he will not have time to fortify it, he
will hardly stand there ; and, in that event, General Grant will immediately

288 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
advance down the high ridge between the Big Black and Yazoo and will
expect to meet us on the Yazoo and receive from us the supplies which
he needs, and which he knows we carry along. Parts of this general plan
are to cooperate with the naval squadron in the reduction of Vicksburg ;
to secure possession of the land lying between the Yazoo and Big Black;
and to act in concert with General Grant against Pemberton's forces, sup
posed to have Jackson, Mississippi, as a point of concentration. Vicksburg
is doubtless very strongly fortified, both against the river and land ap
proaches. Already the gunboats have secured the Yazoo up for twenty-
three miles, to a fort on the Yazoo at Haines's Bluff, giving us a choice for
a landing-place at some point up the Yazoo below this fort, or on the island
which lies between Vicksburg and the present mouth of the Yazoo. (See
map \b, c, d], Johnson's plantation.)
But, before any actual collision with the enemy, I purpose, after our
whole land-force is rendezvoused at Gaines's Landing, Arkansas, to proceed
in order to Milliken's Bend (a), and there dispatch a brigade, without wag
ons or any incumbrances whatever, to the Vicksburg & Shreveport Bail-
road (at h and k), to destroy that effectually, and to cut off that fruitful
avenue of supply ; then to proceed to the mouth of the Yazoo, and, after
possessing ourselves of the latest and most authentic information from naval
officers now there, to land our whole force on the Mississippi side, and then
to reach the point where the Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad crosses the
Big Black (/) ; after which to attack Vicksburg by land, while the gun
boats assail it by water. It may be necessary (looking to Grant's ap
proach), before attacking Vicksburg, to reduce the battery at Haines's Bluff
first, so as to enable some of the lighter gunboats and transports to ascend
the Yazoo and communicate with General Grant. The detailed manner of
accomplishing all these results will be communicated in due season, and
these general points are only made known at this time, that commanders
may study the maps, and also that in the event of non-receipt of orders all
may act in perfect concert by following the general movement, unless
specially detached.
You all now have the same map, so that no mistakes or confusion need
result from different names of localities. All possible preparations as to
wagons, provisions, axes, and intrenching-tools, should be made in advance,
so that when we do land there will be no want of them. When we begin
to act on shore, we must do the work quickly and effectually. The gun
boats under Admiral Porter will do their full share, and I feel every assur
ance that the army will not fall short in its work.
Division commanders may read this to regimental commanders, and fur
nish brigade commanders a copy. They should also cause as many copies
of the map to be made on the same scale as possible, being very careful in
copying the names.

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 289
Tlie points marked e and g (Allan's and Mount Albans) are evidently
strategical points that will figure in our future operations, and these posi
tions should be well studied.
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Major- General.
The Mississippi boats were admirably calculated for handling
troops, horses, guns, stores, etc., easy of embarkation and dis
embarkation, and supplies of all kinds were abundant, except
fuel. For this we had to rely on wood, but most of the wood-
yards, so common on the river before the war, had been ex
hausted, so that we had to use fence-rails, old dead timber, the
logs of houses, etc. Having abundance of men and plenty of
axes, each boat could daily procure a supply.
In proceeding down the river, one or more of Admiral Por
ter's gunboats took the lead ; others were distributed through
out the column, and some brought up the rear. We manoeuvred
by divisions and brigades when in motion, and it was a magnifi
cent sight as we thus steamed down the river. What few in
habitants remained at the plantations on the river-bank were
unfriendly, except the slaves ; some few guerrilla-parties in
fested the banks, but did not dare to molest so strong a force as
I then commanded.
We reached Milliken's Bend on Christmas-day, when I
detached one brigade (Burbridge's), of A. J. Smith's division,
to the southwest, to break up the railroad leading from Yicks
burg toward Shreveport, Louisiana. Leaving A. J. Smith's
division there to await the return of Burbridge, the remain
ing three divisions proceeded, on the 26th, to the mouth of
the Yazoo, and up that river to Johnson's plantation, thir
teen miles, and there disembarked — Steele's division above
the mouth of Chickasaw Bayou, Morgan's division near the
house of Johnson (which had been burned by the gunboats
on a former occasion), and M. L. Smith's just below. A. J.
Smith's division arrived the next night, and disembarked be
low that of M. L. Smith. The place of our disembarkation was
in fact an island, separated from the high bluff known as Walnut
Hills, on which the town of Yicksburg stands, by a broad and.
19

290 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
shallow bayou— evidently an old channel of the Yazoo. On our
right was another wide bayou, known as Old Eiver ; and on the
left still another, much narrower, but too deep to be forded,
known as Chickasaw Bayou. All the island was densely wooded,
except Johnson's plantation, immediately on the bank of the
Yazoo, and a series of old cotton-fields along Chickasaw Bayou.
There was a road from Johnson's plantation directly to Yicks
burg, but it crossed numerous bayous and deep swamps by
bridges, which had been destroyed; and this road debouched
on level ground at the foot of the Yicksburg bluff, opposite
strong forts, well prepared and defended by heavy artillery. On
this road I directed General A. J. Smith's division, not so much
by way of a direct attack as a diversion and threat.
Morgan was to move to his left, to reach Chickasaw Bayou,
and to follow it toward the bluff, about four miles above
A. J. Smith. Steele was on Morgan's left, across Chickasaw
Bayou, and M. L. Smith on Morgan's right. We met light re
sistance at all points, but skirmished, on the 27th, up to the
main bayou, that separated our position from the bluffs of
Yicksburg, which were found to be strong by nature and by art,
and seemingly well defended. On reconnoitring the front in
person, during the 27th and 28th, I became satisfied that Gen
eral A. J. Smith could not cross the intervening obstacles under
the heavy fire of the forts immediately in his front, and that the
main bayou was impassable, except at two points — one near the
head of Chickasaw Bayou, in front of Morgan, and the other
about a mile lower down, in front of M. L. Smith's division.
During the general reconnoissance of the 28th General Mor
gan L. Smith received a severe and dangerous wound in his hip,
which completely disabled him and compelled him to go to his
steamboat, leaving the command of his division to Brigadier-
General D. Stuart ; but I drew a part of General A. J. Smith's
division, and that general himself, to the point selected foi
passing the bayou, and committed that special task to his man
agement. General Steele reported that it was physically impossible to
re&eh the bluffs from his position, so I ordered him to leave

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 291
but a show of force there, and to return to the west side of
Chickasaw Bayou in support of General Morgan's left. He had
to countermarch and use the steamboats in the Yazoo to get on
the firm ground on our side of the Chickasaw.
On the morning of December 29 th all the troops were ready
and in position. The first step was to make a lodgment on the
foot-hills and bluffs abreast of our position, while diversions were
made by the navy toward Haines's Bluff, and by the first division
directly toward Yicksburg. I estimated the enemy's forces, then
strung from Yicksburg to Haines's Bluff, at fifteen thousand
men, commanded by the rebel Generals Martin Luther Smith
and Stephen D. Lee. Aiming to reach firm ground beyond this
bayou, and to leave as little time for our enemy to reenforce as
possible, I determined to make a show of attack along the whole
front, but to break across the bayou at the two points named,
and gave general orders accordingly. I pointed out to General
Morgan the place where he could pass the bayou, and he an
swered, " General, in ten minutes after you give the signal I'll
be on those hills." He was to lead his division in person, and
was to be supported by Steele's division. The front was very
narrow, and immediately opposite, at the base of the hills about
three hundred yards from the bayou, was a rebel battery, sup
ported by' an infantry force posted on the spurs of the hill
behind. To draw attention from this, the real point of attack,
I gave instructions to commence the attack at the flanks.
I went in person about a mile to the right rear of Morgan's
position, at a place convenient to receive reports from all
other parts of the line ; and about noon of December 29th gave
the orders and signal for the main attack. A heavy artillery -fire
opened along our whole line, and was replied to by the rebel
batteries, and soon the infantry-fire opened heavily, especially on
A J. Smith's front, and in front of General George W. Morgan.
One brigade (De Courcey's) of Morgan's troops crossed the bayou
safely, but took to cover behind the bank, and could not be moved
forward. Frank Blair's brigade, of Steele's division, in support,
also crossed the bayou, passed over the space of level ground
to the foot of the hills ; but, being unsupported by Morgan, and

292 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [18G2-'63.
meeting a very severe cross-fire of artillery, was staggered and
gradually fell back, leaving about five hundred men behind,
wounded and prisoners ; among them Colonel Thomas Fletcher,
afterward Governor of Missouri. Thayer's brigade, of Steele's
division, took a wrong direction, and did not cross the bayou at
all ; nor did General Morgan cross in person. This attack failed ;
and I have always felt that it was due to the failure of Gen
eral G. W. Morgan to obey his orders, or to fulfill . his promise
made in person. Had he used with skill and boldness one
of his brigades, in addition to that of Blair's, he could have
made a lodgment on the bluff, which would have opened the
door for our whole force to follow. Meantime the Sixth Mis
souri Infantry, at heavy loss, had also crossed the bayou at the
narrow passage lower down, but could not ascend the steep bank ;
right over their heads was a rebel battery, whose fire was in a
measure kept down by our sharp-shooters (Thirteenth United
States Infantry) posted behind logs, stumps, and trees, on our
side of the bayou.
The men of the Sixth Missouri actually scooped out with
their hands caves in the bank, which sheltered them against the
fire of the enemy, who, right over their heads, held their mus
kets outside the parapet vertically, and fired down So critical
was the position, that we could not recall the men till after dark,
and then one at a time. Our loss had been pretty heavy, and we
had accomplished nothing, and had inflicted little loss on our
enemy. At first I intended to renew the assault, but soon be
came satisfied that, the enemy's attention having been drawn to
the only two practicable points, it would prove too costly, and
accordingly resolved to look elsewhere for a point below Haines's
Bluff, or Blake's plantation. That night I conferred with Ad
miral Porter, who undertook to cover the landing ; and the next
day (December 30th) the boats were all selected, but so alarmed
were the captains and pilots, that we had to place sentinels with
loaded muskets to insure their remaining at their posts. Under
cover of night, Steele's division, and one brigade of Stuart's
were drawn out of line, and quietly embarked on steamboats
in the Yazoo Eiver. The night of December 30th was ap-

18G2-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 293
pointed for this force, under the command of General Fred
Steele, to proceed up the Yazoo just below Haines's Bluff,
there to disembark about daylight, and make a dash for the
hills. Meantime we had strengthened our positions near Chick
asaw Bayou, had all our guns in good position with parapets,
and had every thing ready to renew our attack as soon as we
heard the sound of battle above.
At midnight I left Admiral Porter on his gunboat ; he had
his fleet ready and the night was propitious. I rode back to
camp and gave orders for all to be ready by daybreak ; but when
daylight came I received a note from General Steele reporting
that, before his boats had got up steam, the fog had settled down
on the river so thick and impenetrable, that it was simply im
possible to move ; so the attempt had to be abandoned. The
rain, too, began to fall, and the trees bore water-marks ten feet
above our heads, so that I became convinced that the part of wis^
dom was to withdraw. I ordered the stores which had been
landed to be reembarked on the boats, and preparations made
for all the troops to regain their proper boats during the night
of the 1st of January, 1863. From our camps at Chickasaw we
could hear the whistles of the trains arriving in Yicksburg,
could see battalions of men marching up toward Haines's Bluff,
and taking post at all points in our front. I was more than con
vinced that heavy reenf orcements were coming to Yicksburg;
whether from Pemberton at Grenada, Bragg in Tennessee, or
from other sources, I could not tell ; but at no point did the enemy
assume the offensive ; and when we drew off our rear-guard, on
the morning of the 2d, they simply followed up the movement,
timidly. Up to that moment I had not heard a word from
General Grant since leaving Memphis ; and most assuredly I had
listened for days for the sound of his guns in the direction of
Yazoo City. On the morning of January 2d, all my command
were again afloat in their proper steamboats, when Admiral Por
ter told me that General McClernand had arrived at the mouth
of the Yazoo in the steamboat Tigress, and that it was rumored
he had come down to supersede me. Leaving my whole force
where it was, I ran down to the mouth of the Yazoo in a small

294 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
tug-boat, and there found General McClernand, with orders from
the War Department to command the expeditionary force on
the Mississippi Eiver. I explained what had been done, and
what was the actual state of facts ; that the heavy reinforce
ments pouring into Yicksburg must be Pemberton's army, and
that General Grant must be near at hand. He informed me
that General Grant was not coming at all ; that his depot at
Holly Springs had been captured by Van Dorn, and that he
had drawn back from Coffeeville and Oxford to Holly Springs
and Lagrange ; and, further, that Quimby's division of Grant's
army was actually at Memphis for stores when he passed down.
This, then, fully explained how Yicksburg was being reen
forced. I saw that any attempt on the place from the Yazoo
was hopeless; and, with General McClernand's full approval,
we all came out of the Yazoo, and on the 3d of January ren
dezvoused at Milliken's Bend, about ten miles above. On the
ith General McClernand issued his General Order No. 1, as
suming command of the Army of the Mississippi, divided into
two corps; the first to be commanded by General Morgan,
composed of his own and A. J. Smith's divisions; and the
second, composed of Steele's and Stuart's divisions, to be com
manded by me. Up to that time the army had been styled the
right wing of (General Grant's) Thirteenth Army Corps, and
numbered about thirty thousand men. The aggregate loss dur
ing the time of my command, mostly on the 29th of December,
was one hundred and seventy-five killed, nine hundred and
thirty wounded, and seven hundred and forty-three prisoners.
According to Badeau, the rebels lost sixty-three killed, one
hundred and thirty-four wounded, and ten prisoners.
It afterward transpired that Van Dorn had captured Holly
Springs on the 20th of December, and that General Grant fell
back very soon after. General Pemberton, who had telegraphic
and railroad communication with Yicksburg, was therefore at
perfect liberty to reenforce the place with a garrison equal, if
not superior, to my command. The rebels held high, command
ing ground, and could see every movement of our men and boats,
so that the only possible hope of success consisted in celerity

1862-'63J MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 295
and surprise, and in General Grant's holding all of Pemberton's
army hard pressed meantime. General Grant was perfectly
aware of this, and had sent me word of the change, but it did
not reach me in time ; indeed, I was not aware of it until after
my assault of December 29th, and until the news was brought me
by General McClernand as related. General McClernand was
appointed to this command by President Lincoln in person, who
had no knowledge of what was then going on down the river.
Still, my relief, on the heels of a failure, raised the usual cry, at
the North, of " repulse, failure, and bungling." There was no
bungling on my part, for I never worked harder or with more
intensity of purpose in my life ; and General Grant, long after,
in his report of the operations of the siege of Yicksburg, gave
us all full credit for the skill of the movement, and described
the almost impregnable nature of the ground ; and, although in
all official reports I assumed the whole responsibility, I have
ever felt that had General Morgan promptly and skillfully sus
tained the lead of Frank Blair's brigade on that day, we should
have broken the rebel line, and effected a lodgment on the hills
behind Yicksburg. General Frank Blair was outspoken and
indignant against Generals Morgan and De Courcey at the
time, and always abused me for assuming the whole blame.
But, had we succeeded, we might have found ourselves in a
worse trap, when General Pemberton was at full liberty to turn
his whole force against us.
While I was engaged at Chickasaw Bayou, Admiral Porter
was equally busy in the Yazoo Eiver, threatening the enemy's
batteries at Haines's and Snyder's Bluffs above. In a sharp en
gagement he lost one of his best officers, in the person of Cap
tain Gwin, United States Navy, who, though on board an iron
clad, insisted on keeping his post on deck, where he was struck
in the breast by a round shot, which carried away the muscle,
and contused the lung within, from which he died a few days
after. We of the army deplored his loss quite as much as his
fellows of the navy, for he had been intimately associated with
us in our previous operations on the Tennessee Eiver, at Shiloh
and above, and we had come to regard him as one of us.

296 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-63
On the 4th of January, 1863, our fleet of transports was
collected at Milliken's Bend, about ten miles above the mouth of
the Yazoo, Admiral Porter remaining with his gunboats at the
Yazoo. General John A. McClernand was in chief command,
General George W. Morgan commanded the First Corps and I
the Second Corps of the Army of the Mississippi.
I had learned that a small steamboat, the Blue Wing, with
a mail, towing coal-barges and loaded with ammunition, had left
Memphis for the Yazoo, about the 20th of December, had
been captured by a rebel boat which had come out of the Ar
kansas Eiver, and had been carried up that river to Fort Hind
man. We had reports from this fort, usually called the " Post
of Arkansas," about forty miles above the mouth, that it was
held by about five thousand rebels, was an inclosed work, com
manding the passage of the river, but supposed to be easy of
capture from the rear. At that time I don't think General Mc
Clernand had any definite views or plans of action. If so, he
did not impart them to me. He spoke in general terms of
opening the navigation of the Mississippi, " cutting his way to
the sea," etc., etc., but the modus operandi was not so clear.
Knowing full well that we could not carry on operations against
Yicksburg as long as the rebels held the Post of Arkansas,
whence to attack our boats coming and going without convoy,
I visited him on his boat, the Tigress, took with me a boy
who had been on the Blue Wing, and had escaped, and asked
leave to go up the Arkansas, to clear out the Post. He made
various objections, but consented to go with me to see Admiral
Porter about it. We got up steam in the Forest Queen, dur
ing the night of January 4th, stopped at the Tigress, took
General McClernand on board, and proceeded down the river
by night to the admiral's boat, the Black Hawk, lying in
the mouth of the Yazoo. It. must have been near midnight,
and Admiral Porter was in deshabille. We were seated in his
cabin and I explained my views about Arkansas Post, and asked
his cooperation. He said that he was short of coal, and could
not use wood in his iron-clad boats. Of these I asked for two,
to be commanded by Captain Shirk or Phelps, or some officer

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 297
of my acquaintance. At that moment, poor Gwin lay on his
bed, in a state-room close by, dying from the effect of the can
non shot received at Haines's Bluff, as before described. Por
ter's manner to McClernand was so curt that I invited him out
into a forward-cabin where he had his charts, and asked him
what he meant by it. He said that " he did not like him ; "
that in Washington, before coming West, he had been intro
duced to him by President Lincoln, and he had taken a strong
prejudice against him. I begged him, for the sake of harmony,
to waive that, which he promised to do. Eeturning to the cabin,
the conversation was resumed, and, on our offering to tow his
gunboats up the river to save coal, and on renewing the request
for Shirk to command the detachment, Porter said, " Suppose I
go along myself ? " I answered, if he would do so, it would
insure the success of the enterprise. At that time I supposed
General McClernand would send me on this business, but he
concluded to go himself, and to take his whole force. Orders
were at once issued for the troops not to disembark at Milliken's
Bend, but to remain as they were on board the transports. My
two divisions were commanded — the First, by Brigadier-General
Frederick Steele, with three brigades, commanded by Brigadier-
Generals F. P. Blair, C. E. Hovey, and J. M. Thayer ; the
Second, by Brigadier-General D. Stuart, with two brigades, com
manded by Colonels G. A. Smith and T. Kilby Smith.
The whole army, embarked on steamboats convoyed by the
gunboats, of which three were iron-clads, proceeded up the
Mississippi Eiver to the mouth of White Eiver, which we
reached January 8th. On the next day we continued up
White Eiver to the " Cut-off ; " through this to the Arkan
sas, and up the Arkansas to Notrib's farm, just below Fort
Hindman. Early the next morning we disembarked. Stuart's
division, moving up the river along the bank, soon encoun
tered a force of the enemy intrenched behind a line of earth
works, extending from the river across to the swamp. I took
Steele's division, marching by the flank by a road through
the swamp to the firm ground behind, and was moving up to
get to the rear of Fort Hindman, when General McClernand

298 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-63.
overtook me, with the report that the rebels had abandoned their
first position, and had fallen back into the fort. By his orders,
we countermarched, recrossed the swamp, and hurried forward
to overtake Stuart, marching for Fort Hindman. The first line
of the rebels was about four miles below Fort Hindman, and the
intervening space was densely wooded and obscure, with the ex
ception of some old fields back of and close to the fort. During
the night, which was a bright moonlight one, we reconnoitred
close up, and found a large number of huts which had been
abandoned, and the whole rebel force had fallen back into and
about the fort. Personally I crept up to a stump so close that
I could hear the enemy hard at work, pulling down houses, cut
ting with axes, and building intrenchments. I could almost hear
their words, and I was thus listening when, about 4 a. m. the
bugler in the rebel camp sounded as pretty a reveille as I ever
listened to.
When daylight broke it revealed to us a new line of para
pet straight across the peninsula, connecting Fort Hindman,
on the Arkansas Eiver bank, with the impassable swamp about
a mile to its left or rear. This peninsula was divided into two
nearly equal parts by a road. My command had the ground to
the right of the road, and Morgan's corps that to the left. Mc
Clernand had his quarters still on the Tigress, back at Notrib's
farm, but moved forward that morning (January 11th) to a
place in the woods to our rear, where he had a man up a tree,
to observe and report the movements.
There was a general understanding with Admiral Porter
that he was to attack the fort with his three ironclad gunboats
directly by its water-front, while we assaulted by land in the
rear. About 10 a. m. I got a message from General McCler
nand, telling me where he could be found, and asking me what
we were waiting for. I answered that we were then in close
contact with the enemy, viz., about five or six hundred yards
off; that the next movement must be a direct assault ; that this
should be simultaneous along the whole line ; and that I was
waiting to hear from the gunboats ; asking him to notify
Admiral Porter that we were all ready. In about half an

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 299
hour I heard the clear ring of the navy-guns ; the fire gradu
ally increasing in rapidity and advancing toward the fort. I
had distributed our field-guns, and, when I judged the time
had come, I gave the orders to begin. The intervening ground
between us and the enemy was a dead level, with the exception
of one or two small gullies, and our men had no cover but the
few standing trees and some logs on the ground. The troops
advanced well under a heavy fire, once or twice falling to the
ground for a sort of rest or pause. Every tree had its group of
men, and behind each log was a crowd of sharp-shooters, who
kept up so hot a fire that the rebel troops fired wild. The fire
of the fort proper was kept busy by the gunboats and Morgan's
corps, so that all my corps had to encounter was the direct fire
from the newly-built parapet across the peninsula. This line
had three sections of field-guns, that kept things pretty lively,
and several round-shot came so near me that I realized that
they were aimed at my staff ; so I dismounted, and made them
scatter. As the gunboats got closer up I saw their flags actually
over the parapet of Fort Hindman, and the rebel gunners
scamper out of the embrasures and run down into the ditch be
hind. About the same time a man jumped up on the rebel
parapet just where the road entered, waving a large white flag,
and numerous smaller white rags appeared above the parapet
along the whole line. I immediately ordered, " Cease firing ! "
and sent the same word down the line to General Steele, who
had made similar progress on the right, following the border of
he swamp. I ordered my aide, Colonel Dayton, to jump on
his horse and ride straight up to the large white flag, and when
his horse was on the parapet I followed with the rest of my
staff. All firing had ceased, except an occasional shot away to
the right, and one of the captains (Smith) of the Thirteenth
Eegulars was wounded after the display of the white flag. On
entering the line, I saw that our muskets and guns had done
good execution ; for there was a horse-battery, and every horse
lay dead in the traces. The fresh-made parapet had been
knocked down in many places, and dead men lay around verv

300 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
thick. I inquired who commanded at that point, and a Colonel
Garland stepped up and said that he commanded that -brigade.
I ordered him to form his brigade, stack arms, hang the belts
on the muskets, and stand waiting for orders. Stuart's division
had been halted outside the parapet. I then sent Major Ham
mond down the rebel line to the right, with orders to stop
Steele's division outside, and to have the other rebel brigade
stack its arms in like manner, and to await further orders.
I inquired of Colonel Garland who commanded in chief, and he
said that General Churchill did, and that he was inside the fort.
I then rode into the fort, which was well built, with good par
apets, drawbridge, and ditch, and was an inclosed work of four
bastions. I found it full of soldiers and sailors, its parapets
toward the river well battered in, and Porter's gunboats in the
river, close against the fort, with their bows on shore. I soon
found General Churchill, in conversation with Admiral Porter
and General A. J. Smith, and about this time my adjutant-
general, Major J. II. Hammond, came and reported that Gen
eral Deshler, who commanded the rebel brigade facing and op
posed to Steele, had refused to stack arms and surrender, on
the ground that he had received no orders from his com
manding general ; that nothing separated this brigade from
Steele's men except the light parapet, and that there might be
trouble there at any moment. I advised General Churchill to
send orders at once, because a single shot might bring the whole
of Steele's division on Deshler's brigade, and I would not be
responsible for the consequences ; soon afterward, we both con
cluded to go in person. General Churchill had the horses of
himself and staff in the ditch ; they were brought in, and we
rode together to where Garland was standing, and Churchill
spoke to him in an angry tone, "Why did you display the
white flag ! " Garland replied, " I received orders to do so from
one of your staff." Churchill denied giving such an order, and
angry words passed between them. I stopped them, saying
that it made little difference then, as they were in our power.
We continued to ride down the line to its extreme point,
where we found Deshler in person, and his troops were still

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 301
standing to tne parapet with their muskets in hand. Steele's
men were on the outside. I asked Deshler : " What does this
mean ? You are a regular officer, and ought to know better."
He answered, snappishly, that " he had received no orders to
surrender ; " when General Churchill said : " You see, sir, that
we are in their power, and you may surrender." Deshler turned
to his staff-officers and ordered them to repeat the command to
" stack arms," etc., to the colonels of his brigade. I was on my
horse, and he was on foot. Wishing to soften the blow of de
feat, I spoke to him kindly, saying that I knew a family of
Deshlers in Columbus, Ohio, and inquired if they were relations
of his. He disclaimed any relation with people living north of
the Ohio, in an offensive tone, and I think I gave him a piece of
my mind that he did not relish. He was a West Point grad
uate, small but very handsome, and was afterward killed in
battle. I never met him again.
Eeturning to the position where I had first entered the rebel
line, I received orders from General McClernand, by one of his
staff, to leave General A. J. Smith in charge of the fort and
prisoners, and with my troops to remain outside. The officer
explained that the general was then on the Tigress, which had
moved up from below, to a point in the river just above the fort ;
and not.understanding his orders, I concluded to go and see him
in person. My troops were then in possession of two of the
three brigades which composed the army opposed to us ; and my
troops were also in possession of all the ground of the peninsula
outside the "fort proper" (Hindman). I found General McCler
nand on the Tigress, in high spirits. He said repeatedly : " Glo
rious ! glorious ! my star is ever in the ascendant ! " He spoke
complimentarily of the troops, but was extremely jealous of the
navy. He said: " I'll make a splendid report ; " "I had a man
up a tree ; " etc. I was very hungry and tired, and fear I did
not appreciate the honors in reserve for us, and asked for some
thing to eat and drink. He very kindly ordered something to
be brought, and explained to me that by his " orders " he did not
wish to interfere with the actual state of facts ; that General A.
J. Smith would occupy " Fort Hindman," which his troops had

302 MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. [1862-'63.
first entered, and I could hold the lines outside, and go on se
curing the prisoners and stores as I had begun. I returned to
the position of Garland's brigade and gave the necessary orders
for marching all the prisoners, disarmed, to a pocket formed by
the river and two deep gullies just above the fort, by which
time it had become quite dark. After dark another rebel regi
ment arrived from Pine Bluff, marched right in, and was also
made prisoners. There seemed to be a good deal of feeling
among the rebel officers against Garland, who asked leave to stay
with me that night, to which I of course consented. Just out
side the rebel parapet was a house which had been used for a hos
pital. I had a room cleaned out, and occupied it that night. A
cavalry-soldier lent me his battered coffee-pot with some coffee
and scraps of hard bread out of his nose-bag ; Garland and I
made some coffee, ate our bread together, and talked politics by
the fire till quite late at night, when we lay down on straw that
was saturated with the blood of dead or wounded men. The
next day the prisoners were all collected on their boats, lists were
made out, and orders given for their transportation to St. Louis,
in charge of my aide, Major Sanger. We then proceeded to
dismantle and level the forts, destroy or remove the stores, and
we found in the magazine the very ammunition which had been
sent for us in the Blue Wing, which was secured and afterward
used in our twenty-pound Parrott guns.
On the 13th we reembarked ; the whole expedition returned
out of the river by the direct route down the Arkansas dur
ing a heavy snow-storm, and rendezvoused in the Mississippi,
at Napoleon, at the mouth of the Arkansas. Here General
McClernand told me he had received a letter from General
Grant at Memphis, who disapproved of our movement up the
Arkansas; but that communication was made before he had
learned of our complete success. When informed of this, and
of the promptness with which it had been executed, he could
not but approve. We were then ordered back to Milliken's
Bend, to await General Grant's arrival in person. We reached
Milliken's Bend January 21st.
McClernand's report of the capture of Fort Hindman almost

1862-'63.] MEMPHIS TO ARKANSAS POST. 303
ignored the action of Porter's fleet altogether. This was un
fair, for I know that the admiral led his fleet in person in the
river-attack, and that his guns silenced those of Fort Hindman,
and drove the gunners into the ditch.
The aggregate loss in my corps at Arkansas Post was five
hundred and nineteen, viz., four officers and seventy-five men
killed, thirty-four officers and four hundred and six men
wounded. I never knew the losses in the gunboat fleet, or in
Morgan's corps ; but they must have been less than in mine,
which was more exposed. The number of rebel dead must have
been nearly one hundred and fifty ; of prisoners, by actual count,
we secured four thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, and sent
them north to St. Louis.

CHAPTEE XII.
VICKBBUBG.
JANtTAET TO JULY, 1863.
The campaign of 1863, resulting in the capture of Yicks
burg, was so important, that its history has been well studied
and well described in all the books treating of the civil war,
more especially by Dr. Draper, in his "History of the Civil
War in America," and in Badeau's " Military History of Gen
eral Grant." In the latter it is more fully and accurately given
than in any other, and is well illustrated by maps and original
documents. I now need only attempt to further illustrate
Badeau's account by some additional details. When our expe
dition came out of the Arkansas Eiver, January 18, 1863, and
rendezvoused at the river-bank, in front of the town of Napo
leon, Arkansas, we were visited by General Grant in person,
who had come down from Memphis in a steamboat. Although
at this time Major-General J. A. McClernand was in command
of the Army of the Mississippi, by virtue of a confidential
order of the War Department, dated October 21, 1862, which
order bore the indorsement of President Lincoln, General
Grant still exercised a command over him, by reason of his gen
eral command of the Department of the Tennessee. By an
order (No. 210) of December 18, 1862, from the War Depart
ment, received at Arkansas Post, the Western armies had been
grouped into five corps cParmee, viz. : the Thirteenth, Major-
General McClernand; the Fourteenth, Major-General George
H. Thomas, in Middle Tennessee ; the Fifteenth, Major-Gen
eral W. T. Sherman; the Sixteenth, Major-General Hurlbut,
then at or near Memphis ; and the Seventeenth, Major-General

1863.] VICKSBURG. 305
McPherson, also at and back of Memphis. General Grant
when at Napoleon, on the 18th of January, ordered McClerr-
nand with his own and my corps to return to Yicksburg, to
disemhark on the west bank, and to resume work on a canal
across the peninsula, which had been begun by General Thomas
Williams the summer before, the object being to turn the Mis
sissippi Eiver at that point, or at least to make a passage for
our fleet of gunboats and transports across the peninsula, oppo
site Yicksburg. General Grant then returned to Memphis, or
dered to Lake Providence, about sixty miles above us, McPher-
son's corps, the Seventeenth, and then came down again to give
his personal supervison to the whole movement.
The Mississippi Eiver was very high and rising, and we
began that system of canals on which we expended so much hard
work fruitlessly : first, the canal at Young's plantation, opposite
Yicksburg ; second, that at Lake Providence ; and third, at the
Yazoo Pass, leading into the head-waters of the Yazoo Eiver.
Early in February the gunboats Indianola and Queen of the
West ran the batteries of Yicksburg. The latter was afterward
crippled in Eed Eiver, and was captured by the rebels; and
the Indianola was butted and sunk about forty miles below
Yicksburg. We heard the booming of the guns, but did not
know of her loss till some days after. During the months of
January and February, we were digging the canal and fighting
off the water of the Mississippi, which continued to rise and
threatened to drown us. We had no sure place of refuge except
the narrow levee, and such steamboats as remained abreast of
our camps. My two divisions furnished alternately a detail of
five hundred men a day, to work on the canal. So high was
the water in the beginning of March, that McClernand's corps
was moved to higher ground, at Milliken's Bend, but I re
mained at Young's plantation, laid off a due proportion of
the levee for each subdivision of my command, and assigned
other parts to such steamboats as lay at the levee. My own
headquarters were in Mrs. Grove's house, which had the water
all around it, and could only be reached by a plank-walk from
the levee, built on posts.
20

806 VICKSBURG. [1863.
General Frederick Steele commanded the first division, and
General D. Stuart the second; this latter division had been re
enforced by General Hugh Ewing's brigade, which had arrived
from West Virginia.
At the time of its date I received the following note from
General Grant : Milliken's Behd, March 16, 1863
General Sherman.
Dear Sir : I have just returned from a reconnoissance up Steele's
Bayou, with the admiral (Porter), and five of his gunboats. With some
labor in cutting tree-tops out of the way, it will be navigable for any class
of steamers. I want you to have your pioneer corps, or one regiment of good men
for such work, detailed, and at the landing as soon as possible.
The party will want to take with them their rations, arms, and suffi
cient camp and garrison equipage for a few days. I will have a boat at
any place you may designate, as early as the men can be there. The Eighth
Missouri (being many of them boatmen) would be excellent men for this
purpose. As soon as you give directions for these men to be in readiness; come
up and see me, and I will explain fully. The tug that takes this is in
structed to wait for you. A full supply of axes will be required.
Very respectfully, U. S. Grant, Major-General.
This letter was instantly (8 a. m.) sent to Colonel Giles A.
Smith, commanding the Eighth Missouri, with orders to pre
pare immediately. He returned it at 9.15, with an answer that
the regiment was all ready. I went up to Milliken's Bend in
the tug, and had a conference with the general, resulting in
these orders : Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, )
Before Vicksburg, March 16, 1863. J
Major-General W. T. Sherman, commanding Fifteenth Army Corps.
General : Tou will proceed as early as practicable up Steele's Bayou,
and through Black Bayou to Deer Oreek, and thence with the gunboats
now there by any route they may take to get into the Yazoo River, for the
purpose of determining the feasibility of getting an army through that
route to the east bank of that river, and at a point from which they can
act advantageously against Vicksburg.

1863.] VICKSBURG. 307
Make such details from your army corps as may be required to clear out
the channel of the various bayous through which transports would have
to run, and to hold such points as in your judgment should be occupied.
I place at your disposal to-day the steamers Diligent and Silver Wave,
the only two suitable for the present navigation of this route. Others will
he supplied you as fast as required, and they can be got.
I have given directions (and you may repeat them) that the party going
on board the steamer Diligent push on until they reach Black Bayou, only
stopping sufficiently long at any point before reaching there to remove such
obstructions as prevent their own progress. Captain Kossak, of the Engineers,
will go with this party. The other boat-load will commence their work in
Steele's Bayou, and make the navigation as free as possible all the way
through. There is but little work to be done in Steele's Bayou, except for about
five miles about midway of the bayou. In this portion many overhanging
trees will have to he removed, and should be dragged out of the channel.
Very respectfully, U. S. Grant, Major-General.
On returning to my camp at Young's Point, I started
these two boats up the Yazoo and Steele's Bayqu, with the
Eighth Missouri and some pioneers, with axes, saws, and all the
tools necessary. I gave orders for a part of Stuart's division to
proceed in the large boats up the Mississippi Eiver to a point at
Gwin's plantation, where a bend of Steele's Bayou neared the
main river ; and the next day, with one or two staff-officers and
orderlies, got a navy-tug, and hurried up to overtake Admiral
Porter. About sixty miles up Steele's Bayou we came to the
gunboat Price, Lieutenant Woodworth, United States Navy, com
manding, and then turned into Black Bayou, a narrow, crooked
channel, obstructed by overhanging oaks, and filled with cypress
and cotton-wood trees. The gunboats had forced their way
through, pushing aside trees a foot in diameter. In about four
miles we overtook the gunboat fleet just as it was emerging into
Deer Creek. Along Deer Creek the alluvium was higher, and
there was a large cotton-plantation belonging to a Mr. Hill, who
was absent, and the negroes were in charge of the place. Here
I overtook Admiral Porter, and accompanied him a couple of
miles up Deer Creek, which was much wider and more free of

308 VICKSBURG. [1863.
trees, with plantations on both sides at intervals. Admiral Por
ter thought he had passed the worst, and that he would be able
to reach the Eolling Fork and Sunflower. He requested me to
return and use all possible means to clear out Black Bayou. I
returned to Hill's plantation, which was soon reached by Major
Coleman, with a part of the Eighth Missouri ; the bulk of the
regiment and the pioneers had been distributed along the
bayous, and set to work under the general supervision of Captain
Kossak. The Diligent and Silver Wave then returned to Gwin's
plantation and brought up Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, with
the Sixth Missouri, and part of the One Hundred and Sixteenth
Elinois. Admiral Porter was then working up Deer Creek with
his iron-clads, but he had left me a tug, which enabled me to
reconnoitre the country, which was all under water except the nar
row strip along Deer Creek. During the 19th I heard the heavy
navy-guns booming more frequently than seemed consistent with
mere guerrilla operations ; and that night I got a message from
Porter, written on tissue-paper, brought me through the swamp
by a negro, who had it concealed in a piece of tobacco.
The admiral stated that he had met a force of infantry and
artillery which gave him great trouble by killing the men who
had to expose themselves outside the iron armor to shove off the
bows of the boats, which had so little headway that they would
not steer. He begged me to come to his rescue as quickly as pos
sible. Giles A. Smith had only about eight hundred men with
him, but I ordered him to start up Deer Creek at once, crossing
to the east side by an old bridge at Hill's plantation, which we
had repaired for the purpose ; to work his way up to the gunboat-
fleet, and to report to the admiral that I would come up with
every man I could raise as soon as possible. I was almost alone
at Hill's, but took a canoe, paddled down Black Bayou to the
gunboat Price, and there, luckily, found the Silver Wave with a
load of men just arrived from Gwin's plantation. Taking some
of the parties who were at work along the bayou into an empty
coal-barge, we tugged it up by a navy-tug, followed by the Silver
Wave, crashing through the trees, carrying away pilot-house,
smoke-stacks, and every thing above-deck ; but the captain

1863.] VICKSBURG. 309
(McMillan, of Pittsburg) was a brave fellow, and realized the
necessity. The night was absolutely black, and we could only
make two and a half of the four miles. We then disembarked,
and marched through the canebrake, carrying lighted candles in
our hands, till we got into the open cotton-fields at Hill's plan
tation, where we lay down for a few hours' rest. These men
were a part of Giles A. Smith's brigade, and part belonged to
the brigade of T. Kilby Smith, the senior officer present being
Lieutenant-Colonel Eice, Fifty-fourth Ohio, an excellent young
officer. We had no horses.
On Sunday morning, March 21st, as soon as daylight ap
peared, we started, following the same route which Giles A.
Smith had taken the day before ; the battalion of the Thirteenth
United States Eegulars, Major Chase, in the lead. We could
hear Porter's guns, and knew that moments were precious. Be
ing on foot myself, no man could complain, and we generally
went at the double-quick, with occasional rests. The road lay
along Deer Creek, passing several plantations ; and occasionally,
at the bends, it crossed the swamp, where the water came above
my hips. The smaller drummer-boys had to carry their drums on
their heads, and most of the men slung their cartridge-boxes
around their necks. The soldiers generally were glad to have
their general and field officers afoot, but we gave them a fair
specimen of marching, accomplishing about twenty-one miles by
noon. Of course, our speed was accelerated by the sounds of
the navy-guns, which became more and more distinct, though
we could see nothing. At a plantation near some Indian mounds
we met a detachment of the Eighth Missouri, that had been up
to the fleet, and had been sent down as a picket to prevent any
obstructions below. This picket reported that Admiral Porter
had found Deer Creek badly obstructed, had turned back ; that
there was a rebel force beyond the fleet, with some six-pound
ers, and nothing between us and the fleet. So I sat down on
the door-sill of a cabin to rest, but had not been seated ten
minutes when, in the wood just ahead, not three hundred yards
off, I heard quick and rapid firing of musketry. Jumping up,
I ran up the road, and found Lieutenant-Colonel Eice, who said

310 VICKSBURG. [1863.
the head of his column had struck a small force of rebels with a
working gang of negroes, provided with axes, who on the first
fire had broken and run back into the swamp. I ordered Eice
to deploy his brigade, his left on the road, and extending as far
into the swamp as the ground would permit, and then to sweep
forward until he uncovered the gunboats. The movement was
rapid and well executed, and we soon came to some large cot
ton-fields and could see our gunboats in Deer Creek, occasionally
firing a heavy eight-inch gun across the cotton-field into the
swamp behind. About that time a Major Kirby, of the Eighth
Missouri, galloped down the road on a horse he had picked up
the night before, and met me. He explained the situation of
affairs, and offered me his horse. I got on bareback, and rode
up the levee, the sailors coming out of their iron-clads and cheer
ing most vociferously as I rode by, and as our men swept for
ward across the cotton-field in full view. I soon found Admiral
Porter, who was on the deck of one of his iron-clads, with a
shield made of the section of a smoke-stack, and I doubt if he
was ever more glad to meet a friend than he was to see me.
He explained that he had almost reached the Boiling Fork,
when the woods became full of sharp-shooters, who, taking ad
vantage of trees, stumps, and the levee, would shoot down every
man that poked his nose outside the protection of their armor ;
so that he could not handle his clumsy boats in the narrow chan
nel. The rebels had evidently dispatched a force from Haines's
Bluff up the Sunflower to the Boiling Fork, had anticipated
the movement of Admiral Porter's fleet, and had completely
obstructed the channel of the upper part of Deer Creek by fell
ing trees into it, so that further progress in that direction was
simply impossible. It also happened that, at the instant of my
arrival, a party of about four hundred rebels, armed and supplied
with axes, had passed around the fleet and had got below it, in
tending in like manner to block up the channel by the felling of
trees, so as to cut off retreat. This was the force we had struck
so opportunely at the time before described. I inquired of Ad
miral Porter what he proposed to do, and he said he wanted to
get out of that scrape as quickly as possible. He was actually

1863.] VICKSBURG. 311
working back when I met him, and, as we then had a sufficient
force to cover his movement completely, he continued to back
down Deer Creek. He informed me at one time things looked
so critical that he had made up his mind to blow up the gun
boats, and to escape with his men through the swamp to the
Mississippi Eiver. There being no longer any sharp-shooters to
bother the sailors, they made good progress ; still, it took three
full days for the fleet to back out of Deer Creek into Black Ba
you, at Hill's plantation, whence Admiral Porter proceeded
to his post at the mouth of the Yazoo, leaving Captain Owen
in command of the fleet. I reported the facts to General
Grant, who was sadly disappointed at the failure of the fleet to
get through to the Yazoo above Haines's Bluff, and ordered us
all to resume our camps at Young's Point. We accordingly
steamed down, and regained our camps on the 27th. As this
expedition up Deer Creek was but one of many efforts to se
cure a footing from which to operate against Yicksburg, I add
the report of Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, who was the
first to reach the fleet :
Headquarters First Brigade, Second Division, )
Fifteenth Army Corps, Young's Point, Louisiana, March 28, 1863. I
Captain L. M. Dayton, Assistant Adjutant- General.
Captain : I have the honor to report the movements of the First Brigade
in the expedition up Steele's Bayou, Black Bayou, and Deer Creek.
The Sixth Missouri and One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois regiments em
barked at the mouth of Muddy Bayou on the evening of Thursday, the 18th
of March, and proceeded up Steele's Bayou to the moutb of Black ; thence
up Black Bayou to Hill's plantation, at its junction with Deer Creek, where
we arrived on Friday at four o'clock p. m., and joined the Eighth Missouri,
Lieutenant-Colonel Coleman commanding, which had arrived at that point
two days before. General Sherman had also established his headquarters
there, having preceded the Eighth Missouri in a tug, with no other escort
than two or three of his staff, reconnoitring all the different bayous and
branches, thereby greatly facilitating the movements of the troops, but at
the same time exposing himself beyond precedent in a commanding general.
At three o'clock of Saturday morning, the 20th instant, General Sherman
having received a communication from Admiral Porter at the mouth of
Rolling Fork, asking for a speedy cooperation of the land forces with his
fleet, I was ordered by General Sherman to be ready, with all the available

312 VICKSBURG. [1863.
force at that point, to accompany him to his relief; but before starting it
was arranged that I should proceed with the force at hand (eight hundred
men), while he remained, again entirely unprotected, to hurryup the troops
expected to arrive that night, consisting of the Thirteenth Infantry and One
Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois Volunteers, completing my brigade, and the
Second Brigade, Colonel T. Kilby Smith commanding.
This, as the sequel showed, proved a very wise measure, and resulted in
the safety of the whole fleet. At daybreak we were in motion, with a
regular guide. We had proceeded but about six miles, when we found the
enemy had been very busy felling trees to obstruct the creek.
All the negroes along the route had been notified to be ready at night
fall to continue the work. To prevent this as much as possible, I ordered
all able-bodied negroes to be taken along, and warned some of the principal
inhabitants that they would be held responsible for any more obstructions
heing placed across the creek. We reached the admiral about four o'clock
p. m., with no opposition save my advance-guard (Company A, Sixth Mis
souri) being fired into from the opposite side of the creek, killing one man,
and slightly wounding another; having no way of crossing, we had to con
tent ourselves with driving them beyond musket-range. Proceeding with
as little loss of time as possible, I found the fleet obstructed in front by
fallen trees, in rear by a sunken coal-barge, and surrqunded by a large
force of rebels with an abundant supply of artillery, but wisely keeping
their main force out of range of the admiral's guns. Every tree and stump
covered a sharp-shooter, ready to pick off any luckless marine who showed
his head above-decks, and entirely preventing the working-parties from re
moving obstructions.
In pursuance of orders from General Sherman, I reported to Admiral
Porter for orders, who turned over to me all the land-forces in his fleet
(about one hundred and fifty men), together with two howitzers, and I was
instructed by him to retain a sufficient force to clear out the sharp-shooters,
and to distribute the remainder along the creek for six or seven miles below,
to prevent any more obstructions being placed in it during the night. This
was speedily arranged, our skirmishers capturing three prisoners. Immedi
ate steps were now taken to remove the coal-barge, which was accomplished
about daylight on Sunday morning, when the fleet moved back toward
Black Bayou. By three o'clock p. m. we had only made about six miles,
owing to the large number of trees to be removed ; at this point, where our
progress was very slow, we discovered a long line of the enemy filing
along the edge of the woods, and taking position on the creek below us
and about one mile ahead of our advance. Shortly after, they opened fire
on the gunboats from batteries behind the cavalry and infantry. The boats
not only replied to the batteries, which they soon silenced, but poured a
destructive fire into their lines. Heavy skirmishing was also heard in our

1863.] VICKSBURG. 313
front, supposed to be by three companies from the Sixth and Eighth Mis
souri, whose position, taken the previous night to guard the creek, was be
yond the point reached by the enemy, and consequently liable te be cut off
or captured. Captain Owen, of the Louisville, the leading boat, made every
effort to go through the obstructions and aid in the rescuing of the men. I
ordered Major Kirby, with four companies of the Sixth Missouri, forward,
with two companies deployed. He soon met General Sherman, with the
Thirteenth Infantry and One Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois, driving the
enemy before them, and opening communication along the creek with the
gunboats. Instead of our three companies referred to as engaging the enemy,
General Sherman had arrived at a very opportune moment with the two
regiments mentioned above, and the Second Brigade. The enemy, not ex
pecting an attack from that quarter, after some hot skirmishing, retreated.
General Sherman immediately ordered the Thirteenth Infantry and One
Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois to pursue; but, after following their trace
for about two miles, they were recalled.
We continued our march for about two miles, when we bivouacked for
the night. Early on Monday morning (March 22d) we continued our march,
but owing to the slow progress of the gunboats did not reach Hill's plan
tation until Tuesday, the 23d instant, where we remained until the 25th ;
we then reSmbarked, and arrived at Young's Point on Friday, the 27th
instant. Below you will find a list of casualties. Very respectfully,
Giles A. Smith,
Colonel Eighth Missouri, commanding First Brigade.
P. S. — I forgot to state above that the Thirteenth Infantry and One
Hundred and Thirteenth Illinois being under the immediate command of
General Sherman, he can mention them as their conduct deserves.
On the 3d of April, a division of troops, commanded by
Brigadier-General J. M. Tuttle, was assigned to my corps, and
was designated the Third Division ; and, on the 4th of April,
Brigadier-General D. Stuart was relieved from the command of
the Second Division, to which Major-General Frank P. Blair
was appointed by an order from General Grant's headquarters.
Stuart had been with me from the time we were at Benton Bar
racks, in command of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, then of a brigade,
and finally of a division ; but he had failed in securing a con
firmation by the Senate to his nomination as brigadier-general,
by reason of some old affair at Chicago, and, having resigned his
commission as colonel, he was out of service. I esteemed him

314: VICKSBURG. [1863
very highly, and was actually mortified that the service should
thus be deprived of so excellent and gallant an officer. He after
ward settled in New Orleans as a lawyer, and died about 1867
or 1868. On the 6th of April, my command, the Fifteenth Corps, was
composed of three divisions :
The First Division, commanded by Major-General Fred
Steele ; and his three brigades by Colonel Manter, Colonel
Charles E. Wood, and Brigadier-General John M. Thayer.
The Second Division, commanded by Major-General Frank
P. Blair ; and his three brigades by Colonel Giles A. Smith,
Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith, and Brigadier-General Hugh
Ewing. The Third Division, commanded by Brigadier-General J.
M. Tuttle ; and his three brigades by Brigadier-General E. P.
Buckland, Colonel J. A. Mower, and Brigadier-General John E.
Smith. My own staff then embraced: Dayton, McCoy, and Hill,
aides ; J. II. Hammond, assistant adjutant-general ; Sanger, in
spector-general ; McFeeley, commissary ; J. Condit Smith, quar
termaster ; Charles McMillan, medical director ; Ezra Taylor,
chief of artillery ;  Neely, ordnance-officer ; Jenney and
Pitzman, engineers.
By this time it had become thoroughly demonstrated that
we could not divert the main river Mississippi, or get prac
ticable access to the east bank of the Yazoo, in the rear of Yicks
burg, by any of the passes ; and we were all in the habit of dis
cussing the various chances of the future. General Grant's
headquarters were at Milliken's Bend, in tents, and his army was
strung along the river all the way from Young's Point up to
Lake Providence, at least sixty miles. I had always contended
that the best way to take Yicksburg was to resume the move
ment which had been so well begun the previous November,
viz., for the main army to march by land down the country in
land of the Mississippi Eiver; while the gunboat-fleet and a
minor land-force should threaten Yicksburg on its river-front. •
I reasoned that, with the large force then subject to Gen-

1863.] VICKSBUEG. 315
eral Grant's orders — viz., four army corps — he could easily re
sume the movement from Memphis, by way of Oxford and
Grenada, to Jackson, Mississippi, or down the ridge between
the Yazoo and Big Black ; but General Grant would not, for
reasons other than military, take any course which looked like
a step backward ; and he himself concluded on the river move
ment below Yicksburg, so as to appear like connecting with
General Banks, who at the same time was besieging Port Hud
son from the direction of New Orleans.
Preliminary orders had already been given, looking to the
digging of a canal, to connect the river at Duckport with Willow
Bayou, back of Milliken's Bend, so as to form a channel for the
conveyance of supplies, by way of Eichmond, to New Carthage ;
and several steam dredge-boats had come from the upper rivers
to assist in the work. One day early in April, I was up at
General Grant's headquarters, and we talked over all these
things with absolute freedom. Charles A. Dana, Assistant Sec
retary of War, was there, and Wilson, Rawlins, Frank Blair,
McPherson, etc. We all knew, what was notorious, that Gen
eral McClernand was still intriguing against General Grant, in
hopes to regain the command of the whole expedition, and that
others were raising a clamor against General Grant in the news
papers at the North. Even Mr. Lincoln and General Halleck
seemed to be shaken ; but at no instant of time did we (his per
sonal friends) slacken in our loyalty to him. One night, after
such a discussion, and believing that General McClernand had
no real plan of action shaped in his mind, I wrote my letter
of April 8, 1863, to Colonel Rawlins, which letter is embraced
in full at page 616 of Badeau's book, and which I now repro
duce here : Headquarters Fifteenth Army Corps, I
Camp near Vicksburg, April 8, 1863. |
Colonel J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant- General to General Geant.
Sik : I would most respectfully suggest (for reasons which I will not
name) that General Grant call on his corps commanders for their opinions,
concise and positive, on the best general plan of a campaign. Unless this
be done, there are men who will, in any result falling below the popular

316 VICKSBURG. [1863.
standard, claim that their advice was unheeded, and that fatal consequence
resulted therefrom. My own opinions are —
First. That the Army of the Tennessee is now far in advance of the
other grand armies of the United States.
Second. That a corps from Missouri should forthwith be moved from St.
Louis to the vicinity of Little Rock, Arkansas ; supplies collected there while
the river is full, and land communication with Memphis opened via Des Arc
on the White, and Madison on the St. Francis River.
Third. That as much of the Vazoo Pass, Coldwater, and Tallahatchie
Rivers, as can be gained and fortified, be held, and the main army be trans
ported thither by land and water ; that the road back to Memphis be se
cured and reopened, and, as soon as the waters subside, Grenada be at
tacked, and the swamp-road across to Helena be patrolled by cavalry.
Fourth. That the line of the Yalabusha be the base from which to op
erate against the points where the Mississippi Central crosses Big Black,
above Canton ; and, lastly, where the Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad crosses
the same river (Big Black). The capture of Vicksburg would result.
Fifth. That a minor force be left in this vicinity, not to exceed ten thou
sand men, with only enough steamboats to float and transport them to any
desired point ; this force to be held always near enough to act with the
gunboats when the main army is known to be near Vicksburg — Haines's
Bluff or Yazoo City.
Sixth. I do doubt the capacity of Willow Bayou (which I estimate to he
fifty miles long and very tortuous) as a military channel, to supply an army
large enough to operate against Jackson, Mississippi, or the Black River
Bridge; and such a channel will be very vulnerable to a force coming
from the west, which we must expect. Yet this canal will be most useful
as the way to convey coals and supplies to a fleet that should navigate the
lower reach of the Mississippi between Vicksburg and the Red River.
Seventh. The chief reason for operating solely by water was the season
of the year and high water in the Tallahatchie and Yalabusha Rivers. The
spring is now here, and soon these streams will be no serious obstacle, save
in the ambuscades of the forest, and whatever works the enemy may have
erected at or near Grenada. North Mississippi is too valuable for us to
allow the enemy to hold it and make crops this year.
I make these suggestions, with the request that General Grant will
read them and give them, as I know he will, a share of his thoughts. I
would prefer that he should not answer this letter, but merely give it as
much or as little weight as it deserves. Whatever plan of action he may
adopt will receive from me the same zealous cooperation and energetio
support as though conceived by myself. I do not believe General Banks
will make any serious attack on Port Hudson this spring. I am, etc.
W. T. Sheeman, Major-General.

1863.] VICKSBURG. 317
This is the letter which some critics have styled a "protest."
We never had a council of war at any time during the Yicks
burg campaign. We often met casually, regardless of rank or
power, and talked and gossiped of things in general, as officers
do and should. But my letter speaks for itself. It shows my
opinions clearly at that stage of the game, and was meant par
tially to induce General Grant to call on General McClernand
for a similar expression of opinion, but, so far as I know, he
did not. He went on quietly to work out his own designs;
and he has told me, since the war, that had we possessed in
December, 1862, the experience of marching and maintaining
armies without a regular base, which we afterward acquired, he
would have gone on from Oxford as first contemplated, and
would not have turned back because of the destruction of his
depot at Holly Springs by Van Dorn. The distance from
Oxford to the rear of Vicksburg is little greater than by the
circuitous route we afterward followed, from Bruinsburg to
Jackson and Vicksburg, during which we had neither depot nor
train of supplies. I have never criticised General Grant's strat
egy on this or any other occasion, but I thought then that he had
lost an opportunity, whicli cost him and us six months' extra-
hard work, for we might have captured Yicksburg from the
direction of Oxford in January, quite as easily as was afterward
done in July, 1863.
General Grant's orders for the general movement past Vicks
burg, by Eichmond and Carthage, were dated April 20, 1863.
McClernand was to lead off with his corps, McPherson next,
and my corps (the Fifteenth) to bring up the rear. Prelimi
nary thereto, on the night of April 16th, seven iron-clads led by
Admiral Porter in person, in the Benton, with three transports,
and ten barges in tow, ran the Vicksburg batteries by night.
Anticipating a scene, I had four yawl-boats hauled across the
swamp, to the reach of the river below Vicksburg, and manned
them with soldiers, ready to pick up any of the disabled wrecks as
they floated by. I was out in the stream when the fleet passed
Yicksburg, and the scene was truly sublime. As soon as the
rebel gunners detected the Benton, which was in the lead, they

318 VICKSBURG. [1863.
opened on her, and on the others in succession, with shot and
shell ; houses on the Yicksburg side and on the opposite shore
were set on fire, which lighted up the whole river ; and the roar
of cannon, the bursting of shells, and finally the burning of the
Henry Clay, drifting with the current, made up a picture of the
terrible not often seen. Each gunboat returned the fire as she
passed the town, while the transports hugged the opposite shore.
When the Benton had got abreast of us, I pulled off to her,
boarded, had a few words with Admiral Forter, and as she was
drifting rapidly toward the lower batteries at Warrenton, I left,
and pulled back toward the shore, meeting the gunboat Tus-
cumbia towing the transport Forest Queen into the bank out of
the range of fire. The Forest Queen, Captain Conway, had
been my flag-boat up the Arkansas, and for some time after,
and I was very friendly with her officers. This was the only
transport whose captain would not receive volunteers as a crew,
but her own officers and crew stuck to their boat, and carried
her safely below the Yicksburg batteries, and afterward ren
dered splendid service in ferrying troops across the river at
Grand Gulf and Bruinsburg. In passing Vicksburg, she was
damaged in the hull and had a steam-pipe cut away, but
this was soon repaired. The Henry Clay was set on fire by
bursting shells, and burned up ; one of my yawls picked up her
pilot floating on a piece of wreck, and the bulk of her crew
escaped in their own yawl-boat to the shore above. The Sil
ver Wave, Captain McMillan, the same that was with us up
Steele's Bayou, passed safely, and she also rendered good ser
vice afterward.
Subsequently, on the night of April 26th, six other trans
ports with numerous barges loaded with hay, corn, freight, and
provisions, were drifted past Vicksburg ; of these the Tigress
was hit, and sunk just as she reached the river-bank below, on
our side. I was there with my yawls, and saw Colonel
Lagow, of General Grant's staff, who had passed the bat
teries in the Tigress, and I think he was satisfied never to at-
tempt such a thing again. Thus General Grant's army had
below Vicksburg an abundance of stores, and boats with

1863.] . VICKSBURG. 319
which to cross the river. The road by which the troops
marched was very bad, and it was not until the 1st of May
that it was clear for my corps. While waiting my turn to
march, I received a letter from General Grant, written at
Carthage, saying that he proposed to cross over and attack
Grand Gulf, about the end of April, and he thought I could
put in my time usefully by making a "feint" on Haines's
Bluff, but he did not like to order me to do it, because it might
be reported at the North that I had again been " repulsed, etc."
Thus we had to fight a senseless clamor at the North, as well as
a determined foe and the obstacles of Nature. Of course, I
answered him that I would make the "feint," regardless of
public clamor at a distance, and I did make it most effectually ;
using all the old boats I could get about Milliken's Bend and
the mouth of the Yazoo, but taking only ten small regiments,
selected out of Blair's division, to make a show of force. We
afterward learned that General Pemberton in Vicksburs; had
previously dispatched a large force to the assistance of General
Bowen, at Grand Gulf and Port Gibson, which force had pro
ceeded as far as Hankinson's Ferry, when he discovered our
ostentatious movement up the Yazoo, and recalled his men, and
sent them up to Haines's Bluff to meet us. This detachment of
rebel troops must have marched nearly sixty miles without rest,
for afterward, on reaching Yicksburg, I heard that the men were
perfectly exhausted, and lay along the road in groups, com
pletely fagged out. This diversion, made with so much pomp
and display, therefore completely fulfilled its purpose, by leav
ing General Grant to contend with a minor force, on landing
at Bruinsburg, and afterward at Port Gibson and Grand Gulf.
In May the waters of the Mississippi had so far subsided that
all our canals were useless, and the roads had become practicable.
After McPherson's corps had passed Eichmond, I took up the
route of march, with Steele's and Tuttle's divisions. Blair's
division remained at Milliken's Bend to protect our depots there,
till relieved by troops from Memphis, and then he was ordered
to follow us. Our route lay by Eichmond and Eoundabout
Bayou ; then, following Bayou Yidal we struck the Mississippi

320 VICKSBURG. • [1863.
at Perkins's plantation. Thence the route followed Lake St.
Joseph to a plantation called Hard Times, about five miles above
Grand Gulf. The road was more or less occupied by wagons
and detachments belonging to McPherson's corps ; still we
marched rapidly and reached Hard Times on the 6th of May.
Along the Bayou or Lake St. Joseph were many very fine cot
ton-plantations, and I recall that of a Mr. Bowie, brother-in-law
of the Hon. Eeverdy Johnson, of Baltimore. The house waa
very handsome, with a fine, extensive grass-plot in front. We
entered the yard, and, leaving our horses with the headquarters
escort, walked to the house. On the front-porch I found a
magnificent grand-piano, with several satin-covered arm-chairs,
in one of which sat a "Union soldier (one of McPherson's men),
with his feet on the keys of the piano, and his musket and
knapsack lying on the porch. I asked him what he was doing
there, and he answered that he was " taking a rest ; " this was
manifest and I started him in a hurry to overtake his command.
The house was tenantless, and had been completely ransacked ;
articles of dress and books were strewed about, and a handsome
boudoir with mirror front had been cast down, striking a French
bedstead, shivering the glass. The library was extensive,
with a fine collection of books ; and hanging on the wall were
two full-length portraits of Eeverdy Johnson and his wife, one
of the most beautiful ladies of our country, with whom I had
been acquainted in Washington at the time of General Tay
lor's administration. Behind the mansion was the usual double
row of cabins called the "quarters." There I found an old
negro (a family servant) with several women, whom I sent
to the house to put things in order ; telling the old man that
other troops would follow, and he must stand on the porch to
tell any officers who came along that the property belonged to
Mr. Bowie, who was the brother-in-law of our friend Mr. Eev
erdy Johnson, of Baltimore, asking them to see that no further
harm was done. Soon after we left the house I saw some
negroes carrying away furniture which manifestly belonged to
the house, and compelled them to carry it back ; and after reach
ing camp that night, at Hard Times, I sent a wagon back to

1863.] VICKSBURG. 821
Bowie's plantation, to bring up to Dr. Hollingsworth's house
the two portraits for safe keeping ; but before the wagon had
reached Bowie's the house was burned, whether by some of our
men or by negroes I have never learned.
At the river there was a good deal of scrambling to get
across, because the means of ferriage were inadequate ; but by
the aid of the Forest Queen and several gunboats I got my com
mand across during the 7th of May, and marched out to Han-
kinson's Ferry (eighteen miles), relieving General Crocker's
division of McPherson's corps. McClernand's corps and Mc
Pherson's were still ahead, and had fought the battle of Port
Gibson, on the 11th. I overtook General Grant in person at
Auburn, and he accompanied my corps all the way into Jack
son, which we reached May 14th. McClernand's corps had
been left in observation toward Edwards's Ferry. McPherson
had fought at Baymond, and taken the left-hand road toward
Jackson, via Clinton, while my troops were ordered by General
Grant 'n person to take the right-hand road leading through
Mississippi Springs. We reached Jackson at the same time ;
McPherson fighting on the Clinton road, and my troops fighting
just outside the town, on the Eaymond road, where we captured
three entire field-batteries, and about two hundred prisoners of
war. The rebels, under General Joe Johnston, had retreated
through the town northward on the Canton road. Generals Grant,
McPherson, and I, met in the large hotel facing the State-House,
where the former explained to us that he had intercepted dis
patches from Pemberton to Johnston, which made it important
for us to work smart to prevent a junction of their respective
forces. McPherson was ordered to march back early the next
day on the Clinton road to make junction with McClernand,
and I was ordered to remain one day to break up railroads, to
destroy the arsenal, a f oundery, the cotton-factory of the Messrs.
Green, etc., etc., and then to follow McPherson,
McPherson left Jackson early on the 15th, and General Grant
during the same day. I kept my troops busy in tearing up
railroad-tracks, etc., but early on the morning of the 16th re
ceived notice from General Grant that a battle was imminent
21

322 VICKSBURG. [1863.
near Edwards's Depot ; that he wanted me to dispatch one ot
my divisions immediately, and to follow with the other as soon
as I had completed the work of destruction. Steele's division
started immediately, and later in the day I followed with the
other division (Turtle's). Just as I was leaving Jackson, a very
fat man came to see me, to inquire if his hotel, a large, frame-
building near the depot, were doomed to be burned. I told him
we had no intention to burn it, or any other house, except tbe
machine-shops, and such buildings as could easily be converted
to hostile uses. He professed to be a law-abiding Union man,
and I remember to have said that this fact was manifest from
the sign of his hotel, which was the " Confederate Hotel ; "
the sign " United States " being faintly painted out, and " Con
federate " painted over it ! I remembered that hotel, as it was
the supper-station for the New Orleans trains when I used to
travel the road before the war. I had not the least purpose,
however, of burning it, but, just as we were leaving the town, it
burst out in flames and was burned to the ground. I never
found out exactly who set it on fire, but was told that in one of
our batteries were some officers and men who had been made
prisoners at Shiloh, with Prentiss's division, and had been carried
past Jackson in a railroad-train ; they had been permitted by the
guard to go to this very hotel for supper, and had nothing to
pay but greenbacks, which were refused, with insult, by this
same law-abiding landlord. These men, it was said, had quietly
and stealthily applied the fire underneath the hotel just as we
were leaving the town.
About dark we met General Grant's staff -officer near Bolton
Station, who turned us to the right, with orders to push on to
Vicksburg by what was known as the upper Jackson Eoad,
which crossed the Big Black at Bridgeport. During that day
(May 16th) the battle of Champion Hills had been fought and
won by McClernand's and McPherson's corps, aided by one
division of mine (Blair's), under the immediate command of
General Grant ; and McPherson was then following the mass
of Pemberton's army, disordered and retreating toward Vicks
burg by the Edwards's Ferry road. General Blair's division had

1863.] VICKSBURG. 333
come up from the rear, was temporarily attached to McCler
nand's corps, taking part with it in the battle of Champion
Hills, but on the 17th it was ordered by General Grant across
to Bridgeport, to join me there.
Just beyond Bolton there was a small hewn-log house,
standing back in a yard, in which was a well ; at this some of
our soldiers were drawing water. I rode in to get a drink, and,
seeing a book on the ground, asked some soldier to hand it to
me. It was a volume of the Constitution of the United States,
and on the title-page was written the name of Jefferson Davis.
On inquiry of a negro, I learned that the place belonged to the
then President of the Southern Confederation. His brother
Joe Davis's plantation was not far off ; one of my staff-officers
went there, with a few soldiers, and took a pair of carriage-
horses, without my knowledge at the time. He found Joe
Davis at home, an old man, attended by a young and affection
ate niece ; but they were overwhelmed with grief to see their
country overrun and swarming with Federal troops.
We pushed on, and reached the Big Black early, Blair's
troops having preceded us by an hour or so. I found General
Blair in person, and he reported that there was no bridge across
the Big Black ; that it was swimming-deep ; and that there was
a rebel force on the opposite side, intrenched. He had ordered
a detachment of the Thirteenth United States Eegulars, under
Captain Charles Ewing, to strip some artillery-horses, mount the
men, and swim the river above the ferry, to attack and drive
away the party on the opposite bank. I did not approve of this
risky attempt, but crept down close to the brink of the river-
bank, behind a corn-crib belonging to a plantation-house near by,
and saw the parapet on the opposite bank. Ordering a section of
guns to be brought forward by hand behind this corn-crib, a few
well-directed shells brought out of their holes the httle party
that was covering the crossing, viz., a lieutenant and ten men,
who came down to the river-bank and surrendered. Blair's pon
toon-train was brought up, consisting of India-rubber boats, one
of which was inflated, used as a boat, and brought over the
prisoners. A pontoon-bridge was at once begun, finished by

324 VICKSBURG. [1863.
night, and the troops began the passage. After dark, the
whole scene was lit up with fires of pitch-pine. General Grant
joined me there, and we sat on a log, looking at the passage of
the troops by the light of those fires ; the bridge swayed to and
fro under the passing feet, and made a fine war-picture. At
daybreak we moved on, ascending the ridge, and by 10 a. m. the
head of my column, long drawn out, reached the Benton road,
and gave us command of the peninsula between the Yazoo and
Big Black. I dispatched Colonel Swan, of the Fourth Iowa
Cavalry, to Haines's Bluff, to capture that battery from the rear,
and he afterward reported that he found it abandoned, its gar
rison having hastily retreated into Yicksburg, leaving their guns
partially disabled, a magazine full of ammunition, and a hospital
full of wounded and sick men. Colonel Swan saw one of our
gunboats lying about two miles below in the Yazoo, to which he
signaled. She steamed up, and to its commander the cavalry
turned over the battery at Haines's Bluff, and rejoined me in
front of Yicksburg. Allowing a couple of hours for rest and to
close up the column, I resumed the march straight on Yicks
burg. About two miles before reaching the forts, the road
forked ; the left was the main Jackson road, and the right was
the " graveyard " road, which entered Vicksburg near a large
cemetery. General Grant in person directed me to take
the right-hand road, but, as McBherson had not yet got up
from the direction of the railroad-bridge at Big Black, I sent
the Eighth Missouri on the main Jackson road, to push the
rebel skirmishers into town, and to remain until relieved by
McPherson's advance, which happened late that evening, May
18th. The battalion of the Thirteenth United States Eeg
ulars, commanded by Captain Washington, was at the head of
the column on the right-hand road, and pushed the rebels close
behind their parapets ; one of my staff, Captain Pitzman,
receiving a dangerous wound in the hip, which apparently
disabled him for life. By night Blair's whole division had
closed up against the defenses of Vicksburg, which were found
to be strong and well manned ; and, on General Steele's head of
column arriving, I turned it still more to the right, with orders to

1863.] VICKSBURG. 325
work its way down the bluff, so as to make connection with our
fleet in the Mississippi Eiver. There was a good deal of desul
tory fighting that evening, and a man was killed by the side of
General Grant and myself, as we sat by the road-side looking
at Steele's division passing to the right. General Steele's men
reached the road which led from Vicksburg up to Haines*s Bluff,
which road lay at the foot of the hills, and intercepted some
prisoners and wagons which were coming down from Haines's
Bluff. All that night McPherson's troops were arriving by the
main Jackson road, and McClernand's by another near the rail
road, deploying forward as fast as they struck the rebel works.
My corps (the Fifteenth) had the right of the line of invest
ment ; McPherson's (the Seventeenth) the centre ; and McCler
nand's (the Thirteenth) the left, reaching from the river above
to the railroad below. Our lines connected, and invested about
three-quarters of the land-front of the fortifications of Yicksburg.
On the supposition that the garrison of Yicksburg was demoral
ized by the defeats at Champion Hills and at the railroad cross
ing of the Big Black, General Grant ordered an assault at our
respective fronts on the 19th. My troops reached the top of the
parapet, but could not cross over. The rebel parapets were strong
ly manned, and the enemy fought hard and well. My loss was
pretty heavy, falling chiefly on the Thirteenth Eegulars, whose
commanding officer, Captain Washington, was killed, and several
other regiments were pretty badly cut up. We, however, held
the ground up to the ditch till night, and then drew back only
a short distance, and began to counter-lrench. On the grave
yard road, our parapet was within less than fifty yards of the
rebel ditch.
On the 20th of May, General Grant called the three corps
commanders together, viz., McClernand, McPherson, and Sher
man. We compared notes, and agreed that the assault of the
day before had failed, by reason of the natural strength of the
position, and because we were forced by the nature of the
ground to limit our attacks to the strongest parts of the ene
my's line, viz., where the three principal roads entered the citv

326 VICKSBURG. [1863.
It was not a council of war, but a mere consultation, resulting
in orders from General Grant for us to make all possible prepa
rations for a renewed assault on the 22d, simultaneously, at 10
a. m. I reconnoitred my front thoroughly in person, from
right to left, and concluded to make my real attack at the right
flank of the bastion, where the graveyard road entered the
enemy's intrenchments, and at another point in the curtain about
a hundred yards to its right (our left) ; also to make a strong
demonstration by Steele's division, about a mile to our right,
toward the river. All our field-batteries were put in posi
tion, and were covered by good epaulements ; the troops were
brought forward, in easy support, concealed by the shape of
the ground ; and to the minute, viz., 10 a. m. of May 22d, the
troops sprang to tbe assault. A small party, that might be
called a forlorn hope, provided with plank to cross the ditch,
advanced at a run, up to the very ditch ; the lines of in
fantry sprang from cover, and advanced rapidly in line of battle.
I took a position within two hundred yards of the rebel para
pet, on the off slope of a spur of ground, where by advancing
two or three steps I could see every thing. The rebel line, con
cealed by the parapet, showed no sign of unusual activity, but as
our troops came in fair view, the enemy rose behind their para
pet and poured a furious fire upon our lines ; and, for about
two hours, we had a severe and bloody battle, but at every
point we were repulsed. In the very midst of this, when shell
and shot fell furious and fast, occurred that little episode which
hasbeen celebrated in song and story, of the boy Orion P. Howe,
badly wounded, bearing me a message for cartridges, calibre 54-,
described in my letter to the Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of
War. This boy was afterward appointed a cadet to the United
States Naval Academy, at Annapolis, but he could not gradu
ate, and I do not now know what has become of him.
After our men had been fairly beaten back from off the para
pet, and had got cover behind the spurs of ground close up to the
rebel works, General Grant came to where I was, on foot, having
left his horse some distance to the rear. I pointed out to him
the rebel works, admitted that my assault had failed, and he said

1868.] VICKSBURG. 327
the result with McPherson and McClernand was about the same.
While he was with me, an orderly or staff-officer came and
handed him a piece of paper, which he read and handed to me.
I think the writing was in pencil, on a loose piece of paper, and
was in General McClernand's handwriting, to the effect that
" his troops had captured the rebel parapet in his front," that
" the flag of the Union waved over the stronghold of Yicks
burg," and asking him (General Grant) to give renewed orders
to McPherson and Sherman to press their attacks on their
respective fronts, lest the enemy should concentrate on him
(McClernand). General Grant said, " I don't believe a word of
it ; " but I reasoned with him, that this note was official, and
must be credited, and I offered to renew the assault at once
with new troops. He said he would instantly ride down the
line to McClernand's front, and if I did not receive orders to
the contrary, by 3 o'clock p. m., I might try it again. Mower's
fresh brigade was brought up under cover, and some changes
were made in Giles Smith's brigade ; and, punctually at 3 p. m.,
hearing heavy firing down along the line to my left, I ordered
the second assault. It was a repetition of the first, equally un
successful and bloody. It also transpired that the same thing
had occurred with General McPherson, who lost in this second
assault some most valuable officers and men, without ade
quate result ; and that General McClernand, instead of having
taken any single point of the rebel main parapet, had only taken
one or two small outlying lunettes open to the rear, where his
men were at the mercy of the rebels behind their main parapet,
and most of them were actually thus captured. This affair
caused great feeling with us, and severe criticisms on General
McClernand, which led finally to his removal from the command
of the Thirteenth Corps, to which General Ord succeeded.
The immediate. cause, however, of General McClernand's re
moval was the publication of a sort of congratulatory order
addressed to his troops, first published in St. Louis, in which
he claimed that he had actually succeeded in making a lodg
ment in Vicksburg, but had lost it, owing to the fact that
McPherson and Sherman did not fulfill their parts of the gen-

328 VICKSBURG. [1863.
eral plan of, attack. This was simply untrue. The two several
assaults made May 22d, on the lines of Vicksburg, had failed,
by reason of the great strength of the position and the de
termined fighting of its garrison. I have since seen the posi
tion at Sevastopol, and without hesitation I declare that at
Yicksburg to have been the more difficult of the two.
Thereafter our proceedings were all in the nature of a siege.
General Grant drew more troops from Memphis, to prolong our
general line to the left, so as completely to invest the place on
its land-side, while the navy held the river both above and
below. General Mower's brigade of Tuttle's division was
also sent across the river to the peninsula, so that by May 31st
Vicksburg was completely beleaguered. Good roads were con
structed from our camps to the several landing-places on the
Yazoo Eiver, to which points our boats brought us ample sup
plies ; so that we were in a splendid condition for a siege, while
our enemy was shut up in a close fort, with a large civil popula
tion of men, women, and children to feed, in addition to his
combatant force. If we could prevent sallies, or relief from
the outside, the fate of the garrison of Yicksburg was merely
a question of time.
I had my headquarters camp close up to the works, near the
centre of my corps, and General Grant had his bivouac behind
a ravine to my rear. We estimated Pemberton's whole force in
Vicksburg at thirty thousand men, and it was well known that
the rebel General Joseph E. Johnston was engaged in collecting
another strong force near the Big Black, with the intention to
attack our rear, and thus to afford Pemberton an opportunity
to escape with his men. Even then the ability of General
Johnston was recognized, and General Grant told me that
he was about the only general on that side whom he feared.
Each corps kept strong pickets well to the rear ; but, as the
rumors of Johnston's accumulating force reached us, General
Grant concluded to take stronger measures. He had received
from the North General J. G. Parkes's corps (Ninth), which
had been posted at Haines's Bluff ; then, detailing one division
from each of the three corps d'armee investing Yicksburg, he

1863.] VICKSBURG. 329
ordered me to go out, take a general command of all, and to
counteract any movement on the part of General Johnston to
relieve Vicksburg. I reconnoitred the whole country, from
Haines's Bluff to the railroad bridge, and posted the troops thus :
Parkes's two divisions from Haines's Bluff out to the Benton or
ridge road ; Tuttle's division, of my corps, joining on and extend
ing to a plantation called Young's, overlooking Bear Creek
valley, which empties into the Big Black above Messinger's
Ferry; then McArthur's division, of McPherson's corps, took
up the line, and reached to Osterhaus's division of McCler
nand's corps, which held a strong fortified position at the rail
road-crossing of the Big Black Eiver. I was of opinion that, if
Johnston should cross the Big Black, he could by the favorable
nature of the country be held in check till a concentration could
be effected by us at the point threatened. From the best informa
tion we could gather, General Johnston had about thirty or forty
thousand men. I took post near a plantation of one Trible,
near Markham's, and frequently reconnoitred the whole line, and
could see the enemy engaged in like manner, on the east side of
Big Black ; but he never attempted actually to cross over,
except with some cavalry, just above Bear Creek, which
was easily driven baek. I was there from June 20th to the
4th of July. In a small log-house near Markham's was the
family of Mr. Klein, whose wife was the daughter of Mrs.
Day,. of New Orleans, who in turn was the sister of Judge T.
W. Bartley, my brother-in-law. I used frequently to drop in
and take a meal with them, and Mrs. Klein was generally
known as the general's cousin, which doubtless saved her and
her family from molestation, too common on the part of our
men. One day, as I was riding the line near a farm known as Par
son Fox's, I heard that the family of a Mr. Wilkinson, of New
Orleans, was " refugeeing " at a house near by. I rode up, in
quired, and found two young girls of that name, who said they
were the children of General Wilkinson, of Louisiana, and that
their brother had been at the Military School at Alexandria.
Inquiring for their mother. I was told she was spending the day

330 VICKSBURG. [1863.
at Parson Fox's. As this house was on my route, I rode there,
went through a large gate into the yard, followed by my
staff and escort, and found quite a number of ladies sitting
on the porch. I rode up and inquired if that were Parson Fox's.
The parson, a fine-looking, venerable old man, rose, and said that
he was Parson Fox. I then inquired for Mrs. Wilkinson,
when an elderly lady answered that she was the person. I
asked her if she were from Plaquemine Parish, Louisiana, and she
said she was. I then inquired if she had a son who had been a
cadet at Alexandria when General Sherman was superintendent,
and she answered yes. I then announced myself, inquired after
the boy, and she said he was inside of Yicksburg, an artillery
lieutenant. I then asked about her husband, whom I had
known, when she burst into tears, and cried out in agony, " You
killed him at Bull Eun, where he was fighting for his country ! "
I disclaimed killing anybody at Bull Eun ; but all the women
present (nearly a dozen) burst into loud lamentations, which
made it most uncomfortable for me, and I rode away. On the
3d of July, as I sat at my bivouac by the road-side near Trible's,
I saw a poor, miserable horse, carrying a lady, and led by a little
negro boy, coming across a cotton-field toward me ; as they ap
proached I recognized poor Mrs. Wilkinson, and helped her to
dismount. I inquired what had brought her to me in that style,
and she answered that she knew Yicksburg was going to sur
render, and she wanted to go right away to see her boy. I had
a telegraph-wire to General Grant's headquarters, and had heard
that there were symptoms of surrender, but as yet nothing
definite. I tried to console and dissuade her, but she was resolved,
and I could not help giving her a letter to General Grant, ex
plaining to him who she was, and asking him to give her the
earliest opportunity to see her son. The distance was fully
twenty miles, but off she started, and I afterward learned that my
letter had enabled her to see her son, who had escaped unharmed.
Later in the day I got by telegraph General Grant's notice of
the negotiations for surrender ; and, by his directions, gave gen
eral orders to my troops to be ready at a moment's notice to
cross the Big Black, and go for Joe Johnston.

1863.] VICKSBURG. 331
The next day (July 4, 1863) Yicksburg surrendered, and
orders were given for at once attacking General Johnston.
The Thirteenth Corps (General Ord) was ordered to march
rapidly, and cross the Big Black at the railroad-bridge; the
Fifteenth by Messinger's, and the Ninth (General Parkes) by
Birdsong's Ferry — all to converge on Bolton. My corps crossed
the Big Black during the 5th and 6th of July, and marched for
Bolton, where we came in with General Ord's troops ; but the
Ninth Corps was delayed in crossing at Birdsong's. Johnston
had received timely notice of Pemberton's surrender, and was
in full retreat for Jackson. On the 8th all our troops reached
the neighborhood of Clinton, the weather fearfully hot, and
water scarce. Johnston had marched rapidly, and in retreating
had caused cattle, hogs, and sheep, to be driven into the ponds
of water, and there shot down ; so that we had to haul their
dead and stinking carcasses out to use the water. On the 10th
of July we had driven the rebel army into Jackson, where it
turned at bay behind the intrenchments, which had been enlarged
and strengthened since our former visit in May. We closed our
lines about Jackson; my corps (Fifteenth) held the centre, ex
tending from the Clinton to the Eaymondroad; Ord's (Thir
teenth) on the right, reaching Pearl Eiver below the town ; and
Parkes's (Ninth) the left, above the town.
On the 11th we pressed close in, and shelled the town from
every direction. One of Ord's brigades (Lauman's) got too close,
and was very roughly handled and driven back in disorder.
General Ord accused the commander (General Lauman) of having
disregarded his orders, and attributed to him personally the dis
aster and heavy loss of men. He requested his relief, which I
granted, and General Lauman went to the rear, and never re
gained his division. He died after the war, in Iowa, much
respected, as before that time he had been universally esteemed
a most gallant and excellent officer. The weather was fearfully
hot, but we continued to press the siege day and night, using
our artillery pretty freely ; and on the morning of July 17th
the place was found evacuated. General Steele's division was
sent in pursuit as far as Brandon (fourteen miles), but General

332 VICKSBURG. [1863.
Johnston had carried his army safely off, and pursuit in that
hot weather would have been fatal to my command.
Eeporting the fact to General Grant, he ordered me to return,
to send General Parkes's corps to Haines's Bluff, General Ord's
back to Vicksburg, and he consented that I should encamp my
whole corps near the Big Black, pretty much on the same ground
we had occupied before the movement, and with the prospect
of a period of rest for the remainder of the summer. We
reached our camps on the 27th of July.
Meantime, a division of troops, commanded by Brigadier-
General W. Sooy Smith, had been added to my corps. General
Smith applied for and received a sick-leave on the 20th of July;
Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing was assigned to its command ;
and from that time it constituted the Fourth Division of the
Fifteenth Army Corps.
Port Hudson had surrendered to General Banks on the 8th
of July (a necessary consequence of the fall of Yicksburg), and
thus terminated probably the most important enterprise of the
civil war — the recovery of the complete control of the Missis
sippi Eiver, from its source to its mouth — or, in the language
of Mr. Lincoln, the Mississippi went " un vexed to the sea."
I put my four divisions into handsome, clean camps, looking
to health and comfort alone, and had my headquarters in a beau
tiful grove near the house of that same Parson Fox where I
had found the crowd of weeping rebel women waiting for the
fate of their friends in Yicksburg.
The loss sustained by the Fifteenth Corps in the assault of
May 19th, at Yicksburg, was mostly confined to the battalion of
the Thirteenth Eegulars, whose commanding officer, Captain
Washington, was mortally wounded, and afterward died in the
hands of the enemy, which battalion lost seventy-seven men
out of the two hundred and fifty engaged ; the Eighty-third
Indiana (Colonel Spooner), and the One Hundred and Twenty-
seventh Elinois (Lieutenant-Colonel Eldridge), the aggregate
being about two hundred.
In the assaults of the 22d, the loss in the Fifteenth Corps
was about six hundred.

1863.] VICKSBURG. 333
In the attack on Jackson, Mississippi, during the llth-16th
of July, General Ord reported the loss in the Thirteenth Army
Corps seven hundred and sixty-two, of which five hundred and
thirty-three were confined to Lauman's division ; General Parkea
reported, in the Ninth Corps, thirty-seven killed, two hundred
and fifty-eight wounded, and thirty-three missing : total, three
hundred and twenty-eight. In the Fifteenth Corps the loss
was less ; so that, in the aggregate, the loss as reported by me at
the time was less than a thousand men, while we took that mini
ber alone of prisoners.
In General Grant's entire army before Vicksburg, composed
of the Ninth, part of the Sixteenth, and the whole of the Thir
teenth, Fifteenth, and Seventeenth Corps, the aggregate loss, as
stated by Badeau, was —
Killed  1,243
Wounded...:  7,095
Missing  535
Total  8,873
Whereas the Confederate loss, as stated by the same author,
was : Surrendered at Vicksburg  82,000
Captured at Champion Hills  3,000
Captured at Big Black Bridge  2,000
Captured at Port Gibson  2,000
Captured with Loring  4,000
Killed and wounded  10,000
Stragglers  3,000
Total  56,000
Besides which, " a large amount of public property, consisting
of railroads, locomotives, cars, steamers, cotton, guns, muskets,
ammunition, etc., etc., was captured in Vicksburg."
The value of the capture of Vicksburg, however, was not
measured by the list of prisoners, guns, and small-arms, but by
the fact that its possession secured the navigation of the great
central river of the continent, bisected fatally the Southern Con-

334 VICKSBURG. [1863.
federacy, and set the armies which had been used in its conquest
free for other purposes ; and it so happened that the event co
incided as to time with another great victory which crowned our
arms far away, at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. That was a def en
sive battle, whereas ours was offensive in the highest ac jeptation
of the term, and the two, occurring at the same moment of time,
should have ended the war ; but the rebel leaders were mad, and
seemed detenu ined that their people should drink of the very
lowest dregs of the cup of war, which they themselves had
prepared. The campaign of Vicksburg, in its conception and execution,
belonged exclusively to General Grant, not only in the great
whole, but in the thousands of its details. I still retain many
of his letters and notes, all in his own handwriting, prescribing
the routes of march for divisions and detachments, specifying
even the amount of food and tools to be carried along. Many
persons gave his adjutant-general, Eawlins, the credit for these
things, but they were in error ; for no commanding general of an
army ever gave more of his personal attention to details, or wrote
so many of his own orders, reports, and letters, as General Grant.
His success at Vicksburg justly gave him great fame at home
and abroad. The President conferred on him the rank of major-
general in the regular army, the highest grade then existing by
law ; and General McPherson and I shared in his success by
receiving similar commissions as brigadier-generals in the reg
ular army.
But our success at Vicksburg produced other results not so
favorable to our cause' — a general relaxation of effort, and desire
to escape the hard drudgery of camp : officers sought leaves of
absence to visit their homes, and soldiers obtained furloughs and
discharges on the most slender pretexts ; even the General Gov
ernment seemed to relax in its efforts to replenish our ranks
with new men, or to enforce the draft, and the politicians were
pressing their schemes to reorganize or patch up some form of
civil government, as fast as the armies gained partial possession
of the States.
In order to illustrate this peculiar phase of our civil war, I

1863.] VICKSBURG. 335
give at this place copies of certain letters which have not hereto
fore been published : [Private.] Washington, August 29, 1863.
Major- General W. T. Sherman-, Vichsburg, Mississippi.
Mr deak General : The question of reconstruction in Louisiana, Missis
sippi, and Arkansas, will soon come up for decision of the Government, and
not only the length of the war, but our ultimate and complete success, will
depend upon its decision. It is a difficult matter, but I believe it can be
successfully solved, if the President will consult opinions of cool and dis
creet men, who are capable of looking at it in all its bearings and effects.
I think he is disposed to receive the advice of our generals who have been
in these States, and know much more of their condition than gassy politi
cians in Congress. General Banks has written pretty fully on the subject.
I wrote to General Grant, immediately after the fall of Vicksburg, for his
views in regard to Mississippi, but he has not yet answered.
I wish you would consult with Grant, McPherson, and others of cool,
good judgment, and write me your views fully, as I may wish to use them
with the President. You had better write me unofficially, and then your
letter will not be put on file, and cannot hereafter be used against you.
You have been in Washington enough to know how every thing a man
writes or says is picked up by his enemies and misconstrued. With kind
wishes for your further success, I am yours truly, H. W. Halleok.
[Private and Confidential.]
Headquarters, Fifteenth Armt Corps, )
Camp on Bio Black, Mississippi, September IT, 1863. )
H. W. Halleck, Commander-in-Chief, Washington, D. C.
Deak General : I have received your letter of August 29th, and with
pleasure confide to you fully my thoughts on the important matters you
suggest, with absolute confidence that you will use what is valuable, and
reject the useless or superfluous.
That part of the continent of North America known as Louisiana,
Mississippi, and Arkansas, is in my judgment the key to the whole interior.
The valley of the Mississippi is America, and, although railroads have
changed the economy of intercommunication, yet the water-channels still
mark the lines of fertile land, and afford cheap carriage to the heavy prod
ucts of it.
The inhabitants of the country on the Monongahela, the Illinois, the
Minnesota, the Yellowstone, and Osage, are as directly concerned in the
security of the Lower Mississippi as are those who dwell on its "ery hank?

336 VICKSBURG. [1863.
in Louisiana ; and now that the nation has recovered its possession, this
generation of men will make a fearful mistake if they again commit its
charge to a people liable to misuse their position, and assert, as was recently
done, that, because they dwelt on the banks of this mighty stream, they
had a right to control its navigation.
I would deem it very unwise at this time, or for years to come, to
revive the State governments of Louisiana, etc., or to institute in this
quarter any civil government in which the local people have much to say.
They had a government so mild and paternal that they gradually forgot
they had any at all, save what they themselves controlled ; they asserted
an absolute right to seize public moneys, forts, arms, and even to shut up
the natural avenues of travel and commerce. They chose war — they
ignored and denied all the obligations of the solemn contract of govern
ment and appealed to force.
We accepted the issue, and now they begin to realize that war is a two-
edged sword, and it may be that many of the inhabitants cry for peace. I
know them well, and the very impulses of their nature; and to deal with the
inhabitants of that part of the South which borders on the great river, we
must recognize the classes into which they have divided themselves :
First. The large planters, owning lands, slaves, and all kinds of per
sonal property. These are, on the whole, the ruling class. They are edu
cated, wealthy, and easily approached. In some districts they are bitter as
gall, and have given np slaves, plantations, and all, serving in the armies of
the Confederacy ; whereas, in others, they are conservative. None dare
admit a friendship for us, though they say freely that they were at the outset
opposed to war and disunion. I know we can manage this class, but only by
action. Argument is exhausted, and words have lost their usual meaning.
Nothing but the logic of events touches their understanding ; but, of late,
this has worked a wonderful change. If our country were like Europe,
crowded with people, I would say it would be easier to replace this class
than to reconstruct it, subordinate to the policy of the nation ; but, as this
is not the case, it is better to allow the planters, with individual -exceptions,
gradually to recover their plantations, to hire any species of labor, and to
adapt themselves to the new order of things. Still, their friendship and as
sistance to reconstruct order out of the present ruin cannot be depended on.
They watch the operations of our armies, and hope still for a Southern Con
federacy that will restore to them the slaves and privileges which they
feel are otherwise lost forever. In my judgment, we have two more battles
to win before we should even bother our minds with the idea of restoring
civil order — viz., one near Meridian, in November, and one near Shreveport,
in February and March next, when Red River is navigable by our gunboats.
When these are done, then, and not until then, will the planters of Louisi
ana, Arkansas, and Mississippi, submit. Slavery is already gone, and, to cul-

1863.] VICKSBURG. 337
tivate the land, negro or other labor must be hired. This, of itself, is a vast
revolution, and time must be afforded to allow men to adjust their minds
and habits to this new order of things. A civil government of the repre
sentative type would suit this class far less than a pure military rule, readi
ly adapting itself to actual occurrences, and able to enforce its laws and
orders promptly and emphatically.
Second. The smaller farmers, mechanics, merchants, and laborers. This
class will probably number three-quarters of the whole ; have, in fact, no
real interest in the establishment of a Southern Confederacy, and have been
led or driven into war on the false theory that they were to be benefited
somehow — they knew not how. They are essentially tired of the war, and
would slink back home if they could. These are the real tiers etat of the
South, and are hardly worthy a thought ; for they swerve to and fro ac
cording to events which they do not comprehend or attempt to shape.
When the time for reconstruction comes, they will want the old political
system of caucuses, Legislatures, etc., to amuse them and make them believe
they are real sovereigns ; but in all things they will follow blindly the lead
of the planters. The Southern politicians, who understand this class, use
them as the French do their masses — seemingly consult their prejudices,
while they make their orders and enforce them. We should do the same.
Third. The Union men of the South. I must confess I have little re
spect for this class. They allowed a clamorous set of demagogues to muzzle
and drive them as a pack of curs. Afraid of shadows, they submit tamely
to squads of dragoons, and permit them, without a murmur, to burn their
cotton, take their horses, corn, and every thing ; and, when we reach them,
they are full of complaints if our men take a few fence-rails for fire, or corn
to feed our horses. They give us no assistance or information, and are
loudest in their complaints at the smallest excesses of our soldiers. Their
sons, horses, arms, and every thing useful, are in the army against us, and
they stay at home, claiming all the exemptions of peaceful citizens. I ac
count them as nothing in this great game of war.
Fourth. The young bloods of the South : sons of planters, lawyers about
towns, good billiard-players and sportsmen, men who never did work and
never will. War suits them, and the rascals are brave, fine riders, bold to
rashness, and dangerous subjects in every sense. They care not a sou for
niggers, land, or any thing. They hate Yankees per se, and don't bother
their brains about the past, present, or future. As long as they have good
horses, plenty of forage, and an open country, they are happy. This is a
larger class than most men suppose, and they are the most dangerous set of
men that this war has turned loose upon the world. They are splendid
riders, first-rate shots, and utterly reckless. Stewart, John Morgan, Forrest,
and Jackson, are the types and leaders of this class. These men must all be
killed or employed by us before we can hope for peace. They have no prop-
22

338 VICKSBURG. [1863
erty or future, and therefore cannot be influenced by any thing, except per
sonal considerations. I have two brigades of these fellows in my front,
commanded by Cosby, of the old army, and Whitfield, of Texas. Stephen
D. Lee is in command of the whole. I have frequent interviews with
their officers, a good understanding with them, and am inclined to think,
when the resources of their country are exhausted, we must employ them.
They are the best cavalry in the world, but it will tax Mr. Chase's genius for
finance to supply them with horses. At present horses cost them nothing ;
for they take where they find, and don't bother their brains as to who is to
pay for them ; the same may be said of the cornfields, which have, as they
believe, been cultivated by a good-natured people for their special benefit.
We propose to share with them the free use of these cornfields, planted by
willing hands, that will never gather the crops.
Now that I have sketched the people who inhabit the district of country
under consideration, I will proceed to discuss the future.
A civil government now, for any part of it, would be simply ridicu
lous. The people would not regard it, and even the military commanders
of the antagonistic parties would treat it lightly. Governors would be
simply petitioners for military assistance, to protect supposed friendly in
terests, and military commanders would refuse to disperse and weaken their
armies for military reasons. Jealousies would arise between the two con
flicting powers, and, instead of contributing to the end of the war, would
actually defer it. Therefore, I contend that the interests of the United
States, and of the real parties concerned, demand the continuance of the
simple military rule, till after all the organized armies of the South are
dispersed, conquered, and subjugated.
The people of all this region are represented in the Army of Virginia,
at Charleston, Mobile, and Chattanooga. They have sons and relations in
each of the rebel armies, and naturally are interested in their fate. Though
we hold military possession of the key-points of their country, still they con
tend, and naturally, that should Lee succeed in Virginia, or B,ragg at Chat
tanooga, a change will occur here also. We cannot for this reason attempt
to reconstruct parts of the South as we conquer it, till all idea of the establish
ment of a Southern Confederacy is abandoned. We should avail ourselves
of the present lull to secure the strategical points that will give us an ad
vantage in the future military movements, and we should treat the idea of
civil government as one in which we as a nation have a minor or subordi
nate iuterest. The opportunity is good to impress on the population the '
tvuth that they are more interested in civil government than we are ; and
that, to enjoy the protection of laws, they must not be passive observers of
events, but must aid and sustain the constituted authorities in enforcing the
laws ; they must not only submit themselves, but should pay their share of
taxes, and render personal services when called on.

1863.] VICKSBURG. 339
It seems to me, in contemplating the history of the past two years, that
all the people of our country, North, South, East, and West, have been
undergoing a salutary political schooling, learning lessons which might have
been acquired from the experience of other people; but we had all
become so wise in our own conceit that we would only learn by actual ex
perience of our own. The people even of small and unimportant localities,
North as well as South, had reasoned themselves into the belief that their
opinions were superior to the aggregated interest of the whole nation.
Half our territorial nation rebelled, on a doctrine of secession that they
themselves now scout; and a real numercial majority actually believed that
a little State was endowed with such sovereignty that it could defeat the
policy of the great whole. I think the present war has exploded that
notion, and were this war to cease now, the experience gained, though
dear, would be worth the expense.
Another great and important natural truth is still in contest, and can
only be solved by war. Numercial majorities by vote have been our great
arbiter. Heretofore all men have cheerfully submitted to it in questions
left open, but numerical majorities are not necessarily physical majorities.
The South, though numerically inferior, contend they can whip the Northern
superiority of numbers, and therefore by natural law they contend that they
are not.bound to submit. This issue is the only real one, and in my judg
ment all else should be deferred to it. War alone can decide it, and it is
the only question now left for us as a people to decide. Can we whip the
South ? If we can, our numerical majority has both the natural and consti
tutional right to govern them. If we cannot whip them, they contend for
the natural right to select their own government, and they have the argu
ment. Our armies must prevail over theirs; our officers, marshals, and
courts, must penetrate into the innermost recesses of their land, before we
have the natural right to demand their submission.
I would banish all minor questions, assert the broad doctrine that
as a nation the United States has the right, and also the physical power, to
penetrate to every part of our national domain, and that we will do it —
that we will do it in our own time and in our own way; that it makes no
difference whether it be in one year, or two, or ten, or twenty ; that we
will remove and destroy every obstacle, if need be, take every life, every
acre of land, every particle of property, every thing that to us seems
proper ; that we will not cease till the end is attained ; that all who do not
aid us are enemies, and that we will not account to them for our acts. If
the people of the South oppose, they do so at their peril ; and if they stand
by, mere lookers-on in this domestic tragedy, they have no right to immu
nity, protection, or share in the final results.
I even believe and contend further that, in the North, every member of
the nation is bound by both natural and constitutional law to "maintain

340 VICKSBURG. 1 1863.
and defend the Government against all its enemies and opposers whomso
ever." If they fail to do it they are derelict, and can be punished, or de
prived of all advantages arising from the labors of those who do. If any
man, North or South, withholds his share of taxes, or his physical assist
ance in this, the crisis of our history, he should be deprived of all voice in
the future elections of this country, and might be banished, or reduced to
the condition of a mere denizen of the land.
War is upon us, none can deny it. It is not the choice of the Government
of the United States, but of a faction ; the Government was forced to ac
cept the issue, or to submit to a degradation fatal and disgraceful to all the
inhabitants. In accepting war, it should be "pure and simple " as applied
to the belligerents. I would keep it so, till all traces of the war are effaced ;
till those who appealed to it are sick and tired of it, and come to the em
blem of our nation, and sue for peace. I would not coax them, or even
meet them half-way, but make them so sick of war that generations would
pass away before they would again appeal to it.
I know what I say when I repeat that the insurgents of the South sneer
at all overtures looking to their interests. They scorn the alliance with the
Copperheads ; they tell me to my face that they respect Grant, McPherson,
and our brave associates who fight manfully and well for a principle, but
despise the Copperheads and sneaks at the North, who profess friendship
for the South and opposition to the war, as mere covers for their knavery
and poltroonery.
God knows that I deplore this fratricidal war as much as any man living,
but it is upon us, a physical fact ; and there is only one honorable issue
from it. We must fight it out, army against army, and man against man ;
and I know, and you know, and civilians begin to realize the fact, that
reconciliation and reconstruction will be easier through and by means of
strong, well-equipped, and organized armies than through any species of
conventions that can be framed. The issues are made, and all discussion is
out of place and ridiculous. The section of thirty-pounder Parrott rifles
now drilling before my tent is a more convincing argument than the largest
Democratic meeting the State of New York can possibly assemble at Al
bany ; and a simple order of the War Department to draft enough men to
fill our skeleton regiments would be more convincing as to our national per
petuity than an humble pardon to Jeff. Davis and all his misled host.
The only government needed or deserved by the States of Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Mississippi, now exists in Grant's army. This needs, simply,
enough privates to fill its ranks ; all else will follow in due season. This
army has its well-defined code of laws and practice, and can adapt itself to
the wants and necessities of a city, the country, the rivers, the sea, indeed
to all parts of this land. It better subserves the interest and policy of the
General Government, and the people here prefer it to any weak or ser-

1863.] VICKSBURG. 341
vile combination that would at once, from force of habit, revive and perpet
uate local prejudices and passions. The people of this country have for
feited all right to a voice in the councils of the nation. They know it and
feel it, and in after-years they wrill be the better citizens from the dear-
bought experience of the present crisis. Let them learn now, and learn it
well, that good citizens must obey as well as command. Obedience to law,
absolute — yea, even abject — is the lesson that this war, under Providence,
will teach the free and enlightened American citizen. As a nation, we shall
be the better for it.
I never have apprehended foreign interference in our family quarrel.
Of course, governments founded on a different and it may be an antago
nistic principle with ours naturally feel a pleasure at our complications, and,
it may be, wish our downfall; but in the end England and France will join
with us in jubilation at the triumph of constitutional government over
faction. Even now the English manifest this. I do not profess to under
stand Napoleon's design in Mexico, and I do not see that his taking military
possession of Mexico concerns us. We have as much territory now as we
want. The Mexicans have failed in self-government, and it was a question
as to what nation she should fall a prey. That is now solved, and I don't
see that we are damaged. We have the finest part of the North American
Continent, all we can people and can take care of; and, if we can suppress
rebellion in our own land, and compose the strife generated by it, we shall
have enough people, resources, and wealth, if well combined, to defy in
terference from any and every quarter.
I therefore hope the Government of the United States will continue, as
heretofore, to collect, in well-organized armies, the physical strength of
the nation ; applying it, as heretofore, in asserting the national authority ;
and in persevering, without relaxation, to the end. This, whether near or
far off, is not for us to say ; but, fortunately, we' have no choice. We must
succeed — no other choice is left us except degradation. The South must be
ruled by us, or she will rule us. We must conquer them, or ourselves be
conquered. There is no middle course. They ask, and will have, nothing
else, and talk of compromise is bosh ; for we know they would even scorn
the offer.
I wish the war could have been deferred for twenty years, till the
superabundant population of the North could flow in and replace the losses
sustained by war ; but this could not be, and we are forced to take things
as they are.
All therefore I can now venture to advise is to raise the draft to its
maximum, fill the present regiments to as large a standard as possible,
and push the war, pure and simple. Great attention should be paid to
the discipline of our armies, for on them may be founded tbe future sta
bility of the Government.

342 VICKSBURG. [1863,
The cost of the war is, of course, to be considered, but finances will
adjust themselves to the actual state of affairs; and, even if we would, we
could not change the cost. Indeed, the larger the cost now, the less will
it be in the end; for the end must be attained somehow, regardless of
loss of life and treasure, and is merely a question of time.
Excuse so long a letter. With great respect, etc.,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.
General Halleck, on receipt of this letter, telegraphed me
that Mr. Lincoln had read it carefully, and had instructed him
to obtain my consent to have it published. At the time, I pre
ferred not to be drawn into any newspaper controversy, and so
wrote to General Halleck ; and the above letter has never been,
to my knowledge, published ; though Mr. Lincoln more than
once referred to it with marks of approval.
Headquarters Fifteenth Army Corps, I
Camp on Bio Black, September 17, 1863. )
Brigadier -General J. A. Rawlins, Acting Assistant Adjutant -General,
Vicksburg.
Dear General: I inclose for your perusal, and for you to read to
General Grant such parta as you deem interesting, letters received by me
from Prof. Mahan and General Halleck, with my answers. After you have
read my answer to General Halleck, I beg you to inclose it to its address,
and return me the others.
I think Prof. Mahan's very marked encomium upon the campaign of
Vicksburg is so flattering to General Grant, that you may offer to let him
keep the letter, if he values such a testimonial. I have never written a
word to General Halleck since my report of last December, after the affair
at Chickasaw, except a short letter a few days ago, thanking him for the
kind manner of his transmitting to me the appointment of brigadier-general.
I know that in Washington I am incomprehensible, because at the outset
of the war I would not go it blind and rush headlong into a war unprepared
and with an utter ignorance of its extent and purpose. I was then con
strued unsound; and now that I insist on war pure and simple, with no
admixture of civil compromises, I am supposed vindictive. You remember
what Polonius said to his son Laertes: "Beware of entrance to a quarrel;
but, being in, bear it, that the opposed may beware of thee." What is true
of the single man, is equally true of a nation. Our leaders seemed at first
to thirst for the quarrel, willing, even anxious, to array against us all pos
sible elements of opposition ; and now, being in, they would hasten to quit
long before the "opposed" has received that lesson which he needs. I

1863.] VICKSBURG. 343
would make this war as severe as possible, and show no symptoms of tiring
till the South begs for mercy; indeed, I know, and you know, that the end
would be reached quicker by such a course than by any seeming yielding
on our part. I don't want our Government to be bothered by patching up
local governments, or by trying to reconcile any class of men. The South
has done her worst, and now is the time for us to pile on our blows thick
and fast.
Instead of postponing the draft till after the elections, we ought now to
have our ranks full of drafted men ; and, at best, if they come at all, they will
reach us when we should be in motion.
I think General Halleck would like to have the honest, candid opinions
of all of us, viz., Grant, McPherson, and Sherman. I have given mine, and
would prefer, of course, that it should coincide with the others. Still, no
matter what my opinion may be, I can easily adapt my conduct to the
plans of others, and am only too happy when I find theirs better than
mine. If no trouble, please show Halleck's letter to McPherson, and ask him
to write also. I know his regiments are like mine (mere squads), and need
filling up. Yours truly, W. T. Sherman, Major-General.

CHAPTER XIII.
CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.
JULY TO DECEMBER, 1863.
Aptee the fall of Vicksburg, and its corollary, Port Hud
son, the Mississippi Kiver was wholly in the possession of the
Union forces, and formed a perfect line of separation in the ter
ritories of our opponents. Thenceforth, they could not cross it
save by stealth, and the military affairs on its west bank be
came unimportant. Grant's army had seemingly completed its
share of the work of war, and lay, as it were, idle for a time. In
person General Grant went to New Orleans to confer with Gen
eral Banks, and his victorious army was somewhat dispersed.
Parke's corps (Ninth) returned to Kentucky, and afterward
formed part of the Army of the Ohio, under General Burnside ;
Ord's corps (Thirteenth) was sent down to Natchez, and gradu
ally drifted to New Orleans and Texas ; McPherson's (Seven
teenth) remained in and near Vicksburg; Hurlbut's (Sixteenth)
was at Memphis ; and mine (Fifteenth) was encamped along the
Big Black, about twenty miles east of Vicksburg. This corps
was composed of four divisions : Steele's (the First) was posted
at and near the railroad-bridge ; Blair's (the Second), next in
order, near Parson Fox's ; the Third Division (Tuttle's) was
on the ridge about the head of Bear Creek ; and the Fourth
(Ewing's) was at Messinger's Ford. My own headquarters
were in tents in a fine grove of old oaks near Parson Fox's
house, and the battalion of the Thirteenth Eegulars was the
neadquarters guard.
All the camps were arranged for health, comfort, rest, and

1868.J CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 345
drill. It being midsummer, we did not expect any change till
the autumn months, and accordingly made ourselves as .comfort
able as possible. There was a short railroad in operation from
Vicksburg to the bridge across the Big Black, whence supplies
in abundance were hauled to our respective camps. With a
knowledge of this fact Mrs. Sherman came down from Ohio
with Minnie, Lizzie, Willie, and Tom, to pay us a visit in our
camp at Parson Fox's. Willie was then nine years old, was
well advanced for his years, and took the most intense interest
in the affairs of the army. He was a great favorite with the
soldiers, and used to ride with me on horseback in the numer
ous drills and reviews of the time. He then had the promise
of as long a life as any of my children, and displayed more in
terest in the war than any of them. He was called a "ser
geant" in the regular battalion, learned the manual of arms,
and regularly attended the parade and guard-mounting of the
Thirteenth, back of my camp. We made frequent visits to
Vicksburg, and alwa}rs stopped with General McPherson, who
had a large house, and boarded with a family (Mrs. Edwards's) in
which were several interesting young ladies. General Grant
occupied another house (Mrs. Lum's) in Vicksburg during that
summer, and also had his family with him. The time passed
very agreeably, diversified only by little events of not much
significance, among which I will recount only one.
While we occupied the west bank of the Big Black, the
east bank was watched by a rebel cavalry-division, commanded
by General Armstrong. He had four brigades, commanded by
Generals Whitfield, Stark, Cosby, and Wirt Adams. Quite fre
quently they communicated with us by flags of truce on trivial
matters, and we reciprocated, merely to observe them. One day
a flag of truce, borne by a Captain B  , of Louisville, Kentucky,
escorted by about twenty-five men, was reported at Messinger's
Ferry, and I sent orders to let them come right into my tent.
This brought them through the camps of the Fourth Division,
and part of the Second ; and as they drew up in front of my
tent, I invited Captain B  and another officer with him (a
ma-jor from Mobile) to dismount, to enter my tent, and to make

346 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863
themselves at home. Their escort was sent to join mine, with
orders to furnish them forage and every thing they wanted.
B  had brought a sealed letter for General Grant at Vicks
burg, which was dispatched to him. In the evening we had a
good supper, with wine and cigars, and, as we sat talking, B 
spoke of his father and mother, in Louisville, got leave to write
them a long letter without its being read by any one, and
then we talked about the war. He said: "What is the use
of your persevering ? It is simply impossible to subdue eight
millions of people ; " asserting that " the feeling in the South
had become so embittered that a reconciliation was impossible."
I answered that, "sitting as we then were, we appeared very
comfortable, and surely there was no trouble in our becoming
friends." " Tes," said he, " that is very true of us, but we are
gentlemen of education, and can easily adapt ourselves to any
condition of things ; but this would not apply equally well to the
common people, or to the common soldiers." I took him out to
the camp-fires behind the tent, and there were the men of his
escort and mine mingled together, chinking their coffee, and
happy as soldiers always seem. I asked B  what he thought
of that, and he admitted that I had the best of the argument.
Before I dismissed this flag of truce, his companion consulted
me confidentially as to what disposition he ought to make of his
family, then in Mobile, and I frankly gave him the best advice
I could. While we were thus lying idle in camp on the Big Black,
the Army of the Cumberland, under General Roseerans, was
moving against Bragg at Chattanooga ; and the Army of the
Ohio, General Burnside, was marching toward East Tennessee.
General Roseerans was so confident of success that he some
what scattered his command, seemingly to surround and cap
ture Bragg in Chattanooga; but the latter, reenforced from
Virginia, drew out of Chattanooga, concentrated his army at
Lafayette, and at Chickamauga fell on Roseerans, defeated
him, and drove him into Chattanooga. The whole country
seemed paralyzed by this unhappy event ; and the authorities in
Washington were thoroughly stampeded. From the East the

1863.] CHATTANOOGA aTO KNOXVILLE. 347
Eleventh Corps (Slocum), and the Twelfth Coips (Howard),
were sent by rail to Nashville, and forward under command of
General Hooker ; orders were also sent to General Grant, by
Halleck, to send what reenf orcements he could spare immedi
ately toward Chattanooga.
Bragg had completely driven Rosecrans's army into Chatta
nooga; the latter was in actual danger of starvation, and the
railroad to his rear seemed inadequate to his supply. The first
intimation which I got of this disaster was on the 22d of Sep
tember, by an order from General Grant to dispatch one of my
divisions immediately into Vicksburg, to go toward Chattanooga,
and I designated the First, General Osterhaus — Steele mean
time having been appointed to the command of the Department
of Arkansas, and had gone to Little Rock. General Osterhaus
marched the same day, and on the 23d I was summoned to
Vicksburg in person, where General Grant showed me the
alarming dispatches from General Halleck, which had been sent
from Memphis by General Hurlbut, and said, on further
thought, that he would send me and my whole corps. But, inas
much as one division of McPherson's corps (John E. Smith's)
had already started, he instructed me to leave one of my di
visions on the Big Black, and to get the other two ready to fol
low at once. I designated the Second, then commanded by
Brigadier-General Giles A. Smith, and the Fourth, commanded
by Brigadier-General Corse.
On the 25th I returned to my camp on Big Black, gave all
the necessary orders for these divisions to move, and for the
Third (Tuttle's) to remain, and went into Vicksburg with mj
family. The last of my corps designed for this expedition
started from camp on the 27th, reached Vicksburg the 28th,
and were embarked on boats provided for them. General
Halleck's dispatches dwelt upon the fact that General Rose
crans's routes of supply were overtaxed, and that we should
move from Memphis eastward, repairing railroads as we pro
gressed, as far as Athens, Alabama, whence I was to report to
General Roseerans, at Chattanooga, by letter.
I took passage for myself and family in the steamer Atlan-

348 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
lie, Captain Henry McDougall. When the boat was ready to
start, Willie was missing. Mrs. Sherman supposed him to have
been with me, whereas I supposed he was with her. An offi
cer of the Thirteenth went up to General McPherson's house
for him, and soon returned, with Captain Clift leading him,
carrying in his hands a small double-barreled shot-gun ; and I
joked him about carrying away captured property. In a short
time we got off. As we all stood on the guards to look at our old
camps at Young's Point, I remarked that Willie was not well,
and he admitted that he was sick. His mother put him to bed,
and consulted Dr. Roler, of the Fifty-fifth Illinois, who found
symptoms of typhoid fever. The river was low ; we made slow
progress till above Helena ; and, as we approached Memphis,
Dr. Roler told me that Willie's life was in danger, and he was
extremely anxious to reach Memphis for certain medicines and
for consultation. We arrived at Memphis on the 2d of October,
carried Willie up to the Gayoso Hotel, and got the most experi
enced physician there, who acted with Dr. Roler, but he sank
rapidly, and died the evening of the 3d of October. The blow
was a terrible one to us all, so sudden and so unexpected, that
I could not help reproaching myself for having consented to his
visit in that sickly region in the summer-time. Of all my chil
dren, he seemed the most precious. Born in San Francisco, I
had watched with intense interest his . development, and he
seemed more than any of the children to take an interest in
my special profession. Mrs. Sherman, Minnie, Lizzie, and
Tom, were with him at the time, and we all, helpless and over
whelmed, saw him die. Being in the very midst of an impor
tant military enterprise, I had hardly time to pause and think
of my personal loss. We procured a metallic casket, and had
a military funeral, the battalion of the Thirteenth United States
Regulars acting as escort from the Gayoso Hotel to the steam
boat Grey Eagle, which conveyed him and my family up to
Cairo, whence they proceeded to our home at Lancaster, Ohio,
where he was buried. I here give my letter to Captain C. C.
Smith, who commanded the battalion at the time, as exhibiting
our intense f eelings :

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 349
Gayoso House, Memphis, Tennessee, j
October 4, 1863 — Midnight. j
Captain C. C. Smith, commanding Battalion Thirteenth United States
Regulars.
Mt dear Friend : I cannot sleep to-night till I record an expression of
the deep feelings of my heart to you, and to the officers and soldiers of the
battalion, for their kind behavior to my poor child. I realize that you all
feel for my family the attachment of kindred, and I assure you of full
reciprocity. Consistent with a sense of duty to my profession and office, I could not
leave my post, and sent for the family to come to me in that fatal climate,
and in that sickly period of the year, and behold the result ! The child
that bore my name, and in whose future I reposed with more confidence
than I did in my own plan of life, now floats a mere corpse, seeking a grave
in a distant land, with a weeping mother, brother, and sisters, clustered
about him. Eor myself, I ask no sympathy. On, on I must go, to meet a
soldier's fate, or live to see our country rise superior to all factions, till its
flag is adored and respected by ourselves and by all the powers of the earth.
But Willie was, or thought he was, a sergeant in the Thirteenth. I
have seen his eye brighten, his heart beat, as he beheld the battalion under
arms, and asked me if they were not real soldiers. Child as he was, he had
the enthusiasm, the pure love of truth, honor, and love of country," which
should animate all soldiers.
God only knows why he should die thus young. He is dead, but will
not be forgotten till those who knew him in life have followed him to that
same mysterious end.
Please convey to the battalion my heart-felt thanks, and assure each and
all that if in after-years they call on me or mine, and mention that they
were of the Thirteenth Regulars when Willie was a sergeant, they will
have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has ; that we
will share with them our last blanket, our last crust ! Your friend,
W. T. Sherman, Major-General.
Long afterward, in the spring of 1867, we had his body dis
interred and brought to St. Louis, where he is now buried in a
beautiful spot, in Calvary Cemetery, by the side of another
child, " Charles," who was born at Lancaster, in the summer of
1864, died early, and was buried at Notre Dame, Indiana. His
body was transferred at the same time to the same spot. Over
Willie's grave is erected a beautiful marble monument, designed
and executed by the officers and soldiers of that battalion which
claimed him as a sergeant and comrade.

350 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
During the summer and fall of 1S63 Major-General S. A.
Hurlbut was in command at Memphis. He supplied me copies
of all dispatches from Washington, and all the information he
possessed of the events about Chattanooga. Two of these dis
patches cover all essential points :
Washington City, September 15, 1863 — 5 p. ii.
Major-General S. A. Hurlbut, Memphis:
All the troops that can possibly be spared in West Tennessee and on the
Mississippi River should be sent without delay to assist General Roseerans
on the Tennessee River.
Urge Sherman to act with all possible promptness.
If you have boats, send them down to bring up his troops.
Information just received indicates that a part of Lee's army has been
sent to reenforce Bragg. H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief.
Washington, September 19, 1863 — £ p. a..
Major-General S. A. Hurlbut, Memphis, Tennessee:
Give me definite information of the number of troops sent toward
Decatur, and where -they are. Also, what other troops are to follow, and
when. Has any thing been heard from the troops ordered from Vicksburg ?
No efforts must be spared to support Resecrans's right, and to guard the
crossings of the Tennessee River. H. W. Halleck, General-in- Chief.
My special orders were to repair the Memphis & Charles
ton Railroad eastward as I progressed, as far as Athens, Ala
bama, to draw supplies by that route, so that, on reaching
Athens, we should not be dependent on the roads back to Nash
ville, already overtaxed by the demand of Rosecrans's army.
On reaching Memphis, October 2d, I found that Osterhaus's
division had already gone by rail as far as Corinth, and that
John E. Smith's division was in the act of starting by cars.
The Second Division, then commanded by Brigadier-General
Giles A. Smith, reached Memphis at the same time with me ;
and the Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General
John M. Corse, arrived a clay or two after. The railroad was in

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 351
fair condition as far as Corinth, ninety-six miles, but the road
was badly stocked with locomotives and cars, so that it took
until the 9th to get off the Second Division, when I gave or
ders for the Fourth Division and wagon-trains to march by the
common road.
On Sunday morning, October 11th, with a special train
loaded with our orderlies and clerks, the horses of our staff, the
battalion of the Thirteenth United States Regulars, and a few
officers going forward to join their commands, among them
Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing, I started for Corinth.
At Germantown, eight miles, we passed Corse's division
(Fourth) on the march, and about noon the train ran by the
depot at Colliersville, twenty-six miles out. I was in the rear
car with my staff, dozing, but observed the train slacking speed
and stopping about half a mile beyond the depot. I noticed
some soldiers running to and fro, got out at the end of the car,
and soon Colonel Anthony (Sixty-sixth Indiana), who com
manded the post, rode up and said that his pickets had just
been driven in, and there was an appearance of an attack by a
large force of cavalry coming from the southeast. . I ordered
the men to get off the train, to form on the knoll near the
railroad-cut, and soon observed a rebel officer riding toward us
with a white flag. Colonel Anthony and Colonel Dayton (one
of my aides) were sent to meet him, and to keep him in con
versation as long as possible. They soon returned, saying it
was the adjutant of the rebel general Chalmers, who demanded
the surrender of the place. I instructed them to return and
give a negative answer, but to delay him as much as possible,
so as to give us time for preparation. I saw Anthony, Day
ton, and the rebel bearer of the flag, in conversation, and the
latter turn his horse to ride back, when I ordered Colonel Mc
Coy to run to the station, and get a message over the wires as
quick as possible to Memphis and Germantown, to hurry forward
Corse's division. I then ordered the train to back to the depot,
and drew back the battalion of regulars to the small earth re
doubt near it. The depot-building was of brick, and had been
punctured with loop-holes. To its east, about two hundred

352 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
yards, was a small square earthwork or fort, into which were
put a part of the regulars along with the company of the Sixty-
sixth Indiana already there. The rest of the men were dis
tributed into the railroad-cnt, and in some shallow rifle-trenches
near the depot. We had hardly made these preparations when
the enemy was seen forming in a long line on the ridge to the
south, about four hundred yards off, and soon after two parties
of cavalry passed the railroad on both sides of us, cutting the
wires and tearing up some rails. Soon they opened on us with
artillery (of which we had none), and their men were dismount
ing and preparing to assault. To the south of us was an ex
tensive cornfield, with the corn still standing, and on the other
side was the town of Colliersville. All the houses near, that
could give shelter to the enemy, were ordered to be set on fire,
and the men were instructed to keep well under cover and to re
serve their fire for the assault, which seemed inevitable. A long
line of rebel skirmishers came down through the cornfield, and
two other parties approached us along the railroad on both sides.
In the fort was a small magazine containing some cartridges.
Lieutenant James, a fine, gallant fellow, who was ordnance-officer
on my staff, asked leave to arm the orderlies and clerks with
some muskets which he had found in the depot, to which I con
sented ; he marched them into the magazine, issued cartridges,
and marched back to the depot to assist in its defense. After
ward he came to me, said a party of the enemy had got into the
woods near the depot, and was annoying him, and he wanted to
charge and drive it away. I advised him to be extremely cau
tious, as our enemy vastly outnumbered us, and had every ad
vantage in position and artillery; but instructed him, if they
got too near, he might make a sally. Soon after, I heard a
rapid fire in that quarter, and Lieutenant James was brought
in on a stretcher, with a ball through his breast, which I sup
posed to be fatal.1 The enemy closed down on us several times,
1 After the fight we sent him back to Memphis, where his mother and father
came from their home on the North River to Burse him. Young James was recov
ering from his wound, but was afterward killed by a fall from his horse, near his
home, when riding with tbe daughters of Mr. Hamilton Fish, now Secretary of State.

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 353
and got possession of the rear of our train, from whicli they
succeeded in getting five of our horses, among them my favorite
mare Dolly ; but our men were cool and practised shots (with
great experience acquired at Vicksburg), and drove them back.
With their artillery they knocked to pieces our locomotive and
several of the cars, and set fire to the train ; but we managed to
get possession again, and extinguished the fire. Colonel Auden-
reid, aide-de-camp, was provoked to find that his valise of nice
shirts had been used to kindle the fire. The fighting continued
all round us for three or four hours, when we observed signs
of drawing off, which I attributed to the rightful cause, the
rapid approach of Corse's division, which arrived about dark,
having marched the whole distance from Memphis, twenty-six
miles, on the double-quick. The next day we repaired damages
to the railroad and locomotive, and went on to Corinth.
At Corinth, on the 16th, I received the following important
dispatches : Memphis, October 14, 1863 — 11 A. it.
Arrived this morning. Will be off in a few hours. My orders are only
to go to Cairo, and report from there by telegraph. McPherson will be
in Canton to-day. He will remain there until Sunday or Monday next,
and reconnoitre as far eastward as possible with cavalry, in the mean time.
U. S. Grant, Major-General.
Washington, October 14, 1863 — 1 p. M.
Major- General W. T. Sherman, Corinth :
Tours of the 10th is received. The important matter to be attended to
is that of supplies. Wben Eastport can he reached by boats, the use of the
railroad can be dispensed with ; but until that time it must be guarded as
far as used. The Kentucky Railroad can barely supply General Roseerans.
All these matters must be left to your judgment as circumstances may arise.
Should the enemy be so strong as to prevent your going to Athens, or
connecting with General Roseerans, you will nevertheless have assisted
him greatly by drawing away a part of the enemy's forces.
H. W. Halleck, Major-General.
On the 18th, with my staff and a small escort, I rode forward
to Burnsville, and on the 19th to luka, where, on the next day,
I was most agreeably surprised to hear of the arrival at Eastport
23

354 CHATTANOOGA AND -KNOXVILLE. ri863.
(only ten miles off) of two gunboats, under the command of
Captain Phelps, which had been sent up the Tennessee River
by Admiral Porter, to help us.
Satisfied that, to reach Athens and to communicate with Gen
eral Roseerans, we should have to take the route north of the
Tennessee River, on the 24th I ordered the Fourth Division to
cross at Eastport with the aid of the gunboats, and to move to
Florence. About the same time, I received the general orders
assigning General Grant to command the Military Division of
the Mississippi, authorizing him, on reaching Chattanooga, tc
supersede General Roseerans by General George H. Thomas,
with other and complete authority, as set forth in the following
letters of General Halleck, which were sent to me by General
Grant ; and the same orders devolved on me the command of
the Department and Army of the Tennessee. Headqdakters op the Abmy, )
Washington, D. C, October 16, 1863. j
Major-General U. S. Grant, Louisville.
General : You will receive herewith the orders of the President of the
United States, placing you in command of the Departments of the Ohio,
Cumberland, and Tennessee. The organization of these departments will
be changed as you may deem most practicable. You will immediately pro
ceed to Chattanooga, and relieve General Roseerans. You can communi
cate with Generals Burnside and Sherman by telegraph. A summary of
the orders sent to these officers will be sent to you immediately. It is left
optional with you to supersede General Roseerans by General G. H. Thomas
or not. Any other changes will be made on your request by telegram.
One of the first objects requiring your attention is the supply of your
armies. Another is the security of the passes in the Georgia mountains,
to shut out the enemy from Tennessee and Kentucky. You will consult
with General Meigs and Colonel Scott in regard to transportation and sup
plies. Should circumstances permit, I will visit you personally in a few days
for consultation. H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief
Headquarters op the Aemy, )
,, . _ , _ Washington, D. C, October 20, 18S3. )
Major-General Grant, Louisville.
General : In compliance with my promise, I now proceed to give you

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 355
a brief statement of the objects aimed at by General Roseerans and Gen
eral Burnside's movement into East Tennessee, and of the measures directed
to be taken to attain these objects.
It has been the constant desire of the government, from the beginning
of the war, to rescue the loyal inhabitants of East Tennessee from the
hands of the rebels, who fully appreciated the importance of continuing
their hold upon that country. In addition to the large amount of agricult
ural products drawn from the upper valley of the Tennessee, they also
obtained iron and other materials from the vicinity of Chattanooga. The
possession of East Tennessee would cut off one of their most important rail
road communications, and threaten their manufactories at Rome, Atlanta,
etc. When General Buell was ordered into East Tennessee in the summer of
1862, Chattanooga was comparatively unprotected; but Bragg reached
there before Buell, and, by threatening his communications, forced him to
retreat on Nashville and Louisville. Again, after the battle of Perryville,
General Buell was urged to pursue Bragg's defeated army, and drive it from
East Tennessee. The same was urged upon his successor, but the lateness
of the season or other causes prevented further operations after the hattie
of Stone River.
Last spring, when your movements on the Mississippi River had drawn
out of Tennessee a large force of the enemy, I again urged General Rose
erans to take advantage of that opportunity to carry out his projected plan
of campaign, General Burnside heing ready to cooperate, with a diminished
but still efficient force. But he could not be persuaded to act in time, pre
ferring to lie still till your campaign should be terminated. I represented
to him, but without avail, that by this delay Johnston might he able to
reenforce Bragg with the troops then operating against you.
When General Roseerans finally determined to advance, he was allowed
to select his own lines and plans for carrying out the objects of the expedi
tion. He was directed, however, to report his movements daily, till he
crossed the Tennessee, and to connect his left, so far as possible, with Gen
eral Burnside's right. General Burnside was directed to move simultane
ously, connecting his right, as far as possible, with General Rosecrans's left,
so that, if the enemy concentrated upon either army, the other could move
to its assistance. When General Burnside reached Kingston and Knoxville,
and found no considerable number of the enemy in East Tennessee, he was
instructed to move down the river and cooperate with General Roseerans.
These instructions were repeated some fifteen times, but were not car
ried out, General Burnside alleging as an excuse that he believed that
Bragg was' in retreat, and that General Roseerans needed no reenforce-
ments. When the latter had gained possession of Chattanooga he was di
rected not to move on Rome as he proposed, but simply to hold the moun-

356 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
tain-passes, so as to prevent the ingress of the rebels into East Tennessee.
That object accomplished, I considered the campaign as ended, at least for
the present. Future operations would depend upon the ascertained strength
and movements of the enemy. In other words, the main objects of the
campaign were the restoration of East Tennessee to the Union, and by
holding the two extremities of the valley to secure it from rebel invasion.
The moment I received reliable information of the departure of Long-
street's corps from the Army of the Potomac, I ordered forward to General
Roseerans every available man in the Department of the Ohio, and again
urged Genera] Burnside to move to his assistance. I also telegraphed to
Generals Hurlbut, Sherman, and yourself, to send forward all available
troops in your department. If these forces had been sent to General
Roseerans by Nashville, they could not have been supplied; I therefore di
rected them to move by Corinth and the Tennessee River. The necessity
of this has been proved by the fact that the reinforcements sent to him from
the Army of the Potomac have not been able, for the want of railroad trans
portation, to reach General Rosecrans's army in the field.
In regard to the relative strength of the opposing armies, it is believed
that General Roseerans when he first moved against Bragg had double, if
not treble, his force. General Burnside, also, had more than double the
force of Buekner; and, even when Bragg and Buekner united, Rosecrans's
army was very greatly superior in number. Even the eighteen thousand
men sent from Virginia, under Longstreet, would not have given the enemy
the superiority. It is now ascertained that the greater part of the prisoners
parolled by you at Vicksburg, and General Banks at Port Hudson, were
illegally and improperly declared exchanged, and forced into the ranks to
swell the rebel numbers at Chickamauga. This outrageous act, in viola
tion of the laws of war, of tbe cartel entered into by the rebel authorities,
and of all sense of honor, gives us a useful lesson in regard to the character
of the enemy with whom we are contending. He neither regards the rules
of civilized warfare, nor even his most solemn engagements. You may,
therefore, expect to meet in arms thousands of unexchanged prisoners re
leased by you and others on parole, not to serve again till duly exchanged.
Although the enemy by this disgraceful means has been able to concen
trate in Georgia and Alabama a much larger force than we anticipated, your
armies will be abundantly able to defeat him. Your difficulty wrill not be
in the want of men, but in the means of supplying them at this season of
the year. A single-track railroad can supply an army of sixty or seventy
thousand men, with the usual number of cavalry and artillery ; but beyond
that number, or with a large mounted force, the difficulty of supply is very
great. I do not know the present condition of the road from Nashville to De
catur, but, if practicable to repair it, the use of that triangle will be of

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 357
great assistance to you. I hope, also, that the recent rise of water in the
Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers will enable you to employ water trans
portation to Nashville, Eastport, or Florence.
If you reoccupy the passes of Lookout Mountain, which should never
have been given up, you will be able to use the railroad and river from
Bridgeport to Chattanooga. This seems to me a matter of vital importance,
and should receive your early attention.
I submit this summary in the hope that it will assist you in fully under
standing the objects of the campaign, and the means of attaining these ob
jects. Probably the Secretary of War, in his interviews with you at Louis
ville, has gone over the same ground.
Whatever measures you may deem proper to adopt under existing cir
cumstances, you will receive all possible assistance from the authorities at
Washington. You have never, heretofore, complained that such assistance
has not been afforded you in your operations, and I think you will have no
cause of complaint in your present campaign. Very respectfully, your obe
dient servant, H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief.
General Frank P. Blair, who was then ahead with the two
divisions of Osterhaus and John E. Smith, was temporarily as
signed to the command of the Fifteenth Corps. General Hurl
but remained at Memphis in command of the Sixteenth Corps,
and General McPherson at Vicksburg with the Seventeenth.
These three corps made up the Army of the Tennessee.
I was still busy in pushing forward the repairs to the rail
road-bridge at Bear Creek, and in patching up the many breaks
between it and Tuscumbia, when on the 27th of October, as I sat
on the porch of a house, I was approached by a dirty, black-
haired individual with mixed dress and strange demeanor, who
inquired for me, and, on being assured that I was in fact the
man, he handed me a letter from General Blair at Tuscumbia,
and another short one, which was a telegraph-message from
General Grant at Chattanooga, addressed to me through General
George Crook, commanding at Huntsville, Alabama, to this
effect :
Drop all work on Memphis & Charleston Railroad, cross the Tennessee,
and hurry eastward with all possible dispatch toward Bridgeport, till you
meet further orders from me. U. S. Grant.
The bearer of this message was Corporal Pike, who de-

358 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863
scribed to me, in his pecuhar way, that General Crook had
sent him in a canoe ; that he had paddled down the Tennessee
River, over Muscle Shoals, was fired at all the way by guerrillas,
but on reaching Tuscumbia he had providentially found it in
possession of our troops. He had reported to General Blair,
who sent him on to me at luka. This Pike proved to be a
singular character ; his manner attracted my notice at once, and
I got him a horse, and had him travel with us eastward to
about Elkton, whence I sent him back to General Crook at
Huntsville ; butt told him, if I could ever do him a personal
service, he might apply to me. The next spring when I was in
Chattanooga, preparing for the Atlanta campaign, Corporal Pike
made his appearance and asked a fulfillment of my promise. I
inquired what he wanted, and he said he wanted to do some
thing bold, something that would make him a hero. I explained
to him, that we were getting ready to go for Joe Johnston at
Dalton, that I expected to be in the neighborhood of Atlanta
about the 4th of July, and wanted the bridge across the Savan
nah River at Augusta, Georgia, to be burnt about that time, to
produce alarm and confusion behind the rebel army. I ex
plained to Pike that the chances were three to one that he
would be caught and hanged ; but the greater the danger the
greater seemed to be his desire to attempt it. I told him to
select a companion, to disguise himself as an East Tennessee
refugee, work his way over the mountains into North Carolina,
and at the time appointed to float down the Savannah River
and burn that bridge. In a few days he had made his prepara
tions and took his departure. The bridge was not burnt, and
I supposed that Pike had been caught and hanged.
When we reached Columbia, South Carolina, in February,
1865, just as we were leaving the town, in passing near the
asylum, I heard my name called, and saw a very dirty fellow
followed by a file of men running toward me, and as they got
near I recognized Pike. He called to me to identify him as
one of my men ; he was then a prisoner under guard, and I in
structed the guard to bring him that night to my camp some
fifteen miles up the road, which was done. Pike gave me a

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 359
graphic narrative of his adventures, whicli would have filled a
volume ; told me how he had made two attempts to burn the
bridge, and failed ; and said that at the time of our entering
Columbia he was a prisoner in the hands of the rebels, under
trial for his life, but in the confusion of their retreat he made
his escape and got into our lines, where he was again made
a prisoner by our troops because of his looks. Pike got some
clothes, cleaned up, and I used him afterward to communicate
with Wilmington, North Carolina. Some time after the war,
he was appointed a lieutenant of the Regular Cavalry, and was
killed in Oregon, by the accidental discharge of a pistol. Just
before Ms death he wrote me, saying that he was tired of the
monotony of garrison-life, and wanted to turn Indian, join the
Cheyennes on the Plains, who were then giving us great trouble,
and, after he had gained their confidence, he would betray them
into our hands. Of course I wrote him that he must try,and
settle down and become a gentleman as well as an officer, apply
himself to his duties, and forget the wild desires of his nature,
which were well enough in time of war, but not suited to his
new condition as an officer ; but, poor fellow ! he was killed
by an accident, which probably saved him from a slower but
harder fate.
At luka I issued all the orders to McPherson and Hurlbut
necessary for the Department of the Tennessee during my
absence, and, further, ordered the collection of a force out of
the Sixteenth Corps, of about eight thousand men, to be com
manded by General G. M. Dodge, with orders to follow as far
east as Athens, Tennessee, there to await instructions. We
instantly discontinued all attempts to repair the Charleston
Railroad; and the remaining three divisions of the Fifteenth
Corps marched to Eastport, crossed the Tennessee River by the
aid of the gunboats, a ferry-boat, and a couple of transports
which had come up, and hurried eastward.
In person I crossed on the 1st of November, and rode for
ward to Florence, where I overtook Ewing's division. The other
divisions followed rapidly. On the road to Florence I was ac
companied by my staff, some clerks, and mounted orderlies.

360 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.

jor Ezra Taylor was chief of artillery, and one of his sons
was a clerk at headquarters. The latter seems to have dropped
out of the column, and gone to a farm-house near the road.
There was no organized force of the rebel army north of the
Tennessee River, but the country was full of guerrillas. A party
of these pounced- down on the farm, caught young Taylor and
another of the clerks, and after reaching Florence, Major Tay
lor heard of the capture of his son, and learned that when last
seen he was stripped of his hat and coat, was tied to the tail-
hoard of a wagon, and driven rapidly to the north of the road
we had traveled. The major appealed to me to do something
for his rescue. I had no cavalry to send in pursuit, but know
ing that there was always an understanding between these
guerrillas and their friends who staid at home, I sent for three
or four of the principal men of Florence (among them a Mr.
Foster, who had once been a Senator in Congress), explained to
them the capture of young Taylor and his comrade, and de
manded their immediate restoration. They, of course, remon
strated, denied all knowledge of the acts of these guerrillas, and
claimed to be peaceful citizens of Alabama, residing at home. I
insisted that these guerrillas were their own sons and neighbors ;
that they knew their haunts, and could reach them if they
wanted, and they could effect the restoration to us of these men ;
and I said, moreover, they must do it within twenty-four hours,
or I would take them, strip them of their hats and coats, and tie
them to the tail-boards of our wagons till they were produced.
They sent off messengers at once, and young Taylor and his
comrade were brought back the next day.
Resuming our march eastward by the large road, we soon
reached Elk River, which was wide and deep, and could only be
crossed by a ferry, a process entirely too slow for the occasion ;
so I changed the route more by the north, to Elkton, Winchester,
and Deckerd. At this point we came in communication with
the Army of the Cumberland, and by telegraph with General
Grant, who was at Chattanooga. He reiterated his orders for me
and my command to hurry forward with all possible dispatch, and
in person I reached Bridgeport during the night of November

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXvlLLE. 361
13th, my troops following behind by several roads. At Bridge
port I found a garrison guarding the railroad-bridge and pon
toon-bridge there, and staid with the quartermaster, Colonel
Wilham G. Le Due (who was my school-mate at How's School
in 1836). There I received a dispatch from General Grant, at
Chattanooga, to come up in person, leaving my troops to follow
as fast as possible. At that time there were two or three small
steamboats on the river, engaged in carrying stores up as far as
Kelly's Ferry. In one of these I took passage, and on reaching
Kelly's Ferry found orderlies, with one of General Grant's pri
vate horses, waiting for me, on which 1 rode into Chattanooga,
November 14th. Of course, I was heartily welcomed by Gen
erals Grant, Thomas, and all, who realized the extraordinary
efforts we had made to come to their rehef.
The next morning we walked out to Fort Wood, a prom
inent salient of the defenses of the place, and from its parapet
we had a magnificent view of the panorama. Lookout Moun
tain, with its rebel flags and batteries, stood out boldly, and an
occasional shot fired toward Wauhatchee or Moccasin Point gave
life to the scene. These shots could barely reach Chattanooga,
and I was told that one or more shot had struck a hospital inside
the lines. All along Missionary Ridge were the tents of the
rebel beleaguering force ; the lines of trench from Lookout up
toward the Chickamauga were plainly visible ; and rebel senti
nels, in a continuous chain, were walking their posts in plain
view, not a thousand yards off. " Why," said I, " General
Grant, you are besieged ; " and he said, " It is too true." Up
to that moment I had no idea that things were so bad. The
rebel lines actually extended from the river, below the town, to
the river above, and the Army of the Cumberland ,was closely
held to the town and its immediate defenses. General Grant
pointed out to me a house on Missionary Ridge, where General
Bragg's headquarters were known to be. He also explained
the situation of affairs generally ; that the mules and horses of
Thomas's army were so starved that they could not haul his
guns ; that forage, corn, and provisions, were so scarce that the
men in hunger stole the few grains of corn that were given to

362 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863
favorite horses ; that the men of Thomas's army had been so
demoralized by the battle of Chickamauga that he feared they
could not be got out of their trenches to assume the offensive ;
that Bragg had detached Longstreet with a considerable force
up into East Tennessee, to defeat and capture Burnside ; that
Burnside was in danger, etc. ; and that he (Grant) was ex
tremely anxious to attack Bragg in position, to defeat him, or
at least to force him to recall Longstreet. The Army of the
Cumberland had so long been in the trenches that he wanted
my troops to hurry up, to take the offensive first ; after which,
he had no doubt the Cumberland army would fight well. Mean
time the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, under General Hooker,
had been advanced from Bridgeport along the railroad to Wau-
hatchee, but could not as yet pass Lookout Mountain. A pon
toon-bridge had been thrown across the Tennessee River at
Brown's Ferry, by which supplies were hauled into Chattanooga
from Kelly's and Wauhatchee.
Another bridge was in course of construction at Chattanooga,
under the immediate direction of Quartermaster-General Meigs,
but at the time all wagons, etc., had to be ferried across by a fly
ing-bridge. Men were busy and hard at work everywhere in
side our lines, and boats for another pontoon-bridge were being
rapidly constructed under Brigadier-General W. F. Smith, famil
iarly known as " Baldy Smith," and this bridge was destined to be
used by my troops, at a point of the river about four miles above
Chattanooga, just below the mouth of the Chickamauga River.
General Grant explained to me that he had reconnoitred the rebel
line from Lookout Mountain up to Chickamauga, and he believed
that the northern portion of Missionary Ridge was not fortified
at all ; and he wanted me, as soon as my troops got up, to lay the
new pontoon-bridge by night, cross over, and attack Bragg's
right flank on that part of the ridge abutting on Chickamauga
Creek, near the tunnel; and he proposed that we should go at
once to look at the ground. In company with Generals Thomas
W. F. Smith, Brannan, and others, we crossed by the flying-
bridge, rode back of the hills some four miles, left our horses,
and got on a hill overlooking the whole ground about the

1863., CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 363
mouth of the Chickamauga River, and across to the Missionary
HiUs near the tunnel. Smith and I crept down behind a fringe
of trees that lined the river-bank, to the very point selected for
the new bridge, where we sat for some time, seeing the rebel
pickets on the opposite bank, and almost hearing their words.
Having seen enough, we returned to Chattanooga; and in
order to hurry up my command, on which so much depended, I
started back to Kelly's in hopes to catch the steamboat that same
evening ; but on my arrival the boat had gone. I applied to the
commanding officer, got a rough boat manned by four soldiers,
and started down the river by night. I occasionally took a turn
at the oars to relieve some tired man, and about midnight we
reached Shell Mound, where General Whittaker, of Kentucky,
furnished us a new and good crew, with which we reached
Bridgeport by daylight. I started Ewing's division in advance,
with orders to turn aside toward Trenton, to make the enemy
believe we were going to turn Bragg' s left by pretty much the
same road Roseerans had followed ; but with the other three
divisions I followed the main road, via the Big Trestle at White-
sides, and reached General Hooker's headquarters, just above
Wauhatchee, on the 20th ; my troops strung all the way back
to Bridgeport. It was on this occasion that the Fifteenth Corps
gained its peculiar badge : as the men were trudging along the
deeply-cut, muddy road, of a cold, drizzly day, one of our West
ern soldiers left his ranks and joined a party of the Twelfth
Corps at their camp-fire. They got into conversation, the
Twelfth- Corps men asking what troops we were, etc., etc. In
turn, our fellow (who had never seen a corps-badge, and noticed
that every thing was marked with a star) asked if they were all
brigadier-generals. Of course they were not, but the star was
their corps-badge, and every wagon, tent, hat, etc., had its star.
Then the Twelfth-Corps men inquired what corps he belonged
to, and he answered, " The Fifteenth Corps." " What is your
badge?" "Why," said he (and he was an Irishman), suiting
the action to the word, "forty rounds in the cartridge-box,
and twenty in the pocket ! " At that time Blair commanded
the corps; but Logan succeeded soon after, and, hearing the

364 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
story, adopted the cartridge-box and forty rounds as the corps-
badge. The condition of the roads was such, and the bridge at
Brown's so frail, that it was not until the 23d that we got three
of my divisions behind the hills near the point indicated above
Chattanooga for crossing the river. It was determined to be
gin the battle with these three divisions, aided by a division of
Thomas's army, commanded by General Jeff. C. Davis, that was
already near that point. AU the details of the battle of Chatta
nooga, so far as I was a witness, are so fully given in my offi
cial report herewith, that I need add nothing to it. It was a
magnificent battle in its conception, in its execution, and in its
glorious results ; hastened somewhat'by the supposed danger of
Burnside, at KnoxviUe, yet so completely successful, that noth
ing is left for cavil or faultrfinding. The first day was lowering
and overcast, favoring us greatly, because we wanted to be con
cealed from Bragg, whose position on the mountain-tops com
pletely overlooked us and our movements. The second day
was beautifully clear, and many a time, in the midst of its car
nage and noise, I could not help stopping to look across that
vast field of battle, to admire its sublimity.
The object of General Hooker's and my attacks on the ex
treme flanks of Bragg's position was, to disturb him to such an
extent, that he would naturally detach from his centre as against
us, so that Thomas's army could break through his centre. The
whole plan succeeded admirably ; but it was not until after dark
that I learned the complete success at the centre, and received
General Grant's orders to pursue on the north side of Chicka
mauga Creek, Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, I
Chattanooga, Tennessee, November 25, 1863. )
Major- General Shekman.
Geneeal : No doubt you witnessed the handsome manner in which
Thomas's troops carried Missionary Ridge this afternoon, and can feel a just
pride, too, in the part taken by the forces under your command in taking
first so much of the same range of hills, and then in attracting the attention
of so many of the enemy as to make Thomas's part certain of success. The
next thing now will be to relieve Burnside. I have heard from him to the

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 365
evening of the 23d. At that time he had from ten to twelve days' supplies,
and spoke hopefully of being able to hold out that length of time.
My plan is to move your forces out gradually until they reach the rail
road between Cleveland and Dalton. Granger will move up the south side
of the Tennessee with a column of twenty thousand men, taking no wagons,
or but few, with him. His men will carry four days' rations, and the steamer
Chattanooga, loaded with rations, will accompany the expedition.
I take it for granted that Bragg's entire force has left. If not, of course,
the first thing is to dispose of him. If he has gone, the only thing neces
sary to do to-morrow will be to send out a reconnoissance to ascertain the
whereabouts of the enemy. Yours truly, U. S. Gbant, Major-General.
P. S. — On reflection, I think we will push Bragg with all our strength
to-morrow, and try if we cannot cut off a good portion of his rear troops
and trains. His men have manifested a strong disposition to desert for
some time past, and we will now give them a chance. I will instruct
Thomas accordingly. Move the advance force early, on the most easterly
road taken by the enemy. U. S. G.
This compelled me to reverse our column, so as to use the
bridge across the Chickamauga at its mouth. The next day
we struck the rebel rear at Chickamauga Station, and again near
Graysville. There we came in contact with Hooker's and
Palmer's troops, who had reached Ringgold. There I detached
Howard to cross Taylor's Ridge, and strike the railroad whicli
comes from the north by Cleveland to Dalton. Hooker's troops
were roughly handled at Ringgold, and the pursuit was checked.
Receiving a note from General Hooker, asking help, I rode for
ward to Ringgold to explain the movement of Howard ; where
I met General Grant, and learned that the rebels had again re
treated toward Dalton. He gave orders to discontinue the pur
suit, as he meant to turn his attention to General Burnside,
supposed to be in great danger at Knoxville, about one hundred
and thirty miles northeast. General Grant returned and spent
part of the night with me, at Graysville. We talked over mat
ters generally, and he explained that he had ordered General
Gordon Granger, with the Fourth Corps, to move forward rap
idly to Burnside's help, and that he must return to Chattanooga
to push him. By reason of the scarcity of food, especially of

366 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
forage, he consented that, instead of going back, I might keep
out in the country ; for in motion I could pick up some forage
and food, especially on the Hiawassee River, whereas none re
mained in Chattanooga.
Accordingly, on the 29th of November, my several columns
marched to Cleveland, and the next day we reached the Hia
wassee at Charleston, where the Chattanooga & Knoxville Rail
road crosses it. The railroad-bridge was partially damaged by
the enemy in retreating, but we found some abandoned stores.
There and thereabouts I expected some rest for my weary
troops and horses ; but, as I rode into town, I met Colonel J.
H. Wilson and C. A. Dana (Assistant Secretary of War), who
had ridden out from Chattanooga to find me, with the follow
ing letter from General Grant, and copies of several dispatches
from General Burnside, the last which had been received from
him by way of Cumherland Gap :
Headquarters Military Division op the Mississippi, )
Chattanooga, Tennessee, November 29, 1863. j
Major- General W. T. Shekman :
News are received from Knoxville to the morning of the 27th. At that
time the place was still invested, but the attack on it was not vigorous.
Longstreet evidently determined to starve the garrison out. Granger is on
the way to Burnside's relief, but I have lost all faith in his energy or capac
ity to manage an expedition of the importance of this one. I am inclined to
think, therefore, I shall have to send you. Push as rapidly as you can to
the Hiawassee, and determine for yourself what force to take with you from
that point. Granger has his corps with him, from which you will select
in conjunction with the force now with you. In plain words, you will
assume command of all the forces now moving up the Tennessee, includ
ing the garrison at Kingston, and from that force organize what you deem
proper to relieve Burnside. The balance send back to Chattanooga. Gran
ger has a boat loaded with provisions, which you can issue, and return the
boat. I will have another loaded, to follow you. Use, of course, as spar
ingly as possible from the rations taken with you, and subsist off the coun
try all you can.
It is expected that Foster is moving, by this time, from Cumberland
Gap on Knoxville. I do not know what force he will have with him, but
presume it will range from three thousand five hundred to five thousand.
I leave this matter to you, knowing that you will do better acting upon

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 3^7
your discretion than you could trammeled with instructions. I will only
add, that the last advices from Burnside himself indicated his ability to hold
out with rations only to about the 3d of December.
Very respectfully, U. S. Geant, Major-General commanding.
This showed that, on the 27th of November, General Burn
side was in Knoxville, closely besieged by the rebel General
Longstreet ; that his provisions were short, and that, unless re
lieved by December 3d, he might have to surrender. Gen
eral Grant further wrote that General Granger, instead of mov
ing with great rapidity as ordered, seemed to move " slowly,
and with reluctance ; " and, although he (General Grant) hated
to call on me and on my tired troops, there was no alternative.
He wanted me to take command of every thing within reach,
and to hurry forward to Knoxville.
All the details of our march to Knoxville are also given in
my official report. By extraordinary efforts Long's small bri
gade of cavalry reached Knoxville during the night of the 3d,
purposely to let Burnside know that I was rapidly approaching
with an adequate force to raise the siege.
With the head of my infantry column I reached Marysville,
about fifteen miles short of Knoxville, on the 5th of Decem
ber, when I received official notice from Burnside that Long-
street had raised the siege, and had started in retreat up the
valley toward Virginia. Halting aU the army, except Granger's
two divisions, on the morning of the 6th, with General Gran
ger and some of my staff I rode into Knoxville. Approaching
from the south and west, we crossed the Holston on a pontoon-
bridge, and in a large pen on the Knoxville side I saw a fine
lot of cattle, which did not look much like starvation. I found
General Burnside and staff domiciled in a large, fine mansion,
looking very comfortable, and in a few words he described to
me the leading events of the previous few days, and said
he had already given orders looking to the pursuit of Long-
street. I offered to join in the pursuit, though in fact my men
were worn out, and suffering in that cold season and climate.

368 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
Indeed, on our way up I personally was almost frozen, and had
to beg leave to sleep in the house of a family at Athens.
Burnside explained to me that, reenforced by Granger's two
divisions of ten thousand men, he would be able to push Long-
street out of East Tennessee, and he hoped to capture much of his
artillery and trains. Granger was present at our conversation,
and most unreasonably, I thought, remonstrated against being
left ; complaining bitterly of what he thought was hard treatment
to his men and himself. I know that his language and manner
at that time produced on my mind a bad impression, and it was
one of the causes which led me to relieve him as a corps com
mander in the campaign of the next spring. I asked General
Burnside to reduce his wishes to writing, which he did in the
letter of December 7th, embodied in my official report. Gen
eral Burnside and I then walked along his lines and examined
the salient, known as Fort Sanders, where, some days before,
Longstreet had made his assault, and had sustained a bloody
repulse. Returning to Burnside's quarters, we all sat down to a good
dinner, embracing roast-turkey. There was a regular dining-
table, with clean table-cloth, dishes, knives, forks, spoons, etc.,
etc. I had seen nothing of this kind in my field experience,
and could not help exclaiming that I thought " they were starv
ing," etc. ; but Burnside explained that Longstreet had at no
time completely invested the place, and that he had kept open
communication with the country on the south side of the river
Holston, more especially with the French Broad settlements,
from whose Union inhabitants he had received a good supply of
beef, bacon, and corn-meal. Had I known of this, I should not
have hurried my men so fast ; but until I reached Knoxville I
thought our troops there were actually in danger of starvation.
Having supplied General Burnside all the help he wanted, we
began our leisurely return to Chattanooga, which we reached on
the 16th ; when General Grant in person ordered me to restore
to General Thomas the divisions of Howard and Davis, which
belonged to his army, d,nd to conduct my own corps (the Fif
teenth) to North Alabama for winter-quarters.

1863.J CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 3b'9
Headquarters Department and Army or the Tennessee, )
Bridgeport, Alabama, December 19, 1863. J
Brigadier- General John A. Rawlins, Chief of Staff to General Geant,
Chattanooga.
General : For the first time, I am now at leisure to make an official
record of events with which the troops under my command have been con
nected during the eventful campaign which has just closed.
During the month of September last, the Fifteenth Army Corps, which
I had the honor to command, lay in camps along the Big Black, about
twenty miles east of Vicksburg, Mississippi. It consisted of four divisions.
The First, commanded by Brigadier-General P. J. Osterhaus, was com
posed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-General C. R. Woods and Colonel
J. A. Williamson (of the Fourth Iowa).
The Second, commanded by Brigadier-General Morgan L. Smith, was
composed of two brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals Giles A. Smith and J.
A. J. Lightburn.
The Third, commanded by Brigadier-Gen eralJ. M. Tuttle, was composed
of three brigades, led by Brigadier-Generals J. A. Mower and R. P. Buck-
land, and Colonel J. J. Wood (of the Twelfth Iowa).
The Fourth, commanded by Brigadier-General Hugh Ewing, was com
posed of three brigades, led by Brigadier-General J. M. Corse, Colonel
Loomis (Twenty-sixth Illinois), and Colonel J. R. Cockerill (of the Seven
tieth Ohio).
On the 22d day of September I received a telegraphic dispatch from
General Grant, then at Vicksburg, commanding the Department of the
Tennessee, requiring me to detach one of my divisions to march to Vicks
burg, there to 'embark for Memphis, where it was to form a part of an army
to be sent to Chattanooga, to reenforce General Roseerans. I designated
the First Division, and at 4 p. m. the same day it marched for Vicksburg,
and embarked the next day.
On the 23d of September I was summoned to Vicksburg by the general
commanding, who showed me several dispatches from the general-in-chief,
which led him to suppose he would have to send me and my whole corps
to Memphis and eastward, and I was instructed to prepare for such orders.
It was explained to me that, in consequence of the low stage of water in the
Mississippi, boats had arrived irregularly, and had brought dispatches that
seemed to conflict in their meaning, and that General John E. Smith's divi
sion (of General McPherson's corps) had been ordered up to Memphis, and '
that I should take that division and leave one of my own in its stead, to
hold the line of tbe Big Black. I detailed my third division (General Tuttle)
to remain and report to Major-General McPherson, commanding the Seven
teenth Corps, at Vicksburg ; and that of General John E. Smith, already
started for Memphis, was styled the Third Division, Fifteenth Corps, though
24

370 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
it still belongs to the Seventeenth Army Corps. This division is also com
posed of three brigades, commanded by General Matthias, Colonel J. B.
Raum (of the Fifty-sixth Illinois), and Colonel J. I. Alexander (of the Fifty-
ninth Indiana).
The Second and Fourth Divisions were started for Vicksburg the mo
ment I was notified that boats were in readiness, and on the 27th of Sep
tember I embarked in person in the steamer Atlantic, for Memphis, fol
lowed by a fleet of boats conveying these two divisions. Our progress
was slow, on account of the unprecedentedly low water in the Missis
sippi, and the scarcity of coal and wood. We were compelled at places to
gather fence-rails, and to land wagons and haul wood from the interior to
the boats ; but I reached Memphis during the night of the 2d of October,
and the other boats came in on the 3d and 4th.
On arrival at Memphis I saw General Hurlbut, and read all the dis
patches and letters of instruction of General Halleck, and therein derived
my instructions, which I construed to be as follows :
To conduct the Fifteenth Army Corps, and all other troops which could
be spared from the line of the Memphis & Charleston Railroad, to Athens,
Alabama, and thence report by letter for orders to General Roseerans, com
manding the Army of the Cumberland, at Chattanooga ; to follow substan
tially the railroad eastward, repairing it as I moved ; to look to my own line
for supplies ; and in no event to depend on General Roseerans for supplies,
as the roads to his rear were already overtaxed to supply his present army.
I learned from General Hurlbut that General Osterhaus's division was
already out in front of Corinth, and that General John E. Smith was still
at Memphis, moving his troops and material by railroad as fast as its limited
stock would carry them. General J. D. Webster was superintendent of the
railroad, and was enjoined to work night and day, and to expedite the
movement as rapidly as possible ; but the capacity of the road was so small,
that I soon saw that I could move horses, mules, and wagons faster by
land, and therefore I dispatched the artillery and wagons by the road
under escort, and finally moved the entire Fourth Division by land.
The enemy seems to have had early notice of this movement, and he
endeavored to thwart us from the start. A considerable force assembled in
a threatening attitude at Salem, south of Salisbury Station ; and General
Carr, who commanded at Corinth, felt compelled to turn back and use a
part of my troops, that had already reached Corinth, to resist the threat
ened attack.
On Sunday, October 11th, having put in motion my whole force, I
started myself for Corinth, in a special train, with the battalion of the Thir
teenth United States Regulars as escort. We reached Collierville Station
about noon, just in time to take part in the defense made of that station by
Colonel D. C. Anthony, of the Sixty-sixth Indiana, against an attack made

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 371
by General Chalmers with a force of about three thousand cavalry, with
eight pieces of artillery. He was beaten off, the damage to the road re
paired, and we resumed our journey the next day, reaching Corinth at
night. I immediately ordered General Blair forward to luka, with the First
Division, and, as fast as I got troops up, pushed them forward of Bear
Creek, the bridge of which was completely destroyed, and an engineer regi
ment, under command of Colonel Flad, was engaged in its repairs.
Quite a considerable force of the enemy was assembled in our front,
near Tuscumbia, to resist our advance. It was commanded by General
Stephen D. Lee, and composed of Roddy's and Ferguson's brigades, with
irregular cavalry, amounting in the aggregate to about five thousand.
In person I moved from Corinth to Burnsville on the 18th, and to luka
on the 19th of October.
Osterhaus's division was in the advance, constantly skirmishing with
the enemy; he was supported by General Morgan L. Smith's, both divi
sions under the general command of Major-General Blair. General John
E. Smith's division covered the working-party engaged in rebuilding the
railroad. Foreseeing difficulty in crossing the Tennessee River, I had written to
Admiral Porter, at Cairo, asking him to watch the Tennessee and send
up some gunboats the moment the stage of water admitted ; and had also
requested General Allen, quartermaster at St. Louis, to dispatch to East-
port a steam ferry-boat.
The admiral, ever prompt and ready to assist us, had two fine gunboats
at Eastport, under Captain Phelps, the very day after my arrival at luka;
and Captain Phelps had a coal-barge decked over, with which to cross
our horses and wagons before the arrival of the ferry-boat.
Still following literally the instructions of General Halleck, I pushed
forward the repairs of the railroad, and ordered General Blair, with the two
leading divisions, to drive the enemy beyond Tuscumbia. This he did suc
cessfully, after a pretty severe fight at Cane Creek, occupying Tuscumbia
on the 27th of October.
In the mean time many important changes in command had occurred,
which I must note here, to a proper understanding of the case.
General Grant had been called from Vicksburg, and sent to Chatta
nooga to command the military division of the Mississippi, composed of the
three Departments of the Ohio, Cumberland, and Tennessee ; and the De
partment of the Tennessee had been devolved on me, with instructions,
however, to retain command of the army in the field. At luka I made
what appeared to me the best disposition of matters relating to the depart
ment, giving General McPherson full powers in Mississippi and General
Hurlbut in West Tennessee, and assigned General Blair to the command of

372 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1868.
the Fifteenth Army Corps ; and summoned General Hurlbut from Memphis,
and General Dodge from Corinth, and selected out of the Sixteenth Corps
a force of about eight thousand men, which I directed General Dodge to
organize with all expedition, and with it to follow me eastward.
On the 27th of October, when General Blair, with two divisions, was at
Tuscumbia, I ordered General Ewing, with the Fourth Division, to cross the
Tennessee (by means of the gunboats and scow) as rapidly as possible at
Eastport, and push forward to Florence, which he did ; and the same day
a messenger from General Grant floated down the Tennessee over Muscle
Shoals, landed at Tuscumbia, and was sent to me at luka. He bore a short
message from the general to this effect : " Drop all work on the railroad east
of Bear Creek ; push your command toward Bridgeport till you meet or
ders ; " etc. Instantly the order was executed ; the order of march was
reversed, and all the columns were directed to Eastport, the only place
where we could 'cross the Tennessee. At first we only had the gunboats
and coal-barge; but the ferry-boat and two transports arrived on the 31st
of October, and the work of crossing was pushed with all the vigor possible.
In person I crossed, and passed to the head of the column at Florence on
the 1st of November, leaving the rear divisions to be conducted by General
Blair, and marched to Rogersville and Elk River. This was found impas
sable. To ferry would have consumed too much time, and to build a bridge
still more ; so there was no alternative but to turn up Elk River by way of
Gilbertsboro, Elkton, etc., to the stone bridge at Fayetteville, where we
crossed the Elk, and proceeded to Winchester and Deckerd.
• At Fayetteville I received orders from General Grant to come to Bridge
port with the Fifteenth Army Corps, and to leave General Dodge's com
mand at Pulaski, and along the railroad from Columbia to Decatur. I in
structed General Blair to follow with the Second and First Divisions by way
of New Market, Larkinsville, and Bellefonte, while I conducted the other
two divisions by way of Deckerd ; the Fourth Division crossing the moun
tain to Stevenson, and the Third by University Place and Swedon's Cove.
In person I proceeded by Swedon's Cove and Battle Creek, reaching
Bridgeport on the night of November 13th. I immediately telegraphed to
the commanding general my arrival, and the positions of my several di
visions, and was summoned to Chattanooga. I took the first steamboat
during the night of the 14th for Kelly's Ferry, and rode into Chattanooga
on the 15th. I then learned the part assigned me in the coming drama, was
supplied with the necessary maps and information, and rode, during the
16th, in company with Generals Grant, Thomas, W. F. Smith, Brannan, and
others, to the positions occupied on the west bank of the Tennessee, from
which could be seen the camps of the enemy, compassing Chattanooga and
the line of Missionary Hills, with its terminus on Chickamauga Creek, the
point that I was expected to take, hold, and fortify. Pontoons, with a full

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 373
supply of balks and chesses, had been prepared for the bridge over the Ten
nessee, and all things had been prearranged with a foresight that elicited
my admiration. From the hills we looked down on the amphitheatre of
Chattanooga as on a map, and nothing remained but for me to put my troops
in the desired position. The plan contemplated that, in addition to crossing
the Tennessee River and making a lodgment on the terminus of Missionary
Ridge, I should demonstrate against Lookout Mountain, near Trenton, with
a part of my command.
All in Chattanooga were impatient for action, rendered almost acute by
the natural apprehensions felt for the safety of General Burnside in East
Tennessee. My command had marched from Memphis, three hundred and thirty
miles, and I had pushed them as fast as the roads and distance would ad
mit, but I saw enough of the condition of men and animals in Chattanooga
to inspire me with renewed energy. I immediately ordered my leading
division (General Ewing's) to march via Shellmound to Trenton, demon
strating against Lookout Ridge, but to be prepared to turn quickly and fol
low me to Chattanooga and in person I returned to Bridgeport, rowing a
boat down the Tennessee from Kelly's Ferry, and immediately on arrival
put in motion my divisions in the order in which they had arrived. The
bridge of boats at Bridgeport was frail, and, though used day and night, oar
passage was slow ; and the road thence to Chattanooga was dreadfully cut
up and encumbered with the wagons of the other troops stationed along the
road. I reached General Hooker's headquarters during a rain, in the after
noon of the 20th, and met General Grant's orders for the general attack on
the next day. It was simply impossible for me to fulfill my part in time ;
only one division (General John E. Smith's) was in position. General Ew
ing was still at Trenton, and the other two were toiling along the terrible
road from Shellmound to Chattanooga. No troops ever were or could be
in better condition than mine, or who labored harder to fulfill their part.
On a proper representation, General Grant postponed the attack. On the
21st I got the Second Division over Brown's-Ferry Bridge, and General
Ewing got up ; but the bridge broke repeatedly, and delays occurred which
no human sagacity could prevent. All labored night and day, and General
Ewing got over on the 23d ; but my rear division was cut off by the broken
bridge at Brown's Ferry, and could not join me. I offered to go into action
with my three divisions, supported by General Jeff. C. Davis, leaving one
of my best divisions (Osterhaus's) to act with General Hooker against
Lookout Mountain. That division has not joined me yet, but I know and
feel that it has served the country well, and that it has reflected honor on
the Fifteenth Army Corps and the Army of the Tennessee. I leave the rec
ord of its history to General Hooker, or whomsoever has had its service*
during the late memorable events, confident that all will do it merited honor.

874 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863
At last, on the 23d of November, my three divisions lay behind the hills
opposite the mouth of the Chickamauga. I dispatched the brigade of the
Second Division, commanded by General Giles A. Smith, under cover of
the hills, to North Chickamauga Creek, to man the boats designed for the
pontoon-bridge, with orders (at midnight) to drop down silently to a point
above the mouth of the South Chickamauga, there land two regiments, who
were to move along the river-bank quietly, and capture the enemy's river-
pickets. General Giles A. Smith then was to drop rapidly below the mouth of
the Chickamauga, disembark the rest of his brigade, and dispatch the boats
across for fresh loads. These orders were skillfully executed, and every rebel
picket but one was captured. The balance of General Morgan L. Smith's
division was then rapidly ferried across ; that of General John E. Smith
followed, and by daylight of November 24th two divisions of about eight
thousand men were on the east bank of the Tennessee, and had thrown up
a very respectable rifle-trench as a tete du pont. As soon as the day
dawned, some of tbe boats were taken from the use of ferrying, and a
pontoon-bridge was begun, under the immediate direction of Captain Dres
ser, the whole planned and supervised by General William F. Smith in
person. A pontoon-bridge was also built at the same time over Chick
amauga Creek, near its mouth, giving communication with the two regi
ments which had been left on the north side, and fulfilling a most important
purpose at a later stage of the drama. I will here bear my willing testi
mony to the completeness of this whole business. All the officers charged
with the work were present, and manifested a skill which I cannot praise
too highly. I have never beheld any work done so quietly, so well ; and I
doubt if the history of war can show a bridge of that extent (viz., thirteen
hundred and fifty feet) laid so noiselessly and well, in so short a time. I
attribute it to the genius and intelligence of General William F. Smith.
The steamer Dunbar arrived up in the course of the morning, and relieved
Ewing's division of the labor of rowing across ; but by noon the pontoon-
bridge was done, and my three divisions were across, with men, horses,
artillery, and every thing.
General Jeff. 0. Davis's division was ready to take the bridge, and I
ordered the columns to form in order to carry the Missionary Hills. The
movement had been carefully explained to all division commanders, and at
1 p. m. we marched from the river in three columns in echelon : the left,
General Morgan L. Smith, the column of direction, following substantially
Chickamauga Creek; the centre, General John E. Smith, in columns,
doubled on the centre, at one brigade interval to the right and rear ; the
right, General Ewing, in column at the same distance to the right rear,
prepared to deploy to the right, on the supposition that we would meet an
enemy in that direction. Each head of column was covered by a good line

1863.] CHATTANOcGA AND KNOXVILLE. 375
of skirmishers, with supports. A light drizzling rain prevailed, and the
clouds hung low, cloaking our movement from the enemy's tower of obser
vation on Lookout Mountain. We soon gained the foot-hills; our skir
mishers crept up the face of the hills, followed by their supports, and at
3.30 p. m. we had gained, with no loss, the desired point. A brigade of each
division was pushed rapidly to the top of the hill, and the enemy for the
first time seemed to realize the movement, but too late, for we were in
possession. He opened with artillery, but General Ewing soon got some of
Captain Richardson's guns up that steep hill and gave back artillery,
and the enemy's skirmishers made one or two ineffectual dashes at General
Lightburn, who had swept round and got a farther hill, which was the real
continuation of the ridge. From studying all the maps, I had inferred that
Missionary Ridge was a continuous hill; but we found ourselves on two
high points, with a deep depression between us and the one immediately
over the tunnel, which was my chief objective point. The ground we had
gained, however, was so important, that I could leave nothing to chance,
and ordered -it to be fortified during the night. One brigade of each
division was left on the hill, one of General Morgan L. Smith's closed the
gap to Chickamauga Creek, two of General John E. Smith's were drawn
back to the base in reserve, and General Ewing's right was extended down
into the plain, thus crossing the ridge in a general line, facing southeast.
The enemy felt our left flank about 4 p. m., and a pretty smart engage
ment with artillery and muskets ensued, when he drew off ; but it cost us
dear, for General Giles A. Smith was severely wounded, and had to go to
the rear ; and the command of the brigade devolved on Colonel Tupper
(One Hundred and Sixteenth Illinois), who managed it with skill during
the rest of the operations. At the moment of my crossing the bridge, Gen
eral Howard appeared, having come with three regiments from Chattanoo
ga, along the east bank of the Tennessee, connecting my new position with
that of the main army in Chattanooga. He left the three regiments attached
temporarily to General Fwing's right, and returned to his own corps at
Chattanooga. As night closed in, I ordered General Jeff. C. Davis to keep
one of his brigades at the bridge, one close up to my position, and one inter
mediate. Thus we passed the night, heavy details being kept busy at work
on the intrenchments on the hill. During the night the sky cleared away
bright, a cold frost filled the air, and our camp-fires revealed to the ene
my and to our friends in Chattanooga our position on Missionary Ridge.
About midnight I received, at the hands of Major Rowley (of General
Grant's staff), orders to attack the enemy at " dawn of day,'' with notice
that General Thomas would attack in force early in the day. Accordingly,
before day I was in the saddle, attended by all my staff; rode to the ex
treme left of our position near Chickamauga Creek ; thence up the hill, held
by General Lightburn ; and round to the extreme right of General Ewing.

376 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
Catching as accurate an idea of the ground as possible by the dim light of
morning, I saw that our line of attack was in the direction of Missionary
Ridge, with wings supporting on either flank. Quite a valley lay between
us and the next hill of the series, and this hill presented steep sides, the one
to the west partially cleared, but the other covered with the native forest.
The crest of the ridge was narrow and wooded. The farther point of this
hill was held by the enemy with a breastwork of logs and fresh earth, filled
with men and two guns. The enemy was also seen in great force on a still
higher hill beyond the tunnel, from which he had a fine plunging fire on
the hill in dispute. The gorge between, through which several roads and
the railroad-tunnel pass, could not be seen from our position, but formed
the natural place d 'armes, where the enemy covered his masses to resist our
contemplated movement of turning his right flank and endangering his
communications with his depot at Chickamauga Station.
As soon as possible, the following dispositions were made : The brigades
of Colonels Cockrell and Alexander, and General Lightburn, were to hold
our hill as the key-point. General Corse, with as much of his brigade as
could operate along the narrow ridge, was to attack from our right centre.
General Lightburn was to dispatch a good regiment from his position to
cooperate with General Corse ; and General Morgan L. Smith was to move
along the east base of Missionary Ridge, connecting with General Corse ;
and Colonel Loomis, in like manner, to move along the west base, supported
by the two reserve brigades of General John E. Smith.
The sun had hardly risen before General Corse had completed his prepa
rations and his bugle sounded the " forward ! " The Fortieth Illinois, sup
ported by the Forty-sixth Ohio, on our right centre, with the Thirtieth
Ohio (Colonel Jones), moved down the face of our hill, and up that held by
the enemy. The line advanced to within about eighty yards of the in
trenched position, where General Corse found a secondary crest, which he
gained and held. To this point he called his reserves, and asked for rein
forcements, which were sent ; but the space was narrow, and it was not
well to crowd the men, as the enemy's artillery and musketry fire swept
the approach to his position, giving him great advantage. As soon as Gen
eral Corse had made his preparations, he assaulted, and a close, severe con
test ensued, which lasted more than an hour, gaining and losing ground,
but never the position first obtained, from which the enemy in vain at
tempted to drive him. General Morgan L. Smith kept gaining ground on
the left spurs of Missionary Ridge, and Colonel Loomis got abreast of the
tunnel and railroad embankment on his side, drawing the enemy's fire, and
to that extent relieving the assaulting party on the hill-crest. Captain
Callender had four of his guns on General Ewing's hill, and Captain Woods
his Napoleon battery on General Lightburn's ; also, two guns of Dillon's
battery were with Colonel Alexander's brigade. All directed their fire as

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 377
carefully as possible, to clear the hill to our front, without endangering our
own men. The fight raged furiously about 10 a. m., when General Corse
received a severe wound, was brought off the field, and the command
of the brigade and of the assault at that key-point devolved on that fine
young, gallant officer, Colonel Walcutt, of the Forty-sixth Ohio, who fulfilled
his part manfully. He continued the contest, pressing forward at all points.
Colonel Loomis had made good progress to the right, and about 2 p. m.
General John E. Smith, judging the battle to be most severe on the hill,
and being required to support General Ewing, ordered up Colonel Raum's
and General Matthias's brigades across the field to the summit that was
being fought for. They moved up under a heavy fire of cannon and mus
ketry, and joined Colonel Walcutt ; but the crest was so narrow that they
necessarily occupied the west face of the hill. The enemy, at the time being
massed in great strength in the tunnel-gorge, moved a large force under
cover of the ground and the thick bushes, and suddenly appeared on the
right rear of this command. The suddenness of the attack disconcerted the
men, exposed as they were in the open field ; they fell back in some disorder
to the lower edge of the field, and reformed. These two brigades were in
the nature of supports, and did not constitute a part of the real attack.
The movement, seen from Chattanooga (five miles off) with spy-glasses, gave
rise to the report, which even General Meigs has repeated, that we were re
pulsed on the left. It was not so. The real attacking columns of General
Corse, Colonel Loomis, and General Smith, were not repulsed. They
engaged in a close struggle all day persistently, stubbornly, and well.
When the two reserve brigades of General John E. Smith fell back as de
scribed, the enemy made a show of pursuit, but were in their turn caught in
flank by the well-directed fire of our brigade on the wooded crest, and
hastily sought cover behind the hill.
Thus matters stood about 3 p. m. The day was bright and clear, and
the amphitheatre of Chattanooga lay in beauty at our feet. I had watched
for the attack of General Thomas " early in the day."
Column after column of the enemy was sti earning toward me ; gun after
gun poured its concentric shot on us, from every hill and spur that gave a
view of any part of the ground held by us. An occasional shot from Fort
Wood and Orchard Knoll, and some musketry-fire and artillery over about
Lookout Mountain, was all that I could detect on our side ; but about 3
p. m. I noticed the white line of musketry-fire in front of Orchard Knoll
extending farther and farther right and left and on. We could only hear
a faint echo of sound, but enough was seen to satisfy me that General
Thomas was at last moving on the centre. I knew that our attack had
drawn vast masses of the enemy to our flank, and felt sure of the result.
Some guns which had been firing on us all day were silent, or were turned
in a different direction.

378 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
The advancing line of mnsketry-fire from Orchard Knoll disappeared
to us behind a spur of the hill, and could no longer be seen ; and it was
not until night closed in that I knew that the troops in Chattanooga had
swept across Missionary Ridge and broken the enemy's centre. Of course,
the victory was won, and pursuit was the next step.
I ordered General Morgan L. Smith to feel to the tunnel, and it was
found vacant, save by the dead and wounded of our own and the enemy
commingled. The reserve of General Jeff. C. Davis was ordered to march
at once by the pontoon-bridge across Chickamauga Creek, at its mouth, and
push forward for the depot.
General Howard had reported to me in the early part of the day, with
the remainder of his army corps (the Eleventh), and had been posted to
connect my left with Chickamauga Creek. He was ordered to repair an
old broken bridge about two miles up the Chickamauga, and to follow Gen
eral Davis at 4 a. m., and the Fifteenth Army Corps was ordered to follow
at daylight. But General Howard found that to repair the bridge was more
of a task than was at first supposed, and we were all compelled to cross the
Chickamauga on the new pontoon-bridge at its mouth. By about 11 a. m.
General Jeff. C. Davis's division reached the depot, just in time to see it in
flames. He found the enemy occupying two hills, partially intrenched, just
beyond the depot. These he soon drove away. The depot presented a
scene of desolation that war alone exhibits — corn-meal and corn in huge
burning piles, broken wagons, abandoned caissons, two thirty-two-pounder
rifled-guns with carriages burned, pieces of pontoons, balks and chesses,
etc., destined doubtless for tbe famous invasion of Kentucky, and all manner
of things, burning and broken. Still, the enemy kindly left us a good sup
ply of forage for our horses, and meal, beans, etc., for our men.
Pausing but a short while, we passed on, the road filled with broken
wagons and abandoned caissons, till night. Just as the head of the column
emerged from a dark, miry swamp, we encountered the rear-guard of the
retreating enemy. The fight was sharp, but the night closed in so dark
that we could not move. General Grant came up to us there. At day
light we resumed the march, and at Graysville, where a good bridge spanned
the Chickamauga, we found the corps of General Palmer on the south bank,
who informed us that General Hooker was on a road still farther south, and
we could hear his guns near Ringgold.
As the roads were filled with all the troops they could possibly accom
modate, I turned to the east, to fulfill another part of the general plan, viz.,
to break up all communication between Bragg and Longstreet.
We had all sorts of rumors as to the latter, but it was manifest that we
should interpose a proper force between these two armies. I therefore
directed General Howard to move to Parker's Gap, and thence send rapidly
a competent force to Red Clay, or the Council-Ground, there to destroy

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 379
a large section of the railroad which connects Dalton and Cleveland. This
work was most successfully and fully accomplished that day. The division
of General Jeff. 0. Davis was moved close up to Ringgold, to assist Gen
eral Hooker if needed, and the Fifteenth Corps was held at Graysville,
for any thing that might turn up. About noon I had a message from Gen
eral Hooker, saying he had had a pretty hard fight at the mountain-pass
just beyond Ringgold, and he wanted me to come forward to turn the posi
tion. He was not aware at the time that Howard, by moving through
Parker's Gap toward Red Clay, had already turned it. So I rode forward
to Ringgold in person, and found the enemy had already fallen hack to
Tunnel Hill. He was already out of the valley of the Chickamauga, and on
ground whence the waters flow to the Coosa. He was out of Tennessee.
I found General Grant at Ringgold, and, after some explanations as to
breaking up the railroad from Ringgold back to the State line, as soon as
some cars loaded with wounded men could be pushed back to Chickamauga
depot, I was ordered to move slowly and leisurely back to Chattanooga.
On the following day the Fifteenth Corps destroyed absolutely and
effectually the railroad from a point half-way between Ringgold and Grays
ville, back to the State line ; and General Grant, coming to Graysville, con
sented that, instead of returning direct to Chattanooga, I might send back
all my artillery-wagons and impediments, and make a circuit by the north
as far as the Hiawassee River.
Accordingly, on the morning of November 29th, General Howard moved
from Parker's Gap to Cleveland, General Davis by way of McDaniel's Gap,
and General Blair with two divisions of the Fifteenth Corps by way of
Julien's Gap, all meeting at Cleveland that night. Here another good
break was made in the Dalton & Cleveland road. On the 30th the army
moved to Charleston, General Howard approaching so rapidly that the
enemy evacuated with haste, leaving the bridge but partially damaged, and
five car-loads of flour and provisions on the north bank of the Hiawassee.
This was to have been the limit of our operations. Officers and men had
brought no baggage or provisions, and the weather was bitter cold. I had
already reached the town of Charleston, when General Wilson arrived with
a letter from General Grant, at Chattanooga, informing me that the latest
authentic accounts from Knoxville were to the 27th, at which time General
Burnside was completely invested, and had provisions only to include the
3d of December ; that General Granger had left Chattanooga for Knoxville,
by the river-road, with a steamboat following him in the river ; but he
feared that General Granger could not reach Knoxville in time, and or
dered me to take command of all troops moving for the relief of Knox
ville, and hasten to General Burnside. Seven days before, we had left
our camps on the other side of the Tennessee with two days' rations, with
out a change of clothing — stripped for the fight, with but a single blanket
or coat per man, from myself to the private included.

380 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
Of course, we then had no provisions save what we gathered by the
road, and were ill supplied for such a march. But we learned that twelve
thousand of our fellow-soldiers were beleaguered in the mountain town of
Knoxville, eighty-four miles distant ; that they needed relief, and must have
it in three days. This was enough — and it had to be done. General
Howard that night repaired and planked the railroad-bridge, and at day
light the army passed over the Hiawassee and marched to Athens, fifteen
miles. I had supposed rightly that General Granger was about tbe
mouth of the Hiawassee, and had sent him notice of my orders ; that General
Grant had sent me a copy of his written instructions, which were full and
complete, and that he must push for Kingston, near which we would make
a junction. But by the time I reached Athens I had better studied the
geography, and sent him orders, which found him at Decatur, that Kingston
was out of our way ; that he should send his boat to Kingston, but with his
command strike across to Philadelphia, and report to me there. I had but
a small force of cavalry, which was, at the time of my receipt of General
Grant's orders, scouting over about Benton and Columbus. I left my aide,
Major McCoy, at Charleston, to communicate with this cavalry and hurry it
forward. It overtook me in the night at Athens.
On the 2d of December the army moved rapidly north toward Loudon,
twanty-^E miles distant. About 11 a. m. the cavalry passed to the head
of th« column, was ordered to push to Loudon, and, if possible, to save a
pontoon-bridge aeross the Tennessee, held by a brigade of the enemy com
manded by General Vaughn. The cavalry moved with such rapidity as to
capture every picket ; but the brigade of Vaughn had artillery in position,
covered by earthworks, and displayed a force too respectable to be carried
by a cavalry dash, so that darkness closed in before General Howard's
infantry got up. The enemy abandoned the place in the night, destroying
the pontoons, running three locomotives and forty-eight cars into the
Tennessee River, and abandoned much provision, four guns, and other
material, which General Howard took at daylight. But the bridge was
gone, and we were forced to turn east and trust to General Burnside's
bridge at Knoxville. It was all-important that General Burnside should
have notice of our coming, and but one day of the time remained.
Accordingly, at Philadelphia, during the night of the 2d of December,
I sent my aide (Major Audenried) forward to Colonel Long, commanding
the brigade of cavalry at Loudon, to explain to him how all-important it
was that notice of our approach should reach General Burnside within
twenty-four hours, ordering him to select the best materials of his command,
to start at once, ford the Little Tennessee, and push into Knoxville at what
ever cost of life and horse-flesh. Major Audenried was ordered to go along.
The distance to be traveled was about forty miles, and the roads villainous.
Before day they were off, and at daylight the Fifteenth Corps was turned

1863.} CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 381
from Philadelphia for the Little Tennessee at Morgantown, where my maps
represented the river as being very shallow ; but it was found too deep for
fording, and the water was freezing cold — width two hundred and forty
yards, depth from two to five feet ; horses could ford, but artillery and
men could not. A bridge was indispensable. General Wilson (who accom
panied me) undertook to superintend the bridge, and I am under many ob
ligations to him, as I was without an engineer, having sent Captain Jenny
back from Graysville to survey our field of battle. We had our pioneers,
but only such tools as axes, picks, and spades. General Wilson, working
partly with cut wood and partly with square trestles (made of the houses of
the late town of Morgantown), progressed apace, and by dark of December
4th troops and animals passed over the bridge, and by daybreak of the 5th
the Fifteenth Corps (General Blair's) was over, and Generals Granger's
and Davis's divisions were ready to pass ; but the diagonal bracing was im
perfect for want of spikes, and the bridge broke, causing delay. I had
ordered General Blair to move out on the Marysville road five miles, there
to await notice that General Granger was on a parallel road abreast of him,
and in person I was at a house where the roads parted, when a messenger
rode up, bringing me a few words from General Burnside, to the effect that
Colonel Long had arrived at Knoxville with his cavalry, and that all was
well with him there ; Longstreet still lay before the place, but there were
symptoms of his speedy departure.
I felt that I had accomplished the first great step in the problem for the
relief of General Burnside's army, but still urged on the work. As soon as
the bridge was mended, all the troops moved forward. General Howard
had marched from Loudon, had found a pretty good ford for his horses
and wagons at Davis's, seven miles below Morgantown, and had made an
ingenious bridge of the wagons left by General Vaughn at Loudon, on which
to pass his men. He marched by Unitia and Louisville. On the night of
the 5th all the heads of columns communicated at Marysville, where I met
Major Van Buren (of General Burnside's staff), who announced that Long-
street had the night before retreated on the Rutledge, Rogersville, and
Bristol road, leading to Virginia ; that General Burnside's cavalry was on
his heels ; and that the general desired to see me in person as soon as I
could come to Knoxville. I ordered all the troops to halt and rest, except
the two divisions of General Granger, which were ordered to move forward
to Little River, and General Granger to report in person to General Burn
side for orders. His was the force originally designed to reenforce General
Burnside, and it was eminently proper that it should join in the stern-chase
after Longstreet.
On the morning of December 6th I rode from Marysville into Knoxville,
and met General Burnside. General Granger arrived later in the day. We
examined his lines of fortifications, which were a wonderful production for

382 CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
the short time allowed in their selection of ground and construction of
work. It seemed to me that they were nearly impregnable. We ex
amined the redoubt named "Sanders," where, on the Sunday previous,
three brigades of the enemy had assaulted and met a bloody repulse. Now,
all was peaceful and quiet ; but a few hours before, the deadly bullet sought
its victim all round about that hilly barrier.
The general explained to me fully and frankly what he had done, and
what he proposed to do. He asked of me nothing but General Granger's
command ; and suggested, in view of the large force I had brought from
Chattanooga, that I should return with due expedition to the line of the
Hiawassee, lest Bragg, reenforced, might take advantage of our absence to
resume the offensive. I asked him to reduce this to writing, which he did,
and I here introduce it as part of my report :
Headquarters Army of the Ohio, )
Knoxville, December 1, 1863. )
Major-General W. T. Shebman, commanding, etc.
Gbnekal : I desire to express to you and your command my most hearty
thanks and gratitude for your promptness in coming to our relief during the
siege of Knoxville, and I am satisfied your approach served to raise the
siege. The emergency having passed, I do not deem, for the present, any
other portion of your command but the corps of General Granger neces
sary for operations in this section ; and, inasmuch as General Grant has
weakened the forces immediately with him in order to relieve us (thereby
rendering the position of General Thomas less secure), I deem it advisable
that all the troops now here, save those commanded by General Granger,
should return at once to within supporting distance of the forces in front
of Bragg's army. In behalf of my command, I desire again to thank you
and your command for the kindness you have done us.
I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. E. Buenside, Major-General commanding.
Accordingly, having seen General Burnside's forces move out of Knox
ville in pursuit of Longstreet, and General Granger's move in, I put in
motion my own command to return. General Howard was ordered to move,
via Davis's Ford and Sweetwater, to Athens, with a guard forward at
Charleston, to hold and repair the bridge which the enemy had retaken after
our passage up. General Jeff. C. Davis moved to Columbus, on the Hiawas
see, via Madisonville, and the two divisions of the Fifteenth Corps moved to
Tellico Plains, to cover a movement of cavalry across the mountains into
Georgia, to overtake a wagon-train which had dodged us on our way up,
and had escaped by way of Murphy. Subsequently, on a report from Gen
eral Howard that the enemy held Charleston, I diverted General Ewing's
division to Athens, and went in person to Tellico with General Morgan L.
Smith's division. By the 9th all our troops were in position, and we held the
rich country between the Little Tennessee and the Hiawassee. The cavalry,
under Colonel Long, passed the mountain at Tellico, and proceeded about

1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 3.S3
seventeen miles beyond Murphy, when Colonel Long, deeming his farther
pursuit of the wagon-train useless, returned on the 12th to Tellico. I
then ordered him and the division of General Morgan L. Smith to move
to Charleston, to which point I had previously ordered the corps of Gen
eral Howard.
On the 14th of December all of my command in the field lay along the
Hiawassee. Having communicated to General Grant the actual state of
affairs, I received orders to leave, on the line of the Hiawassee, all the cav
alry, and come to Chattanooga with the rest of my command. I left
the brigade of cavalry commanded by Colonel Long, reenforced by the Fifth
Ohio Cavalry (Lieutenant-Colonel Heath) — the only cavalry properly be
longing to the Fifteenth Army Corps — at Charleston, and with the remain
der moved by easy marches, by Cleveland and Tyner's Depot, into Chatta
nooga, where I received in person from General Grant orders to transfer
back to their appropriate commands the corps of General Howard and the
division commanded by General Jeff. 0. Davis, and to conduct the Fifteenth
Army Corps to its new field of operations.
It will thus appear that we have been constantly in motion since our
departure from the Big Black, in Mississippi,- until the present moment.
I have been unable to receive from subordinate commanders the usual full,
detailed reports of events, and have therefore been compelled to make up
this report from my own personal memory ; but, as soon as possible, subor
dinate reports will be received and duly forwarded.
In reviewing the facts, I must do justice to the men of my command for
the patience, cheerfulness, and courage which officers and men have dis
played throughout, in battle, on the march, and in camp. For long periods,
without regular rations or supplies of any kind, they have marched through
mud and over rocks, sometimes barefooted, without a murmur. Without a
moment's rest after a march of over four hundred miles, without sleep for
three successive nights, we crossed the Tennessee, fought our part of the
battle of Chattanooga, pursued the enemy out of Tennessee, and then turned
more than a hundred and twenty miles north and compelled Longstreet to
raise the siege of Knoxville, which gave so much anxiety to the whole
country. It is hard to realize the importance of these events without re
calling the memory of the general feeling which pervaded all minds at Chat
tanooga prior to our arrival. I cannot speak of the Fifteenth Army Corps
without a seeming vanity ; but as I am no longer its commander, I assert
that there is no better body of soldiers in America than it. I wish all to
feel a just pride in its real honors.
To General Howard and his command, to General Jeff. 0. Davis and
his, I am more than usually indebted for the intelligence of commanders
and fidelity of commands. The brigade of Colonel Bushbeck, belonging to
the Eleventh Corps, which was the first to come out of Chattanooga to my

384

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE.

[1863.

flank, fought at the Tunnel Hill, in connection with General Ewing's divi
sion, and displayed a courage almost amounting to rashness. Following
the enemy almost to the tunnel-gorge, it lost many valuable lives, promi
nent among them Lieutenant-Colonel Taft, spoken of as a most gallant
soldier. In General Howard throughout I found a polished and Christian gentle
man, exhibiting the highest and most chivalric traits of the soldier. Gen
eral Davis handled his division with artistic skill, more especially at the
moment we encountered the enemy's rear-guard, near Graysville, at night
fall. I must award to this division the credit of the best order during our
movement through East Tennessee, when long marches and the necessity of
foraging to the right and left gave some reason for disordered ranks.
Inasmuch as exception may he taken to my explanation of the tempo
rary confusion, during the battle of Chattanooga, of the two brigades of Gen
eral Matthias and Colonel Raum, I will here state that I saw the whole,
and attach no blame to any one. Accidents will happen in battle, as else
where ; and at the point where they so manfully went to relieve the pressure
on other parts of our assaulting line, they exposed themselves unconsciously
to an enemy vastly superior in force, and favored by the shape of the ground.
Had that enemy come out on equal terms, those brigades would have shown
their mettle, which has been tried more than once before and stood the test
of fire. They reformed their ranks, and were ready to support General
Ewing's division in a very few minutes ; and the circumstance would have
hardly called for notice on my part, had not others reported what was seen
from Chattanooga, a distance of nearly five miles, from where could only be
seen the troops in the open field in which this affair occurred.
I now subjoin the best report of casualties I am able to compile from
the records thus far received :

CORPS, DIVISIONS, ETC.

Killed.

Wounded.

Missing.

Total.

Fifteenth Army Corps :

67
No report. 897287

S64
62 (inhosp.) 288685145

66
122' 21 81

497 62
499 628

1,686 263
Eleventh Ahmy Cokpb:
1,949
No report from General Davis's division, but loss is small.
Among the killed were some of our most valuable officers : Colonels
Putnam, Ninety-third Illinois ; O'Meara, Ninetieth Illinois ; and Torrence,
1863.] CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. 385
Thirtieth Iowa ; Lieutenant-Colonel Taft, of the Eleventh Corps; and Major
Bushnell, Thirteenth Illinois.
Among the wounded are Brigadier-Generals Giles A. Smith, Corse, and
Matthias ; Colonel Raum ; Colonel Waugelin, Twelfth Missouri ; Lieuten
ant-Colonel Partridge, Thirteenth Illinois ; Major P. I. Welsh, Fifty-sixth
Illinois ; and Major Nathan McAlla, Tenth Iowa.
Among the missing is Lieutenant-Colonel Archer, Seventeenth Iowa.
My report is already so long, that I must forbear mentioning acts of
individual merit. These will be recorded in the reports of division com
manders, which I will cheerfully indorse ; but I must say that it is but jus
tice that colonels of regiments, who have so long and so well commanded
brigades, as in the following cases, should be commissioned to the grade
which they have filled with so much usefulness and credit to the public
service, viz. : Colonel J. R. Coekerell, Seventieth Ohio ; Colonel J. M.
Loomis, Twenty-sixth Illinois ; Colonel C. C. Walcutt, Forty-sixth Ohio ;
Colonel J. A. Williamson, Fourth Iowa ; Colonel G. B. Raum, Fifty-sixth
Illinois ; Colonel J. I. Alexander, Fifty-ninth Indiana.
My personal staff, as usual, have served their country with fidelity, and
credit to themselves, throughout these events, and have received my per
sonal thanks.
Inclosed you will please find a map of that part of the battle-field of
Chattanooga fought over by the troops under my command, surveyed and.
drawn by Captain Jenney, engineer on my staff. I have the honor to be,.
your obedient servant, W. T. Shekman, Major- General commanding.
[General Order No. 68.]
War Department, Adjutant-General's Office, I
Washington, February 21, 1864. (
Ptjblio Resolution — No. 12.
Joint resolution tendering the thanks of Congress to Major-General W-
T. Sherman and others.
Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks of Congress and
of the people of the United States are due, and that the same are hereby
tendered, to Major-General W. T. Sherman, commander of the Department
and Army of the Tennessee, and the officers and soldiers who served under
him, for their gallant and arduous services in marching to the relief of the
Army of the Cumberland, and for their gallantry and heroism in the hattie
of Chattanooga, which contributed in a great degree to the success of om
arms in that glorious victory.
Approved February 19, 1864.
By order of the Secretary of War :
E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant- General.
25

CHATTANOOGA AND KNOXVILLE. [1863.
On the 19th of December I was at Bridgeport, and gave all
the orders necessary for the distribution of the four divisions of
the Fifteenth Corps along the railroad from Stevenson to Deca
tur, and the part of the Sixteenth Corps, commanded by Gen
eral Dodge, along the railroad from Decatur to Nashville, to
make the needed repairs, and to be in readiness for the cam
paign of the succeeding year ; and on the 21st I went up to
Nashville, to confer with General Grant and conclude the ar
rangements for the winter. At that time General Grant was
under the impression that the next campaign would be up the
valley of East Tennessee, in the direction of Virginia ; and as it
was likely to be the last and most important campaign of the war,
it became necessary to set free as many of the old troops serv
ing along the Mississippi Eiver as possible. This was the real
object and purpose of the Meridian campaign, and of Banks's
expedition up Bed Biver to Shreveport during that winter.

CHAFTEE XIV.
MERIDIAN- CAMPAIGN-.
JANUARY AND FEBRUARY, 1864.
The winter of 1863-64 opened very cold and severe ; and
it was manifest after the battle of Chattanooga, November
25, 1863, and the raising of' the siege of Knoxville, December
5th, that military operations in that quarter must in a meas
ure cease, or be limited to Burnside's force beyond Knox
ville. On the 21st of December General Grant had removed
his headquarters to Nashville, Tennessee, leaving General
George H. Thomas at Chattanooga, in command of the Depart
ment of the Cumberland, and of the army round about that
place ; and I was at Bridgeport, with orders to distribute my
troops along the railroad from Stevenson to Decatur, Alabama,
and from Decatur up toward Nashville.
General G. M. Dodge, who was in command of the detach
ment of the Sixteenth Corps, numbering about eight thousand
men, had not participated with us in the battle of Chattanooga,
but had remained at and near Bulaski, Tennessee, engaged in
repairing that railroad, as auxiliary to the main line which led
from Nashville to Stevenson, and Chattanooga. General John
A. Logan had succeeded to the command of the Fifteenth
Corps, by regular appointment of the Bresident of the United
States, and had relieved General Frank B. Blair, who had been
temporarily in command of that corps during the Chattanooga
and Knoxville movement.
At that time I was in command of the Department of the
Tennessee, which embraced substantially the territory on the

888 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864,
east bank of the Mississippi Biver, from Natchez up to the
Ohio Biver, and thence along the Tennessee Eiver as high as
Decatur and Bellefonte, Alabama. General McBherson was
at Vicksburg and General Hurlbut at Memphis, and from
them I had the regular reports of affairs in that quarter of my
command. The rebels still maintained a considerable force
of infantry and cavalry in the State of Mississippi, threatening
the river, whose navigation had become to us so delicate and
important a matter. Satisfied that I could check this by one or
two quick moves inland, and thereby set free a considerable
body of men held as local garrisons, I went up to Nashville
and represented the case to General Grant, who consented that
I might go down the Mississippi Biver, where the bulk of my
command lay, and strike a blow on the east of the river, while
General Banks from New Orleans should in like manner strike
another to the west; thus preventing any farther molestation
of the boats navigating the main river, and thereby widening
the gap in the Southern Confederacy.
After having given all the necessary orders for the distribu
tion, during the winter months, of that part of my command
which was in Southern and Middle Tennessee, I went to Cin
cinnati and Lancaster, Ohio, to spend Christmas with my family ;
and on my return I took Minnie with me down to a convent at
Beading, near Cincinnati, where I left her, and took the cars for
Cairo, Illinois, which I reached January 3d, a very cold and
bitter day. The ice was forming fast, and there was great
danger that the Mississippi Eiver would become closed to navi
gation. Admiral Borter, who was at Cairo, gave me a small
gunboat (the Juliet), with which I went up to Baducah, to
inspect that place, garrisoned by a small force, commanded by
Colonel S. G. Hicks, Fortieth Illinois, who had been with me
and was severely wounded at Shiloh. Beturning to Cairo,
we started down the Mississippi Eiver, which was full of float
ing ice. "With the utmost difficulty we made our way through
it, for hours floating in the midst of immense cakes, that chafed
and ground our boat so that at times we were in danger of
sinking. But about the 10th of January we reached Memphis,

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 389
where I found General Hurlbut, and explained to him my
purpose to collect from his garrisons and those of McFherson
about twenty thousand men, with which in February to march
out from Vicksburg as far as Meridian, break, up the Mobile &
Ohio Eailroad, and also the one leading from Vicksburg to
Selma, Alabama. I instructed him to select two good divisions,
and to be ready with them to go along. At Memphis I found
Brigadier-General W. Sooy Smith, with a force of about twenty-
five hundred cavalry, which he had by General Grant's orders
brought across from Middle Tennessee, to assist in our general
purpose, as well as to punish the rebel General Forrest, who
had been most active in harassing our garrisons in West Ten
nessee and Mississippi.
After staying a couple of days at Memphis, we continued on
in the gunboat Silver Cloud to Vicksburg, where I found
General McFherson, and, giving him similar orders, instructed
him to send out spies to ascertain and bring back timely in
formation of the strength and location of the enemy. The
winter continued so severe that the river at Vicksburg was full
of floating ice, but in the Silver Cloud we breasted it manfully,
and got back to Memphis by the 20th. A chief part of the
enterprise was to destroy the rebel cavalry commanded by
General Forrest, who were a constant threat to our railway
communications in Middle Tennessee, and I committed this task
to Brigadier-General W. Sooy Smith. General Hurlbut had in
his command about seven thousand five hundred cavalry, scat
tered from Columbus, Kentucky, to Corinth, Mississippi, and we
proposed to make up an aggregate cavalry force of about seven
thousand " effective," out of these and the twenty-five hundred
which General Smith had brought with him from Middle
Tennessee. With this force General Smith was ordered to move
from Memphis straight for Meridian, Mississippi, and to start
by February 1st. I explained to him personally the nature of
Forrest as a man, and of his peculiar force ; told him that in
his route he was sure to encounter Forrest, who always attacked
with a vehemence for which he must be prepared, and that,
after he had repelled the first attack, he must in turn assume

890 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
the most determined offensive, overwhelm him and utterly
destroy his whole force. I knew that Forrest could not have
more than four thousand cavalry, and my own movement would
give employment, to every other man of the rebel army not im
mediately present with him, so that he (General Smith) might
safely act on the hypothesis I have stated.
Having completed all these preparations in Memphis, being
satisfied that the cavalry force would be ready to start by the
1st of February, and having seen General Hurlbut with his two
divisions embark in steamers for Vicksburg, I also reembarked
for the same destination on the 27th of January.
On the 1st of February we rendezvoused in Vicksburg,
where I found a spy who had been sent out two weeks before,
had been to Meridian, and brought back correct information of
the state of facts in the interior of Mississippi. Lieutenant-
General (Bishop) Folk was in chief command, with headquarters
at Meridian, and had two divisions of infantry, one of which
(General Boring's) was posted at Canton, Mississippi, the other
(General French's) at Brandon. He had also two divisions of
cavalry — Armstrong's, composed of the three brigades of Boss,
Stark, and Wirt Adams, which were scattered from the neigh
borhood of Yazoo City to Jackson and below ; and Forrest's,
which was united, toward Memphis, with headquarters at Como.
General Polk seemed to have no suspicion of our intentions to
disturb his serenity.
Accordingly, on the morning of February 3d, we started in
two columns, each of two divisions, preceded by a light force of
cavalry, commanded by Colonel E. F. Winslow. General Mc
Pherson commanded the right column, and General Hurlbut the
left. The former crossed the Big Black at the railroad-bridge,
and the latter seven miles above, at Messinger's. We were
lightly equipped as to wagons, and marched without deployment
straight for Meridian, distant one hundred and fifty miles. We
struck the rebel cavalry beyond the Big Black, and pushed them
pell-mell into and beyond Jackson during the 6th. The next
day we reached Brandon, and on the 9th Morton, where we per
ceived signs of an infantry concentration, but the enemy did not

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 391
give us battle, and retreated before us. The rebel cavalry were
all around us, so we kept our columns compact and offered
few or no chances for their dashes. As far as Morton we had
occupied two roads, but there we were forced into one. Toward
evening of the 12th, Hurlbut's column passed through Decatur,
with orders to go into camp four miles beyond at a creek.
McPherson's head of column was some four miles behind, and I
personally detached one of Hurlbut's regiments to guard the
cross-roads at Decatur till the head of McPherson's column should
come in sight. Intending to spend the night in Decatur, I went
to a double log-house, and arranged with the lady for some
supper. We unsaddled our horses, tied them to the fence in
side 'the yard, and, being tired, I lay down on a bed and fell
asleep. Presently I heard shouts and hallooing, and then heard
pistol-shots close to the house. My aide, Major Audenried,
called me and said we were attacked by rebel cavalry, who
were all around us. I jumped up and inquired where was the
regiment of infantry I had myself posted at the cross-roads.
He said a few moments before it had marched past the house,
following the road by which General Hurlbut had gone, and I
told him to run, overtake it, and bring it back. Meantime, I
went out into the back-yard, saw wagons passing at a run
down the road, and horsemen dashing about in a cloud of dust,
firing their pistols, their shots reaching the house in which we
were. Gathering the few orderlies and clerks that were about,
I was preparing to get into a corn-crib at the back side of
the lot, wherein to defend ourselves, when I saw Audenried
coming back with the regiment, on a run, deploying forward as
they came. This regiment soon cleared the place and drove the
rebel cavalry back toward the south, whence they had come.
It transpired that the colonel of this infantry regiment^ whose
name I do not recall, had seen some officers of McPherson's
staff (among them Inspector-General Strong) coming up the road
at a gallop, raising a cloud of dust ; supposing them to be the
head of McPherson's column, and being anxious to get into
camp before dark, he had called in his pickets and started
down the road, leaving me perfectly exposed. Some straggling

392 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
wagons, escorted by a New Jersey regiment, were passing at the
time, and composed the rear of Hurlbut's train. The rebel cav
alry, seeing the road clear of troops, and these wagons passing,
struck them in flank, shot down the mules of three or four wag
ons, broke the column, and began a general skirmish. The
escort defended their wagons as well as they could, and thus
diverted their attention ; otherwise I would surely have been
captured. In a short time the head of McPherson's column
came up, went into camp, and we spent the night in Decatur.
The next day we pushed on, and on the 14th entered Me
ridian, the enemy retreating before us toward Demopolis, Ala
bama. We at once set to work to destroy an arsenal, immense
storehouses, and the railroad in every direction. We staid in
Meridian five days, expecting every hour to hear of General Sooy
Smith, but could get no tidings of him whatever. A large
force of infantry was kept at work all the time in breaking up
the Mobile & Ohio Bailroad south and north ; also the Jack
son & Selma Bailroad, east and west. I was determined to
damage these roads so that they could not be used again for
hostile purposes during the rest of the war. I never had the
remotest idea of going to Mobile, but had purposely given out
that idea to the people of the country, so as to deceive the en
emy and to divert their attention. Many persons still insist that,
because "we did not go to Mobile on this occasion, I had failed;
but in the following letter to General Banks, of January 31st,
written from Vicksburg before starting for Meridian, it will be
seen clearly that I indicated my intention to keep up the delusion
of an attack on Mobile by land, whereas I promised him to be
back to Vicksburg by the 1st of March, so as to cooperate with
him in his contemplated attack on Shreveport :
HEADQUiBTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEE, )
Vioksbuko, January 81, 1864. J
Major-General N. P. Banks, commanding Department of the Gulf, New
Orleans.
General: I received yesterday, at the hands of Captain Dunham, aide-
de-camp, your letter of the 25th inst., and hasten to reply. Captain Dun
ham has gone to the mouth of White River, en route for Little Rock, and

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 393
the other officers who accompanied him have gone up to Cairo, as I under
stand, to charter twenty-five steamboats for the Red River trip. The
Mississippi River, though low for the season, is free of ice and in good boat
ing order ; but I understand that Red River is still low. I had a man in
from Alexandria yesterday, who reported the falls or rapids at that place
impassable save by the smallest boats. My inland expedition is now moving,
and I will be off for Jackson .and Meridian to-morrow. The only fear I
have is in the weather. All the other combinations are good. I want to
keep up the delusion of an attack on Mobile and the Alabama River, and
therefore would be obliged if you would keep up an irritating foraging or
other expedition in that direction.
My orders from General Grant will not, as yet, justify me in embarking
for Red River, though I am very anxious to move in that direction. The
moment I learned that you were preparing for it, I sent a communication
to Admiral Porter, and dispatched to General Grant at Chattanooga, asking
if he wanted me and Steele to cooperate with you against Shreveport; and
I will have his answer in time, for you cannot do any thing till Red
River has twelve feet of water on the rapids at Alexandria. That will be
from March to June. I have lived on Red River, and know somewhat of
the phases of that stream. The expedition on Shreveport should be made
rapidly, with simultaneous movements from Little Rock on Shreveport,
from Opelousas on Alexandria, and a combined force of gunboats and trans
ports directly up Red River. Admiral Porter will be able to have a splendid
fleet by March 1st. I think Steele could move with ten thousand infantry
and five thousand cavalry. I could take about ten thousand, and you could,
I suppose, have the same. Your movement from Opelousas, simultaneous
with mine up the river, would compel Dick Taylor to leave Fort De Russy
(near Marksville), and the whole combined force could appear at Shreve
port about a day appointed beforehand.
I doubt if the enemy will risk a siege at Shreveport, although I am in
formed they are fortifying the place, and placing many heavy guns in posi-
. tion. It would be better for us that they Bhould stand there, as we might
make large and important captures. But I do not believe the enemy will
fight a force -of thirty thousand men, acting in concert with gunboats.
I will be most happy to take part in the proposed expedition, and hope,
before you have made your final dispositions, that I will have the necessary
permission. Half the Army of the Tennessee is near the Tennessee River,
beyond Huntsville, Alabama, awaiting the completion of the railroad, and,
by present orders, I will be compelled to hasten there to command it in
person, unless meantime General Grant modifies the plan. I have now in
this department only the force left to hold the river and the posts, and I am
seriously embarrassed by the promises made the veteran volunteers for fur
lough. I think, by March 1st, I can put afloat for Shreveport ten thousand

S94 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
men, provided I succeed in my present movement in cleaning out the State
of Mississippi, and in breaking up the railroads about Meridian.
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Shekman, Major-General commanding.
The object of the Meridian expedition was to strike the
roads inland, so to paralyze the rebel forces that we could take
from the defense of the Mississippi Eiver the equivalent of a
corps of twenty thousand men, to be used in the next Georgia
campaign ; and this was actually done. At the same time, I
wanted to destroy General Forrest, who, with an irregular force
of cavalry, was constantly threatening Memphis and' the river
above, as well as our routes of supply in Middle Tennessee. In
this we failed utterly, because General W. Sooy Smith did not
fulfill his orders, which were clear and specific, as contained in
my letter of instructions to him of January 27th, at Memphis,
and my personal explanations to him at the same time. In
stead of starting at the date ordered, February 1st, he did not
leave Memphis till the 11th, waiting for some regiment that
was ice-bound near Columbus, Kentucky; and then, when he
did start, he allowed General Forrest to head him off and to de
feat him with an inferior force, near West Point, below Oka-
lona, on the Mobile & Ohio Bailroad.
We waited at Meridian till the 20th to hear from General
Smith, but hearing nothing whatever, and having utterly de
stroyed the railroads in and around that junction, I ordered Gen
eral McPherson to move back slowly toward Canton. With Win-
slow's cavalry, and Hurlbut's infantry, I turned north to Marion,
and thence to a place called " Union," whence I dispatched the
cavalry farther north to Philadelphia and Louisville, to feel as
it were for General Smith, and then turned all the infantry col
umns toward Canton, Mississippi. On the 26th we all reached
Canton, but we had not heard a word of General Smith, nor
was it until some time after (at Vicksburg) that I learned the
whole truth of General Smith's movement and of his failure.
Of course I did not and could not approve of his conduct, and I
know that he yet chafes under the censure. I had set so much
store on his part of the project that I was disappointed, and so

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 395
reported officially to General Grant. General Smith never re
gained my confidence as a soldier, though I still regard him as
a most accomplished gentleman and a skillful engineer. Since
the close of the war he has appealed to me to relieve him of that
censure, but I could not do it, because it would falsify history.
Having assembled all my troops in and about Canton, on
the 27th of February I left them under the command of the
senior major-general, Hurlbut, with orders to remain till about
the 3d of March, and then to come into Vicksburg leisurely ;
and, escorted by Winslow's cavalry, I rode into Vicksburg on
the last day of February. There I found letters from Gen
eral Grant, at Nashville, and General Banks, at New Orleans,
concerning his (General Banks's) projected movement up Bed
Eiver. I was authorized by the former to contribute aid to
General Banks for a limited time ; but General Grant insisted
on my returning in person to my own command about Hunts-
ville, Alabama, as soon as possible, to prepare for the spring
campaign. About this time we were much embarrassed by a general
order of the War Department, promising a thirty-days furlough
to all soldiers who would " veteranize " — viz., reenlist for the
rest of the war. This was a judicious and wise measure, be
cause it doubtless secured the services of a very large portion of
the men who had almost completed a three-years enlistment,
and were therefore veteran soldiers in feeling and in habit.
But to furlough so many of our men at that instant of time
was like disbanding an army in the very midst of battle.
In order to come to a perfect understanding with General
Banks, I took the steamer Diana and ran down to New Orleans
to see him. Among the many letters which I found in Vicks
burg on my return from Meridian was one from Captain D. F.
Boyd, of Louisiana, written from the jail in Natchez, telling
me that he was a prisoner of war in our hands ; had been cap
tured in Louisiana by some of our scouts ; and he bespoke my
friendly assistance. Boyd was Brofessor of Ancient Languages
at the Louisiana Seminary of Learning during my administra
tion in 1859-60 ; was an accomplished scholar, of moderate

396 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
views in politics, but, being a Virginian, was drawn, like all
others of his kind, into the vortex of the rebellion by the
events of 1861, which broke up colleges and every thing at the
South. Natchez, at this time, was in my command, and was
held by a strong division, commanded by Brigadier-General J.
W. Davidson. In the Diana we stopped at Natchez, and I
made a hasty inspection of the place. I sent for Boyd, who was
in good health, but quite dirty, and begged me to take him out
of prison, and to effect his exchange. I receipted for him ; took
him along with me to New Orleans ; offered him money, which
he declined ; allowed him to go free in the city ; and obtained
from General Banks a promise to effect his exchange, which
was afterward done. Boyd is now my legitimate successor in
Louisiana, viz., Bresident of the Louisiana University, which is
the present title of what had been the Seminary of Learning.
After the war was over, Boyd went back to Alexandria, reor
ganized the old institution, which I visited in 1866 ; but the
building was burnt down by an accident or by an incendiary
about 1868, and the institution was then removed to Baton
Bouge, where it now is, under its new title of the University
of Louisiana. We reached New Orleans on the 2d of March. I found
General Banks, with his wife and daughter, living in a good
house, and he explained to me fully the position and strength of
his troops, and his plans of action for the approaching campaign.
I dined with him, and, rough as I was — just out of the woods
— attended, that night, a very pleasant party at the house of a
lady, whose name I cannot recall, but who is now the wife of
Captain Arnold, Fifth United States Artillery. At this party
were also Mr. and Mrs. Frank Howe. I found New Orleans
much changed since I had been familiar with it in 1853 and in
1860-61. It was full of officers and soldiers. Among the
former were General T. W. Sherman, who had lost a leg at
Port Hudson, and General Charles P. Stone, whom I knew so
well in California, and who is now in the Egyptian service as
chief of staff. The bulk of General Banks's army was about
Opelousas, under command of General Franklin, ready to move

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. S97
on Alexandria. General Banks seemed to be all ready, but in
tended to delay his departure a few days to assist in the inau
guration of a civil government for Louisiana, under Governor
Hahn. In Lafayette Square I saw the arrangements of scaf
folding for the fireworks and benches for the audience. General
Banks urged me to remain over the 4th of March, to participate
in the ceremonies, which he explained would include the per
formance of the " Anvil Chorus " by all the bands of his army,
and during the performance the church-bells were to be rung,
and cannons were to be fired by electricity. I regarded all such
ceremonies as out of place at a time when it seemed to me every
hour and every minute were due to the war. General Banks's
movement, however, contemplated my sending a force of ten
thousand men in boats up Bed Biver from Vicksburg, and that
a junction should occur at Alexandria by March 17th. I there
fore had no time to wait for the grand pageant of the 4th of
March, but took my departure from New Orleans in the Diana
the evening of March 3d.
On the next day, March 4th, I wrote to General Banks a
letter, which was extremely minute in conveying to him how
far I felt authorized to go under my orders from General Grant.
At that time General Grant commanded the Military Division
of the Mississippi, embracing my own Department of the Ten
nessee and that of General Steele in Arkansas, but not that of
General Banks in Louisiana. General Banks was acting on his
own powers, or under the instructions of General Halleck in
Washington, and our assistance to him was designed as a loan of
ten thousand men for a period of thirty days. The instructions of
March 6th to General A. J. Smith, who commanded this detach
ment, were full and explicit on this point. The Diana reached
Vicksburg on the 6th, where I found that the expeditionary
army had come in from Canton. One division of five thousand
men was made up out of Hurlbut's command, and placed under
Brigadier-General T. Kilby Smith ; and a similar division was
made out of McPherson's and Hurlbut's troops, and placed under
Brigadier-General Joseph A. Mower ; the whole commanded by
Brigadier-General A. J. Smith. General Hurlbut, with the rest

398 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
of his command, returned to Memphis, and General McPherson
remained at Vicksburg. General A. J. Smith's command was
in due season embarked, and proceeded to Bed Eiver, which
it ascended, convoyed by Admiral Borter's fleet. General
Mower's division was landed near the outlet of the Atchaf alaya,
marched up by land and captured the fort below Alexandria
known as Fort De Eussy, and the whole fleet then proceeded
up to Alexandria, reaching it on the day appointed, viz., March
17th, where it waited for the arrival of General Banks, who,
however, did not come till some days after. These two divi
sions participated in the whole of General Banks's unfortunate
Bed Eiver expedition, and were delayed so long up Bed Biver,
and subsequently on the Mississippi, that they did not share
with their comrades the successes and glories of the Atlanta
campaign, for which I had designed them ; and, indeed, they
did not join our army till just in time to assist General George
H. Thomas to defeat General Hood before Nashville, on the
15th and 16th of December, 1864.
General Grant's letter of instructions, which was brought me
by General Butterfield, who had followed me to New Orleans,
enjoined on me, after concluding with General Banks the de
tails for his Bed Eiver expedition, to make all necessary arrange
ments for furloughing the men entitled to that privilege, and to
hurry back to the army at Huntsville, Alabama. I accordingly-
gave the necessary orders to General McBherson, at Vicksburg,
and continued up the river toward Memphis. On our way we
met Captain Badeau, of General Grant's staff, bearing the fol
lowing letter, of March 4th, which I answered on the 10th, and
sent the answer by General Butterfield, who had accompanied
me up from New Orleans. Copies of both were also sent to
General McBherson, at Vicksburg. [Peivate.] Nashville, Tennessee, March i, 1864.
Dear Shebman: The bill reviving the grade of lieutenant-general in the
army has become a law, and my name has been sent to the Senate for the
place. I now receive orders to report at Washington immediately, in person,

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 399
which indicates either a confirmation or a likelihood of confirmation. I
start in the morning to comply with the order, but I shall say very dis
tinctly on my arrival thore that I shall accept no appointment which will
require me to make that city my headquarters. This, however, is not what
I started out to write about.
While I have been eminently successful in this war, in at least gaining
the confidence of the public, no one feels more than I how much of this
success is due to the energy, skill, and the harmonious putting forth of that
energy and skill, of those whom it has been my good fortune to have occu
pying subordinate positions under me.
There are many officers to whom these remarks are applicable to a
greater or less degree, proportionate to their ability as soldiers ; but what I
want is to express my thanks to you and McPherson, as the men to whom,
above all others, I feel indebted for whatever I have had of success. How
far your advice and suggestions have been of assistance, you know. How
far your execution of whatever has been given you to do entitles you to the
reward I am receiving, you cannot know as well as I do. I feel all the
gratitude this letter would express, giving it the most flattering construc
tion. The word you I use 'in the plural, intending it for McPherson also. I
should write to him, and will some day, but, starting in the morning, I do
not know that I will find time just now. Your friend,
U. S. Geant, Major-General.
[Peivate and Conpidentiai..] Near Memphis, March 10, 1864.
General Geant.
Deak General : I have your more than kind and characteristic letter of
the 4th, and will send a copy of it to General McPherson at once.
You do yourself injustice and us too much honor in assigning to us so
large a share of the merits which have led to your high advancement. I
know you approve the friendship I have ever professed to you, and will
permit me to continue as heretofore to manifest it on all proper occasions.
You are now Washington's legitimate successor, and occupy a position
of almost dangerous elevation ; hut if you can continue as heretofore to be
yourself, simple, honest, and unpretending, you will enjoy through life the
respect and love of friends, and the homage of millions of human beings
who will award to you a large share for securing to them and their de
scendants a government of law and stability.
I repeat, you do General McPherson and myself too much honor. At
Belmont you manifested your traits, neither of us being near ; at Donelson
also you illustrated your whole character. I was not near, and General
McPherson in too subordinate a capacity to influence you.

400 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
Until you had won Donelson, I confess I was almost cowed by the
terrible array of anarchical elements that presented themselves at every
point; but that victory admitted the ray of light which I have followed
ever since.
I believe you are as brave, patriotic, and just, as the great prototype
Washington ; as unselfish, kind-hearted, and honest, as a man should be ;
but the chief characteristic in your nature is the simple faith in success you
have always manifested, which I can liken to nothing else than the faith a
Christian has in his Saviour.
This faith gave you victory at Shiloh and Vicksburg. Also, when you
have completed your best preparations, you go into battle without hesita
tion, as at Chattanooga — no doubts, no reserve ; and I tell you that it v, as
this that made us act with confidence. I knew wherever I was that
you thought of me, and if I got in a tight place you would come — if alive.
My only points of doubt were as to your knowledge of grand strategy,
and of books of science and history ; but I confess your common-sense seems
to have supplied all this.
Now as to the future. Do not stay in Washington. Halleck is better
qualified than you are to stand the buffets of intrigue and policy. Come
out West ; take to yourself the whole Mississippi Valley ; let ns make it
dead-sure, and I tell you the Atlantic slope and Pacific shores will follow
its destiny as sure as the limbs of a tree live or die with the main trunk !
We have done much ; still much remains to be done. Time and time's
influences are all with us ; we could almost afford to sit still and let these
influences work. Even in the seceded States your word now would go fur
ther than a President's proclamation, or an act of Congress.
For God's sake and for your country's sake, come out of Washington 1 I
foretold to General Halleck, before he left Corinth, the inevitable result to
him, and I now exhort you to come out West. Here lies the seat of the
coming empire ; and from the West, when our task is done, we will make
short work of Charleston and Richmond, and the impoverished coast of
the Atlantic. Your sincere friend, W. T. Sherman.
We reached Memphis on the 13th, where I remained some
days, but on the 14th of March received from General Grant
a dispatch to hurry to Nashville in person by the 17th, if pos
sible. Disposing of all matters then pending, I took a steam
boat to Cairo, the cars thence to Louisville and Nashville, reach
ing that place on the 17th of March, 1864.
I found General Grant there. He had been to Washington
and back, and was ordered to return East to command all the

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 401
armies of the United States, and personally the Army of the
Potomac. I was to succeed him in command of the Military
Division of the Mississippi, embracing the Departments of the
Ohio, Cumberland, Tennessee, and Arkansas. General Grant
was of course very busy in winding up all matters of business,
in transferring his command to me, and in preparing for what
was manifest would be the great and closing campaign of our
civil war. Mrs. Grant and some of their children were with
him, and occupied a large house in Nashville, which was used
as an office, dwelling, and every thing combined.
On the 18th of March I had issued orders assuming com
mand of the Military Division of the Mississippi, and was
seated in the office, when the general came in and said they
were about to present him a sword, inviting me to come and
see the ceremony. I went back into what was the dining-room
of the house ; on the table lay a rose-wood box, containing a
sword, sash, spurs, etc., and round about the table were grouped
Mrs. Grant, Nelly, and one or two of the boys. I was intro
duced to a large, corpulent gentleman, as the mayor, and an
other citizen, who had come' down from Galena to make this
presentation of a sword to their fellow-townsman. I think that
Bawlins, Bowers, Badeau, and one or more of General Grant's
personal staff, were present. The mayor rose and in the most
dignified way read a finished speech to General Grant, who
stood, as usual, very awkwardly ; and the mayor closed his
speech by handing him the resolutions of the City Council
engrossed on parchment, with a broad ribbon and large seal
attached. After the mayor had fulfilled his office so well, Gen
eral Grant said : " Mr. Mayor, as I knew that this ceremony
was to occur, and as I am not used to speaking, I have written
something in reply." He then began to fumble in his pockets,
first his breast-coat pocket, then his pants, vest, etc., and after
considerable delay he pulled out a crumpled piece of common
yellow cartridge-paper, which he handed to the mayor. His
whole manner was awkward in the extreme, yet perfectly char
acteristic, and in strong contrast with the elegant parchment and
speech of the mayor. When read, however, the substance of his
26

402 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
answer was most excellent, short, concise, and, if it had been
delivered by word of mouth, would have been all that the
occasion required.
I could not help laughing at a scene so characteristic of the
man who then stood prominent before the country, and to
whom all had turned as the only one qualified to guide the na
tion in a war that had become painfully critical. With copies
of the few letters referred to, and which seem necessary to il
lustrate the subject-matter, I close this chapter.

Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, )
Steamer Diana (under -weigh), March 4, 1864. J
Major- General N. P. Banks, commanding Department of the Gulf, New
Orleans.
General : I had the honor to receive your letter of the 2d instant
yesterday at New Orleans, but was unable to answer, except verbally, and
I now reduce it to writing.
I will arrive at Vicksburg the 6th instant, and I expect to meet there
my command from Canton, out of which I will select two divisions of about
ten thousand men, embark them under a good commander, and order him :
1st. To rendezvous at the mouth of Red River, and, in concert with
Admiral Porter (if he agree), to strike Harrisonburg a hard blow.
2d. To return to Red River and ascend it, aiming to reach Alexandria
on the 17th of March, to report to you.
3d. That, as this command is designed to operate by water, it will not
be encumbered with much land transportation, say two wagons to a regi
ment, but with an ample supply of stores, including mortars and heavy
rifled guns, to be used against fortified places.
4th. That I have calculated, and so reported to General Grant, that this
detachment of his forces in no event is to go beyond Shreveport, and that
you will spare them the moment you can, trying to get them back to the
Mississippi River in thirty days from the time they actually enter Red River.
The year is wearing away fast, and I would like to carry to General
Grant at Huntsville, Alabama, every man of his military division, as early
in April as possible, for I am sure we ought to move from the base of the
Tennessee River to the south before the season is too far advanced, say as
early as April 15th next.
I feel certain of your complete success, provided you make the concen
tration in time, to assure which [ will see in person to the embarkation
and dispatch of my quota, and I will write to General Steele, conveying to
him my personal and professional opinion that the present opportunity is

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 403
the most perfect one that will ever offer itself to him to clean out his ene
mies in Arkansas.
Wishing you all honor and success, I am, with respect, your friend and
servant, W. T. Sherman, Major-General.

Headquarters Department of the Tennessee,
Vicksbcrg, March 6, 1864.

Brigadier- General A. J. Smith, commanding Expedition up Red River,
Vicksburg, Mississippi.
General : By an order this day issued, you are to command a strong,
well-appointed detachment of the Army of the Tennessee, sent to reenforce
a movement up Red River, but more especially against the fortified posi
tion at Shreveport.
You will embark your command as soon as possible, little encum
bered with wagons or wheeled vehicles, but well supplied with fuel, provi
sions, and ammunition. Take with you the twelve mortars, with their
ammunition, and all the thirty-pound Parrotts the ordnance-officer will
supply. Proceed to the mouth of Red River and confer with Admiral Por
ter. Consult with him, and in all the expedition rely on him implicitly, as
he is the approved friend of the Army of the Tennessee, and has been asso
ciated with us from the beginning. I have undertaken with General Banks
that you will be at Alexandria, Louisiana, on or before the 17th day of
March ; and you will, if time allows, cooperate with the navy in destroying
Harrisonburg, up Black River ; but as I passed Red River yesterday I saw
Admiral Porter, and he told me he had already sent an expedition to
Harrisonburg, so that I suppose that part of the plan will be accomplished
before you reach Red River ; but, in any event, be careful to reach Alex
andria about the 17th of March.
General Banks will start by land from Franklin, in the Teche country,
either the 5th or 7th, and will march via Opelousas to Alexandria. You
will meet him there, report to him, and act under his orders. My under
standing with him is that his forces will move by land, via Natchitoches,
to Shreveport, while the gunboat-fleet is to ascend the river with your
transports in company. Red River is very low for the season, and I
doubt if any of the boats can pass the falls or rapids at Alexandria. What
General Banks proposes to do in that event I do not know ; but my own
judgment is that Shreveport ought not to be attacked until the gunboats
can reach it. Not that a force marching by land cannot do it alone, but it
would be bad economy in war to invest the place with an army so far from
heavy guns, mortars, ammunition, and provisions, which can alone reach
Shreveport by water. Still, I do not know about General Banks's plans
in that event; and whatever they may be, your duty will be to conform,
in the most hearty manner.

4:04 MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. [1864.
My understanding with General Banks is that he will not need the co
operation of your force beyond thirty days from the date you reach Red
River. As soon as he has taken Shreveport, or as soon as he can spare
you, return to Vicksburg with all dispatch, gather up your detachments,
wagons, tents, transportation, and all property pertaining to so much of
the command as belongs to the Sixteenth Army Corps, and conduct it to
Memphis, where orders will await you. My present belief is your divi
sion, entire, will be needed with the Army of the Tennessee, about Hunts-
ville or Bridgeport. Still, I will leave orders with General Hurlbut, at
Memphis, for you on your return.
I believe if water will enable the gunboats to cross the rapids at Alex
andria, you will be able to make a quick, strong, and effective blow at our
enemy in the West, thus widening the belt of our territory, and making
the breach between the Confederate Government and its outlying trans-
Mississippi Department more perfect.
It is understood that General Steele makes a simultaneous move from
Little Rock, on Shreveport or Natchitoches, with a force of about ten thou
sand men. Banks will have seventeen thousand, and you ten thousand.
If these can act concentrically and simultaneously, you will make short
work of it, and then General Banks will have enough force to hold as
much of the Red River country as he deems wise,'leaving you to bring to
General Grant's main army the seven thousand five hundred men of the
Sixteenth Corps now with you. Having faith in your sound judgment and
experience, I confide this important and delicate command to you, with
certainty that you will harmonize perfectly with Admiral Porter and Gen
eral Banks, with whom you are to act, and thereby insure success.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Major- General commanding.
Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, )
Memphis, March 14, 1864. )
Major-General McPherson, commanding, etc., Vicksburg, Mississippi.
Dear General : I wrote you at length on the 11th, by a special bearer
of dispatches, and now make special orders to cover the movements therein
indicated. It was my purpose to await your answer, but I am summoned
by General Grant to be in Nashville on the 17th, and it will keep me moving
night and day to get there by that date. I must rely on you, for you un
derstand that we must reenforce the great army at the centre (Chattanooga)
as much as possible, at the same time not risking the safety of any point on
the Mississippi which is fortified and armed with heavy guns. I want you
to push matters as rapidly as possible, and to do all you can to put two
handsome divisions of your own corps at Cairo, ready to embark up the
Tennessee River by the 20th or 30th of April at the very furthest. I wish

1864.] MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN. 405
it could be done quicker ; but the promise of these thirty-days furloughs
in the States of enlistment, though politic, is very unmilitary. It deprives
us of our ability to calculate as to time ; but do the best you can. Hurl
but can do nothing till A. J. Smith returns from Red River. I will then or
der him to occupy Grenada temporarily, and to try and get those locomo
tives that we need here. I may also order him with cavalry and infantry
to march toward Tuscaloosa, at the same time that we move from the
Tennessee River about Chattanooga.
I don't know as yet the grand strategy of the next campaign, but on ar
rival at Nashville I will soon catch the main points, and will advise you of
them. Steal a furlough and run to Baltimore incog. ; but get back in time to
take part in the next grand move.
Write me fully and frequently of your progress. I have ordered the
quartermaster to send down as many boats as he can get, to facilitate your
movements. Mules, wagons, etc., can come up afterward by transient
boats. I am truly your friend, W. T. Sherman, Major-General commanding.
[Special Held Order No. 28.]
Headquarters Department of the Tennessee, I
Memphis, Tenn., March 14, 1864. )
1. Major-General McPherson will organize two good divisions of his
corps (Seventeenth) of about five thousand men, each embracing in part the
reenlisted veterans of his corps whose furloughs will expire in April, which
he will command in person, and will rendezvous at Cairo, Illinois, and re
port by telegraph and letter to the general commanding at department
headquarters, wherever they may be. These divisions will be provided with
new arms and accoutrements, and land transportation (wagons and mules)
out of the supplies now at Vicksburg, which will be conveyed to Cairo by
or before April 15th.
4. During the absence of General McPherson from the district of
Vicksburg, Major-General Hurlbut will exercise command over all the
troops in the Department of the Tennessee from Cairo to Natchez, inclu
sive, and will receive special instructions from department headquarters.
By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman: L. M. Dayton, Aide-de-Camp.

END OF VOL. I.

GENERAL JOSEPH E. JOHNSTONS CAMPAIGNS.

GENERAL JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON'S
Narrative of Military Operations
Directed by him during the late War between the States.
This "work is the first authentic contribution, from a Southern military
source, of material for the future historian, and is written in the terse,
incisive, and vivid style, for which its eminent author is so justly re
nowned. The correspondence between General Johnston and the late Confeder
ate Government lifts the curtain on much that perplexed the understand
ing of people North and South during the progress of this struggle.

Letter from General Sherman,
.DQUARTEKS AEMY OF T]
"Washington, D. C, October 31, 18T3.

Headquarters Aemy of the United States, }

Messrs. D. Appleton & Co.,
1549 Broadway, New York :
Deak Sirs: I have your favor of the 30th, repeating what you said to me in person yesterday,
that you have for publication the manuscript of General Johnston's w Narrative of the Military
Operations directed by him during the late War between the States."
Without the least hesitation I advise its immediate publication, for I believe it will have a most
extensive sale at the North, as well as the South, and even in Europe.
General Johnston is most favorably known to the military world, and is regarded by many aa
the most skillful general on the Southern side. He is also ready with his pen, and whatever he
records will receive the closest attention by students of the art of war on this continent, and will
enter largely into the future Military History of the Civil "War.
With great respect, your obedient servant,
,  W. T. SHEKMAN, General.
From the iV. Y. Times, October 29lh,
"We are glad to learn that a leading publisher of New York has in hand and will soon issue a
work on the civil war of something1 more than ephemeral interest. This is a careful and deliberate
account from the pen of General Joseph E. Johnston, of the Confederate Army, of the events which
preceded his removal from the command of-the Southern forces operating against General Sherman
in Tennessee and Northern Georgia. Military men have long been aware of the decisive efect of
that removal in favor of General Sherman ffnd the Union cause. It was the personal act of Jefferson
" Davis, resolved upon and carried out by him in defiance of the counsel and in contempt of the
remonstrances of the ablest soldiers in the Southern army ; and, as General Johnston can have no
motive now for withholding the whole truth in regard to the matter, the story he has to tell will
have a real value for the political as well as for the military history of the gTeat American conflict.

The book is printed on good paper, in clear, large type, and illustrated
with maps, portraits, etc., etc., the whole making a volume of about 600
pages. Prioe, in Cloth Binding, $5.00 ; Leather, 86.00 ; Half Turkey Morocco, $7.50.

NEW YOKK- D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers,
349 & 331 BROADWAY.

UNITED STATES ARMY TACTICS.

Headqttarters of the Army, )
Washington, July 17, 1873. J
General Orders No. 6. — The foUowing order, received from the War Department, is pub
lished for the information and guidance of the Army:

War Department, \
~~3. f

Washington City, July 17, 1873.

The revision of Upton s Infantry Tactics by the author, and the Tactics for Artillery and Cav
alry [ir.cluding the proceedings of the board — Major-General Schofield, President — instituted by
General Orders No. 60, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant-General's Office, series of 1809], assimi
lated to the Tactics for Infantry, pursuant to instructions from the General of the Army, by —
Lieutenant-Colonel Emory Upton, 1st Artillery, Instructor of Tactics, U. S. Military Academy;
Captain Henry A. Du Pont, 5th Artillery, commanding Battery " F," 5th Artillery;
Captain John E. Tourtellotte, 7th Cavalry, Colonel and Aide-de-Camp to the General;
Captain Alfred E. Bates, 2d Cavalry, Assistant Instructor of Cavalry Tactics, U. S. Military
Academy— — having been approved by the President, are adopted for the instruction of the Army and
Militia of the United States.
To insure uniformity, all exercises, evolutions, and ceremonies not embraced in these Tactics
are prohibited, and those therein prescribed will be strictly observed.
WM. W. BELKNAP, Secretary of War.
By command of General Sherman.
WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE, Assistant Adjutant-General.
INFANTRY TACTICS, Double and Single Rank. Adapted to American To
pography and Improved Fire-arms. By Brevet Major-General Emory Upton, U. S. Army.
Revised edition, 1 vol., bound in leather, -with clasp. Price, $2.00.
CAVALRY TACTICS, United States Army, assimilated to the Tactics of Infantry
and Artillery. 1 vol., bound in leather, with clasp, Price, $2.00.
ARTILLERY TACTICS,
1 vol., bound in leather, with clasp. Price, $2.00.

A COLLECTION OF TACTICAL STUDIES,
TRANSLATED and fttt together by
WYLLYS LYMAN, Brevet Major U. S. A.
1 vol., 18mo. Cloth. Trice, $1.25.

I. INTRODUCTION.
n. INFANTRY TACTICS OF DETAIL. From the French of Captain tfniile
Poirot.
III. GERMAN COMPANY COLUMN AND AUTUMN MANOEUVRES, 1873.
IV. ENGLISH FORMATIONS FOR ATTACK.
"Napoleon's maxim was that, to hold superiority, a people must change its tactics every ten
years. The following pages illustrate the force of this maxim in the tentative and progressive char
acter of the formations and movements most employed abroad to-day. In the words of the distin
guished French staff-officer, Colonel Lewal, 'Progress is life, the statu quo is the death of armies,
and, what is worse, of nations. Tactics must change in form from age to age, and at epochs rela
tively very near. It is an incessant childbirth. We may deplore these perpetual mutations, but
we cannot escape them ; it is the modern law. We must follow the movement which draws us on.
It would be better to plaee ourselves at its head and direct it. In tactics it will not suffice to imitate,
to keep abreast of others, servilely to copy institutions or methods ; new applications must be sought
without ceasing, and we must guard well against clinging to transient and variable forms.1 The
recent revision and assimilation of our own system for all arms, lends new and immediate interest
and importance to this comparative analysis."1— Extract from Preface.
New York: D. APPLETON cf CO.x Publishers,
649 & S81 BROADWAY.

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