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Thomas Hazard son of Rob^
call'd
COLLEGE TOM

A STUDY OF LIFE IN NARRAGANSETT
IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY

BY .HIS GRANDSON S GRANDDAUGHTER
CAROLINE HAZARD

BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
1893

Cc /¦- c ? if i L'

Copyright, 1893,
By CAROLINE HAZARD.
All rights reserved.

The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co.

'VJ 'fc^

To
R. AND M. R. H.
WHO IN THIS CENTURY AND IN THE SAME NARRAGANSETT,
FILL THE HONORED PLACES OF
THOMAS AND ELIZABETH HAZARD,
THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED BY THEIR
LOVING DAUGHTER.

'^]^fU^ayraf^<>/A^

PREFACE.

The year following my grandfather's
death, in 1889, after his papers had been
sorted and classified, I began to work
among them, hoping to arrange a memoir.
I soon saw that I should have to begin with
his grandfather, and was led still further
back to the grandfather of his grandfather.
As I worked, the life of the last century
cast a spell over the present, and what I
had undertaken as a chapter has developed
into this volume.
My thanks are especially due to two
Friends, William H. Perry, the clerk of the
Meeting, whose friendship for my grand
parents led him to give me access to
the South Kingstown " Monthly Meeting
Records," which have never before been
I examined for historical purposes ; and
Samuel Austin, a descendant of College

vi PREFACE
Tom's contemporary, who searched the
Rhode Island "Yearly Meeting Records"
for me. Besides these I owe valuable sug
gestions to Mrs. Caroline E. Robinson,
whose researches in the South Kingstown
Records I hope may soon be published.
The details here presented may seem
trifling — the accounts of household con
cerns and neighborhood transactions ; and
so they are if they do not inspire a greater
reverence for the body which is " more
than raiment," and the life which is " more
than meat." The problems of that day
were different from ours, but the courage
required to face them was the same. The
men in their homespun and the women in
their "camblit" cloaks lived and loved much
as we do. And so this little bit of the old
life makes a link in the unending chain of
life, — that life which is constantly aspiring,
ever seeking its divine source. C H.
Oakwoods IN Peace Dale, R. I.
October 9, 1893.

CONTENTS.

Page
CHAPTER I. Upon the Narragansett Coun
try AND the First Settlers in it ... . i
CHAPTER II. The Early Life of College
Tom, AND his Marriage  27
CHAPTER III. Upon Slavery in Narragan
sett, and College Tom's Opposition to it . 42
CHAPTER IV. The Account Book of Thomas
Hazard Son of Robert, called College
Tom, with some Mention of Horses ... 56
CHAPTER V. Upon Cows, and the Products
of the Dairy  76
CHAPTER VI. A Pastoral, introducing Spin
ners AND Weavers  91
CHAPTER VII. Upon Corn, and Husbandry
IN General  109
CHAPTER VIII. A V^oman's Chapter, with
some Gossip  125
CHAPTER IX. Upon the Evils of a Depre
ciated Currency, and the Disorders it
engenders  ¦  143
CHAPTER X. The South Kingstown Monthly
Meeting and the Abolition of Slavery in
Rhode Island  159
CHAPTER XI. Upon the Revolution, and the
Closing Days of College Tom's Life . . 190
APPENDIX.
I. Mr. Samuell Sew all's Deed, 1698 . . . .217
II. Receipt for Rent from Mr. Brenton, 1702 . 222

viii CONTENTS
III. Letter from Judge Sewall to Thomas
Hazard, 1716  223
IV. Opinion of the King's Attorney Gen
eral IN regard to a Quaker Gov
ernor, 1734  224
V. Attestation of Thomas Foxcroft and
Charles Chauncy, 1735  226
VI. Will of Thomas Hazard, 1746 .... 230
VII. A Copy of a Letter from Quebeck,
1747  237
VIII. Susquehannah Company Receipts, 1754-
1768  244
IX. An Apprenticeship Paper, i 768 .... 246
X. A Lease from Stephen Champlin, 1772. 248
XI. Manuscript in the Hand of Thomas
Hazard Son of Robert, 1772 . . . 250
XII. Letter from Matthew Griswold to
Governor Wanton, 1773  252
XIII. Copy of a Minute from Quarterly
Meeting, 1775  253
XIV. Copy of a Minute of a Meeting for
Sufferings, 1776  254
XV. Release of Guardianship, 1776 .... 255
XVI. Constitution of the Providence So
ciety FOR abolishing the Slave
Trade  256
XVII. Will of Thomas Hazard Son of Rob
ert, 1793  260
XVIII. Rhode Island Currency  264
Sundry Prices and Various Entries taken from
THE Account Book of Thomas Hazard Son
OF Robert, 1750-1784  266
Contracts for Labour, 1757-1795  308
Record of Births, 1747-1781  314
A Regestor OF Death's, 1732-1773  315

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page
Map of Pettaquamscut Purchase . Frontispiece
Signatures of Thomas and Elizabeth Hazard . . iv
Receipt of Rent  26
Letter from William Robinson  38
The Spanish Mill'd Dollar  61
Four-Dollar Bill  .108
A Typical Order  124
Susquehannah Company Receipt .... 144
Eight-Dollar Bill . . . . . . .158

COLLEGE TOM.
— »«M— —
CHAPTER L
The Physical Features of Narragansett. Its Disputed
Boundaries. Roger Williams' Entry into the Country.
The Pettaquamscut Purchase. The Atherton Company.
The King's Province. George Fox preaches there.
The Great Swamp Fight. Kingstown incorporated.
Robert Hazard the First of the Narragansett Hazards.
His Father in Portsmouth. His Son Thomas. The
Sewall Deeds. Judge Sewall. Point Judith. Other
Purchases by Thomas Hazard. His Will. Changes in
Narragansett. The development of small and isolated
communities has long furnished a fascinat
ing theme for the historian and the poet.
The scope afforded for original personality
is great, and the tendency to follow a natural
leader most strongly marked in a society so
closely bound together. These two oppos
ing forces working against each other com
bine to foster the growth of strong individ
uality. When a community is entirely self
sustaining in material things, and indepen
dent in intellectual, the old saying might

2 COLLEGE TOM
be paraphrased to read "in limitation is
strength." Especially was this true in a
new country, where the resources of men
were taxed to their utmost ; and of no part
of the new world was this more true
than of Rhode Island, and that part of
Rhode Island called the Narragansett coun
try. Not from choice, but from dire neces
sity was Providence planted in the wilder
ness. To it came not the men Roger
Williams would have chosen, but men like
himself in peril of their lives from the self-
righteous neighbor which shook off what
was considered their polluting presence.
No common idea bound them together, and
though Roger Williams by his force and
beauty of character long maintained his
natural leadership, it was often a difficult
matter. Portsmouth and Newport in the
same way were founded by exiles, who soon
quarreled among themselves, and the town
of Warwick resulted from forcibly deporting
some of the turbulent spirits from the Island.
As the tide of immigration to Rhode Island
came not by sea but from the north, the
southern portion, the country of the Narra-
gansetts, was naturally the last to be opened
to white settlers. As early as 1634, Governor

THE NARRAGANSETT COUNTRY 3
Winthrop describes it. " The country on the
west of the bay of Narragansett," he writes,
" is all champain for many miles, but very
stony and full of Indians."^ Except that the
Indians are gone, this is a true description
to this day. Now we speak of South Kings
town as the Narragansett country, but in
the old days when the Narragansetts were
a powerful tribe their special territory was
bounded on the north by the Cowesits and
Shawomuts, bordering on Greenwich Bay,
and on the west by the formidable Pequots.^
The long finger of Point Judith stretches
far out into the sea, giving a long line of
coast, part of it bold and rocky, where the
great sea-bass are still caught, and part with
beaches and shallow ponds full of clams and
oysters. It is a small bit of country, " this
little corner," as Dr. McSparran called it,
watered by several good streams. The
Pettaquamscut flows from a charming lake,
not above tide water, and separates the
fertile lands of Boston Neck from Tower
Hill. Then comes the Saugatucket, which
takes the westerly water-shed of the ridge
1 Quoted in Potter, Early History of Narragansett,
p. 1 6.
' Ibid., pp. I and 3.

4 COLLEGE TOM
of hills, with their glacial scratches and
granite boulders, which make the backbone
of Rhode Island. Farther west still, be
yond the crest of Little Rest Hill, flows the
Chepuxet into Worden's Pond, along the
borders of which lies the Great Swamp,
and issues from it the Pawcatuck, the little
river which figured prominently in the Eng-
lisTi courts.^ All this land was granted by
a liberal king to two colonies, Connecti
cut and Rhode Island ; for. Dr. McSparran
justly observes, " as the geography of this
country was hardly emerged into any tol
erable light, instead of ascertaining their
limits on earth they fixed their boundaries
in the heavens."^ If the Pawcatuck, as the
Rhode Island men held, was the stream
called Narragansett River, it marked the
boundary of Connecticut ; if, on the contrary,
the bay was meant by that name, the whole
country was lost to Rhode Island.
Into this well watered land, with its forests,
and " full of Indians," Roger Williams pen
etrated some time before 1650,^ and here the
persecuted man found a warm welcome. He
1 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 234.
^ Updike, History of the Narragansett Church, p. 500.
* Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 4.

THE PETTAQUAMSCUT PURCHASE 5
renders thanks "to the Most High who stirred
up the barbarous heart of Cononicus to love
me as his son to his last gasp." ^ Here he
went to see the little island called Nahi-
gansett, " and about the place called Sugar
Loaf Hill I saw it," he writes, "and was
within a pole of it, but could not learn
why it was called Nahigansett." ^ Richard
Smith had built a trading-house near Wick-
ford, a few years before, and soon took con
trol of the more southerly station which
Roger Williams established. But little pro
gress was made toward opening the coun
try for settlement until the two great pur
chases, the first in 1657 by John Hull, the
goldsmith of Boston, and his associates,
called the Pettaquamscut purchase,^ and
the second by the Humphrey Atherton
Company in 1659.* The Pettaquamscut
purchases extended over a period of several
years, and were made with the consent of
the colonies, while the Atherton Company,
Potter declares, bought their land " in con
travention of an express law of the colony,"^
and, therefore, could not be recognized
1 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 4.
2 Ibid. 8 ibid..^ p. 275.
* Ibid., p. 58. 5 /fo-^.^ p. ^p.

6 COLLEGE TOM
by the government. The two purchases
covered portions of the same land, and end
less strife resulted. Of the seven Petta
quamscut purchasers all except John Hull
were settlers in Rhode Island. Wilson and
Mumford were actually in the Narragan
sett country, and others came, or were in
Newport, near by. The Atherton Company
seems to have been the speculation of
absentee landlords. The younger Win
throp of Connecticut was one of its rul
ing spirits. Bradstreet, the Stantons, and
Smiths were of the company. A recent
writer thinks scant justice has been done
these pioneers, whom the Pettaquamscut men
regarded as such intruders, but he says they
were all "anti-Rhode-Islanders in spirit."^
Members of this company at this early day
declare that Rhode Island is " a rodde to
those that love to live in order, — a road,
refuge, asylum to evil livers. The public
rolls record what malefactors, what capital
offenders, have found it their unhallowed
sanctuary." ^ And, indeed, from the Connec
ticut point of view this was quite true, for the
1 Dr. Edward Channing, The Narragansett Planters,
P- 13-
2 Ibid.

CONFLICTING CLAIMS 7
founders of the three towns, Roger Williams
at Providence, Mrs. Hutchinson and her
associates at Portsmouth, and Samuel Gor
ton at Warwick, were all " capital offend
ers." In contrast to this Williams nobly ex
pressed what came to be the ideal Rhode
Island spirit, when he replied to the demand
of Massachusetts to banish Quakers : " We
have no law amongst us whereby to punish
any for only declaring by words their minds
and understanding concerning the things
and ways of God as to salvation and our
eternal condition." ^
Both companies undoubtedly expected
large results from their land scheme. The
Pettaquamscut purchasers bought their first
large tract of land from the Indians for
sixteen pounds and other considerations.^
How much the Indians understood of it all
is very uncertain ; especially of the terms of
mortgage, which they did not fulfill. They
were stirred to opposition, and in 1662
made a protest to the pretended " title to
Point Jude and other lands adjoining."^
The Pettaquamscut purchasers, holding
1 Fiske, Beginnings of New England, p. 184.
2 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 275.
8 Ibid., p. 277.

8 COLLEGE TOM
under Rhode Island law, were bound to
support the royal charter of 1643, giving
the land to Rhode Island ; while the Ather
ton Company maintained the validity of the
grant of 1631 confirmed in 1662, to the Earl
of Warwick, by which Connecticut claimed
it.^ So hot did the dispute become that
two years later the King's commissioners
appointed to settle it summarily took the
country from both colonies claiming it, and
erected it into a separate government
called the King's Province.^ After 1666
the Governor and assistants of Rhode
Island took the place of its own officers,
which for two years had been appointed by
the Crown. All this dissension naturally
prevented the rapid growth of the country.
A few years later the General Assembly at
Newport (1672) appointed four commission
ers " to goe over to Narragansett and to take
view of such places there and there about
that are fit for plantations." They were in
structed to inform the English and Indians
that " the CoUony doth intend such lands
shall be improved by peoplinge the same. " ^
1 Potter, Early History of Narragatisett, p. 62.
^ Ibid., p. 69.
8 R. I. C. R., vol. ii. p. 87.

GEORGE FOX g
So Rhode Island was taking the matter
into her own hands. Instead of sending
" assistants " to the General Assembly the
Court of General Assembly went to Narra
gansett. On a May day in 1671 Governor
Nicholas Easton, and the other officers of
the Colony, met at the house of Mr. Jireh
Bull in Pettaquamscut. A courier was dis
patched through the country " to warne
the inhabitants of this Plantation to attend
to-morrow morning at six of the clock," ^
when among other business transacted Mr.
Bull himself, Mr. Samuel Wilson, and Mr.
William Hefernan were chosen justices.^
To this house in 1672, the following
year, came a very different embassy. The
Governor was the same and came again from
Newport, but with him came a greater than
his justices, George Fox, the saintly apostle
of the Inner Light. Fox himself describes
the meeting, which seems to have taken
place at the Bull house, known to have
been large and a usual place of assembly.
" We had a meeting at a justice's, " he
writes, " where Friends never had any before.
The meeting was very large, for the country
1 R. I. C. R., vol. ii. p. 39.
2 Ibid

lO COLLEGE TOM
generally came in ; and people from Connect
icut and other parts round about. There
were four justices of the peace. Most of
these people were such as had never heard
Friends before ; but they were mightily
affected, and a great desire is there after
the truth amongst them. So that meeting
was of very good service, blessed be the
Lord for ever ! " ^ He was asked to come
again, but says he " was clear of those
parts." However, he " laid this place before "
two of his companions, John Burnyeate
and John Cartwright, who "felt drawings
thither, and went to visit them." So the
meeting which had so much influence in
Narragansett was established. The house
itself in which the gospel of peace was
preached by this saintly man had a tragic
fate. It stood on the crest of a hill, now
called Tower Hill, to guard against surprise,
for the country was still full of Indians, and
Indians exasperated by ill usage. King
Philip's war was already brewing when the
saintly man was there. One December
night in 1675 the house was attacked, set
on fire, and two men and five women and
children killed. The news of this outrage
^ Fox, fournal, 1672.

THE GREAT SWAMP FIGHT II
reached the army at Warwick on the eight
eenth or nineteenth, and in hot haste they
started for vengeance. The Indians were
found strongly encamped on the shores of
the Great Pond, and the dreadful slaughter
of the Great Swamp Fight followed. It
seems an especial irony of fate that the
destruction of the house from which the
purest gospel of peace and long-suffering
had first been preached, should have been
the actual incitement to one of the most
bloody of the Indian battles.
Such was the state of the country; un
safe as to Indians, uncertain as to title of
lands, — for the conflicting claims of the two
purchases were not settled until 1679,^ — and
unstable as to government. In 1674 Kings
town was incorporated for the amiable rea
son of " obstructing Connecticut from using
jurisdiction in the Narragansett country."
They must be strong men who could
maintain themselves in such a disorgan
ized society. Each man was a law to him
self, and it is small wonder that Narragan
sett developed men of great individuality
and pronounced character.
^ Dr. Edward Channing, The Narragansett Planters,
p. 14.

12 COLLEGE TOM
Here it was that Robert Hazard took up
his abode. In 1671 he bought five hundred
acres from the Pettaquamscut purchasers,
bounded north by the road, east by the Saka-
tucket," a tract of land lying between Kings
ton and Rose Hill. He had come from
England with his father, and is said to have
been four years old when the latter joined
in founding the town of Newport in 1638.
Who this first Thomas Hazard was no one
knows. The times were troublous in the
Mother-country, as well as in New England.
The Hassards, or Hassarts, took an active
part in the siege of Londonderry, having
gone to Ireland from Nottinghamshire,-^ and
T. R. Hazard thinks the American adven
turer was a brother of Robert Hazard of
Enniskillen, who died in 1668. However
this may be, he came from Boston, where
he was admitted freeman in 1636, to Ports
mouth, very possibly with Mrs. Hutchinson.
On the Island, trouble had already begun
on account of the diversity of religious
belief. Samuel Gorton, that " proud and
pestilent seducer," as he was termed in the
language of the day, with his preaching of
^ J. Hassard-Short, History and Lineage of the Hassards,
p. 20.

THOMAS HAZARD OF PORTSMOUTH 1 3
private inspiration and " mystical rubbish," '
as Mr. Fiske calls it, arrived in Aquidneck
in 1638, sowing dissension among Mrs.
Hutchinson's followers ; and on the twenty-
eighth day of the second month, 1639,
Thomas Hazard was an Elder in the new
government, which, under William Cod-
dington as judge, agreed " to Propagate
a Plantation in the midst of the Island or
elsewhere." Mr. John Clarke, Mr. Jeffreys,
Thomas Hazard, and William Dyre were
ordered to lay out the " meadow growndes
lying within the circuit of Newport " and
" to proportion it forth dewlie."^
The Portsmouth records give a few scant
details of the life of this first Rhode Island
Hazard. He had two daughters, and in
1658 gave thirty-four acres of land as dowry
for his daughter Hannah. In 1675 he filed
a paper disclaiming any interest in the
property of the widow Martha Sheriffe,^
whom he was about to marry, and in his
will made the following year cuts off his
son and daughters with a shilling each, and
leaves his wife all his property.* Robert,
1 John Fiske, Beginnings of New England, pp. 163-7.
" R. I. C. R., vol. i. p. 87.
* Records of Portsmouth, transcribed by Barclay Hazard
in T. R. Hazard's Recollections of Olden Titnes, p. 103.
* Ibid., p. 106.

14 COLLEGE TOM
the son, was by this time settled in Narra
gansett, where he surveyed and divided the
land around Kingston, and is called Rob
ert Hazard, Surveyor.^ In 1693 he signed
first of the witnesses to the signatures of
the seven purchasers to a paper respecting
the allotment of land.^ He left five sons, the
eldest named Thomas after his grandfather,
a custom which was continued for seven
generations, each eldest son of an eldest
son being named after his grandfather,
making a succession of alternate Thomas
and Robert Hazards. At first blush this
would seem to lighten the labors of the
student of heredity, but unfortunately for
his research, Robert Hazard had not onlv
Thomas for eldest son, but a Robert for
third son. His second son George had an
eldest son Robert, and also a son Thomas.
Though the family rule was adhered to,
each son, with characteristic individuality,
founded a family of his own, using the
names of the older branch whenever he
chose. By the end of the eighteenth cen
tury there were in this way some thirty
Thomas Hazards, of various degrees of
1 Potter's Early History of Narraga7iseit, p. 290.
2 Ibid., p. 283.

THOMAS HAZARD OF BOSTON NECK IS
kinship, all calling each other " loving
cousin," and distinguished by some nick
name. Updike gives a list of fourteen,
headed with College Tom.^ Bedford Tom,
Nailer Tom, Fiddle-head Tom, Pistol Tom,
Short Stephen's Tom, are some of the
names given in commemoration of some
event in their lives, or some personal
characteristic. Thomas Hazard, the eldest son of this
first Narragansett Robert, became a great
land-holder. He is described as " of Boston
Neck in the King's Province or Narragan
sett Country, yeoman," when on the twenty-
eighth of April, 1698, he bought about a
thousand acres of land from " Samuel Sew
all of Boston, in the county of Suffolk,
within the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, in New England, Esquire."^ The pur
chase included land on the Saugatucket,
probably the site of the village of Peace Dale,
land on the Pettaquamscut, and other lands
in the Pettaquamscut purchase " lying by
the sea side there." In 17 10 he bought
more land of the same Samuel Sewall, and
Hannah his wife, who sign the second
^ History of the Narragansett Church, p. 247.
2 See Appendix, The Sewall Deed.

1 6 COLLEGE TOM
deed as firmly as the fine parchment twelve
years earlier. This second purchase in
cluded land lying on the west shore of the
Great Pond and various tracts of both
" Upland and Marsh," with sedge rights in
Pettaquamscut cove, which were carefully
bequeathed by will.
Both the Sewall deeds are beautifully en
grossed, — the first upon parchment, the
second upon heavy paper. The first is a
true " Indenture," the graceful curves in
which the top of the deed is cut fitting into
the record which was retained by the town
clerk. The first deed was acknowledged
before John Walley, " one of the members of
his Majesty's council for the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay." This was Sewall's
friend, to whom reference is made in the
letter of 1689, in which he is entreated by
Sewall " to act on my behalf as you would
do for yourself were the case your own as it
is mine."^ In 1692 he was Sewall's attor
ney at a meeting of the Pettaquamscut
Purchasers,^ perhaps in compliance with this
request. He was one of the founders of
Bristol, on the east side of the Bay, and a
^ See Appendix, Letter from Judge Sewall.
^ Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 281.

JUDGE SEWALL 1 7
man of most liberal mind and high charac
ter.^ Dame Hannah Sewall, who signs also,
was the daughter of the Mint-Master John
Hull, about whom the delightful story is
told, that on her wedding day her father
put her in one side of the great scales, and
fairly weighed her down with pine-tree shil
lings as her dowry.^
Judge Sewall himself was born in Eng
land in 1652, and came to Massachusetts
in 1 66 1. He was the famous witch judge,
more famous for the nobility of his confes
sion of penitence for his share in that dread
ful delusion than for the error he was led
into. He is the typical Puritan of the time,
and with his liberal mind and true piety had
much to do in shaping the new province.
With the religious zeal of the day, three
hundred acres were set aside in 1668 "to be
laid out and forever set apart as an encour
agement, the income or improvement thereof
wholly for an Orthodox person that shall be
obtained to preach God's word to the In-
^ J. L. Diman, Orations and Essays, " The Settlement
of Mt. Hope."
2 Hawthorne, " The Pine-Tree Shillings," in Grand
father's Chair.

1 8 COLLEGE TOM
habitants."^ In 1695 Judge Sewall gave
land to establish a school,^ a foundation
which still exists, and is known as the Sew
all School, held regularly at Kingston. He
also gave land, the income of which was to
educate youths at Harvard College, " espe
cially such as shall be sent from Pettaquam-
scutt aforesaid, English or Indians." Thus
early was provision made for the higher edu
cation of the Indians ; they were also spe
cially mentioned in the provision for the
school. It was he who was among the first
to raise his voice for the slave. " These
Ethiopians as black as they are ; seeing they
are the Sons and Daughters of the first
Adam, the Brethren and Sisters of the last
Adaji, and the offspring of God ; They
ought to be treated with a Respect agree
able." ^ It was with such a man of liberal
mind and true piety, but withal a man keen
at a bargain, that Thomas Hazard had deal
ings. The deeds are drawn and signed in
Boston, so he must have made that journey,
— probably by the old Pequot trail, which
afterward became the high road, — at least
1 Potter, Early History of N'arragansett, p. 278.
2 Ibid.
8 5 Mass. H. C. vi. 16. Quoted by W. B. Weeden.

POINT JUDITH 19
on these two occasions. The diary of Judge
Sewall is very exact as to his expenses and
bargaining, and these long and cumbersome
deeds doubtless necessitated many a conver
sation. The money was paid in two install
ments on the first purchase, five hundred
pounds current money of New England
were paid down, and the remaining two
hundred left on mortgage. The colonies
were already in difficulties over their money.
One third discount from " Country pay "
for money was a usual rate in Massachu
setts after 1680.^ The first paper money
was issued by that colony in 1690,^ and all
the colonies were in a similar case, so that
the "pound current of New England" had
already depreciated from a gold standard.
Land was rented in the English way
from Lady Day to Lady Day, and there
are deeds of other lands, — one in 1722 "of
a certain place called Point Juda and Pet-
taquamscutt purchase," which in the next
year is given to the eldest son, and called
" the point Judah neck." It is curious to
observe the transitions of this name. The
local name is Pint ffudy pint, with the ac-
1 Wttden, Econo7nic and Social History of N E.,^. 327.
"^ Ibid., p. 330.

20 COLLEGE TOM
cent thrown strongly on the second pint in
South County speech. The story is told of
a vessel sailing in the fog, and nearing the
breakers, but unable to shape a course for
the thickness of the weather. The captain's
wife suddenly exclaimed that she saw land,
and tried to indicate upon which quarter.
" Pint, Judy, pint! " her husband shouted to
her, and as the fog lifted there was Point
Judith, which has ever since borne that
name. However this may be, the transition
from Jude, and Juda or Judah, as some old
deeds have it, to Judith was made easy to
the Pettaquamscut purchasers, from the
fact that Dame Hull, the wife of the gold
smith, bore that name. The ordinary pro
nunciation of Judy would seem to them a
disrespectful abbreviation. If this deriva
tion is correct, it is true in a way that the
point was named after Sewall's mother-in-
law, as some authorities maintain, but where
the first name came from is still a mystery.
A great purchase of land was made in
1738, from Francis Brinley, Esq., and Dame
Deborah his wife, which included the whole
southern portion of Boston Neck, adjoining
a purchase of six hundred and sixty acres
made from Samuel Vail somewhat earlier.

LARGE PURCHASES 21
There were about eight hundred acres of
this land, which was surveyed and divided
into four parts in the following year by
James Helme, surveyor, and the map care
fully preserved with the deed. The price at
first sight seems enormous. Twenty-four
thousand pounds " Current Lawful Money
of New England " were paid for the eight
hundred acres. But the depreciation of the
currency was already great. Silver had long
been current at eight shillings an ounce.^
In 1738 the rate in Rhode Island had risen
to twenty-seven shillings in bills per ounce,^
making the colonial pound in paper equal five
shillings eleven pence silver. Thus the value
of the money paid was only ;^ 7,100, reduced
to the current price of silver of eight shillings
per ounce. This was two shillings higher
than the sterling value, so that the pounds
should be carried at ^3.33, making the sura
paid ^23,600, or about twenty-nine dollars an
acre. One of the tracts of land into which
the new purchase was divided, in a deed ad
dressed " To all Christian people," is given
to Robert Hazard, the eldest son of Thomas,
in consideration of " natural love and affec-
^ Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E., p. 473.
2 Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8, p. SS-

22 COLLEGE TOM
tion." The earliest deed of gift to this son
bears his mother's signature also, Susannah
Hafzard. She is thought to have been a
Nichols, a sister of the Lieutenant-Governor
of that name, but no one knows certainly.
The black seal she pressed, and the faded
paper v/ith her name, are all that remain
to bear witness of her.
There are other deeds of gift to his sons,
from " Thomas Hazard senior of South
Kingstown, etc., gentleman," as he is now
called, or as the Narragansett Church Record
less respectfully calls him, " Old Thomas
Hazard." ^ An amusing variety of spelling
in the common surname occurs. There is
but one signature of Old Thomas Hazard.
All the deeds are signed with a T, and his
name written with a double z. His eldest
son writes his name with a double s, or an
.$• and a z, Jeremiah, his brother, with an s
and a z, and George and Jonathan, also
brothers, in the modern way, with one z.
The Sewall deed of 1698 is the first in
which it is spelled in this way, but the in
dorsement on the back has Hazard with a
double s. After studying these deeds, it
seems proper to find that in his will the
^ Updike, History of the A^arragansett Church, p. 274.

DE.4TH OF THOMAS HAZARD 23
aged father leaves the sons five shillings
each, "they having all and each of them
received their portion already." The pre
amble to this will is touching, in which the
testator declares that he is " Ancient and
Unwell, but of sound mind and Memory,
thanks be given to God," and disposes of
" such Worldly Eftate Wherewith it hath
pleafed God to blefs me in this Life."^ It
was a very considerable estate, given to
grandchildren and the children of grand
children, with his eldest son Robert as ex
ecutor and residuary legatee. It was signed
on the 12th of November, 1746, with a very
tremulous and feeble T, and one is hardly
surprised to see that it was proved on the
27th of the same month, a fortnight later.
The inventory of the will was to the amount
of £2)TAS I-5'- 9^- in the depreciated cur
rency. It was contested by two of the grand
sons, and appealed to the Governor and
Council of the Colony of Rhode Island, who
dismissed the protest, and confirmed the
will, which is recorded by his grandson
Thomas, town clerk that )^ear (i 746). There
is only one other mention of this Thomas
of the T. In 1762 the same grandson
1 See Appendix, Will of Thomas Hazard.

24 COLLEGE TOM
makes a " Regiftor of Death." The record
reads : —
"My Grandfather, Tho= Hazard De
parted this Life y° 21st day of y* month
call'd November in the year one thousand
seven hundred and forty-six aged 88 or 89
years. This account taken from a memo
randum found amongft my Father's Pa
pers after his Death.
(Signed) Thomas Hazard,
fon of Rob' dec'd."
Thomas Hazard had seen great changes.
Where the country was once "stony and
full of Indians," great farms and cattle
ranges had been established. The preach
ing of George Fox had borne fruit in the
flourishing meeting held regularly on Tower
Hill. The "orthodox person " provided for
on the Pettaquamscut foundation was settled,
and had become a centre of influence. The
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts, after several attempts
finally sent Dr. McSparran, the delightful
Irish divine, so dear to the hearts of his
people. He found " a field full of briers
and thorns and noxious weeds," he writes,
" that were all to be eradicated before I
could implant in them the simplicity of the

CONDITION OF NARRAGANSETT 25
truth." ^ He complains that there are " Qua
kers, Anabaptists of four sorts. Indepen
dents," and that " here liberty of conscience
is carried to an irreligious extreme."^ The
Huguenot refugees had left their impress
upon the country also. Gabriel Bernon,
the most famous of those who came to
Rhode Island after the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, himself lived here for
years. But the chief stimulus to the intel
lectual life of the time was the visit of
Berkeley. The two years of his stay in
Newport mark a golden era in the spirit
ual life of Rhode Island.^ Newport was the
natural metropolis of Narragansett, and the
good dean himself came to Narragansett,
to the " Continent," as he calls it. The
rough pioneer days were passed, and a time
of pastoral plenty begun. The slave trade
furnished the laborers for the great farms ;
ships sailed from Newport to the Guinea
coast, and in a few instances brought their
wretched captives to the Narragansett shore.
The face of the natural world has changed
1 Updike, Appendix, America Dissected, p. 511.
2 Ibid., p. 514.
' Foster, Some Rhode Island Contributions to the In
tellectual Life of the Last Century.

26 COLLEGE TOM
but little ; the Pettaquamscut still takes its
shining way to the sea, and though the Sau
gatucket turns mill wheels, it still bounds
the lands as described in the old deeds of
purchase. And among the men who lived
here in their absolute independence, freed
even from the control of the minister, the
growth of strong character and sterling vir
tues was fostered. The individualism may
have been excessive, as in all small self-gov
erning communities. Each man was truly
a law to himself, but in listening to "their
own teacher in themselves," which George
Fox tried to make audible to each soul, there
were men who in this liberal atmosphere
rose to heights of heroic action.

CHAPTER II.
Life in Narragansett. Robert Hazard's Provision for his
Wife. Thomas Hazard goes to New Haven College. His
Marriage to Elizabeth Robinson. His Homestead.
The writers of the early history of the
Narragansett Country all unite in declaring
it a favored land, if not literally flowing with
milk and honey, at least with abundance of
milk, and rich in corn and all the products
of a kindly soil. The grass was said to be
the richest ever known, the fields the most
fertile; one of the enthusiastic sons of the
country calls it the fabled Atlantis, the fit
home of the gods. And indeed the land
is a fair land, diversified by hill and dale,
the smiling landscape lit by shining lakes,
and every extended prospect taking in the
wide blue horizon of the bluest of oceans.
Boston Neck lying between the Pettaquam
scut and the sea was the most fertile soil,
and the earliest settled by the Pettaquam
scut purchasers. The corn of the Indians
was excellent, even with the rude husbandry
of the squaws, and English planters soon

28 COLLEGE TOM
raised enormous crops from the practically
virgin soil. At the beginning of the eight
eenth century the country was taken up by
great farmers working their farms with slave
labor, either Indian, or negro, or both, and
living the life of English squires. Their
books and their tea came to them from
England direct to Newport, chocolat and
spices as well, while the West Indies fur
nished sugar and molasses, with the good
rum so much in demand, and occasional
" oringes and lemmonds." These apart,
almost all the necessities of life were sup
plied by the great farms, beef, veal, pork,
and " dung-hill fowles," corn, potatoes and
onions, and wool and flax for the war/led
surge, tinning, and calimi7ico. A life of
comparative ease gave ample time for plea
sant social intercourse. England was dear
to the hearts of her sons, and the pleasant
English ways of sports and hunting were
adhered to. If we may believe the tales
and traditions which have come down to us,
the life was of idyllic freshness and simpli
city. Peopled as Rhode Island was by come-
outers, the most liberal of the liberal, the
southern portion particularly was famous for
men of pronounced views, and energy of

FAMILY TIES 29
character. The families were bound to
gether by ties of blood or marriage, the wel
fare of one intimately concerned all, and in
times of festivity the whole country-side
joined in the jollity, irrespective of church
or creed. Especially was this the case at a
wedding in one of the leading families. Up
from Point Judith, through the bridle-path
that led from one great farm to another, di
vided by stone walls and heavy gates, came
the ladies in their camblitt cloaks, and the
gentlemen in broadcloth and britches, with
silver shoe and knee buckles, mounted on
the Narragansett pacers of famous memory.
Colored slaves attended them to open the
gates and wait upon them. From Boston
Neck the gentry gathered, and from Little
Rest, and the farms of Matunuc. Toward
Tower Hill they took their way, where,
until the middle of the century, the court
house dominated the village, for whether in
Church or Meeting it was on the high ridge
overlooking the bay that the place of assem
bly was.
In May, 1742, on the twenty-seventh day,
a most notable gathering of this kind took
place, in the old Quaker meeting-house, on
the southern spur of Tower Hill. The oc-

30 COLLEGE TOM
casion was indeed auspicious, for Thomas
Hazard, eldest son and heir of Robert, was
to marry Elizabeth Robinson, eldest daugh
ter of that William who afterwards was
deputy-governor of the State. On the fourth
of the same month (May, 1742), Thomas
Hazard had been admitted a freeman of the
colony, presumably upon arriving of age,
though September 15, 1720, is the date of his
birth, which would make him over twenty-
one years old. As the eldest son of his
father he was a freeman upon attaining his
majority, without the property qualifications
necessary for younger sons.
Robert Hazard, his father, great-grandson
of the first immigrant, is described as " of
Boston Neck, gentleman." He was one of
the very large owners of property in Narra
gansett, and it is told of him by his great-
grandson, Isaac Peace Hazard, on the author
ity of his grandmother, that he had " twelve
negro women as dairywomen, each of whom
had a girl to assist her, making from twelve
to twenty-four cheeses a day . . . one hun
dred and fifty cows being about the number
he generally kept. . . . He kept about four
thousand sheep, manufacturing most of the
clothing, both woolen and linen, for his

ROBERT HAZARD 3 1
household, which must have been very
large, as I have heard my grandmother say
that after he partially retired from his ex
tensive farming operations, or curtailed
them by giving up part of his lands to his
children, he congratulated his family and
friends on the small number to which he
had reduced his household for the coming
winter, being only seventy in parlor and
kitchen." ^ He took an interest in public
affairs, and was a deputy to the general as
sembly from South Kingstown in 1734, '35
and '36, and again in 1738 and '39. In 1756
he was named first of a committee appointed
by the general assembly to run a dividing
line between South Kingstown and Exeter,
and reported the following year.^
From his will, dated in 1 745 (but not exe
cuted) a good idea of the methods of liv
ing can be gained. He first provides for
his " Dearly beloved wife," and mentions
exactly what she is to have : fifty pounds a
year, " four cows to be kept summer and
and winter yearly and every year," a Negro
woman named Phebee, " one Rideing Mare,
Such a one as She Shall Chuse Out of all my
1 Updike, History of the Narragansett Church, p. i8l.
2 R. I. C. R., vol. V. p. 526.

32 COLLEGE TOM
Jades, with a new Saddle and new Bridle."
She was to have an allowance of wood, beef,
and pork yearly, the " beef to be Killed
and Drefsed, and brought to her into her
houfe ; " she was given " Six Dung - hill
fowl," and " fix Geese with the privilege of
raifing what Increase She Can, but Shall put
of (off) all of them to Six by the laft of Jan
uary yearly." Her furniture was to consist
of one feather-bed, with six chairs, " two Iron
pots one brass Kettle, two pair of Pott-hooks,
two Trammels," various pewter dishes and
platters, some large, some " middling size,"
pewter Basons, and silver spoons. One piece
of Camblitt was also given " Saving so much
of it as I give to my Daughter Mary to Make
her a Cloak ; " of linen the piece " called the
fine piece," also a piece of fine worsted cloth,
with forty pounds of wool yearly, and a
" Linnen wheel, and a Woollen Wheel."
She was to have two rooms, " one a fire
Room, the other a Bed room Such as She
Shall Chufe in either of my two Houfes,"
and the " Improvement of a quarter of an
Acre of Land where She Shall Chufe it
to be Well fenced for her Ufe yearly."
One wonders if this good dame Hazard
enjoyed her garden, that this is carefully

COLLEGE TOM'S EDUCATION 33
mentioned for her. Andirons, fire-shovel,
and warming-pan are also given her; the
furnishing seems to have been very com
plete. She was Sarah Borden, the mother
of three sons and two daughters. Thomas,
as the eldest, by the English custom which
prevailed in this part of New England, was
the chief inheritor of the estates, and is
named as the executor of the will. To his
care his mother was left, and though this
will was destroyed, long after entries in
his note-book occur showing the faithful
ness with which his mother's cows were
kept. In a household thus plentifully provided,
born the inheritor of large acres, Thomas
Hazard grew to manhood. He went to
New Haven College for several terms, and
from that fact derived the sobriquet of
" College Tom." The Yale records of ad
mission previous to 1743 no longer exist.
The College had had a troubled existence
since 1701, when its charter was obtained,
and not till the administration of President
Clapp began in 1 739-40 did it enter upon
its career of prosperity. This is the man of
whom Dr. McSparran writes, in speaking of
the college at New Haven : " The Presi-

34 COLLEGE TOM
dent, Mr. Thomas Clap, was my scholar
when I came first into these parts, and on
all occasions, gratefully acknowledges his
receiving the first rudiments of his learn
ing from me, who, by the way, have not but
a modicum to boast of myself."^ As Dr.
McSparran arrived in 1721, this fixes the
date approximately, and the young student
was doubtless known to Robert Hazard.
For this reason it appears probable that his
son was sent to New Haven when Dr.
Clapp took the presidency.
Thomas Hazard's father had had much to
do with the law in the famous case of the Min
isterial Farm litigation, and intended him for
a lawyer. Wilkins Updike, Esq., who knew
his sons, says of him, " having been early
indoctrinated in the faith of the Quakers,
he became conscientious respecting col
lege honors, and left the institution before
the regular period of conferring degrees."^
His training in the law stood him in good
stead all his life, and his descendants still
have some of the law books bequeathed to
him by his father. His Latin treatise on
^ History of ihe Narragansett Church. America Dis
sected, p. 506.
2 Ibid., p. 322.

MARRIAGE CEREMONY 35
Greek grammar, — for he had to study his
Greek through the Latin, — and his Greek
Testament, inscribed " Thomas Hazard
Ejus Liber," also exist.
He is described as being very handsome,
over six feet tall, of great physical strength,
and, according to contemporary evidence,
came nearest to the standard of a truly
noble man of any of the time.^
On this May day in 1742, his wedding
took place in " a public assembly of the
people of God, called Quakers, in South
Kingstown." The old meeting - house is
long since gone, but the mouse-eaten yellow
certificate remains to show how great a
festivity it was when the young Thomas
Hafsard, as he signs his name, took " this, my
friend, Elizabeth Robinson to be my Wife."
Underneath the signatures of the bride and
groom comes first Thomas Hafsard, the
aged grandfather, who had still five years
of life to live. Then Robert Hafzard his
son, the father of the groom, signs, followed
by the bride's father, William Robinson,
called afterward Governor Robinson, —
a man of parts and property. William
Browne follows, and then two Robert Haz-
1 History of the N'arragansett Church, p. 326.

36 COLLEGE TOM
ards, one of whom spells his name in the
modern way, the other with a double s.
They were Governor Robert, own cousin of
the father of the groom, and Doctor Robert ;
the Governor spelling his name with
the double s, for Esther Haffard, his wife,
called Queen Esther, is also there. She
was a woman of great force of character.
In a lawsuit about her husband's property
after his death she was by courtesy al
lowed a seat beside the judges, where a
quick repartee of hers overthrew the argu
ments of the opposing counsel, and won
her case. Stephen Champlin, who married
Mary Hazard, a sister of the groom, was
there, and John Easton, an uncle by mar
riage. Rowland Robinfon signs boldly, who
then became the brother-in-law of Thomas
Hazard. He afterward became famous for
his cruel opposition to the marriage of his
daughter, the beautiful Hannah, but now
was a gay young gentleman, very handsome
and courageous, whose own wedding to
Anstis Gardner had been celebrated only
the year before. William Potter, Thomas
Brown, a justice later, and perhaps then,
Stephen Mumford and Jos. Hamond, Jr.,
complete the list of most honored guests.

THE WEDDING GUESTS S7
The wives of these worthies were many of
them present. Three Mary Hazards were
there, with Abigail Hazard. " Queen Es
ther," from her fine carriage and strong
character, we can imagine dominating the
group of women. Lucy Mumford and
Hannah Shearman were there, and Isaac
and Patience Bull. Four of the Rodmans,
Thomas Junior, William, Benjamin, and
Samuel were present, and the John Hand-
son who witnessed the will of the aged
grandfather some years later. Peckham,
Knowles, Greene, and Dyre are some of
the other names, with Sheffield, Case, and
Battey. Updike and all the writers on
Narragansett dwell on the great hospitality
of the country. Here was an eldest son,
handsome, well educated, and just of age,
making a most suitable marriage, and we
can imagine the festivities of both fami
lies, in spite of Quaker traditions. At the
wedding feast which followed, William
Robinson is reported to have said, " This
day by the marriage of my daughter to
Thomas Hazard I have ennobled my
family."^ The narrator of this saying adds
that as the families were of equal birth
1 T. R. H3^za.rd, Recollections of Olden Times, p. 109.

38 COLLEGE TOM
and position, it was a personal tribute to
the worth of the young bridegroom. At that
early age he seems to have given proofs of
the large mindedness and nobility of char
acter for which he was afterwards distin
guished. In accordance with the custom of the
times he probably took his young bride
home to his father's house. There is little
remaining among his papers to show what
happened in the next few years. Governor
Robinson sends him the following note the
next year. The somewhat regal method of
summoning the young man to "our Houfe"
consorts well with the finished handwriting.
Love: Son
These are to defire you to come to our
Houfe tomorrow morning early as you
pleafe to take home fifty sheep which I
have drawn off for you if you will accept
of them from y Love : ffather in Law
W"" Robinson.
March y'= 22"^ 1742/3
(Addressed) To Thomas Hazard
Son of Rob'
at S° Kingstown
Thefe

pSm^-

%^ /u^^A,. *.-i-T£- / i A-i^J

' ^^'^

,«*J

^.'

^^.•j.

.^i_->< ^^---^¦¦

-—^J^l^r^^r-w- B« -.^— a^ieffi^

f'^^'-^^^oy

1^ *'-
THE HOMESTEAD FARM 39
(Endorsed) Crop the right Ear and a gad under it
and a gad under the Left Ear.
So the sheep were doubtless accepted.
In 1744, Robert Hazard makes him a
deed of gift of " fforty acres " on Tower
Hill, bounded westerly on the high road, the
consideration being love and affection.
Here it was that Thomas Hazard lived and
died. The farm commands a fine view of
the bay, with Beaver Tail and Newport ly
ing in the distance, and to the south Point
Judith stretching into the sea. The house
stood some distance back from the high
road, on the brow of the hill. Within a few
years the chimney was standing ; now all has
fallen, and in 1892 a great-great-grandson
removed the door-steps of single granite
stones which were the last remaining relic
of the original house, and has piously placed
them in a safe and honorable position, mute
witnesses of the past.
In this house the children were born ;
Sarah, the only daughter, in 1747, who
only lived a few years, and four sons. Rob
ert, the eldest, was born in 1753; then
a baby named Thomas, who lived four
months; and two years later a third son

40 COLLEGE TOM
was named Thomas, born in 1758. This
was the Thomas afterward called Bedford
Tom, because he went to New Bedford
and became a merchant, and later to New
York, where he was largely engaged in busi
ness. Some of his descendants are well-
known men.-^ In 1763 the youngest son
was born and named Rowland after his
uncle Rowland Robinson. He alone of the
three sons who grew to manhood has left
descendants in Narragansett. His eldest
brother went to Ferrisburg, Vermont, and
the second to New York as just mentioned.
This Rowland had five sons, but of the
three who married, only his son Rowland
remained in Narragansett. So that the
papers which had come down from the sev
enteenth century in the oldest branch of the
family all remained in the possession of the
son who stayed at home. Many of them had
not been opened since 1827, when they
were sorted and dated by Rowland Hazard,
until 1889, when his great-granddaughter
with reverent touch loosened the old fas
tenings, and spread them to the light. The
deeds of gift or of purchase, the wills, the
^Abram Barker, Esq, father of Wharton Barker, of
Philadelphia, is his grandson.

THE HAZARD PAPERS 41
accounts and memorandums, of past gener
ations appeared, all the documents pertain
ing to the things of this life, once lived so
much as we live, the husks and externals
left behind by the "spirits of just men made
perfect." It is from these papers, stained with
damp, and cracking in the folds, that we
can gather some conception of the life that
Thomas Hazard son of Robert lived, of
his farming, of his buying and selling, of
his relations to his family, and of his place
in Meeting, and glean inspiration for our
selves from the way he served his day and
generation.

CHAPTER III.
Thomas Hazard's Awakening to the Evils of Slavery. The
Teaching of Dean Berkeley on the Subject. Collision
with his Father.
An interesting story of the manner in
which Thomas Hazard became awakened
to the evils of slavery was told by all of his
grandsons. I have heard it repeatedly from
the lips of my grandfather, substantially as
his older brother, Isaac Peace Hazard, has
related it in the " History of the Narra
gansett Church."^ About the time of his
marriage, his father wished to establish him
upon a farm of suitable size, and give him
enough slaves to work it properly. In stock
ing the farm, young Thomas Hazard was
sent into Connecticut, to an old deacon
living near New London, in North Ston-
ington, to buy cattle. He arrived Saturday
afternoon, and knowing the strictness of the
Connecticut Sunday laws, proposed to stay
at an inn. But his father's friend,fhappen-
1 Pages 322-25. '

A MEMORABLE SUNDAY 43
ing to come to the village, insisted upon
taking him home with him for the Sabbath.
They naturally fell into the religious dis
cussion so common in that day, especially as
Connecticut gave Rhode Island very little
credit for having any religion at all. At
this point my grandfather used to inter
polate a story of later date of a small boy
who was taken from his Rhode Island home
to visit relatives in Connecticut, and put
through his catechism by the head of the
house. " How many Gods are there ? " he
was solemnly asked. " There ain't e'er a
one in Rhode Island ! " he promptly replied.
In contrast with this, the story of the vis
iting Connecticut boy was told, who was
asked the question, " What state do you
live in ? " " State of sin and misery, sir,"
was the meek and immediate answer.
With such illustrations of the feeling preva
lent between the two sections of country,
and knowing the controversial spirit of the
times, we can imagine the long talks of
that Sunday ever memorable in the, life of
Thomas Hazard. Finally after discussing
various sects, Quakerism was mentioned,
on which the Deacon exclaimed, " Qua
kers ! they are not Christian People." As

44 COLLEGE TOM
Thomas Hazard was lately from college,
and was remarkable for his argumentative
powers, and had given some study to the
subject, he thought himself able to answer
all the usual objections to the Society of
Friends. But instead of advancing these,
to his surprise the deacon said, " They hold
their fellow-men in slavery." He was com
pletely silenced, and from that moment
began to turn his thoughts toward the ab
olition of slavery. He informed his father
upon his return of his change of views, and
his intention of cultivating his farm by free
labor. King's County — now Washington — had,
about 1730, a thousand slaves,^ who were
divided among the great farmers. Robert
Hazard is said to have been one of the
largest slave-owners in New England, and
saw that his son's views if carried out would
ruin himself and his neighbors. He endeav
ored to dissuade him from them, and finally
threatened to disinherit him. Fully expect
ing this, Thomas Hazard persisted in what
he believed to be his duty, and began to
cultivate his farm with free labor.
They were indeed revolutionary ideas
1 Updike, p. 174.

SLAVES IN NARRAGANSETT 45
which the young man advanced. His
aged grandfather was still living, who had
thought it no sin to own slaves, and the
whole prosperity of the country was founded
on slave labor. All the friends and neigh
bors held slaves, and two connections even
imported them. Updike mentions Colonel
Thomas Hazard, a cousin of Robert Haz
ard's, and Rowland Robinson, College Tom's
brother-in-law, as importing them. On the
arrival of the ship at the South Ferry, Row
land Robinson was overcome by seeing the
distress of the poor creatures as they landed.
He is said to have wept bitterly, and taken
home all of his share of the venture, twenty-
eight poor souls, treating them with great
kindness, and refusing to sell any of them.
One woman of great strength of character
called Abigail, afterward at her own request
went back to Guinea, and brought over her
son, Mr. Robinson being at the expense of
the voyage. It is evident that the evils of
slavery were as light as possible, and that
some attempts at freeing individual slaves
were made quite early. In 1729 an act was
passed relating to the freeing of mulatto
and negro slaves, which sets forth that
"great charge, trouble, and inconveniences

46 COLLEGE TOM
have arisen to the inhabitants of divers
towns in this Colony by the manumit
ting and setting free mulatto and negro
slaves," for the remedy of which it was en
acted that a "sufficient security be given
to the town treasurer of the town or place
where such person dwells, in a valuable sum
of not less than .;^ioo, to secure and indem
nify the town or place from all charge " -^ in
case such persons become unable to support
themselves. This act seems to imply that
there were some unprincipled masters, who
manumitted their slaves only when they be
came useless, but the deposit of a hundred
pounds each made manumission an expen
sive luxury.
Dean Berkeley, who came from Newport
to the " Continent," as he says, on several
occasions interested himself in the con
dition of the slaves. He found, he writes,
" an erroneous notion, that being baptized
is inconsistent with a state of slavery."^ In
this opinion the early settlers showed the
good sense and logical mind for which
many of them were famous. If the slaves
were really chattels, as they held, it was
^ R. I. C. R., vol. iv., p. 415.
' Updike, p. 177.

BERKELEY ON SLAVERY 47
surely as improper to baptize them as it
would be their other beasts of burden.
Starting from their premise their conclusion
was absolutely correct. But the good Dean
set himself to enlighten them. " To un-
decieve them in this particular," he con
tinues, "which had too much weight, it
seemed a proper step if the opinion of His
Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General
could be procured. This opinion they
cheerfully sent over, signed with their own
hands ; which was accordingly printed in
Rhode Island, and dispersed throughout
the Plantations. I heartily wish it may
produce the intended effect."^ The So
ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts also took the matter in hand,
and sent over an address on the subject.
" Let me beseech you," a sentence reads,
" to consider them not merely as slaves, but
as men slaves and women slaves, who have
the same frame and faculties as yourselves,
and have souls capable of being made happy,
and reason and understanding to receive
instruction in order to it."
Dr. McSparran had special services for
the slaves, and special hours for instructing
> Updike, p. 176.

48 COLLEGE TOM
them in the catechism. He baptized many,
and was most humane and liberal in his
treatment of them. With his example before
them, and the teaching of the church on the
subject, in the necessity of the case it could
not have been long before the falsity of the
position impressed itself strongly on some
man. And the man came. If they were
chattels, religious instruction was useless ; if
they had souls, freedom was their right.
Thomas Hazard was one of the best edu
cated young men of his neighborhood. Dr.
McSparran received young gentlemen, after
the manner of his day, to instruct in the
classics, and it seems very likely that Col
lege Tom's training previous to entering the
College at New Haven was received from
this learned and liberal divine. With the
tendency of the age it is also probable that
much attention was given to logic, and the
exercise of the reasoning faculty, so that
all his study fitted him to accept a conclu
sion which he had honestly arrived at. The
old deacon's words denouncing Quakers,
" They hold their fellow-men in slavery,"
said to him, as they were repeated by his
grandsons, with an impressive solemnity,
fell into the ground of a good and honest

DIVERS SECTS 49
heart, and brought forth fruit an hundred
fold. Rhode Island early proved a harbor of
refuge for the persecuted Quakers of Massa
chusetts, who found there even more sever
ity exercised toward them than at home.
Dr. McSparran says that " emissaries of that
enthusiasm were dispatched to the West In
dies " in 1654, some of whom visited Rhode
Island later. George Fox himself preached
in Narragansett on his journey of 1771-73.
Dr. McSparran speaks of " the power and
number of Quakers in this Colony," and be
wails the " heterodox and different opinions
in religion, that were found in this little cor
ner."^ " Quakers, Baptists, Fanatics, Ranters,
Deists, and Infidels swarm in that part of the
world," Mr. Fayerweather writes in 1760.^
But the very fact of this freedom of individ
ual belief promoted the growth of the sturdy
character, and self-reliance, which could
brave opposition and stand firm to honest
conviction. It does not seem probable that
Robert Hazard was a devoted Quaker, or
even a Quaker at all. Neither his name
nor that of his father appear in the Friends'
1 Updike, p. 511.
^ Ibid., p. 469.

so COLLEGE TOM
records. He is described in most of the
deeds referring to him, and mentioned to
the King in council, as will appear, as Rob
ert Hazard, Gentleman — a title his son did
not use and one not consistent with " plain-
nefs." If he considered his son's religious
opinions extreme, as well as the economic
theories he was advocating, we can imagine
the double exasperation for which the father
considered he had ample grounds.
The exact time of this collision is a little
difficult to determine. His grandsons used
to say it was about the time of College
Tom's marriage, which took place in 1742.
The deed of gift of land " for love and
affection " from Robert Hazard comes in
1744, and the will of the next year leaves
the eldest son residuary legatee and sole ex
ecutor. So the terms on which father and
son stood must still have been good. Isaac
Peace Hazard says College Tom was a
preacher in the Society of Friends for forty
years before his death. For a few years
previous to his death in 1798 he was very
feeble, and this general statement hardly in
dicates more than that he began to preach
somewhere in the fifties. The will of 1745
is carefully written, duly witnessed, entirely

COLLISION WITH HIS FATHER 5 1
complete in every way but one. It seems
to have a dramatic story to tell. The lower
right-hand corner, on which the signature
was, is torn off ! Was this mutilated docu
ment used as a final resort to try to compel
Thomas Hazard to abandon his anti-slavery
views } However it may be, he stood the
test, and it is gratifying to find in the early
fifties entries showing that harmonious rela
tions were again established with his father.
Possibly they gave up trying to convince
each other, and each went his own way.
Robert Hazard is said to have left all his
slaves free by his will,^ a statement of which
I have copied.^ Further investigation shows
this to be erroneous. Robert Hazard died
on — " Ye 20"* of ye 5"" month 1762 at about
half after One in ye Morning ; after an
illnefs of 10 weeks, 4 days, 1 1 hours which
he bore with a becoming patience. Aged
73 years." ^
His will is dated March 11, 1762, pro
bated May 27, 1762, and the fact that Dr.
Joseph Torrey was one of the witnesses
1 Updike, p. 325.
2 Works of R. G. Hazard, Biographical Preface, p. v.
8 Appendix, A Regiftor of Death.

52 COLLEGE TOM
seems to imply that he was already ill when
it was drawn. To his wife he bequeaths
" my Mulatto Woman called Lydia " and a
mulatto boy Newport, with a full furnishing
of household goods, silver spoons, " Pewter,
Brass, Iron, and Wooden vessels " and allow
ances of produce to be provided yearly by
her sons. Seven other slaves are mentioned
by name in the will, and given to his wife
and children ; but it is noticeable that while
slaves are given to his sons Jonathan and
Richard and to both daughters, none are
given to Thomas. The latter is named sole
executor and is ordered to sell " all my Cat
tle and Horfes not herein difpofed of, and all
my Sheep and Hogs, and all my farming
utenfils, and remainder of all my eftate " to
pay the legacies, and to divide the remain
der " equally among my sons Thomas, Jona
than, and Richard."^
It is difficult to tell what became of the
other slaves, as no inventory of the estate or
deed of sale can now be found in the South
Kingstown records. Richard, the youngest
son, died in the autumn of the same year as
his father. The record is tenderly made by
his brother ; he —
1 South Kingstown Records.

SLAVES BEQUEATHED BY WILL S3
" Departed this life on ye 30"" of ye
Ninth month Call'd Septemb'' aged 31
years, 10 month, and Ten days. He died
on ye 5"" day of ye Week about 38 minutes
after Four in ye afternoon after an Illnefs
of twenty days 1762."
This young man's will is dated only
twelve days before his death, and the inven
tory has been found, showing that beside
Cudjo, Tom, and Peter, bequeathed him by
his father, he had five other slaves to dis
pose of, two men and three women, whose
names are duly given.^ It therefore seems
probable that these slaves were his third of
his father's slaves, which would give fifteen
slaves not mentioned in the will of Robert
Hazard, making twenty-four the number he
had to dispose of. They were evidently not
included in the direction for sale in settling
the estate. Indeed the condition of slavery
seems to have been as mild as possible in
Narragansett. " You are greater slaves al
ready than our negroes," ^ Dr. McSparran
writes to his Irish cousin in 1752. It seems
to have been a kind of serfdom rather than
absolute slavery, as the slaves were prac-
1 South Kingstown Records.
^ Updike, p. 530.

54 COLLEGE TOM
tically attached to the soil. To the Chris
tian name as time went on the master's sur
name was attached, as in the case of Dr.
Torrey's man Cuff, and Ned Watson, about
whom Shepherd Tom tells an amusing tale
of the days of his youth. The old negro,
accompanied by the child, on one occasion
carried a bag of wet clams upon his back
in freezing weather, up from the shore to
Tower Hill. To the little boy's great de
light, a long icicle, snowy white, gradually
formed on the skirt of the negro's short
jacket, making a parti-colored demon, stoop
ing under his burden. On being asked to
take his turn Cuff Torrey refused to carry
the clams for fear of being decorated in like
manner.^ To this day the good names, and
often the charming manners, of the old fam
ilies are found among the colored people
of South Kingstown. Far back in the hill
country it is a real pleasure to be saluted
by a negro of pure African descent, bearing
the name of one of the most distinguished
of the Narragansett families. Watson, Ol-
ney, Gardner, and Helme are all repre
sented in this way. There may be Hazards,
but they have taken no prominent part in
1 Rhode X'^-a.xA Jonny-Cake Papers, p. 221.

THE HEAD OF THE FAMILY 55
the country life. It is most probable that if
they took surnames at all, Thomas Hazard,
with his strong feeling on the subject, would
have used his influence to give them a name
which should be individual.
However he and his father differed upon
the question of slavery, it is evident that he
was trusted with the settlement of the es
tate, and took his place at the head of the
family. The fatherless son of Richard found
in him a faithful guardian,^ and the children
of his sister Mary a wise and peaceful coun
selor.^ One longs for some adequate por
trait of him, as he was in his fresh young
manhood, his young wife at his side, with
the world lying before him, and seeking to
conquer it by new and untried efforts, which
the elders disapproved of, but the sincerity
of which won their recognition and respect.
1 Appendix, Release of Guardianship.
^ Appendix, Affair of Stephen Champlin.

CHAPTER IV.
Thomas Hazard's Account Book. Diffuse Entries. Rhode
Island Currency. Horses. Exchange of Produce for
them. Shoeing Horses. Blacksmithing. Roads. " Nailer
Tom." Oxen. Carting. Saddles. Leather. Tanning
and Currying. Shoes.
Account books unfortunately were not
written for historical purposes, as Mr. John
Fiske justly observes, but in the absence of
other record much can be gathered from
the book of Thomas Hazard " fon of Rob
ert," with entries beginning in 1750 and
ending in 1790. This period of forty years
covers the most active part of his life, and
from this book, with its full entries and per
sonal details; with its occasional notes still
pinned on the written page, a very good
idea can be gained of the life of a Narra
gansett planter. The book itself is a folio
volume, eight inches wide by twelve and
a half inches long, and nearly an inch in
thickness, containing two hundred pages.
The numbering is very confused ; it runs
smoothly up to the eighty-third page, when

THE ACCOUNT BOOK 57
the next is suddenly the hundred and sixty-
fifth. From that, with the exception that
two pages are numbered alike, it runs to
two hundred and thirty, and then, as if con
vinced that was too large a number, drops a
hundred off and begins at one hundred and
thirty-one. The last fifteen pages are not
numbered at all, and a folio sheet of four
pages is inserted bearing entries of as late
a date as 1 789. The cover is of light paste
board now turned a dull gray. The paper
is of good quality, somewhat yellow with
age, and the inks used very various, some
entries showing clear and black, and others
almost indecipherable. It is ruled by hand,
sometimes in lead pencil, for £. s. and d.,
with a fourth column late in the book
marked q'. These were the quarter pence,
or farthings, which were reckoned with
" Lawful money." Each page is headed :
" S". Kingstown In y County of Kings
County &ct.," or " In y' Colony of Rhode
Island &ct."
Opening the book at random it is natural
to find entries of various persons who are
indebted to Thomas Hazard for cheese, but
ter, milk, beef, lamb, wool, and all sorts of
farm produce, but why they should also be

S8 COLLEGE TOM
indebted for shoe buckles, velvet, skeins of
thread, a thimble, and other articles not usu
ally found on a Rhode Island farm is at first
difficult to determine. A little further study
explains it. In the general scarcity of cur
rency, money seems to have passed through
as few hands as possible. Thus Samson
Will, instead of being paid his wages in
1750 is entered as debtor to Thomas Haz
ard for "garlix, cambric, and thread of J.
Helme," who was the storekeeper at Tower
Hill, later a judge, and a man of much
influence in the country-side. The money
apparently passed directly to Helme, in this
case. In another instance one payment
discharged several debts. John Mash, in
1757, is debtor " To thirty shillings in Cafh
Paid to Tho^ Sweet, Blacksmith ; it was due
from John Nichols to s*^ Sweet, & from
John Mash to s'^ Nichols."
A whole series of accounts exist which
are not balanced at all in the usual way, as
in the case of relatives. Latham Clarke,
College Tom's brother-in-law, has the long
est of these. He has veal, butter, cheese,
oxen at pasture, etc., against which he is
credited with a " Felt Hatt for Dick at ^i,
Cafteel Sope, Handkerchiefs at 14 shillings.

DIFFUSE ENTRIES 59
Callominco at i8 shillings. Sugar, Indigo,
and salt." There is no attempt at footing
up, but at the end of the page " Ballanced
acco'^ with Latham Clarke, February the
first day, Ann" Dom' one thoufand feven
hundred and fifty, 1750." Transactions with
" Father Hazard " are conducted largely by
borrowing and lending, as in 1757 when
" Father Hazard had eleven Bushels of
Oats of me to Sow for which he is to re
turn eleven Bushels nex year," and entries
of Bushels of corn, with no price fixed, "All
Paid by my Father."
In studying this record of the life of the
last century several points claim the reader's
attention. It is a very different account
book from any of to-day. No one takes the
time now to go so fully into details. What
talks and bargaining are indicated in this
entry of February 28, 1754: " Thos. Hazard
of Newport D' To fifty-five pounds promised
to pay me in Three months on Swop be
tween Two Horses." Is a sharp bargain
always allowable on a horse trade ? for fifty-
five pounds seems a large sum to pay for a
horse, to say nothing of paying it to boot.
This brings us to a consideration of the very
high prices, apparently, paid for everything.

6o COLLEGE TOM
until we remember the unfortunate state of
Rhode Island currency. In 1754, .;^3 15^.
were equal to one Spanish Milled Dollar,
that is, seventy-five shillings of old tenor
bills were equal to six shillings silver of i6f
cents, or one silver shilling equal to twelve
and a half of paper; which reduces our fifty-
five old tenor pounds to four pounds, eight
shillings, — a much more moderate sum to
pay " on Swop." The variability of the
currency throughout the book has its own
lesson. Rhode Island issued paper money
first in 1 710. Six other issues followed
between that date and 1740, when the
bills outstanding of these dates began to
be called old tenor. The apparently high
prices throughout the book must be dis
counted according to the value of the paper
money, which evidently caused endless trou
ble, and brought final disaster. Connecti
cut, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts
were in the same difficulty. One " bank "
was issued in Rhode Island, to redeem its
predecessor, and the bills were to be "in
value equal to money." After 1740, the
value of the bills was to equal a specified
weight of gold or silver. In Rhode Is
land the issues of 1 740 were at bs. ^d. per

RHODE ISLAND CURRENCY

6l

ounce in silver, or ;^5 per ounce in gold.^
Though at the same time it took twenty-
seven shillings in these bills to equal one
ounce in silver,^ they soon became current
at the rate of one for four of old tenor.
Hence arose endless confusion. In 1751, a
year after the first entries in the account
book, the value of a Spanish milled dollar

The Spanish Mill'd Dollar.
was declared by the General Assembly of
June, 1763, to have been £2 i6s. As this
was a declaration of value twelve years after
the fact, made for the use of courts in de
ciding the many difficult cases which arose
from the depreciated currency, it was of no
service as a basis of value to the struggling
1 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New Eng
land, ch. xiii.. The Period of Inflation.
2 R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8, p. n.

62 COLLEGE TOM
accountant. Beside the Spanish dollars
there are also mentioned in the book Jo
hannes and half Johannes, gold pieces of
the value of eight Spanish milled dollars,
and pistareens, and half pistareens.
Such were the difficulties of the currency
that primitive methods of exchange had to
be resorted to. In Massachusetts from 1 720
to 1723 the treasury accepted beef, pork,
Indian corn, hides, and other produce at
fixed rates.^ In Rhode Island it does not
appear to have come to such a pass, but in
the neighborhood transactions of College
Tom, he often balances his accounts in this
way by barter, or simply enters the items
and leaves them unbalanced entirely.
We have seen that the young man and
his beautiful bride — for the Robinsons are
famous for their beauty — started their house
keeping on the forty -acre homestead, sur
rounded by the land of Robert Hazard,
and that the break with his father did not
come till after 1745. Nor could the breach
between them have endured as long as
tradition asserts. Thomas Hazard was a
peacemaker on more than one occasion,
and his friendly relations to his father are
i Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E., ch. xiii.

A HORSE TRADE 63
testified to by various entries of borrow
ing and lending. " Father Hazard brought
eleven cows to keep" at pasture in 1754.
In 1750 College Tom buys a yoke of oxen
at ^140, — though the pounds sterling
mark is out of place, and it should read
current money of New England. Most of
his horses were probably raised, for few
were bought. A three-year-old in 1753 cost
a hundred and fifty pounds ; a " thirteen-
year-old Bay mare with a White nofe " in
'54 cost seventy pounds, and an " old black
Troting mare," a year later, only fifty-five
pounds. A few others were bought, one in
1 763, a black mare, at two hundred and forty-
four pounds ; but the money was just twice
as bad as in 1753, the £2, los. of that date
being equal to ^7 in 1763, and both only
having the actual value of one Spanish
milled dollar. In 1766 comes a curious
transaction in horseflesh, which shows very
plainly the trouble of the inflated currency.
Silver had risen still further, so that a dollar
was now equal to eight pounds.
1766, i8th 6 mo. George Irejfh To
one Dark Coloured Natural pacing Horfe
with some White in his Face, at fifty-five
Silver Spanifh MilP Dollers. I am to

64 COLLEGE TOM
take I hoggshead of Molafses, i barrell of
Sugar at ;^70, old Tenor per Hundred,
the Molaffes at the value of 36/ old Tenor,
a Doller being confidered at the Value of
Eight Pounds old Tenor the Remain
der in Tea at y'= Rate of Eight Pounds
old Ten"" and in Indigo at the Rate of
Twelve Pounds, old Tenor ; to have one-
half of y° remainder in Tea, & the other
in Indigo.
This was evidently a Narragansett pacer.
The fame of these horses is perpetuated by
Updike, and all the writers upon early
Narragansett. They were in great demand
for export, and were annually sent to the
West Indies, and to Virginia. So great
was their value that finally all the good
mares were sold from out the country, and
the old fable of killing the goose that laid the
golden egg was repeated in Narragansett.
The races on Little Neck beach, now called
Narragansett Pier beach, are enthusiastically
described by the old writers. Dr. McSpar
ran says he " saw some of them [the horses]
pace a mile in little more than two minutes,
a good deal less than three," ^ a wide mar
gin on a race nowadays, when fractions of
1 America Dissected, Updike, p. 514.

SUPPLIES HIS NEIGHBORS 65
a second are reckoned. They had great en
durance, and were capable of carrying heavy
burdens in addition to their rider, and many
a journey to Boston, or into Connecticut, did
they make. This was a valuable animal, for
which sugar, molasses, tea, and indigo were
exchanged. Tea is first mentioned in the
account book in 1750, when it cost ^3 \s.
per pound, and is now mentioned in 1766
at £Z in the highly inflated currency.
In this year the accounts begin to be
kept in lawful money, as well as old tenor,
but the habit of old tenor prices seems to
have been so strongly fixed that often both
are given, and the lawful money, on a specie
basis, is changed first into old tenor. In
1767 "One old Horse " was sold to Row
land Robinson, for ^3 15^-. lawful money,
for which one hundred pounds, old tenor,
were paid. The same year William Cong-
don, son of Joseph, is debtor —
To one Bay Horse five years old @
500 lbs. & one-half Hundred w*. of sugar,
such sugar as was Set at 8 Dollers the
Hundred, clean & of a bright colour.
Getting his supplies in these large amounts.
College Tom seems to have in turn sup
plied his neighbors in smaller quantities.

66 COLLEGE TOM
The following letter was found between the
leaves containing the account of Jeremiah
Willson, — January y= 13 Day 1769
freind Thomas Hafzard. I should been
at your houfe before Now but I have been
Confined to my houfs with an Very ill
turn of Sicknefs but I am much better
In health Pleafe to send me three or
four pounds of your Shugare and I Defire
to Pay you In A few Days I have the
promis of Money but I Defire to go this
Day where I Expect some from yor friend
Je^ Willfon
Two pounds of sugar at thirteen shillings
a pound old tenor were sent him the same
day, and toward the end of the year the
entry comes, —
1 769. I gave a Receipt for the Whole
of Jeremiah Willfon^ account on y° oppo
site side.
No consideration is mentioned, his " very
ill turn of Sickness " probably having settled
the debt. There were two Jeremiah Will-
sons,^ son and grandson, of Samuel Willson
the Pettaquamscut purchaser mentioned in
Judge Sewall's letter.^ It is difficult to de-
1 Potter, History of Narragansett, p. 293. ^ Appendix.

BLACKSMITHING 6j
termine which this was, as the younger Will-
son was born in 1726, and his father might
also have been living in 1 769. The Willson
woods, north of Peace Dale, are still called
after the first purchaser.
In 1770 College Tom paid " 25 dollars in
full for a Horse for Rob'," the eldest son,
and the next year occurs a curious entry of
mixed currency and instruction.
1 77 1 9"" 4"^ mo Powel Helme D'
To 7 weeks and six days keeping of y*
Coddington Horse @ i"" of Chocolat per
week Credit by thy instruct^ my Robert in
the art of Navigation in Part @ 5 shil
lings Zd.
Chocolate is first mentioned in the account
book in 1 754 at fourteen shillings a pound,
and in this year, when it paid for the horse's
keep, and offset the instruction in the art of
navigation, it cost forty shillings a pound old
tenor, or one shilling and sixpence a pound
in lawful money. The same year " i fatt
Horse " cost forty dollars, or twelve pounds
lawful money, which puts the dollar at six
shillings as we still have it.
These horses had to be shod, and Joseph
Hull was the blacksmith who did it. It would

68 COLLEGE TOM
be interesting to know where he got his iron
from. " Iron works for refining " were be
gun on the south branch of the Pawtuxet
by Richard Greene in 1741 ; the metal used
was probably obtained from the bog ores of
southeastern Massachusetts.^ But however
obtained, it was an article a worthy farmer
should prize highly, and we find the individ
ual shoes for the horses mentioned, as in the
following entries : — 1769 Joseph Hull
One pair of Shoes set on y^ hipt Mare
and he found Iron for i Shoe.
By making y= shoes and shoeing my
Bald Mare I found ye Iron
By Shoeing my old Bay Mare I found
old Shoes.
By shoeing my Horfe and my old mare
Each a pair of Shoes before.
The same Hull also made a " Hetchel at
three shillings old Tenor per tooth 320
Teeth, 16^." A "fire Pann " of his mak
ing cost three shillings and 250 clout nails
thirty-five shillings. He sharpened plough
irons and made " Snibills for three chests,"
and " Nib Irons." In 1770 he is credited
^ Weeden, Economic and Social History of A''. E., vol.
ii. pp. 497-500.

NAILER TOM 69
with "Shuting my Bucket Hook." This
seems to have been almost his last employ
ment, for Joseph Congdon, Jr., soon begins
to shoe the horses. In 1774 he sets five
pair of shoes on five horses at seven pence
one farthing a pair. Also he is credited
" By shoeing Rowland's Horse fore only
I found the Shoes " at the same price, so
it seems probably the shoes were found
on both occasions. Rowland Hazard, the
youngest son, was born in 1763, and was
already established with his horse at the age
of eleven. His father soon after allowed
him to purchase an acre of land, the deed
of which is still in the possession of his de
scendants. " Tommy's horse " is shod be
fore at \s. Sd. J the next year.
Another blacksmith who was quite a
famous man in his day is not mentioned in
this account book, which has scanty entries
after 1770. Thomas Hazard, son of Ben
jamin, " Nailer Tom," as he was called, in
his diary has constant references to dealings
with " Cousin Hazard," for College Tom
was his own cousin, the eldest son of his
father Benjamin's eldest brother, so that
there were thirty-six years between them.
Nailer Tom's mother was Mehitable Red-

70 COLLEGE TOM
wood of Newport, and having lost both
parents early, he was apprenticed by his
guardian to a blacksmith, and became an
excellent one. A journal of his, covering
the period from 1778 to 1 781, is in the Red
wood Library in Newport, and has been
published.-' Constant mention is made of
Cousin Hazard. He often dined with him,
quite regularly after meeting, apparently.
He " held the harrow for Cousin Hazard,"
" made stone wall for him," hoed corn for
him, and on June 13, 1779, " Went to Provi
dence in Cousin Hazard's Chaise." This is
said to have been the first chaise in Narra
gansett.^ Nailer Tom also " Drawed rods,"
made nails, " fixed Cousin Hazard's chaise,"
made buckles, bits, and sturrups, and put
irons on the toes of his shoes. He also shod
horses, as in August, 1781, when " Cousin
Hazard finished mowing. Shod Watson's
young mare. She hurt my hand." ^
Horses were perhaps the most important
of the domestic animals, since they not
only worked the farm, but were the means
of locomotion. There were few roads in
1 Narragansett Historical Register, vol. i. Nos. 1-4.
^ Ibid., p. 295.
8 Ibid., p. 284.

CARTS AND TEAMS Jl
the South County in the middle of the last
century, but bridle paths led from one great
estate to another, through endless gates, the
survivors of which may still be found in the
" hill country " of Matunuc. But the farm
could not be properly worked without oxen,
in our ancestors' opinion, and the account
book has an early mention of a yoke bought
in 1750 for ;^i40. A horse the same year
cost only fifty pounds, which seems to show
the relative value, though the horse is not
described as to age, or merits. Two years
later, when potatoes had just doubled in
price, a milch cow and calf cost ;^i6o, and
a three -year -old -horse ;^i5o. So a ratio
is difficult to establish. In 1755, a yoke
of oxen cost ^130 and an old black trot
ting mare £SS- ^^^ oxen seem to have
been bought, probably most of them were
raised on the farm. The spring ploughing
was done by oxen then as now, and the sea
weed brought up from the beaches in the
autumn. The teams and carts were also let to
neighbors. In 1766, Adam Gould is debtor
To my Team & one Hand to cart stones
J day 4^. 4^ Lawful
To Two pair of oxen to help him Plough

72 COLLEGE TOM
Two days each pair at 2s. ¦^ Lawful per
day
Andrew Nichols has in the same year —
My Team & Cart & man to cart wood
four days at one & half Doller per day
;^i.i6^ Lawful
This again reckons the dollar at six shil
lings, and the six dollars (thirty-six shillings)
is carried out directly in pounds and shil
lings. The following entry is also interest
ing : — 1770. 13"' 6 mo. Jos'' Torrey ""^
To the Mash on Spectacle Island, To
my four hands besides Tho^ my Son &
Team assisting in mowing Raking &
Bringing off ^s. 6"^
To Carting of it to thy house beside As
sist, work that afternoon £4 old Ten. =
3^ Lawful
1773 To carting one Load of Cole from
Ministerial Farm 9^
Nova Scotia coal had been brought for
many years to Boston, and this most proba
bly came in at the South Ferry, or at Rob
ert Hazard's wharf on Boston Neck. Powel
Helme had —
I pair of oxen three times to ye ferry &
to Littlerest.

TANNING 73
And Dr. Torrey had —
My Cart & oxen going up to George
Gardners Mill for Boards,
for which service as early as 1 750 he paid £2.
With horses in constant use saddles were
of course necessary. In 1 753 a man's saddle
cost thirty-three pounds. Three years later
a new pillion cost six shillings, a bridle fifty
shillings, and mending a side-saddle twenty-
three pounds, five shillings. Stirrup leath
ers cost one shilling and four pence. The
leather was all tanned and dressed near
home. Constant entries occur. In 1757
beef hides sold at five shillings a pound.
The largest transactions in leather are with
Colonel John Potter, and a third seems to
have been a very usual rate for the tanning.
James Rodes was an early tanner, and in
1757 " Drefsed to y^ halves " the skins sent
him. The following year they were to be
dressed at the same rate, " or 5 shillings per
Pound old Tenor to be at my Election when
done." In 1759, " This year \ for Drefsing
& 2 Sheep Skins." Colonel John Potter
also took the skins, as in the following en
try, with its pleasing liberty of spelling : —
1764 John Potter Coll'
The 4th 7th month. To one ox hide.

74 COLLEGE TOM
one bull hide, one Heifer Hide and one
Calve skin all which he brought from
Jeremiah Brown's Tan-yard, and six
Cave skins his Boy Carried from my
Houfe, He to have one third for Tan
ning the Beef hide and Tanning and
Currying the Calve Skins.
In 1777 Paul Green was the tanner. To
him were delivered —
Ten calves skins Two of them eat much
with Rats two Swine skins four Beef
Hides all to be Tanned and the Calves
skins Curried for one third the Hoog's
skins to be Dressed for Saddle Leather.
1778. 4"' mo 3.
Sent by Tommy to Paul Green Five
Beef Hides & one Horfe skin in all Six
skins of Creatures of full groth ; Two Veal
Calve Skins & one Skunk Skin much eat
by the Doggs he is to Tann & Curry
the Calves for one Third. 5"" ii"" day
Carried Two Veal Calve Skins to Pay s^
GreenWilliam Little was the shoemaker in the
fifties. In 1756 he made "Shoes for son
Rob' making i at 253-., he found the Sole
Leather, the other at 20.y;" an odd way of
reckoning the individual value of each shoe.

SHOES AND SHOEMAKERS 75
He also made heels for women's shoes.
Why heels should have given trouble is dif
ficult to imagine, but Nailer Tom in 1781
records that he " fixed the heels of Cousin
Hazard's Shoes." ^ Three years later shoes
were six pounds a pair. In 1 768, John Sher
man makes twelve pairs of shoes for twenty-
four pounds, and seems to have all the shoe-
making of the house to do. He is paid, —
1768 For Making and Repairing Shoes
for ye Family ye year Past and his find^
some Women's Heats (hats) amounting
to the sum of ^75.00.00
As with the large quantities of sugar, so
with the leather, Thomas Hazard's neigh
bors had the advantage of his stores. Vari
ous entries occur of pieces of leather such
as this, — 1 78 1 John Torrey D'
To part of a Calve Skin enough to cut
out a Pair of Shoes at 3.^ Lawful
A large reduction in price from 1763, when
" Leather for a pair of shoes " cost ;^5.
The farm must support itself, and not only
in life must the " creatures " serve their
master, but their usefulness still continues
after the riding and ploughing is done.
1 Narragansett Historical Register, vol. i. p. 1 77.

CHAPTER V.
Cows. Ferry to Newport. Hay, Beef, Veal, Milk, Butter,
Cheese. Cheese-press. Phillis. Dr. Joseph Torrey.
The Ministerial Farm. Rowland Robinson. " Stout
Jeffrey Hazard." Sarah Hazard, widow.
If horses were important to the early
farmers in Narragansett, and oxen were
essential to the work of the farm, it was
more truly the cows which brought in the
revenue, and were the main dependence of
the country. The climate of Narragansett
is well suited for cattle, the mild winters
demanded comparatively little shelter for
them, and the fodder was excellent. Marvel
ous stories are told of the hay crops grown
upon Boston Neck. The grass was said to
be waist high, and more luxuriant than at
present in the new fields of the far west.
Under these favorable conditions the pros
perity of the country rapidly increased. In
1748 we find that John Gardner-' of South
Kingstown prays the General Assembly to
grant him the liberty of keeping a ferry
1 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 242.

HAY AND HA YSEED 77
between South Kingstown and Jamestown,
as he is provided with " a good wharf and
Pier situate in a convenient and commodi
ous place." He represents to the Assembly
"that the inhabitants, trade, and commerce of
this colony have so far increased of late that
the ferries established on the Narragansett
shore, and the boats employed in that service
are not sufficient to transport with conven
ience the numerous passengers, their large
droves, various effects, and merchandise ; the
boats often being crowded with men, women,
children, horses, hogs, sheep, and cattle, to
the intolerable inconvenience, annoyance,
and delay of men and business." This ur
gent petition was duly granted.
In 1750 hay sold at;^20 a load, at which
rate seven loads of hay would pay for
a yoke of oxen in the same year. There
was an exceedingly dry season all through
New England in 1749, which may have af
fected the price. In 1755, when prices had
risen, it was still ^20 a load, and a yoke
of oxen cost ^130 only. Little hay was
sold ; but few entries of it occur. Probably
only enough for home consumption was
raised. Herd's-grass seed was twenty-five
shillings a quart in 1764. In 1760 Henry

78 COLLEGE TOM
Shearman is debtor " to one load of good
Hay for which he is to mow 13 days in
next season of Mowing." Nor was much
beef disposed of from the farm. Beef hides
have been mentioned, and the roasts prob
ably appeared on the family table. In 1765
beef was sold at 4^. 6d. per pound, and five
years later at five shillings. In 1778, when
the currency was on a specie basis, it is reck
oned at 3fl?l per pound, while pork is three
farthings higher, and cheese at ^d. It was
evidently not held in great esteem as an arti
cle of food. Perhaps the oxen were too hard
worked. Veal is a shilling a pound more,
and pickled pork three times as much as
beef. " A neat beast " sold at £6^ in 1768,
but that was only £2 %s. 4\d. lawful
money. Milk sold at a shilling a quart in
1752, and continued at that price for some
time. Four years later it was sixpence
more. Butter was <^s. 6d. a pound in 1750,
and rose to seven shillings the next year.
But cheese was the important product
of the farm. College Tom does not seem
to have disposed of it himself, but sold his
cheeses to some one person who exported
them. For several years James Helme was
the man. In 1754, 3627 pounds were made

CHEESE 79
which sold at three shillings the pound,
bringing ^'545 17^-. The next year only
2769 pounds were made, which sold at the
same price per pound. The quantity made
decreases as the price goes up. In 1756,
2496 pounds sold at five shillings, and in '57
1909 pounds at 6.5-. 6d. In 1763 there is
more made again, twenty-eight cheeses of
2830 lbs. weight, which brought ten shil
lings a pound.
The 4th of y^ 7" 1759 had in y' Cheefe
House 46 Cheefes new milk with them
in y° Prefs & 8 Cheefes made every
other day at first & one we have eat.
In 1765 occurs this entry: —
^th gth jj^Q_ Numbered the Cheefes made
this year and there were in y*" Cheefe
House of new milk cheefe new made 22
and 2 in y" Prefses & one amaking the
whole number 25.
4"" 6"* mo. Cut one cheese.
One cannot help hoping that it proved
to the good farmer's liking.
In 1766 there was an effort by the Gen
eral Assembly to force a return to a sound
currency, and in this year the cheese is
reckoned at twenty pounds weight for a
Spanish milled dollar. Twenty-four hun-

8o COLLEGE TOM
dred weight of cheese was made this year.
The year following, Rowland Robinson, the
brother-in-law of College Tom, took a hun
dred and nine cheeses of about the same
weight at the same price. The old tenor
bills were firmly rooted, however, and the
next year John Dockray has the product of
cheese, some twenty-seven hundred weight,
at eight shillings, old tenor. Two years
later, 1770, still another rate is used, three
thousand odd pounds being sold to David
Green at \d. \ lawful money. Nineteen
years later, 1789, one of the last entries in
the book has cheese at the same price.
The presses for these cheeses were made
near home. In 1772 Daniel Dye is credited
with four days' work, " Made i Cheese prefs
and I Coffin Phillis. ^4."
So life and death are mixed ! How often
must Phillis have filled the presses, for she
is doubtless the prototype of that ancient
negro of famous memory whom " Shepherd
Tom " has celebrated as his grandfather's
never-to-be-forgotten cook. It was a com
mon name among the Narragansett negroes,
and in College Tom's household she would
be well cared for, and was evidently decently
buried. The Phillis of " The Jonny-Cake

BUYING STOCK 8 1
Papers " could not have been this one, as
she died more than thirty years before
" Shepherd Tom " was born.
Several interesting purchases of cows
were made, as when Jonathan Hazard, of
Newport, in 1762 bought
I Winter Milch Cow & Calf ©^150.
He is credited By 11 Dollers @, £'j £77-
By Seventy-Three Pounds old Iron 73.
A pound of iron, and a pound with the
delusive sterling mark evidently were of
equal value.
In the same year —
Rec'^ of Thomas Robinfon of Newport
to the Value of one Hundred & forty
Eight Spanish Mill-^ Dollers in Gold &
Silver as Calculated by Docf Rob' Haz
ard from Whofe Hand I Rec"^ them.
7"" mo 1 762 Jos'" Congdon gave his note
of Hand for 100 of s"^ Dollers as he had
ye same to Buy Cows in Cuttnecticut &
myself gave note for forty & 8.
In 1664 when corn was at eighty shil
lings, old tenor, per hundred, and a pair
of shoes cost nine pounds, occurs the fol
lowing entry : —
Rec'd of Jos'' Torrey by the Hand of his

82 COLLEGE TOM
wife 14 Spanish Mill^ in gold & Silver to
buy a cow for him in Connecticut. Re
turned 8 dollars some cop'' i cow to s*^
Torrey. That is to say, the cow cost a little less
than six dollars in actual money. A jour
ney into Connecticut is evidently indicated
for the purchase of cattle, perhaps to the
same farmer near New London visited in
the early days.
Mention has already been made of Joseph
Torrey. In 1770, —
2 J St J St j^Q_ Settled accounts with
Doc"^ Joseph Torrey and there is Due to
me upon Ballance the full Sum of Seven
Pounds six shillings 9"* old Ten' having
first Deducted his acct^ both for Phisick
and the Labour of his man Cuff.
This Dr. Torrey was an interesting man,
a physician both for the body and the soul.
He came from Boston to Narragansett, and
was married by Dr. McSparran in 1730 to
" Elizabeth Willson, at the house of Jeremiah
Willson in South Kingstown." ^ She was
probably the daughter or sister of the friend
who wanted " Shugare',' as before noted. The
following year four gentlemen wrote to Bos-
1 Updike, p. 117.

THE MINISTERIAL LANDS 83
ton to have Dr. Torrey settled among them
as minister, and on May 17, 1732, he was or
dained by the Reverend Samuel Niles.^ He
is called the " first incumbent of ordination."
He immediately laid claim to the ministerial
lands, and a long and tedious lawsuit was
the result. The gift of land for the support
of an " orthodox person" in 1668 has been
already mentioned. It seems the phrase
ology of the gift was left purposely indefi
nite. The purchasers at a meeting in 1692
wanted to assign it for the use of the Pres
byterians, but Jaleel Brenton, Esq., argued
that it would damage them in estimation
" at home," that is, England, if they gave so
much to the Presbyterians and nothing to
the Church ; " and therefore," he said, " if
you will be ruled by me, we will not express
it to the Presbyterians, but will set it down
to the ministry and let them dispute who
has the best title to it ! " ^ The dispute did
not come for thirty years, but when it did,
was long and pertinacious. As the land lay
unclaimed, in 1 702 Henry Gardner entered
upon twenty acres of it, and James Bundy
^ Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 123.
2 For a full account of this controversy see Potter, His
tory, p. 123, and Updike, p. 70 and following.

84 COLLEGE TOM
upon the remaining two hundred and eighty,
which he sold to George Mumford in 1719.
Upon the arrival of the Church of England
missionary, Mr. Gardner promptly surren
dered the twenty acres he held. Mumford
retained possession of the larger tract, in
spite of various suits for the recovery of it.
In 1732, after being twice defeated in court.
Dr. Torrey, who laid claim to the whole tract
in virtue of the confirmatory grant of 1679,
appealed to England, and obtained posses
sion of the two hundred and eighty acres,
which he conveyed to six trustees who
leased it " to Robert Hazard, gentleman,"
and Dr. McSparran brought suit against
him as terre-tenant. The original grant of
1668 having come to light. Dr. McSparran
wished to have " one real suit upon the
whole title." In his defense, Robert Hazard
put in as answer " two pleas in abatement,
three pleas in bar, and finally on the gen
eral issue of Not Guilty." It was in mak
ing these pleas that his manuscript copy
of " Coke on Littleton " and the fine edi
tion of Dalton's " Country Justice " probably
helped him. After various suits and counter
suits it went to the King in council, and
finally on the 7th of May, after more than

LAWSUITS IN THE COLONY 85
thirty years of litigation. Dr. McSparran was
defeated, and the lands confirmed to Dr. Tor
rey.^ This lawsuit, in which College Tom's
father had so active a part, no doubt had its
influence in forming the wish to educate
him for a lawyer. Dr. McSparran complains
that there are " a vast many lawsuits " in the
colony, " more in one year, than the county
of Derry has in twenty." ^ He himself was
not loath to engage in them, as we have seen,
and in a new country the troublesome ques
tion of boundaries always occasions them.
As late as 1722, when the dividing line be
tween North and South Kingstown was run,
the line is described, " and so continuing said
course as near as we could for the badness
of the way." ^ Such boundaries were not
conducive to clear titles, and endless confu
sion often resulted. Beside his preaching
Dr. Torrey practiced medicine, and had also
some farming. The " Mash " on Spectacle
Island was his, as before noted, and from his
long association with Robert Hazard the
friendship between the families seems to
have been close.
1 Appendix, Paper in this case, AiiSdavit of Foxcroft and
Chauncy. ^ Updike, America Dissected, p. 515.
8 R. I. C. R., vol. iv. p. 316.

86 COLLEGE TOM
Shepherd Tom, in his interesting " Rec
ollections of Olden Times " recalls hearing
of the good doctor in his young days. He
lived, he says, in a house that stood about
a mile from the village of Tower Hill, on
the south side of the road leading west, still
called the " Tory lot."
" I the more particularly remember old
Parson Torrey," he continues, " from a uni
form way my father used to tell me, when I
was a small boy, the old Presbyterian had
of reproving his son, a very naughty boy,
to whom he would say with great empha
sis when he behaved amiss, ' Why ! I am
ashamed of you, John ! I am ashamed of
you ! ' "
This son of Dr. Torrey's also appears in
the account book, —
1 78 1. Settled accounts with John
Torrey (for weaving) and there is due
him the Ballance of Seven Pounds Four
teen Shillings at the rate of four Pounds
p'^ bushel for Corn
These were old tenor prices again, with
corn at eighty shillings the bushel.
Rowland Robinson, who took the cheeses
for several years, was a man of marked
ability, hot tempered, and hasty, " a man of

ROWLAND ROBINSON 87
violent passions, but of a noble benevolent
nature," one of his descendants remarks.
He had constant quarrels with his neigh
bors, but was really most generous. In his
later years he quarreled with his nephew and
namesake Rowland Hazard, and threatened
to cut him out of his will, but ended by
leaving him much of his land. The tragic
fate of his beautiful daughter Hannah has
been fully told.^ From their fine house,
still standing on Boston Neck, she managed
to run away with her lover, a young French
gentleman. Soon after her marriage she
began to pine for a reconciliation with her
father, the more so as her husband proved a
man of light and fickle character. She was
finally carried back to Narragansett upon a
litter, only to die in her father's house, who
bitterly mourned her loss, which his harsh
ness had certainly done something to occa
sion. She is still spoken of as the unfortu
nate Hannah, and this bit of tragedy rises
from the leaves of the old account book,
associating itself with the name of Rowland
Robinson more closely than his generous
deeds, or broad acres.
The pasturing of cattle also added to the
1 T. R. Hazard, Recollections of Olden Times.

88 COLLEGE TOM
income of the farm. There are only one or
two mentions of a man famous in local his
tory, — Geoffrey Hazard, " stout Jeffrey " as
he was called. The first is very early in the
book, with the date unfortunately obliterated :
4"' of 6"' mo Carried my oxen to Jaffeory
Hazard to Pafture Carried my cow y^
16"" of 6"' month Carried 3 Heiphers 21^'
of y" 6"" month
Apparently they were not well cared for,
for — 9"' of ye 9"' mo one of y" Heiphers
was in my upper Pafture & Harry told
me he saw her some days before in y"
Training Lott. Drove her to Pafture
again the 13"' of the Same Month.
This Geoffrey Hazard was famous for his
strength. He is reported to have lifted
two-year-old colts, and to have been able to
drink from the bung-hole of a barrel of cider,
holding it above his head. A great stone lay
for many years where he lifted it and threw
it down. The story is that some slaves
were building a wall, and had this stone on
skids, but were unable to move it. Seeing
Geoffrey Hazard come riding by, they called
to him for help, as his strength was famous
throughout the country-side. But he was

STOUT JEFFREY HAZARD 89
displeased at their familiarity, and lifting
the stone off the skids, threw it on the
ground, where it lay until brought to Peace
Dale by Rowland Hazard. It is now in
front of the house at Oakwoods, inscribed:
Stout Jeffrey Hazard hfted this stone
In pounds just 1621
In South Kingstown he lived and died
God save us all from sinful pride.
But the usual records in the account
books are of cattle brought, not sent, to
pasture. In 1762 " Peleg Peekham brought
9 Cattle to keep," and " Andrew Nichols
brought his Father's Cow to keep by y°
week @ £'x, p'' week." Samuel Willson,
Eber Shearman, and many others brought
cows to keep, among them College Tom's
mother. Robert Hazard died in 1762, and
the sons were left to care for their mother.
Her accounts came regularly, —
1765, 20"' 5"' month Mother Hazard
Took away her Cows & left her Calf with
me to keep.
In December of the same year College Tom
" Took a Black Cow to keep for my mother,"
and in 1766 " Settled acc'^ with my mother
Hazard & took a Receipt for her annual
legacy." Then after a few years comes the
entry, —

90 COLLEGE TOM
Sarah Hazard Widow
Job Took away Mother's Cows y° 7"' day
of the 2^ month 1772.
The 7"' 6"' mo 1773 Settled this ace' as
alfo for Mother's Coffin with Brother Job
Watson.
This was " Sister Sarah's " husband, with
whom " Mother Hazard " seems to have
lived, though Shepherd Tom says she died
in Newport. There is only one other men
tion of this lady ; in the Regiftor of Death.
Sarah Hazard widow of Robert Haz
ard late deceafed departed this Life the
i" day of the 2"'' month CalP February
1772 about half after Eight o'Clock in
the evening being the 7"" day of week
aged ']'] years the  of the Eighth
month Call'* August 1771.
So it was a week after her death that her
cows were taken away. They were prob
ably the wide-horned, red-skinned cows of
Devon extraction which have come to be
the native of Rhode Island, giving milk
rather scanty in butter-making properties,
but excellent for the cheese which Narra
gansett became famous for. Upon their
meek heads a large part of the prosperity of
the country was built.

CHAPTER VI.
Sheep and Wool. Spinners and Weavers. Martin Reed
the First True Manufacturer. His Character and Meth
ods of Work. Colonel George Hazard's Mill. Linen. The
Women who spun. Stockings and Mitts. Tailoring.
If the details of the early Narragansett
life seem somewhat hard and prosaic, when
we turn to the sheep there is an atmosphere
of pastoral simplicity, an air of leisure
and contemplation, that surrounds the great
flocks. The country, with its hills and dales,
its fine grass and abundant water, was well
fitted to support the timid creatures who
contributed so much to its comfort. Some
times in severe winters they suffered greatly.
Dr. McSparran, writing in 1 752, says that he
had seen the Atlantic "froze as far as the
human eye could reach." ^ In 1780 there
was a cold season long remembered, when
the bay was frozen over, and not a ship
moved in Newport harbor. In one of these
cold winters a great flock was snowed in,
in the little ravine on the east side of Tower
1 Updike, America Dissected, p. 525.

92 COLLEGE TOM
Hill, near where the Tower Hill House now
stands, which is still known as Dorothy's
Hollow. The story is that their shepherdess
braved the storm to try to rescue them, but
perished herself with her sheep. Tales are
also told of a flock edging into the sea, the
exposed sheep taking refuge behind the
others less exposed, till all were drowned.
But such winters were the exception, and
little shelter was usually provided for the
flocks. At Anthony's on Point Judith the
wall of a sheep-fold of the old pattern can
still be seen. It is a high stone wall, run
ning east and west, and not long ago still
had its roof. The fold was open entirely at
the south, except for the timbers that sup
ported the roof. Such rude shelters were
common, — perhaps not unlike the places
where shepherds watched their flocks by
night centuries ago. In the early days there
was still need for watchfulness. The Wolf
Rocks beyond Kingston were occupied by
their first inhabitants until quite recent
years. Dogs, however, were not the trouble
they are now. In fact, the sheep were so
much more valuable than the dogs, but
small consideration could be given any dog
who developed worrying instincts.

SHEEP AND WOOL 93
The great farmers all had their own
flocks, each sheep with a distinctive ear
mark. The South Kingstown records con
tain pages registering the different ear
marks, and Nailer Tom duly mentions a
change in that used by College Tom. Dr.
McSparran mentions " butter, cheese, fat
cattle, wool, and fine horses," as the prin
cipal products of Narragansett. Again he
says, " I mentioned wool as one of the pro
ductions of this Colony, but although it is
pretty plenty where I live, yet if you throw
the English America into one point of view
there is not half enough to make stockings
for the inhabitants."^ He adds that he
wishes " Ireland were at liberty to ship us
their woolens, which we shall always want."
The poor Doctor complained bitterly of the
weather: "We are sometimes frying, and at
others freezing," he says, and he evidently
longed for his own Irish homespun.
Thomas Hazard did not sell very much
wool apparently, but raised enough to
clothe his household. One hundred pounds
is the largest sale, recorded in 1 766, when
it sold at 14I- pence lawful. This must
have been a particularly fine lot, for the
1 Updike, America Dissected, p. 516.

94 COLLEGE TOM
same year another sale was made at nine-
pence a pound. The following year " Old
wool and Dagg Locks " sold at fourpence
half-penny a pound. This dag-locks, as we
should write it, is an interesting word, from
the Scotch " daggle," a drizzle of rain, hence
anything daggled was moist, or draggled,
and dag-locks were the long skirts of the
sheep's fleece. In March, 1769, a man is
paid for " one day's Work at Daging
Sheep." The use of this word suggests the
presence of Scotch shepherds in Narragan
sett. The prices of wool mark the depreci
ation of the currency very clearly. The
first year of the account book has it at eight
shillings old tenor. It rises to twenty-eight
shillings, three and a half times as much,
in nine years. After the spasmodic effort
after specie payments in 1766 and '67, in
1768 it is at thirty-two shillings old tenor.
The entries of prices of wool are infrequent,
however, as most of it was for home con
sumption. Hind-quarters of mutton were often sold ;
and a saddle of mutton was a favorite roast,
which must often have appeared on the
home table. In 1 750 a few sheep brought
forty shillings each, and in 1767, twelve

SOUTH DOWN STOCK 95
pounds old tenor, or nine shiUings lawful.
Some efforts were made to improve the
breed, which degenerated somewhat from
the original South Down stock, and Row
land Robinson imported a fine South Down
ram. His anger can be well imagined
when he discovered that a lazy negro, who
was in the habit of helping himself from his
flock, had killed this valuable beast to fur
nish a roast to his family. There were also
a few of the short-legged "creeper" breed,
which were prized by their owners. South
County mutton is almost as famous as its
turkeys, as the sweet grasses and broken
surface of the country are particularly favor
able to sheep.
Of the shearing there is no mention,
though Nailer Tom records both washing
and shearing sheep for Cousin Hazard,^
but the wool was often combed at home, as
in 1 778, when Valentine Ridge is credited —
By combing at my house 40 lbs. of wool
By combing at thy house 33I lbs.
He also combed warfled at fourteen shil
lings old tenor a pound. Dr. Torrey's son
John was a weaver as before noted, and this
wool comber was very probably a son of
1 Narr. Hist. Register, vol. i. p. 280.

96 COLLEGE TOM
Master Ridge, the Irish schoolmaster of
Tower Hill, a man noted for his strong
character and courtly bearing. Shepherd
Tom thinks he probably left Ireland for po
litical reasons, and he would naturally in
coming to the new world select the place
where his countryman. Dr. McSparran, was
settled. In a new country each man must
count as an individual, and there seem to
have been few of the social lines drawn
which exist in an older community. The
doctrine and practice of the Friends on this
point was doubtless not without its influ
ence, and there was no apparent descent
in the social scale from a physician to a
weaver, or a schoolmaster to a wool comber.
Those who knew the older generation of
Narragansett men will recognize that they
were truly no respecters of persons ; a man
was a man, no matter what his surround
ings, and to be treated with a respect the
degree of which was measured only by his
character. The wool thus combed was spun on the
"woolen wheels," smaller and stouter than
the linen wheels also in use. Hannah
Greenman, widow, in 1761 is credited with
" 30 skeins, 4 knots of Worfted spun for

HEAVERS AND WEAVING 97
us at six shillings per skein." She also
spun Linen yarn at the same price. Daniel
Knowles, " son of Daniel late deceased," in
1776 spun both worsted znd Lining yarn.
In that year he spun thirty skeins of Kersey
yarn at eight shillings. James Carpenter
of West Greenwich spun Linnen yarn, and
also carded and spun Tow yarn. He was
also a weaver of tow cloth diaper, but in
general the spinning and weaving seem to
have been done by different persons.
Robert Martin is the earliest weaver
mentioned, who in 1753 wove " 30 yards of
Linning Cloath, at seven shillings, and 22
yards of Ticking" at the same price. If the
varieties of linen corresponded with the spel
ling, they must have been numerous ! The
ticking was for the great feather beds, so
universal in all the comfortable houses,
and so valuable that they were mentioned
in the wills of the period. Eber Shearman,
Jr., of North Kingstown, was an accom
plished weaver. He wove Sarge cloth at
six shillings, tow cloth at four, linning,
striped cotton and linning, plain cotton and
Linning, Flanning, sarge worfled, blue cloth
Sarge, and half Duroy. This last is inter
esting. We still have corduroy, and the

98 COLLEGE TOM
sixteen and a half yards of " half Duroy,"
woven in 1755, would doubtless make a
stout riding suit. " Gardner ye weaver at
Tower Hill," Benedict Oatley, and Joseph
Jesse have a share in the weaving for the
household from 1756 to 1760. The price
in 1757 is fixed at twenty shillings a pound
for wool, which they received of Thomas
Hazard " to be paid for in weaving at the
rates following: Tow at 3jr. ()d., Flanning
¦^s., Worfted at 55., and other cloths at the
same rate." Benedict Oatley, in 1 760, wove
" about twenty-six and three-quarters yards
of Tow Cloth, about One yard of Which was
wove Kerfey." He also could weave striped
cloth and wove "one piece Chex." William
Taylor, in 1756, is paid "for Scouring and
fulling one piece of Cersey," and " dyeing
scouring Pressing & Shearing one piece of
Sarge." The Indigo for dyeing cost a dollar
and a half per pound in 1 766. Some was
obtained the same year in barter for the
pacing horse at ^12 old tenor a pound, a
dollar being reckoned at eight pounds.
But Martin Reed-' was the prince of
weavers of the old time. The first mention
of him is in 1763. After that the entries are
^ Updike, p. 283.

MARTIN REED 99
frequent. He is called of North Kings
town, for his house was near the old St. Paul's
church, of which, for many years, he was
the devoted clerk. He was left an orphan
at the age of seven, and just before the
death of his widowed mother was appren
ticed to a diaper weaver. According to the
old custom this apprenticeship lasted till
he was of age, and he only had one quarter's
schooling. But he was ambitious, and de
termined to excel in his work. He studied
at night, and eagerly read all the books he
could find upon his chosen work. At the
end of his apprenticeship he married the
daughter of a diaper weaver, and with a
single loom began his career, which was
one of continued prosperity. On June 14,
1 76 1, he was baptized by Mr. Fayerweather,
and is called in the record " Martin Reed,
the Parish Clerk, an adult." He was a
most devoted attendant on the church
services, and had the care of the church
building for many years. He led the sing
ing, and under Dr. Smith's direction, with
Martin Reed as leader, it is said, the
" Venite " was first chanted in America.
When the church had no rector, in the
troubled days of the Revolution, it was he

lOO COLLEGE TOM
who read morning prayers, and the funeral
service for the dead. His piety and sense
stood him in good stead when Jemima
Wilkinson, hearing he had called her a
blasphemer, came down from her house at
Little Rest, clad in her robes of state, and
went to his house to overawe him, as she
had many others. "Claiming to be the Son
of God, she threatened that if he did not
repent and humble himself, she would put
forth her mighty power, and blast him and
his family. He answered that he enter
tained no gods like her in his house, and
that if she did not forthwith leave he would
turn her out; on which she troubled him
no more." ^ He used his musical ability
in a practical way by constantly singing
when at work with his journeymen and
apprentices. The songs were Irish, Up
dike says, and he knew a great number,
or if he did not sing he uttered " their airs
by a melodious whistle, to which the work
men became so accustomed that it became
to them a relief to their toils." In this
primitive work-room, with its few hand
looms, with the swift shuttle thrown cease
lessly to the accompaniment of the master's
1 Updike, p. 285.

COLONEL GEORGE HAZARD lOl
voice, not only flannel, striped and plain,
worsted, tow-cloth, and linen were woven, but
broadcloth, and Caliminco. This last, which
we are instructed to spell calimanco, was a
glossy woolen satin-twilled stuff", checkered,
or brocaded in the warp, so that the pat
tern showed on one side only. It was in use
for dress occasions, and gentlemen of the
old school had calimanco morning gowns.
In 1766, Martin Reed wove twenty-three
yards of it at sixteen shillings a yard for
Thomas Hazard, and other entries occur.
He also wove two " coverlids " that year, at
eight pounds each. Thirty-four pounds
four shillings were paid for weaving a
" Piece of Broad Cloth, 57 yards."
Updike calls Martin Reed the first manu
facturer in Narragansett, though there was
a much earlier establishment of a woolen in
dustry. Colonel George Hazard, a brother
of "old Thomas Hazard," in 17 19 gives to
Thomas Culverwell for love and good-will
" a Little part of my farme belonging to my
now Dwelling house. . . . More Especially
for ye Promoting of ye Wooling Manufac-
tuary which may be for my benefit and the
Publick Good." The bounds of this half
acre are duly given on " the Saquetucket,"

102 COLLEGE TOM
and Henry Gardner for the same reasons
joins in giving full power to make a dam.
" The land that shall be Drowned by making
of ye said Dam " was given to Culverwell ;
" Which Dam is to be made for ye fulling
of Cloth, and to ye Promoting of a fulling
Mill." The deed expressly provides that
if Culverwell " shall neglect to Keep and
maintain a Good fulling mill," the lands and
rights are to return to the grantors.* This
first dam upon the Saugatucket was upon
Colonel George's homestead near Rose hill.
Two years later Culverwell receives " one
hundred pounds in Curr' pafsable money of
New England " from George Hazard for a
portion of this land with its buildings,^ and
June 6, 1723, the whole was bought back
from Culverwell, the land being specified as
the same land Culverwell " purchased some
time past of the Aforesaid Hazzard, . . .
with all houses out houses Mill or Mills
there on standing or being with all the wa
ters and Water courses thereto Belonging."
" Levery and Seizen " of this land was given
by " Turf and Twigg," before witnesses who
duly sign the memorandum.^ January 8,
1 South Kingstown Records, vol. i. p. loi.
2 Ibid., p. 197. 8 Ibid., vol. iii., New Series, p. 5.

THE MILL OF lysj 1 03
1725, Colonel George gives it all to his
" Beloved Son Thomas Hazard Cloather,"
for " Natural Love and Tender affection,"
" With the Houfings Mil'es Prefses Shears
and other things which may tend or Belong
to the Cloathing Trade &ct." It is most
generously given, "from henceforth as his
own proper Estate and goods absolutely
without any manner of condition. " ^ So
it was a great -uncle of College Tom who
started the woolen " manufactuary," with his
naive expression of hope for his own bene
fit as well as the public good. No mention
of this mill is made in the account book.
There were the plain hand weavers, but
Martin Reed seems to have been the best
in the country-side. All the gentry came to
him, and he seems to have been the only
one who could weave calimanco. Benedict
Oatley, in 1767, weaves worsted plain, and
Sarge, also "12 yards plain Broad Cloth,"
for which he took in payment some mutton,
corn, and ten and a half pounds of gammon,
at twelve shillings a pound. This word
comes from the French jambon, and we
trust the good weaver enjoyed his salted
and smoked pork.
1 South Kingstown Records, vol. iii.. New Series, p. 136.

104 COLLEGE TOM
Nicholas Brags wove linen, Benedict
Oatley also, both fine and "cors," and Martin
Reed as well. The flax was apparently
grown upon the farm, and doubtless much
of it spun at home under the eye of the
mistress. The last entry in the book, 1790,
records, " Rutter the old Black man Drefsed
for me flax." In 1761 Hannah Greenman,
widow, spins " linnen yarn " at six shillings
the skein. Some is spun by the weaver
James Carpenter, in 1768, at eight shillings,
and woven into diaper at ten shillings a yard.
He also makes a charge for "boiling and
washing the yarn that made S'* Cloth." In
1775, John Gould "took 2| lbs of Flax to
Spin 8 Scains to y^ pound." It was his
wife who did it, as a subsequent entry shows.
Astress Crandall was a famous spinner of
both linen and worsted. She spun " card-
work " as well, and has a special entry for
" spinning doubling and drefsing i skain of
stocking worfted three double." Her ac
count for spinning for the two years end
ing in 1778 amounted to over a hundred
and eighty-seven pounds, old tenor. The
friendly relations of the good farmer's house
hold to their humbler neighbors is shown in
the following entry, —

ANDREW NICHOLS 105
1776 John Smith Paid ye above Charg
of I & 1^ bushels of Corn in his Wifes
Whitening linnen Cloth for my Wife
when they settled
" Debb," doubtless a colored woman from
the absence of a surname, spun yarn for
stockings and mittens, and then knit " said
stockings and mitts at 4 pounds 18 shil
lings, old Tenor." She was carefully paid
i^' mo 20"" day 1778. This was six years
before the emancipation act. Stockings are
seldom mentioned; a pair in 1756 cost 35
shillings, and a " Linning Handkerchief " in
the same year 22 shillings.
The tailor who made the cloth into suits
of jackets and breeches was Andrew Nich
ols. Eunice Nichols, probably his wife or
daughter, is called tailoress, and she doubt
less visited in the great houses, making the
gowns for the good dames. Andrew Nich
ols had the constant work of the house ap
parently; for he is first mentioned in 1757,
and last in 1779. At the earlier date, —
1757 Paid Andrew Nichols for mak
ing one jacket, and mending one Pair of
breeches, 55 shillings.
He seems to have been a man fond of read
ing, a good Friend, as the records show, and

I06 COLLEGE TOM
to have cut the coats of broadcloth in the
proper shape. In 1769 he is debtor —
To one book entitled the Principles &
Precepts of ye Chriftian Religion &ct at
10^ old Ten. = 4%
gth J 2* Settled Accounts with Andrew
Nichols, turning our accounts into old
Ten', and his amount^ to one Hundred &
thirty-nine Pounds old Ten' and there is
the Ballance of 11 .y. 8" in old Ten' due
to Andrew Nichols.
As early as 1751 comes the entry of all the
necessaries for a suit, presumably sent to
Andrew Nichols to make. Richard Haz
ard, College Tom's brother, has it, — very
probably the half of an importation of the
Devonshire Cerfsey and trimmings. The
account reads —
Richard Hazard D'
1 75 1. To one Three year old Horfe ^105
6 Yards of Devonfhere Cerfey @ £6. 36
\ yd of Shalloon @ 24/
\ yd of Fufton @ 34/
\ yd of ozenbridgs @ 1 2/
\ yd Cotton Velvit @ £•]
4 yards of Tape @ 6'*
To Two dozen of Buttons @ 10/
To 2 ftiks of Twift @ 5/
\ oz of silk at 40/

TAILORING 107
I have been unable to determine what ozen
bridgs were. They are mentioned only
once again in 1763, when Jane Nash had
"^ -g- & -^^ of ozenbridges @ 2,8s." From the
fact that it was sold in such small quanti
ties, and used by both men and women, it
would seem to be some kind of stiffening,
for the collar possibly. Years later College
Tom's grandson manufactured a very coarse
cotton and wool cloth which he called Os-
naburg. Was it possibly from a remem
brance of this word in his childhood ?
In 1770, Andrew Nichols is credited with
4J days Work at Tailoring 2^ 3'*
5"' 5™° By Cutting 3 Pair of Trowfers
for my boys & i p' for W"" Pratt @ (blank)
By 2 days Work making my jacket
& 5 days y^ same month making
Cloths for the children.
This account is paid by pounds of veal, but
ter, beef, lamb, mutton, and " corn i Bushel
when thou Pafs"* from P' Judith." In an
other account Andrew Nichols has a thim
ble at six shillings and a saddle cloth and
white sheep's skin. The thimble was
doubtless a commission, for as College Tom
went to Newport or to Providence in his
chaise, we can fancy him stopping along

I08 COLLEGE TOM
the road, and with the courtly air his grand
sons inherited inquiring if there were " any
commands." Some of the latest entries in the book
relate to Andrew Nichols. In 1777, when
money was on a better basis, and corn at
three shillings a bushel, he is credited —
By making one pair of breeches for
Tommy 6 shilling 9 pence
By making one pair for myself 9 shillings
1779 To making a great coat and close
body coat 15 shillings
In the matter of clothes the country was a
thoroughly self-sustaining one. Every step
necessary to the production of clothing was
taken in the immediate neighborhood, from
the shepherd who daggd the sheep, the
wool comber who combed the wool, the
spinners who spun, and the weavers who
wove, all went in regular order till Andrew
Nichols made the cloth up, and Thomas
Hazard went to meeting clothed in a suit
made from wool of his own growing.

iflU -li.iil'T'H^S' f\tU entitle? the "
,lw*"4 ^ ^^'''"''" *° receive
V(n, Of the If <' ue thej'P'
of iu Cto/j or i ^jii-r, R,c-
• Ifcy :^ cowi'+tg to ^ Reiotuttim

FOUR DOLLAR BILL
CHAPTER VII.
Corn bought from the Indians. Its Uses as Food and as a
Medium of Exchange. Prices of Corn from 1 75 1 to 1 784.
Its Grinding. The Men who worked at Husbandry.
DifEculties of the Currency.
Who that has seen a great field of corn
waving in the summer sunshine can fail to
be impressed with its beauty ? When it is in
tassel, and the tufted plumes nod and bow to
their neighbors, as the light breeze rustles
through the leaves, it is indeed a fair and
stately sight. The year is at its prime dur
ing the hot August days that bring its per
fection. Beautiful as a great field of wheat
or barley is, with its ripples of light and
shade, like the play of an inland sea, yet the
corn, with its stately height, its luxuriant
sabre-like leaves, its blossoms fringed with
pendulous anthers, and its silky tassels
sheathed in satin wrappings, has an indi
viduality of its own, a pride and dignity of
growth befitting the native of a new world.
From the time when Squanto taught the
early Plymouth colonists to cultivate it, this

no COLLEGE TOM
stately plant, so bountiful and so beautiful,
played an important part in the history of
New England, and often furnished both
food and a medium of exchange.
Narragansett from times immemorial was
celebrated for its corn. John Oldham
brought five hundred bushels from there to
Boston in the Rebecca in 1634. " The In
dians had promised him one thousand bush
els, but their store fell out less than they
expected." ^ A couple of years later this
hardy trader was killed on Block Island, and
an embassy was sent to Canonicus to treat
about the murder. They were " entertained.
royally," the old account says, and the first
huckleberry pudding on record was made for
their feast. The Indians boiled " pudding
made of beaten corn," we read, " putting
therein great store of blackberries, something
like currants." ^ If for blackberries we read
" black berries, something like currants " we
have a good description of the huckleberries
which still abound in Narragansett as they
did in this late July or August of 1636.
1 Winthrop's /(7Mr«a/. Quoted in Potter, Early His
tory of Narragansett, p. i6.
^ Johnson, Wonder Working Providence. Quoted by
Potter, p. 18.

INDIAN CORN III
On Broad Rock Farm, some of the land
owned by College Tom, and still in his
family, two of the Indian caches for corn can
still be seen. They were small hollows in
the ground roughly lined with stone, not
more than a foot deep at present ; perhaps
three feet long and two wide. Here the
stores of corn were buried, or as in the
Great Swamp fight, put in baskets and tubs
and set in the wigwams. The destruction
of this supply in the fight was one of the
severest blows to the Indians. During this
very summer parched corn has been picked
up on the site of this battle, now more than
two hundred years gone by. The fire, which
destroyed so remorselessly, charred these
tiny grains, which are preserved just as they
were when it smouldered and died so long
ago. The virtues of Rhode Island jonnycake
have been celebrated by College Tom's
grandson. Shepherd Tom,^ as he delighted
to call himself, and when he says Rhode
Island, it is usually Narragansett he means.
The reader is instructed just how the corn
should be ground, at what rate the stones
1 The Jonny-Cake Papers, by Shepherd Tom. PubUshed
by S. S. Rider, 1882.

112 COLLEGE TOM
should revolve, and what kind of stones they
should be. The baking is seriously con
sidered ; the middle board of red oak from
the head of a flour-barrel is indispensable to
bake it on, and the fire before which it bakes
must be of walnut logs. Hasty pudding,
porridge so good that it was respectfully
mentioned in the plural as " them porridge,"
dumplings, and a store of other dainties,
all excellent and wholesome, are treated of
with the romantic remembrance of a joy
ous youth full of health and high spirit.
The corn that furnishes these homely
dishes has its own history. There is some
thing fine in its stability, while financiers
and legislators experimented with the cur
rency and ran through the whole period of
inflation with its worthless fiat money. A
bushel of corn still furnished just so much
food, and instead of being measured in value
by the money of the day, often became itself
the measure of the value of the currency.
As early as 1630 efforts were made to
regulate the price by arbitrary methods. It
was at that time twenty shillings a bushel.^
The following year it was made receivable
for debts in the Plymouth Colony unless
1 V^ttdtrijEconofnic and Social History of N. E., p. 98.

PRICE OF CORN II 3
beaver or money were mentioned.^ From
1637 each year for several years the rate
was fixed at which taxes were to be paid in
it. Three shillings was about the normal
rate, with variations either up or down ac
cording to the season, until the period of
inflation began. Indeed it had already be
gun, as the Spanish piece of eight, the
Spanish milled dollar of our acquaintance,
was set at the same time at five shillings.^
A century later the colonies were all suffer
ing from a debased currency. Massachu
setts, as we have noticed, received " country
pay " again for taxes, in which corn was re
ceived in lieu of money. Rhode Island was
issuing one bank after another, and the
currency steadily depreciated as the credit
of the colony declined. In 1 75 1 a Spanish
milled dollar cost £2 \6s. in old tenor bills,
and College Tom sold his corn at 25 shil
lings a bushel. Then it steadily rises. Six
years later it was 35 shillings, and in 1759
had reached 60 shillings, touching 100
shillings in 1762 — the highest price men
tioned at all. The next two years must
1 Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E.,
p. loi.
''¦ Ibid., p. 142.

114 COLLEGE TOM
have brought better harvests or the local
demand must have varied, as it is quoted
at 90 shillings and 80 shillings, while in '65
it was at 100 shillings again. The spas
modic effort to reduce the currency to a
specie basis in 1766 only resulted, as before
noticed, in making two sets of prices, and
corn is quoted in the 9"' month at 90 shil
lings old tenor, or 3 shillings lawful money,
after harvest, that is, while three months
before it had been at 100 shillings or 3.?. Zd.
Then it seems to have settled at 80 shillings
old tenor, or 3 shillings lawful, for a num
ber of years, recalling the price in the early
days. This seems to have been the nor
mal rate. In 1778 College Tom makes an
agreement with Sier Averit, an Indian, who
very likely was baptized by good Dr. Mc
Sparran as Josiah, setting forth what work
he is to perform, and the payment for it,
forty dollars for the term of eight months
for which he is engaged ; " The value of
which money is hereby agreed on between
the Parties." Pork was to be at 3! pence
per pound, beef at 3 pence, cheese 5 pence,
and Indian corn at 3 shillings a bushel.-'
This agreement is signed by the Indian, the
1 Appendix, Contracts for Labor.

CORN PAYS DEBTS II 5
same man who a couple of years later had
ten dollars for his " sickness and trouble."
Not many transactions in corn are re
corded. In 1767, Adam Gould was paid
for fourteen and a half days' work, four of
which were days' mowing done by his sons,
seven bushels and three pecks of corn, one
" Fatt lamb," and one Spanish milled dollar.
In 1784, some debt seems to have been
paid in corn, and the entries are carefully
made of its disposition. About twenty-five
bushels are accounted for : —
1784 Corn measured out of the Corn
I had of Joseph Collins in ye ist mo.
4 bufhels to Carry to Mill.
I*" \ and & 3 Quarts took by Rob'.
2 bufhels for John Shearman.
2 bufhels for Nicholas Holway.
2 mo. 4 bufhels sent to mill for the Fam-
ily. 3rd mo. 2 Bufhels sent to mill for the
Family.20th. 4 bufhels sent to mill for Ditto.
^ a bufhel & 4 Quarts exchanged for
onions. 20 one Bufhel Paid Nicholas Gould.
20 three Pecks & 4 Quarts paid Nicho
las Gould

Il6 COLLEGE TOM
29 Two bufhels for ye Family ufe.
This Joseph Collins was the good Friend
who wrote a beautiful hand, and whose tran
scription of the " English book of Disci
pline " is among the precious volumes be
longing to the South Kingstown Meeting.
There were several mills near by to
which the corn was taken to grind. Benny
Rodman's mill was on the Saugatucket,
where the Peace Dale dam now is, shaded
by the big buttonwood tree, which tradition
says was once his horsewhip, and which
has grown where it was thrust into the
ground. The stones, of native granite, of
this mill, were said to be good, — far better
than the stones of Coon's mill, lower down
the stream, which were coarse grained and
made " round meal " instead of " flat." ^
But the best meal was ground at Ham
mond's mill, at the head of the Pettaquam
scut, and it is probable that the corn sent
to mill for "ye Family ufe," went on old
Baldface's back, and was carried by The
Mill boy, much as described by Shepherd
Tom.^ Nor need this worthy have stretched
the truth when he declared to the five-year-
1 T. R. Hazard, R. I. Jonny-Cake Papers, p. 3.
^ Ibid., p. 49.

OTHER CEREALS II7
old boy that he had performed the same
office for the father, and the grandfather of
his grandfather. The child naturally re
garded him as a miracle of antiquity; but
a man of seventy in the first years of the
present century could easily have performed
the pleasant service of riding with a grist,
over the charming country to the head
of the lake, for " old Thomas Hazard,"
who died in 1746, and it is even possible
that a man then living could have ridden
for Robert Hazard, the first Narragansett
settler, though when we are asked to be
lieve that old Baldface had also served so
many generations, we must have doubts re
specting the longevity of the horse if not
of the negro.
Beside the corn that was so important a
factor in the colonial life, there are records
of rye, which in 1756 was exchanged bushel
for bushel for corn, oats at half the value,
and barley at about ten shillings less. Of
vegetables, potatoes and turnips were about
half as valuable as corn, while onions in
1767 sold at the same price per bushel.
Apples were plenty, and cost half as much
as corn in 1759, while one bushel of white
beans in 1776 would buy two bushels of

Il8 COLLEGE TOM
corn. They seem to have been rare, for
they are first mentioned in the previous
year. The agreements with the men who
worked the farms which raised this produce
are carefully made,^ and indicate very clear
ly the embarrassment of the currency. If
our surmise is correct there were half a
dozen negroes at least who had descended
with the land, and were dependents upon
the estate. Early in the book comes the
entry, —
Priamus a Negro Boy Came to live with
me at my Houfe the week after ye Gen
eral Election Held at Newport for Gen
eral officers for the Colony of Rhode
Ifland, in the year one Thoufand Seven
Hundred & fifty seven, being six years
old the Octob' following the s'' Election
which was held in May before.
This boy had a life of adventure, as will
appear, but lived in Narragansett until he
came of age, in this respect following the
old method of apprenticeships. Another
" Negro boy," Oliver Smith —
ii"' month 27"' day, 1781 came to my
house with his Mistrefs Elizabeth Smith
* Appendix, Contracts for Labor.

LABORERS AT HUSBANDRY 1 19
age 8 years the 7"' of the 8"' month this
Prefent year, who is to work for me for
his Bringing up until he may have an
advantageous opportunity to go appren
tice.
Even this last memorandum was made
three years before the emancipation of
slaves in Rhode Island. In 1 789, an agree
ment is made with " Jack Sanford a Black
man to Labor with me at Hufbandry." He
was to be paid " the value of Three Dol
lars p' month, in articles and Produce off
the farm." Corn is set at 3 shillings per
bushel, cheese at 4I'' per pound, " and other
articles at a proportionable Rate in the old
way, & in Cloathing as may be agreed if
He needs any "
One man in 1759 came on trial for a
month, for which he was to receive " Thirty
Shillings Lawful Money it being Connecti
cut Prock so called." Four years later it
was agreed with Henry Hill to " Labour for
me at Husbandry," for a term of ten months
at the end of which he was to receive the
"sum of 400 pounds old Tenor or the
Value thereof in any kind of Bills or money
current at the s** time." In settling his ac
count there is an interesting entry which

120 COLLEGE TOM
throws light upon the customs of the day.
He is debtor to half a quire of paper at
thirty-four shillings, and " to los. Paid Fox
the scribe." What letters did "Fox the
Scribe " write for him, and how often was he
employed in such ways, one wonders .? Hill
had also shoes, wool, and other things en
tered against him, and at the foot of his
account is entered, —
Settled the above ace' with Henry
Hill when I Paid him for his Ten months
Work done in the year 1764.
Early in the book there seems to be a list
of laborers : —
Taken out of y'' Hampshire money
Rec'' from Jeffrey Hazard —
£2 to Lowes. (The " Lowes Jakeways
Spinster " who will appear later.)
4 Shillings to Jo Mash.
30 Shillings to Robin
£6 to John Daniel
^18 to Patter
^150 to Father
^51 to John Dock''-
The last two of course are not laborers, John
Dockray being a connection by marriage.
One of these men who frequently appears in
the book is recorded: 1764 16"' of y' i" mo

UNSTABLE MONEY 121
as having "left my Businefs & was Worf
than his Bargain with me."
Jeremiah Auftin, as he writes his name,
appears frequently. A long account in 1 765,
in which he is credited " By 8 days mow
ing in his own person " and by the mowing
of his sons, and by seven days and a half
raking, is not footed up at all, nor any
prices given, but " sixteen Pounds old Ten'
in Cash " are paid, and in the following
spring, —
Settled all accounts with S'^ Auftin &
paid him y'= Ballance for which I took a
Receipt in full of this date & is now
amongft my Receipts.
In 1673 Michael Dye agreed to work for
eight months. He was to receive "400;^
old Tenor, or an equivalent in Dollers at
£'] p' Doller, to be at my election." The
next year, 1 764, a man was hired for seven
months at .^360, old tenor, " or the equiv
alent in any other medium Current in the
Colony of Rhode Ifland." The set of
agreements make very instructive reading,
and one regrets the loss of " the other
book " referred to in this one, which may
have contained more, and thrown still fur
ther light upon the workings of the vari-

122 COLLEGE TOM
able currency. As we have noticed, it was
the produce which furnished the most stable
values, and corn became a measure for other
values. A useful man came to work in 1762,
who not only worked at husbandry, but
made shoes in wet weather, " if it shall beft
agree with my conveniency," the agreement
says. In addition to his wages a horse was
to be kept for him during the term of his
stay. Another man in the following year
was to " labor at Carpentry " in wet weather.
A curious agreement occurs in —
1778. Jacob Barney Came to my Houfe
the 19th of y^ 5"" month and went to
work the Next day at Hatting (viz.) on
the 20"' and is to Work four months @
Journey Work, and he is to teach my
Son Tommy the Hatter's Trade & alfo
another Lad if I require it & Provide
one and I am to Pay Him the Common
journeyman's Wages in the ufual way
(according to the N° of Hatts he Shall
make in s"* Term) by the Hatt, and to
find him his Board for his inftruction of
the Lad or Lads as afores"^
This was in the early years of the
Revolution, in the terribly disorganized

HUSBA NDR Y DEFINED 1 2 3
state of the country, and it was like the
thrifty Friend, a hatter having come in his
way, to have some one profit by learning
what could be learned from him. Hats had,
of course, fallen in price from the time one
cost ^40 in 1763, but it is interesting to
trace the old system of journey-work.
John Dye, " ye gardner," had higher wages
for his more skillful work than the ordinary
laborer. He worked at three pounds a day
in 1764, and is debtor —
26"' 4"' mo. To one Ten shilling Bill
Lawful Money dated y'' 12"' of Y ^^
month 1760 Turned into old Tenor ^14.
Credit by 6\ days work at Gardening
;^I9. IO^
This makes each shilling of lawful money
count for twenty-eight of old tenor.
But few farming implements are men
tioned. Rakes, to rake hay, have been no
ticed. In —
1769 sent to Abijah Babcock's on y"
Tower Hill one Dozen Sythe Sneads
to sell. Wm Dyre bought 2 y° same
year. 1770 Jeffry Watson bought one.
Husbandry is defined as consisting of
" Howing, Ploughing, Walling, Ditching,
Fencing, Mowing, Haying and Milking

124 COLLEGE TOM
&ct." and also as " any kind of bufinefs to
be done at Farming," which is even more
inclusive. It was this business, which is the
foundation of the wealth of a country, that
engaged the labors of College Tom. Ham
pered as they were by the evils of the
currency, the produce of the land yet sup
ported a prosperous people, until the final
crash came, brought on by the political as
well as financial difficulties, and the fine farms
once so flourishing and productive were left
to revert to their primeval condition. The
people as well as the land became im
poverished, till in due time from the wrecks
of a purely agricultural community manu
factures took their rise.

s

^ r

^

^

^^

. X

v^

S-s '^

i

^>.

CHAPTER Vin.
The Feminine Portion of the Household. College Tom's
Sisters. Women's Work. New Light Meeting. Semp-
stry and Housewifery. Mrs. Hazard. Her Friends,
Mrs, Helme, Mrs. Torrey, and Mrs. Robinson. " Affair
against Mother Robinson." The Kitchen. Mrs. Hazard's
Grandchildren. The record of the life of the feminine part
of College Tom's household is far less full
than that of the men. Some of the great
houses are still standing in which the mistress
of the last century lived, and ruled her small
kingdom. Many a house was built with a
fine gambrel roof, giving good attic room, into
which the slaves were locked at night. The
house often had two chimneys, built quite
near together in the middle, taking up what
in modern times would be used for a hall.
One of these chimneys was the kitchen
chimney, with its great open fireplace and
brick oven built into the side of it. College
Tom's house had only one main chimney,
but that was twenty-three feet wide at its
base.^ Pewter dishes, brass and iron pots,
1 Narragansett Hist. Register, p. 293.

126 COLLEGE TOM
and " pot hooks and trammels " by which
the pots for boiling were hung, were valu
able enough to be bequeathed by will. Rob
ert Hazard, the father of College Tom,
mentions twenty-one silver spoons in his
will ; " the largest silver spoons," silver " salt
spoons," and " other silver spoons," he calls
them. Sarah, his daughter, who afterward
married Job Watson, has half " of all my
Pewter Brass Iron and Wooden vessels "
left her, " two feather beds with furniture,"
with one half of the tables and chairs, and
also of " Cupboard, Desk and Chests." She
is to have the privilege of living in the man
sion house with her mother until her mar
riage. Isabel and Phcebe, two slaves, are
given her, and a thousand pounds old tenor,
within a year of her father's death. The
married daughter, Mary Champlin, having
probably had a wedding portion, has only
silver spoons, and five hundred pounds.^
Ten years later Stephen Champlin, her hus
band, died, and there seems to have been
some trouble over the will, which Thomas
Hazard settled. A farm was left to a
younger son, Robert Champlin, which had
still two years' lease to run. Stephen Champ-
1 South Kingstown Records.

MARY CHAMPLIN 127
lin, who is called the " Son and Heir at Law,"
and also the executor and residuary legatee,
in consideration of a lease made to him by
his mother, " and for the Love, Goodwill
& affection which I have and Do bear to
wards my said Brother Robert Champlin . . .
and for Promoting & efstablifliing a lafting
Peace unity and Harmony throughout our
Whole ffamily," relinquishes his share of
the rent for the two years the farm is still
let. This paper is drawn by College Tom
himself, in his hand throughout, and wit
nessed by himself and his wife. It seems
to give indication of much family discussion,
and one looks with interest to see the other
lease. It also exists, written in the same
hand, bearing the same date, February 5,
1772, — a lease of five years from Stephen
Champlin to his mother of a portion of a
house situated in Point Judith, " under the
yearly rent of one Pepper Corn to be paid
unto the said Stephen Champlin, his heirs &
afsigns always upon the 25"' day of ye third
month in every year of the said term."
This is the old date of Lady-day for
leases, though the consideration is some
what unusual. Poor lady, she only lived to
pay the peppercorn one year, for before the

128 COLLEGE TOM
second 25th of March came round, she had
joined her husband, having died on the 17th
of that month, 1773.
In a farming community the women
always have an important part of the work
to perform. They looked after curing the
feathers which composed the much valued
feather beds. The dairy with all its labors
was their care, to say nothing of preparing
the food for the hungry farm hands. The ac
count book of Thomas, " son of Rob'," gives
only scanty details of the work done by
these worthy women. In 1756 Sarah Pugh,
as she is sometimes called, or Pew at others,
worked for nineteen weeks at twenty shil
lings a week. The kind of work is not spe
cified. In the same year Lowes Jakeways,
spinster, worked ten weeks at the same price.
She is charged with —
\ yard Linnen Cloth at 28 shillings
\ skein of Thrad at i shilling 3 pence
To 20 shillings in cafh when she went to
the New Light meeting.
This is a reference to one of the sects
spoken of by Dr. McSparran as abounding
in Narragansett. The Friends meeting rec
ords have several mentions of them, and
they evidently gave a good deal of trouble

NEW LIGHT MEETINGS 1 29
to the orderly minds of Friends. One man
as early as 1 748 is denied his membership
because he suffered Friends meeting " to be
disturbed & broken up by the afores'' Wild
& Ranting people, which meeting was in
his own houfe." ^ Twenty years later they
were still flourishing, and a Friend is cast
out, as he had joined himself in communion
with " the people Called New lights and
pretended to Justifie himself in being Dipt''
in outward water." ^ They are called a
" Diforderly people," and are apparently of
" dark and erroneous principles." A paper
is on record where a good Friend condemns
his conduct as follows : —
" I did sometime past Inconsiderately at
tend a meeting of the people called New
Lights and so far joined with them in their
worship as to pull of my hatt which incon
siderate conduct of mine I freely condemn."
It seems a little strange that a woman work
ing for College Tom should have been
allowed to attend a meeting so much disap
proved of by the society, but it is another
instance of the strong individuality fostered
in Narragansett. In 1757, Sarah Bent did
1 South Kingstown Monthly M. R., vol. i. p. 269.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 199.

I30 COLLEGE TOM
some work at twenty-five shillings a week.
The wages increase with the depreciation
of the currency, as before noticed, and in
an agreement of 1759 comes an interesting
provision for furnishing shoes at much less
than the usual rate. There may have been
a shoemaker in the house, as there was in
1762, for in the year of this agreement
some shoes cost six pounds a pair. Wo
men's shoes of the last century were, how
ever, much thinner than those worn by the
stronger sex.
6'" of 1=' Mo A: D: 1759 Mary Dick
began to Work and is to Work until y*"
1^' of y"" 4 mo @ 30/ p' Week & from
that Time until y" end of ye eleventh
month @ 40/ p' Week that is to say 8
months of y*^ year at 40/ & 4 at 30/
And she is to have Two pair of Shoes in
y'= Year at £4 the Pair, she to do the
Houfehold work & ye Dairy both Butter
and Cheese and other Bufsiness when
Necefsary.
Martha Nichols, probably a relative of the
worthy tailor, has 20 shillings for " making i
Gound." Sempstry is done by "Joanna
Dugglass Single woman," who in 1764
worked eleven weeks at seventy-two shil-

WOMENS WAGES 131
lings a week. For quilting she had eigh
teen shillings a day, and we can imagine the
busy quilting bees at which she presided.
The one in this year lasted ten days. Two
years later Mary Chase agreed to work for
one year " at the Value of 50 shillings old
Tenor p' Week for the Summer Seafon &
forty for the Winter Seafon. She is to
work at Houfewifery Spinning &c."
Sarah Grossman is mentioned as doing
tailoring in 1761, and Eunice Nichols, tail-
orefs, has a long account in 1776;-' Jane
Nash was another workwoman, and Amy
Shearman has in 1755 "one pound in Cafh
to pay for making her Bonet." Sarah
Pugh already mentioned has " 2 Shillings
in Cafh to buy a Comb," and in 1761 "^8
in Cafh out of Pigg money." The follow
ing year " 14"' 7'"° Sarah Pugh left us."
These women's accounts are entered thus
minutely, and the money paid often directly
to James Helme. One woman has " Eight
pounds in Cash to go to Tower Hill,"
which a woman in our day would prefer,
leaving her at liberty to buy what she
wanted at the country store ; though an
other apparently has given notice of her
'^Appendix, Accounts of 1776.

132 COLLEGE TOM
intended purchases, for she is charged with
money, " When She Went to James Helme's
to buy her a Skirt &c." Lowes Jakeways'
account is " Difcounted with James Helme "
directly, she apparently having little to do
with it.
Death entered the kitchen, and took the
kindly workers, as in the case of Phillis.
"Venibee departed this Life the 3"^ of the
i^' month 1759," we find, and then comes
an entry in quite a different part of the
book : —
Borrowed of Tho^ Brown 53 feet of
pine Board to make a Coffin for Venibee
which he seemed willing to part with.
Written across this is Paid y° Boards.
Beside these experienced women there
must have been the children of the old
slaves who were useful in the household.
Thomas Hazard, Jr., writes to Rowland
Hazard : — New Bedford, July 8, 1803.
Patience, that our father and mother
brought up has been here about ten days.
She is very much deranged and so trouble
some in our house, that I was obliged to
apply to the authorities and have her sent

THE CHILDREN S SCHOOL 1 33
to the work-house where she now is, as
we do not know in what town in the state
of Rhode Island she belongs. I shall be
much obliged by thy informing me immedi
ately on receipt of this, what town has to
maintain her so that our selectmen may
take the necessary steps to get her where
she belongs, and to be clear of the expense
and trouble of her. We are all as well as
usual. With much love to dear Mother, thy
wife and children in which mine join.
Thy affectionate brother,
Thomas Hazard, Jr.
It would be interesting to know the life
which this " dear Mother " lived in the early
days of her marriage. She had the sorrow
of losing her oldest child, her only daughter,
at the age of six years, in 1753, and a baby
boy who only lived four months. Robert,
the oldest son, was sent to school at a very
tender age. A record in exceedingly faint
ink tells us that —
Betty and Robert began to go to school
to Rachel Nichols the [obliterated] 6 mo
A : D : 1758 Rob' went but 2 weeks.
Which one can hardly wonder at, as he was
only four and a half years old. Again we
find, —

134 COLLEGE TOM
Robert left off School the 4"' of Octob'
y^ 7"' day of ye week 1 760.
There were no Saturday holidays, evi
dently. One longs for fuller details of the visits
which were made to the hospitable farm.
What a winter journey that must have been
when —
Richard Smith of Philadelphia Came
to my Houfe 23"^ of y^ 12"" mo Set out
for boston the 26"' 1757
Doubtless there were other visitors, but no
record of them is preserved.
In 1 771, there was a question before the
meeting which must have interested the
women, and sounds to us very modern, for
it is the same question England is still dis
cussing, of the propriety of marrying a de
ceased wife's sister. A year later the mat
ter was referred to the quarterly meeting,
and with the fairness of Friends the question
was put, —
" Query to be able to marry a deceased
wife's Sister or Deceafed Husband's
Brother and what is necefsary to be done
in such Cafes." ^
Was it some special case which excited
1 South Kingstown Monthly M. R., vol. ii. p. 267.

THE GRANDCHILDREN 135
this action? One can fancy the long dis
cussions of it, in those days of ample lei
sure, on the long afternoon visits to the great
farmhouses. Good dame Hazard seems to
have taken little share in the women's meet
ings, or even in the festivities. She is at
Nailer Tom's wedding, but many of the
marriage certificates upon which the Thomas
Hazard, fon of Robert, is found, have no
Elizabeth Hazard near it. Her farm, her
garden, and her children would keep her
busy, while from her house on Tower Hill
she could look into Newport Harbor, and
count the ships as they sailed in and out.
When her grandchildren, the children of
her youngest son, Rowland, were born in
her house, she is said to have been tenderly
anxious over them, and especially devoted
to the second bov, who was named after her
husband and her father, Thomas Robinson.
The reminiscences of Shepherd Tom, as in
later years he liked to call himself, have
often been alluded to in these pages. No
passage is more charming than that In which
he describes his efforts as a five-year-old
boy to cut a log for his grandmother's fire,
beginning early in the morning and finally
rolling it in triumph into her sitting-room

136 COLLEGE TOM
at dusk. Many were the approving glances
which followed him during the day, and the
intervals of rest, in which kisses and dough
nuts played an important part.^ In the
early life of this good lady. Tower Hill was
still the seat of the court house and the
centre of the social life of the country. It
was here that Judge Helme lived, the Chief
Justice chosen by the general assembly in
1 767, who distinguished himself for capacity
and application.^ With the versatility of the
time, he united several pursuits, — he kept
the country store and for a year or two took
the product of cheese from the farm. His
wife, Esther Powell, the granddaughter of
Gabriel Bernon, must have been a charm
ing woman ; " the dearest, the best, the ten-
derest wife," her bereaved husband calls her,
when in 1764 she died of "a pain in her
breast, with great difficulty in breathing," ^
for which the modern name would be pneu
monia. The letters of her husband are
most beautiful in the expression of his deep
attachment, to this "dear dead partner"
who has " left not her equal behind her."
The whole family circle must have been a
^ R. I. Jonny-Cake Papers, p. 234.
2 Updike, p. 336. 8 Ibid., p. 136.

JUDGE HELME 137
delightful one. It was Judge Helme him
self who plotted the Boston Neck purchase
for old Thomas Hazard; his son Powel in
structed Robert Hazard (son of Colleee
Tom) in " the Art of Navigation in part," as
before noticed, and was credited for his
teaching against pounds of chocolate. The
horse which played a part in that trans
action is called "ye Coddington Horse,"
which belonged to Mrs. Helme's uncle, as
Colonel Coddington married Jane Bernon,
a daughter of Gabriel Bernon. A sister of
Mrs. Helme's was the wife of Mr. Seabury,
the clergyman at New London, and the
stepmother of the first American bishop,
who may have been the nephew who visited
Mr. Helme at Tower Hill.' The Helmes
seem to have been very liberal in their reli
gious beliefs, and it is pleasant to see that
in spite of the lawsuit going on about the
ministerial lands. Dr. McSparran and Dr.
Torrey must have been on good terms per
sonally. Dr. Torrey married James Helme
and Esther Powell in 1738, while Dr. Mc
Sparran baptized the first child, with Colonel
Coddington, his wife, and daughter as sure
ties, a couple of years later. Some years later
1 Updike, p. 138.

138 COLLEGE TOM
still. Dr. McSparran baptized two more chil
dren and read the visitation service for Mrs.
Helme's mother, who shortly after died,
and he preached her funeral sermon in Dr.
Torrey's meeting-house.^
Mrs. Torrey lived a little below the hill.
It was she who brought the Spanish milled
dollars for the purchase of a cow in Con
necticut. She was a Willson, of the family
of the Pettaquamscut purchaser, and a rela
tive of that Jeremiah who wrote the note
asking for sugar, after his " very ill turn of
sickness." Across the Pettaquamscut on
the Robinson estate lived Anstis Gard
ner, the charming wife of Dame Hazard's
brother, Rowland Robinson. There is men
tion of money in Rowland Robinson's ac
count in College Tom's book, which "my
Wife lent his Wife, in her last sickness."
There were many connections on both
sides of the family, in South Kingstown,
Conanicut and Newport. Latham Clarke
married Martha, the sister next youngest to
Elizabeth Hazard, and in 1752, in spite of
Quaker principles, there is a —
Memorandum in the affair carried on
by Latham Clarke and myself against
1 Updike, pp. 165, 166.

AFFAIR OF MOTHER ROBINSON 139
Mother Robinson. The Expenses to be
equally Borne between us Viz' — to a fee
in s"* affair.
To Mathew Robinfon to engage as
attorney for us pf 12. 00. 00
To ^4 to David Richards as an attorney
for us 4. 00. 00
The next year the case was continued
and forty shillings were paid —
to Augustus Johnfon at Providence for
drawing and entering reafon of appeal (on
the ace' of admi" on the eftate of W""
Robinfon, late dec'^. prefented to y" Town
Council of So Kingstown and allowed by
them, & appealed from by us to the Gov
ernor & General Council, which sat at s^
Providence.)
This " Mother Robinson " was the step
mother of the two ladies. She had been the
widow of Caleb Hazard, originally Abigail
Gardner, daughter of William Gardner of
Boston Neck, a sister of Mrs. Dr. McSparran,
and aunt of Rowland Robinson's wife.^ So
closely were all the families of Narragansett
connected that this affair must have made
some commotion, and given endless food
for gossip over cups of strong Bohea tea.
1 Updike, pp. 125, 126.

I40 COLLEGE TOM
William Robinson left to each of these two
daughters seven hundred pounds in bills of
credit of old tenor, one good bed and bed
ding and a silver porringer,^ but their step
sisters each had twelve hundred pounds and
a negro girl, so that may have been the cause
of complaint against " Mother Robinson."
The Friends Meeting Records contain no
mention of it, though Friends are often
appointed to deal with those who go to
law, and the lawsuit of " Tommy Hazard the
Blacksmith " and Nicholas Easton is fully
detailed upon its pages. So it was proba
bly with the advice and consent of various
Friends that this step was taken.
The ladies of the neighborhood had
their tea and chocolate at enormous prices ;
the tea at from three to six pounds a pound,
and the chocolate at forty-two shillings.
A little velvet is mentioned in 1768 at ^13
a yard. Binding for a Pettycote in 1761
cost fifteen shillings, and buttons were a
shilling apiece. Thread, a little earlier, was
one shilling and sixpence a skein. In the
kitchen things were very expensive also ;
pepper was twelve shillings an ounce in 1 753,
with nutmeg at the same price. A flask of
1 S. K. Records, William Robinson's Will.

ELIZABETH HAZARD 141
oil in 1755 cost twenty-six shillings, and
raisins were eight shillings a pound shortly
before. It is delightful to find the charming fam
ily relations which existed, and the devotion
of her sons to Elizabeth Hazard. In 1801
Thomas, the second son, writes, " I hope
my dear mother has ere this received her
flannel, and that the quality of it is such as
suits her, it being the finest I could find in
the town of Boston where I procured it."
She had a hard trial to go through with
the illness and failure of her husband, but
was aided and sustained through it by her
daughter-in-law. The changes of the time
must have been hard for her also, for the
whole country became greatly impoverished
in her latter days, and she lived to see a
new order of things.
Under date of South Kingstown, Novem
ber 13, 1796, her daughter-in-law writes to
her husband, Rowland Hazard, at Charles-
town : " Thy mother desires her love to
thee, my father's and brother's families, and
says she wishes thee would come home.
She thinks if thee were here everything
would go on easy. I have no doubt it
would relieve her mind of a great deal of
anxiety."

142 COLLEGE TOM
The son did come for part of each year,
both the older brothers having left home,
and the grandchildren continued to be her
pleasure and comfort. She survived her
husband, and died in 1803, beloved by all
who knew her.

CHAPTER IX.
Thomas Hazard's Farming. The Susquehanna Company.
" A Letter from Quebeck." Paper Money. Varieties
of Coins. Lending Money. Lotteries. Revolutionary
Days. Non-resistance. "Trash." Rate Bills. Cattle
Distrained. From the study of the account book of
Thomas Hazard son of Robert, it is evident
that agriculture was the main business of
his life, as was the case with all the Narra
gansett planters. His homestead farm, which
by will he leaves to his eldest son, ran from
the " county Rhode," that is, the Pequot
path of the early days, eastward till it was
bounded by the Pettaquamscut River and
cove. The sedge rights are also bequeathed
with this farm, which is called about one
hundred and fifty acres. To his youngest
son he leaves a farm on the west of the
road of about the same size. These are the
only farms mentioned especially, the rest is
spoken of as " all the Remainder of my
Lands and real Estate." He had his grand
father's love of land, and beside what was

144 COLLEGE TOM
left him by his father and grandfather added
to his estate by purchase. In 1764 he
bought land in Westerly and " Charles
Town " and later some in Cranston and
Dartmouth. The price of land near home
was very variable. In 1778 one acre was
bought from Peleg Peckham for ^21, and
ten years later Jeremiah Willson sold thirty-
seven acres for ninety pounds.
Beside the land in South Kingstown,
Thomas Hazard and his brothers Jonathan
and Richard were left joint heirs to their
father's interest in the " Susquehanna Com
pany " in which he is called a proprietor.
This company held its meetings at Hart
ford, or at Windham in Connecticut, and in
1768, Thomas Hazard made a journey to
the latter place to transact business, on his
brother Jonathan's account as well as his
own, and also for S. Hazard, — probably one
of the many Stephen Hazards, — who gives
a power of attorney to " my Friend Thomas
Hassard, of South Kingstown." Richard,
the third brother, died in 1762 as before
mentioned. His son Robert's affairs seem
to have fallen into some disorder, for in
1776 he signs a release of guardianship to
Thomas, his uncle, " not meaning hereby

S-tM4.*>&J t^ (A^

/y^^^^-e,*'»iJ^eA/^.uf- 2J^^ /7fy

a-utj

SUSQirEHANNAH COjMPANY RECEIPT
(ROBERT hazard's HAND WRITING)

A LETTER FROM QUEBECK 14S
to discharge my former Guardian Enoch
Hazard for any demands I have against
him."* But the money of the time presented
great difficulties. As early as 1 747, there
were those who saw that the country was
standing on treacherous ground. Among
the papers is "a copy of a Letter from Que
beck," written from a French point of view
and addressed to " Pr. M  r in France,"
dated October ii, 1747.^ The "fmall petty
Colony of Rhode-Island," is declared to have
" 200 Sail of Veffels belonging to it and
if the Governments are fuffered to go on
making Paper Money, they will drive us out
of this Part of the World, without any Help
from their Mother Country." The making
of paper money enabled the New England-
ers to send home " vast Quantities of Gold
and Silver," the writer continues, " having
no use for the fame, so long as Paper Cur
rency anfwers for a Medium of Trade."
But the " Farmers and Tradefmen have put
their Land in Pledge for the Paper Money
they fit out fo many Veffels with," so this
1 Appendix, Release of Guardianship.
2 Appendix, Letter from Quebeck. A copy of this paper
is in the John Carter Brown library also.

146 COLLEGE TOM
wily pamphleteer advises sending large con
signments of goods to friends of France,
who will take only cash ; " and by this
Method procure all the hard Money that
is ftirring amongft them," at the same time
petitioning Parliament to put a stop to the
issue of paper money by the Colonies. " If
this Method, great Sir, is induftrioufly and
faithfully purfued and carried on we fhall
unavoidably impov'irfh, diftrefs, and con
found them : All the lower Clafs will no
more be able to pay for Clothing from their
Mother Country, but muft be contented to
live as they did of Old, to wander about in
Sheep Skins and Goat Skins and to dwell
in Caves and Dens of the Earth ; and thofe
of the higheft Clafs will be obliged to leffen
their Trade, fell their Veffels, and no more
be able to fend Home to their Mother
Country fuch Quantities of Silver and Gold.
Then no more New Englajtd Invafions,
no more beating down our walls at Cape
Breton; and when we have another War,
we fhall not only have their Money, but
their Veffels, and their Men being poor
muft feek Shelter in fome foreign Land."
How widely this paper was circulated, or
with exactly what intent, there is no means

INFLATED CURRENCY 1 47
of knowing. The whole subject of inflated
currency has been ably treated,^ and our
effort here may be confined to tracing the
effects of the legislation on the prosperity
of the community we are chiefly interested
in. Numberless examples have already
been given of the complexity of accounts.
Finding the burden intolerable, in 1766, the
General Assembly, meeting at South Kings
town the last Monday in February, passed
an act, reviving the act of 1764 for the
" Speedy calling in and sinking of all bills
of credit . . . called the Ninth Bank . . .
let out upon loan; and likewise for putting
a final end to the name of Old Tenor
throughout this colony."
As there was a considerable sum of these
bills of credit outstanding, this act was to
"continue in full force until all the said
bills of credit emitted in the year 1750 be
brought into the grand committee's office."^
This act accounts for the double prices
which begin in this year. The habit of old
tenor prices seems to have been too firmly
1 Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8. Weeden, Eco
nomic and Social History of N. E., ch. xiii.. The Period
of Inflation.
2 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 482.

148 COLLEGE TOM
fixed to be altered suddenly, but a proper
effort to comply with the law was made.
The following year the account book has
this entry : —
The Act of the General Assembly for
Fixing and afcertaining of Interest & for
preventing excessive usury in the Colony
and also for shortening y'= Time for the
Redemption of mortgages was made at
the Session held in the 6"' mo 1767 to
Take place 3 months afterwards.
The country was full of lawsuits about
mortgaged land. In the absence of banks
each land-holder became a lender. The
variety of coin used also complicated affairs.
An entry in —
1758 £21 \os. Lawful money turned
in old Tenor at ^5 lOi'. the doller —
makes a complicated sum. In 1766 comes
a credit —
To 3 Pistereens at •]% Lawful
Peleg Peckham, the good Friend who took
cheese, sends in part payment, by his wife,
as duly entered, —
I piece of Gold of y' Value of 8 Doll'"
and 4 Dollers in Dollers by ye Hand of
thy Wife
In 1768, also for cheese, Rowland Robin
son pays —

VARIOUS COINS 149
13 half Johannes equail to 104 Span.
milled Dolers one was Light
The "one was Light" should be read in
parenthesis, for clipping coin was not un
known. This is a puzzling entry, for the
Johannes in the same year is carried out —
Two Johannes in Gold to y" Value of
16 Spanish Mill'' Dollers £4. 16. 00
which counts eight dollars to the Johannes
and six shillings to the dollar. The former
entry counts the half Johannes at eight dol
lars also. It may be a slip of the pen, the
word half being written by mistake.
In addition to these coins coppers are
also mentioned : —
1774 10"' mo Jeffrey Watson Jr D' To
I Vol of Sewels Hiftories at 18 Shilings
& four Coppers expenses on it 2^ \
Rec'd Two Dollars and four coppers of
Jeffrey Watson jun in full 12% 2^-, \
which makes a copper equal a halfpenny
and an eighth of a grain, and eighteen shil
lings of paper equal twelve of silver. This
was one of the books subscribed for in
Friends meeting, for which College Tom
was appointed to take subscriptions.
College Tom lent money to his neigh
bors ; and a few records of such transactions

I50 COLLEGE TOM
are found. John Nichols was the son of
the tailor, and one wishes the account of
his journey was presented in fuller detail
than in the following meagre entry : —
1 760 a"" of y'= 4"' mo Lent John Nich
ols four Spanish MilP Dollars, his Brother
Andrew present. Said John Nichols had
at Y Same time four Spanish MilP dol
lars, five Piftereens & Six half Pistereens,
for which he is to ace' for with me when
he returns from Bofton, being about to
set out on that journey.
9"' e"" mo. C, By 2 dollers, & ace' of
Expenses on a journey to Boston, 3 & a
\ more. 1 769 30"' 11"' mo By four Spanish milF
Dollers & ^ & ^V of a Doller it being
in full ffor y'' Dolers mentioned above
together with his expenfe mentioned
above.
There were various dealings with " Cousin
George Hazard," who was in reality College
Tom's nephew, but in the old fashion is called
cousin. In this respect the Narragansett
families were very clannish, and remembered
the cousinship to a remote degree. Indeed
it sometimes happened that cousins of the
same name were more closely related on the

MONEY LENDING 151
mother's side, so frequent were the inter
marriages. In 1776 comes the entry, —
Lent Cousin George Hazard 35 dol
lars, .^10. \QS.
Then in —
1778 8th month 4th day. Cousin
George Hazard, son of Richard, borrowed
of me 37 paper dollars.
1779 3rd month 9th day.
George Hazard, son of Richard, entered
and occupied part of my house above the
road, and is to give me ^9.00 per annum,
to be paid in labour at Hufbandry the next
season, at 3 shillings per day for mowing
and I & 6 for Howing and Haying
The money lent or borrowed is often speci
fied, as in 1 764, when Thomas Hazard —
Rec*^ of J^^ Helme by the hand of his
Son Powel y° sum of Eighteen Pounds &
five Shillings Lawful money so CalF of
1759 date Exclusine y'^ interest.
This was returned in one month, as duly
entered. Later in 1785, —
3"' mo lo"* Lent Peleg Peckham Six
Silver Dollars in the old meeting Houfe
the day Dan' Cafs was there.
To add to the difficulties of the bad
money, lotteries were in great favor. The

152 COLLEGE TOM
General Assembly granted the privilege of
having one for all sorts of purposes, both
public and private. In 1770 one was
granted to build a meeting-house in Cran
ston, for some Baptists who complacently
declare that they are " willing to devote part
of their time to the public worship of God." *
They were granted to build roads, to repair
bridges, to build wharves, or to help people
who had lost their property.
These were the " days that tried men's
souls," and the South Kingstown meeting
was shaken by them, as will appear, but the
account book gives no evidence of it until a
later date. Rowland Robinson was a deputy
to the general assembly, in the early seven
ties, and in 1776 went to Block Island bring
ing off beef hides. Block Island gave the
government much uneasiness. " The pecu
liar situation of Rhode Island and the exten
sive sea coast had not escaped my mind,"
General Washington writes to Governor
Cooke ; " I well know the enemy have it in
their power to do it considerable damage
unless there is a sufficient force to repel
their attacks."^ April i, 1776, three large
ships were seen off Conanicut, and Gov-
1 R. I. C. R. vol. vii. p. 21. 2 Ibid., p. 505.

REVOLUTIONARY RELATIVES 153
ernor Cooke sent his son " express " to
Washington at Cambridge with the infor
mation. Jonathan Hazard, College Tom's brother,
to whom one half of the land west of Wor
den's Pond was left, part of the original pur
chase of 1 710, seems to have moved there,
for in 1776 his son Jonathan was deputy
from Charlestown, and in that year was sent
to Block Island to apprehend John Wright
for furnishing supplies or intelligence to the
king. His instructions are " that Mr. Haz
ard earnestly exhort the inhabitants of New
Shoreham to remove off from the island." *
He is paid his expenses to Block Island to
" apprehend disaffected persons," ^3 "js. 6d?
He is also appointed one of a committee to
examine suspected persons, with power to
view " all desks, chests, or other suspected
places under lock or otherwise."
Thus actively were members of College
Tom's family engaged in the cause of lib
erty. His principles of non-resistance, how
ever, were very firm ; there is no indication
that he took any part in the struggle, except
as an exhorter to quiet endurance, and a dis
tributer of aid to the suffering.
^ R. I. C. R., vol. -vdi. p. 541. 2 Ibid., p. 577.

154 . COLLEGE TOM
Matters were going from bad to worse
wil^ the finances of the colony. The Colo
nial Records are full of reports on the state
of the money. The bills as they became
due were burnt by the proper officer, but
fresh ones took their place. A table of
value of Spanish milled dollars is given in
an act fixing the depreciation of continental
bills for each month after January, 1777}
One hundred Spanish milled dollars at that
time were worth a hundred and five in
paper. The price rapidly increases till three
years later, in August, 1 780, they were worth
seven thousand paper dollars, and May 30,
1 78 1, sixteen thousand in paper. It was
made obligatory to accept this depreciated
paper in exchange for land, and the general
distress can be imagined. During the sum
mer of 1 786 all business was at a standstill
in Providence and Newport, and the farmers
allowed their produce to decay rather than
sell to the merchants at the heavy dis
count they demanded. The forcing act
was brought to the test and declared uncon
stitutional, in September.^ But the ruin
1 R. I. C. R., vol. ix. pp. 282-424.
^ Fiske's Critical Period of American History, pp. 173-
177.

PROTEST AGAINST TRASH 155
was already widespread. I have been told
by the youngest granddaughter of College
Tom, that she had heard her mother re
late that her grandmother used to say she
saw the money go out of the house in bas
kets full of gold and silver, and come back
in bundles of rags. Not every one in
South Kingstown accepted the " rags," as
the spirited protest of William Knowles
proves : * —
Henry Potter and John Segar both of
South Kingston on oath say that on the
twenty-sixth day of Febr'y last past they
saw Col. Samuel Segar make a tender of
the sum of two thousand one hundred dol
lars unto M'. William Knowles of s"^ South
Kingston to discharge two bonds & a note
said Knowles had against said Segar, but
the s'' Knowles refused to take the same,
saying that he would not take such trash
as that was, but if s'^ Samuel Segar would
pay him & in the same sort of money the
said Segar had of the said Knowles he
would take it.
(Signed) Henry Potter.
John Segar.
1 Now in the Hazard Memorial, Peace Dale, with the
paper money tendered.

IS6 COLLEGE TOM
Kings County to wit South Kingston
March nth 1780 Henry Potter & John
Segar subscribers to the above Deposition
made Oath to the Truth of the same in
order to perpetuate the same.
Before Carder Hazard, J. C. Pleas.
S. Perry, Jus. Peace.
William Knowles
cited but did not attend.

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In April, 1 780, money was at 4000 paper
dollars for 100 silver, and it is small wonder
it is called " such trash."
But Thomas Hazard carried out his Qua
ker principles. He enters his Rate bill this
year and the following, and makes the entry
for his son as well : —
Rate Bill 1780 Sign'^ by Rob' Potter
Town Treafurer for Raifing Continental
Soldiers, Silver money ^8 85-. -^d.
CATTLE DISTRAINED 1 57
Clafs Bill the Same year Sign'' by the
above Tho^ Potter &ct \_sic'\ the above
named committee ;^5 7.$-. od.
1 78 1. Rate Bill 3rd mo 4th day, signed
by Tho^ Potter, John Gardner, Rob' Brown
& Sam' Babcock.
Clafs money Silver ^15 4^-. 6d.
Rowland Hazard 016
State Tax Silver money 18 15 4
^34 \s. 4d.
Dated 18"' 1=' 1781
Sign'' by Jos'' Clarke gen' Treafurer.
1 78 1. Continental money tax 1781 warr'
from the General Treafurer ^11 76. 6. o
Continental Town Tax signed by Rob'
Potter, Town Treasurer 238. 10. o
Rate Bill, dated  of  month,
A. D. 1 780 warrant sign'' by  de
mand £2.gs. 6d.
Taken by Timothy Peckham Collect' one
yearling bull price £^ 12s. ood. hard
Money, and one yearling Heipher price
^3 00s. ood.
The distrained cattle show how he carried
out his convictions, and suffered their loss
rather than support the " carnal war and
fightings " which disturbed the meeting so
much.

IS8 COLLEGE TOM
Some of the latest entries in the book
find him still submissive, —
One cow taken by Dan' Shearman, 9th
month 4th day 1782 I know not his De
mand by inquiry it appeared He did not
come to Y Houfe, but spoke to Rob' in
the field.
A fortnight later —
The 20"' 9th mo, 1782 Willson Pol
lock Collector Took Four of my best
Cows all giving milk he said that he had
several Taxes againft me amounting to
;^33 & upward hard money But shew
no warrant or order from authority I
accidentally saw him with the Cows as he
drove them up the Lane that leads to the
Highway westward from my Dwelling
House. (Signed) Th'^ Hazard.
So he put himself on record as suffering
for conscience' sake. In 1 789 Rhode Island
finally signed the constitution, having run
through almost all possible evils with her
currency. She was the last of all the colo
nies to yield to the common good, — her
excessive individuality having been at once
the source of her strength and her weak
ness.

EIGHT DOLLAR BILL

CHAPTER X.
Friends Meeting Records. Curious Entries. Thomas Haz
ard's First Service. Slavery. First Visit of John Wool-
man. Slave Laws and Apprenticeship Papers. Woolman's
Second Visit. Friends' Testimony in Regard to Slavery.
The Rathbun Case. 1773, Friends Clear of Slavery. Act
of 1773. Primus. Letter from John Pemberton. Act
of 1784. Providence Society for Abolishing the Slave
Trade. Before me, as I write, lies a fine leather
covered book, of two hundred and eighty
quarto pages, closely written, in the hand of
the last century, and inscribed on the inside
cover, —
The Monthly Meeting of South Kings
town^ first Book of Records y'= 9"' of y'^
5"' m° 1743 No I.
This is the first of the eight volumes now
extant belonging to the meeting, for the
early records which would possibly contain
some mention of George Fox himself, and
Chalkley, and the early founders, were de
stroyed by fire many years ago. Fortu
nately for the reader who desires to follow

l60 COLLEGE TOM
the life of Thomas Hazard, it is quite early
enough for him, and his marriage in 1 742 is
duly recorded in the proper place. Here
are hidden away records of the scandals
of the country-side, the " dealings " with
Friends for dishonest behavior, the discipline,
and papers of denial which were solemnly
read in meeting. And with these serious
offenses against the " Light of Truth " are
those which were quite as severely dealt
with, though now they only cause a smile.
One young man was brought to a sense of
his misconduct and presented " a paper of
Condemnation . . . concerning his outgo
ings in dancing in a Light & airy Manner ; " ^
and going to an entertainment " Subsequent
to a Marriage at which was Mufick Dancing
and vain mirth " ^ is a cause of offense for
which John Rose is dealt with by Thomas
Hazard and Peleg Peckham, who are ap
pointed for that service. But the young
man was obdurate and appeared " not in a
Dispofition to Condemn his outgoing." The
young people gave a good deal of trouble, as
they would marry out of " Unity " and had
to be disciplined. Occasionally the young
1 S. K. Monthly Meeting Records, vol. i. p. 140.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. loi.

FRIENDS MEETING RECORDS l6l
man apologized, as in the following entry.
How the bride took it is not mentioned.
To the Monthly Meeting of friends now
in being at So. Kingstown. I through
Inattention to the Light of Christ have
Married a wife out of the good order of
Friends neither was she a member of their
Society. Therefore now being Sincible
that their Rules and orders therein is
Confistant with truth and Seeing the
error of my doings am sorry for my
Transgresfion therein and Defire friends
to pass by my offence and Still Continue
their Care for me Defiring I may be pre
served to walk according to good order
for time to come.^
The poor fathers, too, had hard times, as
when William Robinson, son of the old
Governor, in 1768 allowed his daughter's
marriage, but on being waited upon by a
committee of Friends, "said William told
them that his Daughter was married out of
our Society & that he allowed her to be mar
ried in his houfe but said he had rather it
had been otherways." ^ This confession was
not received as " satisfaction " by the meet-
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 225.
^ Ibid., vol. i. p. 203.

1 62 COLLEGE TOM
ing, and he presents a paper condemning
his conduct for allowing it, and for having
" vain mufick and Dancing." ^ Good Peleg
Peckham is indignant at one wedding which
he was appointed to see " orderly carried
on." He reports that he " expected to
have been entertained at s'' Martha's appart-
ment but contrary to it was at s'^ William's
who not being a member of our Society
I thought was an Imposition." ^ Some of
the weddings to which friends were sent,
were apparently only " in the main orderly
carried on," and some " Pretty orderly
carried on, confidering the Concourfe of
young people," ^ and one wonders if it was
at such time the young fellow fell, as he
confesses : —
Whereas I took more Strong Drink
than was Commendable and also afsisted
my Brother Amos in gitting married Con
trary to friends Rules without acquainting
my father therewith I therefore freely
Condemn it and Defire friends to Con
tinue me Under their Care.
Stoneingtown y'= i8th of loth mo. 1767.*
People lost their tempers too, then as
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 208. = Ibid., vol. i. p. 104.
8 Ibid., vol. i. p. 53. * Ibid., vol. i. p. 199.

FRIENDS' DISCIPLINE 1 63
now ; but the watchful care of Friends was
over them, and one respects young Caleb
Hazard, who declares that he " has of late
so far given way to the pafsion of anger as
to Strike & fight with Coon Williams "
which transgression he " freely condemns."
An old man and his sons are also interest
ing. He is the father of the young man be
fore mentioned, and states his case plainly.
A man, he says, —
Come to me in my field and tho I De
sired him to Keep off yet made an at
tempt to beat or abufe me to prevent
which I Suddenly and with too much
warmth pushed him from me with the
Rake I was leaning on Which act of
mine as it did not manifest to that Chris
tian patience and Example in Suffering
Tryals of every Kind becoming my pro-
fefsion I therefore Freely Condemn it and
Defire that I may be enabled for the
future to Suffer patiently any abufe or
whatever elfe I may be Tried with and alfo
Defire friends to Continue their watchful
Care over me. For the monthly meeting
to be held at Richmond y° 31st of y^ 8th
mo. 1767.^
1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 197.

1 64 COLLEGE TOM
We get a glimpse of the roads, too, when
INIathew Allen is summoned to appear, but
sends excuse " he being an ancient man, and
the Distance so far to ride," and another
who cannot come, " as the weather has been
Difficult and he lame." But our chief con
cern is with Thomas Hazard, and his con
nection with the meeting. His first recorded
service was on " y'^ 29 Day of y" i" mo 1753,"
when a minute declares that at the request
of " ffriends " he had " Tranfcribed a copy of
the yearly meeting minutes and prefented to
this meeting." ^ A committee are appointed
to " compair them with the original," and
make report at the next meeting that " they
are a true Copy." This service is recorded
when he was only thirty-three years old, and
in a few years he is appointed a Represen
tative at the various monthly and quarterly
meetings, at first with Thomas Rodman,
an aged friend. He goes to Westerly and
Richmond, and as early as 1757 is appointed
" to audit the accounts with Tho^ Rod
man the meetings Treafurer." ^ Two years
later " This meeting adjourns till next fourth
day week to meet at Thomas Hazard's Son
1 .y. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 55.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 77.

FIRST SERVICES IN MEETING 165
of Robert at the 9"' hour." At the adjourn
ment he was appointed on the committee
" to Draw & Sign an Epistle " to the next
quarterly meeting, and to attend that meet
ing.^ Almost every month for a number of
years has some record of him, as represen
tative, or on various committees to deal with
" Disorderly walkers," or to advise in the
settling of the " temporal affairs " of some
distressed friend. It is he who is on the
committee with Joseph Congdon " to stop
y° leak " in the old meeting-house, and to
" make such small repairs as they shall find
needful at prefent." ^
The question of slavery was already be
fore the meeting. John Woolman, whom
tradition speaks of as College Tom's friend,^
visited Narragansett first in 1748. He jour
neyed through Connecticut, and after three
days' riding, he says, " we came amongst
Friends in the Colony of Rhode Island, and
visited them in and about Newport, Dart
mouth, and generally in those parts."* The
" Monthly Meeting Records " unfortunately
contain no mention of his preaching, but
Thomas Hazard and his friend Jeremiah
1 S. K. M. M. R., p. 97. 2 /^2d., p. 103.
^ Updike, p. 324. * Woolmnn's Journal, p. 75.

1 66 COLLEGE TOM
Austin, who had freed his single slave, his
only inheritance, and worked himself at day
labor,^ must have taken great comfort in
this visit of the devoted preacher, and taken
courage to continue their work in an un
popular cause. The general conditions of
slavery in Narragansett have been men
tioned. A recent writer alludes to the
" Slave code of Rhode Island supplemented
by the by-laws of South Kingstown," as by
no means a mild one.^ He does not speak
of the provision for manumission on deposit
of ^ I oo security in 1729. In 1750 a law was
enacted declaring that no person shall "pre
sume to sell, give, truck, barter, or exchange
with or to any Indian Mulatto or Negro ser
vant or slave any strong beer, ale, cider, wine,
rum, brandy or other strong liquor by what
name or names so ever called or know." A
fine of fifteen dollars was to be paid for each
offense. No slave was allowed to be abroad
after nine o'clock at night, with a penalty at
tached for each offense of being " publickly
whipped by the Constable ten stripes." The
owner as an alternative was allowed to pay
a fine of three dollars. Indians, mulattoes,
1 Updike, p. 326.
' Dr. Edward Channing, Narragansett Planters, p. lo.

SLAVERY AND APPRENTICESHIP 167
and negroes were not allowed to be enter
tained without consent of master or mis
tress, with " dancing, gaming, or diversion
of any kind." In South Kingstown a by
law forbade the " keeping of creaters " by
negroes.^ On the other hand a slave could
not be sent out of the country without his
own consent, and a certificate from two jus
tices of the peace was required to this con
sent to make transportation legal. If the
slave was " notoriously unfaithful," proofs
could be given at a court of General Ses
sions, and the owner could be authorized to
send him to any other part.^ When we con
sider the terms of an apprenticeship at about
the same time these restrictions do not ap
pear quite so severe. In a regularly printed
form filled out for one of young Richard
Hazard's sons, it appears that the appren
tice binds himself to serve faithfully his
master and mistress, " their secrets keep
their commands obey At Cards Dice or any
other unlawful Game he shall not play ; "
he shall not absent himself " by Day or by
Night " from his master's and mistress' ser-
1 South Kingstown Records. Quoted by Dr. E. Chan
ning. 2 Public Laws of R. /., Revision of 1798, Act of 1776.

1 68 COLLEGE TOM
vice without their leave ; or " haunt Ale
houses Taverns or Play houses." This cut
off the apprentice from all diversions as
effectually as the slave. For his service he
was to be taught his trade, and to " read,
write and Cypher as far as the Rule of
Three " and his wearing apparel was to be
furnished for the sum of .^400 old tenor,
paid by his guardian.^ The times were
strict, and the slave laws must be read not
with our modern views of liberty, but in ac
cordance with the spirit of the days before
the Revolution.
The various meetings were again stirred
by John Woolman in 1760. He and his
companions held five meetings in Narragan
sett, where he says he went " through deep
exercises that were mortifying to the crea-
turely will. In several families in the coun
try where we lodged, I felt an engagement
on my mind to have a conference with them
in private concerning their slaves." ^ He
speaks of this as an " unpleasant task as
signed him." In Newport he found that a
large number of slaves had been imported
from Africa and were then on sale by a
1 Appendix, Paper of Apprenticeship.
^ Woolimn's Journal, p. i6i.

JOHN WOOLMAN 1 69
member of the Society, upon hearing which
his appetite failed and he was sorely dis
tressed. After many inward difficulties, he
presented a petition to the Legislature for
the meeting to approve and present, which
would forbid the future importing of slaves.
This was approved by the meeting, and a
minute was also made and sent to several
quarterly meetings to discourage participa
tion in lotteries among Friends. After the
Yearly Meeting was over he had private
conferences with members of the society
who held slaves.^
As early as 1757 the South Kingstown
monthly meeting puts itself on record on
this question, when —
This meeting Received a paper of Rich
ard Smith as his Teftimony against
Keeping Slaves and his Intention to free
his negro girl which paper he hath a
mind to lay before the Quarterly meeting
all which is Referred for further consid
eration.^ One of the Rodmans, a few years later,
was in trouble over a slave. He was con
demned by his own meeting, but appealed
1 "Woolma.ia's Journal, p. 167.
a .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i., p. 82.

I70 COLLEGE TOM
to the quarterly meeting, which confirmed
the judgment of the monthly meeting given
against him, " on account of his buying a
negro slave " and " it is the mind of friends
that there ought to go out a publick Tefti
mony & Denial " ^ of the purchaser, which
was accordingly done, and a solemn " paper
of frd^ Teftimony of Disowning " was read
at the end of a First-day meeting. Stephen
Hoxfie, the excellent clerk of the meeting,
through whose care the records are so
legible now, was appointed to draw it up.
But the famous slave case was that of the
Rathbuns, father and son, which is fully
detailed, and must have brought opinion to
a focus upon the whole question. This case
was before the meeting eight years, dur
ing the latter part of which it was reported
upon at every monthly meeting. At first
Thomas Hazard was not formally con
nected with it, but as it became more com
plicated he was added to the committee^
to deal with the offenders, and report from
month to month. Having bought a slave,
Joshua Rathbun is brought to confess his
error as follows : —
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 131.
''¦ Ibid., vol. i. p. 252.

THE RATHBUN CASE 171
Wefterly the 27"' of y° 12 mo 1765
To the monthly meeting of friends to be
held at Richmond next
Dear Friends. I hereby acknowledge
that I have acted Disorderly in purchas
ing a Negro Slave which Disorder I was
Ignorant of, at the time of the purchase.
but having conversed with Several friends
upon the Subject of Slavery have gained
a knowledge that heretofore I was Igno
rant of, both as to the Rules of our Society,
as well as the nature & inconfistancy of
making Slaves of our fellow Creatures,
am therefore free to condemn that Incon
siderate act and Defire Friends to pafs
it by, hoping that I may be preferved
from all conduct that may bring Un-
easinefs Upon friends for the future am
willing likewise to take the advice of
Friends both as to the bringing up and
Discharging of the Afores^ negro.
Joshua Rathbun.^
This expresses very clearly what must
have been the general feeling of the day
in regard to slavery, and sounds like an
honest change of heart. Nevertheless on
the 28th of ist month, 1771, —
1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 171.

172 COLLEGE TOM
Joshua Rathbun appeared in this meet
ing and informed that he had signed over
a bill of Sale to his son of that negro
garl he purchased (and give incourage-
ment to take friends advice in order to
Discharge his duty towards her) now
friends think it necefsary that something
be done in that affair.
A committee was appointed to deal with
him and a further note comes, —
Whereas our last monthly meeting
condefended to appoint a meeting to be
held at the said Joshua Rathbun's houfe
for the space of three months but since
it has appeared to this meeting that said
Rathbun did not stand Clear in his
Teftimony for the caufe of Truth as he
ought to have done against that of Slav
ery, therefore that meeting appointed at
his houfe is Discontinued.^
The son was then dealt with, and this
entry follows, —
30th of i2mo. 1 771.
Friends appointed last monthly meet
ing to Treat with Joshua Rathbun y^ 3rd
and his father Joshua Rathbun y^ 2nd
Concerning their Dispofing of a Negro
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 238.

THE RATHBUN CASE 173
Garl as a Slave report as followeth that
they have treated with them on that acco'
and find by inquiring that Joshua y^ 2nd
who had a bill of sale of said Negro girl
afsigned s'^ bill of Sale over to his Son
Joshua Rathbun y" 3rd for a Considera
tion of fifty Dollars which Dollars the
said Joshua y" 3rd told us his Father
made up to him another way and that as
the s'* negro girl Cost him nothing he
promised his father Joshua Rathbun y'=
2nd that the Girl should have her free
dom at a Suitable time if she Lived not
withstanding he (that is Joshua Rathbun
the 3rd) had Sold her and she was sent
out of the Country without (as he told
us) his father's consent nor do we find
that Joshua Rathbun y^ 2nd did afk the
advice of Fr^^ refpecting said negro girl
at the time he conveyed her to his son
or ever made any Complaint of his Son's
Conduct in that cafe to friends until they
was other ways informed thereof. The
consideration of which is refer^ to our
next mo'y meeting.-'
After long waiting the son is denied^ be-
1 .5". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 249.
^ Ibid., vol. i. p. 260.

174 COLLEGE TOM
cause he " encouraged the Deteftable prac
tice of enflaving mankind," and the father
advised in 1772 to —
. . . prefs it on his Said Son to Redeem
Said Slave and if his Said Son Should
refuse or neglect so to do that he Com-
mince and profecute an action at Com
mon Law against his son for the Recovery
of Damages Upon a promis made by his
said son. Frds to assist him, & the sum
recovered to be used for the redemption
of the girl.^
" Thos Wilbur, Joseph Congdon, Nicholas
Bragg, and Thos Hazard of Robert " were
the committee, and one wonders if a trace
of College Tom's early law training appears
in the advice to " Commince and profecute."
The father did not take it, however, and
was still further dealt with by the meet
ing. One has some sympathy with the poor
man, who was denied the comfort of the
meeting in his own house, but Friends were
inexorable, and the record shows how well
they cleared their consciences : —
ist of 3rd mo. 1773.
We the Subscribers according to the
appointment of Last Mon'^ meeting have
1 .S-. K. M. M. R., p. 261.

ACTION OF THE MEETING 175
Inspected the holding a meeting at Ston-
ington Harbour as a meeting of ffriends
and find that Such meeting hath been
held on first days at Joshua Rathbun y"
2nd and that he hath frequently appeared
as a preacher therein. We Treated with
such as are members and with Joshua
in perticular and defired him and them
to defist therefrom S^ Joshua says he
Should be glad to take friends' advice but
hath peace in holding said meetings ap
prehending it as he said as his duty.
Solomon Hoxsie.
John Collins.
Joseph Congdon.
Amos Collins is appointed to inform
those friends that live thereaways that
said meeting is held out of the Unity of
Fr''' and that unlefs they defist from at
tending it they who have will be pro
ceeded against as disorderly walkers.-'
Three months after the old man was de
nied his membership,^ and so the episode
of the " Negro garl " ends as far as the rec
ords show. Indeed, it is to be feared that
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 276.
2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 7.

176 COLLEGE TOM
the good showing of Friends in 1773 as to
their " clearness " on the Slavery question
was made in much the same way, not by
convincing so many slave-owners, as by
turning out those who were unconvinced.
John Knowles and Stephen Richmond in
1 77 1 "Appears of a disposition to comply
with friends rules in liberating their slaves."
Three friends " discovers something of a
Difpofition to comply," while four " Did
Shew the Contrary Difpofition." They
were informed on the 29th of 7th mo. 1771,
that all who did not free their slaves may
" expect to be Denied Memberfhip." ^ Two
months afterward a sturdy Friend appeared
in meeting and " saith that he shall not
comply with the Rules of the Society, Re
fpecting his Slaves to Liberate them," and
he and three others are therefore denied
membership. On the 28"' of 6"' mo 1773
Fr''' Appointed to Visit Slave Keepers
made report that they don't find their is
any held as Slaves by Fr''^ and there are
some y' are set at Liberty and no proper
mannamifsion given therefore said com
mittee are continued to see that they are
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 243.

MANUMISSION PAPERS 177
mannamitted and make report thereof as
soon as they conveniently can.^
So the main work of the committee ap
pointed in April, 1771, was finished. The
men who did this service, a service which
must have tried them sorely at times, and
divided families and neighborhoods, were
Thomas Wilbur, Benjamin Hoxsie, Joseph
Collins, John Robinson, and Stephen Hox
sie.^ Their work was continued until all
the slaves had proper papers.
One such paper is recorded, —
26th of the 2nd mo. 1774. These may
certify that about 25 years ago I had sev
eral negroes which upon an agreement
between them and me set at Liberty
which Liberty I have seen to be my duty
to confirm from me my Heirs and afsigns
the Negroes are York, Betty, Zilpah and
Zadock York is since Dead but the other
Three I still confirm their liberty accord
ing to the good order of Friends from
me Hezekiah Collins.^
Witnefs Thomas Wilbur.
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. I.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 238.
3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 18.

178 COLLEGE TOM
In these local concerns Thomas Hazard
seems to have taken a less prominent part
than in earlier years, but he is constantly
sent to quarterly meeting, and added to
committees, as in the Rathbun case when it
became complicated. He was also on vari
ous committees to transact the business of
the whole society. In this very year, 1773,
the London yearly meeting is informed
that Friends' " labor for the freedom of the
Enslaved Negroes is still continued," and
" that we have appointed our friends T.
Hazard Isaac Lawton Philip Wanton and
Jacob Mott Jr of Rhode Island a committee
to correspond with our correspondents in
London."! This year of 1773 was a year of special
activity among Friends. Joseph Wanton,
of the old Quaker family, was the governor
of Rhode Island. He was the son of Gov
ernor William Wanton, who left the Society
of Friends on his marriage. The lady's family
were strict Congregationalists, and as his
family were Quakers, religious objections
were made to the marriage, upon which he
finally said, " Friend Ruth, let us break
from this unreasonable bondage; /will give
^ R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, 1773.

GRISWOLD ON MANUMISSION 1 79
up my religion, and thou shalt thine, and
we will go over to the Church of England
and go to the Devil together! " ^ It was
the son of this ardent lover who came to
the head of colonial affairs, a few years
before the Revolution, and who would
naturally have some sympathy with the
Society his father left. Among the papers
of Thomas Hazard is a letter from Judge
Mathew Griswold, of Connecticut, to this
governor of Rhode Island, dated June lo,
1773. It is evidently in reply to one from
Rhode Island on the subject of slaves.
They are " Esteem'' with us," Judge Gris
wold says, " as the Proper Objects of the
Care and Protection of the Government
in common with Other Inhabitants. If
any outrage undue Violence or Inhumane
Severity is used it is Esteem'^ the Duty
of the Informing & Peace officers of the
Colony to interpose and give Relief upon
proper Application made to them." But
Judge Griswold is not clear as to manu
mission. " Those Things are not greatly
Favour^ in Law : by People of Consider
ation here," he says, " Inasmuch as the
Negroes who have been Manumitted in
1 Updike, p. 296.

l80 COLLEGE TOM
this Colony : being Ignorant of the Art
of Honest living have Frequently be
come Strowling vagrants have United
with Thieves & Burglars and proved very
Troublesome and Dangerous Inhabitants.
I sho'^ be Concerned that any People sho"!
be oppressed by unlawful holding in Servi
tude. Justice ought to be done to Every
one."-' The presence of this letter among
the papers seems to indicate that Thomas
Hazard's interest in the question was not
only well known, but that he was on terms of
friendship with Governor Wanton. This was
the year (1773) that Stephen Hopkins was
disowned by the Society because he would
not liberate a slave woman, and the year
that Moses Brown liberated all his slaves,
preparatory to joining the Society in 1774.^
This excellent man, who did so much for
the Society and for the infant manufactures
of the State, was apparently a quarter of a
century behind Thomas Hazard in his con
victions on the subject of slavery.
In 1774 Thomas Hazard was appointed on
the committee to " use their influence at the
General Afsembly of Rhode Island or with
1 Appendix, Letter from Judge Griswold.
2 Moses Brown, A Sketch, by Augustine Jones, p. 15.

LEGISLA TION ON SLA VER Y 1 8 1
the members thereof that such laws may be
made as will tend to the abolition of slavery,
and to get such laws repealed as any way
encourage it." "^ This committee presented
an act which was passed by the General
Assembly. The fact that the men who
petitioned the Assembly for this purpose
were themselves all " clear in their tefti
mony " as to slavery must have carried
great weight. The noble opening sen
tence read: — "Whereas the inhabitants
of America are generally engaged in the
preservation of their own rights and lib
erties, among which that of personal free
dom must be considered as the greatest ;
as those who are desirous of enjoying all
the advantages of liberty themselves should
be willing to extend personal liberty to oth
ers," ^ it is therefore enacted that no negro
or mulatto slave shall be brought into the
Colony. The whole of New England was soon
plunged into trouble with the disasters of
war, and little further action was taken
until peace was restored.
The negro called in the account book
1 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, 1774.
2 R. I. C. R., vol. vii. p. 251.

1 82 COLLEGE TOM
Priamus will be remembered. Among the
papers is a long letter from John Pember
ton of Philadelphia, so characteristic that it
is given in full. This excellent Friend,
" our dear John Pemberton," as Mrs. Eliza
beth Drinker in her diary calls him, was
the clerk of the meeting for sufferings in
1777, in Philadelphia, and was arrested and
imprisoned for refusal to bear arms.^ He
traveled in Ireland a few years later, and
finally died in Germany in 1795.^ He had
evidently been in Narragansett, as his
charming message of "my Dear Love in
thy freedom to such who may enquire," and
his mention of " my friends in your parts "
indicates. Philad% 5 mo 15, 1780.
Dear Friend Tho^ Hazard
There is a negro man here, whofe Case
claims Commiferation, and having lived
with thee 15 or 16 years, as he tells me I
hope thou will use fome endeavors that
Justice be done him & he fet free. His
Name is Primus, after leaving thy Service
he lived about 7 years with W"" Barden
1 Hodgson, Historical Memoirs of the Society of
Friends, p. 342.
^ Mrs. E. Drinker's Journal, p. 264.

JOHN PEMBERTONS LETTER 183
who he allows was his master, & who
agreed with him, that if he would go three
Voiages in a Privateer he fliould be manu
mitted, he went two & returned fafe, the
third Voiage he was taken & Came hither
with the British, fo that he performed
what had been required of him. The
Privateer he went in was a floop called
the America, One Dennis Com'' and Wil
liam Cranstead Lieutenant. These two
were Present when his master entered
into this Contract with him. If these
men can be found and will Certify what
he afserts to be true I fhould hope proper
steps may be taken to Clear the poor
man. if the said W"" Barden cannot be
prevailed with, without such procedure
He remained here after the British left
this place, & has been taken up by one
Joseph Knary or Connary, who says he
purchased him of one Rice of Hartford
in Connecticutt. The few months he
lived in this City before taken up he
behaved well, as far as I have heard.
Knowing that these poor People are
often greatly imposed upon I undertake
to represent his Case & hope thou will
be diligent & speedy in doing what thou

1 84 COLLEGE TOM
can for his relief. I should be plesed to
hear of thy Succefs in this application,
for it would be Distresfing to him and
Cause perhaps deep & Sorrowful Reflec
tion to his Old Master, if he should be
sent into Cruel hard bondage which may
probably be the Case if not foon relieved.
He has been fold thrice this Winter and
suffered much from want of Cloathing,
the persons who had him being doubtful
of their right to detain him. But it is
much a Custom for hardened Worthlefs
men to purchase these poor people and
take them to the fouthward & sell them
where there 's none to plead their Cause,
and where they suffer much. He walked
to this City in the beginning of 3'^ mo
last, near 50 miles bare foot.
I often remember my friends in your
parts with much Sympathy and love, &
desire they may be kept & preserved in
Faith and patience and In Integrity &
Uprightness of heart. My Dear Love in
thy freedom to such who may enquire
& with same salutation to thee & thine
remain thy Affectionate Friend.
John Pemberton.

THE ABOLITION ACT 1 85
if a Certificate could be produced from
Dennis & Cranstead of the ab" ment^
agreement, I expect wee may be able to
secure the man from his oppresfion.
No further record of this man has been
found, but the letter exists to show the spirit
with which John Pemberton and his friends
worked for the oppressed slaves.
In December, 1783, a Committee of the
Legislature was appointed " to take into
consideration a petition preferred unto this
Assembly by a committee of the people
called Quakers respecting the Abolition of
Slavery,"! and directed to report. This
was the petition of the old committee which
had held over through the war, of which
Thomas Hazard was a member.^ In Feb
ruary, 1784, two months later, the act he had
labored so earnestly for was finally passed.
The preamble recalls Thomas Jefferson's
famous Declaration, so lately written. It
reads, — "Whereas all men are entitled to
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,
and the holding of mankind in a state of
slavery, as private property, which has gradu-
1 R. I. C. R., vol. ix. p. 735.
2 R. I. Friends Yearly Meeting Records, 1 784.

1 86 COLLEGE TOM
ally obtained by unrestrained custom and the
permissions of the laws, is repugnant to this
principle, and subversive of the happiness
of mankind, the great end of all civil gov
ernment," — therefore it was enacted that
no person born after the date of the act,
" negroes, mulattoes or others " were to be
considered slaves. The children were to be
instructed and might be apprenticed by the
towns in which they were born ; they had
the right to be supported in case of inca
pacity, the towns and not the owners
assuming the support and education of all
children of slaves.^ Good as this was, three
years later an additional act was required.
" Forgetful of the danger which then im
pended, and inattentive of the principles of
justice ... a renewal of the African trade
for slaves has been entered into by divers
inhabitants of this state," ^ the act reads.
A penalty of a hundred pounds for every
slave imported was fixed, or a thousand
pounds for every vessel engaged in the
trade. ^
1 R. I. C. R., vol. X., p. 7.
^ Ibid, vol. X., p. 262.
» There is some reason for supposing this act to have
been drawn by Thomas Hazard, but I have not been able
to satisfy myself of the fact.

ABOLITION SOCIETY 187
A litrie later, following the passage of the
Abolition act, the Providence Society for
Abolishing the Slave Trade was founded.
A copy of what is apparently the original
constitution of the society is printed on a folio
sheet, and preserved among the papers, but
has no date whatever. In drawing up this
constitution Thomas Hazard had a hand.
The proceedings of the society set forth
that on the 29th of the ist month called
January, 1789, "a meeting of citizens of
the town of Providence and parts adja
cent was called for the purpose of estab
lishing a Society for Abolishing Slavery."
David Howell was chosen moderator, and
a committee of seven, including Judge
Howell, Moses Brown, Arthur Fenner,
Thomas Hazard, Thomas Arnold and two
others was appointed to " draw up a system
of regulations and government and report
at a meeting to be held on the 20"' prox
imo at the Friends' Meeting House in this
town." At this meeting the constitution
drawn up by the committee was adopted,
a copy of which is the paper referred to.^
David Howell was chosen President, John
Dorrance, Vice - President ; Moses Brown,
1 Appendix.

1 88 COLLEGE TOM
Treasurer ; Thomas Arnold, Secretary ;
and Thomas Hazard was put upon the
standing committee of seven. The society
includes the names of most of the distin
guished men in the State ; Daniel Lyman,
James Burrill, Richard Ward Greene, and
other distinguished lawyers were the coun
selors of the society. Among the corre
sponding members were Jonathan Edwards,
the Elliots of Boston, Judge Sullivan of
Massachusetts, and William Rotch of New
Bedford. Samuel Hopkins was a member;
Anthony, Foster, Bartlett, Buffum, Almy,
and other excellent men were active in it.
Thomas Robinson of Newport, brother-in-
law of College Tom, was an active member,
untiring in his efforts to release slaves,
and to prevent the importation of any into
Newport. Thus in his old age the great object of
College Tom's life was attained. Freeing
first his own slaves, he lived to influence
his own Monthly Meeting very strongly,
and from that meeting was sent to the
larger Yearly Meeting, where his sincerity
and ability won recognition, and with the
foremost men of his day he labored for
justice and liberty, against the " deteftable

SLAVERY ABOLISHED 189
practice of enflaving mankind." Through
a long life he kept this end in view, and
whatever may have been his private griefs
and losses in the troubled times, the attain
ment of this great object gave comfort to
his last days.

CHAPTER XL
The Business of the Meeting. Books subscribed for. The
Position of Women. Temperance. Letter from William
Redwood. Act of Assembly. Education. The Revo
lution. The Test Act. Committee of Friends to reheve
Suffering. Old Meeting-House occupied as a Hospital.
Testimony against War. Regulars in Point Judith. Col
lege Tom's Sons. His Last Days. His Death.
The advanced position which the South
Kingstown Monthly Meeting took in regard
to slavery would lead us to expect other
good works from it. Nor are we disap
pointed in a search for them. "We catch
virtue from ourselves as well as from others,"
— and with a few leaders such as Thomas
Hazard, Joseph Congdon, and Stephen
Hoxsie, the meeting was sure to advance.
A good share of the business of the meeting
was transacted by College Tom, when he
was still a young man. He is " defired to
send up to the Yearly Meeting Treafurer "
the subscription to the yearly meeting stock
in 1 761.! He was on the committee with
Stephen Hoxsie and Thomas Wilbour to
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 118.

THE MEETING-HOUSE 191
draft a paper stating the duties of the over
seers of the First-day and week-day meet
ings in the same year.^ A little later the
overseers are charged to suppress all " Slep-
ing and other indecencies " in meeting. He
has constantly to prepare the report for the
Quarterly Meeting, and is sent to that meet
ing often. In 1763, with Peleg Peckham,
Benjamin Rodman, Joseph Congdon, and
Thomas Wilbour, he is instructed " to take
a deed of the old meeting houfe and lot at
South Kingstown " ^ and has a constant
oversight of the building from that time.
The account book has the full memoran
dum of repairs which he and Joseph Cong
don were ordered to make in 1761 : —
4"' 8"' mo To Sixteen Pounds in Cash
to Buy Boards
Joseph Knowles took it as he went to
Newport .^16. oo^-. ood.
Joseph Knowles returned
s^ ^16 Pounds again to
me ;^i6. 00. 00
To 2500 Shingles @ ^30
as by Sam' Greens Rec'
dated 12"' octob' 1761. 75. 00. 00
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 122.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 142.

192 COLLEGE TOM
To 199 feet of pine Board
@ \s. 6d. 14. 17. 06
To Freight of s"^ Boards &
Shingles 120/ 6. 00. 00
To Carting s"! Boards &
Shingles @ £10 10. 00. 00
and the account is presented to the meeting,
" which is allowed." ^ At the same time he
was appointed with Joseph Congdon "to Re
ceive the book at Newport prepared for to
Tranfcribe the Englifh book of Difcipline
in and procure the same done." Two years
later the committee reports that they have
" Compleated & presented it the Cost
thereof being fifty Pounds old Ten'." ^ This
book is among the books of the Meeting, a
fine large quarto, beautifully written, entitled
Chris tia7t & Brotherly Advices Given forth
from tim.e to time By the Yearly Meeting in
London. Alphabetically Digested under Pro
per Heads. Transcribed by Jos: Congdon.
The meeting also subscribed for books.
In 1763 a "proposal for Printing George
Fox's Journal in one vollom by subscription
was received " and Stephen Hoxsie appointed
to take subscriptions. " Barclay's Appoligy
now printing at Philadelphia " is also to be
1 .S-. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 135. 2 Ibid, vol. i. p. 125.

BOOKS SUBSCRIBED FOR I93
subscribed for in 1774, and Thomas Hazard
and John Collins are to take subscriptions
"for William Sewel's History propofed to
be printed at Philadelphia." A minute
from the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting gives
further light upon this.
From the Extracts 9 mo. 1774.
It having been under the consideration
of the meeting for sufferings to reprint
the apology by our ancient friend Robert
Barclay for which they have encourage
ment from Friends in New England —
this meeting willing to promote it, re
commends to the several quarterly and
monthly meetings to promote subscrip
tions for the purpose as speedy as they
can. N. B. The price of the books to sub
scribers is not to exceed <,s. ^d.
The account book has two entries in refer
ence to it — 1774 10 mo 20 day
6 shillings sent to Philadelphia when
subscriptions were sent there —
and another a little later. The Sewel His
tories also are mentioned, with their exact
cost. But well as the meeting looked after
its own affairs, our chief interest is in its

194 COLLEGE TOM
position on the larger questions which even
then had appeared, questions which the next
century has had to grapple with, and some
of which it will bequeath to its successor.
On the rights of man we have seen the
strong and fearless position that was taken,
and it is delightful to find that in the rights
of man, those of women were included. The
signature " Thomas Hazard Clerk this time "
occurs frequently, but one can imagine no
occasion on which it was signed with greater
vigor than to the following minute which
he is instructed to draw up. The Nine-part
ners Monthly Meeting had sent " lines "
strongly intimating that it is not according
to their practice to receive women Friends
unless their certificate is signed by at least
the Clerk of the Men's Meeting : —
Therefore in Condefention to our
friends of the monthly meeting at Nine-
partners we do hereby direct the Clerk
of this meeting to signifie to s'^ monthly
meeting that we have neither precedent
nor Difcipline amongst us for such a prac
tice, neither do we think it Convnant So
far to Degrade our women's meeting, But
to Let them have the Ufe & Exerfise of
our Difcipline as occasion may call for it

TEMPERANCE 1 95
in Conducting the affairs of their meeting
not Defiring the Preheminence where
Truth admits of none But believing that
both male & female are all one in Christ
Jefus. Thomas Hazard Clerk this time.^
1^' day of y"" 4 mo 1771
Something of the indignation of the
courtly gentleman at the offered indignity
to the women he has treated with such
respect all his life seems to breathe in this
minute, as well as his conviction of the true
equality of the sexes. Thus on another of
the vexed questions of to-day. College Tom
spoke his word with vigor and decision.
Nor was he silent on temperance. It is
interesting to trace a bit of early legislation
on that subject directly to the South Kings
town meeting, and to College Tom himself.
In 1768 occurs this entry: —
There being many Disorders com
mitted near our annual General Meeting
at South Kingstown by Rude Libertine
Disorderly people Black Tawnies &
others Some of whom expofing Liquor
and Cakes to sale by means of which
Liquors some are Drunken &c greatly
1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 235.

196 COLLEGE TOM
to the Scandal of Religion therefore
friends are Defired to find out and prose
cute such meafures as may remove said
grievences 29 of y'= 8 mo 1768.!
The next month the matter was referred
to the Quarterly Meeting, and Thomas
Hazard sent as representative. From this
quarterly meeting he was appointed with
Thomas Steere, Ephraim Congdon, William
Redwood and Joseph Congdon to present
a petition and act to the General Assembly
to prevent the selling of liquor and the
playing of games on the days of the Gen
eral Meetings near the places of assembly.
The act contains many of the phrases of
the minute and was doubtless drawn by
Thomas Hazard, as the following letter from
William Redwood indicates. It is written
in a beautiful copperplate hand addressed
To Thomas Hazard Son of Rob'
in South Kingstown.
Newport 2^^ mon. 21='. 1769.
Efteemed Friend Thy favour of 17"'
Ins' with the Petition & Act of Afsem-
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 207.

LETTER FROM WILLIAM REDWOOD 1^7
bly came to hand yefterday. I have
Signed the Petition, and shall enquire
what number the Committee confifted of,
if they are not all inferted in the Act, I
will insert them, with the day of the
opening of the Sefsions, and forward
them as soon as pofsible, agreeable to thy
request. I Remain with much Efteem
Thy Afsured Friend
William Redwood
Thomas Hazard.
From the preamble of the act an idea of
the holidays of the time is gained. Play
ing at quoits, wrestling, and exercising in
any other games, with running horses, are
forbidden, within a proscribed distance of
the meeting, with the sale of " cakes, beer,
cider, rum, or any other spirituous liquor
by retail."! This act seems to have been
among the earliest temperance legislation
in the Colony. Slaves are specially men
tioned in it, the owner having to pay the
fine in case a slave is the offender.
The account book contains only a few
entries mentioning the meetings. " Oringes
1 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 578.

198 COLLEGE TOM
and Lemmonds " were sent for to Newport
on one occasion when the meeting was
held in Narragansett, but they were not
obtainable, and Latham Clarke, who had the
commission, brought back the money. In
1770 Peleg Peckham is charged with "shoe
ing thy mare in y" Journey," and " one shil
ling eight pence p'^ when we pafs'' y" ferrys
to Newport." As Peleg Peckham was
clerk of the meeting, they were presumably
going to a quarterly meeting in Newport.
In 1775 comes an entry —
ymo yth jg^y -pQ Qj^g large Veal Calve
skin y"= day I set out for the Quarterly
meeting. Sent per Rowland
and later another mention
1778 6'°9"' To three Ditto (calf skins)
when I went to y^ yearly meeting
7"' mo 8"" day To three Ditto when I
went to y^ Quarterly meeting.
A few copies of the minutes of the meeting
are found, one with a list of the members
of the meeting for sufferings.^ Nor were
Friends unmindful of the importance of edu
cation. As early as 1 780 a committee upon
which Thomas Hazard served, appointed by
the yearly meeting, reported upon the need
of capable teachers to carry out the views
^ Appendix.

YEARLY MEETING SCHOOL 199
of the Society respecting the education of
youth, and suggested the appointment of a
further committee to take the matter into
" solid consideration." Thomas Hazard,
Moses Brown, Elisha Thornton, William
Rotch, and others were appointed to con
sider plans for erecting a school, for the
education not only of the children of the
Society, but to train teachers, and provide
instruction for poor children.! On the 8th
of nth month, 1784, this school was opened
at Portsmouth and continued four years.
In 1785 the South Kingstown meeting sent
£7 2S. as a subscription to the stock of
" the yearly meeting school," ^ which closed
for want of funds the next year. After a
four years' interval Thomas Hazard was
again on a committee " weightily to consider
in what way the fund (gradually increasing,
but still inadequate to maintain a school)
might be most beneficially applied consist
ently with the intention of the donors."^
This school, through the fostering care of
Moses Brown, one of the original com-
1 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records.
2 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 255.
2 Samuel Austin. Thomas Hazard, son of Robert (un
published).

200 COLLEGE TOM
mittee on its foundation, opened again in
Providence, January i, 1819, and has be
come the now famous Friends' School.!
Once before Thomas Hazard had been
interested in the foundation of an educa
tional institution. The act of incorpora
tion of Rhode Island College, passed in
1764, names him as one of the incorpora
tors, and he was appointed one of the origi
nal Board of Fellows at the same time.^
But the Revolutionary question was the
absorbing one of the time, and the Friends
of South Kingstown bore noble testimony
against " Carnal war and Fightings." This
is a phrase of College Tom's, who signs him
self Clerk of the day, upon which the min
ute containing it is drawn up. The hand
writing of the Narragansett men of the last
century is very similar. Peleg Peckham,
Joseph Congdon, and Thomas Hazard all
wrote very much alike, but I am inclined to
think after careful comparison, that the
Thomas Hazard, Clerk this day, is his own
signature, and the first hundred and seventy-
five pages of the second book of Records,
as well as several marriage records, are in
1 Augustine Jones. Moses Brown, p. 24.
2 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 386.

FRIENDS' SUFFERINGS 20I
the same hand. He and Peleg Peckham
are appointed in 1778 to transcribe "the
several Rules or Minutes of the Yearly
Meeting,"! and throughout his life his pen
seems to have been at the service of the
meeting, from the time in 1753 when he
presented his first copy of minutes at the
request of Friends. It is an excellent clear
hand, both strong and flowing, and ends
in 1 781, in the middle of a sentence, which
is continued by a different person. All
through the war this same hand records the
minutes, and very often Thomas Hazard is
instructed to draw them. The sufferings of
Friends ramified in a way we should hardly
think of. Not only were they subjected
to hardship by the distraining of goods
when they felt obliged to decline the pay
ment of their rates, but they must not be con
cerned in any of the profits of war. We
can hardly blame the good Friend who in
the scarcity of reading matter bought what
came to hand, but he is dealt with because
he "purchafed some Books at a Vandue
that came on Shore in a Vefel & fold as
plunder taken in War." ^ The money itself
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 108.
2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 120.

202 COLLEGE TOM
became a difficulty to a tender conscience.
At an adjournment at Newport, 13th day
ist mo. 1776, there was some —
Advice to F'*= in regard to receiving
and pafsing the late paper Currency that
is made and pafsed in these Colinies If
sued Exprefsly for the purpose of carry
ing on war it is recommended to friends
Serious Consideration and Obfervation
and that each Particular meeting have a
coppy thereof to read publick.!
Numberless Friends were disowned for
being concerned in military matters, even
so far as to hire substitutes, and the young
men who enlisted themselves, " the offence
being so repugnant to Truth," were summa
rily denied.
Friends were advised by the meeting for
sufferings at Providence of 8th mo. 13th,
1776, to "enter deeply into themselves &
not implicitly follow the sentiments of
others, but see that their proceedings therein
are in the liberty of the Truth." ^ This is
in relation to the act called the Test Act,
passed by the General Assembly in June of
the same year. Suspected persons of ques-
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 55.
= Appendix, Minute of Meeting for Sufferings.

THE TEST ACT 203
tionable loyalty to the United Colonies
were required to subscribe to a declaration
that the war against Great Britain was
" just and necessary " and to promise to af
ford no assistance to the king's armies or
fleets, but hearty aid in the defense of the
United Colonies. A special clause pro
vides that " in case any person so sum
moned shall produce a certificate from the
Clerk of any Meeting of the Friends, that
he is in unity with that society, or shall
make the affirmation directed in an act en
titled 'An act for the relief of persons of
tender consciences, and for preventing their
being burthened with military duty,' he
shall be excused from subscribing to the
said declaration or test." !
The South Kingstown meeting accord
ingly took action and made the following
minute, nth month, 1776.
This meeting is informed that through
late Laws Friends are subjected to severe
penalties on certain Requifitions which
they may be releafed and excused from
by Producing a Certificate to the chief
Officers from our Clerk Setting forth that
they are members of the Religious So-
1 R. I. C. R., vol. vii. p. 568.

204 COLLEGE TOM
ciety called Quakers therefore the clerk
is directed to make and Sign Certificates
to our members applying for the same
where no diforder or irregularity doth ap
pear and every such applying member is
earnestly desired to Examine and see that
nothing be done out of the truth that our
Teftimony may be preferved pure and no
reproach brought upon friends.!
But though the meeting was so strong
in its testimony against war, it was very
pitiful for the suffering which followed in
its wake. It is the advice of this meeting that all
friends that has suffered or may hereafter
Suffer on ace' of milliterry Services send
the ace" and prices thereof in Value of s"!
Sufferings to the Clerk of this meeting
and for the Clerk to Transmit an ace' to
the meeting for Sufferings.^
Thomas Hazard, from the first, was a
member of this Meeting for Sufferings,* and
was present at every meeting for the first
two years, fifteen meetings in all, and very
1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 51.
2 Ibid.
2 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, 1776.

RELIEF OF SUFFERING 205
regularly throughout the troublous times.
Nor was Friends' concern confined to their
own society. Thomas Hazard was one of the
signers of the address sent to both General
Washington and General Howe. " As vis
iting the fatherlefs & the widows," it reads,
" and relieving the distrefsed by feeding the
hungry & clothing the naked, is the subject
of this addrefs we cannot doubt of thy atten
tion to our representation and request on
their behalf." It informs the generals that
the petitioners have been intrusted with a
considerable sum of money from Friends in
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and asks
leave to enter Boston to seek and relieve
sufferers. John Collins, T. Hazard, Moses
Farnum, I. Lawton, and Moses Brown are
the signers.! At the meeting for sufferings
of 2d month, 1776, T. Hazard, son of Rob
ert, and Moses Brown make report that the
committee have distributed the donation to
the late sufferers in Boston and Charlestown,
now dispersed through various towns which
are mentioned, " the n° of necefsitous fami
lies & single persons being 141, & the am't
distributed (at this time) ;^229, 4^ as p' ace'."
These two friends had the towns about
1 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records.

2o6 COLLEGE TOM
Washington's headquarters at Cambridge
assigned them as their district, and the
" great Bay Mare " never made a more im
portant journey. It was perhaps of this
journey that a charming story is told. Col
lege Tom, oppressed doubtless with a sense
of the difficulties of his task, and the sad
state of his country, mounted his horse and
rode down the lane followed by the loving
eyes of his wife, and the bright gaze of a
young relative. As he disappeared, the girl
turned to go in, when her aunt said, " Wait
a moment, he has forgotten something,"
and presently the clatter of the horse's
hoofs was heard returning. Up the lane
he rode, stooped and kissed his waiting
wife, and set off with good courage upon
his journey.
The war pressed close home, when it
came not only to Newport, but to the very
borders of Thomas Hazard's farm. On the
31st of 8th month, 1778, —
The preparative meeting of So. Kings
town informs this meeting y' the Old
Meeting House in s'' Town has been
lately occupied as a Hofpital for the sick
lately landed out of the French fleet and
greatly Damaged and likewife a pale and

DAMAGES BY WAR 207
board fence almost wholly Diftroyed.
Therefore Andrew Nichols Jr. and
Thomas Hazard of Rob' are appointed to
apply to the Barrak master (and Others
whose right and Bufinefs it is or may be)
requefting the reparation of s'' Houfe and
fences or adequate Damages therefor.!
The committee on damages soon —
. . . report that they Understood thirty
pounds only of the £^4 and upward which
the Damages done to s'^ House & Fences
about the Lott were Eftimated at were
allowed & that s'' thirty pounds was not
yet paid Therefore Thomas Hazard is
Defired to apply for the same.^
This experience in treating with French
officers fitted him to serve on the committee
of Friends at Newport in 1781, which was
instructed to wait upon the Commander-in-
Chief of the French Army, as the meeting
deems " it incumbent to uphold our Chris
tian testimony against our houses of worship
being used for purposes of war." The
French officers who were in possession of
the meeting-house treated the committee re
spectfully, " and according to afsurance then
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 109.
2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 113.

208 COLLEGE TOM
given caused the house to be cleared & in a
few days the key to be delivered up & the
house in our quiet pofefsion." !
In this year he was also on a committee
to draw up and sign a statement of what
" may be best to transmit to posterity " as to
the sufferings of friends for the Testimony
of the Society. This paper has not been
found, but it can hardly carry greater weight,
as to the principle involved, than the minute
recorded in College Tom's own hand ex
pressing the sense of the South Kingstown
meeting : — 25th 6mo. 1 78 1.
This meeting being under a weighty
concern to maintain the several Branches
of Our Chriftian Teftimony and as that
against war or Contributing thereto is
One wherein wee at present are Tried
in a more Especial Manner Therefore
Tho' Hazard Tho' Wilbur Jn" Knowles
and Amos Collins are appointed to Vifit
Friends in their Families and to En
courage them to have an Ear open to
the Voice of Truth in their Own Hearts
& to attend to its Inftruction regarding
Every Tender Scroople not Only respect-
1 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, 1781.

DEPREDA TIONS OF WAR 209
ing the Payment of such requisitions as
are or may be wholly for the Purpofes of
war ; But alfo where they may be mixed
And to be fully perfuaded that they move
therein Confiftant with the mind of
Truth believing that thofe who Doubt
and yet Pertake are Condemned. S''
committee are to make report as soon as
they conveniently can.!
The diary of Nailer Tom shows how
close home the trial pressed. May 8th,
1779 "Regulars landed in Point Judith"
is his laconic record. On the 21st of the
same month " The Regulars landed last
night and carried off negroes," he says. A
week later " the privateersmen took the
fish boats. I went to see them," he adds.
The next month, June 2d, while he " held
harrow for Cousin Hazard," and " Planted
our beans," " Chaddock was taken in his
fish boat by the Privateersmen." A few
days later " The Regulars landed and took
Samuel Congdon " and " burnt two houses
last night." All this happened in the early
days of June; on the 12th there was "an
alarm in the night." ^ But in spite of it
1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 273.
'^ Narr. Hist. Registei; vol. i. No. i, pp. 39-40.

2IO COLLEGE TOM
all the daily life went on, and Nailer Tom
hoed corn and made stone wall for Cousin
Hazard. Cousin Hazard is an important
figure in his diary. He helps him make hay,
bring home his wheat and rye ; " Cousin
Hazards bees swarmed and flew away into
Knowles' garden " ! is a fact important
enough to make the item of a day. He
lodges and dines with Cousin Hazard, and
records the visitors there. " The three
Suseys," Susey Hazard, Susey Champlin,
and another cousin "staid at cousin Haz
ard's." " Tommy and Nancy " came to the
old home, " Tommy," the second son, who
is called so by all his contemporaries, hav
ing married Anna Rodman, June 6, 1780.
He was the first son to leave home, going
" into the verge of Greenwich meeting,"
the records declare, and then to New Bed
ford, the home of his charming wife, where
he became a whaling merchant, and finally
to New York. Robert, the eldest son,
went to Vermont about 1 790, apparently ;
as late as 1794, Thomas Hazard, Jr., writ
ing to his daughter Sarah, who is visiting
her grandparents at Tower Hill, says that
" thy grandfather's journey into Vermont I
^ Narr. Hist. Register, vol. i.. No. 4, p. 283.

OLD MEE TING-HO USE DESTRO YED 2 1 1
fear will be too much for him at this ad
vanced time of life." ! The third son, Row
land, applied to the monthly meeting, in
1790, for a certificate, as he was going to
Charleston, South Carolina, on " outward
bufinefs and has the profpect of Rifiding
there for a time." ^ So Thomas Hazard's
house was left desolate. In this same year
also the meeting is informed that the " old
Meeting Houfe is demolished by fire," and
that Friends " now have no settled place
to meet in."^ College Tom was immedi
ately put upon the committee " to Confider
of a Size Suitable to build a meetinghous
where the old hous was ; " but it seems an
epitome of the shattered life of the country
side, so desolated by war that the very
meeting was rendered homeless for the
time. But brighter days came to the farm with
the coming of the sweet daughter-in-law,
after whom Peace Dale is named. She
came to Narragansett as the bride of Row
land Hazard during the summer of 1794,
and was greeted by the large family con-
1 Extracts froTn The Journal of Sarah Howland, com
piled by Howland Pell, p. 84.
2 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. iii. p. 22. » Ibid., vol. iii. p. 8.

212 COLLEGE TOM
nection with great cordiality. The few who
remember her speak of her with great
enthusiasm as a most sensible and delight
ful woman. Thomas Hazard, Jr., writing to
his young daughter at Tower Hill, quaintly
expresses his admiration. " I fully rely,"
he writes, " on thy attention to the advice
& council of thy grandmother and aunt
whose refined experience will be improving
to thee." !
The long life of College Tom was now
drawing to a close. He had lived to see
great changes. Born in an almost patri
archal state of society, surrounded with
slaves, with many relatives as his com
panions, with many acres under cultivation
by his father, and the colonists loyal sub
jects of the king, he now saw the great
farms divided, the country impoverished,
and launched on its independent career,
and, what he most cared for, the Society of
Friends in Rhode Island owning not a slave
among its members, and using all the force
of its example as well as its preaching
to exterminate the slave trade. His long
efforts had borne fruit. In his latter years,
Thomas R. Hazard says he used himself as
1 Extracts fromThe Journal of Sarah Howland, p. 85.

CHANGES IN NARRA GANSETT 2 1 3
an example of the deceitfulness of the human
heart. It was a point of doctrine he had
always sought to inculcate in his preaching,
but he at last discovered, he said, "that
he himself had ruled South Kingstown
monthly meeting forty years, in his own
will, before he found it out ! " !
As Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers
appeared in the very early part of our
narrative, Jemima Wilkinson appears in
these last years. She had her following on
Kingston Hill, the Little Rest which under
her despotic sway must have literally
deserved its name. Husbands were parted
from wives, and children from parents.
She attempted to raise the dead ; the Uni
versal Friend became the author of discord.
In 1784, the year which saw the culmina
tion of so many of Thomas Hazard's hopes,
she left Narragansett for her " New Jerusa
lem " in the Genesee Country.^ What
Thomas Hazard thought of these proceed
ings we do not know. It is another in
stance of the individualism which marked
the Narragansett Country that the proph
etess flourished in it so long.
1 T. R. Hazard, Recollection of Olden Times, -p. 108.
2 Updike, p. 233.

214 COLLEGE TOM
But New Lights, and Ranters, and wars,
and demolitions by fire, began to lose their
interest to the old man so touchingly de
scribed by his daughter-in-law.
MARY peace hazard TO ROWLAND HAZARD.
South Kingstown, Oct. 17, 1796.
As to thy father or mother taking
charge of it (the farm) it is impossible for
thy father seems to notice nothing. He
is no more than a child. I do not think
he can live much longer. He goes to
meeting of a first day but the only way
he knows when it comes is by having a
clean shirt given him to put on. He
does not go on fifth days because he
does not know when it comes. He has
at present, I believe, gotten a bad cold
for his back is so lame he cannot turn
himself in bed. He has been so for three
or four days. Thy mother is also very
poorly. There is scarcely ever a day but
she is obliged to lie down three or four
times. She has been the same way all
the spring and summer. She has got a
complaint I hardly think she will get rid
of. Dr. Easton has been to see her
several times but he does not do her any

RECORD OF DEATH 215
good. He has been over here on account
of a lawsuit he has with Tommy Hazard
the blacksmith and stayed here night
before last. Thy mother talked with him
about herself. He has promised to send
her some medicine over by the first oppor
tunity but he does not seem to have
much faith in it himself. He told her she
might depend upon it that if it did her no
good it would do her no harm.
There were still two years which College
Tom had to live, and it is almost a relief
to find the entry in the Friends Meeting
Records, —
Thomas Hazard Son of Robert and
Sarah Hazard Departed this Life the
26"* of 8"" M° 1798 about 8 o'clock in
the Evening and was buried the 28"" of
the Same Who Was in the 78"' year of
his age!
That is all ; there is no word of eulogy,
no mention of his long and faithful service,
no statement even of the meeting for his
funeral, or the place of his burial. Tradition
says that his grave was made in the burial
* S. K. M. M. Records of Births, Marriages, and Deaths.
" Old Book," p. 27.

2l6 COLLEGE TOM
ground of the old Meeting-house he loved,
but the life that he lived, a life full of the
faithful performance of the daily duty, full
of high and strenuous endeavor for all right
thinking and noble living, the life which
served his own day so well, has left its im
press upon succeeding generations.

APPENDIX.

SELECTIONS FROM COLLEGE TOM'S
PAPERS.1698-1795.
I. Mr. Samuell Sewall's Deed.
{Parchment, twenty-six inches by thirteen)
This Indenture made the Twenty Eighth day of
Aprill Anno Dom' One thousand Six hundred Ninety
and Eight And in the Tenth Yeare of the Reigne of
our Sovereigne Lord King William the Third over
England &c*. Between Samuell Sewall of Boston
in the County of Suffolke within his Maj''«= Province
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England Esqr
and Hannah his wife of the one part, and Thomas
Hazard of Boston Neck in the Kings Province or
Narragansett Country in New England aforesaid Yeo
man on the other part Wittnesseth that the said
Samuell Sewall and Hannah his said wife for and in
Consideraton of the Summe of Seaven Hundred
Pounds Current money of New England to them in
hand paid and Secured in the Law to be paid att and

2l8 APPENDIX
before the Ensealeing and delivery of these presents
by the said Thomas Hazard, wherewith they acknow
ledge themselves to be fully Satisfied and contented.
And therefore they the said Samuell Sewall and Han
nah his said wife Have given granted bargained Sold
aliened enfeoffed conveyed and confirmed, and by
these presents for themselves and their heires Doe
ffully freely cleerly and absolutely give grant bar-
gaine Sell aliene enfeoffe convey and confirme unto
the said Thomas Hazard his heires and assignes for
ever Three Hundred Acres of Land of their ffarme
Scittuate lying and being in the Pettaquamscot Pur
chase in the Narragansett Country aforeP which Rob
ert Hannah Lately occupied ; which said three Hun
dred Acres of Land is butted and bounded Southwest
upon Land of Jahleel Brenton, Northeaft by Samuel
Wilfons Land and Northweft by Land of the said
Sewall Viz* the remaining Two hundred acres of faid
ffarme reserved to him said Sewall thereont next Sac-
atuckett River. Alfo all their Shares right and Jnter-
eft of and in the Lands on y= Neck called and knowne
by the name of Little Point Judith Neck. Also
all that their Lott of Land containing by Eftimacon
Six hundred Acres be the fame more or lefs lying in
the Narragansett Country aforef'^ by the seaside there,
being the Lott N° 2 and is bounded Westward by the
Lott of Thomas Mumford, and Eastward by the Lott
of Benedict Arnold or however otherwise the premis
ses are bounded or reputed to be bounded. Together
with all and Singular the profitts priviledges wayes
Easements rights Libertyes advantages benefits comod-
ities heredita™'s emoluments and appurtenanses what
soever to the said granted and bargained premifses

APPENDIX 219
and to every part and parcel thereof belonging or in
any wise appertaining or therewith now or heretofore
used occupyed or enjoyed. And the revercon and
revercons remainder and remainders rents ifsues and
profitts thereof. And alfo all the Eftate right title
Intereft inheritance use pofsefsion Dower thirds prop
erty claims and demand whatsoev'' of them the faid
Samuell Sewall and Hannah his said wife and of
either of them of in and to the Same and every part
thereof To Have and to Hold all the above and be
fore mentioned granted and bargained premisses with
th' appurtenances and every part and parcel thereof
unto the said Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes
forever. To his and their owne Sole and proper ufe
benefitt and behoof from henceforth and forever
more. And the faid Samuel Sewall and Hannah his
said wife, and their heires, all and Singular the before
hereby granted and bargained premisses and every
part and parcel thereof with th' appurtenances unto
the said Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes,
againft them the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah his
said wife their heires and afsignes, and every of them,
and againft all and every person and persons claime-
ing by from or under them or any of them Shall and
will warrant uphold and forever defend by these pres
ents. And the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah his
said wife for themfelves their heires Executo'^s and
Administratores hereby covenant promife grant and
agree to and with the f'^ Thomas Hazard his heires
and afsignes in manner following That is to Say
That he the faid Thomas Hazard his heires and af
signes and every of them Shall and may by force and
virtue of these presents from henceforth and forever

220 APPENDIX
hereafter Lawfully freely peaceably and quietly have
hold use occupy pofsefsn and enjoy all and Singular
the abovegranted and bargained premifses with th' ap
purtenances and every part and parcel thereof : and all
and every the rents ifsues and profitts thereof, without
any manner of Lett Suite trouble vexation eviction
disturbance hindrance or moleftation whatsoev'' of the
i^ Samuel Sewall and Hannah his s"^ wife their heires
or afsignes or of any other person or persons what
soev'', any thing haveing or Lawfully claimeing in the
said premifses or any part thereof from by or under
them or any of them. Free and cleere and cleerly
acquitted exonareted and discharged of and from all
and all manner of former and other gifts grants bar-
gaines Sales Leases releases mortgages Joyntures
dowers Judgements Executions entailes fines forfeit
ures Seizures amerciaments and of and from all other
titles troubles charges and Incumbrances whatsoever
had made committed done or Suffered to be done or
to be had made comitted done or Suffred to be done
by the said Samuel Sewall and Hannah his said wife
or either of them their or either of their heires or af
signes or any others by their or any of their meanes
act consent privity or procurement att any time or
times before or after the enfealeing hereof In Witt-
NEfsE whereof the said Samuel Sewall and Hannah
his s<^ wife party to thefe prefents have hereunto Sett
their hands and Seales the day and yeare firft above-
written.
Sam Sewall Hannah Sewall
(Two seals.)

APPENDIX 22 1

Endorsement on back.

Rec^ the day and yeare firft within written of the
within named Thomas Hazard the Summe of ffive
hundred Pounds Current money of New England in
part pay™' of the purchase consideracon within men-
coned, and taken his bond or obligacon for the other
Two hundred pounds.
Sam Sewall.
Signed Sealed and Deli""* in prefence of us
William Longfellow
Joseph GARifn
Boston Aprill 28* 1698
The within named Samuell Sewall Efq'' and Han
nah his wife perfonally appeareing before me the Sub-
fcriber one of the members of his Maj''^^ Council for
the province of the Mafsachusetts Bay in New Eng
land & Justice of Peace in the Same Acknowledged
this Instru™' to be their ffree and voluntary act &
deed. John Walley
Memorandum that on the fowrth day of May : Anno
Dom' 1698 Full quiet and peaceable pofsefsion of all
and every y= Lands within mentioned to be granted
was Taken and Had by Thomas Mumford of Poynt
Judith in the Naragansett Country Yeoman the At-
torny of the within named Samuell Sewall and Hannah
his wife by force and virtue of a Letter of attorney to
the f"* Thomas Mumford in that behalf by them made
beareing date y* 28* day of April 1698. For and in

222 APPENDIX
behalf of the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah Sewall.
And was afterwards by the Same authority for and in
their name delivered by the P Thomas Mumford unto
the within named Thomas Hazzard. To hold to him
the f"* Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes accord
ing to Y forme & Effect of the within written deed.
In prefence of those whofe names are hereunto fub-
fcribed. Joseph Hull
Nathanael Niles
The mark of X Robert
NiCOL
All the within and before Written Inftruments are
Recorded orderly In the 19. 20 & 21 pages of the
Second Booke of Land Evidences belonging to Kings
town N°. 3 Aprill the 8th 17 14.
Y\ Sam'-'- Fones Town Clerke
Endorsed on the back,
M' Samuell Sewall's deed.

II. Receipt for Rent from Mr. Brenton.
Newport June the 6'*' 1702 then received of M'
Thomas Hazard Six pounds current money of New
England, it being in full for four Years Rent of a lott of
Land in the Little neck in Pettaquamfcut from Lady
Day 1698 to Lady Day 1702. Pn me Jahleel Brenton.

APPENDIX 223

III. Letter from Judge Sewall to Thomas
Hazard.
{Paper written on two sides of a double sheet)
Boston Feby 21 1689.
Maj?. Walley
Sir, I have rec'd a letter from the Pettaquamscot
Purchasers earnestly soliciting me either to meet them
myself at Pettaquamscot, or Newport, or else to im-
power some body in my Stead to give them a Meeting
for the further settlement & Division of our Lands ;
that so there may be a bar laid in the way of those
who are ready enough to take the advantage in this
time of so much Lawlefs Liberty, to intrude themselves
into the Pofsefsions & Lands of others, to the exclu-
fion of the RightfuU Owners. My Circumftances are
such that I cannot attend it myself, and I Intreat you
to pardon my freedom with you in defiring you to
undertake so troublesome a piece of Service for me.
Necefsity in a great meafure puts me upon it, not
knowing whom to impower : and the concern is not to
be slighted wherefore I hope you will deny yourself so
far as to engage in it. I presume they have by them
a Copy of their Letter to me, which will give you an
account of the businefs. I would intreat you in all
respects to act in my behalf as you would do for your
self were the Case your own as it is mine. Tis like
they may not speak of dividing Point Judith Neck.
If they find it necefsary, I have the Right of two
elevenths at leaft, if not more ; and in the Little Neck
by the outlet had more -en [then ?] half, if not all ; till I
sold one Share to my Tenant Rob* Hannah whom in
treat you to Salute and encourage in my Name when

224 APPENDIX
you see him. He is Son in Law to Mr Wilson one of
the purchasers. &c &c.
Mr. Thomas Hazard, What is above written, and
that on the foregoing fide, is a true extract copyed
out of my Letter to Major John Walley deceafed, when
he dwel'd at Briftol ; as it ftands enterd in my Booke
of Letters. I am
I have fent you Sir, your friend & Serv'
one of my Leafes Samuel Sewall.
to Robert Hannah.
Bofton ; Nov. s'.h
1716.
(Addressed) For Mr. Thomas Hazard
At Kingston Narraganfet
IV. Opinion of the King's Attorney General
IN Regard to a Quaker Governor.
{Written on three sides of a double sheet)
Cafe The Colony of Rhode Island by Virtue of their
Charter granted them by King Charles Anno 1663
Annually Elects their own Govern^ & Inferior Officers
both Civil & Military.
Qu'. Whither One of the People called Quakers
upon being chosen Govern"^ of the said Colony is
Oblidged to take a Solemn Oath to the Acts of Trade
considering our Charter and the Indulgence granted
them by Act of Parliament in Respect to Oaths And
whither a Solemn Engagement upon an Affirmation is
not Sufficient in that Cafe.

APPENDIX 225
I Have Perufed & Confidered that Clause in the
Charter which Relates to the Election of a Governour
and likewife that Clause which Directs that before his
Entry upon his Office he shall give a Solemn Engage
ment by Oath or Otherwife for the due and faithful!
Performance of his Duty.
I Have likewife read over the Opinion of M"'. Auch-
muty which was left along with this And am of Opin
ion that a Quaker if duly elected Governour may act as
Such without being Oblidged to take any Oath whatfo-
ever. The Solemn Engagement which he is to Oblidged to
enter into by the Charter may be by Oath or Other-
wife And instead of the Abjuration Oath and the
Oath of allegiance and Supremicy There are Cer
tain forms of Affirmation or Declaration prefcribed
by the Stat. 8 G. j. to be taken by Quakers in lieu
thereof. As to the Oath directed to be taken by the Govern-
ours of English Plantations by the Stat. 7 & 8 W & 8
& 9 W for the Obfervance of the Several Acts relating
to the faid Plantations I am of Opinion upon Confid-
eration of the Several Acts made in favour of Quakers
That if a Quaker Governour Solemnly Affirms in the
form Prefcribed by act of Parliament That he will Ob
serve the Several Acts relating to the English Planta
tions ; Such Affirmation will be deemed a sufficient
Complyance in him to the faid Two Acts 7 & 8 W & 8
& 9 W And will exempt him from the Penalties of
thefe acts. J WiLLES Augs' 26* 1734
A True Copy Exam per J Lyndon Cler

226 APPENDIX
London 6i»o- the 27th 1734.
Govern'' Wanton
This Serves to Inclofe the Kings Attorney
Generals Opinion Upon the Cafe relating to a Gov'-
of your Colony that may be one of the People called
Quakers which Opinion I think is Entirely with us I
am in great Hopes and expectation That the next
Letter will bring me the Agreeable Advife of what I
requested of the Colony respecting the Augmentation
of my Salary which I really deferve confidering the
Paines I take to Serve the Colony with faithfullnefs
who Am Thy afsured Friend. R". Patridge
We have no Warr yet
30'h D°- Pray Acquaint my Friends Goulding
Wanton & Coddington I have this Day rec"^ the Gold
Dust per Wimple, and in my Next fhall advife them of
it and what Price I sell it for and that I have got;^2oo
Insur'd on the Guns per Roufe Potter R. P.
A True Copy
Exam per J. Lyndon Cler.
V. Attestation of Thomas Foxcroft and Charles
Chauncy.
{Paper written on three sides of a double sheet.)
We the Subfcribers, Teaching Elders or Pastors of
the first gathered (com.'y called the Old) Church in
Boston New England being desired to give our
Attestation to what we know of Mefs.''^ W"' Brenton,
John Hull dv Samuel Wilbore ancient Members of
Our said Church and whose Names are mention'd
among the Petaquamfcut Purchases.

APPENDIX 227
This is to Certifie all whom it may Concern
That in the said Churche's Book of Records in
Folio (carefully preserved) We find the following
entries made fairly written At the head of Page 4'''
Stand these words '¦'¦Members admited into Boston
Church " — and underneath the body of said Page is
written "In the 8'^ Month 1633 William Brenton"
with others. In the next page we find this Entry
'¦^Members further Admited upon the \^* of the \o*'^
Month 1633 Samuel Willbore &c And in the 26''^
page still under the head of Members admitted in
this Entry " The x^th jjay of the 9,'^ Month 1648 (by
Elder Oliver) John Hull the son of our Brother Robert
Hull" &LC.
That Our said Church was from the beginning
(Anno 1630) accounted One of the Strictest Con-
gregationall Churches in all New England : That the
Ancient Custom of the said Church has been to ad
mit her Adult Male Members (i) By an Examination
of them per the Elders both as to their Doctrinall
Faith and Experimental Piety &c (2) by their being
openly propounded by the Elders sometime before
hand in the Publick Assembly : (3) By their Exhibit
ing a Relation of their said faith & Experience to the
Church in Publick : (4) By the Vote of the Brethren
of the Church in publick : & (5) By a Publick entring
into an Exprefs & Solemn Covenant with God and with
the Church ; according to the known ancient & usual
Practice of Churches Congregationall.
That our said Church was wont from the beginning
to Exercise a strict watch and Discipline over her Mem
bers : that her Ancient Records Report to us Numerous
Instances of Church Censures both of Excommuni
cation & Admonition pafsd upon her faulty Members

228 APPENDIX
together with the Faults perticularly Specified But of
the above mentioned Brenton Hull d^' Wilbore we find
no Censure or fault mentioned throughout the Records
Indeed whereas the said Brenton &• Wilbore with
divers others of the Members of Our Church (as
't is reported ) did about the Year 1638 Remove to
a Place then Called Aquethnick the same which is
now Called Rhode Island We find an Entry made in
Our said Book of Records (page 12) in the following
words " The 16"" Day of the 12"^ Month 1639 Our Breth
ren M^ William Hibbon Captaine Edward Gibon d^'
M^ yohn Oliver were Chosen &' Delegated by the
Church to go to the Island of Aquethnicke to enquire of
the State of Matters amongst our Brethren there and to
require some satisfactory Answer about such things as
appear to be Offensive amongst them." Which Records
Show both the covenanted Memberfhip of the Aqueth
nick Brethren with the said Church and the Church's
Brotherly Affection and Concern for them upon the
Rumor of Offensive things among them but no men
tion do we find in the Records of any fault of the said
Brethren either before or after ; nor of any Dealing
with them. And as for the said M" Hull it is well
known he Continued with Our Church till the Year
1669 when he became one of the Founders or first Con
stituents of the 3"* gather'd Congregationall Church
in Boston commonly Called the South Church. This
Gentleman was the Treasurer & a Magistrate of the
Mafsachusets Colony, chosen in those times by the
Freemen of the Colony and Maintain'd the Character
both of a Congregational Man and a ftrictly Pious
Christian to the Day of his Death Octob"' 1683 Which
was before there appear'd any Afsembly of Church

APPENDIX 229
of England People in all this Country : the first, and
that a very small one, being set up at Boston about
three Years after the said M" HulTs Decease.
The late Reverend M^ Willard then Pastor of the
said South Church, embalm'd his Memory in An
Excellent Funeral Sermon in Print ; wherein he Ob
serves, " This Church hath lost an Honovrable Mem
ber" &c And having given him a High & Just
Character one Article of which is " The Honourable
Respect he bore to God's Holy Ordinances by Deligently
attending upon them " &c. He Closes his Commen
dation of M'' Hull with this Remarkable Exprefsion
among others ; " His Constancy in all these, while
Times have Changed — will fpeak the Sincerity of his
Profefsion "
Boston N E Thomas Foxcroft
Jan'' 29 1735 Charles Chauncy
Nova Anglia I Joseph Marion Notary & Tabellion
Publick Dwelling in Boston in New England by
Royall Authority Duly admitted & sworn do hereby
Certifie all whom it may Concern. That the Rev
erend Mefs"'^ Thomas Foxcroft & Charles Chauncy
above Named are Pastors of the first gather'd (Com
monly called the Old) Church in Boston New Eng
land who have Signed the foregoing Certificate by
whom Certificates of the like Nature are usually made
out and attested and accordingly full Faith &
Credit is and ought to be given to such the Attes
tation both in Judgment Court & without and I
further Certifie that the said Mefs'^ Foxcroft &
Chauncey signed the said Certificate in Presence of
me the said Notary Thus Done at Boston in New
England this 29 Day of January A D One Thousand

230 APPENDIX
Seven hundred & Thirty five Anno R'' R'^' Georgij
Secundi Magnas Britanniae Nono
Quod attestor manu Sigilloq'= Ofificij
Rogatus Jos Marion Not'^ Pub'^''^
1735
VI. Will of Thomas Hazard.
(Six Sheets of Manuscript, acknowledgment and appeal
on the seventh^
I Thomas Hazard of South Kingstown in the Col
ony of Rhode Island &c Yeoman being Ancient and
unwell but of Sound mind and Memory thanks be
given unto God, Do therefore make my Laft Will
and Teftament and as touching Such Worldly Eftate
Wherewith it hath pleafed God to blefs me in this Life
I give Devife and Difpofe of the Same in the follow
ing manner and form
Imprimis My Will is That all my Juft Debts and
funerall Charges be paid and Difcharged in Some
Convenient time after my Deceafe by my Executor
hereafter Named Out of my perfonale Eftate
Item I give and bequeath unto my beloved Sons,
Viz, Jeremiah Hazard, George Hazard, Benjamin
Hazard, and Jonathan Hazard, the sum of Twenty
Shillings Currant Money, to be Equally, Divided
amongft them that is to Say five Shillings Each to
them their Heirs and Aflignes for Ever, they haveing
all and Each of them Receiv'd their portions Allready,
To be paid in Old Tenor So Called,
Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand-
fon Fones Hazard One piece or tract of Land Scituate
Lying and being in S^- South Kingstown on the back
Side of the Pond, So Called, and is part of a tract of

APPENDIX 231
Land I purchafed of Samuel Sewell Late of Bofton
Deceafed Containing Two Hundred and Sixty Acres
or thereabouts, and is bounded Northerly by Land of
Said Fones Hazard Eafterly by Land of John Potter
Southerly by the Sea and Wefterly by Land of Job
Cord, I alfo give and Bequeath unto my Said Grand
son Fones Hazard Two Other pieces of Land Scituate
Lying and being in Said South Kingstown the Biggeft
piece Containing About One Hundred and Seventeen
Acres, More or Lefs, Bounded partly on Land of
James Perry and partly on Land of John Seagars,
Eafterly on Land of George Babcock, and Southerly
on a High Way, and Wefterly on S'^ Perry the Other
Piece of Land Scituate Lying and being in Said South
Kingstown Containing About Thirty Seven Acres,
bounded by Land of Said Perry Northerly, and Eaft
erly by Land of John Seagars. Southerly on the
Other piece Laft Mentioned and Wefterly on Land of
Said Perry all Which three tracts of Land, I give and
Bequeath unto my Said Grandfon Fones Hazard to
him and his Heirs for Ever and my Will is That if my
Said Grandfon Fones Hazard Should Dye Leaving no
Lawfull Iffue, that then the Said three tracts of Land,
Shall return unto my four Sons Viz Robert Hazard
George Hazard Benjamin Hazard and Jonathan Haz
ard and Shall be Equally Divided Amongft my Said
four Sons, and return to them their Heirs and Affigns
for Ever, And further my Will is that if my Said
Grandson Fones Hazard Should Leave any Lawfull
Iffue When he Dyeth and his Iffue Should Dye
before they Arrive at Lawfull Age of Twenty One
Years and have no Lawfull Iffue, that then and in
that Case the three pieces or tracts of Land hereby
given and Bequeathed unto my S'*- Grandson Shall

232 APPENDIX
for Want of Such Iffue, the Same Shall return unto
my Said four Sons, as Above faid to them their Heirs
and Aflignes for Ever
Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved
Daughter Hannah Eafton the Sum of five Shillings
Currant Money Old Tenor, to her, her Heirs and
Affignes for ever She haveing Received her portion
Already to be paid by my Executor hereafter Named,
Item I give and Bequeath unto my two beloved
Grand Daughters Merrian Hazard and Hannah Eaf
ton Children of my Daughter Mary Eafton Late of
Newport Deceafed the Sum, of One Hundred pounds
Currant Money Old Tenor, to Each of them my Said
Grand Daughters to be paid them by my Executor
hereafter Named in ten Years After my Difceafe, but
if it Should happen that Either of my Said Grand
Daughters Should Dye before the Expiration of S<*
Ten Years, in that Cafe my Will is, that the Survivor
of them Shall have the Whole of Said Two Hundred
pounds at the time Abovef"* but if it Should happen
that both my S"* Grand Daughters Should Dye before
the Expiration of Said Term and Leave no Lawfull
Iffue in that Cafe the Said Legacy Shall be Void and
Ceafe, but if Otherwife then to be to them their Heirs
and Affignes for Ever
Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand
Daughter Mary Hazard, and to her heirs and Affignes
for Ever the Sum of fifty pounds Currant Money Old
Tenor, to be paid in ten Years After my Difceafe by
my Executor hereafter Named
Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand
Daughter Sufannah Gardner and to the Heirs of her
Body, the Sum of fifty pounds Currant Money Old
Tenor to be paid by my Executor here after Named,

APPENDIX 233
in ten Years After my Difceafe, and to be Equally
Divided Amongft her Heirs After her
Item I give and Bequeath unto the Children of my
Grand Daughter Ruth Underwood Deceafed the Sum
of fifty pounds Currant Money, Old Tenor, to be
Equally Divided Amongft them and paid by my Ex
ecutor hereafter Named in Ten Years Affter my
Deceafe, and to be to them their Heirs and Affignes
for Ever
Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Daugh
ter Sarah Eafton The Sum of Two Hundred pounds
Currant Money, Old Tenor, to be paid to her, by my
Executor hereafter Named in ten Years After my
Deceafe But Notwithftanding What is Abovefaid My
Will is That if my Said Daughter Sarah Eafton
Should have Occaffion of any part of Said Two Hun
dred pounds before the Expiration of the Said Term
of ten Years after my Deceafe that then and in that
Cafe my Executor Shall pay to her any part of Said
Two Hundred pounds as her Neceflities may re
quire at the Difcretion of my Executor and if it
Should happen, that She my Said Daughter, Should
Depart this Life before the Expiration of Said
Ten Years, that then my Said Executor Shall pay
unto her two Sons, James and John Eafton, the Said
Two Hundred pounds to them or to their Heirs, or
so much of it as may Remaine Over and Above of
What She hath Received of the Said Two Hundred
pounds Item I give and Bequeath unto the Children of my
Grand Daughter Sarah Gardner Which She had by
Ichabod Potter Dec^, the Sum of fifty pounds Currant
Money Old Tenor, to be Equally Divided Amongft
them and to their Heirs and Aflignes for Ever to

234 APPENDIX
be paid by my Executor in ten Years After my
Deceafe. Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Son
Robert Hazard the Sum of five Shillings Currant
Money, Old Tenor, I alfo give unto my Said Son
Robert Hazard All the Remaining part Remainder
and Refidue of my Estate of What Kind Nature or
Quality Soever Not before given Away by this prefent
Will, Whom I alfo Conftitute Make and Ordaine and
Appoint my Said Son Robert Hazard my Whole and
Sole Executor of this my Laft Will and Teftament
And I do hereby Revoke and Diffannull all and Every
Will or Wills heretofore made by me, Rattifying and
Allowing this and no Other to be my Laft Will
and Teftament, In Witnefs Whereof I have hereunto
Sett my Hand and Seal this Twelfth Day of Novem
ber Annoque Dom, One thoufand Seven Hundred
and forty Six 1746
The Mark of Thomas T Hazard (Seal.)
Sign'd Seal'd Publifh'd pronou'ced and Declared
by the Said Thomas Hazard to be his Laft Will and
Teftament in prefence of us the Subfcribers,
John HANofoN Jur
Abigail HANofoN
John HANDfoN
South Kingstown November 27"' A. D. 1746
PERfoNALLY appeared before the Town Council of
said South Kingstown John Handfon Jun'- Abigail
Handfon and John Handfon, Witnefses to the afore
going Inftrument, And on their Solemn Engagements
declared. That they saw Thomas Hazard late of
South Kingstown deceased. Sign, Seal, and Declare
the said aforegoing Inftrument to be his laft Will

APPENDIX 23 s
and Teftament And that in his prefence they set
their Hands as Witnefses thereunto. And that the
said Teftator was in his perfect Mind and Memory
at the fame time The said laft Will and Teftament
being thus proved it is approved by the s"*- Town
Council. Per order of the Town Council
Benj=»- Peckcom Jun'- Cler. of the
Council for the day.
From which Judgment, Benjamin Hazard of South
Kingstown in behalf of Benjamin Hazard of New
port in the County of Newport prays an Appeal unto
y« Governor & Council of the Colony of Rhode
Island which is granted, he the said Benjamin first
giving Bond to this Town Council to Profecute s^.
Appeal with effect Per order of the Town Council
Benj^"- Peckcom Jun'- Cler of
the Council for the day.
The above and aforegoing Instrument is Recorded
in the 181 : 182 : 183 : 184: 185 and 186 Pages of the
Book of Records belonging to the Town Council of
South Kingstown, &c. N°- 4 Jan'y- 9* day Annoque
Dom : 1746 By Th"- Hazard Cler. of the Concl :
opinion of the governor and council.
Endorsed " Copy Judgment {Gov^ Sr" Coicncit) on the
Appeal Hazzard' s vs Hafzard''
At a General Council of the English Colony of Rhode
Island & Providence Plantations in New England
held at Newport within and for said Colony on the
fourth Monday of August in the Twenty second

236 APPENDIX
Year of the Reign of his most sacred Majesty
George the Second by the Grace of God of Great
Britain France & Ireland King Defender of the
Faith &c.
Benjamin Hafzard of Newport in the County of
Newport Merchant and Thomas Haszard Jun' of South
Kingstown in the County of Kings County Yeoman
Appellant from the Judgment of the Town Council of
South Kingstown aforesaid held at said South Kings
town on the Twenty seventh Day of November in the
year 1746 Robert Hafzard of said South Kingstown
Yeoman Appellee By which Judgment a certain In
strument bearing Date the Twelfth Day of the same
Month called The Last Will and Testament of
Thomas Hafzard late of South Kingstown aforesaid
Yeoman deceased was proved and approved And
Now the Parties being heard by their Attorneys and
John Handson, John Handson Jun' and Abigail
Handson Wittnefses to the said Will declared on
their solemn Engagements that they saw the deceased
Thomas Hafzard sign seal and declare the said Will
to be his Last Will and Testament and that in his
Presence they set their Hands thereto as Witnefses
and that the said Testator was in his Perfect Mind
and Memory at the same Time On Consideration
whereof and the Arguments of the Attorney of each
Party This Council do confirm the Judgment appealed
from and it is hereby confirmed.
A true Copy exam^ by
Tho Ward Secv

APPENDIX 237
VII. A Copy of a Letter from Quebeck in
Canada, to a Pr — M  r in France, dated
October ii, 1747.
(Printed on three sides of a folio sheet.)
Great Sir,
Being refident for fome Years paft in this remote
Part of the World, and my chief Employ being to vifit
the feveral Nations of Indians, in order to eftablifh
them in the Catholic Religion, which makes them loyal
Subjects to his moft chriftian majefty our royal maf-
ter; and agreable to your Inftructions, great Sir, I
have taken Pains to fettle a Correfpondence with
fome of our Friends among the Enemy, who have
given me a large Account of the feveral Provinces,
Cities, Towns, and Villages, along the Sea Coaft,
from South-Carolina to New-Foundland ! A particular
Information would be incredible to you in France,
that in one Century fhould fpring out of a barren
Wildernefs, fuch a Number of fine large Cities, Towns,
and Villages, peopled in fo prodigious a Manner, as
to amount to many 100,000 Inhabitants; and their
Trade in Navigation is fo furprizingly large, that will
furmount your Belief, when I tell you. That their
Shipping large and fmall, is fo numerous as to amount
to feveral 1,000 Sail, that they even cover the Seas,
and carry on Trade to almoft all Parts of the World ;
and by the beft and moft authentic Accounts I have
received, the Privateers fitted out of North-America,
viz. Boston, Rhode-Island, New- York and the feveral
Sea Port Towns, did us more Damage this War, by
diftreffing our Trade, and taking our Treafures com
ing from our Sugar Plantations, than all the EngliJh
Men of War in the American Seas. The Privateers

238 APPENDIX
were fo numerous, and of fuch Force, from 20 to 30
Guns, that would block up our Harbours, and take a
Fleet of Ships at once, richly laden with Plantation
Produce, befides Silver and Gold in Abundance. The
Inhabitants of North-America have the Spirit and
Blood of our Oliver Cromwell ; they are of the Race
of Puritans that fled into New-England in The time of
Perfecution, and they maintain an implacable Hatred
againft the Romijh Religion ; and their refolution and
undaunted Courage is fuch that whatever they under
take by Sea or Land againft us, they profecute with
fuch violence, that we dread 1,000 of them, more than
5,000 hired Soldiers from Old England : Witnefs that
unparrallel'd Conqueft of our Cape-Breton ; such a
Fortrefs as we did not fear all the World ! But OU-
ver-\ike. They faid. They could take it, and they would
take it, and (to the Surprize and Wonder of all the
World) they did take it ! They are as bold as Lions,
and carry all before them ! Their Principles are fuch,
they have no Dread in Battle : They are taught they
fhall not die a-moment before their Time ; fo that if
10,000 Cannons are pointed at them, they regard it
not : They feem to be like the Ifraelites of Old 1000
will put 10,000 to Flight; and we believe in Canada,
if 20,000 Troops had come from Old-England, they
never would have taken that Fortrefs ; for you know,
great Sir, fuch an Armament never fits out of Eng
land, but great Part of the Officers are Scotch and
Irijh, and many of them of our Religion ; but that is
a Secret, and the major Part are feldom of any Reli
gion ; and as Money is what they are after, a fufiicient
Number of our Louis d' Ores will at any Time furnifh
them with a tolerable Excufe to raife a siege and with
draw. What a fine Joke did our young Hero put

APPENDIX 239
upon General Cope's Army in Scotland, by our taking
Care before Hand to have fome of our hearty Friends
in Office in that Army ; but the Fate of our Friends
in Scotland was, the Duke had a Number of New
Troops raifed by fome Proteftant Noblemen, who
filled up their Regiments with fuch Officers and Sol
diers, that was not in our Power to bribe, nor had we
Time to corrupt them ; that the Duke's Army was
like thofe New-England Puritans, who have their Re
ligion fo much at heart, that to deftroy our Holy Cath
olic Church is their Glory ; and I believe, better Sub
jects to a Proteftant Prince, is not to be found on the
Globe ; they feem to be united as one Man againft us,
except a Number of Scotch and IriJh that fled over to
New-England, that are of our Religion and fome
lately upon that fatal Battle at Culloden : and I under-
ftand fome of the latter were Officers in Prince
Charles' Army, and I truft our true Friends will pro
mote them ; and now, great Sir, I will firft inform
you of our prefent Circumftances in Canada, and then
the Reafon New-England fo furprizingly exceeds us
in Number of Men, Shipping, Trade Q^c. and then
a Method to weaken and impov'rifli them, and ad
vance ourfelves upon their Ruin. As to the inhabi
tants of Canada, our principal Men are Officers and
Factors ; the Officers are Spiritual and Military : We
of the fpiritual Order, you know, great Sir, will have
the Fat of the Land at Home or Abroad ; the Civil
and Military are yearly paid their feveral Salaries,
with Cafh fent from our Royal Mafter, with which
they make a confiderable Figure, the Planters and Arti
ficers are generally very poor, feldom having any
Money but when the Soldiers are paid off, and then
they get a few Livres, but are immediately obliged to

240 APPENDIX
go and pay it to the Factors, who trufted them for
fome coarfe Clothing, and the Factor fends the Cafh
to France again, in order for a new Supply of Goods ;
and the poor Creatures feldom handle a Livre more,
until the Soldiers are paid off again, and I am bold
to fay, all our little Farmers and Mechanics are not
able to build and fit out a Veffel of any Bignefs a for
eign Voyage. If they can own a Fifhing Shallop,
they are brave Fellows ! And were it not for the Na
tives, by our extraordinary Pains and Induftry, we
get and keep in our Intereft, we fhould be foon drove
out by thefe implacable Oliverians. But I muft now
inform you, the true Reafon our Enemies on the Sea
Coaft, fo abundantly furmounts us in Men, Shipping,
Trade, &!^c. as our Friends inform me : They fay.
When thofe Puritans firft came over to New-England,
they were distreffed, as we now are, for want of
Money, and could not fit out a Ship nor Veffel no
better than our Poor ; but as Neceffity is the Mother
of Invention, they got into a Method of making Paper
Money, and it foon obtain'd a Currency, fo that in a
little Time, the feveral Provinces got into the Prac
tice, and furnifhed the Inhabitants with large Sums,
at an eafy Lay, that in a Ihort Time they were enabled
to tear up Trees by the Roots, and to fplit the Rocks
in Pieces, clear their Land, Fence it in, plough, fow,
reap and mow, build Houfes, Ships, and Veffels of all
forts, load them with Mafts, Spars, Boards, Staves,
Oyl, Bone, Filh, Tar, Turpentine, Iron, Beef, Pork,
Butter, Cheefe, Wheat, Flour, Rice, Tobacco, Skins,
Furs, (s^c. So that in half a Century they covered
the Seas with Ships and Veffels, and fent them to for
eign Markets, and in Return, over and above what
Produce they wanted, they bought vaft Quantities of

APPENDIX 241
Gold and Silver, and fent that Home to their Mother
Country to pay for what Neceffaries they wanted, hav
ing no use for the fame, fo long as Paper Currency
anfwers for a Medium of Trade. The making Paper
Money I am told has been of fuch general Advantage,
that they fend Home in hard Cafh, many ;^ioo,ooo
per Anmcm and there are very few poor amongft them.
The Farmers and Tradefmen of all forts, are jointly
concerned with the Merchant in building and fitting
out Ships and Veffels, and concerned in owning and
fitting out Privateers this War, fo that we need not
wonder the Seas were fo full of them out of North-
America, when all the Inhabitants of all Ranks and
Degrees are unanimoufly agreed to ferve their King
and Country, and diftrefs us, and all by the Help of
that pernicious Paper Money, that makes them rich
and powerful, able to do Wonders by Sea and Land.
I am told, the fmall petty Colony of Rhode Island, has
200 Sail of Veffels belonging to it, and had above 20
Sail of Privateers of large Force this War; and if the
Governments are fuffered to go on making Paper
Money, they will drive us out of this Part of the
World, without ony Help from their Mother Country.
And I muft tell you, great Sir, if Half the Force that
took Cape-Breton had come directly to Quebeck, we
fhould have furrend'red, for our chief Concern was
about packing up our Alls and vamping off, having a
Rumour of their coming ; and we dreaded thefe Puri
tans, knowing there were none of our Religion amongft
them; and they were not to be bribed with louis
d'Ores, as the European Officers often are: But the
Scheme I propofe, great Sir, is, I have certain Infor
mation, That great Numbers of the rich Merchants
have a Defire to have a final Stop Put to Paper

242 APPENDIX
Money, by Reafon the Planters and Mechanics run fo
much into Trade and Navigation, that they cannot
endure their fellow Functioners fliould grow rich by
the fame Advantage as they got their Eftates by.
It feems moft of the rich Merchants in the feveral
Governments were originally mean Farmers and
Tradefmen, as Shoemakers, Taylors, Copperfmiths,
Carpenters, and the like : But what Need we care
what they were, or what they are, if we can accomplifh
our Ends by their Help ; and to bring this about, great
Sir, we muft employ our Friends at Lo7idon and elfe-
where, and advife them to make our Scotch Friends in
the feveral Towns in New-England popular, by putting
them into Bufinefs, as Mafters of Ships, and by Con-
figning large Quantities of Goods to others, which will
make them popular and powerful ; fo that they may
get into Favour with fuch Merchants as are against
Paper Money, and then by any Art or Craft, get a num
ber to fign a Petition to go Home to the Parliament of
Great-Britain, in order if poffible to put a Stop to the
Currency ; and if fuch a Petition fhould come to Lon
don, figned as before mentioned, you muft enjoin our
true Friends in and about London, to spare no Pains
nor Money to get the Petition to pafs ; and if we bring
this Scheme about, and ftop a Paper Currency, I am
bold to fay, inftead of their having a hundred large
Privateers out of North-America, it will be a Wonder
if they have Twenty ; for I am told, the Farmers and
Tradefmen have put their Land in Pledge for the Paper
Money they fit out fo many Veffels with ; and the Mer
chants that have got the Paper Money in their Hands
for the European Goods, defign, as foon as it is flopped,
and to be called in, to take the Lands that are in
Pledge from all the common People ; fo that all the

APPENDIX 243
lower Clafs will become like our Poor, to be well
off to own a Fifliing Shallop. I would advife our
Scotch Friends, as soon as the Paper Money is ftopp'd
and to be called in, to collect all that they poffibly can
of that, that is outftanding ; by this Method they will
come in for a large Share of Lands, and fo become
little Lards ; and it may be, in half a Century, we may
have their feveral Clans to affift us as we have in the
Highlands. The next Method I propofe, is to reduce
the richeft Merchants among them, and oblige them to
leffen their Trade ; and that is, great Sir, you muft
write to our feveral rich Planters at our Sugar Iflands,
and advife them to employ a Number of our polite
Frenchmen, and fend them into the feveral Sea Port
Towns on the Continent, viz. Bojlon, Rhode-IJland,
New- York, Philadelphia, and wherever we can carry on
Trade ? and thefe Men muft get in Favour with fome
confiderable Merchant in each Town, to furnifli them
with a fufficient Number of Veffels, in order to bring
over our Produce, fuch as Rum, Sugar, Molaffes ; in
fhort, we muft wink and connive at any of our Produce,
to carry on our Scheme ; but let Rum be the chief
Article, for by our manufacturing that, we fhall make
double Profit, and deprive our Enemies of that Advan
tage. And thofe Men thus employed muft improve
the EngliJJi Merchants to fell our Produce for them,
who will readily do it for Part of the Gain. And in
order to procure Silver and Gold; for our Planters
muft not take any Thing in Return but Cafli ; and by
this Method, we may procure all the hard Money that
is ftirring amongft them ; for when Paper Money is
once flopped, there can be no Medium of Trade ; and
their Trade will be fo reduced, that there will be but
little of that j and thofe EngliJh Traders that are not

244 APPENDIX
concerned with our Friends, will foon have no Ufe for
their Veffels ; and being often obliged to fell at a low
Price, our Friends muft be employed to buy them as
Opportunity offers. If this Method, great Sir, is in
duftrioufly and faithfully purfued and carried on, we
fhall unavoidably impov'rifh, diftrefs, and confound
them : All the lower Clafs will no more be able to
pay for Clothing from their Mother Country, but muft
be contented to live as they did of Old to wander
about in Sheep Skins and Goat Skins, and to dwell in
Caves and Dens of the Earth ; and thofe of the high
est Clafs will be obliged to leffen their Trade, fell their
Veffels, and no more be able to fend Home to their
Mother Country, fuch Quantities of Silver and Gold.
Then no more New-England Invafions, no more beat
ing down our Walls at Cape-Breton , and when we
have another War, we fhall not only have their Money,
but their Veffels, and their Men being poor, muft feek
Shelter in fome foreign Land.
I conclude, great Sir, Your obedient Servant and
faithful Subject to His Most Chriftian Majesty our
Royal Majler.
Mc- O  Ne  l.
VIII. Susquehannah Company Receipts.
{Written on small pieces of paper)
Received of Robert Hafzard Esq' of South Kings
town in ys Coloney of Rhodisland two Spanifh Milled
Dollors in Complyance with y^ vote of y^ Sufquehan-
nah Company at their meeting Held at Hartford No
vember ye 2ist 1754.
Received p' me Sam'- Gray Com'=.

APPENDIX 24s
Received of Robert Hafzard of South Kingftown in
Compliance With y'= vote of y» Sufquehannah Com
pany this Day Paft at Hartford two Spanifh Milled
Dollors Received p' me
Hartford November
ye 2I^« 1754 Windham 8th Jany 1768
Received of Robert Hazzard Dec'' p' ye hand of
Thomas Hazzard three Shillings a tax Voted by
ye Sufquahana Compy three Shillings on Each pro
prietor in full for s'* tax which was Voted to be paid
to Collo John H Lydins
p' me Jere Clement Com''" & attorny
for S'' Lydenis.
Receiv'^ March the 4"' 1768 of Thomas Haffard as
heir at Law to Robert Haffard Deceased Three Shil
lings Lawfull money being the one third part of the
money Voted (by the proprietors of the Sufquehannah
Purchafe) to be Raifed on Each Right at the adjourn
ment of s'i Proprietors meeting the 6* of January last,
I Receive the same by vertue of an order from the
Clerke of the s"' Proprietors.
p' Ezra Dean.
S° Kingstown the 4th of ye month Called Januy : 1767
I Jonathan Hazard of Said Town County & Colony
of Rhode Island &c yeoman Do Constitute Thomas
Hazard of same Town County & Colony yeoman to
appear at the Meeting of y= Sufquehannah Company
to be held at Windham by adjournment on the sixth
of this Inftant There to act and Do any Thing or
Things relative to the Purchafe of s^ Company which
Shall be as binding & effectual as if acted & done by

246 APPENDIX
me being Perfonally Prefent as Witnefs my Hand the
Day first above Written Jonathan Hassard.
Ateft RoL" ROBINfON,
To the Company or proprietors of the Sufquehan
nah Purchace or to thofe of them that may be Con
vened at their meeting at Great Windham (as adver
tised) the e'*" day of this Inft. Jany 1768 I hereby
Certify by thefe prefents that I have and do hereby
Conftitute and appoint my Friend Thomas Haffard of
South Kingstown in the Colony of Rhode Island to
be & appear at the Said meeting, and there for me and
in my name to appear act and do all and Every matter
and thing, whatever that Shall be thought Requifite
and Needful! for the further Eftablishment and good
of the Said Purchafe, & that I will hold what the Said
Thomas Haffard Shall do for & Concerning me in
Said afair, as good and Valid to all Intents and Pur
pofes as tho I were Perfonally Prefent, — In teftimony
whereof I have hereunto Subfcribed my name this
4"" day of January, a. d. 1768.
S. Hassard

IX. An Apprenticeship Paper, 1768.
{Printed Form., italicized words written in)
This Indenture witnesseth. That Benjamin
Haszard Son of Richard Haszard late of South Kings
town in the County of Kings County in the Colony of
Rhode Island dNf. yeoman deceased, hath put himfelf and
by thefe Prefents, doth voluntarily, and of his own free
Will and Accord, and with the Confent of Nicholas
Easton of Newport in the County of Newport in the

APPENDIX 247
Colony of Rhode Island &>c. Esqr Executor of the last
Will &• Testament of the said Richard Haszard &= who
by said Will is impowered to put out the said Benjamin
Haszard Apprentice put and bind himself Apprentice
to Benjamin Hall of Newport aforesaid Esqr And to
Abigail Hall his Wife to learn the Art, Trade, or Myf-
tery of a Cordwainer and after the Manner of an Ap
prentice, to ferve from the Day of the Date hereof for
and during the Term of ten Years eleven Months &f seven
Days next enfuing, to be compleat and ended. During
all which faid Term the faid Apprentice his faid Master
6- Mistrefs faithfully fhall ferve, their Secrets keep,
their lawful Commands gladly obey : he fhall do no
Damage to his faid Master or Mistrefs nor fee it done
by others, without letting or giving Notice thereof to
his faid Master or Mistrefs he fhall not waste his said
Masters or Mistrefs' s Goods, nor lend them unlawfully
to any. he fhall not commit Fornication, nor contract
Matrimony within the faid Term. At Cards, Dice, or
any other unlawful Game, he fhall not play, whereby
his faid Master or Mistrefs may have Damage, with his
own Goods, or the Goods of others : he fhall not abfent
himself by Day or by Night, from his faid Masters or
Mistrefs' s Service, without their Leave ; or haunt Ale-
houfes, Taverns, or Play-houfes ; but in all Things be
have himself as a good and faithful Apprentice ought
to do, towards his said Master cS-" Mistrefs and all
theirs during the faid Term. And the faid Master 6^
Mistrefs do hereby promife to teach and inftruct, or
caufe the faid Apprentice to be taught and inftructed
in the Art, Trade or Calling of a Cordwainer by the
beft Ways and Means they can And to find and provide
for said Apprentice good &' fufficient Meat Drink Ap
parel Washing and Lodging suitable for such an Ap-

248 APPENDIX
prentice during said Term And at the Expiration
thereof to give unto said Apprentice all his then wearing
Apparell And to teach said Apprentice to read write and
Cypher as far as the Rule of Three within said Term
And in Consideration of the s^ Master 6r Mistrefs find
ing for s'f Apprentice his Apparell the s'f Nicholas Eas
ton hath paid unto the said Benjamin Hall the Sum of
four hundred Pounds old Tenor
In Testimony whereof, the Parties to thefe Prefents
have hereunto interchangeably fet their Hands and
Seals, the nineteenth Day of January in the eighth
Year of the Reign of Our Sovereign Lord George the
third King of Great Britain, ^'c. Annoq ; Dom. 1768.
Signed, Sealed, and Delivered, Benj'^"^ in haszard
in the Prefence of
Richard Thomas (paper torn) Easton
Lemuel Baley

X. A Lease from Stephen Champlin to his
Mother, Signed by Both.
{Manuscript, College Tom's hand)
This Indenture made the fifth day of February in
the Twelfth year of the Reign of George the Third
by the Grace of God of Great Brittain King Annoi
Domini One Thousand seven hundred & Seventy
Two Between Stephen Champlin of South -Kings
town in the County of Kings County, in the Colony of
Rhode-lfland, &c. of the One part, and Mary Champ
lin of the Town County & Colony aforesaid Widow
Woman & Relict of Stephen Champlin late of said
Town deceafed of the other part, Witnesseth That
the said Stephen Champlin for and in Confidera-
tion of the yearly Rents & Covenants hereinafter re-

APPENDIX 249
served to be done paid and performed by the said
Mary Champlin her Executors, Administrators or
Afsigns, Hath Demifed, Granted, Sett, and to farm
Letten And by thefe presents. Doth Demife, Grant,
Sett, and to farm Lett unto the said Mary Champlin
All that great Room in the Southeaft corner of the
houfe where she now liveth in Point Judith in said
Town which is Given to my brother Thomas Champlin
in ye Will of our Father Late Deceaf'' and also the the
(sic) Bedroom (in the Northeast corner of said Houfe)
& the bedroom in the Chamber over the same with
full & free Liberty to Pafs and repafs to and from the
same either in her Own Perfon or Others at her Plea-
fure, together with a convenient Place at the Door of
s"' Houfe sufficient for Firewood and also a Priviledge
in the Well for Water, and appurtenances thereunto
belonging To Have and To Hold the said three
Rooms in the said Dwelling Houfe with the Rights
and Priviledges herein before demifed unto the said
Mary Champlin, from ye Twenty fifth day of the Third
month called march for and during and unto the full
end & Term of Five years from thence next enfuing
and fully to be compleat and ended (If she the said
Mary Champlin shall so Long Live) att and under the
Yearly Rent of One Pepper Corn to be paid unto the
said Stephen Champlin his Heirs and Afsignes always
upon the Twenty fifth day of ye third month in every
year of the said Term And it is Agreed by & between
the the (sic) said Parties, that in Case, the said Mary
Champlin shall dye before the Expiration of this
Term, Then the remainder of the said Term shall im
mediately Ceafe & Detirmine And the said Stephen
Champlin shall immediately enter upon the said De
mifed Premifes and hold the same, notwithftanding

2 so APPENDIX
this Prefent Demife and Leafe or anything therein
Contained. In Witness whereof the Parties first
first above named to thefe Prefent
have sett their Hands and Seals the day and year
above Written
Sign'"^ Seal'ii and Deliver'^
In Presence of us Stephen Champlin (Seal.)
Th° Hazard of Rob''. Mary Champlin (Seal.)
Robert Hazard
XI. Manuscript in the Hand of Thomas Hazard
Son of Robert.
To all People to whom these Prefents shall come
whereas Stephen Champlin late of South Kingftown
in the County of Kings County & Colony of Rhode
Island &c Yeoman deceafed Did in & by his Laft Will
and Teftament in writing bearing date the Twenty
firft day of July one Thoufand seven hundred Seventy
and 'one 1771 among other Gifts and Legacies Be
queathed to my Brother Robert Champlin his Heirs
and Afsigns for ever One Certain farm or Tract of
Land lying and being in Point Judith in %^ Town
Called the Potter Farm and alfo by said Will Ordered
my said Brother Robert Champlin to Pay his four Sif
ters Four Hundred Dollars each, as may more fully
appear by said Will, Which farm is Leafed by an Oral
Leafe Two Years of which leafe is yet to come from
the twenty fifth day of March next enfuing the date
hereof to Samuel Congdon of said Town & Nicholas
Gardner of exetor son of George Gardner Now Know
Ye that I Stephen Champlin son and Heir at Law to
said deceafed & Executor to said Will as alfo men
tioned as Refeduary Legatee therein Yeoman For and
in Confideration of and allowance made me by my
Mother Mary Champlin Widow in a Leafe bearing

APPENDIX 251
even date herewith of her Right of Dower & Power of
thirds in the Farm where She now lives in Point
Judith in said Town and for the Love Goodwill &
affection which I have and Do bear towards my said
Brother Robert Champlin and for the Better enabling
him to Pay his said sifters their Several Legacies
bequeathed as aforefaid and for Promoting & eftab-
lilhing a lafting Peace unity & Harmony throughout
our Whole ffamily Have given, granted, releafed and
forever Quitclaimed and by thefe Prefents do freely,
fully, and abfolutely give grant, releafe, & for ever
Quitclaim unto him the said Robert Champlin his
Heirs and Afsignes for ever all that my Right Prop
erty Claim & Demand either in Law or Equity in
by & through either & all my aforefaid Capacities
of in and unto the Rents & Profits that shall and
may arife out of said Leafed Lands during the Two
years as aforefaid To Have and to hold the same
to him the said Robert Champlin his Heirs and
afsignes forever so that neither I the said Stephen
Champlin nor my Heirs or any other Perfon in the
name Right or Stead of us or any of us shall hereafter
have. Claim Challenge or demand any Right, Eftate
Title Intereft Property or Demand of in or to the
same. But from all and every action & Suit brought
or to be brought for the same or any Part thereof
shall & Will be foever Excluded & Barred by these
Prefents In witness whereof I the said Stephen
Champlin have hereunto sett my Hand and seal the
fifth day of February one Thousand seven hundred &
Seventy Two.
Signed Sealed & Delivered

in the Presenc of us
Th° Hazard son of Robt
Elizabeth Hazard

> Stephen Champlin (Seai)

252 APPENDIX
XII. Letter from Matthew Griswold to Gov
ernor Wanton.
( Written on two sides of a folio sheet ^
For The Honourable
Joseph Wanton Esq'
Att Newport
Gov' of the Colony of
Rhode Island &c Lyme June : 19* : 1773 —
Thefe —
S' Your Favour of the 15''' Ins' is come to hand :
Shall pay all due attention and lay it before the
Judges of our Sup' Court at the next Interview wee
have. Tho, am not able to say that as a Court wee can
properly Interpofe in the Matters you Refer to.
The People Claim'^ as Slaves are Esteem"! with us
as the Proper Objects of the Care and Protection
of the Government in Common with Other Inhabi
tants. If any outrage undue Violence or Inhumane
Severity is used it is Esteem'' the Duty of the Inform
ing & Peace officers of the Colony to Interpofe &
give Relief upon proper Application made to them.
As to the Matters of Slavery our Common Law
Courts are Open and wee have had Sundry Instances
within my Observation of actions bro* wherein the
Points in Question & upon which the Caufse Turn"!
was whether the Perfon Claim^ as a Slave was
Legally so or not. Some Obtain'^ others Did not
According to the Evidence & attending Circum
ftances of Each Individual Cafe. — Our People

APPENDIX 253
who have Demands of that kind Claim it as a Right
to have a Day in Court ; a fair Chance to prove
their Special Property (if any they have) I appre
hend Those Trials were Estem"! open & fair — Yet it
seems Thofe Things are not greatly Favour^ in Law :
by People of Consideration here Inasmuch as the
Negroes who have been Manumitted in this Colony :
being Ignorant of the Art of Honeft living have
Frequently become Strowling vagrants have United
with Thieves & Burglars & prov^ very Troublesome
and Dangerous Inhabitants. I %\\o^ be Concern'' that
any People Sho'' be opprefs'' by unlawful holding in
Servitude. Justice ought to be done to Every one.
If any material of Importance Sho"' further Occur
upon further Confideration & Consultation Upon this
affair Shall give Your Hon' the trouble of Another
Letter. I am with Great Esteem & Respect Your Hon"
Moft Obedient Humble Serv'
Matth." Griswold

XIII. Copy of a Minute from Quarterly
Meeting.
(Manuscript^
We desire you may be more particular and explicit
in your answers for the future, and that you would
remind the several monthly meetings of the same,
they having frequently come and at this particular
time in too general a manner, not serving to give so
clear and perfect an account of your State as the Im
portance of the Cafe requires. We desire not to be
too Cenforious, whether Indifferancy in the Cafe or
an unwillingnefs to exprefs the weaknefs failings and

254 APPENDIX
Imperfections of your State or whatever may be the
Caufe thereof we know not. But we befeech you that
in anfwering the Queries you give the utmost Care to
render the same in as plain full and Concise terms as
may be.
Daniel Underwood.
(Reverse Side)
Meets for Sufferings adjourned untill the Second
Second day of the 8"' month 1775.
MosES farnum Nathan Davis
MosES Brown Jacob Mot Jr.
Jeremiah Hacker Thomas Stear
Joseph Mitchel John Collins
Thomas Hassard Theophilius Shove Jun
IsACK Lawten Samuel Gold
Thoms Lapham Jr Joshua Devol
George arnal Philip Wanton
Jeremiah asten Joseph Southwick
John Rogers Eben Chace
Benjamin arnal David bufam
Jonathan Macy John Casse
Barzilla Tucker Caleb Rusel.

XIV. Copy of a Minute of the Meeting for
Sufferings held at Providence y^ 13TH 8™
Mo 1776.
This Meeting again taking under Consideration a
Certain Act of the General Assembly lately passed
called the Test Act, and also an Act passed in the
7th M° last (so far as they relate particularly to
Friends) wherein it is provided that if any Friend
bring a Certificate from the Clerk of the Monthly

APPENDIX 255
Meeting to which he belongs that he is in Unity such
Friend shall be excused from certain requisitions &
exempted from the penalties mentioned in said Acts.
It is the conclusion of this Meeting that it may be
safe for any Monthly Meeting to grant Certificates to
any Member applying for the same, for the purpose
afores'' after the necessary inquiry made & due regard
had in said Certificate to the State & standing of said
Member ; Nevertheless it is earnestly recommended
to all such applying Members to enter deeply into
themselves & not implicitly follow the sentiments of
others but see that their proceedings therein are in
the liberty of the Truth, & the Clerk is desired to
send a Copy of this Minute to the Monthly Meeting
of Rhode Island & other Monthly Meetings as occa
sion may require.
XV. Release of Guardianship.
{Manuscript)
Know all Men hereby. That I Robert Hazard of
South Kingston in the County of King's County,
Yeoman (Son of Richard Hazard) Have and do
hereby for and in Confideration of the Sum of One
hundred & forty five pounds six shillings & eight
pence half penny lawful money wh I have this day
rec'' of Thomas Hazard of s'' South Kingston, the
receipt of wh I do hereby acknowledge, difcharge &
releafe the said Thomas Hazard from all and every
demand of any nature kind or quality whatever wh I
have against him, as well for the time during wh he
was my Guardian, & rec^ the profits of my Estate as
all other demands wh I have againft him, (not mean
ing hereby to difcharge my former Guardian Enoch

256 APPENDIX
Hazard for any demands I have againft him) In Wit
nefs wherof I have hereto set my hand this twenty-six
day of April A. D. 1776.
Robert Hazard Son of Richard.
Witness. — F. J. Helme.
XVI. Constitution of the Providence Society
FOR Abolishing the Slave-trade.
{Printed on one sheet. No date)
It having pleafed the Creator of mankind to make
of one blood all nations of men, and having, by the
diffufion of his light, manifefted that, however diverfi-
fied by colour, fituation, religion, or different ftates of
fociety, it becomes them to confult and promote each
others happinefs, as members of one great family : It
is therefore the duty of thofe who profefs to maintain
their own rights, and efpecially thofe who acknow
ledge the obligations of Chriftianity, to extend, by the
ufe of fuch means as are or may be in their power, the
bleffings of freedom to the whole human race ; and in
a more particular manner to fuch of their fellow-crea
tures as by the laws and conftitution of the United
States are entitled to their freedom, and who by fraud
or violence are or may be detained in bondage. And
as, by the African flave-trade, a fyftem of flavery, re
plete with human mifery is erected and carried on, it
is incumbent on them to endeavour the fuppreffion of
that unrighteous commerce ; to excite a due obfer
vance of fuch good and wholefome laws as are or may
be enacted for the abolition of flavery, and for the
fupport of the rights of thofe who are entitled to free
dom by the laws of the country in which they live ;

APPENDIX 257
and to afford fuch relief as we may be enabled to
thofe unhappy fellow-citizens, who, like the fons of
Africa, falling into the hands of unmerciful men, may
be carried into flavery at Algiers or elfewhere.
From a conviction of thefe truths, and the obliga
tion of thefe principles, and from a defire to diffufe
them wherever the vices and miferies of flavery exift,
and in humble reliance on the favour and fupport of
the Father of mankind, the fubfcribers have formed
themfelves into a Society under the title of The Provi
dence Society for abolijhing the Slave-Trade.  For
affecting thefe purpofes they have adopted the follow
ing rules :
ift. The Society fhall elect, by a majority of votes
to be taken by ballot, a Prefident, a Vice-Prefident,
one or more Counfellors, a Secretary, and a Treas
urer, who fhall refpectively continue in office for one
year from the time of their election, and at the expira
tion of every year fucceeding, there fhall be a new
election of officers in the fame manner.
2d. The Prefident fhall have authority to maintain
order and decorum at the meeting of the Society, and
to call a fpecial meeting at any time, with the advice
of three of the Standing Committee herein after
named. 3d. The Vice-Prefident, in the abfence of the Prefi
dent, fhall have the fame authority as the Prefident :
and in cafe the Prefident fliall die or be difplaced, the
Vice-Prefident fhall officiate until a new Prefident be
chofen. 4th. The Secretary fhall keep a record of the pro
ceedings of the Society, in a book to be provided for
that purpofe, and fliall caufe to be publifhed, from
time to time, fuch part of the proceedings, or refolu-

258 APPENDIX
tions, as the Society may order, or the Prefident with
the Standing Committee between the meetings of the
Society may think proper to direct.
5th. The Treafurer, if required by the Society, fhall
give fecurity for the faithful difcharge of the truft re
posed in him, and fliall keep regular accounts of the
monies received and paid, obferving always to pay no
money without an order figned by the Prefident, or a
majority of a quorum of the Standing Committee, who
are prohibited from drawing, between the ftated meet
ings of the Society, for a larger fum than ten pounds,
unlefs efpecially empowered by the Society at a previ
ous meeting.
6th. If any of the officers above named fhall refign
or be difplaced, the Society fhall fill the vacancy in
the mode prefcribed by the firft article ; and if the
Prefident and Vice Prefident, or Secretary, or Treas
urer, be abfent at any of the meetings, the Society
may elect one to officiate pro tefnpore.
7th. The Society fhall meet once in every quarter,
that is to fay, on the 3d. fixth day in the 2d, 5th, 8th,
and nth months in every year, at fuch place as fhall
from time to time be agreed upon, in order to receive
the reports of the Standing Committee, and devife the
ways and means of accomplilhing the objects of this
inftitution. 8th. That nine members, with a Prefident or Vice-
Prefident, conftitutionally affembled, be a quorum of
the Society for tranfacting bufinefs.
9th. Every member after fubfcribing thefe rules fhall
pay into the hands of the Treafurer two-thirds of a
dollar, and at the commencement of every quarter
one-fixth of a dollar ; and all donations to the Society
fhall be made through the Prefident, who fhall pay

APPENDIX 259
them to the Treafurer, and report them to the Society
at the next quarterly-meeting.
loth. Any citizen of the United States, who fhall
be recommended by two-thirds of the Standing Com
mittee to a quarterly-meeting, ihall be balloted for,
and if approved by two-thirds of the members prefent,
he fhall be declared a member. The Committee of
feven fhall have Authority to receive fuch members as
may offer and fubfcribe before the next quarterly-
meeting, this rule notwithftanding.
nth. Two thirds of the members prefent at a quar
terly meeting fhall have power to expel any perfon
whom they may deem unworthy of remaining a mem
ber, and no perfon fhall be a member who holds a
flave, or is concerned in the flave-trade.
i2th. It fhall be the bufinefs of the Counfellors to
explain the laws and conftitution of the States, which
relate to the emancipation of flaves, and to the flave-
trade. And, when it becomes neceffary, to urge the
due execution thereof, and their claims to freedom,
before fuch perfons or Courts as are or may be author
ized to decide on the fame.
13th. A Standing Committee of feven members
fhall be appointed to tranfact the bufinefs in general,
four of whom are empowered to act ; whofe duty it
fhall be to take the moft effectual meafures to accom
plifh the objects of this inftitution agreeable to the
direction and at the expence of the Society, and to
report a particular account of their proceedings at the
next quarterly-meeting, at which time two of their
number fhall be releafed from the fervice in the order
their names ftand on the minutes, and the vacancy
filled up by the fame or two others appointed in their
room, and in like manner a difmiffion and appoint-

26o APPENDIX
ment of two fhall take place at each fucceeding quar
terly-meeting. 14th. The foregoing Rules fhall be in force without
alteration fix months, after which period they fhall be
subject to fuch alterations as two-thirds of the mem
bers prefent, at a quarterly-meeting, fhall agree upon.
XVII. Will of Thomas Hazard Son of Robert.
{Written in his own hand on two sides of a large quarto
sheet of paper)
Be it Remembred this Nineteenth day of the
Twelfth Month in the Year of our Lord one Thousand
Seven Hundred and Ninety Three that I Thomas
Hazard of South Kingstown in the County of Wash
ington and State of Rhode Island &c. Yeoman being
of a Sound disposing mind and memory and in a
pretty good State of health for which and all Other
favours I desire to be very thankfull, and calling to
mind the mortality of my body and knowing that it is
Appointed once for man to die do in the fear of God
make and Ordain this to be my Last Will and Testa
ment that is to say first I will that all those Debts I
do owe in Right to any persons with my funeral
charges be well and truly content and paid in a con
venient time after my deceafe by my Executrix here
after Named out of my personal Estate and as touch
ing Such Worldly Estate as it hath pleased God to
blefs me with in this life I give and Dispose of the
Same manner and form following.
Imprimus I give and bequeath to my beloved Wife
Elizabeth Hazard the use and improvment of the
west end of my dwelling Houfe that is to say Two
Rooms above Stairs and the two rooms under them

APPENDIX 261
and previledge to get Water out of the Well So long as
She Shall Remain my Widow, I also give to her Two
Cows and my great Bay mare so Called, and my Chafe
with the previledge of its Standing in the Chafe House
I alfo give her the keeping of the two Cows & horfe
or great bay Mare to go in the Chafe during the time
She Remains my Widow I also give her my House
hold furniture Except what I Shall otherwife mention
and give away in this Will, I also give her my Silver
Watch and the keeping of the three creatures the mare
to be kept in the Stable in the Winter Seafon & the
Cows to be kept well to hay, I alfo give to my said
Wife One Hundred pounds Lawful money to be raised
out of my perfonal Estate by my Executrix hereafter
Named, all which gifts and Legacies to her are in Lieu
of her Right of Dower and power of thirds of in and
unto my Estate.
Item I give and Bequeath to my Beloved Son Rob
ert Hazard and to his Heirs and Afsigns forever all
that part of my homestead farm in South Kingstown
which lyeth to the Eastward of the Country Rhode
Containing about One Hundred and fifty Acres more
or lefs together with my Rights on a Sedge Island so
called said Lands being Bounded Westerly on the
Country Rhode Northerly partly on Elisha Watfons
Land and partly on Job Watfons Land. Easterly
partly on Pettyquamscet River including my rights on
a Sedge Island & partly on a Cove Southerly on Wal
ter Watfons Land, I alfo give him one feather bed and
furniture with all my Notes I have against him, and
my Will is that he shall keep the Creatures as given
to his Mother and Allow her the previledges as afore
said out of what I have given him.
Item I give and Bequeath to my beloved Son

262 APPENDIX
Thomas Hazard the Note I hold against him for five
Hundred and Thirty Eight pounds, and one feather
bed and furniture.
Item I give and Bequeath to my beloved Son Row
land Hazard and to his Heirs and Afsigns forever all
my Lands lying in South Kingstown above the Coun
try Rhode or to the Westward of said Rhode Contain
ing about One hundred and fifty Acres more or Lefs
With the Buildings thereon Standing the Same being
Bounded Easterly on the Country Rhode Southerly
partly on land lately belonging to John Case Deceased
and partly on Jeremiah Niles's land Westerly on said
Niles's Land Northerly partly on said Rowland Haz
ards Land and partly on Job Watfons Land I alfo give
to my Son Rowland Hazard Two feather beds and
furniture and all my Notes against him.
And all the Remainder of my Lands and Real Estate
where ever the Same may be I give to my Said Three
Sons and to Their Heirs and Afsigns forever to be
equally Divided among them I alfo give to my said
three Sons Each of them Two Silver Table Spoons.
And all the Remainder of my personal Estate I give
to my aforesaid Wife and Three Sons to be Equally
Divided among them.
And Lastly I hereby Nominate and appoint my Be
loved Wife Elizabeth Hazard to be my whole and Sole
Executrix of this my Last Will and Testament Ratti
fying and Confirming this only to be my Last Will
and Testament hereby Revoking and disannulling all
former Wills & Executors by me heretofore made In
Witness and Confirmation Whereof I have hereunto
Set my hand and Seal the day month and Year first
Within Written.
THOMAS HAZARD.

APPENDIX 263
Signed Sealed published pronounced and Declared
by Thomas Hazard the Testator be be (sic) his Last
Will and Testament in the prefence of us as Wit
nefses. Andrew Nichols
Robert Knowles. fon of Joseph
Andrew Nichols Jun'.
Be it Remembered that at a Town Council held in
South Kingston the 10'^ September A D 1798. Person
ally came Messrs Andrew Nichols & Andrew Nichols
Jun'. and on their Solemn Affirmation declare & say
that they Signed their Names as Witnefses to the pre-
ceeding last Will & Testament of M' Thomas Hazard
Dec!, together with M' Robert Knowles and the Tes
tator Signed his Name in their presence & they Signed
as Witnefses in his presence & in presence of each
other at the same time, and that said Testator was
then in his perfect mind and Memory. Whereupon
said last Will and Testament being thus proved it; is
approved of as and to be the last Will and Testament
of said Testator.
Signed by Order of said Town Council
James Helme Council Clerk
Recorded the foregoing in the Council Book N". 6
belonging to South Kingston Pages 416. 417 and 418.
Sep'. 18. 1798. James Helme, C. C'"?
50 Cents. — T. Hazards Will

264

APPENDIX

XVIIL- Rhode Island Currency.
Quotations from the letter of Governor Richard
Ward to the English Board of Trade, January 9, 1 740,
showing the value of different issues of paper money
in silver.*

Year 17 10 (First Issue)
" 17 1 5 First Bank
" 1 72 1 Second Bank
" 1728 Third Bank
" 1731 Fourth Bank
" 1733 Fifth Bank
" 1738 Sixth Bank
" 1740 Seventh Bank

one ounce
of silver
equalled

8 Shillings in bills.
12 "
16 "
18 "
22 "
25 "
27 " "
27 " "

Old Tenor Bills.
Table fixing the value of old tenor bills
periods, for the use of the courts, made by
Assembly June, 1763.°
SPANISH milled DOLLARS.
1751 I Spanish Milled Dollar equal to
1752 "
1753 " "
1754 "
1755 " "
1756 " " "
1757 " " "
1758 " "
1759 " "

at different
the General

1 S. S. Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8,
2 R. I. Colonial Records, vol. vi. p. 361.

£ s. d.
2 16 00
3 00 00
3 10 00
3 15 00
4 5 00
5 5 00
5 IS °o
6 00 00
6 00 00
P-5S-

APPENDIX

265

1760 I Spanish Milled Dollar equal to
Y'j(y1 " " " " ¦' "
1762 " " " " " "

£, s. d.
6 00 00
6 10 00
7 00 00
7 00 00

Scale of Depreciation of Continental Bills of Credit}
SPANISH DOLLARS PAPER
A. D. MILLED DOLLARS. CURRENCY.
1777 January i.. . .100 equal to  105
"  125

July.
1778 January. . .
" July 
1779 January. . .
" July 
1780 January. . .
" April 
" August 15.
1781 February. .
" May 15. . .
" May 30...

325425 742
1477
2934
400070007500
8000
16000

1 Condensed from tables in R. I. Colonial Records, vol. ix. pp.
282 and 424.

266 APPENDIX
SUNDRY PRICES AND VARIOUS ENTRIES
TAKEN FROM THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF THOMAS HAZARD
SON OF ROBERT, DURING THE YEARS 1750 TO 1 784
INCLUSIVE. £ s. d.
Oats per bushel (March)  12 oo
Oats per bushel (May)  15 00
Potatoes per bushel  10 00
Butter  5 6
Hay half a load  10 00 00
Fatt Goose per pound  i 6
Wool per pound  8 00
Tea per pound  3 4 00
1 yoke of oxen  140 00 00
I horse  50 00 00
Veal per pound  i 6
Mutton hind quarter per pound  2 00
Lamb per pound  2 00
White Flannel per yard  15 00
Striped " " "  16 00
Felt Hatt  i 00 00
\ of an hundred of Sugar  65 00
Sugar per pound  4 9
Handkerchief  14 00
Callaminco per yard  18 00
Indigo  7 4 00
Flax Seed per bushel  2 00 00
Mr Jos!? Torrey Dr
To my Plow oxen & Two hands \ day to
Plow  2 00 00

APPENDIX 267
£ s- d.
To Carting of Hedgewood \ day 2 hands
cart & 4 oxen  i 10 00
To my Cart & oxen going up to George
Gardners Mill for Boards  2 00 00
To the Hire of my mare for his son to ride
to Brandford in Connecticut  2 00 00
1751-
Corn per bushel  25 00
Potatoes, per bushel  15 00
One 3-year-old horse  105 00 00
Veal per pound  i 6
Land let per acre  13 6
Calf skin  25 00
Tow per pound  3 6
Fatt Goose per pound  i 6
Butter per pound  7 00
Lining Cloth per yard  4 4
Richard Hazard D'.
To 6 yards of Devonshire Cersy at  6 00 00
" J yd of Shalloon at  24 00
" \ yd of Fufton at  34 00
" \ yd of ozenbridgs at  12 00
" \ yd Cotton Velvit at  7 00 00
" 4 yards of Tape at  06
" Two dozen of Buttons at  10 00
" 2 Sticks of Twift at  S °°
" \ oz of Silk at  40 00
" I Yoke of oxen Fatt  120 00 00
" Sheep Fatt each  2 00 00
" Hides and Tallow (per pound)  i 6

268 APPENDIX £ !¦ d.
To Weaving Duroy per yard  5 oo
" " Blanketing " "  5 oo
« " Flannel " "  3 00
" " Tow Cloth " «  3 00
1752-
Corn per bushel  25 00
Potatoes per bushel  20 00
Butter per pound  7 00
Milk per quart  i 00
Cheese per pound  3 00
Meal per pound  i 00
Hoggs per pound  i 6
Wool per pound  8 00
Leather for double soled shoes  3 10 00
Linen handkerchiefs  22 00
Stockings..  35 00
Day's work of Robin  15 00
Pickle pork per pound  3 00
Beef " "  I 10
1753-
Potatoes per bushel  20 00
I Milch Cow and Calf  60 00 00
Cheese per pound  3 00
Tea per pound  62 00
Nutmeg per ounce  12 00
Pepper per ounce  12 00
Cinnamon ''  5 00
3-year-old horse  150 00 00
Sheep skins each  5 00
One yoke of oxen  ,  160 00 00

APPENDIX 269
£ s. d.
Handkerchief  22 00
Weaving Linen per yd  7 00
Tow  4 00
" Ticking  7 00
Pork per pound  2 6
Milk per quart  i 6
A Man's Saddle  33 00 00
Hay per Hundred weight  20 00
Carting wood per load  20 00
One Live Goofe  16 00
Wine per gallon  40 00
Rum "  44 00
Loaf Sugar per pound  12 00
J hundred of Sugar  18 00 00
Currants per pound  8 00
Raisons  8 00
1754-
Apples per bushel  12 00
Veal per pound  1 6
Wood per cord standing  50 00
Dressing Boots  12 00
Milk per quart  i 00
Handkerchief  22 00
Hind quarter of lamb per pound  2 00
I three-year-old bay Mare with white nose 70 00 00
Load of Mash Hay  10 00 00
One old Brass Kettle W' 14"' \ per pound 8 00
Butter per pound  7 00
Sheep per head  3 10 00
Choclat per pound  14 00

270 APPENDIX 1755- £ s. d.
Com per bushel  30 oo
 35 °o
Potatoes per bushel  18 00
One brown Steer Calf  8 00 00
One Yearling Bull  14 00 00
Cheese skim milk per pound  i 6
" New milk "  3 00
Oats per bushel  16 00
I old black Troting mare  55 00 00
Load of hay  20 00 00
I yoke of oxen  130 00 00
Weaving Sarge Worsted per yard  6 00
" Worsted  5 00
" Tow Cloth per yard  4 00
" Half Duroy per yard  6 00
" Linnen per yard  5 00
" plain Cotton and Linnen  5 00
" Striped " "  56
" Flannel plain  3 6
" " Striped  4 00
Spinning (Amy Shearman) a day  20 00
Hay making a day  20 00
White washing "  23 00
Flask of oil  26 00
Nutmeg per ounce  28 00
Veal per pound  2 00
Pillion  6 00 00
Bridle  50 00
Stirrup Leathers  i 04 00
Sheep per head  3 10 00
Cotton wool per pound  22 00
Indigo per ounce  13 00

APPENDIX 271
£
Wool per pound 
Milk per quart 
Days work  1756-
Corn per bushel 
Corn per bushel 5''' mo 
6th mo 
Oats " 
3"i mo 
Milk per quart 
" " 4th mo 
Stockings 
Thread per skien 
Making shirts, each 
Shoe buckles  1
Man's work per day 
Wool per pound 
Day's work (Indian James Daniel) 
Making shoes 
Pair of shoes  i
Leather enough for a large pair of Double
Sole Shoes  3
One pair of Breetches 
Chex per yard 
Veal per pound 
Lamb " 
Tallow " 
Making Heels for Womens shoes 
Tea per pound  3
Cheese per pound 
Women's Work per week 
Flax per pound 

.r.

d

9

00

2

00

30

00

30

00

35

00

40

00

IS

00

20

00

I

6

2

00

36

00

1

3

25

00

S

00

12

00

12

00

30

00

16

00

10

00

00

00

50

00

26

02

2

00

2

6

8

00

4

00

00

00

5

00

20

00

6

6

2/2 APPENDIX £ s. d.
Hatcheled Flax per pound' (Sarah Pew,
Spinster)  lo oo
Women's shoes  2 15 00
Wool per pound  12 00
Carting a load of wood  30 00
1757-
Corn per bushel 3rd mo  40 00
" " 5th mo  50 00
" " 6th mo  6000
" " 9th mo  55 00
Oats per bushel  20 00
" " 12th mo  25 00
Sow and pigs  25 00 00
Beef hides per pound  5 00
Women's household work per week  25 00
Pair of shoes  6 00 00
Tallow per pound  9 00
Veal " "  3 00
Women's work per week  25 00
Calves per head  7 10 00
Pork per pound  7 00
Young Cows (good beef)  80 00 00
Salt per bushel  20 00
Cheese per pound  5 6
Butter per pound  15 00
Milk per quart  2 00
Edmons Ointment  20 00
Candle wick per pound  16 00
Stockings per pair  5° 00
Ell wide Bearskin full Cloth per yard .... 7 10 00
Kersey Cloth " per yard  6 00 00
Worsted Drugget  3 00 00

APPENDIX 273
£ s. d.
Trimming for a coat  5 19 9
Making a jacket  55 °°
1758-
Corn per bushel 6th mo  50 00
" " 10 mo  55 00
Oats per bushel  25 00
Turnips per bushel  30 00
Side of veal 42 lbs  6 6 00
Tanning per pound  5 00
Hay per hundred weight  45 00
Making a pair of shoes  30 00
Women's work per week  25 00
Shoe buckles  20 00
Cersey Cloth per yard  6 00 00
;f2i los. Lawful Money turned in old
Tenor @ ;^5 10s. the dollar.
£j los. old Tenor equals iis. 6d. Lawful
Money. 1759-
Corn per bushel  60 00
Rye per bushel  60 00
Potatoes "  30 00
Turnips "  25 00
Apples per bushel  30 00
" " xo mo  25 00
Wool per pound  25 00
Butter per pound  7 00
Mowing a day  3 00 00
Farm labor  i 00 00
Then agreed with William Wallsworth to
work with me six months if I like to

274 APPENDIX £ s. d.
hire him after one month for ^12 Law
ful money. But if I should not like to
hire him after one month is expired then
I am to give him for said one month
Thirty shillings Lawfull money it being
Connecticut Prock so called no interest
to be reckoned thereon.
2 Spanish Mill'' dollars in old Tenor 12 00 00
5 Shillings Lawful Money in old Tenor 4 11 10
Veal per pound  5 00
Sole leather for a pair of shoes  35 00
One calve skin  4 00 00
One Fatt Sheep  12 00 00
Hay per hundred weight  50 00
Veal per pound  6 00
Mutton "  6 00
Women's work per week (Sarah Pugh) . . 25 00
Chex per yard  3 00 00
Flannel "  40 00
Crocus per yard  20 00
White flannel "  6 00 00
One Comb  2 00
1760.
Apples per bushel  40 00
Turnips per bushel  30 00
Butter per pound  16 00
" " 6th mo  15 00
Mutton per pound  6 00
Cheese per pound  8 00
One Fatt Sheep  12 00 00
Spinning Worsted per skien  6 00
Man's Saddle  45 00 00

APPENDIX 275
£ s. d.
Carting one load of goods to Franklin's
Ferry  10 00 00
Eggs per dozen  7 00
Hog's Fatt in a Tub per pound  12 00
Lamb per pound  6 00
Mutton "  6 00
Molasses per gallon  3 00 00
Cheese per pound  8 00
Fat Sheep per head  12 00 00
Veal per pound  5 6
I Load of good Hay for 13 days' mowing
1761.
Corn per bushel  80 00
Oats "  50 00
Pork per pound  i 6
Pork pickled per pound  10 00
Sole leather for shoes  i 15 00
Thread per skein  3 00
Wool per pound  15 00
I horse whip  6 00 00
I doz. buttons  12 00
Hay per hundred weight  4 00 00
Half a day's Carting  5 00 00
Herds grass seed per pound  30 00
Butter per pound  17 00
Tow Cloth per yard  42 6
Pins per ounce  10 00
One pair of Shoes  ;  6 00 00
Fat Sheep per head  10 00 00
Beans per peck  20 00
Beef per pound  4 6
Pork per pound  7 6

276 APPENDIX
£ s. d.
Tow cloth per yard  8 oo
One Cow & Calf  150 00 00
Cheese per pound  8 00
One ox  225 00 00
1762.
Corn per bushel  100 00
Barley per bushel  80 00
Mare and colt  130 00 00
Veal per pound  6 00
Cheese per pound  12 00
Sarge per yard  14 00
Wool per pound  23 00
 18 00
"  25 00
Sheep per head  12 00 00
One pair of shoes  6 00 00
" " "  8 00 00
Thread per skein  3 00
Making one Gound.  20 00
One Winter Milch Cow & Calf  150 00 00
Eleven dollars equals  77 00 00
Binding for a Pettycote.  15 00
Hay per hundred weight  4 00 00
Salt Pork per pound  12 00
Veal " (side)  6 00
" " (hind quarter)  5 6
Two oxen beef hides & Tallow 1398 lbs
at 4^. <)d  322 o 6
One Fat Lamb  5 00 00
Fifty Sheep & Lambs at £f) the pair  450 00 00
4 J lbs of Sole Leather paid by 2 J days'
work (Daniel Knowles) 

APPENDIX 277
1763- £ .. d.
Barley per bushel  90 00
I Fatt sheep  9 00 00
Veal per pound  5 6
 5 °o
Mutton per pound  6 6
Beef "  5 6
"  6 00
I Calf skin  8 00 00
Wool per pound  20 00
I Hatt Beaver  40 00 00
Leather for a pair of shoes  5 00 00
Sole leather for a pair of shoes  50 00
Weaving Flannel per yard  8 00
Weaving one Coverled  10 00 00
Lamb per pound  700
Calve Skin  8 00 00
Butter per pound  25 00
Pickled pork per pound  1 2 00
Tow cloth per yard  32 00
Salt per bushel  90 00
I I & J- of ozenbridges at 38^-  17 00
Thread per Skein  4 00
Woman's work per week  5° °°
18 lambs at £(i per head  108 00 00
4 Sheep at ;^i2.io  50 00
One Black mare  220 00 00
Two Fatt Horses  660 00 00
Cheese per pound 
" "  10 00
(or dd. lawful money.)

278 APPENDIX 1764. £ s. d.
Corn per bushel  80 00
Barley per bushel  80 00
Herd's grass seed per quart  25 00
Cheese per pound  12 00
Tobacco "  9 00
Gardening (John Dye) per day  3 00 00
Shoes made by John Shearman  9 00 00
Veal per pound  5 00
" " hind quarter  5 6
Pickled pork per pound  12 00
100 feet of white pine boards  12 00 00
Pair of stockings  4 00 00
" " mitts  25 00
Two Hoogh'?.^ of Cyder Con' 7 Barrels at .^5 35 00 00
4 oz Indigo  3 15 00
Calve skin Vamps for a pair of shoes. ... 2 10 00
2 Bushels of Lime  3 10 00
Paper per quire  34 00
Mohair per stick  10 00
Flax per pound  1600
Wool "  25 00
Tow cloth per yard  30 00
Side of Lamb weight 8"==  2 8 00
Lamb skins  5 10 00
26th — 4th mo. To one Ten shilling Bill
Lawful Money dated ye 12th of ye 5th
month 1760 Turned into old Tenor 14
pounds. (280 shillings = 10 — u. = 28^'.)
Received of Jos'' Torrey by the Hand of
his wife 14 Spanish Mill^ in gold & sil
ver to buy a cow for him in Connecticut.
Returned 8 dollars some cop' i cow to
s'' Torrey.

APPENDIX 279
£ s. d.
13"' 8""" By five Shillings Lawful Money &
the Int 7''^ it being dated the 20''' third
month A. D. 1762 in old Tenor five
Pounds Ten Shillings & 6'^ (;^s. lore's.)
For recording the will of Robert Hazard. . 4 00 00
1765-
Corn per bufhel  1 00 00
Bariey "  80 00
Weaving Tow cloth per yard  8 00
" Linnen  12 00
Beef per pound  4 6
" " ii'i' mo  S 00
Shoes  9 00 00
Cheese per pound  4 00
Cow and calf at  20 Spanish Silver
Mill^ Dollars.
Cheese per pound  8 00
Skim Cheese per pound  4 00
Flax per pound  20 00
Wool per pound  38 00
Two cows Weighing (Beef Hides and Tal
low) 1133 ">= at 5^-  283 5 00
Filling one Barrel with Cider  4 00 00
Pickel Pork per pound  10 00
1766. OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ S. d. £ S. d.
Corn per bufhel 6th mo  80 00
" " 7th mo  39
Oats "  16
Flax seed per bushel  39

28o APPENDIX OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ S. d. £ s. d.
Veal per pound  5 oo 2 J
Beef  4 00
New England Rum per gallon 70 00
I yearling steer  2 8 00
Houfewifery per week  5° 00
Tea per pound  8 00 00
Wool per pound  14J
" "  9
Butter per pound  16 00
Sugar per pound  15 00
Weaving Ca/z»//>?(r(7 per yard . . 16 00
Molasses per gallon  36 00
Cheese per pound  3f
Skim milk Cheese per pound 2\
Sheep Skins  40 00
Spinning Worfted per Skien.. 7 00
" Lining yarn " 8 00
Pickeld Pork per pound  12 00
"  10 00
Filling one Barrel with Cider. 7 00 00
9 Sheep & Lamb skinf  12 00 00
Tow per pound  4^
One pair of shoes  160 00
Cranberries per quart  6 00
Carting with Team & one
hand per day  4 4
Two pair of oxen to plough
per day  2 3
One Barrel of Sugar 9 dollers
One pound of Indigo x\ "
62 Cheeses 62 "
One doller to be confidered at 8 00 00

APPENDIX 281

Settled accounts with Daniel
Knowles and credited ye
full Ballance of Twenty
Pounds old Tenor (being
first turned into La-wful
money® 23J& 1/3 amount
ing to 17.^. id. & 3/4 Law
ful) on a note of hand I
have against him.
George Ireish.
18th 6th mo. To one Dark
Coloured Natural pacing
Horfe with some white in
his Face, at fifty-five Silver
Spanish mill'' Dollers. I am
to take I hoggshead of Mo
lafses, I barrell of sugar at
;^7o old Tenor per Hun
dred, the Molafses at the
value of 36J. old Tenor. A
Doller being considered at
the value of Eight Pounds
old Tenor, the Remainder
in Tea at ye Rate of Eight
Pounds old Ten' and in In
digo at the Rate of Twelve
Pounds old Tenor to have
one-Half of ye remainder in
Tea, & ye other in Indigo.

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d.

282 APPENDIX 1767. OLD TENOR LAWFUL.
£ ^. d. £ s. d.
Corn per bufhel  80 00 3 00
" " 2 mo  90 00
Apples per bufhel  9
Barley per bufhel  3 10 00
Oats "  45 00 16
Salt "  80 00
Onions per bushel  3 00
Wool (old Wool & Dagglocks)
per pound  ^\
Gammon per pound  12 00
Fifh per pound  2 6
One Sheep  12 00 00 9 00
Mutton (hind quarter) per
pound  6 00
Veal per pound  6 00
Pork "  7 00
Beef "  4 6
Hogg's Fatt per pound  14 00
Weaving linnen per yard ... . 15 00
" Tow coverlid  8 00 00
To cutting and carting half a
load of wood  6 00 00
1 old Horfe to Rowland Rob
infon  3 I 5 00
Received in full for ye old
Horfe  100 00 00
10^ days' work & 4 days, mow
ing paid by 8 bufhels 3
pecks of corn, i Fatt Lamb,
and I Spanish Mill-i Dol
lar.

APPENDIX 283

OLD TENOR.
£ S. d
Cheese 20 pounds the Span
ish Dollar.
12th mo. 2nd day.
William Congdon son of
Josh Dr.
To one Bay Horfe five years
old ©500 lbs. & one half
Hundred w' of sugar such
Sugar as was Set at 8 Dol
lars the Hundred Clean &
of a bright Colour.
Peleg Peckham credit. One
Piece of Gold of ye Value
of 8 Doll's & 4 Dollers in
Dollers by ye Hand of thy
Wife (for cheese).
One Ewe lamb  6
3 Piftereens at 
Flower per pound 
Molafses per gallon 
One yoke of oxen 
Cheese 20 pounds ye Spanifh
Doller. 
New England Rum per gallon
Load of Hay 
Hay per Hundred weight ....
Side of Leather 
Plowing Andrew Nichols' Lott
Tallow per pound 
Sugar " 
Sheep skins 
Lamb " 

00 00

7i

5 °o

55 00
9
00
00
8 00
2
3
2
6
00
I
2i
2
3
S
00 Si
IS 00
25 00
20 00
284 APPENDIX OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d. qr.
One Lamb  5 3
Stone Lime per bushel  4 10 00
I Thimble  6 00
Cheefe new milk  9 00
1768.
Corn per bushel  80 00 3 00
Oats per bushel  40 00 i 6
Barley per bushel  80 00 3
Wool per pound  32 00
Flackseed per bushel  46
Flax per pound  16 00
Tea per pound  6 00 00 4 6
Sugar per pound  13 00 6
Chocolat per pound  42 00 i 6
Wine per gallon  3 00
West India Rum per gallon . . 80 00
New England " " . . 52 00
V^e.z.vm^white Planing p&x'^zxA. 8 00
Cheese per pound  8 00
Shoes per pair  2 00 00
Soles for shoes  25 00
To John Shearman for making
and repairing Shoes for ye
Family ye year past, and
his finding some Women's
Hats  75 00 00
1 Steer  20 00 00 15 00
2 Earthen Boles. One Jack
Knife & dozen of pipes i 11
I Yearling Steer  50 00 00 117 6
I Steer, a Neat Beaft  65 00 00 2 8 4^

APPENDIX 285
OLD TENOR.
£ s. d
To Two Johannes in Gold to
the value of 16 Spanish
Mill'i Dollers 
I Fat Lamb 
I quarter of Lamb 
Pickel Pork per pound  1 2 00
" " " 5 mo . .
6 Pound old Ten. equal 
Lime per bushel  4 10 00
Fifh per pound  3 00
I Sythe Snead 
I old Sythes per pound 
Molafses per gallon  55 00
" " 8"' mo  46 00
Veal per pound 
igii^s of Flax @ 7f of a Far
thing 
Spinning 80 skeins of Linen
Yarn per skein  8 00 i 4 o
Carding and Spinning 75^-
skeins Tow per skein  7 00 i 00 00
Weaving 30 yds Tow Cloth
per yard  8 00 9 00
Weaving 42 yds Diaper @
per yard  10 00 15 9
Boiling & Washing the yarn
that made s"' cloth  3 12 00 2 6
To Carting with my Team one
Load of Goods from J.
Franklin's ferry to s^ Peleg's
(Peckham) houfe  9 00
By 28"^ of Rice 1/4 & r/i6 of

LAWFUL.

£ ^¦

d. qr.

4 16

00

5

3

14

Si

4

6 \

3

4i

I

6

2i

2il
II
4t
286 APPENDIX OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d. qr.
Callico I Earthern Bole 1/2"'
ofAUum Some Red Worfted
Quality 3 Needles 2 Skeins
of Thread 1/4 yrd of Cam-
brick The whole ;^i3. 8.
2,^ 1/2 old Ten  10 00 3
By i8/old Tenor  8
John Gardner (on ye Hill
weaver) in South Kingstown
credited By weaving i Cover-
lead at  8 6
Mowing a day  3
To Two Johannes in Gold to
ye Value of 16 Spanish Mill''
Dollers Jo" Garton Prefent 4 16 00
Keeping Cows per week  40
1769.
Oats per bushel  40 00 i 6
Apples per bushel  15 00
Salt per bushel  4 00 00 3 00
Load of hay  40 00 00
to be paid in carpantry per day 5 00 00
Sheep skins with wool on ... . 6 00 00
" and lamb skins ... 40 00 00 6 00
Candles per pound  20 00 9
Cheese per pound  10 00
Plumbs (3 pounds)  36 00 i 4
Molasses per gallon  46 00
I Saddle Cloth  12 00 00
I Hunting Saddle  60 00 00

APPENDIX

1^7

OLD TENOR.
£ s. d.

LAWFUL.
£ s. d.

i6 OO
3 °o
4 6

To I Book Entitled the Prin
ciples & precepts of ye Chris
tian Religion &c  lo oo 4^
(Josh. Hull credited)
By making one Hetchel at
3 shillings old Ten' per
Tooth 320 Teeth 
By one fire Pann 
Some Sole & upper Leather @ 120 4
Tallow  4 q
(Benedict Oatley.)
By £g old Tenor, he said it
was to Buy Corn with  6
To 1/2 lb of Candles @ 20^^
old Teno' 
To 3 lbs of Pickle Pork @ ioj. i
633 weight of young Swine @ 4 4111
I days carting with my Team n
Lamb per pound  6
Mutton "  6
250 Clout Nails  35
By I pair of shoes set on ye
hipt mare he found Iron
for I shoe  i loj
By shoeing my Horfe & my
old mare, each a pair of 16
shoes before @
To the Happy man &"= a half
sheet @ 2 coppers
1770.
Corn per bushel  80 00 3 00
Oats per bushel  40 00 i 6

4i

288

APPENDIX

Flaxseed per bushel 
Wool per pound 
Cheefe per pound 
Skim Cheefe per pound 
Veal per pound 
Beef per pound 
Lamb " 
I Heifer at 9 dollars 
Bafs Fish scaH and gutted
per pound 
Fish " 
Pork per pound 
£8 old Tenor @. gd 
3 Spanifh Mill'' dollers 
Tallow Tried per pound ... .
Butter per pound 
I Horfe  25 dollars
Keep of a horfe per week ....
" " cow " 
Coll' John Potter D'.
To s veal Calve skins Del"'
thy Negro Hager when she
had 20 of wool for Thee at
30^'. old Ten 
Filling one barrel of Cyder. . .
Twelve Pounds old Ten @ 9'^
Tailoring per day (Andrew
Nichols) 
Haying per day 
10 lb old Iron when I sent my
Hand Irons to be repaired @
One pair of Vamps for Shoes

OLD TENOR.

LAWFUL.

£ s.

d.

£

.. d.
3 9

30

00

4i2i

6

00

4

6

7
0
2
14 00
3
00
2
6
7
0
6 00
18 00
12
00
20
00
40
00
40
00
2
6 9
SO
i8 oo

12 oo

APPENDIX 289
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
15 pounds of Flax per bushel i6 9 00
Salt per bushel  3 4i
Fat Sheep each  76
Chocolate per pound  40
Mutton per pound  6
To Carting wood ye 3 day &
fifth day of this Instant ye
11"' mo  12 00 00
To my Team & hand one day
to Move thy Goods to the
Ferry at  16 00 00
Beef hides & Tallow per pound 4 6
1771.
Corn per bushel  80 00
Oats " 
Apples per bushel  35 00
Veal per pound  6 00
Beef per pound  5 00
To carting one day  12 00 00
Chocolate per pound  40 00
Sugar per pound  15 00
I pair of Shoes at  9 00 00
I Fatt Horse @ 40 Dollars . . .
I Fatt Steer @ 16 Silver Dollars
Half Soles and heel lifts  20 00
Sole leather per pound  30 00
I day's work at putting in Glafs
& Winder Cafements @ . . . . 4 00 00
6 days work at maks my Cart
& boaring 8 yoakes at 3^ 18
2 days work at Carpentry @ 3= 6

00 6

00 6

0 9
00 00
16 00

290 APPENDIX OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ 1. d. £ s. d.
(Powel Helme credit)
9th 3rd ujo Recii 7"^ of Choco
late toward keeping ye Cod
dington Horfe
gth 4th mo To 7 weeks & six days
keeping ye Coddington Horfe
at i"' of Chocolate per week 10 6
pth ^th mo Credit by thy In
structs my Robert in the art
of Navigation in Part, @ 5^
8'' which is in full  2 8
Keeping a horse per week  14
I acre of Land Plow^ & How*
to Plant Corn at  28 00 00 11 i
Dagg Locks per pound  10
Plumbs per pound  18
Lamb "  7
Salt Hay per Hundred  40
1772.
Corn per bushel 3d mo  3 00
" " 8th mo  3 9
Oats per bushel  40 00
Molafses per gallon  46 00
I *" o^ S 3/4""^ of Sugar per. .
hundred 
(By my Stillyards 1141'^)
Cheese per pound  12 00
Weaving Flannel per yard .... 8 00
Salt per bushel  , 4L
I pair Shoes  -5
Hogg's Fatt per pound  14 00

42

APPENDIX 291
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
To Filling i Hodg'"' with
Cyder per barrel  5 3
Keeping a horse per week .... 16
I days work at repairing ye
Dragg  4
(Joseph Hull Jun') Credit
By making & Setts one
shoe I found Iron & mend
ing 2 Pair of Bridle Bits @
2S old Ten each  4
Tow per pound  9
Mutton "  6
Beef "  5
Veal "  6
I days Work with my Cart &
oxen Carting wood  9
One Load of Hay Weighing
2230 Weight  2 5 00
3 Hundred 1/4 with ye Ropes
that Bound it of Hay @ . . . . 23
I Three year old Heifer @
10 Dollers
2 Fatt oxen @ 63 Dollers 1773-
Corn per bushel  3 9
Barley per bushel  3 00
Lime per bushel  3 9
Tar per gallon  13
To Making one pair of Cloth
Shoes & Sole Leather &
Thread  5 °° °o 3 0°

292 APPENDIX
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
Sheep at  lo oo oo 112 6
Hay per hundred weight.... 3 00 00 23
Beef per pound  4 00
Cheefe per pound  6
Butter per pound  22 00
Pork per pound  8 00 2)\
Tow "  4i
One pair of shoes  5 00
To Carting wood 2 days  240 00 18 00
Tar per quart  8 00 4
To Carting one Load of Cole
from Tho=^ Sweets @  9 00
To Carting one Load of Cole
from Ministerial Farm @.. 9 00
Rowland Robinfon D'
jst 2^ mo To III Sheep @
£\o (and he ought to Pay
for keeping them 3 weeks). 112 6
25* 3""° Rec'' 3 Balls 30 Dol
lars I Barrel of Flower 7I
Dollars
15"' 4''' mo Rec"* 100 Dollers
one Doller lefs 16 old yet
Due. Paid in ye whole for
the Sheep. John Hazard D'
11''' mo 22'' day To Two beef
Hides by thy Boy i being a
Bull's & ye other Cow's
Hides.
j5th J2"' mo To 3 Beef Hides
I being an ox Hide the

APPENDIX

293

OLD TENOR.
£ s. d.

Other Two Cow Hides & 2
Boar Skins.
17 Settled 3 Calves Skins in
which Settlem' Coufin Haz
ard is Debtor to me 40/ old
Ten' and Receiv"' 2 Sides
of Sole Leather Weighing
23lbs. 1774.
Corn per bushel 
Barley per bushel 
Potatoes per bushel 
Tar per gallon 
Sole leather for a pair of
shoes 
Pork, pickled, per pound ....
Day's work carting wood ....
I Silver Dollar @ 
Keeping a horse per week . . .
To my Team & 2 Hands Cart
ing one Load of Sand from
little Neck Beach to Tower
Hill  Gideon Fowler D^
To one silver Doller @ 
Rob* &= Tommy Prefent.
Joseph Congdon Jun' Cred-
itted since we Settled
To Shoeing Horfes By Set-
ing five pair of Shoes on 5
Horfes @ 7"'^ 
4«' S"! mo By Repairing one

3 9

3 °°

35 00

32 00

I 6
12 00
9 00
6 00
I 6
294 APPENDIX OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
Staple for a forebridge of
a Cart & Shuting together
the Iron for the End of the
Tongue of the Cart nine
nales to nale it  i 6
J 3th gth uio by Shoeing my
great Bay mare afore only. i \
By Shoeing Rowland's
Horfe afore only I found
the Shoes  7i
(Turn over 4 leaves & look
to the Right Hand)
In ye year 1774 Rec'' of Oliver
Kinnion i2f"' of Fish &
gave him an order upon
Joshua Sweet s'' Fish at 3^.
old Ten' p' p"'  i 18 00
So Kingston &e Jeffrey
Watfon Jr. D' 10"' mo
I Vol. of Sewel's Hiftories at 18 00
& 4 coppers Expense on it. 2\
C By 6 / sent to Philadelphia
when Subscriptions were
Sent there  60
Received Two Dollars & four
Coppers of Jeffrey Watfon
Jun' in full  12 00
S" Kingstown 12"' 12"' mo A D 1774
Brought from the 231=' Page
John Torrey D'
To keeping his Horfe from the
17"' of the 9"' month to the

APPENDIX 295
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ 0. d.
29"' of the 11"' month viz
7 weeks @ 1= 6^ p' week.. . 9 00
John Torreys Horfe came
to me to Winter the 2""' day
of the 12"' month again.
1775 John Torrey took his
Horfe away having been
with me at Pasture fifteen
Weeks Two days from the
2"' of ye 12''' mo 1774 @ (A blank left.
See Settlement in 1781.)
To Carting one Load of
Sand @  6 00
1775-
Corn per bushel  3 00
White beans per bushel  46
Cheese per pound  6 00
New Milk Cheese per pound . 12 00
Veal per pound  5 00
Salt Pork per pound  12 00
Beef per pound  4 6
(Andrew Nichols Jun'.)
To carting Load of Eal Grass
to thy house & Collecting it
from my shore  23
Mowing a day  4 00 00
Farm labor  40 00
Spinning linen per skien ... 8 00
Tallow per pound  16 00
6'*' mo. Receiv"' Two Dollars
of Rowland Robinfon to-

296 APPENDIX
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ s. d. qr.
ward Some I Lent Him
10''' mo 22 in Paper Bills
by ye hand of my fon Rob'
This ace' is Carried for
ward to 157
Lent Brother Rowland Rob
infon in the 3"' month Last 19 6 00
My Wife lent his Wife in her
last Sicknefs  6 00 00
I over paid him 5^ per Gallon
for 67 Gallons of Molafes
which amounts to 
C given to the above ace'
againft Rowland Robinfon
In the 6"' mo Last Receiv"' . .
10''' mo Receiv'' in Paper Bills
one loi- Bill & one i2y Bill

To I pair of oxen 3 times to
ye ferry & to Littlerest @. . (blank.)
To I pair once to ye Ferry @ "
To i6"'f of Cheefe @  12 00 T ^ \
(Other entries of oxen's
work with no price.)
J 3th 4th luo Receiv'' the above
ace' againft Powel Helme
in a Settlement with him
. T Hazard of Rob'''
Shoeing the old black mare
before  18I

12

7 i

1 18

I \

12

00 00

I 2

00 00

I 14

00 00

APPENDIX 297

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ J. d. qr.
I 8 \
1 8 i

Shoeing the great bay mare be
fore  I 8
Shoeing Tommy's Horfe be
fore  1 8
John Gould Credited
9''' mo 2"J Day To his wife's
Spinning 24 Scains of lin
nen yarn at 8/ old Ten.
Settled this ace' with
John Gould
S"" mo s"* day Benj Perry D'
To I Veal Calve Skin delv^
p' Quafli
6 day To i veal Calve Skin
delv^ to thy own hand
6"' mo 6''' day To one Calve
Skin Sent by Son Rowland
16"' To one Bull Hide, died at
Giddeon Clarkes, sent by
Tommy
20"' To one Calve Skin deliv
er"' it myself
y'*" month ii"" day To one
Large Veal Calve Skin ye
day I set out for the Quar
terly Meet. Sent per Row
land 1776.
Corn per bushel  3 00
Turnips per bushel  12^
White beans per bushel  6 00

OLD TENOR.
£ S. d.

LAWFUL.
£ s. d.

3 oo

I OO
8 oo
6 6
5
I 6
9 oo
3 6
298 APPENDIX
Leather for a pair of shoes . .
Caps & Taps for a pair of
shoes 
Double Fold Linen per yard
New Milk cheese per pound .
Beef
Wool per pound 
Cloth for a coat per yard. . ..
One Hoe 
Valentine Ridge for Combing
Warsted per pound  14 00
Tow cloth per yard  2 00
South Kingstown &c 7"' mo
S''' day.
Eunice Nichols Tailorefs D'
To 13"' of Sheeps Wool @
Entered here by miftake
turn over 5 Leaves look to
the Right Hand for her ace*
(Having turned over 5
leaves) Unice Nichols D'
26th gth mo To one bufhel of
Indian Corn at 3/  3 o
gth yth mo To 13"" of Sheeps
Wool at  15 oj
gth to 2"=| of Veal @ 6/  12
8"' mo 26'"' day To 2 of
Tow @ (by thy F'ather) 4"'. 8 00
To \\ yard of Double Fold
Linnen @ 8/  12 00
To Leather for a pair of Shoes
;^5 old Ten  39
APPENDIX 299
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ s. d. £ o. d.
10"' mo 3"^ day To s'b of Mut
ton at 7 Shillings old Ten'. i 3J
1777 3"^ "iio To 30' of Flax (blank)

To 2ib| of Sheeps Wool being
s'' unices Ballance 
Benj^i Perry Credited
2'' mo. 25''' day By Two Calve
Skins one a very Small one
20th 4th mo By I Side of Sole
Leather 
2ist ^th mo Rec'' 5 Calve
Skins being my § with 2
Rec^ heretofore out of 11
Calve Skins Deliver'' in ye
year 1775
James Helme Credited
1=' mo 22'' day for writing my
Will  12 00
21=' 2d mo Rec'' of Thomas
Robinfon Thirty one Shil
lings Lawful Money to Lay
out in Flax
3'd mo 14 Day Sent Thomas
Robinfon 30' of Flax, and
Since Settled the Remain
der of s'' 30/ with Him
T Hazard
John Smith D'
9'1'mo. 20"' day To i^ bufh
els of Corn @  (blank)

300 APPENDIX

John Smith Paid ye above
Charge of ij bufhels of
Corn in his Wifes whitening
linnen Cloth for my Wife
When they Settied. 1777-
Com per bushel  4 00 00
Butter per pound 
Cheese per pound 
Making a pair of Bretches . . .
" " " for
Tommy 
Board Nails per thousand . . .
Two hundred Weight Grofs &
9II' Neat of Hay ©3/ 
Benj Perry Cr.
12 mo 3'"! By 3 Sides settled
W 371b Perry had 221b \
& I had 141"' \ of the
Hides delivered him in
177s & 1776 and one side
unfettled not being Suffi
ciently Dried the Weight to
be Known byy* other Side
when it shall be Dried &
Coufin Perry hath rec"' s'b
\ of what is settled more
than his Part.
23rd jst mo 1777 Settled 6
Sides with the one Men
tioned above not Suffi-

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL
£ s. d. £ s. d.

9

6

9

00

6

9

20

00

APPENDIX 301

OLD TENOR.

LAWFUL.

£ s. d.

£ s. d

ciently Dried ye Weight

Known by [that] of its mate
side
South Kingstown &c Look on
ye Left hand one Leaf Back
Chriftopher Potter Credited
To Making Shingles the
Winter paft No 4073 @ 5/ i 00 4^-
I 6"' mo s"" day Numbered the
Cheefes made this year in
the Cheefe House 17 and
Two in the Prefses the
Whole 19
Benj Hazard Son of Richard
left my Houfe on ye 18"' of
2"' mo 1777
24th gth mo Sent to Paul Green
Ten Calve skins Two of
them Eat much with Rats
Two Swine Skins four Beef
Hides all to be Tanned &
the Calve Skins Curried for
one Third the Hoog's skins
to be Drefsed for Saddle
Leather.
7"" mo 7"" day To Two good
Veal Calve Skins
29"" To 2 large Calve Skins
Sent by Tommy
Look at ye Bottom at the
Right Hand.
302 APPENDIX
OLD TENOR. LAWFUL.
£ S. d. £ S. d.
Supplied the Widow Alice
Gould by order of the
Meets for Suffering as fol
loweth (Viz' )
12'b mo 8''' day To one pair
of Shoes at 33/  i 13 00
9"" To 7 yards of Tow & lin
nen 18/  6 6 00
The above articles are Settled
by receiving pay from ye
Meeting for Suffers • 1778-
17th 3rd month. Be it remembered, that it is
agreed between Thomas Hazard son of Robert, and
Sier Averit, in manner following (Viz.) That the s"^ Sier
shall work at Husbandry, that is to say, at Howing,
Ploughing, Walling, Ditching, Fencing, Mowing, Hay
ing and milking &e- For the full Term of Eight Months,
to begin on the i8th Instant, and to be compleat and
ended on the 18th of the eleventh month following,
& to make good to s"* Hazard, all lost Time, in Pro
portion of the Value of Labour at the seafon of ye
year when it may be Loft, either by Sicknefs or other-
wife. And the said Hazard, doth covenant and agree
with the s^ Sier, to Pay Him at the end & Expiration
of Said Term, & making up of lost Time, The full
sum of five Dollars p' month. That is to say. Forty
Dollars For the Term of Eight months as aforesaid.
The Value of which money is hereby agreed on
between the Parties hereto to be determined and
Settled at the Expiration of the Term afores''> by a

APPENDIX 303
Liquidation of the articles hereafter enumerated, (Viz.)
Pork at 3J(/. p' Pound, Beef at yi. p' Pound, Cheese
at five Pence p' Pound & Indian Corn at 3 shillings
p' • Bushel.
As Witness our Hands the day & year first above
written. (Signed) Th" Hazard of Robt.
Witness — Anstis Brown. Sier Averit.
Colonel John Willson D'
3"' mo 14''' day To i4"'f of Cheefe a 6/ and 4^ bush
els of corn (no price)
22nd of 12th month. Col. John Wilson settled
accounts this day with Thomas Hazard of Robert,
and there is due to him on balance, 4 pounds of
cheese. As witnesseth my hand. (Signed) John Wilson.
12th day of 2nd month 1780, in settlement of ac
count this day received satisfaction for the above 4
pounds of cheese of Col. John Wilson.
(Signed) Thomas Hazard.
Of Cheefe made this year 1778 Viz No 74 the 27"'
of the 7"' mo with that made this day Tho= Hazard
of Rob'
i" mo 28"' day Received of Rowland Robinfon
Seven Pounds Ten Shillings in Paper Bills.
8"' mo 4"' Coufin George Hazard son of Richard
Borrowed of me 37 Paper Dollars
26"' 8t mo RecJ a note of George Hazard for
3"^ Dollars

304 APPENDIX LAWFUL.
£ s. d.
25th 3rd mo 3 yards of Tow Cloth in one
Frock  4 6
I pair of old Stockings  i o
To mending one pair of Shoes & Thread at 16
One Knot of Thread @  2f
Making Shirts Each old Tenor 40J
I pair of Leather Breches 36/. .
Sarge per yard  £•] 00 00
Shoes per pair  6 00 00
1779. LAWTUL.
Making one Coat  15 00
I pair Knee buckles  i 4 00
Mowing per day  3 00
(Memorandums of corn, butter, veal, molasses, wool,
etc., occur in this year with no prices attached, and
the accounts seem to have been settled by barter as
in the previous year, and as in the following agree
ment.) 1779. 4th month 23rd day.
Settled accounts with Thomas Hazard of Rob', and
there is due to said Hazard, the full Ballance of
Spinning 54 and \ scains of linen yarn, which she is
to spin by Promiss under her hand. Anstress Crandol.
1779. 7th month 3rd day.
Anstress Crandall, credited.
By spinning 54 and \ skains of yarn.

APPENDIX 305
3'"* mo 3'' day agreed with Siah Averit to Labour at
Hufbandry for Eight months at 5 Silver Dollars p'
month Turn over 4 Leaves
(Having turned over four leaves a long account is
seen.) Sier Averit Continued from 4 £ s. d.
Leaves Back
To one sheep skin for a Leather apron @ i
To Repairing thy Shoes & Soles 2 3
These are the only items carried out. Tow cloth
Thread, making Breches and shirts, shoes, stockings.
To 9 sheets of paper at three Several Times
To one Knife at 10 Dollars
To I pair of Shoe Buckles® 12 dollars: 3 pence :
hard money
To Doctor Torrey 6/ in the old way
To 10 Dollars for his Sicknefs & Trouble
(All are entered, but not carried out. At the very
end, crowded at the foot of the page, comes the
receipt.) 3"! mo 31. 1780 Settled with Tho^ Hazard for 16
months work in ye Two Seafons past last & Received
of Him the full Ballance of Fifty five Pounds Ten
Shillings Lawful money as Witnefs my Hand
(Signed) Siar averit
3"' month g"" day George Hazard Son of Richard
Entered into & occupied part of my houfe above the
Rode & is to Give me 9 Dollars p' annum to be paid
in Labour at Hufbandry the Enfuing Seafon at 3/
p' day for mowing & r/6'' for Howing & Ha3fing.

3o6 APPENDIX 1780.
In evident despair at the trouble of managing so
many kinds of money the last accounts in the book
are boldly in Old Tenor, with no attempt at other reck
oning, though there are many items with no prices
attached. 11''' mo 21=' Daniel Howland D'
To one Hundred Weight of New Milch Cheefe @
(no price)
gth yth month 1 78 1 Rec* a Note of Hand for the
above ace' of s'' Howland. He paid the Note.
(Entries of corn, mutton, veal, tallow, beef, one tur
key, molasses, wool, are made in Valentine Ridge's
account but with no prices.)
10"' mo 27''' on Settlement with Neighbour Ridge &
there is due;^3o 5.?. dd. old Tenor.
1781.
7"' mo 31 John Torrey credited by his ace' for
weaving 43 yards of Flaning & 28 yards of Broad
Cloth & weaving. On Settlement of all acc'^ made
with Thomas Hazard this day there is due to Him
the Ballance of Seven Pounds, Fourteen Shillings at
the Rate of Four Pounds p' Bufhel for Corn.
(Signed) John Torrey.
John Watson D'
S"' mo cf^ day To i peck of beft Rock Salt @ (no
price) RecJ of John Watfon pay for ye Peck of Salt
except 3 Coppers. William Congdon D' £ s. d. qr.
To Two little Books @  9 00

APPENDIX SO?
£ s. d. qr.
in ye Old Tenr way
To lo'i' of sugar @
7"' ^1'  8 oo 00
To i3»' of Good
Mutton H. Q. @  4 12 09
11"' mo 27"' Oliver Smith a Negro Boy came to My
Houfe with his Miftrefs Elizabeth Smith aged 8
years the 7"' of the 8"' mo this Prefent year who is
to work for me for his Bringing up untill he may
have an advantageous opportunity to go apprentice.
1782.
11"' 8"' month Numbered the Cheefes in the Cheefe
House & y"" in the Prefses one of which made this
day the whole amount to 70 in all Th° Hazard
Made a Double Curded Cheefe on the 22'"3 day of
the g"! month & afterwards until the 6"' mo 24
£ •>• d.
in ye old Ten way.
To \s. 6d. in Hard Money  2 00 00
Corn per bushel  80 00
Veal per pound  6 00
Butter per pound  20 00
To 2 Dunghill Fowles @ 20/  2 00 00
1783-
S'h mo 24"' William Congdon's ox was Brought to
Pafture @ (no price) Drove s"' ox away the 10"' of the
e'b month in s"' year having been here 2 weeks & 3
Days. Robert Hazard my Son Rec^ Pay for Keeping
the ox of William Congdon.

3o8 APPENDIX 1784.
(f^ mo we had of Son Rob' Corn for the Piggs as
followeth meafur"' myself i^ Bushels Jack i bushel
Abigail 3 Pecks Oliver half a bushel. 26"' g"* mo
Nicholas Gould had 24"' of Pickle Beef Son Rob' about
14 Quarts it being all
27"' Nicholas Gould had half a Bufhel of Indian
Corn @ (no price)

CONTRACTS FOR LABOUR.
I7S7-
Priamus a Negro Boy Came to live with me at my
Houfe, the week after ye General Election Held at
Newport for General officers for the Colony of Rhode
Ifland in the year one Thoufand Seven Hundred &
fifty seven, being six years old the octob' following
the s'' Election, which was held in May before.
1759-
gth of ist mo A : D : 1759. Mary Dick began to
Work and is to Work untill ye i^' of ye 4 mo @. 30/
P' Week & from that Time untill ye end of ye eleventh
month @ 40/ P' Week that is to Say 8 months of
ye year at 40/ & 4 at 30. And She is to have Two
pair of Shoes in ye year at £0^ the Pair. She to do
Houfehold Work & ye Dairy both Butter & Cheefe
& other Bufinefs When Necefsary.
1759 2^ 4'^ mo.
Then agreed with William Wallfworth to work with
me Six months if I like to hire him after one month
for Twelve Pounds Lawfull money (But if I should not

APPENDIX 309
Like to hire him after one month is Expired then I
am to Give him for said one month Thirty Shillings
Lawfull money it being Connecticut Prock so Called
no interest to be reckoned thereon.
24"' of ye 2"'' month. Anno Domini 1761.
Daniel Knowles, fon of John Knowles of Richmond-
ton, began to work with me at Hufbandry and hath
agreed to Labour thereat from the day abovef'' for
ye full Term of one year, and to make up all Lost
days after the end of s'' year and I am to Give him
therefor when said time be fully ended, the full sum
of Three Hundred Pounds old Tenor
Tho Hazard foN of Rob''
fo Kingstown ye 24"' of the 4"' mo 1761 agreed with
John Bull to Work for me from ye x<f°- Ins* for ye
term of Six months he is to make good all Lost day
in which he may be out of my Bufinefs by sicknefs or
otherwife & I am to give him therefor at the Expira
tion thereof £2i^o. 5"' month Call'' May, 1762.
Jonathan Maxfon of Richmond began to Work at
Hufbandry for fix months with me he to make Shoes
in Wet Weather if it shall beft agree with my Conven
iency, and when said Term be fully Compleated I am
to Pay him Two Hundred & Eighty five Pounds old
Tenor & keep him one Horse during s'' Term.
4* 4'^ month 1763.
Joseph Davis of Westerly began to Work for me at
Husbandry, and in Wet weather to Labour at Carpen
try &c. for the Term of Six months, he to make good

3IO APPENDIX
all Lost Time at ye Expiration thereof and I am to
Pay him for his Labour to be done in s<' Term, after
Rate of ;^5o p' mo. i2mo 27 day 1763.
Then agreed with Henry Hill to Labour for me at
hufbandry & at any kind of Businefs to be done at
Farming for the Term of Ten months to begin on ye
2"'' day of ye 1=' month next in y* year 1764. And at
ye Expiration of s^ Term he Paying all Lost days I
am to Pay him the sum of ;^4oo Pounds old tenor or
the Value thereof in any kind of Bills or money cur
rent at s'J Time. 1763-
Michael Dye began to Work with me who is to
Work 8 months making good all Lost days if any
Should be through Sicknefs or other unavoidable
cause & When the Same is compleated as Covenanted,
I am to give him therefor £afio old Tenor, or an
equivalent in Dollers at £1 P' Doller, to be at my
election. Th° Hazard foN of Rob^
ist day 9th month 1763.
Hir^ John Mash for one month (he to pay lost days)
when it is Compleated to give him Thirty five Pounds
for his Labour
The 16"' of the 8"" month. Then Took of John
Mash Jun' Eighteen Spanifh mill'' Dollars & one
Piece of Gold Call'' an eight Doller Piece or half Jo
hannes To lay up for him as he is Drawn & going in
the Englifh array against the French.

APPENDIX 311
The 6"' day of the 1 1"' month. Delivered to said
John Mash Jun' the Eighteen Dollers and piece of
Gold above mentioned.
The 14"' of the 3'^ month Call^ march A : D : 1764 :
Covenanted & agree^ With Jos'' Davis of Hopking-
ton to Labour for Seven Months to begin on ye 26th
Ins' he to make up Lost days if any there should be
and When s"* Term Shall be Compleat & ended I am
to allow & Pay him as a Confideration therefor the
Sum of Three Hundred & Sixty Pounds old Tenor or
an equivalent in any other medium Current in the
Colony of Rhode Ifland.
S'^ Kingstown ye 24"' of Sixth month A: D-.
1766 Then agree'd with Mary Chafe for one year
from the date hereof at ye Value of 50/ old Tenor P'
Week for the Summer Seafon & forty for the Winter
Seafon She is to Work at Houfewifery Spinning &c.
1778 S"^ Kingstown &c.
Jacob Barney Came to my Houfe the 19th of ye 5"'
month & Went to work the Next day at Hatting
(viz.t) on the 20"' and is to Work four months @
Journy Work & he is to Teach my Son Tommy the
Hatters Trade & alfo another Lad if I require it &
Provide one and I am to Pay Him the Common
journy man's Wages in the usual way (according to
the N'5 of Hatts he Shall make in s-i Term) by the
Hatt & to find him his Board for his instruction of
the Lad or Lads as afores''.

312 APPENDIX
i'j'38. S° Kingston &<:• 17"' 3"? mo.
Be it remembered that it is agreed betwen
Thomas Hazard fon of Rob' And Sier Averit in
manner following (Viz.) That the s^" Sier Shall work
at Hufbandry that is to Say at Howing Ploughing
Walling Ditching Fencing Mowing Haying and milk
ing &•: For the full Term of Eight Months to begin on
the 18"' Instant, and to be compleat ended on the
18''' of the eleventh month following & to make
good to s^ Hazard all loft Time in Proportion of the
Value of Labour at the seafon of ye year When it may
be Loft either by Sicknefs or otherwife. And the
said Hazard doth covenant & agree with s"' Sier to
Pay Him at the end & Expiration of Said Term &
making up of lost Time The full sum of five Dollars
pr month That is to say Forty Dollars For the Term
of Eight months as aforesaid. The Value of which
money is hereby agreed on between the Parties
hereto to be detirmined & Settled at the Expiration
of the Term afores^ by a Liquidation of the articles
hereafter enumerated, (Viz.') Pork at 3'' f P' Pound,
Beef at 3^ Cheefe at five Pence P' Pound & Indian
Corn at 3/ Shillings P' Bufhel as Witnefs our Hands
the day & year first abovewritten (Signed) Th" Hazard of Rob'
Witnefs — Anstis Brown. Sier Averit.
1781 11"' month 27'^ day.
Oliver Smith a Negro Boy came to my Houfe with
his Miftrefs Elizabeth Smith, aged 8 years the 7"' of
the 8"' mo"" this Prefent year, who is to work for me
for his Bringing up untUl he may have an advanta
geous opportunity to go aprentice.

APPENDIX 313
1789 i8th day 4th month A. D. 1789.
Agreed with Jack Sanford, a Black man, to Labour
with me at Hufbandry & He is to milk through the
Seafon & take care that all the Cows are well Milked
for the full Term of Seven months from the Last day
of the third month now last Past, & will be com
pleat & ended the last day of the Tenth month in
this Present year & he is to make up all Lost Days,
which He may Loofe through sicknefs or any other
unavoidable Contingency. And I on my Part am to
Pay or Cause to be Paid to him the Value of Three
Dollars p' month, in articles and Produce off the
farm, at the Following rates (viz.') Corn at 3^. p'
Bushel, Cheefe 4//^ per pound & other articles at a
proportionable Rate, in the old way & in Cloathing
as may be agreed, if He needs any All which is
to be Due & to be paid at the Expiration of said
Term as Witnefs (Unsigned)
(A small sheet not bound in the Account Book?)
This may Certify that Thomas Hazard of So
Kingstown in the County of Walhington and State
of Rhode Ifland yeoman hath let unto Thomas Gould
(a black man) for the year enfewing a certain privi
ledg containing the lower rooms of the hous where
said Gould lived last year except a priviledg in one
half the seller and the priviledg of pafsing in at the
door next the Rode to the firft stairs leading up into
the Chambers in said hous Likewise one-Quarter of
an Acre of ground for a garden. Being the same
ground s^ Gould occupied for a Garden laft year.
For which previledg said Thomas Gould agreeth to

314 APPENDIX
pay unto the said Thomas Hazard aforefaid two
pounds Eight Shillings in Labour for the rent thereof
one year, which is to commence on the 25th day of
the third M° AD 1794 and to end on the 25"' day of
the third M° in the year AD 1795
In prefence of his
Job Watson Jn' as witnefs Thomas X Gould
marke

RECORD OF BIRTHS.
Sarah Hazard Daughter of Tho? Hazard and Eliza
beth his Wife was born the lo'.i" day of the month
Called January (it being y! 1=.' day of y? week) old
Stile in the Year of our Lord one Thoufand feven
Hundred and forty Seven (1747)
And Departed this Life the Twenty Sixth day of
may on the Seventh day of the Week about Eleven
o-Clock at night in the Year of our Lord one Thou
fand Seven Hundred and fifty Three New ftile being
five years four months and five days old.
Robert Hazard fon of Tho? Hazard & Elizabeth his
Wife Born the Seventeenth day of The Tenth month
Called October about fifty minutes after one o:Clock
in the morning in the year one Thoufand Seven Hun
dred fifty & Three
Thomas Hazard fon of Thomas & Elizabeth his Wife
Born the Thirteenth day (being ye 5"' day of ye Week
about 9 'oClock morning) of the eleventh month Called
November & in the year of our Lord one Thoufand
Seven hundred & fifty five and Departed this Life the
fifteenth day of the Third Month in the year of our

APPENDIX 315
Lord one Thoufand Seven Hundred and fifty Six
about 10 morning o Clock ye 2^ day of y? Week
Thomas Hazard fon of Thomas & Elizabeth his
Wife Born y? 15'.'' of y? 11^'' mo Called november s'^
of ye Week about Nine o'Clock in the Evening A: D:
1758 being the 2^ fon of that Name
Rowland Hazard fon of Tho? Hazard & Elizabeth
his Wife Born the 4'.'' day of the 4'.'' mo Call4 April
being the Second Day of the Week about Ten o'Clock
in the forenoon according to the World's Ace', one
Thousand feven Hundred and Sixty Three
1781 Sarah Daughter to Tho? Hazard Jun"; & Anna
his Wife & Grand Daughter to the aboves4 Thomas
Hazard & Elizabeth his Wife was Born the 18"' day
of the 9"' month about y! middle of the Day. 1781.

A REGESTOR OF DEATH'S.
My Father Rob'. Hazard Died y? 20'.'' of y? 5?'' mo.
1762 at about half after one in y? morning ; After an
Illnefs of Ten Weeks & four days eleven Hours & an
half which he bore with a becoming Patience Aged
Seventy Three Years Th'^ Hazard fon of RobT deed
My Grand Father Tho? Hazard Departed this Life
y! 21=' day of ye month Call'' November in the Year
one Thoufand Seven Hundred & forty Six, aged 88 or
89 years. This ace', taken from a memorand. found
amongft my Fathers Papers after his Death.
Th"3- Hazard fon of RobT deed

3l6 APPENDIX
Brother Richard Hazard Departed this Life on
ye 30th of ye Ninth month CalH Septemb^ aged 31
years 10 month & Ten days He died on y! s'h day
of ye Week about 38 minuts after Four in ye afternoon
after an Illness of Twenty days 1762
W? Robinfon fon of RowW & Mary Robinfon died
ye i9'i> day of the 7?o being ye 5 day of ye Week at
near 12 at night
Lathan Clarke son of Samuel & mary of Conanicut
departed this Life the Seventh of y? fifth month 4'!!
day of ye Week about the dawning of the Day 1760
Martha the Widow of s'? Latham & Daughter of
William Robinfon by his firft Wife (Viz') Martha
daughter of John & Sarah Potter departed this Life
ye 7'h of ye g"! month about 9 of ye Clock in ye Even
ing 1760.
Venibee departed this Life the 3"* of the 1=' mo
1759 Dick drowned y^ 22"^ of ye 4'h mo 1759
1767 Sufannah Hazard Widow of Richard Hazard
aboves^ & Daughter of George & Mary Hazard (of
Bofton Neck in S" Kingstown late deceaf'') departed
this Life on the 28"' of ye 4"' mo. Call'' april about 9
oClock in ye evening aged
1771 Stephen Champlin Departed this Life the 22
of the 7th mo. Call"' July the first day of y? Week
about Sun Sett.

APPENDIX 317
Mary Champlin Widow to the above s"?. Stephen
departed this Life the 13'.'' of the 3"' month A. D 1773
aged Sarah Hazard Widow of Robert Hazard late de
ceased, departed this Life the i?' day of the 2? month
Call"? February 1772 about half after Eight oClock in
the evening being the 7^'' day of Week. Aged 77
years the of the Eight month Call^ Auguft 1771.
The 12* of the 7"" month Called July A. D: 1732
Grand Father Richard Borden departed this Life.
The above ace' of Grandfather Borden's Death
was taken from an ace'. Left by Father Hazard &
found on a loofe Paper amongst his Papers after his
Death Th" Hazard of RobT

INDEX.

Act of 1729, regulating Eman
cipation, 45.
Allen, Mathew, 164.
Anabaptists, 25.
Apprenticeship, 167.
Arnold, Thomas, 187.
Assembly, General, 1672, 8.
Atherton Company, the, 5, 6.
Austin, Jeremiah, 121, 166.
Averit, Sier, 114.
Babcock, Abijah, 123.
Barclay's Apology, 192.
Barney, Jacob, 122.
Beef, 78.
Benson, Gabriel, 25, 136.
Bent, Sarah, 129.
Berkeley, his visit to Newport,
25.
Berkeley on slavery, 46.
Books as plunder of war, 201.
Borden, Sarah, 33.
Boston Neck, purchases in, 20.
Brags, Nicholas, 104.
Brenton, Jaleel, 83.
Brinley, Francis, 20.
Brinley, Dame Deborah, 20.
Brown, Moses, 180, 187, 199,
205.
Brown, Thomas, 36.
Browne, 'WUliam, 35.
Bull house, destruction of, 11.
Bull, Isaac, 37.
Jireh, 9.
Patience, 34.
Burnyeate, John, 10.
Burrill, James, 188.
Caliminco, loi.
Canonicus, no.

Carpenter, James, 97, 104.
Carts, let, 71.
Cartwright, John, lo.
Cattle distrained, 157.
Champlin, Stephen, 36, 124, 136.
Mary, 126.
Robert, 126.
Susey, 210.
Chase, Mary, 131.
Cheese, 78.
Chocolate, 67.
Clapp, President of New Ha
ven College, 33.
Clarke, John, 13.
Latham, 58, 138.
Martha, 138.
Coddington, 'William, 13.
Colonel, 137.
Coins, 148.
Cooke, Governor, 152.
College, New Haven, 33.
College Tom. See Thomas
Hazard, son of Robert.
Collins, Amos, 175.
John, 205.
Joseph, 116.
Hezekiah, 177.
Committee on Manumission,
177.
Committee on Rathburn case,
174.
Congdon, Ephraim, 176.
Joseph, 81, 165, 191, 192,
196, 200.
Joseph, Jr., 68.
Samuel, 209.
Connecticut boy, 43.
County pay, 19.
Court of General Assembly in
Narragansett, 9.

320

INDEX

Corn, 109.
Corn, price fixed for it, 113.
Crandall, Anstress, 104.
Grossman, Sarah, tailoress, 131.
Culverwell, Thomas, loi.
Currency, Friends advised
against it, 202.
Dag-locks, 94.
Dancing, 160.
Dick, Mary, 130.
Dockray, John, takes cheese,
80.
Dorothy's Hollow, 92.
Dougglass, Joanaa, 130.
Drinker, Mrs. Elizabeth, 182.
Duroy, 97.
Dye, Michael, 121.
John, 123.
Dyre, 'William, 13.
Easton, John, 36.
Nicholas, Governor, 9.
Nicholas, 140.
Education, 198.
Edwards, Jonathan, 188
England, sports of, 28.
Fayerweather, Rev. Mr., 49,
99-
Fenner, Arthur, 187.
Ferry to Newport, 76.
Fight, Great Swamp, 11.
Finances, 154.
Flax, 104.
Fox, George, 9.
Fox, George, the meeting, 24,
49, 159; his Journal, 192.
Friends clear of slavery, 176.
Friends' School, 200.
Friends' sufferings, 201.
Gardner, Anstis, 36, 138.
Henry, 83.
John, 76.
"William, 139.
General Assembly, 1672, 8.
Gorton, Samuel, 7.
Samuel, in Aquidneck, 13.
Gould, Adam, 115.
John, 104.

Great Swamp tight, 11.
Greek Testament, 35.
Green, Paul, 74.
Greene, Richard "Ward, 188.
Greenman, Hannah, 96, 104.
Griswold, Matthew, 179.
Handkerchiefs, 105.
Handson, John, 37.
Hamond, Joseph, Jr.. 36.
Hammond's Mill, 116.
Hafsard, 35.
Hassard, Esther, 36.
Hassard, Robert, 35.
Haszard, Susannah, 22.
Hay, 77.
Hazard, variety in spelling the
name, 22.
Abigail, 37.
Bedford 'Tom, 40.
Caleb, 163.
Elizabeth, 141.
Enoch, 145.
Colonel George, 14, 22,
loi.
George, 150.
Hannah, 13.
Isaac Peace, 39, 42, 50.
Jeffrey, 120.
Stout Jeffrey, 88.
Jeremiah, 22.
Jonathan, 22, 52.
Jonathan, son of Jonathan,
153-
Jonathan of Newport, 81.
Mary, daughter of Robert,
Mary Peace, letter from,
214.
Richard, death of, 53, 144,
166.
Robert, of Enniskillen, 12.
Robert, 12; deed of gift,
21.
Robert, of Boston Neck,
30 ; deputy from South
Kingstown, 31 ; his will,
31 ; makes a deed of gift,
39; not a Quaker, 59;
deed of gift, 50 ; 'Will of
1 745) 51 ; his last will, 51 ;

INDEX

321

death of, 51 ; in ministe
rial suit, 84 ; provisions
of his will, 124.
Robert, Dr., 36.
Robert, Governor, 36.
Robert, son of Richard,
144.
Robert, son of Thomas, 39,
210.
Rowland, son of Thomas,
40, 87, 132, 141, 211.
Rowland, son of Rowland,
89.
Stephen, 144.
Sarah, 89, 90.
Sarah, 210.
Susey, 210.
Thomas, 12.
Thomas, his will, 23,
Thomas, of Boston Neck,
15-22.
Thomas, record of his
death, 24.
Colonel Thomas, 45.
Thomas, of Newport, 59.
Thomas, Jr., 210.
Thomas, Jr., 132.
Thomas, son of Benjamin
(Nailer fom), 69, 135.
Thomas R., 12,212.
Hazard, Thomas, son of Robert,
his marriage, 37 ; his door
steps, 39; awakened to the
evils of slavery, 42 ; his edu
cation, 48 ; his father's will
destroyed, 51; executor, 52;
his account book, 56; joint
heirs in Susquehannah Co.,
144; first service to the meet
ing, 164; on committee to
correspond with London
Friends, 178 ; on committee
to petition Legislature, i8o;
on committee to draw consti
tution for Abolition Society,
187 ; on committee to take
deed of old meeting-house,
191 ; on committee to define
duties of overseers, 191 ;
clerk of the meeting, 194;
his handwriting, 200; signs

address to Generals Wash
ington and Howe, 205 ; ap
pointed to encourage Friends
in the trials of war, 208 ; his
death, 215.
Hefernan, "William, 9.
Helme, James, storekeeper, 21-
58; purchases at, 131.
Judge, 137.
Powel, 67-72.
Helmes, the family, 137
Herd's-grass seed, 77.
Hetchel, 68.
Hill, Henry, 119.
Hopkins, Stephen, 180.
Samuel, 188.
Horseshoes, 68.
Hospital in the old meeting
house, 206
Howe, General, 205.
Huguenot refugees, 25.
Hull, John, 6,
Dame Judith, 20.
Joseph, blacksmith, 67.
Hutchinson, Mrs., 7.
Independents, 25.
Inflated currency, 147.
Irejsh, George, 63.
Jakeways, Lowes, 128, 132.
Jefferson, Thomas, 185.
Jeffreys, Mr., 13.
Jesse, Joseph, 98.
Johnson, Augustus, 139.
Jonnycake, in.
Kings County, 44.
Kings Province, The, 8.
Kingstown incorporated, II.
Knowles, Daniel, 97.
John, 176.
William, 155.
Lawton, Isaac, 178.
Lease of land, 19.
Linen, 97.
Little Neck beach, 64.
Little, William, shoemaker,
74-
Lyman, Daniel, 188.

322

INDEX

Martin, Albert, 97.
Mash, John, 58.
Manumission, Committee on,
177. papers, 177.
Griswold on, 179.
Matunuc, 29.
McSparran, Dr. James, on
boundaries, 4 ; on his field of
labor, 24 ; on Dr. Clapp, 32 ;
services for slaves, 47 ; on
various sects, 49 ; on slavery,
53 ; ministerial lawsuit, 85 ;
on the products of Narra
gansett, 93.
Meeting, George Fox's, 10.
Meeting-house, wedding in, 30.
used as hospital, 207.
burned, 211.
Milk, 78.
Ministerial Farm, 34, 72.
Money, paper, 145.
Monthly meeting records, 159.
Mott, Jacob, Jr., 178.
Mumford, George, 84.
Lucy, 37.
Stephen, 30.
Mutton, 94.
Nailer Tom. See Thomas Haz
ard, son of Benjamin.
Narragansett, its area, 3.
Gov. Winthrop's descrip
tion of, 3.
Country writers on, 27.
Narragansett pacers, 64.
New Light Meeting, 128.
Nichols, Andrew, 72, 105-107.
Eunice, 105.
John, 150.
Martha, 130.
Niles, Rev. Samuel, 83.
Nine - partners' monthly meet
ing, 194.
Oatley, Benedict, 98-103.
Oats, 117.
Oldham, John, 1 10.
Old Tenor bills, 60-147.
Oxen, 71.
Ozenbridges, 107.

Paper money, 145.
Papers of Thomas Hazard, 40.
Pawcatuck River, 4.
Peace Dale, Site of, 15.
Peckham, Peleg, 89, 148, 162,
191, 198, 200.
Pemberton, John, letter from,
182.
Pepper-corn as rent, 121.
Pequot trail, 18.
Pettaquamscut purchase, 5-8.
Philip's, King, War, 10.
Phillis, 80.
Pint Judy pint, 19.
Point Juda or Judah, 20.
Pollock, WiUson, 158.
Potter, Henry, 155.
Colonel John, 73.
William, 36.
Powell, Esther, 136.
Priamus, 1 18-182.
Providence Society for abolish
ing the slave trade, 187.
Pugh, Sarah, 131.
Quakers, 25.
Wedding of Thomas Haz
ard, 35.
in Rhode Island, 49.
not Christian people, 43.
Quebeck, letter from, 145.
Rate bills, 156.
Rathbun slave case, 170.
Rathbun, Joshua, 171.
Joshua, 3d, 172.
Redwood, Mehitable, 69.
William, 196.
Reed, Martin, 98, 103.
Regulars on Point Judith, 209.
Rhode Island, a Connecticut
description of, 6.
boy, 43.
paper money, 60.
College, 200.
Richards, David, 139.
Richmond, 176.
Ridge, 'Valentine, 95.
Robinson, Elizabeth, 30; mar
ried, 35.
Hannah, 36, 87.

INDEX

323

Robinson, Matthew, 139.
Mrs. William, 139.
William, 35 ; letter from,
38.
William, 140.
William, son of William,
161.
Rowland, 36 - 45 ; takes
cheese, 80 ; his conduct
to his daughter, 87 ; a
deputy, 152.
Thomas, of Newport, 81,
188.
Rodes, James, 73.
Rodman, Anna, 210.
Benjamin, 37.
Benny, 116.
Benjamin, 191.
Samuel, 37.
Thomas, 164.
Thomas, Jr., 37.
William, 37.
Rotch, William, 188.
Rye, 117.
Saddler, 73.
Sandford, Jack, 119.
School, 130.
Segar, John 155.
Sewall, Samuel, 15; deeds, 16;
the witch judge, 17 ; on sla
very, 18 ; the school and Har
vard foundation, i8.
Hannah, 1 5 ; her dowry,
17-
Sewel's History, 193.
Shearman, Eber, 97.
Daniel, 15, 18.
Hannah, 37.
Sheep-folds, 72.
Sheep, 94.
Sheriffe, Martha, 13.
Shoes, 75.
Silver, price of in 1738, 21.
Slave code in Rhode Island,
166.
Slaves, 28.
Slave trade, 25.
Slavery abolished among
Friends, 176.

Slavery act of 1774, 181.
the abolition act, 185.
act of 1787, 186.
Society for the propagation
of the gospel on slavery,
47-
.Spanish milled dollar, 61.
Steere, Thomas, 196.
Stockings, 105.
Sufferings from war, 204.
Sugar Loaf Hill, 5.
Sugar paid for a horse, 65.
Sullivan, Judge, i88.
Smith, Dr., 99. -
Elizabeth, 118.
Richard, testimony against
slavery, 169.
Tanning, 73.
Tea, 65.
Temperance, 195.
Test Act, 202.
Torrey, Cuff, 54.
Torrey, Dr. Joseph, witness to
will of Robert Hazard,
51,72,82,137.
John, 75, 86, 95.
Mrs., 138.
"Trash," 155.
"Vail, Samuel, 20.
'Venibee, 132.
Walley, John, 16.
Wanton, Joseph, 178.
Philip, 178.
William, 178.
Washington County, 44.
Washington, General, 152, 205.
Watson, Job, 90, 126.
Sarah, 126.
Jeffrey, 149.
Wilbour, 'Thomas, 191.
Wilkinson, Jemima, 100, 213.
Will of Robert Hazard, 51.
Will, Samson, 58.
Williams, Roger, 2 ; enters
the Narragansett country,
4 ; the Rhode Island spir
it, 7.

324

INDEX

Willson, Elizabeth, 82.
Jeremiah, note from, 66.
Samuel, 9, 66.
Winthrop, Governor, 3.
the younger, 6.

Women's meeting, 194.
Woolman, 165, 168.
Worsted, 97.
Yearly-meeting school, 199.

3 9002 00943 316'

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