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LIFE

OP

JONATHAN TRUMBULL, SEN.,

GOVERNOR OF CONNECTICUT.

BY
I. W. STUART.

"A LONG AND WELL-SPENT LIFE IN THE SEEVIOE OF HIS COUNTRY PLACES GOV
ERNOR Trumbull amono the fiest of Patriots." — Washington.

SECOND EDITION.
BOSTON:
CROCKER AND BREWSTER.
1859.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859,
BY CROCKER AND BREWSTER,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.

crrr

, UOBBS, BTERBOTYPER, HARTFORD, CONN.

TO

HONORABLE JOSEPH TRUMBULL,

A GEANDSON

SUBJECT OF THIS MEMOIR,

€\l Wuk,

WITH SENTIMENTS OP HIGH ESTEEM,

BT THE AUTHOK

CORDIALLY DEDICATED.

PREFACE.

The Life of Governor Trumbull, Senior — a man pro
foundly and most honorably interwoven with the American
Eevolution, and, as pronounced by Washington himself,
among " the first of patriots " — has never, until now, bqen at
tempted. To relieve the silence of biography respecting him,
and present his name and fame to the Public, in their true
light, is the object of the writer of this Work.
Of the manner in which the task has been accomplished,
the Eeader, of course, will judge. Suffice it to say here, that
for its due execution the writer, has explored every pertinent
and authentic record within his reach, and believes himself
to have had access to all the most important. Among these —
besides numerous works of General History, biographies of
noted personages, and old newspapers, magazines, and pam<
phlets — which it is not necessary here to specify— he has con'
suited carefully a large and instructive mass of documents,
from the Trumbull family, in the Connecticut Historical So
ciety — another voluminous collection, from the same source,
in the Massachusetts Historical Society — the Johnson, Deane
Wolcott, and Wadsworth Manuscripts in the archives of the
former Institution — many Letters in the possession of Hon.
Joseph Trumbull, of Hartford, Connecticut — Letters also in
the State Paper Office at Washington — and much other
Trumbull correspondence which has been derived from vari
ous private hands. In addition to this, he has scrutinized the
Journals of the Continental Congress, and numerous records

IV PKEFACE.
in the State Capital at Hartford — especially those of the
General Assembly of Connecticut, and of its Council of
Safety, during the War of the Eevolution. Memorials also
from Governor Trumbull's native town of Lebanon, and
reliable memories from his kindred, and from others well
acquainted with his character and conduct, have been gath
ered for the purposes of this Work. Authentication of state
ments, when deemed necessary, will be found, generally, cur
rent with the text. Eeaders are assured, that the author has
labored sincerely, in all that he has written, to be accurate,
impartial, and just.
To Honorable Joseph Trumbull, of Hartford, he feels
especially indebted for the unfailing encouragement which
this gentleman has bestowed upon a task, which has proved,
at times, complicated and difficult. Those only who under
take a similar labor, can fully appreciate the embarrassments
which it often occasions to a writer's pen — but the highly
respected friend to whom I allude, has ever thrown over it
the sunshine of his sympathy and hope.
That the work now given to the Public may prove accept
able to him, to the citizens of Connecticut, and to my fellow-
countrymen at large — and may justly develop for a nation's
veneration one of the most distinguished of its patriotic
sons — is the fervent wish of
I. W. Stuart.
Hartford, April 13th, 1859.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
1710—1740.
Trumbull's birth and ancestry. Of his father. Of his talents and early edu-
! cation. He prepares for College, and entera Harvard University. His course
iri College. Of his classmates — particularly Church and Hutchinson. He
graduates, and prepares for the ministry. This purpose is changed by the
death of a brother, and he embarks in mercantile pursuits. He still contin
ues his studies — what these were, and their effect upon his mind. He is soon,
and repeatedly, elected a Representative in the General Assembly from his
native town. He is made Speaker. He is elected to the post of Assistant.
His marriage, and his first child.  Page 25
CHAPTER II.
1740-1750.
Trumbull's public offices and services. War between Spain, France,, and Eng
land. Connecticut takes an active part in it. Trumbull is deeply interested.
As &. military officer, he is busy in furnishing troops and supplies. He is
charged by Connecticut with highly important and honorable trusts in con
nection with the war. Is a principal counsellor upon military enterprises,
and upon ways and means. He renders • valuable service, and is in high
repute, but does not himself take the field. Three children are added to his
family  Page 35
CHAPTER III.
1750-1763.
Trumbull's public offices and services. Case of the Spanish Snow St. Joseph and
St. Helena, and his particular connection with it. He beneficially settles the
controversy it involved. The second French and English War. The contri
butions of Connecticut towards it. Trumbull's agency in its prosecution. He
again raises men and supplies, and with Commissioners from other Colonies,
and British commanders-in-ehief, decides upon its enterprises. Instances of
consultation for this purpose. He is twice appointed Colonial Agent for Con
necticut to the Court of Great Britain, but declines. His letters of declination.
Comment. The war closes. Trumbull's gratification. The fruits of the war.
General joy  Page 43
1*

VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
1750-1763.
Trumbull in the sphere of his own home and town. Two sons, David and
John, are added to his family. His care for the education of his children.
He is active in founding an Academy in Lebanon. His own views of instruc
tion, studies, and scholarship. He receives honorary degrees from Tale
College, and from the University of Edjnborough, in Scotland  Page 58
CHAPTER V.
1731-1764.
Trumbull as merchant. His partnership connections. His dealings both at
home and abroad — with New York, Boston, Nantucket, Halifax, the West
Indies, and England. The articles in which he traded. Interesting anecdote
in this connection Of himself, his son John, and Zachary, a Mohegan Indian
whom he employed as a hunter. He imports largely, in vessels owned either
in part or whole by himself. His trade enhanced by contracts for the supply
of troops during the French wars. His experience in these contracts. He
establishes semi-annual fairs and markets in Lebanon. His success in these.
His business habits — integrity, energy, and punctuality. The property he
acquired  Page 65
CHAPTER VI.
1764-17 70.
General view of the condition of the American Colonies at this period. In
vestigation into the nature of their connection with the Parent State particu
larly roused. Trumbull's public offices and duties. He is appointed Deputy
Governor and Chief Justice of Connecticut. He watches closely the meas
ures of England. Examines especially the famous Writs of Assistance, and
writes to England about them. The conclusions of his mind upon these Writs
are strongly in favor of liberty. The noted trial upon their validity in Boston
awakens his patriotic zeal. Two applications for their issue are made in Con
necticut to the Court over which he himself presides. His action and senti
ments upon these applications. A striking letter on the subject from his
pen  Page li
CHAPTER VII.
1765.
Trumbull and the Stamp Act. Resistance of Connecticut to the Act, and
Trumbull's participation in it. A thrilling scene illustrating his opposition.
Governor Fitch calls his Council together in order to take an oath to carry
the measure into effect, as required by King and Parliament. He announces
his readiness to be sworn. Trumbull, and other Councillors, remonstrate,
and refuse to perform the ceremony. The Governor argues the case with
them, and insists upon taking the Oath. Four of the Councillors, enough for
the purpose, unwillingly yield. The remaining seven, Trumbull at their
head, still rosist. Their motives, arguments, and some of their language upon
the occasion. The Governor rises to receive the Oath. At this moment, Trum
bull, refusing to witness a ceremony which he thinks will degrade the Colony,

CONTENTS. VII
and is an outrage upon liberty, seizes his hat, and indignantly withdraws
from the Council Chamber, followed immediately by six of his associates.
Judgment of the Colony upon the event  Page 83
CHAPTER VIII
1764-1770.
State of the quarrel with Great Britain just after the Stamp Act. Trumbull
expresses his views concerning it in a letter to Dr. Johnson. His moderation
and fqresight. His character by Bancroft. Great Britain engaged in forging
new fetters for America. Trumbull's opinion of these given in another letter
to Dr. Johnson — and in one also to Richard Jackson, a Member of the British
Parliament. Thus far a prudent remonstrant, but firm in his spirit of resist
ance to the obnoxious measures of the day. This spirit begins to vent itself
with increased energy, when the tyranny deepens — as shown from his letters to
Dr. Johnson and Gen. Lyman in London particularly, and from his corres
pondence elsewhere. He sends abroad State documents of great importance
as regards the contest. He is thoroughly informed of everything passing in
England. Is familiar with the politics and condition of Europe generally — but
especially with those of France, the proceedings of whose Prime Minister, the
Duke de ChoiseuL he watches with deep interest. He is made Governor of
Connecticut at the close of 1769. His appointment a fortunate one for the
Colony. Dr. Johnson's letter upon the occasion  Page 93
CHAPTER IX.
Trumbull's judicial career — down to 1770 — as Justice of the Peace, Judge of
the County and Probate Courts, and Chief Justice of the Colony. Testimony
of Wm. Samuel Johnson, and of the public, on this point  Page 109
CHAPTER X.
1764-1770.
T&Umbull as merchant. He enters into a new partnership. The times are out
of joint, and clouds darken over his business life. The general course of trade
and commerce at this time, and his own in particular. He sends his son
Joseph to England. The son's occupation there, and correspondence with his
father. Trumbull becomes a whaling merchant. His vessels. He meets
with severe reverses — what they were, and how occasioned. His manly
conduct in his troubles. It wins the respect of all his creditors. He makes
to them a full statement of his pecuniary affairs. This statement. He
takes pains, through his correspondence in England, to develop the resources
of his native land. The iron ore of Western Connecticut in this connection.
He commends particularly the Society in England for promoting Arts and
Commerce, and circulates their pamphlets. His creditors forbear to press
him. Adversity serves but to stiffen his energies.  Page 114
CHAPTER XI.
1770-1775.
General view of the period embraced in this chapter. At the outset of
Trumbull's adminstration there is a more cheering state of things — particularly
for Connecticut. One important interruption, however, which was carefully
composed by the Governor. How it was done. The repose continues. Thia

Viii CONTENTS.
interval seized to look at Trumbull in the sphere of his public duties, aside
from the American struggle. And here his Election Speech in 1771— and the
Susquehannah Controversy. The management of this famous controversy
devolves almost entirely on himself. He states the Case. Abstract of this
Statement. The Case remains unsettled when the Revolution commences, but
is afterwards determined. The result. Trumbull waived its further agitation
at the outbreak of the Revolution, in order to promote union and harmony
among the Colonies  Page 125
CHAPTER XII.
Trumbull and the Mohegan Controversy. The origin of this controversy.
Claim of Connecticut. Claim of and for the Mohegans. Attempted settlements
of the case. Its management, just before and after he became Governor, de
volved chiefly on Trumbull. His fitness for the task from long experience in
Indian affairs, and with those of the Mohegans particularly. In. 1769 one of
a Committee appointed by the General Assembly to visit these Indians, and
examine and report upon their condition. The manner in which he performed
his task described by himself in a letter to Wm. Samuel Johnson. His exertions
roused attention to the appeal of 1766 on the Mohegan Case, and caused it,
in January 1770, to receive a fresh hearing before the Lords in Council. A
motion to dismiss it made and refused — and another hearing ordered. A
dark hour for Connecticut on the case. Trumbull, however, makes prepara
tion for it, and presses the General Assembly to fresh effort. He accumu
lates all the resources of defence, and sends them over to England. The
chances of the trial are still against Connecticut — but it terminates favorably
to the Colony. The elder Winthrop's Journal in this connection. Trumbull
copies it, and causes it, for the first time, to be printed. And here his care
generally of valuable papers and public documents. The Trumbull Papers in
the Historical Society at Boston. His interest in statistical inquiries. He
replies to the Queries of the British Board of Trade  Page 137
CHAPTER XIII.
1770-1775.
A crisis in the issues between Great Britain and the Colonies. Trumbull, in
consequence, proclaims a day of Fasting and Prayer, and doubles the military
stores of the Colony. Correspondence between Gen. Gage and Trumbull in
reference to one Thomas Green, a Boston tory, who had been severely hand
led in Connecticut. Cases of other disaffected persons. Abijah Willard, Dr.
Beebe, and two Ridgfield tories, in connection with Trumbull. Trumbull
and the first Continental Congress. His zeal in fostering it. His opinion of
its measures. He diligently prepares his own people for the emergency of
war. He issues a Proclamation against riotous demonstrations. The famous
Peters riot, as officially described by the Governor. Such disturbances not
as yet common in Connecticut. Episcopalians not under the ban of public
opinion, as sometimes charged. Trumbull a tolerationist. His Christian
character described. The non-importation scheme, and his activity in pro
moting it. His son John in revolutionary and educational connection with
the parent. The father's taste and views with regard to the art of paint
ing. Both sire and son are ready for the Revolutionary Future  Page 150

CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER XIV.
1775.
State of public affairs in the winter and spring of 1775. The Earl of Dart
mouth's Circular to the Colonies, forbidding a second American Congress.
Trumbull long on terms of friendly and useful correspondence with the Earl.
He strongly advocates the forbidden Congress. A letter from his pen to the
Earl of Dartmouth, on the grievances of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and of
the Colonies in general. He repeats the sentiments of this letter in another
to Thomas Life, Agent for Connecticut in England. At Norwich he first hears
of the Battle of Lexington. His conduct in consequence. Upon receiving a
circumstantial account, he transmits the same to Congress, and communicates it
to the General Assembly of Connecticut. The duty, in consequence, devolved
on him. By order of the Assembly, he addresses Gen. Gage. His letter.
Gage's reply. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress is alarmed at this cor
respondence, and remonstrates. No ground for this alarm. It is soon, through
Trumbull and others, dissipated  Page 168
CHAPTER XV.
1775.
Trumbull's activity, at Lebanon, in furnishing troops and supplies for the army
at Boston, immediately after the Battle of Lexington. His War Office, and
Dwelling-House, and their associations. On request from the New Tork
Revolutionary Committee, he strives to intercept despatches from England
for Gen. Gage. He receives from Massachusetts an urgent demand for more
troops — with which he complies His connections with the expedition to
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and with military affairs generally at the North,
at this period.  Page 179
CHAPTER XVI.
1775.
Trumbull supplies the Camp at Boston with fresh troops and stores. Some of the
powder he sent told at Bunker Hill. His daughter Faith an eye-witness of
this battle. Its fatal effect upon her. Trumbull's conduct upon her death.
He sends forces, under General Wooster, and supplies, to New York. His
difficulty at this time in procuring supplies. He proclaims an embargo. He
recommends Congress to appoint a National Fast — which is done. He ob
jects to their renewed Petition to the King, but on other points harmonizes with
their action. Congress highly commends his course. He congratulates Wash
ington upon his appointment as Commander-in-chief. Washington's reply. A
difficulty among Connecticut officers on Putnam's promotion to the post of
Brigadier General. Spencer resigns. Trumbull's prudent management of
the case. His letter to Congress on the subject. His letter to Spencer. Its
soothing effect. Spencer returns again to the Army  Page 194
CHAPTER XVII.
1775.
A Council of Safety organized to aid Governor Trumbull. The sessions of this
Council, and Trumbull's efficiency as its Head. He continues active in
furnishing troops and supplies. He is appointed by Congress to confer with

X CONTENTS.
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, about the army. A difference
between himself and Gen. Washington in regard to certain new levies.
Correspondence concerning it. , It is happily reconciled  Page .203
CHAPTER XYIII.
1775.
Trumbull in connection with the sea-coast defence of Connecticut. The dan
gers upon the coast, from the enemy, both to property and person— what they
were. Attempted seizure of Gov. Griswold, and of other leading whigs — as
Gen. Washington — Gen. Schuyler — Gen. . Silliman — Gov. Clinton— and Gov.
Livingston. Trumbull a special object of the enemy's, vengeance. A Tory
threat against him, • A price was set on his head. A special guard, therefore,
appointed to protect him at Lebanon. A suspicious stranger at his. dwell
ing. Spirited ponduct of his housekeeper, Mrs. Hyde, upon the occasion.
He receives alarming intelligence of an intended attack, by a large British
fleet, upon the shipping, and seaport towns of Connecticut. He is busy for
their protection. He detains the Nancy — a suspected ship — and distributes
her avails to the public use. He is applied to by Congress to furnish a large
armed ship to intercept two store-brigs from England. He grants permits for
exportation — commissions privateers — and sends out spy-vessels. His over
sight of prisoners of war. Many such sent to Connecticut Trumbull and
the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenesborough. His management, partic
ularly, of the cases of the elder Skene and Lundy. His management also
of the cases of Capt. De La Place — Major French — and especially of Dr.
Benjamin Church, his old classmate in College. His watchfulness against
tories, suspicious wanderers, and. inimical persons generally. The Detective
System of Connecticut at this time  Page 211
CHAPTER XIX.
1775.
A new anxiety for Trumbull. Soldiers left the Camp around Boston, and
among them some of the troops from Connecticut. Washington writes Trum
bull respecting these, animadverting, in severe terms, on their conduct. An
admirable reply from TrumbulL, Another letter of censure, to Trumbull— from
tlie New York Congress— in regard to Capt. Sears and the Rivington Press
Trumbull's reply. He blames New York for granting permits to carry
provisions to the Island of Nantucket, then deemed somewhat disaffected to
the American cause. Satisfied now that Great Britain will not yield he con
tinues diligent for the public good. For the sake of general harmony, he again
urges Congress to aid in quieting, for the present, the Susquehannah Con
troversy. . Dr. Franklin's Plan of Union sent to Trumbull. His views, concern-
ingit. He proclaims a Fast, at the close of 1775. The Proclamation. Page 223
CHAPTER XX.
Trumbull known and denounced abroad as "the Rebel Governor of Connecti
cut." Extract from a London Magazine, of 1781, showing the manner in which
he was vilified in England. Was in fact the only " Rebel Governor in America," •
at the outbreak of the Revolution. His course, under this aspect, examined and
vindicated by contrast with the course of every other Governor in the United

CONTENTS. Xi
Colonies — viz: Thomas Hutchinson- of Massachusetts — John Wentworth
of New Hampshire — Joseph Wanton of Rhode Island — William Tryon of
New York — William Franklin of New Jersey^John Penn of Pennsylvania
and Delaware — Robert Eden of Maryland — Lord Dunmore of Virginia —
Joseph Martin of North Carolina* — Lord William Campbell of South Carolina —
and James Wright of Georgia  Page 231
CHAPTER XXI.
1776.
Trumbu'Ll ¦ in ' his connections with the war, at the North-— around New
York— and at the East. : He issues two Proclamations for raising a Northern
Regiment. He makes other preparations for the Northern Department, and
hears favorable news from this quarter. He warmly aids the defence of New
York 'by Gen. Lee. An instance, here, of liis promptness and decision. He
guards against tories.' ¦ Congress and Lord Sterling press him to continue his
aid to New York. He strengthens and supplies the army around Boston.
He encourages the procurement and manufacture of the munitions of war.
The works at Salisbury in this connection. Death of his friend and pastor,
Rev. Solomon Williams. Trumbull in his relations to this worthy man —
to his Church — and to his death-bed  Page 243
CHAPTER XXII.
1776.
Trumbull aids the American Army on its way from Boston to New York. He
meets Washington at Norwich. His sentiments on the evacuation of Boston.
He is informed that a large body of foreign troops is on its passage to America —
and that a British fleet of one hundred and thirty sail had left Halifax, bound
for New York. . His preparations thereupon both for the Continental Army, and
for- the defence of Connecticut. He is officially apprized of the Declaration of
Independence. His views of this Instrument. He lays it before his Council,
and it is referred, for official promulgation and record, to the next General As
sembly. Depressed state of American affairs. Trumbull receives the Peace
Propositions of Lord Howe and his brother as King's Commissioners. His
opinion and action thereupon. They serve but to render his preparations for
the defence of New York and Long Island more vigorous. His Exhorta
tion to the people in this connection. Their quick response. Soldiers rush to
New York  Page 260
CHAPTER XXIII.
1776.
Disastrous Battle of Long Island. Trumbull not disheartened — but sends
reenforcements, and animates Massachusetts and Rhode Island to do the
same. He appoints a Day of Fasting and Prayer. His Proclamation for this
purpose. Forces from Connecticut pour into the Continental Army. Wash
ington expresses his thanks to Trumbull. Trumbull's reply. American
affairs still in a calamitous state. Trumbull, undismayed, continues his ex
ertions for the common cause. Some of his labors  Page 271

Xll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIV.
1776.
Trumbull in the department of Home Defence. The hostile vessels and fleets
in the Sound. He is made Chief Naval Officer of the State. He builds three
row-galleys, and a ship-of-war. He confers with ingenious men about marine
devices. Bushnell and his Torpedo in this connection. Trumbull commends
him to Washington. He regulates provision vessels, and guards against
predatory descents, and illicit trade. He concerts expeditions, in aid of
Washington, to drive the enemy from Long Island and the Sound. These
expeditions described. He urges Congress to adopt New London as an
asylum for the Continental fleet. The Marine of Connecticut this year. Its
success. The Defiance captures a valuable British ship and brig, after a
sharp engagement. Admiral Hopkins reaches New London, from the West
Indies, with valuable prizes, and important prisoners. Satisfaction of Trum
bull  Page 278
CHAPTER XXV.
1776.
Trumbull and the Northern Army. His letter to Washington upon the failure
of the Expedition into Canada. He urges renewed exertions for the defence
of the Northern Frontier. They are to be made. His own preparations
therefor. Distressed condition of the Northern Army at this time. Trumbull's
efforts for its relief. The enemy about to descend, in great force, from Cana
da, and occupy the whole country south. Trumbull, therefore, aids to form a
lake squadron ample for defence. His efforts, in other respects, to reestab
lish the Northern Army. The testimony here of General Gates to his
conduct. Arnold's defeat. Trumbull communicates the news to the States
adjacent to Connecticut. He continues to refurnish the army. Gen. Schuy
ler warmly acknowledges his services. His son CoL John Trumbull receives
the American prisoners taken at the defeat of Arnold. A curious conference,
involving the Governor, between Sir Guy Carleton and Gen. Waterbury.
Gen. Gates renews his thanks to Trumbull. Many officers of the Northern
Army are recommended by Trumbull to rewards. He sympathizes with
their grievances, and gives them counsel. Case of Gen. Schuyler in this
connection. Soothing letters to him from Trumbull.  Page 296
CHAPTER XXVI.
1776.
An alarm from Rhode Island. The enemy seize Newport. The Connecticut
measures for defence, and the Governor's cares and duties. The prisoners of
this year. The Mayor of Albany, the Mayor of New York, Governor Brown of
New Providence, and Governor Franklin of New Jersey, conspicuous among
them. Trumbull charged specially with their custody. Case of Franklin
particularly described. Other prisoners — where from — where confined.
Connecticut is overburthened with them. Trumbull writes the New York
Congress on the subject. His letter. The care taken of them in Connecticut.
Trumbull's treatment of them illustrated. He was eminently humane.
His duties and conduct in promoting their exchange  Page 309

CONTENTS. Xiii
CHAPTER XXVII.
1777.
Trumbull opens the year with a Proclamation for a Fast. He devotes him
self to recruiting the Continental Army. The system of additional bounty
in this connection, and a letter from hiin on the subject. Pressing requisi
tions from Washington for more troops. Trumbull responds — and how.
Menaced devastation from the enemy. Trumbull prepares. Danbury laid
in ashes. Measures taken by him in consequence. His Proclamation against
home depredators. He guards against similar attacks, and for the present
successfully. Gallant expedition of Col. Meigs to Sag Harbor, and report
of the same to the Governor. He perseveres in his plans for home defence.
Sends a Company of Rangers to the seashore. His labors in the department
of supplies. Connecticut the Provision State  Page 318
CHAPTER XXVIII.
1777.
Trumbull hears that the British fleet has sailed southwards, but may speedily
return. His preparations in consequence. Himself and Rhode Island military
affairs. Military affairs at the North. Trumbull continues to strengthen the
army there. An interview between him and a deputation of Oneida war
riors — whom he conciliates with a " talk " and with presents. Burgoyne's un
checked progress southwards. Defeat of General St. Clair. The shock to.
the American people in consequence. Trumbull expresses his own bitter dis
appointment in letters to his son-in-law Williams. These letters. Notwith
standing defeat, he is still active to reenforce the army. The tide turns.
Battle of Saratoga, and triumph of the American arms. Joy of Trumbull.
He participates in a solemn Thanksgiving in the Church at Hartford. Page 332
CHAPTER XXIX.
1777.
Trumbull in the naval sphere. The Sound, as usual, infested with hostile ships.
His powers, duties, and labors as Chief Naval Officer of the State. Prizes
this year — their number and value. Trumbull in this connection. Mari
time losses this year small — maritime gains large. Prisoners this year — nu
merous as usual — some specified. Trumbull in this connection again. Their
exchange exacts much labor. Sad state of many Americans whom he re
leased. His remonstrances in behalf of such. Tories and malignants in
Connecticut. Their detection and treatment by Trumbull. His care for sick
soldiers. His care for the farming interests of the soldier. He rotates agricul
tural with military labor.  Page 345
CHAPTER XXX.
1777.
Trumbull and finance. Large sums of money pass through his hands. The de
preciation of the Continental currency. His course on this subject. His views
remarkably sound. " Pay as we go," his financial aphorism. His opinion of a
foreign loan to sink the bills in circulation. The correspondence and friend
ship between himself and John Derk, Baron Van der Capellan, of Holland.
Sketch of this patriotic nobleman. Trumbull addresses him a long and able let-

Xiv CONTENTS.
ter. He closes the year by proclaiming a Day of Public Thanksgiving. Other
Proclamations in this connection. The title of " His Excellency " for the
first time conferred this year upon the Governor.  .Page 355
CHAPTER XXXI.
1778.
Starving condition of the American Army at Valley Forge. Washington
appeals to Trumbull for aid. It is rendered. Many droves of cattle sent
on. Gen. Champion particularly active in the matter. The vital relief they
afforded. The policy of Connecticut in regard to the supply of beef for the
army. Some of its legislation on this subject. Ita policy and laws in regard
to the supply of clothing. The pains taken by Trumbull to procure mate
rials for this purpose, and the patriotic industry of Connecticut women in
fabricating them into garments  Page 364
CHAPTER XXXII.
1778.
The Campaign of 1778 — its plans and achievements. Trumbull as connected
with them. The troops to be raised. Difficulties in the way of enlistment.
He sends two thousand troops to Peekskill. Upon a call from Congress, he
aids in perfecting the defences of the North River. Upon the arrival of the
French fleet under D'Estaign, bringing aid to America, he prepares diligently
for cooperation. He issues stirring Proclamations for raising troops to sup
port Gen. Sullivan in Rhode Island. The soldiers and supplies he sent. Fail
ure of the attempt to expel the British from Newport. His son, CoL John
Trumbull, in the battles there. He sends his father an account of them, and a
map of the battle grounds. A graphic description by the son of his own
experience at the time. The movements of the enemy become mysterious.
American movements in consequence, and the participation Trumbull had in
them. Gen. Gates, with a large force, encamps at Hartford. A public dinner
is given him by the Governor and General Assembly. The Governor present
Description of the entertainment. The problem of the British plan solved,
and the American troops go into winter quarters.  Page 371
CHAPTER XXXIII.
1778.
Trumbull and the Home Defence of Connecticut. Tlie British naval armament
upon the American station this year. Trumbull's protection of the coast His
attention to the Marine. A privateer named after him. The whaleboat sys
tem gives him much anxiety. It degenerates. He watches it closely, and
is sparing of commissions. The benefits resulting to Connecticut this year
from his measures for home defence. Maritime losses few. They are more
then counterbalanced by maritime gains. The memorable capture of the
Admiral Keppel and the Cyrus by the Oliver Cromwell — a Connecticut ship-
of war. Its commander's letter to Trumbull announcing the victory. Prison
ers—a large number this year. March of the captives at the Battle of Sara
toga through Connecticut, on their way to Virginia. Trumbull's arrangements
for it. Case of Henry Shirley, a distinguished prisoner in Trumbull's hands.
The handsome treatment he received from the Governor  Page 392

CONTENTS. XV
CHAPTER XXXIV.
17.78.
Trumbull and the Conciliatory Plan of Lord North. The bills embracing it are
sent to him by Gov. Tryon of New York. His spirited reply. He communicates
them to Massachusetts and to Congress. The plan wholly fails. Trumbull
and the Confederation. Its articles are sent to him, and he lays them before
the General Assembly of Connecticut. His views respecting them. He
urges their adoption. Has long advocated some Plan of Union, and been
impatient at its delay. With Washington he censures Congress for its dilatori-
ness, factiousness, and neglect of wholesome measures. Trumbull and the
currency again. Its continued depreciation. His remedy. Connecticut, upon
his Message, provides for six hundred thousand dollars. He writes the Con
necticut Delegates in Congress on the public debt. With Erkelaus, a patriotic
foreigner, he advises Congress, upon certain conditions, to negotiate a foreign
loan. His views upon the scheme of regulating prices by law  Page 404
CHAPTER XXXV.
1778.
A domestic affliction. Death of his son Joseph, and his feelings in consequence.
Sketch of the son. The father memorializes Congress in behalf of his
son's accounts as Commissary General of the United States. Resolution of
Congress respecting the same. The Wyoming Massacre. Trumbull's special
interest in tlie event. He prays both Washington and Congress for an
armed force to avenge it. His letters on the subject. Through his in
fluence, particularly, a force is finally raised, under Gen. Sullivan — the savages
are chastised — and protection is given to frontier inhabitants. He proclaims a
public Thanksgiving  Page 420
CHAPTER XXXVI.
1779.
State of the Revolutionary Struggle. The main theatre of war now at the South.
The campaign of this year marked by comparative debility. Enlistments diffi
cult. Trumbull completes the quota of Connecticut in the Continental Army by
adding eight hundred men — some of whom participate in the attack on Stony
Point. He also furnishes troops for Rhode Island, and supplies the famishing
thero with food. Ilis Brief for the purpose. The enemy, much to his joy,
abandon Newport. He calls for four thousand troops to cooperate with
D'Estaign, upon the expected return of tlie French fleet to the North.
His Proclamation for the purpose. D'Estaign, however, sails for the West
Indies. Trumbull hears from various quarters — and particularly from Ar
thur Lee in Paris — that a fierce renewal of the devastating policy of the
British King and Ministry, is designed. His precautions in consequence. The
enemy land and pillage New Haven. Trumbull hears of it by express — or
ders out fresh troops — and sends to Washington for help  Page 431
CHAPTER XXXVII.
1779.
The attack on Fairfield, and report of a projected attack on Hartford. Trum
bull's measures in consequence. The attack on Norwalk, and his measures.

XVI CONTENTS.
The alarms upon other parts of the Connecticut coast, and his successful watch
fulness against future hostile descents. Maritime losses and gains this year.
Loss of the Oliver Cromwell and of the privateer Governor Trumbull The
whaleboat system again, and Trumbull  Page 441
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
1779.
Great want of money. Depreciation of national Bills of credit deepened.
Eight millions four hundred thousand dollars apportioned on Connecticut by
Congress. The impossibility of raising this sum. Trumbull's anxiety on the
subject— and his confidence in the future ability of the nation. His views on -
the finances of the country shown in a letter to Henry Laurens. He hears
from Baron Capellan, asking for an American Agent to reside secretly among
the Dutch — and soliciting also from him a circumstantial account of American
transactions, resources, and prospects. Trumbull gives the account in a letter
of great length and ability. The letter. It was shown to the President and
members of Congress before it was sent, and it was highly approved. Capel
lan delighted with it as a most energetic defence of the American cause — and
makes advantageous use of it to counteract English views and opinions regard
ing America. He so writes Trumbull — and in his letter speaks feelingly of him
self and his own life. Tribute to the patriot  Page 451
CHAPTER XXXIX.
1780.
The Campaign of 1780. Another Valley Forge scene. The Continental Army
starving again in its winter quarters. The portion of it upon the North River
relieved by Trumbull. Testimony of George Washington Parke Custis on this
point. The army distressed for support during most of the year. Trumbull,
therefore, called upon for extraordinary exertion. A change made by Congress
in the Department of Supplies. Trumbull under the new organization. He
furnishes provisions, tents, camp equipage, and gabions and fascines, to Wash
ington. He supplies Ethan Allen with powder. His task rendered doubly dif
ficult on account of the wretched state of the national currency. Yet he
achieves it. The whole subject of finance in Connecticut is committed to his
special care. Favorable results. A new Congressional plan, started this year,
for improving the currency, is sustained in Connecticut  Page 466
CHAPTER XL.
1780.
Trumbull and military affairs at the North. Devastations by the enemy in the
Jerseys, and elsewhere. The forces raised by Trumbull for Continental serv
ice, and for Home Defence. Enlistments difficult. An alarm upon the Hudson
River. Washington applies to Trumbull for aid. Arrival of a French land
and naval force at Newport. High expectations of the country in conse
quence. Preparations for cooperation. Trumbull, through La Fayette, congrat
ulates Count Rochambeau and Admiral Ternay, upon their arrival. Arbuth-
not, howover, blockades the French fleet. Trumbull orders on troops to that
quarter. Another alarm. Clinton, with a formidable armament, is reported
to be in Long Island Sound. The Governor's measures in consequence.

CONTENTS. Xvii
A meeting between the American and French Commanders-in-chief, at Hart
ford, to arrange a combined plan of operations. Their expenses in Connecti
cut are paid from the State Treasury. Their imposing reception at Hartford,
the Governor being present. Their first interview in the street near the State
House. Their subsequent interview and consultation at the house of
Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth. Trumbull shares in all their deliberations. The
result. Escorted by the Governor's Guards, and amid the roar of artillery, the
Commanders-in-chief depart for their respective Head Quarters. Washington
on his way hears of Arnold's treason  Page 476
CHAPTER XLI.
1780.
Trumbull aids to rebuild Fairfield and Norwalk. British marauding expedi
tions upon the western frontier of Connecticut. Similar expeditions from Long
Island — particularly from a band of "Associated Loyalists" at Lloyd's Neck.
Trumbull's precautions. Illicit trade, and forays upon Long Island. Trum
bull in this connection. Capture of Gen. Silliman, and counter-capture of
Judge Jones. Trumbull restores Silliman to liberty. The Governor and
naval defence. Maritime prizes this year comparatively rare — losses incon
siderable. Gallant capture of the Watt by the frigate TrumbulL The army
goes into winter quarters. Trumbull and Col. Sheldon's regiment of Horse.
The Duke de Lauzun, and his famous corps of Hussars, take up tlieir quarters
at Lebanon. Their appearance and mode of life at this time. A dinner given
by the Duke to the Marquis de Chastellux and Baron Montesquieu. Trum
bull present. Sketch by Chastellux of his appearance, and of his " saying
grace " at the repast. Another sketch of him by the same hand, and also
of Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth  Page 489
CHAPTER XLII.
1780.
The arrest and imprisonment in London of the Governor's son — Col. John Trum
bull — against all reason and justice — upon a charge of treason committed in
America. The son's description of the event. Benjamin West interposes in
his behalf with the King. Burke, Fox, and other distinguished men lend him
their aid. He is finally liberated — goes to Holland, in accordance with par
ticular instructions from his father, to labor for a loan of money — and then re
turns to America. The father's anxiety and feelings on the subject. The cruel
treatment never forgotten. Death of the Governor's wife. Trumbull's grief.
Her character. Extract from a sermon preached at her funeral. A cotempora
neous Obituary Notice. Her patriotic sacrifices and conduct. A scene of con
tribution for Revolutionary soldiers in the Church at Lebanon, in which Mad
am Trumbull figures conspicuously  Page 502
CHAPTER XLIII.
1781.
General view of the Campaign of 1781. Theatre of war chiefly at the South.
Again a starving army. Washington writes Trumbull of its distresses, and sends
on Gen. Knox, and afterwards Gen. Heath, to explain them personally. A letter
2*

XV111 CONTENTS.
from Knox to Washington, describing his interview with Trumbull. Trum
bull's measures for supply. A letter from Gen. Heath, describing his inter
view with the Governor. New supplies forwarded. Some offi.cers in the
Connecticut Line discontented because of not receiving their full pay. They
complain to Washington, who writes Trumbull on the subject. Trumbull re
sponds, explaining the circumstances, and vindicating his State. The officers
continue their complaints. Another letter from Trumbull rebuking the mal
contents, and again vindicating Connecticut. Great dearth of money. Trum
bull, in conformity with instructions from the General Assembly, strives, but
in vain, to negotiate a loan in Holland. Great demand upon Connecticut for
money. Notwithstanding its exceeding scarcity, Trumbull continues hope
ful — and at last procures funds enough to pay the officers and soldiers of the
Connecticut Line  Page 516
CHAPTER XLIV.
1781.
Gen. Washington, on his way to Newport, to meet Count Rochambeau, stops
at Hartford, and consults with Gov. Trumbull. In Hartford he orders a Court
Martial for the trial of Alexander Mc Dowell, a deserter — who is hanged. A
report that Washington, on his way to Newport, would be intercepted and
seized by the enemy. Trumbull's precautions in consequence. Another meet
ing between Washington and Rochambeau, Trumbull, and others, in regard
to a plan for combined military operations — held at the house of Joseph Webb,
in Wethersfield. Extracts from Trumbull's Diary illustrative of the event
A dinner given the Generals at the public expense. The plan of that cam
paign which terminated in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, and the
final triumph of the American arms, was concerted at this interview in Con
necticut. This plan. Washington, to execute it, calls for more troops.
Trumbull responds to the call. He sends a pressing message on the subject
to the General Assembly. Its favorable results. The French army marches
through Connecticut to join Washington on the banks of the Hudson. The .
attention and entertainment it received on its way. Lauzun's Legion of Hus
sars leaves Lebanon, highly delighted with the hospitality they had received.
Trumbull's humane feelings illustrated by the case of a deserter, who, at Leb
anon, was condemned to be shot A French officer's reminiscence of Trum
bull  Page 530
CHAPTER XLV.
1781.
Trumbull spends several days with his Council at Danbury. Hints from his
Diary of his journey and occupation there. At Hartford he hears of Arnold's
memorable attack on New London. This attack. He sends for careful state
ments of all its material circumstances. His letter communicating the event
to Gen. Washington. He at once restores the defences of New London-
sends thither an additional force— writes for a part of the French fleet to be
stationed there for the winter — and communicates with Gov. Greene of Rhode
Island, and with Washington again, for the purpose of putting Connecticut,
and the Northern States generally, in a reliable posture of defence. . Page 540

CONTENTS. xix
CHAPTER XLVI.
1781.
Forays upon Connecticut. Hostile ships in the Sound. Trumbull's continued
vigilance. An attack upon tories at Lloyd's Neck — and upon other points of
Long Island. Loss of the frigate Trumbull — and of the Confederacy. An
other crisis of want among the troops on the North River — and relief afford
ed by Trumbull. He hears of the triumph at Yorktown. The joy it gives
him. His letter to Washington on the victory. Extract from Washington's
reply. Trumbull, however, still continues his preparations for another cam
paign. He proclaims a Thanksgiving  ,  Page 549
CHAPTER XLVII.
1782.
Military events of the year. England inclined to peace. The United States,
however, continue their military preparations. Trumbull in this connection
again — and in connection with war debts, confiscated estates, refugees, and
deserters. He superintends a new census of the State — prepares the Susque-
bannah Case for trial — and arranges a celebration in honor of the birth of a
Dauphin of France. Prisoners, and his negotiations for their exchange. lie
remonstrates against the course taken by the enemy in this matter, and coun
sels retaliation. Naval matters and illicit trade. He is still active in Home
Defence, although this year there are no material depredations. His measures
for suppressing illicit trade bring upon him the slanderous charge, from a few
worthless traders and tories, of being himself engaged in it. His Memorial to
the General Assembly on the subject. He is thoroughly vindicated. Maritimo
prizes and losses this year. Not deluded by any prospects of peace, he main
tains the little navy of Connecticut with unabated interest  Page 558
CHAPTER XLVII1.
1782.
Negotiations for peace. Trumbull's views of their basis. These views shown
particularly by a letter which he addressed to Silas Deane. Explanation of
the circumstances under which this letter was written. Deane in Europe at
the time — and has heard of nothing but disasters, severely fatal to the Amer
ican cause. He therefore sends over propositions for a reconciliation with
Great Britain. His letter falls into the hands of foes to America, and is ma
terially altered from its original shape. The alterations. As changed, Trum
bull receives the communication, with » request that the plan it contained
should be laid before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull replies
as if to propositions from an alien enemy, in a firm, patriotic, and indignant
strain. The sentiments he expresses are inwrought into all the negotiations
for closing the war. The French Army marches from Virginia for Boston, to
embark for the West Indies. Trumbull provides again for their passage through
Connecticut. The American Army goes into winter quarters. Everything indi
cates a speedy end to the war. Trumbull proclaims a Thanksgiving. Page 571
CHAPTER XLIX.
1783.
Arrival of the Preliminary. Articles of Peace, and Proclamation for a Cessation

XX CONTENTS.
of Hostilities. Trumbull receives the Proclamation from Congress. Accom
panying testimony of Eliphalet Dyer to his services. Testimony also to the
same point of President Stiles of Yale College, in his Anniversary Discourse
before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull directs the due pub
lishment of the Proclamation. The ceremonies at Hartford upon the occasion.
Celebrations elsewhere in Connecticut. Trumbull relieved from further
military preparations. He secures the arms and military stores of the State,
and protects the public property generally. He attends to the liquidation of
war accounts. He receives intelligence of the Ratifications of a General
Peace, and of the contemplated discharge, in November, of the Army of the
United States. His letter to Henry Laurens on the event of peace. He
writes letters congratulatory on the event to Edmund Burke, Dr. Price,
David Hartley, Richard Jackson, Baron Capellan, and others. The tone of
these communications. Extract from his letter to Dr. Price. Now that the war
is over, he advocates solid harmony with Great Britain. A remarkable letter
from his pen to the Earl of Dartmouth, in this connection — in which, particu
larly, lie introduces and pleads the case of the Hon. John Temple. . Page 580
CHAPTER L.
1783.
The new policy of Congress for funding the national debt, and restoring public
credit. Commutation money for the officers of the army a part of it. Public
opinion on this subject divided. Trumbull upon it brought into collision with
a majority of his constituents. The reasoning of the opponents of this policy —
particularly against commutation. Their public action thereupon, and the
public ferment. Reasoning of Gov. Trumbull and others in favor of this
policy. He commends the whole national system to the General Assembly
of Connecticut, and urges them, by taxation, to provide for the establishment
of public credit, and do justice to creditors. The People jealous of a Federal
Government with powers within itself competent for its own support. Trum
bull in favor of such a government The National Arm, in his view, ought to
be strengthened  Page 594
CHAPTER LI.
1783.
Governor Trumbull now an old man — has been in the public service over
half a century — and determines to retire. He gives notice of his intention
to the General Assembly, in October, in a Farewell Address which he entitles
his "Last Advisory Legacy." The document. Comment Report and Resolu
tions thereupon. Explanation of the jealousy in Connecticut of the powers
and engagements of Congress. Extensive sympathy, both at home and
abroad, in the sentiments of Trumbull's Farewell Address. Washington's
opinion of it, and his friendship for Trumbull. They harmonized in tlieir
political creed  Page 603
CHAPTER LII.
1783.
Trumbull receives a present, with an accompanying letter, from the Patriotic
Society of Enkhuyzen, in Holland, as a testimonial of respect for his distin-

CONTENTS. XXI
. guished services. The letter — additional ones from San Gabriel Teegelan, and
Capellan — and Trumbull's reply. His son. Col. John Trumbull, now, upon the
restoration of peace, consults with his father as to his future occupation for life.
The interview between them on this matter as described by the son. The son
goes abroad to perfect himself as a painter. The father's efforts to promote
his success. He writes Burke, Dr. Price, and others in his behalf. His affec
tion for him. . .His friendship and correspondence with Dr. Price. He receives
from the latter his principal pohtical pamphlets, and takes pains to republish
and circulate one important one among his countrymen. The Susquehannah
Case engages his attention anew. It is adjudicated at Trenton — against Con
necticut. The disappointment to Trumbull. The Council of Safety ends its
labors. American soldiers return to their homes. Washington resigns his
commission. The last military scene of the Revolution is closed. Trumbull
proclaims his last Thanksgiving  Page 615
CHAPTER LIII.
1784-1785.
Trumbull superintends the collection and liquidation of military accounts. Un
der instructions from the General Assembly, he urges Congress to add the ex
pense of defending the sea-coast and western frontier of Connecticut to tlie
debt of the Continent Reasons for this application. The question of grant
ing the Impost Power to Congress is warmly agitated in Connecticut. Com
mutation, taxation, and the Order of the Cincinnati become mingled up with
it Excitement intense. A Petition to Congress against Commutation, and
the Impost Power, emanates from the Lower House of the General Assembly,
and a Convention at Middletown addresses the people on what it styles the
pubhc grievances. The reasoning of the objectors. A factious uneasiness,
consequently, among the people of the State. Trumbull's course at this crisis.
Testimony of Chief Justice Marshall respecting it. He discloses his fears for
the public order and safety in a letter to General Washington. The letter.
Washington's reply. He labors assiduously to allay the political storm. His
arguments on the side of law, order, good faith, and good government. By
whom aided. Looked to as the only pilot, he is urged, notwithstanding his
resignation, to continue in his post as Chief Magistrate of the State. He per
sists, however, in his purpose of retirement from public life, and Matthew
Griswold is chosen in his place. The Address to Trumbull from Dr. Joseph
Huntington's Election Sermon in May. The public policy for which Trum
bull has labored, achieves at last a signal triumph. The popular ferment sub
sides. Commutation comes to be thought a harmless measure of justice.
Connecticut grants Congress the Impost Power. Trumbull's high satis
faction  Page 629
CHAPTER LIV.
1784-1785.
Trumbull, in a letter to Washington, expresses his own anticipations of hap
piness in retirement from public cares. Washington's reply. Upon his with
drawal from office, the General Assembly appoint a Committee to devise some
suitable testimonial of respect. They report an Address to his Excellency,
and an escort upon his leaving Hartford for Lebanon. The Address. A re-

XXII CONTENTS.
ply. His departure— escorted by the Governor's Guards, a deputation from
the Legislature, the High Sheriff of Hartford County, and numerous gentle
men of distinction. His life in retirement. His business as a merchant —
particularly his English debts. He memorializes the Legislature upon the
subject of remuneration for his past services, and presents some remarkable
facts in his own history. His patriotic sacrifices appear in a striking light.
Remuneration allowed.  Page 647
CHAPTER LV.
1785.
Trumbull devotes himself to the duties of religion. Biblical literature, divinity,
and correspondence on theological subjects, employ a large share of his atten
tion. He composes sermons. Some of his correspondence with President
Stiles. He is attacked with malignant fever. His sickness, and his death.
His funeral, and extracts from a sermon preached on the occasion. His tomb,
and its occupants. His epitaph  Page 662
CHAPTER LVI.
1785.
The general and profound grief upon the death of Governor TrumbulL Obitu
ary and other notices of the event. One from the Hartford Courant A let
ter of condolence addressed by Washington to Jonathan TrumbulL Junior.
Extract from an Election Sermon delivered a few months after his decease by
Rev. Levi Hart, of Preston. Summary of his life and character. His patriot
ism. His industry and toil. His character as a son — as a husband — as a
father — as a friend, companion, neighbor, and philanthropist — and as a Chris
tian, and a scholar. His prudence and wisdom. The American nation was
baptized, in his name, " Brother Jonathan." The harmony of his moral, in
tellectual, and sensitive faculties. Conclusion.  Page 676

PART I.

LIFE OF TRUMBULL.
CHAPTER I.
1710—1740.
Trumbull's birth, and ancestry. Of Ms father. Of Ms talents and early
education. He prepares for College, and enters Harvard University.
Eis course in College Of Ms classmates — particularly Church and
Hutchinson. He graduates, and prepares for the ministry. This
purpose ia changed by the death of a brother, and he embarks in
mercantile pursuits. He still continues his studies — -what these
-were, and their effect upon his mind He is soon, and repeatedly,
elected a "Representative in the General Assembly from Ms native
town. He is made Speaker. He is elected to the post of Assistant.
His marriage, and his first child.
In the thriving agricultural town of Lebanon,* Connec
ticut — upon a broad and beautiful street which extends up
wards of a mile in length — in a house situated near the old
Congregational Church — Jonathan Trumbull, the subject of
this memoir, was born on the " 12th of October, 1710."
He sprang from a family, which, it is now fully estab
lished, is a branch of the Turnbulls of Scotland, and owed
its heraldic origin to the desperate gallantry of a young
peasant, who when one of the kings of that country, being
engaged in the chase, was attacked by a bull, and was in
imminent danger — "threw himself before the king, and with
equal strength, dexterity, and good fortune, seized the animal
by the horn, turned him aside, and thus saved the royal life.
The king, grateful for the act, commanded the hitherto ob
scure youth to assume the name of Turnbull, and gave him
an estate near Peebles, and a coat of arms — three bulls'
*So named by tho Rev. James Fitch, from a swamp of cedars in the "One
Mile Propriety." 3

26 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1710—1132.
heads, with the motto, Fortuna favet auclaci"— bearings .which
are still preserved in the American branch of the family.

The first ancestor of Jonathan Trumbull in this country,
John Trumble — for so the name was spelt until the year
1766 — came from Cumberland County in England, and set
tled in Eowley, Essex County, Massachusetts — from whence
one of his sons, also named John— a highly respectable man,
who in 1640 had been made a freeman, in 1686 a deacon in
the church, and in 1689 a lieutenant in the militia— emi
grated to Suffield, Connecticut, somewhere near the close of
the seventeenth century. This settler in Connecticut had four
sons_John, Joseph, Ammi, and Benoni— the first of whom
became afterwards a distinguished clergyman in Watertown,
Connecticut, and was the father of John the poet and cele
brated author of M'c Fingal. The second — when twenty-
one years of age — between 1704 and 1708 — moved to Leba
non in the same State, where he established himself as a
merchant and a farmer. The third moved to East Windsor,
where, probably, he tilled the soil. The fourth settled in
Hebron, also as a merchant and a farmer, and was the father
of the well-known historian Benjamin Trumbull.
Joseph, of Lebanon, the parent of the subject of this me
moir, was " a respectable, strong-minded farmer," says his
grandson John the painter. He was "a substantial man,'
affirm all the accounts we have respecting him.* It was a
fine (township, that in which he located himself — of a mod-
* " He seems to have been identified with moat of the enterprises of the day,"
unys Hon. L. Ilebard of Lebanon — writing us respecting him, after a. careful ex
amination of records. He was long captain of the Lebanon Train-Band.

1110—1732. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 27
erately hilly surface, with a chocolate colored soil, generally
a deep, unctuous mold, well adapted for grass and grains —
and agriculture was almost universally the business of its
inhabitants. It furnished quite a demand for merchandise,
as did also the surrounding country, which was compara
tively well-populated — so that in his double capacity of
trader and planter, Joseph Trumbull had a fair field for ex
ertion, and seems to have thriven well. His own advantages
for instruction had been quite limited, but he had a high ap
preciation of knowledge, and determined— the more earnestly
because of a sense of his own deficiency — to provide his off
spring with every opportunity for cultivating their minds
which the times could afford — sparing for this purpose no
care or expense within his means. "He made it his first
object," testifies his grandson, to give to his children "that
first blessing of social life" — education.*
His son Jonathan, in the promise of his youth, answered
all the fond desires of his father. He early developed fine
talents, and a most amiable disposition. He was fond of
books and study, and when placed, as was probably the case,
with the clergyman of his parish — the Eev. Samuel "Welles —
to prepare for college, he made rapid and commendable prog
ress. How far, and with what zeal, he entered into the
sports of boyhood, we are not informed. Certain it is, how
ever, that he was endowed by nature with a most vigor
ous constitution — that his habits were very active — and that
he did nothing in the remotest degree tending to impair a
body, or deteriorate a mind, formed for enduring industry
and energy. n
In 1723, at the age of thirteen, he entered college — well
fitted, though very young — an ingenuous, modest boy — from
his tender years, and retired life hitherto, quite bashful, it is
reported. He at once applied himself carefully to his college
studies, and soon became distinguished as a scholar. To an
accurate knowledge of the Greek and Latin tongues, he
speedily added a knowledge of the Hebrew, in which he
* He had eight children — four sons, and four daughters — viz. : Joseph, Jona
than, John, "David, Mary, Abigail, one Hannah who died young, and a second
Hannah. His wife was Hannah Higley of Simsbury Conn.

28 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1710—1732.
subsequently became so great a proficient that he was able to
compile, chiefly for his own use, a grammar of the language,
and to use its phrases, in after years, freely in his correspond
ence with learned men. He became soon also skilful in
mathematics, and familiar with all the studies of the day.
By his college mates he was universally beloved. The great
steadiness and sincerity of his conduct, particularly, attracted
respect — qualities which his subsequent life, in all its long
extent, exhibited with unvarying constancy.
The natural turn of his disposition was decidedly serious —
so much so that we find him, even while a Freshman in col
lege — at an age and under circumstances not particularly cal
culated to promote the growth of piety in the youthful
mind — -joining a secret Eeligious Society in the Institution to
which he belonged — which was organized for the special pro
motion of morality and devotion, and to encourage, among
its members, love, charity, harmony, and all the virtues.
The Articles or Canons of this Society, are fortunately pre
served.* Regulce vitae as they were, both to the youthful stu
dent, and throughout life to the man, as divine, merchant,
civilian, magistrate, parent, neighbor, and friend — as in the
same manner, in striking similarity, were to Washington
those excellent though quaint "rules for behavior in compa
ny and conversation," which, evincing his "rigid propriety
and self-control," he in boyhood compiled with his own
handf — we here give them entire. They are dated "Cam
bridge January ye 10 — Anno Domini 1723," and are entitled
"The articles which all that belong to the Private Meeting,
Instituted at Harvard College, 1719, assent unto."
" It being our indispensable Duty," they proceed, " as well as undeni
able Interest, to improve all Opportunities and Advantages that God is
graciously favoring us with, to his Honour and Glory, and our eternal
welfare, as also to avoid all those Temptations and Allurements to evil,
which we are in Danger to meet with, And to Edifie, encourage, and ex
cite one another in the ways of Holiness, and Religion : we do to that
end assent to the following articles, viz : —

* Upon a scrap, in his own handwriting, among the Papers of Trumbull in the
Conn. Historical Society.
t They still exist in manuscript in the handwriting of Washington himself.

1710—1732. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 29
1. " That we will meet together for the worship of God twice in a week,
viz., on Saturday and Sabbath-Day Evenings.
2. " Being met together, we shall as God enables us, perform the sev
eral injunctions of our meeting, the first (as to his station in College)
beginning, and so Proceeding to the last, except any one, for good rea
sons, shall Desire to be Excused.
3. " That we will bear with one another's Infirmities, and that we will
Divulge Nothing, of what nature soever, that is done at our meetings.
4. " When we are absent from our meetings, we will endeavor to be
have ourselves so that none may have occasion to speak Evil of us.
5. " That all manner of disagreeing Strifes or Quarrellings with one
another shall be suppressed by us, and that we will live in Love, Peace,
and Unity, one with another.
6. " That if any one sees or hears another speak anything unbecom-
ing a Member of such a society, he shall reprove him as far as he shall
think the Reproof worthy, but he shall do it with all Meekness, Love
and Tenderness towards him.''
Articles these, which breathe the beautiful spirit of charity,
and guide to innocence of life, to peacefulness, and to happi
ness. Trumbull seems to have observed them carefully
throughout his college career, and to have reaped their legiti
mate fruits. With gratified hope as a scholar — with a flatter
ing academical honor — accomplished for usefulness in future
life — he took his degree, and graduated in 1727 — in a class
consisting of thirty-seven members — all of whom, save one —
Benjamin Kent, who died in 1788 — and perhaps one other —
Belcher Nbyes, who died in the same year with himself — it
was the remarkable fortune of Trumbull to survive.
Conspicuous among these his classmates were Benjamin
Colman, Belcher Hancock, Benjamin Church, Thomas Hutch
inson, and eight others — of which eight all were, subsequent
ly, either professors of theology, or pastors of churches, of
good repute, and two of them, together with Church, mem
bers with Trumbull, through college, of the secret Eeligious
Society. Church and Hutchinson deserve to be particularly noted
here — because, in after years, they were so singularly- con
trasted in public life, with their former classmate and friend.
Church, on the outbreak of the American Eevolution — then
distinguished as a highly skilful physician, and a member
from Watertown of tlie Massachusetts General Assembly —

30 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1710—1732;
was accused, and justly, of a traitorous correspondence with
the enemy, and was placed, by order of Congress, in strict
custody, under the charge and keeping of Governor Trum
bull — of which fact we shall have occasion to speak more
particularly hereafter.
Thomas Hutchinson — in after years the celebrated gov
ernor of Massachusetts, and able historian of that province —
was as much noted for his tory principles and tory zeal, as
Trumbull was for his convictions and conduct in the oppo
site direction. More than any other man of his day in
America, he fanned the flame of discontent between the Colo
nies and the Mother-Country — espoused the views of the
British Ministry — labored assiduously and ably, yet treach
erously to his native land, in their support — and was visited
with the supreme indignation of his countrymen.
Who would have thought that a common Alma-Mater
should have nursed characters so utterly in contrast as
Church and Hutchinson on the one hand, and Trumbull on
the other — that the same lessons of liberty and patriotism,
from the same glowing pages of Greek and Eoman history,
could produce upon youthful minds — similarly fostered,
under circumstances of birth, age, and country all alike — di
vergencies so world-wide apart — that the wounds of a bleed
ing fatherland, should have turned those sympathies which
in college life ran calmly and sweetly in the same direction,
in the one case into the gall of contempt, in the other into
the anodyne of pity — that all the impulses of the two former
should have centered in tyranny, and those of the last, nobly
and exclusively in freedom!
Immediately after graduating, Trumbull returned to his
home in Lebanon. His feelings on the subject of religion —
as might naturally be expected from one who had carefully
observed the articles of that private Society in college, to
which we have referred — becoming every day more and more
earnest, ripened at last into the saving faith and hope of the
Christian believer. He then at once joined the Church at
Lebanon in full communion, and, following the strong bent
of his inclinations, commenced the study of theology with
his revered pastor and intimate personal friend, the Eev. Solo-

1732—1740. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 31
mon Williams. After applying himself with assiduity to all
the preparatory studies, he was in due time licensed to
preach — and very soon after commencing this duty, was
received with such satisfaction in the church at Colchester,
that a cordial invitation was extended him to settle over it.
But Heaven had otherwise decreed. While deliberating
on this call, a domestic affliction turned the current of his
life into another channel. An elder brother, his brother Jo
seph, who had been engaged in business with -his father, and
who had sailed upon a commercial adventure abroad in one
of the vessels belonging to the family, was lost at sea. This
sad calamity occurred in June 1732, upon a voyage to Lon
don. For a long time a forlorn hope was entertained that
the vessel in question might have been captured by the Al-
gerines ; but this hope proved fallacious. Joseph was never
heard of more.
The loss of this son, together with that of the ship and
cargo, which wholly belonged to the family, was very dis
tressing to the aged father. He found himself, in conse
quence, unfitted to adjust his mercantile concerns without the
assistance of his son Jonathan — who was the only member
of the family qualified, in the then complicated state of an
extensive business, to adjust them, and to administer upon
the estate of his deceased brother. This son, therefore, he
called to his aid. Jonathan at once undertook the duty, and
devoting himself to it with industry, became at length so in
volved in commercial occupations, and so essential, through
his services, to their success, that upon the urgent request of
his father, he declined, though with reluctance, the call of the
church at Colchester — abandoned his early and favorite pur
suit — and became a merchant. This new employment di
verted him, of course, from ecclesiastical into the study of
business affairs, and threw him at once into active intercourse
with men. It placed him in position to take part, if he chose,
in all civil affairs, and to figure, if he so desired, in the sphere
of politics, legislation, and public office — a sphere which he
almost immediately, as we shall see, began to occupy, and
which, in connection with mercantile business, he filled till
nearly the close of a long and most honorable life.

32 CHAP. I.— TRUMBULL. 1732—1740.
It is a remark of Trumbull's classmate Hutchinson, that
" many of the first characters in Massachusetts were at first
probationers for the ministry, and afterwards made a figure
at the bar, or in the legislative or executive courts of the
province." Stoughton, Eead, Gridley, and Judge Stephen
Sewall, illustrate this remark in the Old Bay State. Gurdon
Saltonstall, and Jonathan Trumbull, strikingly illustrate it
in Connecticut, and the latter more remarkably, we think,
than any who preceded him. Such persons, after their ordi
nation particularly, adds Hutchinson, "ought to have very
special reasons for leaving their profession for a civil employ
ment." The reason in Trumbull's case has been already
noted. It was a special and an imperative one. But inde
pendently of this — as we progress with his life, that will be
found to have been a most wise dispensation of providence,
which even through a startling bereavement — through the
sad accident of a brother's death, and the infirmities of a
father almost broken with sorrow — took him from the com
paratively narrow sphere of pastoral life in a humble coun
try village, to move in the grander orbit of a whole State,
and a whole Country, for their political salvation and deliv
erance. Though exceedingly occupied, immediately after his broth
er's death, with the cares of business, his mind, accustomed
to thoughtfulness, and trained to investigation, sought and
found new resources in the pursuits of literature, and in the
study, particularly, of history and civil jurisprudence. Of
law, in all its bearings upon the relations of business, he
soon made himself master. With the history especially of
his own country, and of the Motherland, and with that of
communities and nations generally as it develops the causes
of their rise, decline, and fall, and instructed him in the va
rious policies and principles of government, he made himself
familiar. Civil jurisprudence, in fact, became with him now
a most favorite study, and to quite an extent supplanted his
old taste for divinity, though he never, throughout his life,
neglected this last important science.
So well informed did he soon become upoa public affairs
generally, and such was the confidence reposed in his fidelity

1132—1740. CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 33
and discretion, that in 1733, at the early age of twenty-three,
he was elected by his fellow-citizens of Lebanon to represent
their interests in the General Assembly of the Colony. He
was again elected to the same office in 1736 — again in
1737 — again in 1738 — again in 1739, during which year he
was also chosen to the honorable post of Speaker of the
House — and again in 1740, during the May Session of which
year he found himself chosen, by the whole body of Free
men, to the post of an Assistant, and Member of the Coun
cil of his native Colony. Positions these of honor and
trust — in quick succession, and while he was but a youth —
which show, on the part of Trumbull, a rapid growth in the
public esteem. How he conducted himself in them — with
what vigor or wisdom — we have no records ^to show — but
certain it is that to have attained the Speakership, in the
highest deliberative body of Connecticut, when he was but
twenty-nine years old, and the post of Assistant in a body,
which, both in theory and in practice — such was the taste
and demand of the age — was to be composed of "grave and
reverend seignors" — was a flattering distinction, and indi
cated ability and good conduct of no ordinary character.
During this whole period of eight years, and on after
wards, down to the outbreak of the American Eevolution,
Trumbull pursued, with industry, his vocation as a merchant.
Of his management and experience in this department we
shall have occasion hereafter to speak particularly, after we
have brought his public life down to the time of the Peace
of Paris in 1763. Suffice it to say here, that his energy in
mercantile affairs was great, his judgment sound, and his
success, for some thirty-two years, certain and abundant.
In 1735, Love "showed his plumage" to the eyes of the
young merchant. December ninth of this year — at the age
of twenty-five — he married Faith Eobinson, the daughter of
the wise and venerable Eev. John Eobinson, of Duxbury,
Massachusetts, and the great grand-daughter of that famous
John Eobinson who stood at the head of the first Pilgrim
emigration to the New World. She was then a blooming
girl of seventeen — of fine intelligence and manners — of
benevolent heart — of discreet and virtuous conduct — and

34 CHAP. I. — TRUMBULL. 1732—1740.
promised richly to become what she afterwards was, "an
amiable and exemplary pattern," for nearly forty-five years
that she lived with her husband, "of conjugal, maternal, and
every social affection."
The first fruit of this marriage was a son, born March
eleventh, 1737, who was baptized Joseph — and who was
destined, after a partnership for many years with' his father
in business, to run a short but brilliant career in the service
of his country — to figure as the first Commissary-General of
the United States in our struggle for Independence — to be
elected by the national American Congress one of the mem
bers of its Board of War — and finally, after being worn out
in health solely by his arduous labors for his native land, to
die in the midst of the Eevolutionary contest, at a compara
tively early age, a martyr to the glorious cause of American
Liberty.

C HAPTER II.
1740—1750.
Trumbull's public offices and services. War "between Spain, France, and
England. Connecticut takes an active part in it. Trumbull is deeply
interested. Aa a military officer, he is busy in furnishing troops and
supplies. He is charged by Connecticut with highly important and
honorable trusts in connection with the war. Is a principal counsellor
upon military enterprises, and upon ways anct means. He renders val
uable service, and is in high repute, hue does not himself take the
field. Three children are added to his family.
During the ten years which elapsed from 1740 to 1750,
Trumbull, by a vote of the People, held every year the post
of Assistant. In 1745, he was appointed to be of the Quo
rum for the County of Windham for the year ensuing — in
other words, an Assistant Judge of the County Court. In
1746, in 1747, in 1748, and in 1749, he was appointed Judge
of (the County Court of Windham, and in the last men
tioned year Judge also of the Probate Court for the same
district. Of the manner in which he discharged the various duties
which thus, in a public capacity, fell to his lot, we are unable,
from the want of memorials, to speak particularly. But it is
clear that in their performance he was assiduous, and that
from the General Assembly he received frequent marks of
confidence. Upon himself — in addition to his general duties
as legislator and Assistant — was repeatedly devolved the
business of auditing, with the Treasurer, the public accounts —
of inquiring into the state of the public loans — of enforcing
payments due to the Colony, especially those from debtors
whose affairs were in any degree complicated — of converting
sterling bills of exchange into gold, and applying the pro
ceeds to special objects — of superintending, at times, the re
pair of public buildings — occasionally of managing Indian
difficulties — and particularly, in 1747, of adjusting, with a
Committee appointed for the purpose, the boundary line be
tween Connecticut and Massachusetts on the north — a deli-

36 CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 1740—1750.
cate and most difficult task, in the controversy as it then ex
isted between the two Colonies.
But a controversy far more exciting and important than
this about boundary, roused Trumbull during the period at
present under consideration. For now occurred that French
and Spanish War, which — declared first between England
and Spain in 1639, and between England and France in
1744 — was continued down to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle
in 1748 — -nearly ten years. Commencing in resistance to an
outrageous claim, on the part of Spain, to exclusive control
of the Southern American seas, and of all territory on the
southern confines of the British Colonies in America — the
French — upon like claims to territory in the west, east, and
north of America, to the fisheries at the east, and to the whole
sweep of the seas from Maine to the coast of Labrador — joined
in the contest. And from Porto Bello on the Bay of Pana
ma to the easternmost point of Newfoundland — from Onta
rio to the Bay of Chaleurs — from the Hudson and Kennebec
rivers to the majestic St. Lawrence — all was stir upon the
water — all, but specially at the east, was bustle, danger, and
contest upon the land.
There were expeditions against the Spanish West Indies—
against the Floridas — against Louisburgh. There were
French armadas — formidable to New as the Spanish -armada
was to Old England. There were alarming invasions by
Spain of Georgia — but particularly, at the North and East,
there were numerous land attacks by the French on English
settlements, and molestation upon all the frontiers by the
Indians of Cape Sable, St. Johns, Penobscot, Norridgwork,
and Canada. In addition, there was the swarming of French
privateers and men of war upon our coasts — plundering and
capturing vessels to such an extent as not only at times to
endanger our fisheries, but to close them absolutely against
our sailors, and to render all maritime business whatever
perilous without a convoy.
It was indeed a stirring and an anxious time, this whole
period of the war, to all of New England — to no part of it
more, except a portion of the east bordering more" nearly on
the seat of contest, than to Connecticut — and among the citi-

1740—1750. GHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 37
zens of this Colony, save to its Governor and the general
officers in immediate command of its forces in service, to no
one hardly as much so as to Assistant Jonathan Trumbull.
He had, in the first place, his own ships upon the ocean.
As merchant, he sent them to the West India isles, and past
Newfoundland, sometimes with cargoes in part derived from
the fisheries in that region, on to Liverpool, Bristol, London,
and to other places in England. He had, therefore, a deep
interest in the security of maritime commerce. But, more
than all — be knew the dangers and embarrassments which his
country had suffered, for many weary years, from French and
Spanish claims to dominion in the New World — that the
French, particularly, had been a lasting scourge to New
England, and New York — wasting their frontiers — sweeping
off great numbers of their inhabitants — slaughtering their
troops, most of them the flower of New England hope — and
checking, consequently, the progress of trade, husbandry,
the useful arts generally, and of literature, morals, and relig
ion. He felt, therefore, the liveliest anxiety that their power
to do future mischief should be, not only crushed, but extir
pated. Like his fathers before him, he even fasted and
prayed for a result so propitious — so momentous in its bear
ings on the progress of American civilization, prosperity, and
peace. .
Into all the war measures, consequently, taken by Connec
ticut, he entered with alacrity — not only so for the reasons
already given, but also because of a military office which he
then sustained — for at the outbreak of the war, in 1739,
when the militia of the Colony were organized into thirteen
regiments, Trumbull had been appointed Lieutenant-Colonel
of the Twelfth.
It became his duty, therefore, as forces were ordered from
time to time by the General Assembly, to aid in raising the
quotas required from his own regiment — sometimes to beat
up for volunteers, and, as requested specially by the Colonial
Authorities, to "urge upon the people motives for enlist
ment " — to furnish those who did enlist with supplies — to see
to the distribution of their bounty and wages — sometimes to
impress men, arms, accoutrements, and clothing — to appoint

38 CHAP. II. TRUMBULL. 1740—1750
places for the rendezvous of the soldiers, and see them ulti
mately marched, under proper officers, to their destinations
for actual service.
Not a year of the war passed in which Connecticut did
not raise troops — sometimes more, sometimes less — but at all
times, considering her resources and population, for herself a
very large proportion — now, at the beginning of the contest,
some for the West India expedition under Admiral Vernon
and General Wentworth, victims alas, nearly all, of a terri
ble plague at Cuba — now more than a thousand for the enter
prise against Louisburgh — now one thousand for an invasion
of Canada — and now many for frontier and sea-coast defence
upon the D'Anville Alarm — at an expense during the con
test, all told, of about one hundred thousand pounds.
Trumbull, therefore, it is obvious, in his own sphere as
military officer, had no small share of duty to perform.
But it was not with his own regiment alone, and within a
limited military district, that his care was bestowed. He was
frequently charged by the Colony with important general
services in regard to the war, and sometimes with vital nego
tiations. He was called upon to supply arms and military
stores for expeditions at large, and settle military accounts*—
but more than all, and conspicuously— with Commissioners
from other Colonies, and British commanders of highest
rank — he was designated to act as a principal counsellor in
* Thus upon one occasion, with Hezekiah Huntington, he was appointed to
provide, "in the best and most seasonable manner," firelocks, cutlasses, ear-
touch-boxes, and belts, for an expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point
Again, after an attack in this direction, he was to procure the arms belonging to a
portion of the troops, and keep the same "clean and in good order," and receive
and keep also their ammunition, and review and report upon the accounts of their
officers. Thus again he was appointed to examine into the receipts given for
premiums to troops employed at Cape Breton, and correct mistakes, and account
with the Treasurer of the Colony. Thus again, with William Pitkin and George
Wyllys, he was instructed to take into consideration the letters of Agent Palmer,
particularly those relating to the muster-rolls of the forces employed at Cape
Breton, and to secure the best proof of the services of these forces, and complete
the Colony accounts in that quarter up to the time when tlie garrisoning of Louis
burgh was taken into the hands of his majesty, and the troops from Connecticut
returned. Tims, yet again — with such men as Ebenezer Silliman, William Pit
kin, and Gurdon Saltonstall — he was employed to report to tb« Colony full
statements of clothing, arms, accoutrements, bounties, and of all otlier expenses
incurred in expeditions to the North.

1740—1750. CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 39
the chief enterprises of the war — to decide when and how
they should be undertaken, and with what outlay and dispo
sition of men and means.
Thus in 1745, he was appointed, with Elisha Williams, a
Commissioner from Connecticut to repair to Boston — and
there, with Governor Shirley, and such other gentlemen from
Massachusetts and from neighboring Colonies, as should be
chosen for the purpose, to treat about all matters relating to
the contemplated expedition against Louisburgh — that cap
ital point, at once the Gibraltar and the Dunkirk of
America — upon whose secure possession both France and
England mainly depended for the preservation of their
possessions in the New World, and for which they fought
with the fierceness and tenacity of mastiffs.
Again in 1746, he was designated, with the same colleague,
a Commissioner in behalf of Connecticut, in regard to a pro
posed enterprise against Canada. With Governor Shirley,
Admiral Warren and others, he was to consult about the
needful preparations and comfortable subsistence of the
forces to be raised in Connecticut — to see to their proper pro
tection by means of an armed convoy, if their services
should be demanded — and generally, to decide upon the
time, method, and resources of the expedition. Facts show
that upon this occasion Trumbull was a principal adviser,
and that his counsel was followed. The fleet from Eng
land — which was to rendezvous at Louisburgh, and thence,
under Admiral Warren, proceed up the St. Lawrence to
Quebec — was unaccountably delayed, until the season was
too far advanced to risk it on the boisterous coasts of
America. No troops from abroad, nor those yet to be mus
tered in the Colonies, could, in Trumbull's opinion, get to
Quebec, until the winter, with its cold and almost inevitable
waste of men and treasures, should have arrived. He so
informed his associate Commissioners, and they had a second
conference, and the expedition to Canada was postponed.
It is manifest from these, and other similar facts, that dur
ing the period we contemplate, Trumbull was extensively
trusted by his native Colony — in positions all of them of
much responsibility, and many of them of distinguished

40 CHAP. II.— TRUMBULL. 1740—1750.
honor. He had risen rapidly in public favor, and did noth
ing to forfeit it. His punctuality, his attachment to all the
solid interests of Connecticut, as well as to those of the
country at large, but particularly his financial skill, sound
judgment, and earnest love of truth, were in universal
repute. That he did not — himself the Colonel of a Eegiment—
take part in actual warfare — may appear, considering the in
terest he felt in the war, and his own fame, somewhat stranga
Had he done so, his own, perhaps, might have been the
fortune — like that of the brave David Wooster of Connec-
cut — to have figured before the bastions of Louisburgh — and
in honorable notice of his services, to have received at the
hands of the British Government, a lieutenant's commission
and half-pay during life. Or haply, his might have been the
opportunity, at the head of some impetuous brigade of his
own, tp have gloriously effected the capture of Ticonderoga
and Crown Point, and an entrance into the heart of Canada.
Or in some other form he might have signalized his prowess
and his skill in the clash of arms. Certain it is that his
qualifications for becoming a military commander, as time
proved, were high. He showed them abundantly in his after
life. But other public duties— such as those already
described — and the cares of private business — monopolized
his attention, and prevented him from drawing, in person,
"the offensive blade." Perhaps — as we have sometimes sus
pected — from the impulses of a mild and clement nature —
he had some lurking indisposition to become "an iron
man," " Turning the Word to Sword, and Life to Death."
Whatever may have been the causes, however, that kept him
back from the blood-stained field, "it was all," we doubt not,
"for the best." A different sphere had been decreed for his
own display — one in which, indeed, he was to move armies,
but not himself appear at their head — and in which he was
to acquire laurels quite as triumphant as any which have
ever graced the brows of any military conqueror, and a fame":
certainly more justly immortal.

1740—1750. CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 41
During the interval which we have just now had under con
templation, three children were added to his family. The first
of these was a son, who was born March twenty-sixth, 1740,
and was baptized Jonathan, after his father. Like his elder
brother, he too was destined to a remarkable career — like
him to enter with zeal into the cause of his country when
the War for Independence began, but in different depart
ments of duty — soon to become in this war Paymaster-
General for the Northern Department of the American
Army — then Private Secretary to the Commander-in-chief
of all the American Armies — next, surviving the war, to
become a member of the first House of Eepresentatives of
the United States — then Speaker of this House — next a
Senator of the United States — and last, succeeding his father,
after a few years, as Governor of his native State, to expire,
at a good old age, with the mantle of gubernatorial power
still wrapped around him.
The second of tbe children of Trumbull within the period
on which we dwell, was a daughter, who was born January
twenty-fifth, 1742-3, and was baptized Faith, after her
mother. She too, like her brothers already mentioned, had a
Eevolutionary destiny to fulfil — one of singular and startling
import. She was to become the wife of Colonel Hunting
ton, afterwards a General in the army under Washington —
was to follow her husband and a favorite brother to the
" Camp around Boston," and reach there — not to see a for
midable army, as she expected, in quiet though watchful
quarters — but just when the thunders of Bunker Hill broke
over a scene of horrible carnage — which, alarming her "deep
and affectionate" nature for the safety of those most dear to
her, drove her into madness, and to a speedy death.
Another daughter, third of the three children of whom we
now speak, was born July sixteenth, 1745, and was baptized
Mary — probably after a long list of Marys who, in her
maternal line, had borne this name, from the wife of John
Eobinson of Leyden, down. Her career too was to be con
spicuously allied with "the times that tried men's souls."
She was to become the wife of William Williams — a patriot
who was a member of the Continental Congress — who signed

42 CHAP. II. — TRUMBULL. 1740—1750.
the Declaration of Independence — and who during the whole
period of the Eevolutionary War — as the epitaph on his
tomb justly affirms — was "a firm, steady, and ardent friend
of his country, and in the darkest times risked his life and
wealth for her defence."
Striking destiny — that of all the children of Trumbull
whose births we have thus far chronicled, and whose horo
scope we have briefly cast! We shall have occasion, in a
future chapter, to note, and cast the horoscope of more.

C HAPT E R III.
1750-1763.
Trumbull's public offices and services. Case of the Spanish Snow St. Jo
seph and St. Helena, and his particular connection with it. Ee ben-
enciaUy settles the controversy it involved. The second French and
English War. The contributions of Connecticut towards it. Trum-
"buU's agency in its prosecution. He again raises men and supplies, and
with Commissioners from other Colonies, and British commanders-in-
chief, decides upon its enterprises. Instances of consultation for this
purpose. He is twice appointed Colonial Agent for Connecticut to the
Court of Great Britain, but declines. His letters of declination. Com
ment. The war closes. Trumbull's gratification. The fruits of the
war. General joy.
We come now to the period in Trumbull's life from tbe
middle of the eighteenth century, down to the Pacification
of Paris. It is one over which light from memorials shines
again but dimly — but where yet we shall find something to
reward our attention — one during which office still continued
to heap its honors on the head of the Subject of our Memoir,
and War to heap its public duties. Let us look at him then,
as in our last chapter, under both these aspects.
And first as regards civil and judicial functions. In 1750,
he was again elected Assistant — again in 1751 — again in
1755 — and again each year in succession, down to the close
of the period upon which we are now engaged. In 1752, he
was chosen member of the House of Eepresentatives from
Lebanon, and was made Speaker. In 1753, he was again
elected to the House — and again in 1754, in which year he
was for the third time honored with the post of Speaker. In
1750, he was chosen Judge of the County Court, and Judge
also of the Probate Court for the County and District of
Windham. To these two offices he was also chosen for the
three succeeding years, with the addition, in 1752, and in
1753, of that of Justice of the Peace.
In 1754, he was elected Assistant Judge of the Superior
Court, which, at this time, consisted of one Chief Justice,
and of four side Judges, and which had jurisdiction of all

44 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
high crimes and misdemeanors, and of all civil actions that
came to it by appeal from Inferior Courts. This honor, how
ever, Trumbull declined — for reasons which do not appear,
but which, in all probability, grew out of the multiplicity of
his business in other directions. He declined also, the same
year, the office of Judge of the County Court, but filled that
of Judge of Probate. This last office, but not the former, he
filled in 1755 — and so also in 1756. In 1757, he was again
chosen to both offices, and continued to hold them by annual
re-election, to the close of 1763. Besides his ordinary duties
as legislator, and member of the Governor's Council, which
he fulfilled, as heretofore, with regularity, he was often called
upon, as in previous years, to deal with the finances of the
Colony, with its Indian affairs, and at times with ecclesiasti
cal matters of public concern.*
But the most interesting matter of all in the present period,
in a public view — save the renewed war — with which Colo
nel Trumbull was connected, was that involved in the fa
mous case of the Snow St. Joseph and St. Helena — a Span
ish ship — from Havanna, bound to Cadiz — which, in 1753,
coming into the port of New London in distress, ran upon a
reef of rocks, and was so damaged that it became necessary
to unload her cargo — an exceedingly costly and valuable
one — and deposit it, for safe keeping, with the then Collector
of the port, Joseph Hill.
Upon attempting to reship her goods, the succeeding spring,
her supercargo — Don Miguel by name — could find but a
small portion of them — the residue being either withheld,
* Thus in 1751, he was appointed to deal with the Pequot Indians, in relation
to intrusions upon their lands, and upon their case at this time he made an able
report — and in 1760 with the Mohegans, within whose lands he was directed to
lay out highways. Thus he was appointed at one time to allay difficulties in the
Church at Middletown, and fix the Bite of a Meeting House there — and at another
time in Windsor, whither, with Hezokiah Huntington ho repaired, and heard the
parties at variance, and there also staked out the sito for a new Meeting House.
Besides all this, he occasionally had to look after Houses of Correction — to see to
their construction, or their repair, and to appoint masters for the same, and su
perintend their discharge of duty. Tho publio expenses of this period, because
of the renewal of war, were extraordinary, and Trumbull's services, therefore,
in auditing accounts, in adjusting them with subordinate collectors and com
missaries, and in paying over to the Colony its loans, and debts duo, were
more than ever called into requisition.

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 45
lost, or embezzled. Whereupon he memorialized the Gen
eral Assembly for aid and compensation, and the affair taking
wind, soon created the greatest ferment in Connecticut. It
looked injurious towards foreigners. It looked dishonorable
for the Colony. It would involve the Colony, it was sup
posed, in a heavy debt to owners, by way of indemnification.
It might lead, it was feared, to a serious rupture between
Spain and the English Colonies in America. It gave rise, in
its course, to the most unfriendly imputations upon some of
the leading men in Connecticut — and soon, becoming min
gled up with the politics of the day, had even the effect — on
account of attributed tardiness, indifference, and even collu
sion in his management of the case — of displacing Governor
Eoger Wolcott from the Chair of State, and putting Thomas
Fitch in his stead.
Upon this affair — for its thorough investigation, and
peaceable settlement — Colonel Trumbull, with Eoger Wol
cott, Junior, for an associate, became engaged by special order
of the General Assembly — and documents, particularly the
Wolcott Papers, show that nearly all the labor connected
with it devolved on himself — and was discharged with fidel
ity, and to universal satisfaction.
He repaired many times to New London about the mat
ter — -consulted with the King's Attorney there respecting
it — examined the parties concerned, and numerous wit
nesses from various quarters — liquidated accounts against
the Snow — made special search for all that part of her cargo
which was missing, and also for the original offenders. He
made a careful inventory of the stores that were left — deliv
ered them at last, on board the Nebuchadnezzar, into the
hands of the Spanish Agent Don Miguel — and received from
him in return, by letter, warm acknowledgments of his "full
satisfaction and thankfulness" for "the favor and justice" he
had received. By Don Miguel, he wrote to Don Aguedo and
Company, the owners of the Snow — communicating to them
all that had been done for the security of their property, and
in a warm-hearted spirit — wishing, as he expressed it, that God
would "grant Don Miguel de St. Juan a prosperous voyage,
and a kind and happy reception by his friends," and that the

46 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
effects, the misfortunes attending which he took occasion
deeply to deplore, might come safely to hand — he dismissed
the ill-starred, troublesome, strife-engendering agent and
cargo to take their course for Spain.*
To the Assembly of his native Colony, in the course of
his investigation, he made two reports, giving it as his own
and as his colleague's conclusion, upon the whole matter, that
the proceedings on the part of Connecticut, and of its Gov
ernors and agents, were such as wholly to relieve the colony
from apprehensions of liability for the damages sustained—
and that the conduct of Don Miguel, the supercargo, as " ap
peared in the course of the evidences," had been " in many
respects, very strange and extraordinary" — thus impliedly ex
onerating the colony from blame, removing suspicion from
those among its leading characters who had been severely
censured, and restoring the people to tranquillity and
content.f * Trumbull also at this time conferred specially with Charles Crosby, a King's
Commissioner from on board the British ship of war Syren, upon the affair of the
Snow — and delivered to him papers and evidences respecting it, carefully pre
pared — for the purpose of having them transmitted to his Majesty's Secretary of
State. t Some curious indications of Trumbull's care while examining this case of the
Snow, remain. He kept, as he was accustomed often to do — particularly in after
years, when engaged in important investigations — a little diary of his proceed
ings — from which, not so much for the value of the facts, as for the sake of ex
hibiting a specimen of his talent in this respect, and of his exactness, we make
the following extract : —
" Tuesday, Dec. 3d, 1754. Set out with R. Wolcott, Junior, Esq., to New Lon
don on the Spanish Affair relating to Snow St Jos & St Helena — came to Nor
wich — Costs paid by me — 0. 8. 0. — at Hortons, Do. p. Wolcott 0. 8. 0.
" Took lodgings at Mr. John Richards.
" Wednesday, Dec. 4, 1754. Went to Mr Stuarts — sent his young man Temple
to Ship Triton, to Capt. Whitnell — and he appointed to meet us at Dyshons at 4
o'Clock P. M.— and accordingly did — and conferred on the Spanish affair— he ap
peared dissatisfied with the Treatment he had met with, & Tho't it not so civil
as he had reason to expect. After some conversation he seemed more easy— &
we parted.
" Thursday, Deo. 5th. A fine pleasant Day. Capt. Whitnell Invited us to
Dine with him on board the Ship. Went on board with him, Mr. Winthrop, &
Mr. Chew— Dined— Conversed on the affair— showed him the evidences in the
case, our Instructions, & the Kings Instructions, &o — came on shore. Trum
ble £1— Wolcott £1.
" Friday, Dec. 6th. Very Rainy, P. M. Went and talked with Mr. Hull Col
lector. He thinks he hath d'd the Goods, & hath not tho special property of
them.

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 47
But the chief activity of Trumbull during the period now
under contemplation, so far as public matters are con
cerned — and in the exhibition of which he showed, so far as
memorials enable us to judge, great zeal and wisdom — was
again in the sphere of war — of that second long, perilous,
and wasting French War, which, renewed again, by formal
declaration, in 1755, was crowned finally by a triumphant
and lasting Peace on the Tenth of February, 1763. More
than the war which immediately preceded it, this tasked the
strength and resources of Connecticut, enlisted its zeal, agi
tated its counsels, deepened its anxieties, darkened at times
its hopes, and at times more thrilled the old Colony with
exultation. It was conducted in all respects on a grander scale than
the former' — with fuller preparations both of men and mon
ey — with larger aims — with more redoubtable points of
" Saturday, Dee. 7th. Major Wolcott went to Lyme, & I went home to Lebanon.
" Sabbath, Dee. 8th — at home.
" Monday, 9th — at home. Major Wolcott at Lyme.
" Tuesday, 10th — Do — Major Wolcott came to N. Lond.
" Wednesday — 11 — Came to New London — set out after nine o'clock — got
down near sunset. The Weather pleasant this Week hitherto.
" Thursday — 12th — fine clear morning — something cold — sent for Capt. D.
Coit — Don Jos — & Mr. McKenzie — the two Spaniards put on board the Ship.
" Friday — 13th — very Rainy — Went A.\M — & ye Spanish Merc't took ye Guns
to put on board.
" Saturday — 14 — fine fair weather.
" Sunday — 15 — Mr. Adams preached.
" Monday — 16 — Began to Ship the Goods in Mr. Sloan's Stores.
" Tuesday — 17 — Continued Ship'g from Do. Talked with Mer. <fe Sorivan.
"Wednesday — 18 — I went home — Rainy — prepared the Broken Goods — an
entertainment for Triton, officers &c.
" Thursday — 19 — Shipped the Remaindr from Do.
" Friday — 20 — Shipped from Chews or McKenzie's Store.
" Saturday — 21 — Continued Shipping from Do.
" Sabbath — 22 — at home — Mr. Wms preached.
" Monday— 23— Rainy.
" Tuesday — 24 — Shipped from Mr. McKenzie's — come hither.
" Wednesday — 25 — Rainy.
" Thursday— 26 — Shipped 145 seroons from Mr. McKenzie. Fair — Sent Hen-
she to Col'l Huntington. Sugar 111 at 13«— £7. 6. 3.
" Friday — 27 — Fair. Henshe returned. Trumble paid him £4 — County Court
held here.
" Saturday — 28th — Shipped Goods.
" Sab— 29 — Mr. Adams preached — Dr. Goddard's barn burnt.
" Monday — 30th — fine weather — Shipped Goods.
" Tuesday, 31str-Rainy— 21 days."

48 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
attack. Both on the ocean, the lake, the river, and the land,
it was waged often with the fierce energy of men steeled for
a dying struggle. Dashed, in its beginning — from imbecile
management in the English Ministry abroad, and imbecile
English generalship upon the field of strife in our own
land — more deeply dashed than the former struggle with ill-
success — but in its closing years far more gloriously crowned
with triumphs — this contest spread not only over the conti
nent of America, but over a large part of Europe, and the
Indies east and west. From the Heights of Abraham to the
mountains of Germany — from the Mississippi to the shores
of the Ganges — it made almost " the universal air " strange
ly vocal with the clash of arms — for it was France and Great
Britain now that awoke " the sleeping sword of war " —
" And never two such Kingdoms did contend
Without much loss of blood,"
and a rocking of the world to its centre.
To enable us to estimate properly the part which Trum
bull acted in this war, it is necessary to bear in mind the
military levies and supplies contributed by Connecticut to
wards it, with which he, of course, as a military officer, had
much to do.
In its first year, Connecticut raised from twenty-five hun
dred to three thousand men — in the second year, twenty-five
hundred — in the third, one body of fourteen hundred, and
immediately upon the great alarm consequent on the siege
and capture of Fort William Henry by Montcalm, another
body of five thousand — in the fourth year, under the encour
aging change of men and measures in England, and at the
instance of the incomparable Pitt, five thousand — in the fifth
year, at first thirty-six hundred, then four hundred, and next
one thousand more — in the sixth year, five thousand — in the
seventh year, twenty-three hundred, this being all the num
ber then required by Secretary Pitt — and in the eighth and
last year, at first one body of twenty -three hundred, and then
a second body, upon the urgent request of General Amherst,
of five hundred and seventy-five more. Thus, in all, a force
was raised by Connecticut, at different periods during, the

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 49
war, of from thirty-one . thousand five hundred and seventy-
five to thirty-two thousand and seventy-five men — a force
exceedingly large, even in its quota in single years, and rel
atively to her population and means, much larger in propor
tion than that raised by any other one of the American Col
onies engaged in the war.
This army was to be raised sometimes by enlistment, some
times by detachment from existing organizations, and some
times in part by impressment, and sometimes by all these
methods combined. It was to be officered, and formed into
companies and regiments. It was to be armed, equipped,
furnished with ammunition, provisioned, and marched to its
various destinations. It was to receive bounty, pay, and
martial discipline and encouragement, generally before as
well as after its march for the scene of action — and portions
of it — as upon occasion of the general alarm in 1755, imme
diately after the battle of Lake George — and as immediately
after the capture of Fort William Henry in 1757 — were to
be raised with the utmost possible dispatch.*
The precepts for all these purposes — emanating from the
Governor — were directed, as in the preceding war, to the
Colonels of regiments, as the militia of Connecticut was then
organized — and Trumbull, of course, now advanced to be
Colonel-in-chief of the Twelfth Eegiment, had his full share
of them to fulfil. His own subordinate orders, at this pe
riod, for enlisting, detaching, or impressing men, are to be
found in great numbers among his Papers that are still pre-
servedf — orders also, not infrequently, for impressing arms
and accoutrements — orders too, occasionally, summoning to
his own presence, that they might " be dealt with according
to law," those who, having enlisted, had failed to appear —
* As enlistments during the whole war were made for only a single campaign
at a time, the work of raising and equipping a new army of Provincials had of
course to be gone over with every year — and losses of men and arms, which at
times were very great, had to be supplied constantly by new levies, new enlist
ments, and new bounty, pay, and provisions.
t At one time, for example, from his own Regiment, sixty-four men — at an
other, ninety-seven — at another, two hundred and sixty-one — at another, one
whole company — and at still another, the greater part of several companies— for
the defence or relief, as the Orders often expressed it, of " Crown Point," or of
"Fort Edward, Fort William Henry, and the parts adjacent."
5

50 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
and precepts sometimes, accurately drawn, for the apprehen
sion of deserters — and many acknowledgments in writing by
recruits of their enlistment. All these, together with nu
merous muster-rolls of companies, accurate copies of the
Articles of War, as they were then enforced, and of the Oath
of Martial Allegiance, and of the Laws of Connecticut in
relation to the organization of troops, and to the Quartering.
of his Majesty's Eegular Forces in the Colony — which also
are to be found among his Papers — show that his hands at
this period, were full of military duty, and that his compli
ance with every requisition for soldiers was exact and am
ple — as was also his compliance with the additional duty-
imposed upon him now, as in the former war — of settling
Colony accounts — purchasing clothing and ammunition-^
selling bills of credit, and receiving and disbursing money
both from the Treasury of Connecticut, and from that of
Great Britain.*
But he had other duties also to execute in connection with
the contest — those same which we have seen him performing
in the preceding period of warfare — and which, calling for
the display of great wisdom and sagacity, placed him, with
the most vital interests of his country in his hands, on the
platform of a Plenipotentiary, and high Counsellor of State.
More than any other man of his day, in fact, at this time, he
was summoned by his native Colony to advise with Commis
sioners from other provinces, and with Governors, and Com
manders-in-chief, on the policy, plan, and execution of the
great measures of the war, and to apportion and direct public
effort. * He had often, at this time, to procure, and prepare invoices showing the
quantity and price of each article — as for three companies of Connecticut Bang
ers, for example, in the service of the Earl of Loudon at Fort Edward and Num
ber Four, who were placed under his own particular care, and for whom, in their
long and dreary winter service at the North, he provided an ample supply of
suitable cloth and coating, and good shoes, good flannel shirts, yarn and hose—
und as, moro particularly, for that portion of the troops raised in his own region,
for which he collected, largely, ammunition, guns, and accoutrements. Much
money for these purposes passed through his hands — as at one time, two hun
dred and fifty pounds — at another, four thousand pounds which he received for
;iork that ho had provided — and at still another, twenty-two thousand pounds
sterling. Very numerous settlements at the Treasury Department appear among
his Papers at this period.

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 51
In 1755, he was appointed, with Ebenezer Silliman, to
meet Commissioners from all his Majesty's governments, in
New York — there to consider the general state of the Colo
nies, and the encroachments of the French, and report on the
proper measures to be taken.
In 1756, he was designated, with Phinehas Lyman, to re
pair to Boston — and there, with the Earl of Loudon, Gov
ernor Shirley, and such other Governors and Commissioners
as might then meet, to consult on a plan, and on ways and
means for the next campaign. He was specially instructed,
on this occasion, to agree upon what assistance Connecticut
should furnish— to solicit Loudon for pecuniary aid from
Great Britain, both to pay the Connecticut troops to be then
raised, and to settle for provisions already supplied— to confer
with his Lordship also about some mode of preventing the
difficulties which often happened between the provincial and
the regular troops — to see that Connecticut was left free to
appoint her own officers for her own forces — and of all his
doings make report to the General Assembly.
Trumbull executed this last important trust with great suc
cess — particularly in regard to means for the campaign — for
he brought home with him from Massachusetts — in a note,
and bills of exchange, for which he gave his own receipt —
the sum of thirteen thousand three hundred and thirty-three
pounds, six shillings and eight pence, to assist Connecticut
"in carrying on his Majesty's service in the expedition
against Crown Point." It was handsome aid indeed for the
Colony Treasury, burdened heavily as it then was by the
expenses of the preceding campaign, and reflected high credit
on Trumbull's ^management — especially as, at the same time
that he obtained this money, he procured, and sent on from
Boston to the Treasurer of Connecticut, the material aid of
twenty barrels of powder, twenty thousand best flints, and
three tons of bar lead.
This same year — upon resolutions of the General Assem
bly respecting the reinforcement of Loudon — Trumbull —
with Gurdon Saltonstall, this time, as a colleague — was again
sent to meet his Lordship, and submit to his consideration
"such additional lights and assurances " in regard to the cam-

52 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
paign as were "proper," and specially to arrange again both
for its past and present expenses, that these might be suitably
reimbursed to the Colony.
In 1757, he was thrice appointed Commissioner upon busi
ness similar to that now described. Once, in company with
Governor Fitch, and Messrs. Lyman, Hall, and Dyer, he was
to meet at Boston similar Eepresentatives from neighboring
Colonies, and proffer the aid of twelve hundred and fifty
troops from Connecticut. Again, with William Wolcott,
meeting other Commissioners at the same place, he was to
"preconcert and adjust quotas and measures for applying the
combined forces of the Colonies against the enemy," and ad
vise upon all such matters as the Earl of Loudon should sug
gest. Again, in October, in anticipation of a Convention to
be held in New York, he was appointed, in advance, a Com
missioner for Connecticut, with Ebenezer Silliman and Wil
liam Wolcott, to consult and report touching all matters relat
ing to the great struggle. Again, in 1758 — upon the recep
tion by the Colony of a letter from the elder Pitt, urging
fresh enterprises — he was renewedly sent, with the same as
sociates, to facilitate the schemes of this celebrated English
Minister — once more to confer with the Earl of Loudon, and
with Commissioners from other Colonies, respecting troops,
and their subsistence and supplies.*
But Trumbull, during the war, was honored with appoint
ments by Connecticut more elevated still than any to which
we have yet alluded — calling equally for the exercise of his
best capacity, but upon a stage of action far more conspicu
ous. Twice, during this time — in 1756, and in 1758 — he re
ceived the appointment of Colonial Agent at the Court of
Great Britain.
Upon occasion of the first appointment, he was earnestly
* In connection with his duty as Commissioner, Trumbull had also other and
highly responsible business to execute. He was often, at this period, called on
to aid the Pay Table ill preparing and forwarding expense accounts of campaigns,
after they had closed, to the General Assembly of Commissioners — and, occasion
ally, to prepare statements of facts with regard to particular expeditions — as once,
for example — the Governor and Phinehas Lyman his associates — with regard to
the siege and surrender of Fort William Henry to the French, and to tho succors
sent thither by Connecticut — that the accounts might be transmitted to his Maj
esty's Boards in England.

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 53
requested by the General Assembly, in a formal note, "to
accept and take upon him that trust — with all convenient
speed repair to the Court of Great Britain" — and there so
licit, especially, a reimbursement of the expenses incurred on
the part of Connecticut in carrying on the then late expedi
tion against Crown Point, and also such further assistance
"as might enable this Colony to proceed and exert them
selves, according to their zeal for the King's service, for the
Defence and Security of his Majesty's just Eights and Do
minions in North America."
Upon occasion of the second appointment, he was in
structed by the Assembly, after repairing to London, to con
duct the affairs of the Colony there, in conjunction with
Agent Partridge, according to directions such as they should
jointly receive for this purpose.
But in both instances Trumbull declined the honor, though
proper Letters of Procuration, under the public seal, were
made out for him by the Governor — and he declined for rea
sons stated in the two following notes, which are from his
own pen. The first was addressed, May twenty-fifth, 1756,
to Governor Fitch, and thus proceeds : —
"Whereas the Honble Assembly, at the Sessions thereof in March last,
voted to send an Agent to Great Britain on the important and weighty-
affairs of this Colony, and were then pleased to do me so great an honor
as to appoint me to go in that capacity, I have carefully weighed the mat
ter, and acknowledge my obligations in gratitude to serve my country in
whatever lies in my power, considering every relative duty ; and as noth
ing but a sense of such obligations to duty would be any inducement for
me to undertake that important and arduous trust, so a sense of my own
insufficiency for that service pleads my excuse ; and when I consider the
duties I owe to my aged mother, whose dependence is greatly upon me,
and to my own family, and all the circumstances of the case, I think I
may conclude that I am not negligent or undutiful when I decline the
service, and desire the Honble Assembly to turn their thoughts on some
other person."
The second of the notes in question, was addressed, May
seventeenth, 1758, to the General Assembly — and proceeds
thus : —
" On serious and mature consideration — that I have not had the small
pox — that my peculiar bodily difficulties render my taking it more espe-
6*

54 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
dally dangerous, and that it is at all times frequent in London — [consid
ering also] the circumstances of my family — I think it is fit and reason
able not to accept and undertake the important Trust of an Agent for
this. Colony at the Court of Great Britain, unto which, at this time, you
have done me the honor of an appointment. With a grateful sense of
this further expression of your confidence, which I hope never to forfeit,
and an humble reliance on your Candor and excuse, I shall ever pray for
the Blessing and Direction of the Almighty and all-wise God in all your
Counsels." The circumstances of his family then, it seems — private
duty, particularly to his aged mother, whose almost sole de
pendence he was — for his father had died in 1756 — certain
temporary bodily ailments, and a little modest diffidence
withal in his own ability for the task — restrained Trumbull
from a position where it is certain he would have conspicu
ously maintained the rights and interests of his own and of
the American Colonies at large, and filled, perhaps, more
fully than he could have done in the home circle, the trump
of fame.
How he would have relished that Babel of London, "whose
restless, noisy, chaffering soul is ever seeking, and ever find
ing new outlets for its busy energies " — how he would have
attuned his staid spirit to the fashions of that Great World,
to its palaces, its Court, its King — what tincture his manners
might have taken where "the sauce to meat is ceremony" —
what effect the habit of solving in the crucible of negotiation
and diplomacy, with quick-witted statesmen, the great inter
ests and questions he was appointed to represent, might have
had upon his mind— it would be interesting to have had the
opportunity of observing. Doubtless though, like the Ath-
letas of old, he would have prepared himself "for the
World" — have "oiled his mind and his manners to give
them the necessary suppleness and flexibility " — yet never,
we are confident, would he have undermined his own
strength, or compromised his honor, his fidelity, or his
judgment. He preferred, however, to remain at home— in
his own country — here to continue his practical services in
behalf of the war — here to rejoice over the abandonment by
the enemy of Ticonderoga and Crown Point — here to catch

±750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 55
»
the news of Frotenac, Fort du Quesne, and Niagara, taken —
here to exult over the surrender of Quebec, the surrender of
Montreal, and the complete conquest at last of the whole
country of Canada by the English arms.
And certainly to no man in the American World did, the
result of this contest bring more unalloyed satisfaction than
to himself. At its very outset he had entered into it with in
trepidity and confidence — confidence not alone in the com
bined strength of the English and American arms, but in the
favorable purposes of Providence towards the Colonies, and
in the strength of that Almighty arm whose intervention he
never failed to recognize and exalt. "Hath not God," he
wrote to an officer at the North, September fifteenth, 1755 —
just after the famous defeat of Baron Dieskau at Lake
George — when the American and British troops, after fight
ing with singular gallantry behind lines which they made one
continual blaze and roar, leaped at last their breastworks, and
put the enemy, two thousand in number, to an entire rout —
"hath not God," wrote Trumbull then, "showed himself on
our side. Praise be in your mouth, and a two-edged
sword in your hand, to execute the vengeance of God on
the heathen, and punishment on the injurious encroaches
upon our Gracious Sovereign's territories! With a hearty
dependence on the Lord of Hosts, you may soon be in pos
session of Fort St. Frederic, and change its name to that
of Fort Frederic, or its equivalent. Whatever is in my
power I shall cheerfully do to serve you and our Country's
cause." And so, to the end of the war, as we have seen, did Trum
bull serve — and not alone in the forms already described, but
also by an active correspondence both at home and abroad.
Even his business letters to merchants in London, with whom
he was connected only by trade, are stamped with his sug
gestions and his anxieties on the great subject of the war,
and he labored in these to conciliate interest, and stimulate
effort in behalf of its successful prosecution.* His whole
* October seventeenth, 1758, for example, writing to Messrs. Lane and Booth
his chief business correspondents in that great commercial capital, he says :
" Mr. Ingersoll, the gentleman mentioned in my last, by whom this will be de-

56 CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
heart, obviously, was unintermittedly in the struggle. The
result, therefore, must have been to him, as just suggested-,
peculiarly grateful. A vast and fertile country, with more
than one hundred thousand people — with an immense Indian
trade, of unspeakable value to commerce — with a command
of the richest fisheries, and with rare natural facilities for the
extension of empire — had been wrested from a foe which for
more than a century had been a scourge, often a most appall
ing one, to English colonization in America, and which was
now subdued for all time to English dominion.
What though to Connecticut alone — for her share in the
transaction — the conquest had cost — in addition to all parlia
mentary grants — more than four hundred thousand pounds,
and great loss of life, and years of sleepless anxiety and ef
fort ! Was she not saved from unceasing bloody combina
tions among the French and Indians to harass her frontiers —
to plunder and burn her settlements — to rob her stores both
by sea and land — to circumscribe and annihilate her trade —
to cause her plows to rust in the furrow, and her pruning
hooks to be turned into spears ? Were not her resources for
material improvement rescued from impoverishment? Were
not her morals, her domestic and social virtues, her educa
tion, her literature, her arts, delivered from deterioration and
waste ? Had not her heart escaped from being hardened and
steeled against the benign influences of Christianity and civ
ilization, through the inevitable operation of a war longer
protracted ? Good reason, therefore, had Trumbull, and Con
necticut at large, to rejoice with the whole country over the
splendid termination of the Frencb War. A deliverance
from enormous evils had been experienced. A "high point
livered, goes from hence to assist Mr. Partridge in transacting the affairs of this
Colony. 'Tis hoped that some further reimbursements will be made by Parlia
ment for the extraordinary expenses here, occasioned by the War, especially in
this present year, wherein this Colony hath exerted itself even beyond its
strength, encouraged by the hopeful prospect of success, and that a reimburse
ment would be made. Although Providence hath denied success against Ticon
deroga and Crown Point, yet the reduction of Louisburgh and Frontenac are an
abundant occasion of gratitude to tho Director of all events, and serve to encour
age our hopes for a speedy and happy termination of the War, or still greater suc
cess for the future, if it be continued. I doubt not your readiness to afford Mr.
Ingersoll your kind help, as opportunity shall present."

1750—1763. CHAP. III. — TRUMBULL. 57
of honor and magnificence " in the march of British empire
had been reached. Parents and sons were returned from
captivity and the dangers of war, to the embraces of breth
ren and friends. Joy, therefore, was universal and un
bounded. " This was the general feeling and happy state of
the country at the return of peace."

CHAPTER IV.
1750—1763.
Trumbull in the sphere of his own home and town. Two sons, David
and John, are added to his family. His care for the education of his
children. He is active in founding an Academy in Lebanon. His own
views of instruction, studies, and scholarship. He receives honorary
degrees from Tale College, and from the University of Edinborough,
in Scotland.
We turn now to contemplate Trumbull from 1750 to
1763 — far as memorials allow us, and very briefly at best-
in the sphere of his own home and town.
During this period two additions were made to his family.
The first was a son, who was born February fifth, 1750-1,
and was baptized David — probably after his uncle who, when
a Senior in College, was drowned in a mill-pond at Lebanon.
Like the rest of his family, he too was destined to serve with
distinction, in after years, the American cause — to become,
under his brother Joseph, a Commissary for the armies of
the Revolution — and, under the Connecticut Council of
Safety, to be a most active agent in procuring and preparing
arms and munitions of war for service against the foe.
The second child within the present period, was also a
son, who was born June sixth, 1756, and was baptized John.
Remarkable indeed was his destiny ! Like his brothers he
also was to be linked in with the Revolution, but in different
and novel forms. He was to become, in the first year of the
War, Aid-de-Camp to the illustrious Commander-in-chief of
our armies — in the second vear, was to be Deputy Adjutant
General to General Gates in the Northern Department — was
to experience actual service in the battle-field, amid 'the
dying and the dead — but more than all, was to become,
through his pencil, the world-renowned graphic historiogra
pher of the great events and characters, civil as well as mili
tary, of that struggle in which he himself bore a conspicu
ous part.
He was the last of the children of that parent whom we

1750—1763. CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 59
commemorate. Four sons there were and two daughters—
a rare and almost unexampled group — destined all, as has
been shown, to a notable career.
And they were fitted in their early years — well fitted,
each one of them — for the stations they were thereafter to
occupy — a fact which leads us here to dwell for a while on
the care which Trumbull took, not only for their particular
education, but also for his own, and for education generally,
at this period of his life.
In the first place then, it is to be remarked, that in 1743,
when his eldest child was but six years of age— being anx
ious to secure in his native town advantages for instruction
superior to those which were furnished at the common
school — he instigated the establishment of a private institu
tion, for not more than thirty scholars, and in connection
with twelve other citizens proceeded to found it. It was to
be, says tbe agreement; of the founders, "for the education
of our own children, and such others as we shall agree with.
A Latin Scholar is to be computed at 35s. Old Tenor, for
each quarter, and a reading scholar at 20s. for each quarter —
each one to pay according to the number of children that he
sends and the learning they are improved about, whether the
Learned tongues, Reading and writing, or Reading and Eng
lish only."
The School thus established was carefully nursed by its
founders — more especially by Trumbull — and it was not
many years before it acquired a .celebrity second hardly to
that of any Academy in all New-England. And here it
was that all the sons of Trumbull — and for a time, probably,
the daughters also — received the rudiments of an education,
which, for the day, was quite profound.
" My native place," wrote the younger son — in whose boyhood the
Institution seems to have been at the zenith of its reputation — " was
long celebrated for having the best school in New-England, (unless that
of Master Moody in Newburyport might, in the judgment of some, have
the precedence.) It was kept by Nathan Tisdale, a native of the place,
from tlie time when he graduated at Harvard to the day of his death, a
period of more than thirty years, with an assiduity and fidelity of the
most exalted character, and became so widely known that he had schol
ars from the West India Islands, Georgia, and North and South Carolina,

60 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
as well as from New-England and northern colonies. With this exem
plary man and excellent scholar, I soon became a favorite. My father
was his particular friend."*
From the school at Lebanon now described, Joseph, the
eldest son, passed, first to Harvard College, where he gradu
ated in 1756+ — and thence to the counting-house, to join in
his father's business as a merchant. From the same school,
the second son, Jonathan, passed to join also Harvard Col
lege, or perhaps ere he actually joined, to live awhile with
some highly skilled teacher at Cambridge — as seems to have
been the case — that he might round off his classical prepara
tion.^: From the same passed the third son, David — not to
College, as was intended, but which was prevented by his
father's financial embarrassments at the time— but to the
farm — upon which, such was his thrift, that, three years only
after he had attained his majority, we find him commended
by his father as " apt and industrious in the business of agri
culture and husbandry," and as having "gained some money,
stock, and four rights of land in the new township of Fair
field in New-Hampshire."
In all probability from the same institution, passed the
daughters Faith and Mary, to complete and polish their
education "at an excellent school in Boston" — thence to
return, each with skill in embroidery — but the eldest, Faith,
with "two heads and a landscape," in oil, of her own paint-
* Among numerous pupils of th;s " great classical teacher of his age," who
afterwards became distinguished, were the second Governor Trumbull, Eev.
Wm. Robinson of Southington, Conn., Rev. John Robinson, Rev. Dr. Lyman
of Hatfield, Rev. Wm. Lyman of Glastonbury, Rev. Daniel Huntington of Had-
ley, Hon. Jeremiah Mason and Warren Butler, Esq., both late of Boston, Thomas
Gibbons of Georgia, &c. See New-Eng. Hist, and Gen. Register for January,
1858, p. 62. The following is tho inscription on the tomb of " Old Master Tia-
dale," as he was familiarly called: — ¦
" Reader,
as thou passest, drop a tear to the memory of the once eminent American In
structor, Nathan Tisdale, a lover of Science. He marked the road to useful
knowledge. A friend to his country, he inspired the flame of Patriotism. Hav
ing devoted his whole life, from tho 18th year of his age, to the duties of bia
profession, which he followed with distinguished usefulness in Sooiety, he died
Jan'y 5th, 1787, in the 56th year of his age."
t Uis class numbered twenty-flvo. Gen. S. H. Parsons belonged to it.
J He graduated in 1759 — in a class of thirty-five.

1750—1763. CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 61
ing — with which, as felicitously happened, to rouse the curi
osity, and for the first time to stimulate in the art of delinea
tion the till then wholly unpracticed hand of her younger
brother — the artist of future renown.* From the same
school in Lebanon again, passed this fourth and youngest
son, John, at a later period, to Harvard College — so thor
oughly versed in all the preparatory studies as to be able
to join the Junior Class in the middle of the third college
year — in fact so advanced in his acquirements as for some
time to render any exertion of study on his part unnecessary
in order to maintain his footing with his class.f
Such was the manner in which Trumbull provided for the
education of his children. It is not, however, to be under
stood here, that their improvement was owing, all solely, to
the external instrumentality of the academy. No — there
was another school for Trumbull's children than the school
•without. There was also one within — at home — by his own
fireside — in himself — and in his wife— a lady whose accom
plishments, both moral and intellectual — she having been
peculiarly, after the early loss of her own mother, "the
beloved and taught of her father " — eminently fitted her to
train her offspring to knowledge and to duty.
It is with the father though now, that we are immediately
concerned — and of him, in this connection, we may say with
truth, that probably no parent ever lived who more than
himself labored, kindly, and fervidly, to give a high moral,
religious, and intellectual character to his offspring. This
is manifest from every scrap of his history upon this point
that has ever reached us. It breathes in almost every line
of his letters to his children, while in their youth, that we
have ever seen. It is a resistless inference from his own
deep religious sensibility, his ardent thirst for knowledge,
and from his ripe scholarship.^:
*" These wonders," wrote the latter, in after years, " were hung in my mother's
parlor, and were among the first objects that caught my infant eye. I endeav
ored to imitate them, and for several years the nicely sanded floors, (for carpets
were then unknown in Lebanon,) were constantly scrawled with my rude at
tempts at drawing."
t He graduated in 1773 — in a class of thirty-six.
I See how pleasantly, for example, his son Joseph testifies to his excellence as
6

62 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
Writing, in 1753, to Thomas Marsh, Teacher of one of his
sons — Jonathan we are led to believe — and Teacher also of
one of his nephews — he says : " The greatest favor I desire
of you for them is that you keep a watchful eye over them
to guide, counsel, and instruct them in the best manner, ac
cording to their genius and ability — and when you appre
hend either of them in danger from idle company, or any
bad habits, to take an opportunity to admonish, warn, and
punish, as you shall judge best. In short, I do not mean to
send them to college to spend their time and my estate in a
Careless, idle, and foolish manner, but in hopes they may
thereby become better qualified for service and usefulness to
themselves and others, in such relation and capacity as divine
Providence may place them in the world."*
Trumbull's own idea of education is plain from this epis
tle. Its great end should be usefulness in life — it should
take place on the condition of application — under the re
straints of virtue — and with discipline for an attendant. The
idea is in a nutshell, and is perfect.
Nor was knowledge alone, in his conception, as it is in
that of very many, comprised in the term education. With
him, this word had a much larger meaning. With him edu
cation was a process by which not only knowledge is to be
gained, but, as Daniel Webster most justly expresses it, " the
feelings are to be disciplined, the passions are to be re
strained, true and worthy motives are to be inspired, a pro
found religious feeling is to be instilled, and pure morality
inculcated under all circumstances."
a parent. Writing him from London, in November, 1763, he speaks of himself
as " vastly indebted " to the father for his " good and parental advice and coun
sel" — which, he adds, "I am the more obliged to you for, as I am sure of the
continuance of that kind, affectionate love of the best of parents which 1 have
during my whole life experienced."
Speaking of Trumbull in this connection, the Rev. Zebulon Ely, pastor of his
church, says that " as a parent he was affectionate, venerable, and endearing, by pre
cept and example carefully forming the minds and the manners of his off-spring."
* We suppose the Mr. Marsh to whom the above letter was addressed, resided
in Cambridge, Mass. The letter is in the handwriting of Trumbull, but its ad
dress is wanting. Trumbull, at the same time with the letter—" in thankful ac
knowledgment," he says, " of past, and expectation of future favor" to each of
the boys— sent Mr. Marsh, with characteristic generosity, three cheeses, and ten
pounds of butter !

1750—1763. CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 63
Unweariedly, in his own practice — for his own self-im
provement — though now past the meridian of his life — did
he cling to study, whenever relaxation from other duties
afforded him an opportunity. " He was exceedingly careful
of precious time, diligent and indefatigable in his researches
after truth, till the close' of his life," is the pointed testimony
of one who knew his habits intimately— his own last pastor,
Mr. Ely. History and jurisprudence — to which we have
before alluded as constituting his favorite pursuits just when
he exchanged the pulpit for the cares of business — still con
tinued to receive a large share of his attention, and to enrich
his mind, both from the old and the modern world, with
abundant stores. We shall find him hereafter active in gather
ing and in preserving the history of our own land. He made
himself too specially familiar with chronology. By all ac
counts his accuracy here was "unparalleled" — a fact which
we shall, hereafter too, find him turning to excellent account
when called upon, as Governor, to prepare elaborate State
Papers in behalf of Connecticut. Nor did he forget his
favorite study of Divinity. Indeed, as he advanced in life,
Divinity became, with him, more and more engrossing.
" That sublime, glorious, and necessary science," says again
Mr. Ely, " was his delightful study from his youth upwards
to the close of his life. Notwithstanding the multiplicity of
civil business in which he was involved, being expert in the
Hebrew, he found opportunities to search into the sacred im
port of the divine oracles of revelation in the original lan
guages." What a consolation, we cannot here but think, to a mind
constituted like that of Trumbull — to a taste, from early aca
demical study, so classically imbued — and to a heart so sin
cerely devotional — must have been this ability to read the
gospel he so much loved in its pure native text — without the
aid of Tyndale, Miles Coverdale, the fifteen bishops under
Parker, the forty-seven learned men under King James, or
any other of the translators or revisors of the Bible even in
the most golden age of biblical and oriental learning in
England ! To read the Books of the Old Testament in the
sublime, pure Hebrew — the very language in which, in the

64 CHAP. IV. — TRUMBULL. 1750—1763.
opinion of some learned men, God spake to Adam in Para
dise, and in which Adam and Eve spake to each other, and
which was the general language of mankind at the disper
sion ! And to read this language, as we see from quotations
in his own handwriting he did, without the accentual marks
to distinguish its sentences, to determine the quantity of its
syllables, and denote the tone in which it was to be read or
sung ! Surely the vocation must have been to him a most
inspiring one, and proves a ripened scholarship.
It will be observed that the studies which more particu
larly engaged the attention of Trumbull, were all of a sub
stantial kind — history, law, jurisprudence, and divinity —
chiefly. Such was undoubtedly the leading direction of his
mind — to the solid, the severer, the more practical branches
of knowledge. Yet he did not avoid the lighter paths of
literature — but, with a culture such as he possessed, walked
in them at times with a keen and buoyant relish — as many
of his productions — some of which we shall call up here
after — composed with careful regard to established literary
canons, and chastened by a correct taste — fully prove. To
the whole field of mental effort, it is obvious, he brought a
mind, which, in the language of President Ezra Stiles — him
self one of the best judges of intellectual merit — was "en
dowed with a singular strength " — with a perception " vivid
and clear" — and a judgment at once "penetrating and com
prehensive." He "became qualified," adds the Reverend
Doctor " for a very singular variety of usefulness." He was
" embellished with academical, theological, and political eru
dition." So thought Yale College, and the University of
Edinborough in Scotland, when, subsequent to the time of
which we now speak, they each conferred upon him the
honorary degree of L L. D. !

CHAPTER V.
1731—1764.
Tr-oiibuiiI, as meTC'hant. His partneTship connections. His dealings
both at home and abroad — with New York, Boston, Nantucket, Hali
fax, the West Indies, and England. The articles in which he traded.
Interesting anecdote in this connection of himself, his son John, and
Zachary, a Mohegan Indian whom he employed aa a hunter. He im
ports largely, in vessels owned either in part or whole by himself.
His trade enhanced by contracts for the supply of troops during the
French wars. His experience in these contracts. He establishes
semi-annual fairs and markets in Lebanon. His success in these.
His business habits — integrity, energy, and punctuality. The prop
erty- he acquired.
We have looked at Trumbull thus far, in the sphere,
mainly, of public life — in his connections as legislator, coun
sellor, judge, and military officer, with the events of his day.
We have now to look at him in another and different
sphere — that of trade and commerce — in his capacity as mer
chant and business man. And here we shall find him leading
at all times a life of stirring industry, and stretching this
industry out, with enlarged aims, both upon the ocean and
the land.
The loss of a brother at sea, who was engaged with his
father in trade, and the failing energies of the latter, brought.
him into this department, as has been already noticed, in
1731 — and he soon managed, by his good care and economy,
to repair the damages which the family estate had suffered
by misfortune on the sea. He was soon left to do business
alone.* But in 1755 — thereabouts — he united in trade with
others, under the partnership title of "Williams, Trumble
and Pitkin" — which firm, with a branch at Wethersfield,
and another at Norwich, and probably a third at East Had-
darn, in addition to that at Lebanon, continued to exist down
to 1764 — at which time it was supplanted by a new associa
tion between Colonel Trumbull, his son Joseph, and Colonel
* A printed note of hand, bearing date Aug. 11th, 1741, describes him as
"Jonathan Trumble, Trader." 6»

66 CHAP. V.— TRUMBULL. 1731—1764.
Eleazer Fitch, under the partnership title of " Trumble,
Fitch, and Trumble."
His dealings as merchant, during the period of thirty-three
years extending from 1731 to the Peace of Paris in 1763-r
with which period alone we are concerned in the present
chapter — were, as already intimated, extensive — both at home
and abroad — in all the country surrounding Lebanon— in
New York — in Boston* — and with Nantucket — particularly
on this island with Joseph Rotch, and Joseph Swain, to
whom he transmitted provisions of various kinds in exchange
for oil — an article with which, in a subsequent part of his
mercantile career, as we shall have occasion to see, he had
much to do, and in the character too of whaling merchant—
for he sent forth his own ships to hunt the leviathans of the
deep.f He dealt also much with Halifax, particularly there with
Captain Joshua Meagher, and Joseph Ranger — the former of
whom he describes as a most punctual business man, and
generous in his management. Early as 1752, Meagher, by
letter, had solicited to open a trade with him in the produce.
of Connecticut — saying that he should "joyfully embrace
the opportunity" of a correspondence and commerce with
him, because " of the good character " he had heard of him
as "a lover of mankind" — "A rolling stone gathers no
moss," added Meagher, quickening business between them —
and it soon became very active, was long continued, and
was mutually beneficial — Trumbull sending out Meagher
beef, pork, and other provisions — particularly for ships of
war that arrived at Halifax — and receiving in return cargoes
of dry goods.J
* Particularly in Boston with the firms of Inman & Apthorp, Green & Walker,
with James Bowdoin, John Gray, and James Pitts & Sons — of which last firm
Trumbull himself testifies specially that they were high-minded men, whose pa
tience as creditors he had himself, in some cases, known "to endure even to
long-suffering." t " If thou hast a mind to ship to Nantucket any articles on thine own ac
count," wrote Swain to him from this celebrated whaling island, "we will do
the best we can with them"— and Trumbull did so, adding private adventures
to those on partnership account.
X As scarlet cloaks, scarlet calimanooes, scarlet caps, corded cambittees, black
leather and morocco clogs, waistcoats, surtouts, great-coats, felt hats, cloths

1731—1764. CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 67
But Trumbull's trade abroad was specially extensive with
the West Indies, and with England — particularly in London,
with the firms of Lane and Booth, of Hayley and Champion,
and with Samuel Sparrow — in Bristol with Stephen Ap-
thorp— in Liverpool, occasionally with some firms there —
and on the continent, through England,, with Amsterdam,
but especially with the house of Casper Voght and Company,
of Hamburgh, the richest and most substantial of all in that
famous mart for German manufactures — and from which,
on account of the high credit and connections of his firm, he
received invitations to engage in trade. He exported, either
in vessels belonging to his own firm, or in others chartered
for the purpose, the principal American products — those
which from the infancy of commerce in Connecticut had
been used for foreign trade,* and among these, besides salted
provisions, particularly oil, much of it, flax-seed, potash,
lumber, fish, whale-fins, and skins and furs.
drab, and chocolate-colored, and light, and Saxon-green, horsemen's coats, drug
get, and a great variety of other articles, which show the taste of the day, and
Btrikingly illustrate the colonial dependence on the mother-country.
It was in the time of Trumbull's connection in trade with Meagher, that the
former lost his father. In a letter to him from Halifax, dated July 7th, 1755,
Meagher says : "I am sorry for the loss you have sustained by the death of your
father ; but it is a debt we must all pay — we must not repine at the will of Prov
idence." The following are the inscriptions upon the father's monument and that of his
wife, who survived him a little over thirteen years :—
" Here lies the body of
Capt. Joseph Trumble,
one of the Fathers of ye town and
just Friend to it, of a compassionate
kind disposition who after a short
illness departed this life in the hope
of a better June 16, 1755 in the 77th year of his age."
"Here are deposited ye remains of
Mrs. Hannah Trumbull, late wife of
Capt. Joseph Trumbull, Daughter of John
Higley of Simsbury Esqr. who came from
Finnley in ye County of Surrey, by Mrs. Hannah
Drake his first wife. She was born
at Windsor 22d April 1683. Died at
Lebanon 8th Nov. 1768, aged 85 years, 6 mo. & 15 days."
*As wheat, peas, barley, Indian corn, pork, beef, wool, hemp, flax, cider,
perry, tar, turpentine, deal boards, lumber, pipe-staves, horses, pine and spruce
for masts, cattle, swine, sheep, goats, and fish.

68 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764.
For the purpose of procuring the skins and furs, it was his
habit to employ the Indians of his neighborhood. Famous
among these both as a hunter and a friend to Trumbull, was
Zachary — a principal councillor in the Mohegan tribe, whose
favorite ground was on the banks of the river Thames be
tween New London and Noi-wich. Of him Trumbull's son,
the painter John, relates the following remarkable story — one
which, while it bears on the point now under consideration,
at the same time admirably illustrates Cooper's remark that
"few men exhibit greater diversity, or, if we may so express
it, greater antithesis of character, than the native warriors of
North Ameriea."
" The government of this Mohegan tribe," he proceeds, " had become
hereditary in the family of the celebrated chief TJncas. During the time
of my father's mercantile prosperity, he had employed several Indians
of this tribe in hunting animals whose skins were valuable for their furs.
Among these hunters was one named Zachary, of the royal race, an ex
cellent hunter, but as drunken and worthless an Indian as ever lived.
When he had somewhat passed the age of fifty, several members of the
royal family who stood between Zachary and the throne of his tribe
died, and he found himself with only one life between himself and em
pire. In this moment his better genius resumed its sway, and he re
flected seriously, ' How can such a drunken wretch as I am, aspire to be
the chief of an honorable race — what will my people say — and how will
the shades of my noble ancestors look down indignant upon such a base
successor? Can I succeed to the great Uncas ? 1 will drink no more /'
He solemnly resolved never to taste again any drink but water, and he
kept his resolution.
" I had heard this story, and did not entirely believe it ; for young as
I was I already partook in the prevailing contempt of Indians. In the be
ginning of May, the annual election of the principal officers of the colony
was held at Hartford, the capital. My father attended officially, and it was
customary for the chief of the Mohegans also to attend. Zachary had
succeeded to the rule of his tribe.* My father's house was situated about
midway on the road between Mohegan and Hartford, and the old chief
* ne was not, according to De Forest, in his History of the Indians of Connec
ticut, a sachem, or entitled by blood to this distinction. " The individual to
whom Trumbull's reminiscence refers," says this author, " was unquestionably
our old friend Zachary Johnson, the principal Councillor of the last Ben Uncas,
and after his death tho leading man among the Mohegans. He was sometimes, I
believe, styled the regent of the tribe, and, as already mentioned, received in his,
latter days a support from the rents of the lands ; but ho did not belong to th«
royal family, and never becamo sachem." — Page 477.

1731—1764. CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 69
was in the habit of coming a few days before the election, and dining
with his brother governor. One day the mischievous thought struck me,
to try the sincerity of the old man's temperance. The family was seated
at dinner, and there was excellent home-brewed beer on the table. I ad
dressed the old chief — " Zachary, this beer is excellent — will you taste
it? " The old man dropped his knife and fork — leaned forward with a
stern intensity of expression ; his black eye, sparkling with indignation,
was fixed on me. " John,'' said he, '• you do not know what you are
doing. You are serving the devil, boy ! Do you not know that I am an
Indian ? I tell you that I am, and that, if I should but take your beer,
I could never stop until I got to rum, and become again the drunken,
contemptible wretch your father remembers me to have been. John,
while you live, never again tempt any man to break a good resolution."'
Socrates never uttered a more valuable precept. Demosthenes could not
have uttered it in more solemn tones of eloquence. I was thunderstruck.
My parents were deeply affected ; they looked at each other, and at me,
and at the venerable old Indian, with deep feelings of awe and respect.
They afterwards frequently reminded me of the scene, and charged me
never to forget it. Zachary lived to pass the age of eighty, and sacredly
kept his resolution. He lies buried in the royal burial place of his tribe,
near the beautiful falls of the Yantic, the western branch of the Thames,
in Norwich, on land now owned by my friend Calvin Goddard, Esq. I
visited the grave of the old chief lately, and there repeated to myself his
inestimable lesson.''
For the various products which Colonel Trumbull exported
to England, and through England to Amsterdam, to Ham
burgh, and to a few other places on the continent of Europe,
he received in return almost every variety of merchandise
for which there was a colonial demand — English and Ger
man manufactures of all sorts — particularly woolen cloths,
silks, scythes, nails, glass, brass, fire-arms, and all sorts of
crockery, cutlery, and iron and pewter-ware. Many old in
voices preserved among his Papers, show that his business
was conducted on a large scale, and that he was one among
the yery first in Connecticut to substitute for the old interme
diate trade, in English goods, at New York, Boston, and
Halifax, the system of direct importation from the Mother-
country.* The sloops, schooners, brigantines, and snows,
?Stocks of goods, worth many thousand pounds each, with his own business
mark — / J T /—at the head of the accounts — are frequently noted among his
Papers. Rich block serges, rich black-spotted grogatoons, broad knee-gartering,

70 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764.
either chartered, or owned' in part or whole by himself— the
Prince George, the Abigail, the Sarah, the Friendship, the
Boscawen, the Amelia, the Endeavor, the Alliance, the Polly,
the Thomas Allen, the Sea Horse— furled their sails fre
quently in New London harbor — or at the wharf in Nor
wich — or along the banks of Connecticut Eiver at times-t-
full-freighted with goods and merchandise for the enterprising
tradesman of quiet, agricultural Lebanon.
His business as merchant and importer was at times very
much enhanced through connections which he established—
either through his own firm, or with partners elsewhere — for
supplying military forces during the French Wars — connec
tions which were independent of his duties as military and
colonial officer, and which yielded him bills of exchange for
his trade with England.
Thus in 1746, for example, with his partners Williams and
Pitkin, he advanced twenty -five hundred pounds for the offi
cers and soldiers of Connecticut in the expedition to Canada.
This was done at a time when discriminating duties in favor
of direct importations from Europe, and against the interven
tion of New York and Boston in the commerce of Connec
ticut, were laid by the Colony — when, to encourage the direct
foreign trade, a bounty even of five per cent was given on
imports from Great Britain. The goods imported by Trum
bull under the favorable laws of which we now speak, did
oalicoes, muslins, cambrics — canvass, kerseys, linens, duftils, broadcloths, drag-
gets, grograms, and caps — hose, silk gloves, and topt-outs — crapes, satins aud
lace — thread, galloons, sorted velvet masks, lawns, checks, and black and colored
balladine — ribbons, fans and taffaties — fine cloth — colored Brussels camlets-
mourning crapes and bombazines — women's stuffed shoes, flowered silk shoes and
cloggs — glasses in walnut and mahogany frames, and some in frames of walnut
and shells, and some in japanned frames — paper, lead, indigo, and bear skins-
such are the articles which figure chiefly among his imports from England — while
from the West India isles — from Jamaica, Martinique, Barbadoes, and the Car-
ribbee islands more especially — in exchange usually for live stock, and beef, and
pork, he brought sugar, rum, molasses, cotton-wool, salt, and bills of exchange—
with which to pay for European goods. The following extract from one of Ma
letters, in August, 1763, to his chief correspondents in London, Messrs. Lane and
Booth, illustrates his trade in this last direction. " I have sent," he writes, "to
the West Indies twenty-one head of fat cattle, nine horses, soventy-four barrels
of flour, forty-four barrels of pork, with some beef and lumber, with orders to
Capt. Clark to go to Martinique, or wherever he can find the English fleet and
forces, and sell out sloop and cargo, for bills on London to be remitted to you."

1731—1764 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 71
not happen to arrive till after the laws were repealed, whereby
his adventure was seriously damaged. In addition to this—
on account of discontent in England with a furlough allowed
the Connecticut troops for whom he had advanced money —
quite an amount of his bills of exchange was refused payment.
In consequence of all this, he met with a loss of eleven or
twelve hundred pounds — but subsequently — his case, as in
his Memorial to the General Assembly he stated, being "a
very peculiar and distinguishing one " — he received from this
Body some relief.
Again in 1761 — in partnership with Hezekiah Huntington
of Norwich, John Ledyard of Hartford, Eleazer Fitch of
Windham, and William Williams of Lebanon — and for the
purpose in part of procuring bills of exchange for his trade
abroad — Trumbull entered into a contract with the General
Assembly of Connecticut, to supply the troops of the Colony
in his Majesty's service, the then current year, with clothing
and refreshments — the said Assembly agreeing to lend
the Undertakers, for the affair, the sum of six thousand
pounds. The contract was a large one, and it was punctu
ally discharged — Trumbull himself entering upon it with
zeal, and becoming in consequence engaged in constant
correspondence with his Majesty's Commander-in-chief in
America, General Amherst.
Neither of the operations now mentioned, however, were
to him particularly advantageous. The first, as we have seen,
was a losing one. The second yielded something. But
much profit in the case was out of question, both because of
the great difficulty at times in procuring suitable remittances
for the European trade — and because besides, the British
government was extremely remiss, and often entirely neglect
ful in meeting its pecuniary obligations to troops in America.
Connecticut, in fact, never received from the parent country
one-half of what was fairly ber due for services in the two
old French Wars.*
* In 1763, Colonel Trumbull sent his eldest son to England, to obtain among
other things — with the aid of his correspondents Lane and Booth, and of Phine-
has Lyman, then in London — such dividends as were due to those regiments in
America with which he had been concerned. Williams, his partner, had before

72 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 1731—1764.
But while thus, in some few cases, embarrassed in his
operations abroad, Trumbull on the whole, during the period
now under contemplation, was highly fortunate in his busi
ness. "He had for years been a successful merchant," wrote
his son John of his father at this time, "and looked forward
to an old age of ease and affluence." His home business, at
Lebanon, flourished. By his own personal exertions he had
made this village a mart for buying, selling, and exchanging,
semi-annually, merchandize and commodities of various
descriptions. By a vote of his native town, he was consti
tuted sole agent, in its behalf, to apply to the General Assem
bly for this valuable purpose — and he did so. "Whereas,"
says his Memorial to the Legislature on this subject, in his
own handwriting — "whereas Markets and Fairs are found
beneficial and serviceable to facilitate the transaction of busi
ness among people, in a manner both expeditious and advan
tageous, and the situation and circumstances of the town of
Lebanon are such as render it convenient and fit for a Pair
and Market to be set up and kept therein" — therefore he
prays for liberty to establish them, "at proper times, and
with the privileges, and under such convenient and suitable
regulations as are usually annexed thereto."
These Fairs gave him much employment, and valuable
harvests of profit. It is the testimony from every quarter,
that "his upright dealing secured the respect and confidence
of the public." Wholly free from all the petty exactions of
trade, he was a provident manager — careful of his invest
ments of capital, even to the smallest — a strict accountant,
and reckoner of his gains — yet ever spending these gains
Avith liberality and satisfaction both upon his own family
and the public — striking evidences of which fact we shall
have occasion hereafter to observe. More than anv man of

gone out to London, for the same purpose, on his first contract— with what suc
cess, in either case, we do not positively learn, though doubtless with some. "I«
is difficult," wrote Trumbull at this time, by his son, "to find ways and menos
to make remittances abroad— the last two years have been rather calamitous for
the country "—and he suggests as modes of relief, "the supply of our provisions
where needed," ship-building, and the exportation of flax-seed to Ireland, and
of pig and bar iron from towns in Litchfield County, where, he says, those latter
articles "abound." He will "fulfil," ho adds, his "own contracts, both old and
new, punctually."

1731—1764 CHAP. V. — TRUMBULL. 73
his day, in his own region — he was called upon to transact
affairs for others — to draw up contracts, bonds, and commer
cial papers generally — to sell lands, and other property — ¦
arbitrate accounts, and settle controversies in trade. More
often declining than receiving compensation for services like
tbese, he proved himself "a trusty friend" indeed to all
who solicited, in behalf of their own private interests, the
benefit of his mercantile experience, true candor, and
unflinching honesty.
So the first years of Trumbull's life as a merchant passed —
in successful commerce abroad — in profitable trade at
home — and with high reputation in all his contracts, negotia
tions, and adventures. And "his corn and riches did in
crease." A house and home-estate worth over four thousand
pounds — furniture, and a library, worth six hundred pounds — ¦
a valuable store adjacent to his dwelling — a store, wharf, and
land at East Haddam— a lot and warehouse at Chelsea in
Norwich — a valuable gristmill near his family seat at
Lebanon — "a large convenient malt house" — several pro
ductive farms in his neighborhood, carefully tilled, and
beautifully spotted with rich acres of woodland — extensive
ownership too in the " Five Mile Propriety," as it was called,
in Lebanon, in whose management as committee-man, and
representative at courts, and moderator at meetings of
owners, Trumbull had much to do — a stock of domestic
animals worth an hundred and thirty pounds — these posses
sions — together with a well-secured indebtedness to himself,
in bonds, and notes and mortgages, resulting from his
mercantile transactions, of about eight thousand pounds —
rewarded, at the close of the year 1763, the toil of Trumbull
in the field of trade and commerce. In all it was a property
of not less than eighteen thousand pounds — truly a large one
for the day — but one destined, by reverses in trade which the
"times subsequently rendered inevitable, and by the patriotic
generosity of its owner during the great Eevolutionary
Struggle, to sink, in large part, from his grasp.
7

CHAPTER VI.
1764—1770.
General view of the condition of the American Colonies at this period.
Investigation into the nature of their connection with the Parent
State particularly roused. Trumbull's public offices and duties. ' He
ia appointed Deputy Governor and Chief Justice of Connecticut. He
¦watches closely the measures of England. Examines especially the
famous Writs of Assistance, and writes to England about them. The
conclusions of his mind upon these Writs are strongly in favor of lib
erty. The noted trial upon their validity in Boston awakens hia patri
otic zeal. Two applications for their issue are made in Connecticut to
the Court over which he himself presides. His action and sentiments
upon these applications. A striking letter on the subject from hia pen.
We enter now upon the period in Trumbull's life from
1764 to 1770 — from the Peace of Paris to the time when he
was exalted to the post of Chief Magistrate of his native
Colony- — a period of novel and startling experiences to the
American world — when the Colonies and the Mother-Coun
try — no longer moving side by side, and shoulder to shoul
der, for the annihilation of French and Spanish power, and
the proud extension of British dominion — fell into those col
lisions between themselves, which, sharpened by time —
"With wrath, and hate, and sacred vengeance,
Soon indissolubly linked,"
produced at last the American Eevolution.
It was the period when plans for levying internal taxes
upon the Colonies were started — and when old and vexatious
acts of navigation and trade, exhausting the life-blood of
their little treasuries, were to be enforced by swarms of rev
enue officers, and Courts of Admiralty that outraged liberty.
It was the period of the Stamp Act — of the Billeting Act—
and of Port Duties on glass, lead, painters' colors, and tea,
which were to be compelled by an intrusive Board of Com
missioners for the Customs, and with the aid of odious Writs
of Assistance. It was the period of a British Act — levelled
at all the Colonies, through New York — for suspending, and

1764r-l770; CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 75
virtually annihilating the legislative functions of General
Assemblies — when too the charters of Massachusetts, Ehode
Island, and Connecticut, and the liberties of all New-England
towns were "struck at" — when the New-England fisheries
were menaced with prohibition — and the New-England " in
cendiaries," as the active patriots of that day were styled,
were to be transported, if possible, to the Old Country for
vengeful trial and condemnation. It was the period, in fine,
when unnatural and oppressive acts such as these — rousing
investigation more deeply than ever before into the nature
of our political connection with the parent State, and to a
vindication of the natural right of men quietly to enjoy, and
fully to dispose of their own property — awoke the young
lion of American resistance to so broad a glare of defiance,
to an attitude so full of menace, that an army with banners
at last — Boston to be the theatre for its first murderous ex
ploit — landed on the shores of the New- World, to drive the
infant monster back, it was ostentatiously expected, to some
lair of impotent repose. Vain boast — empty hope! The
clutch of that young lion was fatal !
Of Trumbull's connection with these matters, down nearly
to that memorable spring which ushered in the Boston Mas-
Bacre — of the feelings which Were his impulse — of the prin
ciples he adopted, and the course he pursued — we shall
speak, in part, in the present chapter — not, from lack of me
morials, with the fulness we desire — yet amply enough, in
the course of this and succeeding chapters, we shall trust, to
exhibit him in his true light. But first, let us fill up, as
after our manner hitherto, the measure of the offices of
honor and of trust which he enjoyed, at the hands of his
fellow-citizens, during the present period.
In 1764, he was again elected Assistant for the Colony of
Connecticut, Judge of the County Court, and Judge of Pro
bate, for the County and District of Windham. In 1765,
the same offices were all renewed in his person. In 1766,
October, he was appointed Chief Judge of the Superior
Courts of Connecticut for the year ensuing, with Eobert
Walker, Matthew Griswold, Eliphalet Dyer, and Eoger
Sherman, for his associates on the Bench — and was also

76 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
again appointed Judge of Probate for the District of Wind
ham. In 1767, he was re-elected Chief Justice, with the
same associates, and also Judge of Probate, and was also
chosen Deputy Governor of the Colony. In 1768, he was
again appointed Chief Justice, with the same associates, and
again Deputy Governor. These offices he held in 1769 —
until October of this year — when upon the death of Gov
ernor William Pitkin, relinquishing the place of Chief Jus
tice in favor of Matthew Griswold — he was chosen to the
post of Chief Magistrate of Connecticut — a post which he
continued to occupy until within two years of his death— ¦
when, by a voluntary resignation, he gave it up forever.
So that, within the thirty-seven years which elapsed from
1733 to 1770 — covering thus far the whole sphere of his
public life — Trumbull seven times represented his native
town, as Deputy, in the General Assembly of Connecticut^
during three of which he occupied the honorable post of
Speaker of the House — was chosen Assistant for twenty-two
years — was chosen for one year a side Judge, and for seven
teen years Chief Judge of the County Court of Windham,
and for nineteen years Judge of Probate for the same Dis
trict — was twice made Justice of the Peace — was once elected
an Assistant Judge, and thrice Chief Justice of the Superior
Courts of the Colony — and twice its Deputy Governor — and,
had his services at last, after a gradual and sure accretion of
public influence and reputation, crowned with the highest
honor in the gift of the people whom he so long and faith
fully had served. An amount all this, of labor, of office,
dignity, and trust, which rarely indeed falls to the lot of
men. Trumbull's path to Posts and Honors was no short
and petty byepath, but literally a broad, spacious, solid, and
embellished Highway.
Of the manner in which, in the period upon which we
now particularly dwell— that between 1763 and 1770— he
discharged his duties— simply as legislator and member of
the General Assembly — we have not much to present. Suf
fice it to say here, that, as in preceding years, he was active
and trusted — trusted upon important committees — consulted
with, as of old, on all questions of public economy and

1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 77
police— and specially relied upon, we observe, in cases that
came , before the Legislature touching fraudulent sales of
lands, the construction of wills, and the administration of
estates.* He was relied upon also, especially, in ecclesiast
ical matters that called for the interposition of the Legisla
ture, and in Indian affairs — particularly in the affairs of the
Mohegan tribe, in connection, as we shall hereafter have oc
casion to show, with that famous Mason controversy, which
so long, in suits against Connecticut, agitated committees,
counsel, agents, and courts, both in this Colony, and in Great
Britain. From all these points we turn however now, to consider
Trumbull in that civil and political sphere to which we have
already alluded, as concerning not only all the dominant
interests of Connecticut, but those also of United America,
and the rights and power of a Motherland just commencing
towards her children a career of despotism and tyranny.
To the very beginnings of this career, in fresh orders sent
from England to American custom-house officers to take
more effectual measures for enforcing the acts of trade and
navigation, Trumbull gave heed. No man more than him
self studied the nature and operation of those famous Writs
of Assistance, which — arming these officers with the odious
power of breaking open buildings to search for goods ille
gally imported, as well as for those on which duties had not
been paid— first manifested the aggressive purposes of Brit
ish power against American property and commerce.
Both, as merchant and a patriot, he watched them with the
deepest anxiety. In a mercantile view they were to be em
ployed to enforce statutes — hitherto suffered to lie dormant,
or disregarded and evaded — which in their direct operation,
would cut off that extensive circuitous trade with the French
and Spanish West India isles, which to himself — as well as
to hundreds of others, especially in New England, engaged
in commerce — was a principal source of prosperity, and en-
* As in the matter, particularly, of the estate of Dr. Morrison of "Hartford —
that learned, though somewhat eccentric Scottish physician, whose recluse grave,
within almost the centre of this city, and near its new free Episcopal Church,
has long attracted the curiosity of citizens.
7°

78 CHAP. VI.— TRUMBULL. 1764— 1770.
abled them to pay for the British manufactures they usually
imported. In a political view these writs, if granted, would
be dire instruments of tyranny.
They were writs unknown in the history of colonial juris
prudence. But they were according to the usages of the
Court of Exchequer in England, it was said.
To England, therefore — to Eichard Jackson, the Colonial
Agent for Connecticut there — Trumbull wrote on the subject,
soon as it began to assume importance — carefully informing
himself with regard to these usages, all of them — especially
so after new collectors, to carry out the behests of the Crown,
were appointed for his native province, and after its Governor
was informed by the Board of Trade and Plantations for
America, that his Majesty's resolution, on the subject of the
trade and navigation act's, was so fixed "to have the most
implicit obedience to his commands for enforcing them, that
he would not pass unnoticed any negligence on the part of
any person."
The conclusions to which his own mind came on this im
portant subject — the first upon which, in the new collision
between Parliamentary and Colonial authority, he had been
called on to express an opinion — were all in favor of his own
land. Circumstances urged him — here at the outset of the
struggle which was about to ensue — to choose his side — and
this side was that of liberty — unreservedly, firmly, and fer
vently. So that when Otis and Thatcher — before a Court in
the metropolis of New England — in resistance to a Crown-
Collector's application for the obnoxious Writ — made their
brilliant and immortal efforts — American Independence was
not "then and there born" more fully in the heart of any
listener than in that of Trumbull, when at his home in Leba
non he heard of these efforts, and perused the subsequent
masterly pamphlet by Otis asserting and proving the rights
of the Colonies. No man in that "crowded audience" at
Boston — in that first scene of the first opposition to the arbi
trary claims of Great Britain — was more " ready to take arms
against Writs of Assistance" — more ready, spite of proceed
ings somewhat irregular, to sanction the conduct of that
crowd at Falmouth in Maine, which subsequently defeated

1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 79
their operation in the hands of officers laboring under their
disputed authority to make a seizure of goods — or more
zealous to uphold and vindicate their refusal by the Superior
Court in Connecticut, in one or two cases in which Custom
House functionaries applied for their issue — than was that
son of Connecticut whose life we now commemorate.
He had prominent opportunity to manifest his sentiments
on this point — for in March 1768 — and again in April 1769 —
direct application was made to the Superior Court over which
he presided, for some of the Writs in question. In the first
instance it was made to Chief Justice Trumbull by the King's
Collector for the port of New London, Duncan Stewart, and
the King's Comptroller, Thomas Moffat — for the mere pur
pose, it would seem, of testing the views of the Court upon
the important subject — and not for the reason that any
"special occasion" had arisen for their use. The Court,
therefore, was at perfect liberty, at this time, with a wary
prudence, to waive their issue — and, in the expectation, and
with the desire that further light should be shed upon their
nature and legality, courteously to postpone their considera
tion to a future period.
" Upon the Petition of Duncan Stewart, Collector," says the Court
Record of their proceeding at this time — " and Thomas Moffat, Comp
troller of his Majesty's Customs for the port of New London, Esquires,
requesting this Court to grant them Writs of Assistance pursuant to the
spirit and true meaning of the Act of Parliament therein referred to —
And no information being made by said Petitioners, or otherwise, of any
special occasion for said Writ — this Court is of opinion that it is needful
to consider on the purport of said Act, and the manner and form of
granting such Writs of Assistance, according to the usage of his Majes
ty's Court of Exchequer : Therefore this Court will further consider and
advise thereon."
This further consideration the Court did give to the mat
ter. Trumbull again wrote abroad — for additional informa
tion about the Writs — both to Jackson, and to Wm. Samuel
Johnson, who was then in London as special attorney for
Connecticut in management of the Mohegan Case. Singu
larly enough — and certainly contrary to the impressions we
usually derive from history on this point — the Writs in ques-

80 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
tion were, by the custom of England, legalized, and issued
in that country as a. matter of course. They had been issued
also in some of the Provinces of America.
"Mr. Jackson," reported Johnson to Trumbull, September twenty-
ninth, 1769, " has no doubt wrote you on the subject of Writs of Assist
ance, as I have also to his Honor the Governor, and inclosed him copies,
of the usual Writs issued here. I own / was surprised to find such a
Writ in use in a country so jealous of its liberties, but it seems it has
now custom on its side, and issues quite of course. I find it has also
been adopted in Massachusetts Bay, and some other Provinces, and is
said to be grounded on this principle — that the presence of the Civil Offi
cer is necessary for the preservation of the Peace, as well as to give a
proper Countenance to the Officers of the Revenue."*
So far now, in the discharge of his ordinary and acknowk
edged duties, as the Civil Officer required " countenance,"
Trumbull, undoubtedly, would have willingly afforded it.
He would have granted " Warrants " such as were suitable
for the purpose — but not a Writ, which, like, that of Assist
ance, authorized the invasion, even of private dwellings, in
an outraging process of search and seizure. Fortunately we
have his views on this subject preserved. They are embod
ied, briefly, in a letter which, June fourteenth 1769, he wrote
to Johnson in London — giving an account of the proceed-'
ings in Connecticut upon a second application of the King s
officers — which he describes — and commenting, forcibly, on
the unjust policy in general of the Mother-country towards
her Colonies in America.
" I wrote you last summer," he proceeds, " per my son, respecting tho
matter of Writs of Assistance, and received your answer thereon per
him. Since that, to wit, at April Term last at Norwich, Mr. Stewart'
[Collector] made further application to the Superior Court for such
Writs ; and produced Forms of such from the Board of Commissioners,
as they judged proper for us to give, with the Case per Mr. DeGrey. To
which the Court replied, that they would be further advised, and as the
Sessions of the General Assembly was near, they should ask their advice
and direction. Accordingly the matter was fully laid before them.
They appointed a Committee to consider the letters &c, laid before the
* " I shall endeavor to make further enquiries concerning it," Johnson adds—
" and if anything material occurs, commuiiicate it."

1764—1770. CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 81
Assembly. Within their province fell this matter, and they advised that
the Assembly take no notice of it — that it properly belonged to the Su
perior Court — that, as individuals, not as members of the Assembly,
they advised the Court not to grant such Warrants, which seemed to be
the universal opinion. Since this Mr. Seymour,* as Attorney for the
King, by direction of the Board of Commissioners, has made application
to me for a Judicial Determination on the Matter. I have given him no
answer, nor do I intend giving any till the Next Term, which now soon
comes on.
" I have taken care to find what the Courts in the other Colonies have
done, and find no such Writs have been given by any of the Courts ex
cept in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where they were given as
soon as asked for. I believe the Courts in all the other Colonies will be
as well united, and as firm in this Matter, as in anything that has yet
happened between us and Great Britain.
" I have never yet seen any Act of Parliament authorizing the Court
of Exchequer in giving such Writs as they give, but conceive they have
crept into use by the inattention of the people, and the bad practices of
designing men. We are directed to give such Writs as the Court of Ex
chequer are enabled by Act of Parliament to give, which are very differ
ent, as" I conceive, from such Writs as they do give. Our Court will on
all occasions of complaint grant such Warrants as may be necessary for
promoting his Majesty's service, and at the same time consistent with the
liberty and privilege of the subject, and made returnable to the Court ;
but further than that we dare not go, and they must not expect we shall.
I give you my mind on this subject, as I expect representation will be
made of the conduct of the Court herein, and it may not be amiss to
have you prepared on the occasion.
"Adj ministration, if not already convinced, must soon find that their
plan of sending troops into America, to overawe and intimidate the peo
ple, has entirely failed them ; so far has it been from having the desired
effect, that the People are more fixed and established in their principles,
and determined to lose their liberties, dear to them as their life, but' with
their li res. This, they may depend on it, is not a spirit stirred up and
kept al ive by a few disaffected, hot-headed men among those of their own
temper and disposition. No — that is not the case, they may be assured.
But it i s the united, universal determination of every man in America, a
few da; tardly, dependent slaves and dupes to Administration only ex
cepted, who have sold their country, and their own Posterity, for the
hase co nsideration of a poor present pittance for themselves.
'.'Th e treatment received from the last Winter's Session of Parliament
grieves us sensibly, as every moment's delay of justice heightens our
distress , and raises our resentments, already almost too heavy to bear.
Notwitl istanding all the ill-judged burthens heaped upon us by a weak

' Thomas Seymour.

I

82 CHAP. VI. — TRUMBULL. 1764—17
and wicked Administration, we still retain a degree of regard, and e«n
fondness for Great Britain, and a firm attachment to his Majesty's person
family, and government, and on just and equal terms, as children, notas
slaves, should rejoice to remain united with them to the latest time.
But to think of being slaves — we who so well know the bitterness of it by
the instances so continually before our eyes, cannot bear the shocking
thought — Nature starts bach at the idea ! "

C HAPTER VI I.
1765.

Tbombull and the Stamp Act. Resistance of Connecticut to the Act,
and Trumbull's participation in it A thrilling scene illustrating his
opposition. Governor Fitch calls his Council together in order to take
an oath to carry the measure into effect, aa required by King and Par
liament. He announces his readiness to he sworn. Trumbull, and
other Councillors remonstrate, and refuse to perform, the cere
mony. The Governor argues the case "with them, and insists upon
talcing the Oath. Four of the Councillors, enough for the purpose,
unwillingly yield The remaining seven, Trumbull at their head, still
resist Their motives, arguments, and some of their language upon
the occasion. The Governor rises to receive the Oath. At this mo
ment, Trumbull refuses to witness a. ceremony "which he thinks will
degrade the Colony, and is an outrage upon liberty, seizes his hat, and
indignantly withdraws from the Council Chamber, followed immedi
ately by six of his associates. Judgment of the Colony upon the
event. Th e course of such a man as Trumbull in the matter of
the Sltamp Act, from what has already been described, may
be easily anticipated. It was one of indignant opposition
from llhe veTj inception of that project down to the period of
its ret ieal.*

* His son Joseph, who was in England when this project was started, kept his
father o mstantly informed of all Acts of Parliament affecting America, and gave
much us leful information to Agent Jackson respecting its trade and commerce,
ie latter used zealously with the Ministry, and publicly in the House of
is. Joseph, upon this occasion, served his country nobly. December
i3, for example, he writes his father thus : —
j talk of taxing the Colonies for the support of the troops in America,

which tl
Commoj
10th, 17'
"The;
and that,

tax to be laid in the Colonies without any respect to their Charters, or
rather in' such manner as to sap the foundation of all our privileges. Indeed our
goodfrie nds the Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, Lord Sandwich, the Duke Of Red-
ford, the[ Earl of Halifax, and some others, are of opinion that all the Charters in
America could be vacated immediately, without any ceremony, and that we
should I' e governed entirely by Governors and Councils, without any assemblies
appoint! '¦ d by the King. They say those Charters were granted in High Times,
by the k/- ing only, without consent of Parliament, and so are void in themselves ;
that ther b shall be a superintendent over the whole ; that we must be prevented
making 1^ >ar iron ; and several other most barbarous impositions are to be laid on
,"s. I h 1 5Pe John Wilkes will live to give them employment, to prevent them
from doi*. ig "s the mischief they intend. The people in power have imbibed the
greatest i >rejudiccs imaginable against the Colonies."

84 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 17 ft
The conduct of Connecticut upon this occasion— the ardor
with which, at the outset— a year before the measure passed
the Parliament of Great Britain, and when the English Min
istry were gathering from the various Colonies statistics upon
which to found it— the ardor and emphasis with which, by
acts of her General Assembly, by letters and petitions to her
agents and to statesmen in England, and to the Ministry,
Court, and Parliament, she lifted up her voice of remon
strance and of prayer ere the impending blow was struckv
and her demonstrations after the blow fell— are familiar to the
readers of Connecticut history.
Her funeral processions with the coffined Stamp Act— her
burnings and hangings of the effigies of its aiders and abet
tors, that glared from the hill-tops and plains of almost every
one of her villages, and told to the day and to the ni^ht, to
the sun and to the stars, a tale of maddened distress— her
fierce crowds that assailed, humiliated, and displaced the
Stamp-Master appointed for her jurisdiction— the success
which crowned her efforts, in preventing a single appli cation
of the Act within her limits — and her unbounded con grata-
lations, manifested by bonfires, illuminations, feu de joie s, and
in every form of gladness, when the stroke aimed at he r hap
piness was stayed, require no description at our hands
We but allude to these events now, in order to say i
all of them, save probably in those eccentric pageants;
mocked the designs of the Motherland, Trumbull to
active part. Even on the pageants to which we ret .
gazed, we have every reason to believe, with no avert* ;deye,
and with no disposition — magistrate and order-loving
though he was — to interpose either his authority in be.
the "King's peace," or his counsel in behalf of sedate
ance. Nay we think that his brow must have relaxed;
customed gravity, and his ordinarily compressed lip

here. hat in
which ok an
i«r, '

.citizen half of
resist- its ac-

er

sthenn

February 13th, 1764, he writes thus : — " The Courts are contriving ever
to saddle us in America with troops — and some carry it so far as not to b ¦JjomW*
with our paying and supporting them, but also would have us pay a con,wlsidei»™
sum to the Civil List — all of which monies are to be raised by duties o \
and Dutch goods — by our paying in New England the same duties on 1 I
goods as are paid here — by tho Post Office regulations in tho manner pl^tliey"1
here — and by a Stamp Office — all which the friends to America are doi
thing in their power to prevent."

17G5. CHAP. VII.— TRUMBULL. 85
even expanded with hearty laughter, when from his own
mansion at Lebanon — in the summer immediately succeeding
the passage of the Stamp Act — he saw a crowd of his own
neighbors and friends giving to this Act the formality of a
mock trial — subjecting it to unanimous condemnation — and
then, in due form, and with pageantry the most comical, pro
ceeding to hang and burn the criminal.
Be this, however, as it may have been, it is certain that in
other respects — in the preparation of legislative and execu
tive papers, of petitions, and letters, in behalf of the Colony
against the Stamp Act — in correspondence, both in his own
country and abroad, on this subject, but particularly with the
Colonial Agent in England, with his Majesty's Secretary of
State, and with the Sons of Liberty at. home — in circulating
patriotic resolves, especially those of Virginia, and patriotic
essays and writings, like those, . distinctly, of Otis, and
Thatcher, and of the earnest and didactic Johnson of
Lyme — in efforts such as these to rouse, justify, and con
centrate opinion and feeling against the Act, no man in Con
necticut was more conspicuous than Trumbull — hardly one
as much so.
We may safely say no person as much so, when we come
to gaze upon one particular scene in the drama of Connecti
cut opposition to the obnoxious Act, in which Trumbull
figured — and in a manner that should — if everything
else in patriotic development were wanting — immortalize
his memory with all lovers of freedom. Let us look
at it;
It became necessary, under the provisions of the Stamp
Act, that the Governor of each American Colony should
take an oath — to be administered by his Council, or by any
three of them — to do his utmost in causing " all and every
the clauses" in the Act to "be punctually and bona fide ob
served, according to the true intent and meaning thereof."
This requisition upon Thomas Fitch, the Governor of Con
necticut, as upon the Chief Magistrate of every British Col
ony, was imperative. Removal from office — disqualification
in future to hold it-^the King's highest displeasure — and a
fine of one thousand pounds sterling — stared him in the face,

86 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 176S.
in case he either refused the Oath, or neglected to do his
duty accordingly.
The Oath was to be taken before the First of November,
1765. That day — day when the Stamp Act was first to take
effect — was close at hand — and Governor Fitch assembled
his Councillors to fulfil the obligations, which, sorely he
knew, but inevitably, he thought, rested upon them all.
There were Ebenezer Silliman, Hezekiah Huntington, John
Chester, Benjamin Hall, Jabez Hamlin, Matthew Griswold,
Shubal Conant, Elisha Sheldon, Eliphalet Dyer, and Jabez
Huntington — names all of them of proud distinction in the
Colony — and last of all — patriot deepest interwoven with
the roots, and branches, and blossoming of Connecticut
Independence — Colonel Jonathan Trumbull. There they
were — eleven in all — one Tuesday morning— summoned to
officiate as high-priests in a sacrifice whose victims were to
be their own countrymen and brothers, and the mothers,
sisters, wives, and children too, all that lived, and loved, and
clustered in the little province of which they were chosen
leaders. Governor Fitch called upon them to discharge their duty.
He was himself ready to be sworn. The sovereignty of
England, he affirmed, commanded it. Loyalty claimed it.
The safety of the Colony required it. Gentlemen, he said,
will you obey your Commission, and administer the Oath!
There was hesitation — there were averted looks on the
part of a majority of the Council — and soon words of re
monstrance, determined tones, earnest gestures — and at last
a blank refusal.
The Act of Parliament, reasoned Colonel Trumbull, Dyer,
and others, is in derogation of the rights of the Col
ony. No law can be made to tax us but by our own con
sent, freely given. This is the very essence of freedom. It
is the ruling excellency of the British Constitution — and is
fast chained to its roots. The power which can tax us as it
pleases, can also govern us as it pleases. We are as truly, in
every respect, the King's subjects as any to whom God has
given life in any part of the British dominions. Their priv
ileges, their liberties, their immunities, are also our own— the

1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 87
Stamp Act robs us of all these. It is a condemnation of us
as freemen. It is ingratitude towards us as generous, loyal,
and faithful subjects. It is in the teeth of our Charter. It
will reduce us to poverty. We cannot then, in conscience,
aid in any measure to enforce it. We will not, therefore,
administer the Oath !
But, urged the Governor in reply — and. we have fortu
nately his own pamphlet from wnich to state his reasoning —
the Officers of his Majesty must obey his commands. They
are bound to do so, not only by their allegiance, but also by
the agreement and contract of their offices — by accepting
positions to which a Commission like the present one is at
tached. All royal mandates, all Acts of Parliament, all
Provincial Acts, depend and hinge on obedience. To evade
the Oath required by the Stamp Act, would be to evade
those solemn obligations implied in our own office-oaths. If
we refuse it in this case, there is reason to believe that the
people themselves will be deprived of all power hereafter to
elect any officers of their own. Our whole Charter, in such
an event, would be " struck at." — What now if I should de
cline the Oath? My own condemnation would be certain.
Nor would you yourselves escape condemnation — for breach
of trust — for high contempt both of King and Parliament —
and you would be forced to undergo penalties severe and
remediless. We all know the nature of the King's displeas
ure. It is fatal. Is it reasonable then that I, that you, that
any of us should thus expose ourselves? Duty certainly
does not demand it: — neither duty to ourselves, nor to the
Colony, whose present liberties it is our business to save, and
not to lose. Gentlemen, I am ready for the Oath, and again
ask you to administer it.
What said the Council now, to these views — thus earnest —
thus decided — urged by the Chief Magistrate of the Colony ?
Here was argument from what seemed resistless official obli
gation — argument from vital considerations of personal safety
and reputation — argument out of the very heart, apparently,
of an endangered Colonial Charter. Duty, necessity, loy
alty, hope, fear, all seemed to press overpoweringly for obe
dience.

88 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 1765.
Had not every Governor of every province of his Maj
esty's dominions inAmerica — save the solitary "rebel" Gov
ernor of Rhode Island — already taken the Oath required?
He had.
Had not the seeming resistlessness of the Stamp Act in
duced even the high-souled Richard Henry Lee, himself to
solicit the office of Stamp-Distributor for Virginia, — and to
proclaim his readiness to take an oath similar to that now
demanded ? It had.
Did not some of the very best patriots of the land incul
cate submission as a necessity that was overwhelming ? They
did. Was riot even Franklin unable to see any way out of the
existing darkness, but by lighting up "the candles of frugal
ity and industry ? " He was.
Had not even that idolator of freedom, the deeply-medi
tative Otis, declared it to be " the duty of all humbly and
silently to acquiesce in the decisions of the Supreme Legisla
ture of Great Britain ? " He had.*
Viewed under all its aspects then, how constraining the
force now brought to bear upon the Council of Connecticut
by Governor Fitch — himself Head of the Colony — himself
hitherto high in reverence — himself, for his wisdom, for his
probity, for his fidelity, kept by the People for twelve long
years — years too, many of them, of harassing war — steadily
kept at the helm of State! How darkly difficult to avoid. his
demand I What force could resist !
But did the Council yield ? No — not the Council in the
strength of its majority — not the Council in the power.of a
vote close upon that of two-thirds of its number ! Seven out
of eleven of them — spite of all the Governor had urged,
would not yield — but blunted the edge of his appeals, and
outreasoned, and outfaced his repeated demand for the Oath.
Themselves — and the Governor along with them — had sworn
"to promote the public good and peace" of Connecticut, and
" to maintain all its lawful privileges " intact. They then do
an act, which, as they verily believed, stabbed "the public
good," wounded the "peace," and annihilated the "privi
leges " of this Commonwealth — which let out the rich blood

1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 89
of its freedom from every vein almost of that glorious old
Charter, which, for a hoary century and more, had gladdened,
with a joy that was ever fresh and bounding, the whole heart
of Connecticut! They — through a measure unprecedented
for its harshness — aid to torture the industry of their native
land, and to wrench from it those pittances of gain whicb
themselves were wrenched, with hardest toil, from a cold,
stern earth, and beneath an ungenial heaven !
No — let royal indignation swell, they thought and felt —
let the thunders of Parliament all burst — let its armies and
navies even descend in storm upon this infant State— let loss
of office come, arrest, trials, fines, confiscations, imprisonment,
banishment, every thing that is distressful in the artillery of
angry power, let it all come — the patriots whom we com
memorate were ready — ready for the worst — rather than sur
render a righteous and cleaving conviction of their own in
favor of liberty ! Again, therefore, they refused to adminis
ter the Oath.
What was to be done ? , Alas, tyranny was never yet found
wanting in means. Its genius for mischief, hydra-headed, is
fertile in expedients, and exact even to a hair. The Govern
or, according to the Commission, was to be sworn by the
Council, or " by any three of them." By any three of them! —
here was the ugly resource. And there at the Council-Board
sat four members — enough, and just one more than enough —
who, under all the embarrassing circumstances of the occa
sion — from motives too of sympathy with the Chief Execu
tive in what they deemed his "critical situation" — and in a
spirit of caution — honest, we do not doubt — but which yet
to our own eye cannot but appear overstrained — consented to
exercise the dreaded authority. Sorrow, reluctance even, we
cannot but think, painted in their looks — they announced
their readiness to give the Oath.
A glow of satisfaction now must have brightened the face
of Thomas Fitch — but there was sadness there too, we are
ready to believe — moved though he was, as he tells us him
self, "from principles of loyalty to the King, from a serious
and tender concern for the privileges of the Colony, from a
conscientious regard to the solemn obligations of his office-
8*

90 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. tf65.
oath, and a just regard for his own interest, reputation, and
usefulness in life."
But how, at this moment, looked the dissenting Members
of the Board ? History gives us hints from which we can
safely judge. Deep disquietude sat upon their faces.
Thoughts-^-again of the past free life of Connecticut — of her
long and painful struggles for God, liberty, and civilization —
of her services, ever generous, in extending the might and
domain of her Motherland, and of the ingratitude of that
Parent whose duty was love, was tender nurture, was proteo>
tion, not oppression — thoughts like these came freshly rush
ing over their souls as light and darkness rusk over the face
of an angry heaven, when the winds are up, and the storm
sits brooding for an explosion.
Again, therefore, they pleaded with the Governor against
the step he was about to take. Again, pointedly, they pro
tested — and in language some of which is fortunately
preserved. "It is in violation of your Provincial Oath!" — exclaimed
with bold earnestness, Colonel Trumbull.
"It certainly is" — repeated every other dissenting Coun
cillor. "You have sworn," continued they all, as they could cateh
the opportunity to speak — "by the dreadful name of God
you have sworn to labor for the good of this Colony, and you
are now preparing to labor for its ruin. You have sworn to
promote its peace — you are now going to promote its disturb
ance. The Law you are called upon to see enforced is, from
its very nature, a nullity. It is unconstitutional. It is void.
For our own part," they added — and here the patriots utter
a sentiment which shows strikingly the unspeakable depth
and conscientiousness of their convictions — "for our own
part, as Judges of this land — sitting in its highest Courts—
under all the responsibilities which would there surround
us — were we called to decide upon the Stamp Act, we should
not hesitate to pronounce this measure of Parliament ipso
facto void I "
Did the Governor pause — reconsider — shrink? Under
these appeals, did he refuse the Oath ? Alas, no 1 His opin-

1765. CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 91
ion settled beyond the possibility of change — his will fixed,
and doubtless from the wounding imputations upon his own
judgment conveyed in the remonstrances of the speakers,
wrought into the compactness of iron — he rose from his
seat — called for the ceremonial — and, with uplifted hand,
stood ready to take upon his lips that appeal which invoked
•the Almighty Ruler of the Universe to help him faithfully
to administer — upon his own countrymen and brothers — a
Law, which, no matter what his own views of its obligations
-may have been, was one in fact of surpassing tyranny.
At this stirring moment — moment too. near the close of
the day, as we are informed by Eliphalet Dyer, when the
sun was just hasting to set* — Colonel Jonathan Trumbull — ¦
roused to unwonted excitement — his high, massive forehead,
as we see it in his portraits, deeply plaited, we doubt not,
with grief and resentment — his large, brilliant black eyes,
from beneath brows of singular delicacy, flashing fire — his
small, firm mouth compressed at once into energy and deter
mination — started from his seat — seized his tri-cornered hat —
and, avowing in tones most sonorous, that he would never
witness a eeremony which so, degraded liberty, and degraded
the Colony — he moved —
" Erect, severe, austere, sublime " —
towards the door of the Council-Chamber. Every eye was
fastened on his retreating form. Every heart thrilled at
sight of his resolute bearing — and following his example,
Eliphalet Dyer — words in angry denunciation of the im
pending ceremony on his lips too — rose also from his seat —
almost simultaneously with Trumbull — and moved towards
the door.f And then Hezekiah Huntington, Elisha Shel-
*¦" The Council adjourned till afternoon," writes Colonel Dyer, after describing
the discussion as having oocupied the whole forenoon. " When we met, other
affairs came on till near the close of the day, when the Oath was proposed to be
administered." t " I immediately arose, took my hat, and declared openly and publicly that
the Oath about to be administered was in my opinion directly contrary to the
Oath the Governor and Council had before taken to maintain the rights and priv
ileges of the people. It was an Oath I myself eould not take, neither could I be
present aiding and assisting therein ; and then withdrew, the other gentlemen
with me."— Dyer's Letter.

92 CHAP. VII. — TRUMBULL. 1765.
don, Matthew Griswold, Shubal Conant, and Jabez Hunting
ton, started also — hats likewise in hand — and, pressing on
the steps of their leader, passed with him, one and all, out
of the door — on and away from their yielding colleagues
and timorous chief — whom they left bewildered and chidden,
to execute alone their odious rite — in a chamber which the
Patriot Seceders themselves solemnly believed to be a cham
ber of disgrace.
Act grand and thrilling ! Chivalric and sublime its vindi
cation of life, liberty, and property! Grateful and soul-
stirring its example for all worshippers of freedom ! Rich
and glowing its inspiration for the poet's pen, and the easel
of the painter !
Act too, which received cordial approbation from the
Lower Branch of the General Assembly — for this House
also, through a large majority, had but a few days previous
pleaded with Governor Fitch against the step he was about
to take — and some of its patriotic members went so far even
as to agree fully to indemnify him against the impending
fine, and against any penalty whatever, so far as they could,
on condition that he would refuse all connection with the
detested scheme. A Committee of their number eagerly
waited on him with this information. It was a short time
only after his Councillors had left him, in the manner we
have already described, that they reached him — but all too
late. The Oath had just passed his lips. The fatal chain
bad bound him — and the cup of the People's sorrow was full.
But not too full for anger — not too full for a peaceable re
venge — for at a General Election, very soon, they almost
unanimously threw him, and every Councillor who had abet
ted him, out of office — consigned them all, indignantly, to
the shades of private life — and placing the reins of govern
ment in the more resolute hands of Honorable William Pit
kin, the Deputy Governor of the preceding year — and ex
alting the high-souled Jonathan Trumbull to Pitkin's former
station — they went on their way rejoicing.*
* " Connecticut, overjoyed at the repeal of the Stamp Act, and applauding its
connection with Great Britain, elected as its Governor the discreet and patriotio
William Pitkin in place of the loyalist Fitch."— Bancroft's Mist. U. States, Vol.
VI., p. U.

CHAPTER VIII.
1764—1770.
Statu of the quarrel with Great Britain just after the Stamp Act.
Trumbull expresses his views concerning it in a letter to Dr. Johnson.
His moderation and foresight. His character by Bancroft. Great Brit
ain engaged in forging new fetters for America. Trumbull's opinion of
these given in another letter to Dr. Johnson — and in one also to Rich
ard Jackson, a Member of the British Parliament. Thus far a prudent
remonstrant, but firm in his spirit of resistance to the obnoxious
measures of the day. This spirit begins to vent itself with increased
energy, when the tyranny deepens — as shown from his letters to Dr.
Johnson and Gen. Lyman in London particularly, and from his corres
pondence elsewhere. He sends abroad State documents of great im
portance as regards the contest. He is thoroughly informed of every
thing passing in England. Is familiar with the politics and condition
of Europe generally — hut especially with those of. France, the pro
ceedings of whose Prime Minister, the Duke de Choiseul, he watches
with deep interest. He is made Governor of Connecticut at the close
of 1769. His appointment a fortunate one for the Colony. Dr. John-
Bon's letter upon the occasion.
In keeping with the stand taken by Trumbull on the
Stamp Act, as described in the last chapter, was his position
towards the Mother-Country during the remaining portion
of that period of his life upon which we now dwell. And
here, fortunately, we shall be able to let him speak, in part,
for himself, through the medium of a few letters preserved
among his Papers.
There was a short pause in the career of aggression, on
the part of Great Britain, against colonial rights, just after
the repeal of the Stamp Act. The interval — spite of the
adder, in the form of a claim to universal and unconditional
colonial submission, that lay coiled in temporary repose
within the bosom of the Declaratory Act — spite of the half-
suppressed murmurs that mingled with the general trans
port — was yet one of hope, somewhat, to most of the inhab
itants of British America. They sincerely nourished the
wish, and contemplated the means, for a thorough reconcilia
tion with the Motherland — for a reconciliation though, that
was to be based, fixedly, upon the old and kind relations of

94 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
the two countries, and their mutual interests and advantage.
On this point — in a letter written June twenty-third, 1767,
to Wm. Samuel Johnson, Colonial Agent for Connecticut at
the time in London — Trumbull expresses clearly his own,
and the prevailing views of his countrymen. After alluding
to the quartering of British troops in Connecticut — for
which, in February, a demand had been made by General
Gage upon the Governor of this State, but which, until duly
authorized by the General Assembly, had been refused — he
thus proceeds: —
" I have the satisfaction to think, that at this critical juncture it is very
happy for the Colony that it is represented at Great Britain by a special
agent, so well able to obviate the objections thrown out against us, and
set the affairs of America in general, and of this Colony in particular, in
so true and just a light, and thereby to prostrate the malign designs of
selfish, deceitful, and wicked incendiaries. Great Britain and her Colo
nies' interests are mutual and inseparable. So long as the Colonies want
protection and supplies of necessary manufactures from the mother coun
try, it cannot be their interest to separate, and it is always the interest
of the mother country to keep them dependent and employed in such
productions, in such industry, in raising such commodities, in perform
ing such services, as will return most benefit to their native country.
But if violence, or methods tending to violence, be taken to maintain this
dependence, it tends to hasten a separation. If mutual jealousies are
sown, it will require all their address to keep the Colonies dependent and
employed so as at least not to prejudice the mother country — and it is
certainly more easily and effectually done by gentle and insensible meth
ods than by power or force."*
Such were the views of Trumbull, at the period now under
consideration, with regard to the proper policy of the Mother-
Country towards her trans- Atlantic colonies — views, which,
though seasoned with moderation, and expressed with calm-
* " Happy would it be for this country," wrote Johnson to Trumlmll in reply,
September 14th, 1767, from London — "aa well as that of [America,] did all men
entertain the same just notions of the mutual and inseparable interests of the
two countries which you express, and that those who guide the great affairs of
State would found their system upon those ideas, and pursue a conduct conform
able to them. Instead of which too many seem to indulge haughty ideas of Em
pire, and that America should be made entirely subservient to the dignity, plun
der and general emolument of this country, and reduced to a state of perfect (I
had almost said) dependence upon it, and pay the most implicit obedience to its
dictates."

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 95
ness, yet imply apprehensions of approaching danger. That
some great change "hung over America," says Bancroft —
while commenting in his History on the passage just quot
ed — "could not escape the penetration of the Deputy Gov
ernor of Connecticut. A perfect model of a rural magistrate,"
he continues — finely, in this connection characterizing the
man— "never weary of business, profoundly religious, grave
in his manners, calm and discriminating in judgment, fixed
in his principles, steadfast in purpose, and by his ability en
chaining universal respect and the unfailing confidence of
the freemen of his Colony, his opinion was formed that 'if
methods tending to violence should be taken to maintain the
dependence of the Colonies, it would hasten a separation,' and
that the connection with England could be preserved ' by gen
tle and insensible methods,' rather than 'by power or force.'"
But the alternative of force, alas, was chosen. Who would
have thought it ? Just when Trumbull was expressing the
mild views now presented, and dwelling, as if in anticipation
of their realization, on kind feelings, and a reciprocity of
material exchanges between Great Britain and her Colonies,
as the true conservative policy — just too after Shelburne, the
gentle Secretary for American affairs, had matured that
promising Conciliatory Plan, which condemned the principle
of the Billeting Act — put an end to the political dependence
of Colonial judges — removed all troops from the principal
towns in America to the frontiers of younger States, for their
necessary protection — quieted violent State controversies
respecting territory — smoothed the settlement of Canadian
affairs — broke up the system of squandering American grants
and income on worthless Court favorites, and aimed to de
fray American expenses through an easy and improved sys
tem of quit-rents — who would have thought that Great Brit
ain, just at this time, and after all her experience too with
the Stamp Act, should have been actually engaged in forg
ing new fetters for America — and in fact should have per
fected them ?
Yet so it was. " Fear, fear — cowards — dare not tax Ameri
ca ! " — exclaimed, in language familiar to the Eeader, tlie ec
centric, impetuous, indefatigable Townshend in the British

96 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
House of Commons, in reply to the taunting Grenville^-"/
dare tax America I" — and he brought in those his famous
bills for direct taxation, for Commissioners of Customs,
for Writs of Assistance, and for suspending the legislative
power of New York. How Trumbull felt on this occasion,
is manifest from the following letters, written by him in the
summer of 1768. The first — addressed, doubtless, to John
son, though to whom does not appear on its face — bears date
Lebanon, July first, and in that portion of it germane to our
purpose, thus proceeds : —
" The present difficulties that subsist between Great Britain and her
American Colonies, look very alarming and distressing — and I fear are
heightened by misrepresentations on both sides the water. I think it
may be truly said there is no disposition in the Colonists to contend with
Great Britain but for what they look upon to be their sacred constitu
tional rights and privileges. To be taxed for the sole purpose of raising
a revenue without their consent, is what they know to be as disagreeable
to an Englishman in Great Britain as in America. The establishment of
a Board of Commissioners of Customs, with their numerous train of de
pendents, is novel among us, and our own free mode of collecting taxes
so very different, and attended with such small expense, in comparison
with this, that the People of the Colonies cannot look with any compla
cency or satisfaction upon it. The keeping on foot a body of troops in
the old Colonies, where they serve no other utility but only to overawe
the inhabitants into compliance with something they think grievous and
burdensome, is what they are very uneasy with. The mischief, rapine,
and villany, commonly prevalent among troops that are kept up in idle
ness, are such as ever will be intolerable in the Colonies. It has a ten
dency to destroy the morals of the People, and raise distrust of the good
intentions of their Governors in the better sort, and stir up strife and
contention among the whole.
" There is an ardent desire and diffusive love of liberty throughout
these Colonies, and everything that appears an infringement of it is and
ever will be grievous to them. The people are generally virtuous.
They have not an inclination to sedition, faction, or disloyalty. They
honor their king, love their mother-country, desire to live peaceably, and
enjoy the fruit of their own labors. They have at their own expense of
blood and treasure subdued and cultivated a wilderness, and contributed
what was in their power to the general good. They have supported the
government, and readily complied with his Majesty's requisitions— and
they have been accustomed to be treated in this way, and make the
grants of taxes by their own representatives, and are as fond of that
constitutional right as any of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain.

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 97
" It is unhappy that those difficulties have arisen, and 'tis needful the
occasion for them should be removed early — that they should be obliter
ated. For a number of judicious, calm, and dispassionate gentlemen to
come into America, and go through the several governments, might be
serviceable to both countries. It is impossible to have an adequate idea
of the genuine temper and peculiar circumstances of this sparse country,
without coming among the people, and using more freedom and open
ness than is commonly used in older countries. They are ever jealous
of their liberty, and fear every innovation. They greatly fear the inde
pendency of their Governors, and cannot think it reasonable that they
should be rendered independent of them for support. They know the
difficulties of obtaining redress when oppressed, and that their Govern
ors have the advantage of being heard before them, and their represent
ations attended to, when the remonstrances from the people cannot
obtain a hearing, and their attempts to petition the throne for redress
of grievances are presently called the voice of sedition, faction, and
rebellion."* * " Many here," says Johnson in reply, from London, September 29th, 1768—
and we quote a passage or two, just to show how well Trumbull kept himself
informed of events passing on the other side of the water — "many here seem to
be infatuated, and, influenced by vain ideas of Superiority and Imperial Dignity,
seem determined to pull down destruction upon their own heads and ours, and
regardless of consequences, to plunge the two unfortunate countries into the
deepest distress, which however,'if it must come, I think we are as well pre
pared to meet, and more likely to get thro.' with than they are. Upon those no
tions of Supremacy and false Honor are grounded the present prevailing argu
ments against repealing the late acts complained of in America. We can't, say
they, in Honour recede ; our dignity, our Supremacy are at stake, and we must
abide by what we have done, be the consequences what they may. We have
solemnly enacted our right to tax the Colonies ; the right of Taxation is essen
tial to our Supremacy ; the Americans treasonably deny it, and insist upon the
repeal of those Acts as being unconstitutional. We cannot, we must not give up
this point to them, but if they refuse to pay obedience to our laws, apply force to
compel them. Had they applied upon the inexpediency of the Acts only, or
their inability to pay the duty, we would have listened to their complaints, but
while they dispute our right, we cannot even hear them.
" Such is the present language here. It may change, indeed it must if Parlia
ment when they take up the matter, enter upon it with that coolness and mod
eration which becomes so respectable a Body. Much will depend on the state
of parties at the opening of Parliament, and whether the Ministry find them
selves possessed of a clear majority in the House. Should the Rockingham party
in any degree unite with Administration, they will probably soften them with
respect to American matters ; if with the Grenvillians, as some threaten us that
they will, upon this subject, the tide will be turned against us. A few months will
now decide it ; in the meantime all that can be done is to preserve a just modera
tion and firmness in that country, and to apply the warmest solicitations in this,
and leave the issue to him who disposeth of all events. * * The tumults at
Boston are made use of as a powerful argument against the Repeal, and urged as
evident proofs of a rebellious disposition in the Colonists, and a formed design
to cast off their dependence on this Country. * * The people of Boston have
9

98 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
In another letter, bearing date also July 1768 — written,
like that just quoted, after the promulgation of that famous
Massachusetts Circular, which — embodying in a masterly
manner the substance of all the American remonstrances to
Great Britain — was designed to promote an immediate and
close concert between the Colonies, and was the .pre-eminent
dread of the English Ministry — Trumbull again gives his
views on the existing Quarrel — addressing this time Eichard
Jackson, Esquire, the English agent in London for Connecti
cut, and a Member of the British Parliament.
" The unhappy disputes between the American Colonies and our
mother country," he proceeds, "look with a very discouraging aspect
The clouds seem to thicken up and blacken upon us. You will see by
the papers the unhappy situation of Boston. What will be the end God
only knows. You are sensible the people here are virtuous, and not dis
posed to sedition, faction, and disloyalty. They are fond of the great
darling of Englishmen — Liberty — and ever zealous for their natural,
constitutional rights and privileges.
" It seems hard that the Massachusetts Province should be so severely
handled for endeavoring a happy union of the Colonies in petitioning the
King for redress of grievances. I am told no one Colony has failed to
present such petition. To be held to pay taxes for the sole purpose of
raising a revenue — to render the judges independent of the people for
support, and especially for this Colony, which has no expectation that
way, to pay for the support of others, appears unequal — and the mode
of collection, at so very great expense, by a Board of Commissioners of
the Customs, and their long train of dependents, is alarming to a people
whose frugal methods of collecting make this the more grievous. * *
We shall be obliged to leave off the articles of luxury, as our ability to
use them declines. Necessity will constrain us to industry and frugality,
which in time may relieve us, but then it seems hard to labor for others
to live in idleness and luxury among us, who serve only to suck the
blood fresh from our veins, &c."
The letters now quoted state the points of difference be
tween Great Britain and her Colonies with precision, and
show Trumbull's own views very decidedly. They thus far,
though, exhibit him in the light of a prudent remonstrant.
^reat merit for their firmness and zeal in the cause of Liberty ; it is only to be
nished it might never ho disgraced by any ill-judged tumults and violences,
which forge the keenest weapons for our adversaries, and which they wield
..gainst us with the greatest success."

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 99
There is, comparatively, a tone of moderation in his resist
ance — a tone, however, that naturally resulted from the posi
tion of his own native State — a State which — as yet un
scathed by any direct application of stringent measures such-
as afflicted Boston — could look with comparative calmness,
therefore, on the course of that susceptible and exasperated
city, which had been "chosen," as it were, "to keep guard
over the liberties of mankind" — could "so mingle caution
with its patriotism," as to compel successive British Ministers
"to delay abrogating its Charter for want of a plausible ex
cuse" — and could extort from a British Minister of State for
American affairs the gracious declaration that Connecticut
had "used its very extraordinary powers with modera
tion" — might "always depend on his friendship and affec
tion" — and was only faulty in not keeping up a closer con
nection with the parent country by correspondence, and in
neglecting to send over to the Department in England a
copy of its Laws.*
Yet the patriot temper of Trumbull, though thus far calm
in its manifestations, showed itself ready, if further pro-
* See Hillsborough's Conversation with Dr. W. S. Johnson, in Bancroft, Vol.
VI., p. 112. It was reported by Johnson to Trumbull. The following is an ex
tract from it : —
" I have not seen these things," said Hillsborough, " in the light in which you
endeavor to place them. You are in danger of being too much a separate, inde
pendent State, and of having too little subordination for this country." And
then he spoke of the equal affection the King bore his American subjects, and of
the' great regard of the Ministers for them as Britons, whose rights were not to
be injured.
" Upon the repeal of the Stamp Act," said Johnson, " we had hoped these
were the .principles adopted, but the new duties imposed last winter, and other
essential regulations in America, have damped those expectations, and given
alarm to the Colonies."
" Let neither side," said Hillsborough, "stick at small matters. As to taxes,
you are infinitely better off than any of your fellow-subjects in Europe. You
are less burdened than even the Irish."
"I hope that England will not add to our burdens," said Johnson; "you
would certainly find it redound to your own prejudice."
" Thus for two hours together," adds Bancroft, " they reasoned on the rights
of Connecticut j, and Hillsborough showed plainly his opinion, that its Charter
must be declared void, not on the pretence that it had been violated or misused,
but because the people by the enjoyment of it were too free."
Bancroft justly styles the correspondence of Johnson, during his agency
abroad, " copious and most interesting." It is preserved in the Historical Soci
ety of Connecticut.

100 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
voked, for a stern outbreak. With the Assembly of his
native State— and as in May of the year 1768 this Assembly
took occasion, after grave debate, solemnly to affirm— it was
his opinion that no application farther should be made to
Parliament— that misled, factious, and intractable Body— for
relief from the public grievances — but only to the King—
lest, peradventure even, the application might imply a con
cession to Parliamentary authority* With the Assembly
of Connecticut too, at this period, he co-operated heartily in
sending, through its Speaker, that warm letter of sympathy
to Massachusetts which aided materially to brace up her
firmness just at the time when Hillsborough's mandate, com
manding this "ringleading Province" to rescind her obnox
ious Circular to the American Colonies, was under consider
ation, in a full House of Delegates, before a crowded gal
lery — and when the fiery Otis — extolling the sentence that
sent Charles the First to the block — contrasting the Puritan
days of England with those then passing, when " the people
of England," he said, "no longer knew the rights of English
men," and the King had " none but boys for his Ministers"—
in impetuous tones, and in language that is immortal, ex
claimed — "Let Britain rescind their measures, or they are lost
forever!'" In the passages we are now about to cite— from letters
written by Trumbull a few months later than those already
introduced — his spirit vents itself, it will be observed, as the
progress of events fully justified, with increased energy.
For pow those clouds, whose gatherings he noted, had in
this interval begun to burst. A Board of Bevenue Commis
sioners had, at Boston, entered on the duties of their odious
office. The sloop Liberty of the patriot Hancock — for an
alleged violation of the laws of trade — with accompanying
demonstrations of resistance on the part of the people — had
been seized by armed boats from the British ship of war
Bomney, and placed under her guns. American seamen, in
defiance even of a plain British statute, had been forcibly
*Wo will petition only the King, "declared the Assembly, " because," said
they, " to petition the Parliament would be a tacit confession of its right to lay
impositions upon us ; -which right and authority we publicly disavow."

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 101
impressed, and hurried on board this his Majesty's floating
armament. Two regiments of British troops, under the
command of Colonel Dalrymple, had been quartered on the
favorite Green, and in the Market Hall and State House at
Boston — to enforce with bloodshed, if necessary — in the
Metropolis of New-England — the system of British oppres
sion. Fresh British legislation had provided for all active
opponents in America of the ministerial policy of revenue,
imprisonment and a trial in distant England. All the pro
ceedings of the Colonists, in defence of their rights, had
been re-pronounced, in the most solemn forms of British leg
islation, "illegal, unconstitutional, derogatory to the rights
of the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain, scandalous
even and flagitious" — and were, at all hazards, to be made a
nullity. America, at any cost of blood or of treasure, was,
in the language of the Prime Minister of England, " to be
laid prostrate at tbe feet" of her haughty mistress.
Hear Trumbull now — under these circumstances — as, in
the following passages, he vindicates, against British miscon
struction and censure, a then recent Petition of Connecticut
to the King — as he re-affirms the justice and equity of the
old gentle mode of treating the Colonies — denounces the
policy of sending troops to Boston — gives assurance of the
sincerity, union, and firmness of America in its struggle for
freedom — and proclaims its determination to persevere.
" Is it so," he writes January twenty-fourth, 1769, to Johnson in Eng
land — " that the Petition of this Colony to the King is founded upon
principles, and implies claims and pretensions that do not correspond
with the Constitution, and tend to deny and draw into question the su
preme authority of the Legislature of Great Britain to enact laws bind
ing on the colonies in all cases whatever? Are there no constitutional
rights belonging to the Colonies ? Have there not been methods and
ways of treatment from the Crown, by the way of requisitions, made
many times in consequence of addresses from Parliament, which always
succeeded and answered the ends of government, and the Colonies were
thereby treated as children, and not as slaves ? Why is the method
changed 1 Surely the Colonies, and this especially, have given abundant
evidence of loyalty to his Majesty, reverence and esteem of the wisdom,
justice, and equity of his Parliament, and affection to our mother country.
Reverential fear and filial love towards them have always possessed our
hearts. What other kind of love and fear is desired ? "
9»

102 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. -1764— 1770.
" The troops sent to Boston," he writes Agent Richard Jackson, July
seventeenth, 1769 — "have answered no good intention. The People of
the Colonies are wonderfully united, and firm in adherence to what they
coolly and calmly apprehend to be their right. There is no way to con
ciliate matters better than in the method of treatment always heretofore
used. The refusal to hear the united petitions of the whole country
heightens the resentments of the Colonies, which still retain warm re
gards and even fondness for Great Britain. They are firmly attached to
his Majesty's person, family, and government, and on free and equal terms,
as children not as slaves, will rejoice in a firm and lasting union. If the
Colonies are kept in their present form, separate and independent of each
other, and treated with kindness and freedom, there can be no danger of
any revolt, or of even a distant desire to set up a separate state, common
wealth, or kingdom."
" Americans," he writes again, July eighteenth, 1769, to General Ly
man, then in London — " are unwilling to give up their own importance,
and become slaves and dupes. The troops sent to Boston, and quartered
there the last winter, had not the effect the Administration expected.
The spirit of liberty is not abated, and it is a mistaken judgment made
of the country that the opposition to ministerial measures is owing to a
few hot-headed, factious men. The whole body of the People of the
Colonies prize and adhere to their freedom, and [rather than lose it] will
go back to their way of living in days of yore, eat, drink, and wear what
the land will produce, and they can manufacture themselves. The good
women, and even our ladies very readily lay their hands to the distaff,
spin our wool and flax, and make such clothing as is warm and decent, and
are willing to give up British fineries for American plain dress, with liberty."
Such are specimens of Trumbull's views, down to 1770,
of the quarrel with the Mother-Country — and mingled with
comment on all public affairs, they were expressed to numer
ous correspondents other than those to whom we have
already referred. Sometimes it was his fortune in this
connection, to send abroad State documents of great import
ance, that were kept concealed from the public in England,
and whose communication enlightened the friends of America
in Great Britain upon the policy and movements of the Brit
ish Ministry — as upon one occasion, for example, Letters from
Lord Hillsborough to the Colony of Connecticut* He took
* " I am much obliged to you," says Johnson, writing him from London, Sept.
29th, 1768, " for the Abstracts you have favored me with of the Ministers' Letters
to the Colony, which I think it of much uso to be acquainted with. They keep
all things as secret as possible, and it is very difficult to penetrate into their de-

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 103
great pains, it is obvious, to keep himself thoroughly in
formed of all that was passing the other side of the Atlan
tic—and by means of correspondents who were highly intel
ligent and observing.
The acute and indefatigable Wm. Samuel Johnson, for in
stance — both before, and for nearly two years after Trum
bull's accession to the Chief Executive Chair of Connecti
cut—down to the period of his return to his native land —
wrote him constantly. The plans and intentions of the Brit
ish Government, both with regard to England and America —
the character and. conduct of the English Ministers, particu
larly of Lord Chatham, Grenville, Grafton, Lord North,
Townshend, Bedford, and Hillsborough — the proceedings
and debates in the English Parliament — the opinions, and
often the speeches of leading members — these matters — to
gether with minute accounts of the state of territorial con
troversies then pending in England, in which Connecticut was
deeply interested — were the frequent themes of Johnson's
communications — as they were also of the letters addressed to
Trumbull by Eichard Jackson — and for a while also, during
the time they were in London, of those from his son Joseph,
and his friend General Phinehas Lyman.*
The politics and condition of Europe generally, also at
tracted Trumbull's attention, and formed the burden of many
a paragraph in his own letters abroad, and of those which he
received in reply. He was fond of watching the public
affairs of the Old World — not merely because they fed his
mind with information — but because also he found in them
much that bore, directly or indirectly, upon the interests of
his native land — and much too that enlightened him as to the
general progress or decay of art, science, and civilization, and
which, in his view, realized the prophecies of Christianity.
The war, for example, between the Bussians and the
signs. Being acquainted with the course of their correspondence opens at least
a part of their plans, and enables one to treat with them as occasion may require,
to much better advantage."
* "You, who see what passes in London," wrote Trumbull, in July 1768, to
Lyman — " and know both countries, must be able to form a better judgment than
we can about the springs of action that side of the water, and your good observ
ation on tho subject would be an agreeable entertainment to me."

104 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
Turks, which, during the period of his life now under exam
ination, raged in Europe, interested him deeply — both as it
affected the American scheme of commercial resistance to
Great Britain, and as it seemed to realize in its character and
consequences the predictions of Holy Writ — and, therefore,
elicited from his pen long comment and speculation in his
letters to Johnson in England. The Northern War — John
son, in 1769, anxiously informed him — had caused a great
demand for English goods — had, spite of the American non
importation agreements, kept the English manufacturers
alive. The East India Company, he said, were exporting to
that quarter of the world — new sources of trade for England
were opened in Germany — new avenues for exportation into
France. The American merchants, he added, to a great ex
tent, were violating their pledges as to importation from the
Mother-Country, especially through the avenue of the West
India neutral ports. This was plain — from numerous trading
transactions in London and other parts of England — and was
known to the Ministry, was encouraged, and even fully re
deemed their confidence in the speedy total failure of the
existing colonial scheme of resistance.
All this gave Trumbull deep anxiety — quickened his
efforts at home for the strict observation of the American
commercial compact — and multiplied the thoughts and the
warnings on the subject which he sent across the Atlantic.
These were thoughts, however, whose sadness was somewhat
counterbalanced by the consideration — to his mind grateful—
in his conviction profound — that, while a cloud was resting
on the American world, yet on the European there was the
brightness of God's Providence — for there — through wars,
and in spite of wars — God was working out plainly his own
pre-ordained results in regard both to the Turkish Empire,
and to the Empire of Borne. "Your conjecture," wrote
Johnson to him, January twenty-eighth, 1770, in sympathy
with his views on this point, and confirming them — " seems
extremely probable, that the great operations now carrying
on in the North, in the Mediterranean, and in the Morea, are
in the course of Providence preparing the way for the speedy
completion of the prophecies relating to the Turkish Empire

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 105
as well as the Pontifical tyranny and superstition, both which
are on the decline, and seem hastening to their period. The
latter is indeed already become contemptible in almost every
Court in Europe, and has been obliged to put up with very
gross affronts from the Powers which were imagined most
devoted to the interest of Borne."
But the politics of France, more particularly than those
of any other country in Europe, at this time arrested Trum
bull's attention — for there, at the head of the French Gov
ernment — eager to fan the difficulties of Great Britain with
her Colonies into a flame, and intent upon turning them to
account — sat the keen, able, far-seeing, liberal, and lynx-eyed
Duke de Choiseul.
Painfully aware, as this renowned Prince-Minister was, of
the ascendency of the great rival of France both in America
and in Asia, it was his ambition to reduce English superior
ity. Taking advantage of her rupture with her colonies, he
would have had the latter strike off entirely from their pa
rent State, establish their own independence, and turn the
tide of their commerce into the lap of France, and of Europe
at large. For this purpose he most carefully scanned their
condition — their peculiarities of government, their industrial .
capacities, their products — their habits, their tones-of thought,
but especially their purposes, if any, of revolt, their leaders,
and their resources for resistance — not forgetting, in the in-
quisitiveness of his investigations, to study even their news
papers, and the sermons of their Puritan Clergy.* Could
he but have realized fully on his own plan — had but the
timid and vascilating Court of Spain, whose alliance he
earnestly sought, lent to him a willing ear — his own, instead
of that of the Count de Vergennes, would have been the
honor of having first placed the strong and friendly arm of
France beneath the shoulder of struggling America. His
* To collect information, he sent " the able and upright" De Kalb among the
American merchants at Amsterdam — and the shrewd and sharp-scented Count
du Chatelet among the American merchants at London — and to the French Min
ister at the English Court, Durand, committed the task of questioning Franklin,
and the American agents there generally — while he caused all the proceedings
of the English Ministry and Parliament relative to America to be sifted, and re
ported to himself with strictest accuracy and unfailing vigilance.

106 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1164—1770.
own, instead of another's, would have been the glory of hav
ing precipitated the American Eevolution, and advanced
American Independence.
To all this the policy and procedure of Choiseul — to the
liberal sentiments of this French statesman with regard to
America, and the general emancipation of trade — and in
particular to his favorite project of a Treaty of Commerce,
under the combined authority and guarantee of France and
Spain, such as would render the exchange of commodities
between the British Colonies on the one hand, and the
French and Spanish on the other, unrestricted throughout
the Western Hemisphere — Trumbull gave heed. It was a
subject upon which he reflected much — which, in his foreign
correspondence — now upon this topic, unfortunately, almost
entirely lost — he fondly pursued — looking forward, it would
seem, even at this early period, with provident forecast, to
the time when American resistance would cease longer to he'
passive, and shrewdly calculating the chances of French aid
when the mortal struggle of his country for liberty should
begin. It is plain from numerous passages in letters addressed to
him by Johnson from London, in which French policy, in
reply to his own queries, is largely discussed, that he watched
the French Court and Ministry with ever-wakeful care. And
when — soon after he took his seat as Governor of Connecti*
cut — he heard that Choiseul had fallen from the King's
favor, and was sent an exile to Chauteloupe, he sincerely
lamented the catastrophe as a wound to the interests of his
native land — as a revolution not only "surprising," because
suddenly effected, against every chance to the contrary,
through the flagrant intrigues of the King's mistress, and;-
the Duke de Soupire* — but as most lamentable, because it
involved "a total change in every department" of the
French Government m favor of rc^alty, and against the,
progress of liberal opinions, and liberal sympathies, in be-

* u .

1 A surprising revolution has taken place in the Court of France. The Duke
dc Choiseul, the ablest Minister in Europe, is down with disgrace, and there is »
total change in every department of Government. Nothing, it was tho' t, could
have shaken tho conndonce of the King in the Duke de Choiseul and his dis-

1764—1770. CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 107
half of America.* Trumbull lived, however, to see tbe
blow that thus struck down " the ablest Minister of Europe,"
avenged — in after years — by tbe Count de Yergennes — on
the plains of Yorktown.
How do we miss his full correspondence at this time!
How much additional light might it not throw, not alone on
himself, but on the whole stirring back-ground of the Amer
ican Eevolution — on the whole spirit and proceedings of that
day when American Liberty was still in its cradle, yet,
though in its cradle, was making giant struggles ! In what
remains, however, we have secured enough, we fain would
hope, to enable our readers to judge of his position, civil
andjpolitical — to show that his course — firm on the side of
the people — ever strong in resistance to the arbitrary acts of
the Parent State — and marked by thorough information,
good sense, and prudence — was a preparation, fitting indeed,
for that great future of tireless and soul-stirring labor which
awaited all patriots of the Eevolution — and himself in par
ticular. At the close of the year 1769, as already intimated, he was
crowned with the first office in the gift of the people — that
of Governor of the Colony of Connecticut — in the same
year, by remarkable coincidence, in which his celebrated
classmate, tbe tory Hutchinson — by the departure to England
of his predecessor, the mischievous Governor Bernard— was
elevated to the same office in Massachusetts.
Fortunate it was for Connecticut, that;- just at this time, its
chief executive authority should devolve.on such a man — one,
especially, of such repute abroad for his wisdom and his worth.
grace was esteemed impossible ; but it has been effected by the intrigues of the
Duke de Soupire, and of Madame de Barre, the King's mistress." — Johnson to
Trumbull, Jan. 2, 1771.
* "It marks the sway of philosophy," says Bancroft,, in Volume Sixth of his
History, p. 388 — "that crowds paid their homage to the retiring statesman ; he
was dear to the Parliaments he had defended, to men of letters he had encour
aged, and to Frenchmen whose hearts beat for the honor of their land in its
rivalry with England. His policy was so identified with the passions, the sym
pathies, and the culture of his country ; was so thoroughly national, and so lib
eral, that it was sure to return in spite of the royalist party, and the Court, and
even though he himself was never to be intrusted again with the conduct of af
fairs. Tlie cause of royalty was, for the time, triumphant in the cabinets ; and
had America then risen, she would have found no friends to cheer her on."

108 CHAP. VIII. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
"I have now the honor," wrote Johnson to him upon the occasion,
from Westminster,* after having alluded to the death of Governor Pit-
kinf — " sincerely to rejoice with you and the Colony in your elevation to
the chief command, and the happy supply thereby of the vacancy — in
consequence of which I doubt not the affairs of the Government will be
well and wisely administered. Nothing can fill me with greater satisfac
tion than to find the principal offices of Government filled by Gentlemen
of the first reputation for ability, wisdom, and integrity, upon which the
honor and interests of the Colony, and its security and happiness, for
which I am extremely solicitous, do most essentially and absolutely de
pend. * * As this event devolves on you the immediate care of the
affairs of the Colony, give me leave to congratulate you on the honor
which attends so elevated a station, and to wish you all the success and
happiness that can accompany the most able and acceptable discharge of
so important a trust."
All Trumbull's other offices ceased, of course, with his ap
pointment as Governor, and were never afterwards resumed.
No longer Deputy Governor — no longer Assistant and Coun
cillor—no longer a Judge in the Courts — he was to stand
thereafter, all-absorbed with duty, at the helm of that Ship
of State whose course he had, in subordinate positions, for
thirty-six years, so ably aided to manage and guide.
*In letters dated Dec. 5th, 1769, and Feb. 3d, 1770.
t Whom he calls — " a good citizen, a sincere Christian, an upright man, anda
zealous-hearted friend to his country."

CHAPTER IX.
Thumbuli/s judicial career — down to 1770 — as Justice of the Peace. Judge
of the County and Probate Courts, and Chief Justice of the Colony.
Testimony of Wm. Samuel Johnson, and of the public on this point.
We have looked at Trumbull, hereunto, with some particu
larity, in all his offices save that of Judge — an office upon
which, until the time of his appointment as Chief Justice of
the Colony, we had but few memorials from which to derive
light. Nor do we possess much light now — but what we
have — here appropriately, at the close of his judicial career —
we shall aim to shed.
The records of the Superior Court, during the three years
and forty-five, days in which he held the post of Chief
Judge — from August twelfth, 1766, to September twenty-
sixth, 1769 — though, in general, succinct statements merely of
cases, comparatively barren of information as to the particu
lar mode in which they were conducted — though they con
tain no opinions from the Chief Justice expressed at length,
no decisions, interlocutory or final, upon points of law or
forms and rules of proceeding, and none of the sentences
which he was called to pronounce upon criminals — yet they
show some important facts bearing on the fidelity with which
Trumbull discharged his judicial duties.
There were thirty-nine Sessions of the Superior Court dur
ing the time that he presided — held by turns at Norwich,
New London, "Windham, Hartford, Litchfield, New Haven,
and Fairfield — held annually, and occupying each, on an
average, from ten days to a fortnight — a few, however, from
four days to a week only. .At each one of these sessions,
without exception, Judge Trumbull was present, the entire
time of each session — a fact which speaks well both for his
assiduity and his health. By far the largest number of ac
tions that were tried before him — forty-nine out of fifty —
were civil actions, almost all of which came by way of ap
peal from Inferior Courts — the County and Probate Courts — ¦
or on writs of error. They were actions for debt, on book
10

110 CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL.
account, on notes, on bonds, and on all forms of pecuniary
obligation known in the practice of the day — actions on dis
puted titles to land — actions on damages to rights in various
forms, in trespass and on the case, where the mulct was pe
cuniary — and actions on wills and tbe administration and
settlement of estates — involving both law and equity, and
implying, on the part of the judge, accurate acquaintance
with both these great departments of jurisprudence.
Of high crimes and misdemeanors — all of which, in the
time of Judge Trumbull, fell exclusively under the jurisdic
tion of the Court over which he presided — there were six
cases of counterfeiting, the most numerous of any on the
calendar — five of burglary — four of assault and battery^-
one of resistance to a tax collector — two of theft — one of blas
phemy — one of libel — one of the crime against nature — one
of firing a jail — and one of attempted murder — an aggre
gate of crime for three years and upwards in Connecticut
which is exceedingly small, and bespeaks an unusually high
state of public morals. Judge Trumbull, therefore, in the
sphere of criminal jurisdiction, had comparatively little todo.
Almost as much, in the sphere of the domestic relations—
and in one of these relations only, that of husband and
wife — underwent his attention — for the records show no less
than twenty -two applications for divorce while he was judge.
Of these, three were from the husband against the wife, on
account of adultery. The rest were from the wife — three
for unheard-of absence, or supposed loss at sea, of the hus
band — one for bigamy, and the residue for desertion — and in
every case a divorce was granted, full proof having been
made of all the facts. It was an action of this kind — a peti
tion for divorce by Emma Brown, whose husband Abner,
having sailed for Antigua, had. not been heard of for more
than four years — which was the last but one ever tried by
Trumbull — the very last — in Court at New London, Octo
ber fifth, 1769 — being an action of trespass on the case — in
which Phinehas Stanton of Stonington, demanding "five
hundred pounds, lawful money," of Adam Babcock of New
Haven, was stayed in his proceedings by a motion on the
part of the defendant for an arrest of judgment — which forms

CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. Ill
the somewhat significant entry, on the records of tbe Su
perior Court, at the termination of Trumbull's judicial
career. The criminal laws of Connecticut, in his time, though in
general milder much than in the first years of the Colony,
had not yet lost all of their primitive severity. It would have
been gratifying, therefore, in this connection, had some of
Trumbull's dicta and sentences as criminal judge been pre
served — as well to show the bearing of his own mind in re
gard to any amelioration, as in regard also to the practical
administration of criminal law. What, for instance, his own
views and emotions might have been, when, in cases of burg
lary, it became his duty to sentence the criminal to be car
ried back to jail — thence to the place of execution — there to
be branded with the letter B upon bis forehead, and have
one ear nailed to a post, and be whipped fifteen stripes — it
would have been interesting to observe. No doubt, how
ever, that though strict in administering the law, he at times
somewhat repined at features which he must have wished ob
solete — for he was too enlightened not to perceive their
revolting harshness, and too prone to temper mercy with
judgment, not to shrink from their application.
During his long career as magistrate before he sat on the
bench of the Superior Court — in his capacity as Judge of the
County and Probate Courts of Windham, he had also much
judicial business to perform — all in his circuit that related to
the settlement, often intricate, of the estates of persons de
ceased, and all that involved inferior civil actions, and delin
quencies — even, as regards delinquencies, down to the trial,
for example, at his own dwelling house at Lebanon, of one
Hannah Squaw, an Indian, for a petty theft, and of Cato, and
Newport, and Adam, three negro slaves, for " being found
abroad, from home, in the night season, after nine o'clock " —
whom he sentenced to receive, "seven stripes each, on the
naked body, at the public sign post," unless redeemed by
their masters through the payment of a fine of seven shil
lings for each, and the costs. His experience, therefore, in
the judicial department, taken throughout, had a wide
range — from the humblest to the very highest grade of

112 CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL.
duty — the whole range, in short, of Connecticut law and
equity. That he fitted himself well for this duty — availing him
self industriously of all the helps which the times afforded,
is certain. His early addiction to the study of jurispru
dence — just after he had abandoned the pulpit, and betaken
himself to civil life — we have already noted. And he pur
sued this study — as we gather from numerous hints found
among his Papers — from judicial authorities carefully col
lated by himself — from numerous legal and civil documents,
in his own handwriting, which are drawn up with profes
sional accuracy — and from the testimony in part of others-
he pursued it with fondness, and with such success as to ren
der him, for the day in which he lived, doubtless an accom
plished lawyer.
Fortunately preserved, we have on this point the testi
mony of one of the best jurists and lawyers of America—
himself cotemporary with Trumbull, and conversant with his
judicial career. We refer again to Wm. Samuel Johnson,
of Stratford, Connecticut, long the distinguished attorney of
Connecticut at the Court of Great Britain — a gentleman who
was counsel in the Mohegan, the Susquehannah, the New
Hampshire, and other territorial cases of great moment, and
who in force of talent, extent of knowledge, acuteness of ob
servation, and soundness of reasoning, was hardly excelled
by any man of his day. Writing from London, November
first, 1769, to Wm. Williams of Lebanon — after alluding to
the prevalence in the Colony at that time of a " Party spirit"
from whose attacks, according to information from Williams,
not even Trumbull himself, as judge, had quite escaped— he
thus proceeds: — •
" For the short time I had the honor of practice under his [Trum
bull's] Presidency, I sincerely tho't the business of the Court as well
conducted as ever it had been, and I really tho't this had been the gen
eral sense both of the Bar and of the Suitors, having heard these senti
ments expressed by many. Certainly there was as great harmony be
tween the Bar and Bench as I have known, and I believe the Records of
the Court will evince as much business to have been dispatched at that
time as during any former period ; nor can I imagine but that longer ex
perience has rendered him since that time still more able. In the gen-

CHAP. IX. — TRUMBULL. 113
eral affairs of the Colony, I was a witness to his attention and ability.
Every subject he touched upon, and very few I believe escaped him, re
ceived new light and new elucidation from his observations upon it. In
the Mohegan case especially, in which I had very particular occasion to
observe everything that occurred, he certainly discovered great extent
of knowledge, and exact attention. In that interesting business, and it
is as perplexed a one almost as will be met with, I am very certain the
Colony and the Proprietors of the land are much indebted to him for his
good service.''
Such is the strong testimony of Johnson to the judicial, as
well as incidentally to the general ability of Jonathan Trum
bull — and we find other cotemporaneous evidence also on
the same point, which characterizes him as " always the wise
and able magistrate" — and "revered in times of peace as an
upright judge," as well as "a wise legislator, and a shining
example of manners and virtue."
But to his accomplishments for the Bench we should not
forget to add here, particularly, his religious character. "It
is reserved for Christians," remarks Col ton — while comment
ing on that old sophism — so much dreaded by such a philos
opher even as Cicero — which made Justice a nonentity, be
cause a virtue inseparable from a folly cannot be just — "it is
reserved for Christians, who take into their consideration the
whole existence of man, to argue clearly and consequentially
on the sterling value of justice." In this view, Trumbull
must have been a shining exponent of the great virtue in
question, and a signal refutation of that sophism which
would overthrow it — for to his mind an Hereafter was no
eternal oblivion, but a living conviction, and an active real
ity. Justice to his mind, therefore, was " the rudder of all
our other virtues" — the great interest of man both on earth
and in heaven — " the foundation for social security, general
happiness, and the improvement and progress of our race."
We may fairly conclude, then, that he labored on its edifice
with usefulness and distinction — contributing all in his power
" to clear its foundations, strengthen its pillars, adorn its en
tablatures, and raise its august dome still higher to the skies."
10*

CHAPTER X.
1764—1770.
Trumbull as merchant. He enters into a new partnership. The times
are out of joint, and clouds darken over his business life. The general
course of trade and commerce at this time, and his own in particular.
He sends his son Joseph to England. ' The son's occupation there, and
correspondence with his father. Trumbull becomes a whaling mer
chant. His vessels. He meets with severe reverses — "what they were,
and how occasioned. His manly conduct in hia troubles. It wins the
respect of all his creditors. He makes to them a full statement of hia
pecuniary affairs. This statement. He takes pains, through his corres
pondence in England, to develop the resources of bis native land. The
iron ore of Western Connecticut in this connection. He commends
particularly the Society in England for promoting Arts and Commerce,
and circulates their pamphlets. His creditors forbear to press him.
Adversity serves hut to stiffen his energies.
Again, Reader, to the department of trade and com
merce — again, in this chapter, to Trumbull as merchant—
that we may mark the man, so worthy of note, in every
channel of his effort. Singular, somewhat, that learning, so
almost professional and exclusive, in the times of which we
speak, so almost entirely in the hands of the clergy, the bar,
and incumbents of literary chairs — should have found its
way, so much as it did, into the engrossing avenues of bust
ness, and there too trained intellects for higher aDd might
ier spheres of effort. But so it was. If the bar yielded to
the American Revolution its Otis, its Quincy, its Jay, ita
Hamilton, its Henry, its Pinckney, its Rutledge, and its
Dickinson — and the farm its Putnam and its Washington—
and the healing art its Warren — and the pulpit its Wither-
spoon — the counter also yielded its Hancock, and its Trum
bull — merchant-patriots both — strong-minded, of high culti
vation, and illustrious among those who worked out the
giant problem of our freedom.
We left Trumbull, at the close of the year 1763, active in
mercantile pursuits, and highly fortunate. We have now to
see him— from 1763 to 1770 — diligent still as ever— but un-
fortunate. Clouds soon darkened over his business life, and

1164—1710. CHAP. X.— TRUMBULL. 115
hung heavy upon it during the remainder of his career. We
shall find him, however, in adversity remarkable as in pros
perity — nay, more so — for adversity it is which is " the true
Touchstone of merit" —
"As Night to Stars, Woe lustre gives to Man."
Early in 1764, he formed a new partnership in trade, with
his son Joseph and Colonel Eleazar Fitch, under the partner
ship name of "Trumble, -Fitch and Trumble" — the main
stem of the Company being located at Norwich, Connecticut,
where his son Joseph went to reside. January ninth, 1764,
he announced the new partnership to Lane and Booth, his
chief commercial correspondents in London, and stated its
readiness "to go on in business" — which, he added, will be
attended to " with the strictest honor and punctuality."
The general course and nature of foreign trade in Connec
ticut, at this time, was nearly the same as we have described
it to have been in our former chapter on Trumbull's life as a
merchant. It consisted in exporting the various produce of
the country to Boston, Rhode Island, Halifax, New- York,
and a few other points on the American coast, to be ex
changed for European goods found at these places — in ex
porting also stock and provisions, chiefly, to the West Indies
in exchange for the peculiar produce of these isles, and for
bills of exchange — in sending a few ships up the Mediterra
nean with fish — in occasionally building vessels for sale
abroad — in voyages at times to parts of Ireland, chiefly with
flax-seed, timber, and naval stores — and in a direct trade
with various ports in England for English and European
goods. About sixty sail of vessels — from sloops of twelve,
to brigantines of eighty, and in a few instances of two hund
red tons — were engaged in this various commerce.
In most of this trade " Trumble, Fitch and Trumble " par
ticipated — the elder Trumbull, as before, still continuing his
store at Lebanon, and occasionally, as before, making ven
tures on his own private account. They traded particularly,
among the West India Isles, with Barbadoes — in Ireland,
with the firm of Robert and Alexander Jaffray in Dublin,
and with that of Francis Goold and Company in Cork — and

116 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. . 1164—1110.
in England, particularly with the cities of London and Bris^
tol, and with a new firm of Campbell and Haye at Liverpool,
They both built and bought, and they chartered vessels,
which very soon after they commenced business came to be
many in number,* arid made frequent voyages. They sailed
from New-London chiefly, though at times also from other
American ports, laden heavily with stock or other produce.
"And so God send the good sloop to her destined port in
safety — Amen" — concluded many a Bill of Lading signed
by Nathaniel Shaw of New-London in behalf of the firm of
which we speak — and many an insurance upon return car?
goes in favor of the same firm — from fourteen hundred
pounds sterling on to greater amounts — was taken in the
metropolis of the commercial world.
To this metropolis — to " a very good place," as he calls it,
"in the centre between the Court and City," on the south
side of St. Paul's Church-yard — the younger partner, Joseph
Trumbull, repaired in September, 1763f — for the purpose,
chiefly, of promoting the business of the firm. And he re
mained abroad one entire year — establishing new connections
in trade— purchasing and shipping goods — seeking commis
sions for building vessels, and for their sale, and for the con
struction also of houses and other buildings, especially at
St. Kitts and Grenada in the West Indies. He sought con
tracts also for provisioning some of the British troops. He
suggested to his partners at home new articles for exporta
tion, and new forms occasionally for their business — as, par
ticularly, that of manufacturing iron ore. And he executed
* " I have determined," wrote Trumbull, in January of the year 1764, to Lane
and Booth, " to direct my course immediately to you, and have set about build
ing a ship of one hundred and seventy tons, and to lade her with flax-seed, oil,
&c, directly for Europe" — and besides this ship which was called the NeptutM,
and cost about two thousand pounds, Papers show that the firm of Trnmhle,
Pitch and Trumble owned the sloop Alliance, which cost five hundred pounds—
tho sloop Seaflower, which cost two hundred and twenty pounds— the sloop
Kaney, which cost five hundred and eighty-eight pounds— the ship DviMn,
which cost seventeen hundred and nine pounds — and one-third of a sloop called
tho Calypso — besides some other sloops, whose names do not appear, which they
built, and with their cargoes sold abroad — in the West Indies, at Bristol in Eng
land, and in Ireland.
t Col. Dyer was his companion on the voyage, which was made in thirty-five
days.

1164—1110. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 117
at times various commissions for his friends in Connecticut —
as once we observe as worthy of note, that of procuring pa
pering, "stamped on purpose, very elegant and neat," for
what he styles "the grand passage and staircase and best
rooms" of his father's house at Lebanon — a plan of all which.
he requests should be sent him.*
During this period, he kept his father informed not alone
of his business transactions, but also of all important events
in England — and beguiled many an hour for him at his
house in Lebanon, with singularly pleasing and graphic de
scriptions of English scenery and curiosities — as particularly
of the rich fields in the County of Kent — of the noble ca
thedral at Canterbury — of the royal palaces in London and
Windsor — of Westminster Abbey — of Greenwich Hospital —
of Kensington Gardens — of his visit to the theatre, and sight
of the "really fine-looking" royal family — of the beautiful
* "I believe it may do well," he wrote home in December, 1763, "to build a
vessel of about one hundred and thirty tons, double-decked. As to a mixed
cargo of oil and flax-seed, I don't know how they will answer, but am deter
mined to make a trip to Ireland, and settle a correspondence at Dublin or Bel
fast. I shall send out duck and hemp for rigging. I think it best to secure Nan
tucket for next year if possible. I am looking out here to find who has the con
tract for supplying the troops in America with provisions, and am determined to
secure that if possible, in whole or in part, by getting the contract of those who
now have it, or by taking it of the Government. — I have not yet tried Mr. Hinck
ley's ore. I have been making inquiry for a proper person, and shall soon get it
done. The bag of diamonds I have tried — they prove to be crystals of very small
value." "I shall soon go to Liverpool and Belfast," he wrote in January, 1764 — "and
shall contract for flax-seed and naval stores at Belfast, and at Liverpool for salt,
Liverpool and Manchester goods, &c."
"I have engaged," he wrote in February, "with Mr. Edward Dixon to build a
sloop of sixty tons burden, to be employed in the trade to St. Kitts — to be con
signed to him — he to own i part of sloop and cargo. Hope you'll plan her in
the best manner for that trade, and have her built well, and as soon as may be —
and hope to send out rigging and sails for her with those I send for the snow de
signed for the Irish trade. One Dr. Bryant has been with me for himself and
the Governor of Grenada — they want frames, boards, shingles, &c, for two
dwelling-houses, and a large hospital, all to be sent out to that island, together
with carpenters and joiners for finishing the buildings — which I hope will prove
a good job."
" I shall endeavor," ho wrote in April, " to make a market for the new ship in
Ireland or Liverpool, as I fancy that a load of flax-seed, naval stores, and lumber,
will he the best cargo that can be put into her. If she can' tbe sold, she must go
to Liverpool, and take in salt, and Liverpool and Manchester goods, and so
home — when it will be necessary to have some other cargo for her."

.118 . CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1164-1770.
seat of the Princess Dowager of Wales, and of his own de
scent, five hundred feet, into the tin and copper mines of
Redneth — into which, he observes, " had Eneas or Ulysses
descended," it might well have served "as a foundation for
the fables of Virgil or Homer."
In excellent health — having been ailing but once during
his entire absence* — and having, from some investigations
made at the Herald's Office in London, been led to change
the spelling of his name in the last syllable, from ble to bull—
a change which in 1766 his father also adopted — he returned
home with Captain Marshall in a Boston packet, in the fall
of 1764. He returned, as he says himself, " with eagerness
to his dear native country and friends," and sat down with
his father in what he hoped would prove " a steady, busy
round of sure, and safe, and profitable trade" — a trade to
which his father, about this time, added a new feature — that
of whaling — to which we have heretofore alluded as one
among the business occupations of the latter. It was not,
however, with him a principal employment, but an incidental
one. He became a whaling merchant to further his trade in
oil. Trumbull's own mariners, therefore, hunted that largest
fish which welters "in the ocean's trough of brine," and
tosses its billows from "its flashing fin."f
But neither his whaling, nor his other extensive commer
cial enterprises, proved long profitable in the new firm with
which he was now connected. The beautiful and auspicious
names of the Neptune, the Seaflower, the Calypso, and the
Alliance, which floated proudly in the winds from the pen
nants of his vessels, falsified their omens. In 1766 came
severe reverses — misfortune after misfortune — loss after
loss. *"I have been," he wrote in December, 1763, "most terribly poisoned hy
eating roasted cushoo nuts (a West India nut) — my face was swelled so that I
was quite blind for two or three days, and one of my hands was mueh swelled.
The rest of my body was not at all affected."
t "Outfits for whaling," in the sloop Alliance, says one of his business ac
counts, " £388 : 4 : 10." " Costs in outfits for whaling," in sloop Nancy, Bays
another of his accounts, " £214 : 14 : 1." — " One-third loss, on close of her whal
ing voyages," says another account of profit and loss on his sloop the Seaflower.
" I like the scheme of a whaling voyage very well for both sloops," writes Josepl
from London, December 14th, 1763— "if the Allianoe can't be sold."

1164—1710. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 119
"About this time, when I was nine or ten years old," writes his son
Colonel John, "my father's mercantile failure took place. * * In
one season, almost every vessel, and all the property which he had upon
the ocean, was swept away, and he was a poor man at so late a period of
his life, as left no hope of retrieving his affairs. My eldest brother was
involved in the wreck as a partner, which rendered the condition of the
family utterly hopeless. My mother and sisters were deeply afflicted,
and although I was too young clearly to comprehend the cause, yet sym
pathy led me too to droop."
Here was sad havoc indeed — a volley of misfortunes ! The
Wedding of Trumbull's Trade was turned, all at once, to "a
black Funeral."
From various documents it appears that the losses thus
sustained — not taking into account the destruction of vessels
themselves — amounted, in the way of cargoes chiefly, to the
sum of four thousand and thirty-four pounds sterling, fifteen
shillings and four pence. Add to this now the value of the
vessels themselves, on the supposition, as Trumbull's son
states, that almost every one was swept away — add also dam
age at this time in other forms, as by bad debts — such as we
have found occasionally noted in sums varying from a few
up, in one instance, to eighteen hundred pounds — and we
bave a total of loss which Trumbull and Company sustained
at this time that may be safely estimated at from ten to
twelve thousand pounds sterling — a sum hardly equal to
their existing indebtedness abroad, not to speak of that,
more or less, which existed at home — nor to speak here par
ticularly of that, not inconsiderable, which the elder Trum
bull had incurred on private account.
It may, at first sight, appear somewhat strange that at this
juncture, on united individual and partnership account, his
indebtedness should be so large. A moment's reflection,
however, will dissipate this impression. In the first place,
but for tbe treacherous ocean, there would have been prop
erty afloat almost enough to have met his pecuniary obliga
tions. In the next place, he had property on the land, real
and personal, more than enough for this purpose, if it could
have been rendered available. But the want of a circulating
medium, and of suitable articles for remittance abroad — in
duced almost entirely, and quite suddenly, by that wretched

120 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1164— 177o,
policy of the Mother-Country towards the Colonies which
almost foreclosed their trade with the French, Spanish,
Dutch, and Portuguese West India Islands — this cause, to
gether with the general depression and alarm in the business
as well as in the political world occasioned by the Stamp
Act, and by the threatened enforcement of the old and
odious laws of trade and revenue — brought about a sudden
revulsion in all American commerce, which overbore almost
every American merchant — and under which Trumbull—
with no power in his hands of prevention — with no conduct
on his own part, as a merchant, which a prudent forethought
would not have suggested — suffered incalculable damage.
But how did he behave under these circumstances? "With
patience — with fortitude — with hope — with an intense anx
iety and effort to retrieve his affairs — and with a candor so
remarkable in making known, fully and freely, to all con
cerned, even in the smallest details, his debts and his means,
as to command respect and sympathy from his friends in
every quarter, and forbearance and thorough confidence on
the part of all his creditors.
Conspicuous among these creditors was the firm of Lane
and Booth — continued into the firm of Lane, Son and Fra-
zier, in London — to which, jointly and severally with his
son Joseph, he owed a debt of three thousand and three
hundred pounds. "You may be assured," he wrote this
firm, June twenty-third, 1767 — and we cite the case as an
example of his course towards all his important creditors*—
"you may be assured I shall not forget replacing your
money in your hands whenever I can collect my outstanding
debts, and get them into cash, or anything that will make
remittance. I heartily wish my prospects better for doing it
soon. Cash is so very scarce that it is almost impossible to
collect it for outstanding debts, or by sale of lands." And
he goes on to say, that for the purpose of discharging his
debt, he had built a sloop, and sent her to the West Indies
with horses and provisions, but had been " much disappoint
ed" in this' ad venture — and that after it, he had been ship-
» As particularly, besides tho firm above mentioned, to that also of Champion
and Hayley in London, and to Stophen Apthorp in Bristol.

1764—1110. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 121
building, in expectation, through this business, by sale of
vessels and cargoes abroad, of raising money for his cred
itors — but that here again " loss and disappointment " had so
attended him that he was " determined against any further
trials that way." And he goes on farther to state to Lane,
Son and Frazier, his resources — all of them, without excep
tion, drawn out into careful detail — down even to his salary,
to the books in bis Library, and the cows in his barn-fold—
an aggregate, he represents, of eleven thousand, eight hund
red and sixty pounds — yielding him, by way of income,
about five hundred pounds a year — all his own individual
property, and on which the incumbrance was but small.
" You may say these valuations are of my own making," he proceeds.
"True — but then some of them have been lately made by freeholders
under oath, and there is room for large abatements, and yet my creditors
are safe, although not well pleased for want of payment. You know how
liable all men are to misfortunes. Mine hath been stopping my retailing
business, to collect my debts, and going into navigation to help therein,
to my injury and loss. In my old way of business I have had success,
and to have kept to it would have been happy for me — to return to it is
what I crave. It gives me great uneasiness when it is not in my power
to answer every reasonable expectation from me. I have, however, the
comfort of being conscious that my intentions were always honest, and
that it would have given the highest pleasure to me to have discharged
every debt at the time it became due ; and I think myself bound in
honor and conscience to do everything in my power to do it as soon as
possible ; and if I did not believe fresh credit from you, to return to my
old way of business, would be mutually serviceable, I would not ask, or
even accept the favor. My late partner, Col. Fitch, has a good estate in
his hands. — We are sufferers together. We hope to be able to get
through safe, though with loss and damage — with which my son is much
chagrined — though he keeps up his spirit and courage, yet it proves very
heavy at first setting out. Thus I have opened my affairs to you, and
beg your kind answer and advice. The lenity and forbearance I have
experienced, emboldens me to hope for a favorable answer."
In another letter soon to the same correspondents, after
briefly stating again the causes of his pecuniary misfortunes,
Trumbull recounts what he is doing to make his creditors
whole. Without the knowledge of Lane, Son and Frazier,
he tells them that he has collaterally secured his debt to
them. He has a prospect, he says, of selling two valuable
11

122 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
farms for "Mr. Wheeler's Indian School," and, if he does,
he will soon remit them funds. He will not put them to the
trouble, he adds, of bringing any suit against him — but, if
not satisfied, he will convey them more estate, "appraised as
the law directs for levying executions." — "I have nothing to
dispute," he writes — "you ought to be paid, and I will do
everything, in my power to .bring it to pass." He has been
long obliged to take mortgages of land to secure his own
debts, he says — since he would not injure his own debtors
"by what may be called hard crowding," in times when a
circulating medium was so much wanting. And he goes on
to express the hope that Parliament will soon grant leave for
the Colonists to enjoy a good paper currency — that thus, by
the relief afforded to specie, merchants in Connecticut may
be easily enabled to pay their debts to England. For himself,
he concludes — he will "get into his old path of business — be
gin small, give little or no credit, run no risks," and in this
way trusts — with a little forbearance on the part of his cred
itors — soon to retrieve his condition.
At the same time that Trumbull was thus writing to his
business correspondents abroad, he sent his son Joseph again
to England, to promote in person the amelioration and settle
ment of his business— transmitting by him, to his creditors,
kind letters from Jared Ingersoll, whose acquaintanceship in
England, from his former connections there as the Colonial
Agent of Connecticut, was quite extensive, and who cheer
fully endorsed all the statements of Trumbull, and employed
his influence in soothing his creditors to lenity.
And he did another thing in this connection worthy of
special note — as bearing not alone upon the improvement of
his own particular business, but on that of Connecticut at large.
He wrote personally to many influential friends in England,
suggesting methods of developing the resources of his native
land — urging their adoption — and commending particularly
the efforts in this direction of the Society in England for pro
moting Arts and Commerce— whose transactions he from time
to time procured, and circulated in his own country.*
* " Thus, for example, in 1769, he received ¦¦ parcel of pamphlets from this
source, by the hands of Capt. Billings, from London — on the subject of the man-

1764—1110. CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 123
" Iron ore of the best quality," he proceeds, for example, in one letter,
of this description to Jackson of the British Parliament—" appears in
plenty in the western part of this Colony, among the mountainous
lands by the sides of the Housatonic River. Last summer Capt, Stevens
raised a large quantity of hemp — by which it appears that abundance of
lands in this Colony will answer for it. Setting us to work too at ship
building, and sending us some good workmen, will be a great encourage-.
ment in business. I imagine the more our people are acquainted in Eng
land the better, and that mutual advantage will come from it. It must
be a great pleasure to gentlemen of your enlarged capacity to help build
up and nourish an infant country as this is, and render it a pleasant hab
itation, and profitable to its mother country, as this certainly will be un
der proper direction and encouragement.
" Here I cannot forbear the praises justly due to the Honorable Society
for promoting Arts and Commerce, for the encouragement given by
them — at the same time wishing that many of the ingenious gentlemen,
who travel abroad, would take this way, view this rising country, and
point out and promote various profitable things here. Would it not give
more lasting pleasure than even the tour of Europe ? "
Such was the manner in which Trumbull met the calamity
of mercantile failure — met pecuniary embarrassments which,
in a letter to Ingersoll, he himself describes as " shocking."
Was not his course marked by every virtue that would re
deem his situation ? That it was, the result showed. Not a
creditor that pressed him with a suit — not a creditor that
took one legal step to secure himself — not a creditor but for
bore in any manner to urge his claims on one whose candor,
honesty, and earnest, hopeful effort, in his time of distress,
were charms, in the way of business security, stronger than
any ties which the law, in its fettering severity, could bind
around assets, or with oppressive weight hang on the person
of the debtor. " Our confidence in your ability to pay us is
great," wrote to him Lane and the Frazers, and others to
whom he was indebted — " we will wait until you can collect
your outstanding debts." And Trumbull — keenly grateful
for the lenity he had won — and resolute to reward it, and re-
ufacturc of American potash. They contained the result of two Inquiries made
by direction of the Society of Arts — "which it is hoped," wrote Wm. Samuel
Johnson, "will be of some use towards perfecting that useful manufacture, and
for defeating any frauds which may be attempted to be introduced into it. For
which cud you will please to diffuse them as generally as you can, into all parts
of the Colony."

124 CHAP. X. — TRUMBULL. 1764—1770.
establish his own credit and property — toiled on unceasingly
for the purpose.
But almost in vain — for such was the character of the
times — such and so many the obstacles with which a ruinous
British policy, as has been suggested, had incumbered Ameri
can trade — so did British naval commanders, now become
revenue officers on board their own ships, harass commerce
upon the seas — so did numberless custom house officials vex
trade within American ports — so was property in conse
quence, in New England particularly, depressed, and from
want of a circulating medium rendered, save by slow and
unfruitful processes of barter, almost inconvertible — that no
toil, no assiduity in business could stem the torrent that op
posed it. It bore down Trumbull spite of all his efforts—
though never to the point of absolute depression. For he
still kept up, and for many years subsequent to his failure,
continued his small trade within his own immediate home
circuit. But his balances in Europe, the larger ones, he was
unable to liquidate. They remained against him until the
Revolutionary War suspended the possibility of their collec
tion, and in the opinion of Trumbull, at that time, cancelled
their obligations, so far as British creditors were concerned,
but not as concerned the American public — as we shall
have occasion, under aspects somewhat singular, to notice
hereafter. Thus, as now described, did misfortunes serve but to show
Trumbull in a noble light — to awaken honorable sensibili
ties — to expand in his bosom the flame of effort — to stiffen
his energies, and nurse him for other, and severer, but far
more grateful trials. The Oak did not yield to the axe's
edge, but lived to give shelter and repose to the imperial
Eagle of Liberty !

CHAPTER XI.
1770—1775.
Q-enhra-Ij view of tlie period embraced in this chapter. At the outset of,
Trumbull's administration there is a. more cheering state of things —
particularly for Connecticut. One important interruption, however,
which was carefully composed by the Governor. How it was done.
The repose continues. This interval seized to look at Trumbull in
the sphere of his public duties, aside from the American struggle.
And here his Election Speech in 1771 — and the Susquehannah Contro
versy. The management of this famous controversy devolves almost
entirely on himself. He states the Case. Abstract of this Statement.
The Case remains unsettled when the Revolution commences, but is
afterwards determined. The result. Trumbull waived its further
agitation at the outbreak of the Revolution, in order to promote union
and harmony among the Colonies.
The period in Trumbull's life, from 1770 to 1775— from1
the Boston Massacre down nearly to the Battle of Lexing
ton — next commands our attention. It is one — in a political
view, as regards the quarrel with the Mother-Country — of
comparative repose in all the Colonies, during its first three
years, save in Massachusetts — where, particularly — from pe
culiar causes — the great questions of American Liberty were
almost incessantly agitated, and excitement the while kept
high. Not, however, that the people of other colonies were at all
forgetful of the great contest between parliamentary and min
isterial authority on the one hand, and colonial rights on the
other — they were not. They noted constantly the principles
which Massachusetts was so especially active in sustaining.
The blood shed in the King Street of her metropolis by
Captain Preston and his company of British troops — the
garrisoning of her provincial fortress in Boston harbor by a
British force, and the frequent presence in her port of armed
British vessels, to overawe the town — the refusal of her Gov
ernor to give his assent to a tax-bill, which in common with
other citizens, assessed the royal commissioners and other
II" J

126 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770— 177a.
officers of the customs — the remonstrances at this "alarrning"
course by the Massachusetts Assembly and people — the grant
of a salary of fifteen hundred pounds per annum to Gov
ernor Hutchinson, and soon of salaries to the Judges of the
Superior Court, by the king, independent wholly of any colo
nial appropriations, and of course of any colonial control—
the traitorous correspondence between Hutchinson, Oliver
and others, and the British Ministry — all these leading events
and exigencies in the Massachusetts struggle — together also
with that startling cotemporaneous clash in Rhode Island
between the citizens of Providence and the British armed
schooner Gaspee — met with anxious consideration at the
hands of every American Colonist. And by no one were
they more carefully watched than by Governor Trumbull
himself. Upon no mind — stirred as it had already been, pro
foundly, by past collisions with British power — did they
make deeper impression, or leave a more ineradicable sense
of wrong.
But the outset of his administration as Governor of Con
necticut, was distinguished, during the present period, by a
different and more cheering state of things than that to which
we have now alluded. At this time — January second,
1770 — he received from England — from the watchful John
son — the gratifying intelligence that those " dark approach
ing clouds," which just before Trumbull assumed his new
station, seemed ready " to burst upon the Massachusetts Col
ony," and " spread destruction upon neighboring Colonies,
and especially in Connecticut," were now "in good degree
dissipated." Suck " confident assurances from government^
in favor of Connecticut," reported Johnson, had been ob
tained, as justified the belief that she "had nothing to fear,"
except what related to the decision before the King in Coun
cil of her Mohegan Cause. Even Lord Hillsborough, lie
said, had affirmed that the Colony might " be at peace for -the
present" — and that nothing done with respect to Massachu
setts should " involve " Connecticut. And even as to the old
Bay Colony there was hope, he further said, that the design
of altering her Constitution, for which a Bill had been pre
pared, would " be laid aside" — " so strong at the time were

1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 127
the remonstrances against the Bill — such the peculiar situa
tion of public affairs in England — and such," Johnson said
ne must in justice add, was "the moderation of his Majesty's
ministers." — " Blessed be the God of all salvation I " — he
exclaimed, in view of this state of affairs, so unexpectedly
promising. Promising it was indeed, at this particular period, so far as
Connecticut is concerned, in all respects save one. There
was one jar upon the seeming harmony of her relations with
the Mother-Country, which, for a short time, was somewhat
startling, and called for the special interposition of her
Governor. For the necessary protection, as it seemed, of her own
commercial interests, she had passed a law imposing duties
on all goods imported into the colony by any persons who
were not inhabitants — and this law attracted the attention,
and drew down upon her the censure of the Board of Trade
in England, and of the Ministry. Connecticut had no power
to pass such a law, they said. It was striking at the right of
Britons to import directly from the Mother-Country. At
least Britons, if not inhabitants of the Colonies, should have
been excepted from its operation — and intimations were
given out that it would be declared void by the King in
Council — or that Connecticut would be enjoined by a decree
of Parliament to repeal it — and that the Colony, in future,
would be compelled to send home all her laws, of whatever
character, for the royal approbation or disallowance. Of all
this Johnson gave particular information to Trumbull. In
duced by the offensive Impost Law, he added — in words of
warning-— they are already here in England reviewing and
striking at other laws of the Colony — and even at its precious
Charter. To the danger of which he was thus notified, Trumbull
gave instant heed. He wrote to Johnson explaining the na
ture of the law to which exception had been taken. He
showed that its provisions were intended, in tbe way of self-
protection, to apply especially to those Colonies, in North
America, adjacent to Connecticut, whose commercial policy
was thought to be adverse to her interests — and urged that

128 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770—1775,
every soothing explanation should be made to the English
Ministry, and a little time allowed for the Colony to try the
law — or, should it not be found useful and legitimate, for
herself, through ber own General Assembly, to effect its
repeal. "Lord Hillsborough,'' wrote Johnson in reply to the Governor, March
nineteenth, 17J0 — " has been prevailed upon to lay aside for the present
the plan of laying the complaint relative to the Connecticut duty before
the King in Council, and to give the Legislature of the Colony opportu
nity to correct it if they think proper, which I insisted he ought in jus
tice to do before any proceedings were had upon it here. You will there
fore, if you think proper, suggest it to their consideration. I have never
been able to see the Act, tho' I have repeatedly applied for it, but have
heard no other objection to it than that it should have excepted goods
imported directly from England by British subjects, that is, inhabitants
of Great Britain, for it has not been denied that we may restrain inhab
itants of other Plantations from importing goods there, even directly from
Great Britain. If that amendment were made, it would I presume obvi
ate every objection. I have very cautiously avoided giving any assur
ances that any alteration at all will be made, and only contended that
there should be opportunity given to do it, if the General Assembly
should think proper, to whom it must be referred. I have no doubt
they will do what is wise and fit with regard to the matter."
And so the General Assembly did. At their May Session
in 1771 — upon wise instigation from their Chief Magistrate—
on the ground that " the provisions of said Act prove not
beneficial to the inhabitants of this Colony," as in their Re
cords tbey say, and on this ground alone — they repealed it-r
and so one stumbling block in the way of concord between
Connecticut and England, which for a time threatened to
become a serious one, was entirely removed. " It is hard,"
said Trumbull, about this time, " to break connections with
our mother-country" — and he was willing, as we see, in the
case of an Impost Act which proved of no service to Con
necticut, and was an offence abroad, to strike it from the
Statute Book of the Colony. But when that Mother-Coun
try, he added, with his eye upon claims that could not be
borne, " strives to enslave us, the strictest union must be dis
solved." — "And as he looked through the world," remarks
Bancroft, "he exclaimed, the Lord reigneth, let the earth

1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 129
rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad thereof; the ac
complishment of some notable prophecy is at hand."
But, as already intimated, the time had not yet quite
arrived for the display of forcible resistance. Great Britain —
by refraining, to a considerable extent, from the enforcement
of her violent measures in other Colonies than that of Mas
sachusetts — by withdrawing her obnoxious duties on all tbe
articles enumerated in ber American Revenue Act of 1767,
except the duty on tea — that " one tax, the King's fixed rule,
to keep up the right " — by virtual promises, through a Cir
cular sent to all the Colonies, to impose no other — by propo
sitions and professions, on the part of her leading Minister,
Lord North, that seemed sincerely conciliatory — and by
earnest assurances to American General Assemblies, through
the Governors of Virginia and New York, that the King,
avoiding thereafter all oppressive acts, "would perfect the
happiness of his people" — by these means Great Britain
managed to soothe a little the general spirit of discontent,
and create a pause in the gathering storm.
The dispute about the Billeting Act had ceased entirely in
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. It never had created any
practical difficulty in Connecticut — for here, in the due exer
cise of her constitutional authority — by virtue of her own
independent legislative power — with commendable prudence,
with "good conduct" that had extorted praise even from the
British Ministry — a Billeting Act of her own had been en
acted, which not only "passed without censure," but was
" generally approved."* And late even as May 1771, Con
necticut revived the Act, and extended its operation over
" until the rising of the General Assembly in October next
ensuing." In fact, at this time, there was a general tendency in
America to conciliation. Even in Massachusetts, at the first
meeting of the General Assembly in 1771, " loyalty visibly
prevailed, and the decided patriots were in a minority."f In
* Johnson to Eliphalet Dyer, Aug. 5th, 1767.
t Hutohinson, from Boston, reported " a disposition in all tho colonies to let
the controversy with the kingdom subside. Hancock and most of the party,"
he said, " are quiet, and all of them abate of their virulence, except Adams,

130 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL, 1770—1775.
truth, it may be said, there was tranquility in America, at
this time, almost universally — to be broken only when the
detested East India shrub should be brought to find its grave
in the harbor of Boston, and from Kennebec to the river of
Savannah, a whole people should rise to vindicate the free
dom of a commercial port, and the life of a doomed city, and
a patriotic old Commonwealth.
Let us embrace this interval then, to look at Trumbull in
the sphere of his public duties aside from his connection with
the great American struggle. "We shall note his Revolution
ary connections by themselves— but first, now, let us view
him as Governor of Connecticut, and in the discharge, as
such, of his ordinary duties, during the five years which pre
ceded the Battle of Lexington.
And here, save in his relations with the Susquehannah
Case, and with the Mohegan Controversy, we find little
worthy of very special note. He was elected to office with
great unanimity, and performed its duties with quiet fidelity.
Of the manner in which he accepted it, and his tone of feel
ing upon such an occasion, the following brief Speech — such
as he was accustomed to make, upon an election, to the Gene
ral Assembly — is a good example.
" Gentlemen of the Freemen " — he said, on being chosen Governor in
1771. " It is with peculiar satisfaction and pleasure, that I have this day
seen the exercise of the inestimable blessing of Freedom, which our re
nowned and highly venerable Fathers obtained, secured, and through
several generations and various struggles have safely transmitted to us.
"Rulers freely elected by and from yourselves — I take this opportu
nity of acquainting you that I have had the most grateful sense of the
[Samuel] " who, he remarks, " would push the continent into a rebellion to-mor
row, if it was in his power." — " The peoplo," wrote Johnson from Connecticut
to Wedderburne, after his return from his agency in England, " seem to be weary
of their altercations with tho Mother-Country ; a little discreet conduct oil both
sides, would perfectly re-establish that warm affection and respect towards Great
Britain, for which this country was once so remarkable." Governor Eden, from
Maryland, warmly congratulated Hillsborough on the return of confidence and
harmony. The Southern Governors felt no alarm. New York had been propitia
ted by tho grant of authority to issue colonial bills of oredit, and her loyalty
" grew apace." Her merchants agreed to a general importation of oil articles
except tea. Maryland, Virginia, Carolina, and Georgia, had all increased their
own imports. Pennsylvania and New England imported nearly one-half aa
much as usual.

1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 131
honor done me by this election to be Governor in and over this Colony
for the year ensuing.
" That impressed with a deep sense of my own unworthiness, and the
fresh obligations laid on me, for his Majesty's service, and the best good
and welfare of this People — with humble reliance on the all-wise Govern
or of the World, for his divine direction and guidance, I accept this
trust — and ask your present and continued supplications at the Throne
of Grace, that wisdom, prudence, and discretion may be given answer
able to the day, the work, and the duty assigned me."
Thus sincerely did the Governor, as was his wont, express
pleasure in the old colonial freedom — thank his constitu
ents — and rely on Providence. The Speech, just quoted, is
highly characteristic of the man.
It was not long after his second election as Governor be
fore the claim of Connecticut to the Western Lands — those
lying west of the Delaware River — came to be seriously agi
tated. Hence originated what is known in history as the
Susquehannah Controversy — a controversy remarkable for the
great territorial interests which it involved, the profound
investigations to which it led, and its ultimate result— after
several intervening untoward decisions — in a recognition on
the part of Congress of the Connecticut claim — to an import
ant extent — and the consequent establishment for this State,
of its invaluable School Fund.*
Governor Trumbull was early appointed by tbe General
Assembly — in connection, at the outset, with Secretary George
Wyllys, and afterwards with others — to establish this claim.
He was instructed, first, to search into all land titles granted
* Connecticut never forgot that its Charter bounded its territory by the Pacific.
" Its daring sons," remarks Bancroft, " held possession of the Wyoming Valley ;
and learned already to claim lands westward to the Mississippi" — seven or eight
hundred miles in extent of the finest country and happiest climate on the Globe.
' In fifty years,' said they, ' our people will be more than half over this tract,
¦extensive as it is; in less than one century, the whole may become even well
cultivated. If the coming period bears due proportion to that from the first
landing of poor distressed fugitives at Plymouth, nothing that we can in the ut
most stretch of imagination fancy of the state of this country at an equally future
period, can exceed what it will then be. A commerce must and will arise, inde
pendent of everything external, and superior to anything ever known in Europe,
or of which an European can have an adequate idea.' Thus the statesmen of
Connecticut pleased themselves with pictures of the happiness of their poster
ity ; and themselves enjoyed a vivid vision of the glory of the New World."

132 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770-^1775.
to Connecticut by charter, and into all grants in any manner
affecting this Colony, and report what he might discover-
second, to collect all the evidence in favor of the Connecticut
claim, and all against it, and transmit the same to the Colo
ny's Agent in Great Britain, that it might be laid before
counsel learned in the law for their opinion thereon — third,
to instruct the said Agent how to proceed, as the exigencies
of the controversy might demand, and to confer with Gov
ernor Penn of Pennsylvania on the subject, with Congress,
with Dr. Wm. Samuel Johnson, and with all others whose
interest or agency in it was important, and procure a Petition
to his Majesty respecting it — fourth, to appoint suitable per
sons to ascertain the latitudes and longitudes of the north and
south lines of the Colony, upon the Western Lands, in such
places as they should find necessary — fifth, to issue Procla
mations against squatters on lands — and lastly, to take all
steps necessary and proper for stating and prosecuting the
Connecticut claim.
In pursuance of instructions thus received, Governor
Trumbull applied himself to the task. And an onerous one
it proved, for the substantial duty was all performed by him
self — and with a pa'tience, and thoroughness, which reflect
the highest credit upon his ability as a lawyer, logician, and
draughtsman. Fortunately his Paper on this subject: — enti
tled the Case of Connecticut Stated — remains, just as he wrote
it — to tell the story of his investigation. It is the same that
was prepared for transmission to England, to be submitted to
the judgment of Thurlow, the accomplished Attorney Gen
eral of England, of Alexander Wedderburne, the King's
Solicitor General, of J. Dunning, afterwards Lord Ashburton,
and of Richard Jackson — all of them men of profound legal
science, and of the highest reputation in their profession.
He starts with setting forth, so far as is necessary for the
purpose in hand, the original Patent of New England from
James the First — the incorporation by him of the Council of
Plymouth — the grant by this Council of Massachusetts— a
renewed patent of the same by Charles the First— and the
derivative grants from these prior patents of many tracts of
country, and among these, particularly, of Connecticut.

1770—1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 133
He then shows, that — the Dutch making claim — a bound
ary line was established between New Netherlands and Con
necticut — but that the right to lands on the Delaware was
then left undetermined.
Next he shows the Connecticut Petition to the King — the
Charter and its result, extending Connecticut west "to the
south sea" — and the consequent union of Connecticut and
Newhaven. King Charles' Patent to his brother the Duke
of York — covering Maine, Long Island, and the tract of
Hudson River — is now proved not to extend to lands west
of the Delaware. The claim of the Dutch, by the passage
of Hudson up the river that has taken his name, is denied.
So also is any claim of the Swedes. The dispossession of the
Dutch at New York by a force sent from England — the
establishment of a boundary line between New York and
Connecticut by Commissioners then sent out for the purpose —
the recovery of New York by the Dutch, and its subsequent
restoration on a treaty of peace to the English — all these par
ticulars — together with the Patent granted by Charles the
Second to William Penn, and with an agreement between
New York and Connecticut that was confirmed by King
William in Council, but which did not touch territory west
of the Delaware River — are described and commented upon
with great force.*
He concludes his elaborate document — in summary of the
whole — with stating, first, that the lands west of New York
remained in possession of the original Indian proprietors
until they conveyed them to the Susquehannah, and other
companies, under Connecticut — second, that under her Patent
and Charter, Connecticut continued to claim the lands in con
troversy, and had settled the same as fast as the nature of
things would admit — and third, that whereas Pennsylvania
was still urging her claim, under color of a Patent that was
granted nineteen years after that of Connecticut, and under
the allegation that Connecticut was estopped by the settle
ment of New York, therefore, to end the dispute, the three
* " With great labor and researches," says Trumbull himself, in a memorial of
his own, 12

134 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770—1775.
following questions should be propounded to legal gentlemen
in England, viz : — ¦
1. Do the words " actually possessed and occupied," in the
old Patent, extend to lands west of the Dutch settlements?
2. Has the Colony of Connecticut a right of pre-emption
and title, within the bounds of their Patent, west of New
York, notwithstanding the agreement with New York as to
boundaries, and the Charter of Pennsylvania?
3. What course of proceeding is it legal and expedient for
Connecticut to pursue ?
The answers by the law counsellors of England to the
questions thus proposed, avouched the excellence of the doc
ument prepared by Trumbull. To the first they answered,
that the words in question did not extend to lands west of the
Dutch settlements — to the second, that the settlement with
New York had no effect on other claims, nor could the grant
to Pennsylvania affect what had been granted previously to
Connecticut, but that an actual settlement by Pennsylvania
might create a doubt — and to the third, that an amicable
agreement with the proprietors of Pennsylvania was the
proper recourse — or, if this was refused, an appeal to the
King. Neither of these resources were of avail, however, to settle
tbe difficulty. The Revolutionary War cut off the last.
Governor Penn — though appeal was frequently made to him,
through special Commissioners appointed by Connecticut, and
also by Governor Trumbull* — refused all negotiation on the
subject. So Connecticut went on and extended her jurisdic
tion to the settlers on the contested lands — and incorporated
them into a township as a part of Litchfield County, by the
name of Westmoreland — and the contest remained in sus
pense for many years. But the assertion of title, made in the
*"It is the duty of our Governor and Company," wrote Trumbull to him,
March 24th, 1774, " in faithfulness to the trust reposed in them, to assert and sup
port tho rights of this government and its inhabitants. They do not look upon
themselves as chargeable with any fault for the exercise of jurisdiction over the
people who inhabit land they have good reason to think themselves entitled to
by legal purchase from the aboriginal true proprietors thereof, and hold the
primary possession under the right of pre-emption, for the benefit and within
the limits of this government."

1770^1775. CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 135
manner we have described — and chiefly by Trumbull him
self — was indeed " a happy circumstance." For it resulted at
last — save in regard to a small strip of territory at present
included in Pennsylvania — in an acknowledgment by Con
gress, after the Revolution, of that title which rescued, for
old Connecticut that fine tract of country in Ohio known as
New Connecticut — known also, in honorable baptism, as Trum
bull County — and it secured the means, in consequence, as has
been already suggested, for the establishment of ber magnifi
cent School Fund. Education in this State, it is obvious,
owes much — very much — under this aspect, to the exertions
of Governor Trumbull.
, It is a striking and pleasing feature in his connection with
the controversy under consideration, that — though deeply
involved in it, from duty, study, and conviction — though his
pride as an investigator, as a logician, as a lawyer, and as the
Chief Magistrate of Connecticut, was all thoroughly enlisted
in educing a result that should conform to his own opinion —
yet — the moment the great struggle for American Independ
ence commenced — for the sake of harmony among the Colo
nies at large — he desired anxiously to waive the controversy
for the time — to hold it in abeyance for some future fitting
period. " Do not hasten the case," he wrote in March 1775, to Thomas Life,
the English agent for Connecticut in the matter — to whom previously he
had been communicating instructions with great regularity, and from
whom he had received Office Copies, exemplified in England, of various
patents bearing on the subject — " do not hasten the case, most important
though it be, in a day of so much difficulty and increasing distress as the
present between the two countries, which every wise and good man
wishes to have speedily terminated."
" I lament," he wrote the President of the American Congress, in No
vember of the same year — requesting the special interposition of Con
gress to put a stop to the altercations then existing between Pennsylva
nia and Connecticut — " I lament that interested individuals, joined with
the enemies of the rights of the Colonies, have at this time such an han
dle to cause division and mischief on that head. It is far from our de
sign to take any advantage in the case from the present unhappy divis
ion with Great Britain. Our desire is that no advantage be taken on
either side; but at a proper time, and before competent judges, to have
the different claims to these lands litigated, settled, and determined ; in

136 CHAP. XI. — TRUMBULL. 1770—1775.
the mean time to have this lie dormant, until the other all-important con
troversy is brought to a close. The wisdom of the Congress, I trust,
will find means to put a stop to all altercations between this Colony and
Mr. Penn, and the settlers under each, until a calm and peaceable day.
The gun and bayonet are not the constitutional instruments to adjust and
settle real claims, neither will insidious methods turn to account for such
as make them their pursuit."
How praiseworthy the course thus pursued ! Trumbull's
patriotism would permit no inter-colonial controversy — no
matter how profound the interests involved — to interfere
while the great dispute with the Mother-Country remained
unsettled. Peace at home, at all events, was his anxious
wish, in the day when discord reigned abroad. The quiver
for American defence, in his view, should not contain one
arrow to poison American harmony, or wound American
strength.

CHAPTER XII,

Trumbull and the Mohegan Controversy. The origin of this contro
versy. Claim of Connecticut Claim of and for the Mohegans. At
tempted settlements of the case. Its management, just before and
after he became Governor, devolved chiefly on Trumbull. His fitness
for the task, from long experience in Indian affairs, and with those of
the Mohegans particularly. In 1769 one of a Committee appointed by
the GeDeral Assembly to visit these Indians, and examine and report
upon their condition. The manner in "which he performed his task
described by himself in a letter to Wm. Samuel Johnson. His exer
tions roused attention to the appeal of 1766 on the Mohegan Case,
and caused it, in January 1770, to receive a fresh bearing before the
Lords in Council. A motion to dismiss it made and refused— and an
other hearing ordered. A dark hour for Connecticut on the case.
Trumbull, however, makes preparation for it, and presses the General
Assembly to fresh effort. He accumulates all the resources of de
fence, and sends them over to England. The chances of the trial are
Btill against Connecticut — but it terminates favorably to the Colony
The elder Winthrop's Journal in this connection. Trumbull copies it,
and causes it, for the first time, to be printed. And here his care
generally of valuable papers and public documents. The Trumbull
Papers in the Historical Society at Boston. His interest in sta
tistical inquiries. He replies to the Queries of the British. Board of
Trade. At the same time with the Susquehannah Case, Trumbull
had on his hands another important territorial controversy—
which, "founded in disaffection, and matured in resentment,"
for upwards of seventy years, more or less vexed the repose
of Connecticut, and exacted at times her strictest care. Orig
inating in a difference between the Mohegan Indians and the
Colony touching title to certain tracts of land in New Lon
don, "Windham, and Tolland counties, which comprehended
in all not far from eight hundred square miles — and industri
ously fanned, so far as the Indians are concerned, by the de
scendants of Major John Mason, who claimed the guardian
ship of these Red Men — and by Daniel Clark, Nicholas
Hallam, Major Palms, Major Fitch, and a few other white
settlers, who had conceived the project of obtaining larg/
tracts of territory from the Indians for themselves— it k^r
12* ofe-

138 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL.
the Colony at times at enormous expense,* and in a state of
almost perpetual anxiety and suspense.
Connecticut claimed the lands in dispute on many
grounds — by conquest from the Pequots — by virtue of a
deed from Uncas in 1640 — of another, in 1660, from Major
John Mason, her own commissioned agent — by numerous
agreements and concessions of the Indians themselves — by
two general acquittances or releases to the Colony, from all
charges, by Sachem Ben Uncas — by long possession, admin
istration, and use — and particularly, by grants from the
Colony, as of acknowledged right, to numerous purchasers,
six or seven hundred even in number, some of whom had
settled whole townships, and whose ejection would cause
infinite suffering.
The Mohegans, on the other hand — those of the Mason
party, who had been stimulated by white men interested in
prosecuting the title against the Colony — claimed that there
were no considerations, or but trifling or fraudulent ones, for
the deeds and settlements in favor of the Colony. They
claimed that they had never sold their lands in mass to the
Colony — that Connecticut had been unjust and cruel towards
them in depriving them of their favorite Hunting-Grounds—
that Major Mason's surrendry to the General Court merely
gave up the "jurisdictional right," and not the title to the
soil — that the lands in fact had been "trusted" to Mason and
his descendants for the sake of their guardianship of the
rights of the Indians — and, in short, that they were a free
people, entitled as such to all the rights of ownership, use,
and sovereignty, within the disputed territory.
Commissions appointed by the Crown, sitting now at Ston-
ington, and now at Norwich, Courts of Review, and Colonial
Committees, at various times decided on these rival claims—
once in 1704, through Dudley's Court, and by an outrageous
ex parte proceeding, against the Colony— again in 1721, in
1738, and in 1743 particularly, in its favor — but with con-
* " What I at present most regret is the enormous oxpenso that attends it [the
caso,] which is greatly enhanced by these unfortunate delays, and exceeds even
U I could have imagined." — W. S. Johnson, to Trumbull, from London, Aim
\ 1770.

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 139
stant appeals to the Crown, on both sides — the Masons and
their white and red confederates in this cause generally lead
ing the way, and for the reason, quite apparent, that upon
almost every trial of their claims, decisions had been ren
dered against them.
An appeal of this sort, made by the Mason party against
the judgment of 1743, to tbe King's Council, and freshly
brought before the Lord's Commissioners for Plantations in
1766, was still pending when Trumbull, late in 1769, was
advanced to the gubernatorial chair. Upon him, therefore,
principally, as the Chief Executive of the Colony, devolved
the duty of managing the case in its behalf — of collecting
evidence concerning it — of instructing agents both at home
and abroad — of providing funds for its prosecution — of sooth
ing discontented opponents within the Colony, and defeat
ing their machinations, in connection with tbe controversy,
with enemies of Connecticut outside of its limits — of quiet
ing grantees of the disputed lands — and of conciliating the
Mohegans themselves. Upon him also farther devolved the
duty of defending these Indians in the possession of such
territory as, by reservation, was clearly their own — and of
checking their quarrels with each other, and their feuds also
now with the white settlers of. New London, now of Lyme,
now of Norwich, and now particularly with those of their favor
ite Hunting-Grounds, the town of Colchester — whose proprie
tors, the Indians alleged, had obtained them for the paltry con
sideration of five or six shillings only, and when their Sachem
who parted with them, the heedless Oweneco, was drunk.
Governor Trumbull was remarkably well fitted for this
task — both for the argument, and for the conciliation which
it required. He was already familiar with the case, and with
Indian affairs generally. In 1766, when it lay by appeal be
fore the Lord's Commissioners for Plantations in England —
with Jabez Huntington for a colleague — he had then been
specially employed by the General Assembly to "inquire into
it, and consider what was best to be done," either by the
Colony, or by those who possessed the disputed lands — sixty- /
four landholders in the North Parish of New London, on^"
hundred and twelve in Colchester, and twenty-nine in Ne-

140 CHAP. XII.— TRUMBULL.
hantic, being then included as defendants, in the appeal of the
Mason party to the King. And he then gave the case close
attention — visited the Mohegan Indians in person — examined
their claims — strove to soothe their discontents — collected
testimony — and reported the appointment of a special Agent,
with a Committee of the General Assembly to assist him,
who should be sent to England for the purpose of aiding the
regular agent of the Colony there, Richard Jackson, "in
preparing, soliciting, and managing" the case. And Wm.
Samuel Johnson was accordingly appointed.
In service quite similar, seventeen years before, in 1749,
he had been employed by the Colony with the Stonington
Indians — to determine a claim to controverted lands. And
in this case, perceiving that advantage had been taken of the
ignorance and poverty of the Indians, by one Isaac Wheeler
and family, to do them wrong, he reported that the former
had good eause for complaint. They had just right, he af
firmed, to use and improve, and keep their stock upon that
reservation of two hundred and eighty acres which had been
assigned to them — and a guardian, he added, ought to be ap
pointed over them to see that they had the liberty of such
improvements, and that justice should be done them.
So again — in May of that same year in which he was ap
pointed, as we have just seen, to review and report upon
the Mohegan Case — he was also appointed to inquire into the
condition of the Indians of Groton, and report upon griev
ances and claims which they also had presented to the Gen
eral Assembly. And in this case too he found the Indians,
mainly, in the right — and reported to this effect — that they
suffered unjustly — that their lands were intruded upon — that
they were without suitable provision for schools and religious
instruction-— and that a special Committee, with money in their
hands from the Treasury, ought to be established to go among
them, and provide for their relief, and for their christianization.
So again, in ¦ 1769 — renewedly upon the Mohegan Case—
Trumbull was appointed, with others, to visit the Indians of
this tribe, at a* time when the succession to their sachemdom
Vas in dispute. He was to acquaint them then with the de
cision of the General Assembly in favor of Isaiah Uncas for
\

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 141
their sagamore, and with all that tbe Colony had done for the
first Uncas and his successors. He was to inform them of
the state of the suit then prosecuting in England by John
Mason, and with the releases in favor of the Colony which
had been extended by the first Ben Uncas and his people.
He was to soothe the differences which agitated the tribe —
procure a division of the lands — and "search for, procure,
and send" to England, accompanied with such suggestions as
himself and the Committee should deem proper, all papers re
lating to the great controversy then pending.
How he executed this task will be manifest from the
following letter, which, he addressed to Wm. Samuel
Johnson, the special agent for the Colony, in London, upon
the case.
" On Monday last," he writes — " Jabez Hamlin, and William Hillhouse
Esqr., with myself, attended at Mohegan by direction of the General
Assembly, to inform the Indians of the transactions between the Gov
ernor and Company of Connecticut, and the principal Sachems of the
Mohegan Indians ; for which purpose I drew up the inclosed statement
of the same, with the transactions with Major Mason, and with others
relative to Colchester, Lyme, and the land lying between New London
and Norwich — thereby to show them that justice and kindness done by
the Colony to them, from the first coming of the English here to the
present time ; to mention to them Uncas's genealogical account of him
self, by which it appears that he and they are really of Pequot-blood, the
whole land conquered, and Uncas's whole right conveyed to the English
Sep. 28th, 1640, and notwithstanding that, purchased over again from
Uncas and his successors — a sufficiency of planting ground being re
served for them — much more than they do, or even can at present im
prove — so that a considerable quantity is leased out for the benefit of the
Sachem Family, which, if they were able to improve it themselves, they
might have.
" They seemed to think they had been long enough under Guardians,
and that it might be more to their advantage to have the whole divided
among them, and they set at liberty to transact for themselves. We told
them, on the Government way of transacting with them, it might be done
on application to the Assembly ; but on the principles they were most of
them pursuing, by the instrumentality and guardianship of Mason, it
could never be done — for that by the Deed of Sequestration and Entail
ment from Major Mason of 9th of May 1671, the same was conveyed to
Uncas, Oweneco, and Attawanhood, and their heirs and successors for-
eve'r in an inalienable form, one-half the herbage being reserved to Ma-

142 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL.
son, and if that took place, the right was wholly in their Sachem and
heirs. " [We told them also] that Isaiah is heir in the line from Uncas through
his son Oweneco, as well as his other son Major Ben, and that they were
contending and endeavoring to establish that which would operate quite
differently from their inclinations and desires. We let them know the
Assembly looked on Isaiah as the now right heir — that as for making him
Sachem, or as they called it, Government Sachem for the Mohegan Indi
ans, there was no such intention — that we looked on them as subjects of
the Crown of Great Britain, as well as the other inhabitants of the Colo
ny — that if they had any custom of their own which they chose to keep
up among themselves, the Government did not mean to hinder them, but
that at the same time the Assembly must treat Isaiah as the legal heir
and descendant from the Sachems.
" We advised Isaiah to behave in a decent and becoming manner, to
avoid all evil and vicious company, promote religion, learning, and indus
try, avoid the common failure of Indians in drinking to excess, be kind
to, and provide well for his aged grandmother, his mother-in-law, and the
whole family, and do that which is praiseworthy, as the eyes of the Eng
lish, as well as of his own people the Indians, would be more especially
upon him.
" We spent all Tuesday, and the greatest part of Wednesday, upon
the matter, attended by Isaiah, and his Council, Zachary Johnson, Simon
Choyehoy, and Noah Uncas, who are near all the men who adhere to his
interest. There is, however, a more considerable number of squaws and
young persons that are his adherents. On the other side the Indians ap
pointed Samson Occum, Harvey Quaquet, and Tuntoquegan, a Committee
to attend us ; who appear warmly engaged in the Mason cause, with
their prejudices firmly riveted. Samson said our proceedings were not
well-timed — that five or six years ago he was indifferent, and would have
examined the state of the case on the part of the Colony, but that then
it was not thought fit to bring the same to him. Mason had brought his
papers, and left them with him, [he said,] and he had examined them,
and judged the cause as exhibited by him to be right, and justice to lay
on that side, and he intended to promote it. It was therefore now out
of season to come there to say anything upon it
" It was answered that he was not known, and considered as a person
of so much consequence, as that the Colony must look up to him, and
deliver him their papers for consideration, and that if he was minded to
know the whole case, and judge impartially upon it, for the benefit of
himself and the Indians, it was his duty to have asked the Assembly to
give him a knowledge of the case. However we came to inform such as
were willing to hear, we said, but that it did not answer our intentions
to be heard only by two or three, who were zealously engaged in the in
terest of Mason. We meant to have all hear and judge for themselves—

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 143
that, if the case was finally determined against their inclinations, they
should have no reason to blame the Assembly for neglecting a thing par
ticularly requested by Uncas, which was that his successors might be
informed, and have these things mentioned to them — a fit time for doing
which was now, on the death of their late Sachem, and the coming for
ward of a young heir. The influence it may have on the Indians, who
were generally present, is uncertain. It will serve to enlighten the peo
ple present, who before did not know the case. I believe more than a
thousand people attended on Tuesdaj', many out of curiosity and amuse
ment — many-desirous to understand the cause — and many of the friends
to Mason to prevent any impressions [the interview] might have on the
Indians. Occum exerted himself to the utmost of his ability. I think
'tis his intention to raise himself to be King and High-Priest among
them. " The inclosed will bring to remembrance things fully known to you.
The Genealogical Draught may amuse. The territory belonging to Un
cas, the petty Sachem of Mohegan, lying principally in the town of Nor
wich, hath not been mentioned. The Pequot country was all conquered.
Uncas was a Pequot. His territory at Mohegan was included in the con
quest. He by his deed of Sep. 28th, 1640, gives and grants all his
rights, save only to his then planted ground. Do transactions afterwards
done, tending to establish the English claim, absorb and destroy such
clear and absolute rights before obtained ?
" Pear and covetousness in some laid the foundation for, and insidious
and dark designs in others continue to support and keep alive this troub
lesome and tedious litigation. Oweneco, in 1707, did revoke and disan
nul his power to Capt. John Mason — says he was deceived by him — that
he did allow no one but himself to interpret — and manifests an uneasi
ness with Mason for contending with the Colony — and had the same pub
lished at Norwich and Stonington. This paper, with Oweneco's Original
Complaint, is in the hands of Mr. Richd Palmes, a descendant of Major
Palmes, who was one of the Commissioners with Gov. Dudley. He en
couraged the giving the same into the hands of the Government ; but
now asks £500 Lawful Money for them — an enormous price — and I do
not see any great service they can be of at this time."
This letter shows that Trumbull was fully conversant with
the Mohegan case, and had been employed upon it, before
he came into office as Governor. He was, therefore, prepared
to prosecute it now with' understanding and with zeal. His
own opinion upon its merits, long formed, was one, we see,
which — while it conceded every reasonable and humane at
tention to the wants and wishes of the Indians themselves —
yet — upon all the grounds that had been long taken and

144 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL.
maintained by the Colony — vindicated its territorial claim
against all adversaries in the case, whether white men or
red. The Appeal of 1766, from one cause and another — from
indolence, indifference, neglect, or disinclination on the part
of the Council in England that was to try it — or from
changes and ferments in the British Administration— or
from a hope that the parties themselves would be wearied
out with the contest, and abandon it — spite of all the most
assiduous efforts of Jackson and Johnson to procure a hear
ing, had been postponed from time to time, until — upon that
fresh movement in 1769 on the part of Trumbull and a
Committee of the General Assembly, to which we have just
alluded — it was at last, in January, 1770, seriously enter
tained by the Lords in Council — but with a result, upon this
trial, by no means favorable to Connecticut. It came before
the Lords upon a motion to dismiss the cause — upon the
ground of previous judgments, long past and fairly pro
cured, in favor of the Colony — of long acquiescence in the
judgment particularly of 1743 — of neglect on the part of
the Appellants duly to prosecute — of settlements made in
good faith upon the disputed lands, which it would be most
unjust to disturb — and on the ground also of much adversary
management that was extraordinary, abusive, and fraudulent.
" The motion for dismission of the Mohegan case," wrote
Johnson to Governor Trumbull, describing the result — " was
heard a few days ago, and decided against us. The Lords
were of opinion that they would not dismiss it on motion,
but have determined to hear it at large upon its merits, as
soon as possible. We have nothing to rely upon but the
justice of the cause, and I wish it may have fair play. If it
has, I am persuaded it will be decided in our favor."
For this farther hearing of the case, upon its merits, Trum
bull — neither appalled or disheartened by the untoward re
sult just mentioned — set himself and the Colony diligently
to work. He at once commenced a more active correspond
ence about it than ever before, with both the Colonial Agents
in England — stimulating their zeal anew, encouraging their
hopes, and sending them funds. He collected fresh evidence,

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 145
and sent it over.* Upon hearing from Jackson, in June,
that a new trial — postponed already once in April preceding
because of want of preparation on the part of one of the
Counsel for the Appellants — was again postponed on account
of the sickness of the Attorney-General qf England, the
leading Counsel for the Colony- — he at once communicated
the fact to the General Assembly, upon its first subsequent
session in October, and renewedly instigated their co-opera
tion in procuring additional testimony for the cause, and in
pressing the trial on to a successful close.
" The last [letter] from Mr. Agent Jackson," he proceeds, addressing
the Legislature — " informs that, unfortunately for him, and expensively
for the Colony, the Appeal of the Cause of the Mohegan Indians against
the Colony and Terre-Tenants on the Controverted Lands, was opened
on the part of the Appellants. The Attorney-General was next to enter
on the defence, but most unhappily before the day appointed for it ar
rived, was taken ill with the gout — and continued to grow worse, and it
being concluded neither reasonable nor safe to proceed without him, 'tis
most probable it will not be heard till after the long Vacation, which will
most likely bring it into the winter."
And the Governor goes on to urge an " early considera
tion" by the General Assembly of "several things" that
appear to him "material" in the case — especially the prepa
ration and transmission to London, "without delay," of new
letters and documents, of which, he says, the Colonial Agents
are not possessed — and many of which, he adds — " not easily
found" — in his own "search and inquiry" into the cause he
had himself secured — particularly among the papers left by
"the late Honorable Governor "Wolcott." And in this con
nection he takes occasion to press the Assembly to provide
that not only these documents, but that "all papers and files
belonging to the Golony," should be " collected, sorted, and
deposited, in a proper manner, in one place" — as "necessary
for the Government, and for use on all future occasions."
* "Should we be driven to trial on the merits [of the Mohegan Case,] good
use, I think, may be made of the Idea of Conquest which you have so often and
bo advantageously mentioned.
" I observe what you say of the original of the Mohegan Cause, and shall en
deavor to make some good use of that hint." — Johnson to Trumbull.
13

146 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL.
Thus, with diligence and zeal, did Trumbull, at a dark
moment in the progress of tbe Mohegan Controversy, accu
mulate resources of defence for the Counsel in England — four
of them in number, two for tbe Colony, and two for the
Terre-Tenants-«-who, besides the regular agents of the Col
ony, were also employed, at very great expense, to manage
the case. Johnson's letters to the Governor at this time con
stantly acknowledge the receipt from his hands of papers
most valuable to the cause — down even to a day or two only
before the new trial came on — and when, on account of the
lateness of their arrival, he regretfully expresses a doubt
whether he shall be able to introduce them into the cause.
The chances of the trial, in the judgment of Johnson, were
against the Colony, though his own faith in the justice of its
title was ever full and firm.
Our enemies are a host, he frequently wrote to Trumbull.
They are " in general, in a greater or less degree, all those
who are enemies to the liberties of America, and to the priv
ileges of the Colony of Connecticut in particular — a long, a
formidable, and," he adds, "a d-t-s-ble set." The strength
of our adversaries, he continues, "seems to be in their
clamors upon the ignorance, the poverty, and the misery of
the Indians, on the one hand, and on the power, policy, cun
ning, fraud, and impositions, of tbe Colony and Landholders,
on the other. They have not been wanting to declaim
loudly on these topics, and, as I have said, to add to them
much misrepresentation and abuse.* Our Counsel are pre
pared, however, to state the matter in a very different light,
and, though there is ground enough of fear, I do not despair
of a favorable issue."
That "favorable issue" came. The long night of sus
pense, which for now seventy years, had. clouded the title of
Connecticut to near eight hundred square miles of territory
within its own colonial limits, was at last dissolved. Day
* Describing to Trumbull, June 28th, the course of the opposing counsel upon
tho motion for a dismissal of the case, Johnson says their arguments "were long
and labored, replete with the most illiberal and ill-founded abuse and misrepre
sentation both of tho Colony and the Landholders, whom they represented as a
Bet of the greatest cheats, and hypoorites, and deceivers, that the world ever
saw."

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 147
broke with its sunlight upon the cause. " I have now to ac
quaint you," wrote Johnson to Trumbull,- January twelfth,
1771 — " that the hearing of the Mohegan cause ended yes
terday." It was joyful news. The result was a triumph for
the Colony — and a triumph particularly for that Governor
whose zeal in the cause had been unremitting, and whose
industry indefatigable* "To his knowledge and instruc
tions," said a writer of the day, in a public journalf — in
just compliment to his services, and echoing the united voice
of the people of Connecticut — " we are greatly indebted for
the successful issue of the long, perplexing, and expensive
Mason or Mohegan Case."
In preparing the two important causes upon which we
have now dwelt — the Susquehannah and the Mohegan —
Trumbull consulted very closely, upon old Colonial history,
the Journal of Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, as well
as many other ancient records — which leads us to speak here
farther of his connection not only with this invaluable work
by the Father of the Old Bay Colony, but with documentary
history generally.
Here he was emphatically a pioneer, and more than any
man of his day contributed to the preservation of valuable
records. The first two books of Winthrop's Journal — the
only ones then discovered, and which he had borrowed from
the elder branch of the Winthrop family — he proceeded him
self, with the assistance of his Secretary, carefully to copy —
and subsequently — after the War — the work was first pub
lished to the world,' from this copy, in Hartford, Connecticut,
by Elisha Babcock — under the supervision of Noah Web
ster — in one octavo volume of three hundred and seventy
pages. In his Message of 1770, we have seen him calling on
the General Assembly to provide, particularly, for the safe
keeping of the public documents. In 1771, he was specially
authorized by the General Assembly himself to collect all
* " I had very particular occasion to observe everything that occurred in this
case," said Dr. Johnson, writing William Williams, November first, 1769— and
Trumbull certainly " discovered great extent of knowledge and exact attention.
I am very certain the Colony and the Proprietors of the land are much indebted
to him for his good service."
t The Connecticut Courant.

148 CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL.
those which might thereafter in any way affect the interests
of the Colony, aud "have the same bound together " that
they might be preserved.* This task he proceeded to exe
cute — and then it was that he began that collection, which,
with the addition subsequently of most important Eevolu
tionary Papers, particularly of his own correspondence with
Congress, and General Washington, is now preserved — chro
nologically arranged, well-bound, and furnished with con
venient indexes, in a mass of twenty-one volumes — in the
Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. As has
been justly remarked, these volumes — known as the " Trum
bull Papers " — " constitute an invaluable treasure for history,
and show, most conclusively, the high estimation in which
the old Governor of Connecticut was held for ability, patriot
ism, and incorruptible integrity."
In addition to what has now been stated, and by way of
illustrating his interest in statistical inquiry, it should be
mentioned here, that in 1773, he undertook himself, and ac
complished the task of replying, in detail, to the customary
queries of the British Board of Trade in regard to the re
sources, population, institutions, and whole public economy of
* Silas Deane was one among the citizens of Connecticut who warmly encour
aged this preservation of State records. In August, 1774, writing to Trumbull
for the loan of his extracts from Winthrop's Diary, and Custom House statistics,
for use in Congress, he says : " Before I dismiss this subject, on which you must
excuse my freedom, give me leave to suggest to your Honor whether it may not
be a seasonable step to lay before the next Assembly the propriety and even ne
cessity of preserving accounts, and the history of transactions of this kind, in
some public office, for our own as well as the information of posterity. The
Office Letters to and from the Governor, and the Journal of the House, are of
more importance in my view, and will hereafter be more relied on when a refer
ence is made to the sense of former times on any subject, than all the other rec
ords put together; yet neither of these are preserved in any office, nor indeed
anywhere else that I can find ; at least, they are in private cabinets ; but much
the greater part have been long since used for wrappers ; and several important
letters to and from the late Governor Saltonstall, have been sent me by the fam
ily round garden seeds, and the like ; letters that would not only do honor to
him, but prove of service to the Colony were they preserved ; and surely we, aa
well as our posterity, have a right to these letters and journals. We have, as I
may say, a property in them, being written by persons in our employment, ana
on our account."
"At your request," wrote Trumbull in reply—" I have enclosed my Extracts
from Gov. Winthrop's Manuscript History. Tho sense of our predecessors ap
pears fully from many things I send. It ia matter of regret that so many useful
papers are lost."

CHAP. XII. — TRUMBULL. 149
Connecticut — a task which he executed with great accuracy,
and the result of which, in six hundred printed copies, was by
order of the General Assembly distributed to the various
towns in the Colony. In after years again — in 1778 particu
larly — he rendered cheerful and important aid to Mr. Haz
ard in collecting his valuable State Papers in relation to the
origin and progress of the various European settlements in
North America, and to the rise of the Eevolutionary War.
Investigations such as those now described were always pe
culiarly pleasing to Trumbull — and of course contributed
much towards storing his mind with knowledge, and fashion
ing it to that exactitude for which it was ever remarkable.

13*

CHAPTER XIII.
1770—1775.
A crisis in the issues "between Great Britain and the ColonieB. Trum-
"bull, in consequence, proclaims a day of Fasting and Prayer, and
doubles the military stores of the Colony. Correspondence between
Gen. Gage and Trumbull in reference to one Thomas Green, a Boston
tory, who had "been severely handled in Connecticut. Cases of other
disaffected persona, Abijah Willard, Dr. Beebe, and two Bidgfield
tories, in connection with Trumbull. Trumbull and the first Conti
nental Congress. Hia zeal in fostering it. Hia opinion of its measures
He diligently prepares hia own people for the emergency of war. He
issues a Proclamation against riotous demonatrations. The famous
Peters riot, as officially described by the Governor. Such disturb
ances not as yet common in Connecticut. Episcopalians not under the
ban of public opinion, as sometimes charged. Trumbull * tolera-
tionist. His Christian character described The non-importation
scheme, and his activity in promoting it His son John in revolution-
ary and educational connection with the parent. The father's taste
and viewa with regard to the art of painting. Both sixe and son are
ready for the Revolutionary Future.
With the exception of Trumbull's ordinary Proclamations
for Easts — which were in general well composed, and in a
strain, usually, highly devotional — we find nothing farther
to note particularly* in his public career until we reach the
spring of 1774, at which period his connection with Eevolu
tionary matters again begins — and to this period, therefore,
we now turn the attention of our Eeaders.
By this time the issues between Great Britain and her Col
onies had reached a crisis. The obnoxious tea had been
thrown into Boston harbor. British vengeance, in conse
quence, had concocted the Boston Port Bill — had struck, by
legislative Act, at the Charter and Government of Massachu
setts — had provided by another Act for the trial, in a foreign
venue, of all supporters of the American Eevenue System,
whose arraignment might happen in the Colonies — and had
erected a dangerous co-terminous tyranny in the Province of
* Save, perhaps, a Proclamation, in the third year of his gubernatorial duty,
prohibiting, on account of great scarcity, the exportation from the Colony, for
twelve months, of all grains.

11T4— ma. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 151
Quebec. These fatal contrivances were now all impending
over America — but over America, fortunately, prepared in
good degree for the danger. For by this time Samuel Adams,
in Massachusetts, bad systemized the Eevolution, through
Committees for all tbe towns — and the Old Dominion, through
its Committee for Correspondence, began to do the same for
the continent. Connecticut, Ehode Island, and New Hamp
shire, followed the precedent — so that all New England and
Virginia "were now one political body, with an organization
inchoate, yet so perfect, that, on the first emergency, they
could convene a Congress " — and " every other Colony was
sure to follow the example."
The first recorded evidence on the part of Connecticut,
that indicated the general peril, was a proclamation by Gov
ernor Trumbull in May, 1774 — which — after reciting "the
threatening aspect of Divine Providence on the Liberties of
the People, and the dangers they were menaced with " — en
joined a day of public Fasting and Prayer.
This Proclamation was soon followed by an order to all
the towns to double the quantity of their powder, balls, and
flints — and also by a series of Eesolutions, on the part of
Connecticut — which, after rehearsing the measures of the
British Parliament that bore on America, denounced them as
usurpations that placed life, liberty, and property, in every
English Colony, at utter hazard— and proclaimed it as the
indispensable duty, and unalterable determination of the Col
onists to maintain and transmit their rights entire and invio
late to the latest generation. These Eesolutions — of which
there is some reason to believe Trumbull himself was the
author, but which, nevertheless, met with his hearty sup
port — form, in the year 1774 — together with the Proclama
tion to which we have just referred, and the Order doubling
colonial defence — his fitting introduction at this time upon
the stage of Eevolutionary action.*
We next hear of him, particularly, in connection with
General Gage — who, in May 1774, sent him a formal notifi
cation of his own appointment to the gubernatorial chair of
* See these Resolutions at the end of this chapter.

152 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. Illi— 1115.
Massachusetts, and expressed his readiness to co-operate with
the Governor of Connecticut "for the good of his Majesty's
service." Upon this co-operation Gage, it appears, made an
immediate requisition — by urging Trumbull to apprehend
and bring to trial certain persons in "Windham and Norwich,
Connecticut, who, it seems, had pelted and driven from their
towns — with threats of " exaltation on a cart "* — one Francis
Green of Boston, a somewhat noted merchant of that city,
but a highly obnoxious loyalist — "one of that insidious
crew," as the Journals of the day express it, " who fabricated
and signed the adulatory address to strengthen the hands of
that parricidal tool of despotism," Thomas Hutehinson.
General Gage transmitted long affidavits — particularizing the
offence. I have inquired into Mr. Green's complaint, wrote
Trumbull in reply — and " find that others put a very differ
ent face on the transaction. Full provision is made by law
for such offences, and Mr. Green may there obtain the satis
faction his cause may merit." And this was all the consola
tion that Gage received in the case fr"om the unsympathizing,
and, as he doubtless thought, disloyal Governor of Con
necticut. It was no moment just then, as it happened, for Trumbull
to interfere in a transaction like that described — for at this
time the fatal First of June arrived — day when the Boston
Port Bill was to take effect — and the bells of the Governor's
own native town — in tones strangely unfitted to attune either
the sense of loyalty to his Majesty the King, or the duty of
co-operation with one of his minions — began early to toll a
solemn peal — and so continued the whole day. The door of
the Town House was bung with black, and thereto the Port
Bill was affixed. The shops in the village were all shut and
silent. Their windows were covered with black, and with
other ensignia of distress — and gathering from every quar
ter — " upon short notice " — the freeholders of Lebanon list
ened to the reading of the noted Bill — and in spirited Eeso-
* A horse and cart with high scaffolding, did in fact make their appearance at
Norwich, before the eyes of the astounded Mr. Green. On his return to BoBton,
he offered one hundred dollars reward for the apprehension " of any of the ruffi
ans who had forced him to leave Windham and Norwich."

1114— 1715. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 153
lutions, denounced it as an outrageous invasion of human
liberty. Trumbull's eye was thus on proceedings different
far from those which would tend to nurture the thought of
giving satisfaction either to Mr. Green — or to any other
known defender of tyranny.
Another such an one — to whose case Trumbull's attention
was called — soon came, it seems, into Connecticut — like
Green, to fulfil some important private business of his own.
It was one Colonel Abijah Willard — a Massachusetts tory,
and a member of General Gage's new Council. Two of bis
attorneys, who lived at Windham, met him at Union — and,
looking upon him as a traitor, refused any longer to act in
his service — and the people of that region, one night, rose —
seized and confined him for awhile — and then carried him
over to Brimfield in Massachusetts. There " the Provincial
People " — four hundred in number, who had assembled upon
news of his arrest — called a Council — decided that he should
be imprisoned in Newgate, at Simsbury in Connecticut — and
set off to conduct him thither. But after they had proceeded
six miles on their way — upon his asking forgiveness of " all
honest, worthy gentlemen " for the offence he had commit
ted, and taking an oath that he would never sit in Gage's
Council, and would maintain the Charter rights and liberties
of Massachusetts, they consented to dismiss him. Trumbull's
interposition in this affair was solicited — but, if it came at
all — as does not appear to have been the case — it came alto
gether too late to save the captive from the fate which he
experienced. Nor did Dr. Beebe, an obnoxious tory of East Haddam,
Connecticut, fare any better — not indeed so well — for certain
inhabitants of this town, after calling upon the Doctor, and
being refused any satisfaction whatever of their demands,
proceeded to give him what they styled " a new fashionable
dress " — a complete coat of tar and feathers. The indignant
Doctor, naturally enough, thirsted to prosecute his assail
ants — and at once, therefore, applied to Trumbull for his
advice, and for a precept in the case. " I believe if you
grant one," wrote General Joseph Spencer to the Governor
at the time — " it will not be executed to any advantage with-

154 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1114r-111S,
out force from abroad to govern our people ; for although.
the rough measures, lately taken place with us, are contrary
to my mind, yet I am not able to prevent it at present."
The particular satisfaction, therefore, which Beebe desired,
seems not to have been obtained.
Nor again, did two tory inhabitants of Eidgefield, Con
necticut, who at Wethersfield denounced the doings of the
Continental Congress, and were in consequence drummed
out of the town, fare any better than the British adherents
already mentioned, in the way of securing Trumbull's inter
position, or satisfaction from the State. They used language,
it appears, in a public house at Wethersfield, which was con
sidered by "a party of gentlemen" who heard it, as "a di
rect breach of the Association of the said Congress" — and
consequently, "properly escorted," were "set off, at nine
o'clock, the way from which they came" — amidst the groans
and hisses of "a respectable concourse of people," who fol
lowed them out of town, beating a dead march. That " all
honest and true men to their country might know and avoid"
these offenders, proper persons were appointed to attend
them as far as Farmington on their return, and there " ac
quaint the inhabitants with their behaviour," says the orig
inal account of the transaction, "and leave them to their
further transportation, as is usual, and as by law is provided
in cases of strolling ideots, lunatics, <£c." — "As no one. of
their principles," exclaimed the people of Wethersfield upon
this occasion, " is supposed to be an inhabitant of this Town,
it shall be our care and attention that no such shall be here
after tolerated within it ! "
It was not possible for the Governor, just at this juncture
of ferment — when public sentiment against tories ran' so
high — to stay entirely the "rough measures" against them
that were adopted, everywhere almost over Connecticut—
though he disapproved of violence and riot, and so expressed
himself— and though, moved at last by the frequent recur
rence of scenes like those we have described, he charged the
magistrates and civil officers of the Colony — through a
Proclamation issued for the purpose — "to respectively use
their authority, and influence, to preserve peace and good

1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 155
order, and to promote a reformation of every evil, that the
good end proposed in the laws might be attained." It is no
small testimony to the depth and enthusiasm of patriotic
feeling in Connecticut at this period, that it overflowed, not
unfrequently, with severity, upon all those who attempted to
withstand its course — and defied restraint, even when its
waywardness seemed to require it, from the arm of the Chief
Magistrate of the State.
While thus engaged in preserving the good order of the
Colony, Trumbull was also busy in another important direc
tion — in fostering the Continental Congress. With the prog
ress and results of that first Convention — in September,
1774 — of all the Colonies, to take into solemn consideration
American rights and grievances— none, save some of its
members, and a few leading patriots, perhaps, in Massachu
setts and Virginia, bad more to do than himself. He cher
ished it as a project which the exigencies of the country ab
solutely demanded — as one that no fears of parliamentary or
ministerial resentment or prohibition ought to prevent, or
should affect — as one, he hoped and prayed most fervently,
that might lead to a reconciliation of difficulties, and, by the
force of a wise, earnest, combined, and entire American
movement, might curb the grasping temper of Great Britain,
and stay her hand of violence.
With its members from Connecticut — Dyer, Sherman, and
Deane — he was personally intimate — and both with them,
and with the President of the Congress, and with many
other members whom he knew, kept up an active corres
pondence during the whole time that the National Body was
in session. He informed them of the state of public feeling,
particularly in Connecticut. He warned them against any
¦hesitation or delicacy in affirming the public rights. He
suggested sentiments and measures for the general defence.
He furnished facts and documents for consideration. He
stimulated fervent appeals to the British Throne, the British
People, and to the Colonies at home, both those within and
those without the American combination — aud, in general,
counselled a course of manly and patriotic resistance to
British aggression.

156 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774—1775.
Many a fragment among his own Papers — many references
among the papers of others — show that such was Trumbull's
course. They show also that after the First Congress had
achieved its purposes, and given to the world those docu
ments which have immortalized its session,* no man in the
country received them with more gratification, or took them
more profoundly to his head and heart. To the appeals
therein made — by men who " for solidity of reasoning, force
of sagacity, wisdom of conclusion, manly spirit, sublime sen
timents" — who "for everything respectable and honora
ble" — are pronounced by the great Earl of Chatham himself
as "shining unrivalled" — Trumbull gave every circulation
in his power. He commended them to universal attention.
He sustained them by correspondence and by conversation,
and in this way aided materially to infuse their patriotic
spirit, and their resistless reasoning, into the souls of his
countrymen. How far he believed in their eventual efficacy — or rather,
whether like many other leading men of the day — like
Eichard Henry Lee, and even George Washington, for ex
ample — he had confidence that they would operate as a per-,
feet remedy — is matter of some uncertainty. That he relied
much upon them, however, is obvious. His strong hope, if
nothing else, begat such a reliance. Yet from many little
bints with which we are furnished, we are inclined to believe
that if ever in the case, in any degree, he was over-san
guine — and events proved that all who surely trusted in
reconciliation were so — he early abandoned the feeling.
With John Adams and Patrick Henry — men who never
were convinced that the measures of the Congress would
succeed — he soon began to think "the die was cast, the Eu-
bicon passed," and that the contest must be decided by force.
With the foreboding Quincy, he soon "looked to his coun
trymen with the feelings of one who verily believed that
they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties
with blood."
* The Declaration of Rights— the Address to tho Throne— the Address to the
People of Great Britain— that to the Inhabitants of tho Colonics— and that to tho
Inhabitants of Quebec.

1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 157
Certain it is that at this very time, he was exceedingly
busy in doubling munitions of war for the Colony, and in
procuring — in conjunction with his son Joseph — "early as
possible" — a supply of ammunition. Certain it is that at
this time he was doing all in his power — by discouraging
every disorder in the Colony, and promoting a sober frame
of mind — to fit tbe people with that moral force of convic
tion which would enable them to meet the public exigency
in a manner the most resolute — was striving to impart to
them even a devotional exaltation of purpose — such almost
as characterized the old soldiers of Cromwell in the Common
wealth days of England — that they might go forth to bat
tle — if go they must — panoplied by the God of Armies.
" Whereas," he says, under the influence of this spirit and
purpose — in a Proclamation issued by him in December
1774, for suppressing vice, immorality, and all riotous dem
onstrations — "whereas the threatening' aspect of Divine
Providence on the rights and liberties of the People, and the
dangers impending over us, are solemn warnings and admo
nitions to reform all the many sins and iniquities found
among us, which are highly provoking to God, and reproach
ful to a people " — let the authority of magistrates, therefore,
he proceeds to enjoin, and the example and influence of all,
be directed to preserve good order and peace, and to promote
a speedy reformation of every evil. After this manner did
Trumbull stimulate his people to conduct that should be ex
emplary, and arm them with the victorious sense of religious
duty. Among the "riotous demonstrations" to which, in the
Proclamation now cited, he more particularly refers, were
those which at this time occurred in connection with the fa
mous case of Eev. Mr. Peters — a loyalist Episcopal Clergy
man of Hebron, Connecticut — whose house and person, on
account of his obnoxious political conduct, had been attacked,
and treated somewhat roughly. Of this case Trumbull, by
special resolution of the General Assembly, was soon desired
to prepare a statement, in order to obviate any misrepresent
ations concerning it that Peters might make in England, to
the prejudice of Connecticut. This statement, in the hand-

158 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. i7T4r— 1T75.
writing of the Governor, we have found among his Papers —
and we here subjoin it, both on account of the source from
which it emanates, and of its intrinsic interest. It is dated
Lebanon, December twenty-sixth, 1774, and though without
address on the face of the Paper, was doubtless designed for
the Agent of Connecticut in England.
" I am desired by our General Assembly," proceeds the Governor — " to
prepare a general State of the Transactions relative to the Rev. Samuel
Peters, of his application to me, and what passed between us upon that
occasion ; and to transmit the same to you, to be used as you shall find
expedient, to obviate any misrepresentations that the said Peters may
make or exhibit to the prejudice of the Colony, and to acquaint you that
the intelligence transmitted to you, may and will be supported by affi
davits and full proof, if there should be occasion for it.
" In pursuance thereof I have prepared and send you the following
general state of the transactions, his application to me, and what passed
between us, which you will use accordingly, to obviate and prevent the
mischievous operation of any misrepresentations or accusations that the
said Peters may make or exhibit to the prejudice of the Colony. These
facts, if there is occasion for it, will be fully supported by affidavits and
undoubted proof.
" Capt. John Peters of Hebron, brother to the Rev. Samuel Peters of
the same town, did report in the hearing of sundry persons, that his
brother, the said Samuel, had wrote at sundry times, and then had let
ters prepared to be sent home to England, by the way of New York, big
with reflections on this Colony, and an account of the measures this and
the neighboring Colonies were taking to obtain a redress for their griev
ances, occasioned by the present S3'stem of Colony administration, and
some late acts of the British Parliament.
" This report spread in Hebron and the neighboring towns — which
moved near three hundred persons, who met, without any arms, early on
the 15th day of August last, and went to Mr. Peters' house, civilly to en
quire of him concerning the matter reported of him. They made choice
of a number of their company to wait upon him at his door, and inform
him of the reason of their coming, and to enquire of him on that sub
ject, the residue remaining in the street. Those who were chosen went
to his door. He asked them to walk in. AVhen they entered, they in
formed him of their appointment and business with him. Mr. Peters ap
peared very frank, and free to inform them concerning the rise and mat
ter of said report, and solemnly declared he neither had nor ever would
write home to any person in England touching the present disputes and
differences between Great Britain and the Colonies. This declaration
and his engagement was at that time satisfactory to all present Not the

1774—1776. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 159
least affront or injury was offered or done to his person or property. On
parting he tendered them his thanks for their kind treatment.
" Mr. Peters continued after the close conference to use his endeavors
to instil and propagate sentiments subversive of the civil constitutional
rights of this Colony, and to stir up contention and discord among the
people. On the sixth of September last, near three hundred persons,
without arms, met near his house to treat with him on these practices.
" When they came to Mr. Peters' house, they found it full of persons
said to be armed. One Capt. Marsh came out and said Mr. Peters de
sired the people to choose a committee to converse with him — which was
done, and about ten persons chosen for that end went into his house, and
informed him of their business, and enquired if the people with him were
furnished with arms. Mr. Peters declared there were no arms in his
house except one or two old guns out of repair.
" A conversation ensued between him and the Committee. Mr. Peters
endeavored to show there was no duty laid, without our consent, on the
article of tea, because, he said, no man was obliged to buy, and when
any one bought it, he consented to pay the tax, and no duty could be
had, if no man purchased it.
" After the Committee had conversed with him some time, without re
ceiving any satisfaction, they desired him to go out to the men who were
in the street — perhaps he could convince them that he was in the right.
On his request they gave him an assurance that he should return into his
house safe, without abuse. Upon which Mr. Peters went out, and was
advantageously placed in the centre of the men who had convened. In
a short time a gun was discharged in the house — which much alarmed
and exasperated the men around present. Eight or ten were immedi
ately sent into the house, to find the reason, and whether any arms or
weapons of death were there. They found several guns and pistols,
loaded with powder and ball, some swords, and about two dozen heavy
sticks or clubs — and that the gun, charged with two balls, was said by
the men in the house to be discharged by accident. They soon cleared
the house of all the men found therein, and set men at each door to pre
vent danger and damage. Upon this Mr. Peters finished his discourse —
which gave no satisfaction.
" The Committee were desired to return with him into his house, they
to draw an acknowledgment for him to subscribe and make, and he to
draw up such as would suit himself.
" When this was done, on the like assurance as above, Mr. Peters and
the Committee went out to the people. He read what he had written,
which was unanimously rejected ; then that drawn by the Committee
was read, and approved. Mr. Peters refused to sign and acknowledge it.
He was safely returned into his house. Many persuasions were then
used with him to induce him to make the acknowledgment proposed, till
the men abroad grew impatient and weary of delay, rushed into the

160 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. Illi— liii.
house, broke some squares in the lower part of one window, overturned
a table, and broke a bowl and glass on it. They laid hold of Mr. Peters,
and in this scuffle his gown and shirt were somewhat rent, and they
brought him out at the door, placed him on a saddle horse, and went
with him about three-quarters of a mile to the usual place of parade in
Hebron. After some further conversation on the subject, Mr. Peters read
what was drawn for his acknowledgment, with an audible voice, in the
hearing of the company, and signed it. Three cheers were then given,
and all dispersed.
" The persons chosen to confer with Mr. Peters, to the utmost of their
power calmed and moderated the minds of the people present, who were
greatly distressed and irritated by the discharge of the gun, the prepara
tion of arms and clubs, and his other conduct so grievous to them.
" Mr. Peters' religious sentiments, his being a member of the Church
of England, and a clergyman, were not the reasons of these transactions.
Some men who were present were of the same denomination, and dis
satisfied with him as well as the others. Had he been of any other de
nomination in religious sentiments, his treatment would doubtless have
been the same."
Disturbance peculiar as that of which Trumbull thus gives
an authentic account, was as yet rare in Connecticut. The
time had not come for Captain Sears to parade the destined
first Episcopal bishop of the United States, escorted by a
rough and fierce-looking crowd, through the streets of New
haven.* Nor yet, for " wishing well to the mother country,"
had a Committee of Inspection "put on the limits" the first
Episcopal clergyman of ancient Woodbury, f Nor had the
compassionate Trumbull yet occasion to extend the charity
of a permit to relieve Fairfield's Episcopal rector — the Eev.
John Sayre — from imprisonment and a guard at New Britain.
Nor— though a few instances of severity towards the minis
ters of the Church of England, striking from the position .
and character of the suffering parties, occurred in Connecti
cut, after the case of Peters— was Episcopacy ever, in fact,
exposed, as has been sometimes wrongfully asserted, to a
general trial and condemnation at the bar of a patriotic pub
lic opinion. The testimony of Governor Trumbull himself
on this point — that the sentiments and profession of Mr.
Peters as a member of the Church of England had nothing
* Bishop Seabury. t Rov. John R. Marshall.

1774—1775. CHAP.' XIII. — TRUMBULL. 161
to do with his treatment on the occasion described — that men
were present aiding and abetting who were of the same de
nomination with the preacher — and that bis treatment would
have been the same had he been of any other persuasion — is
here of great weight.
Certainly, so far as the Governor himself is concerned, his
own views on the great matter of religious toleration, were
highly liberal. Though an exact Congregationalist, and a
singularly devout Puritan — and though his convictions in
favor of his own particular faith were most profound, and his
pious observances most punctual and exact — he was ever
charitable towards the " Mother-Church," and in no respect
did he interfere to resist its worship, or aid in its opprobrium,
by countenancing force.* Though he could not bear the
idea — somewhat prevalent in his day — of civil obedience and
submission to the King of Great Britain, as resulting from an
acknowledgment of his spiritual supremacy, yet his instincts
of freedom, civil and religious, were such — so strong, so con
sistent, and so enlarged — that he gave latitude to all con
sciences in the matter of ecclesiastical faith and practice, save
to that faith, which, as in the case of Adamites and Eoger-
enes, led inevitably to the disturbance of the public peace.
Beneath an exterior, which, to the eye of some observers, at
times wore an air of devotional sternness, he bore a heart full
of liberality. His own, more than that of most Puritans of
his day, was the broad and beautiful Christian charity of that
first noble patron of the new churches in America — the elder
Governor John Winthrop.
During the month in which he reported the popular dem
onstrations against Peters, he was engaged in another duty
which deserves mention here, and which closes, for tbe year
1774, his public career. He was engaged in enforcing that
celebrated "Association" which was organized by the first
Continental Congress, for the defence, in a commercial form,
of American rights — and which, so far as its non-importation
* His family Bible — still extant, and in the possession of Hon. Joseph Trum
bull of Hartford— contains in full the "Book of Common Prayer." It was
printed at Oxford, England, in 1752, and was purchased by Trumbull the year
after its publication. 14*

162 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774—1775.
feature is concerned, was to take effect on the first of Decem
ber of the year now under consideration.
By far the largest portion of the citizens of Connecticut, it
is true, were prepared for this measure — nay entered into it
heartily — and made its enforcement the special duty of their
Committees of Inspection. The people who at the beginning
of the previous September — upon a bare report that British
ships were cannonading Boston, and British soldiers slaugk
tering its inhabitants — started forth, twenty thousand strong,
for the doomed city — simultaneously as if some gigantic
warder had blown a " war-note, long and loud," that reached
at once from the shores of Long Island to the Hills of Berk
shire — a people, thus alert for freedom, were not those to
withstand any plan for self-defence submitted to them by the
patriot counsellors convened at Philadelphia. But yet the
plan was to be first circulated and understood. It was to be
made palatable to some few who in Connecticut as elsewhere,
from motives of loyalty to the King, or of fear, did not
warmly espouse the American cause. A thorough organiza
tion was required for its enforcement, and some towns had
not yet appointed their Committees of Inspection. Appeal
was to be made to instincts of hope and patriotism for its
rigid observance.
To effect these purposes, Trumbull was active — both be
cause of his position as Chief Magistrate, and because, at the
outset, he had warmly concurred with the American Con
gress in recommending the non-importation scheme — not so
much on account of any overweening confidence, however,
in its efficacy, as in consequence of his conviction that every
peaceable measure for redress of grievances should be tried,
ere resort was had to that last terrible trial which stakes
men's lives.
So passed with the Governor of Connecticut, the last
month of that last year, which, in the great Eevolutionary
Struggle preceded the clash of arms.
And now, ere we lift the black curtain of War— for we
stand close upon tbe blood-stained Green of Lexington— let
us turn, in Trumbull's private life, to contemplate a peaceful
scene. A son of his own — his youngest — whose experience

1774—1775. CHAP. XIII.— TRUMBULL. 163
within the period now under consideration in many points
illustrates the sire — is about, in his company, to step out, a
youthful hero, upon the stage of Eevolutionary action. Let
us glance then here at a few points in his preliminary career.
We left him joining Harvard College, a remarkable profi
cient, in the middle of the third or Junior year. It was
against his own wish, however, at the time, that he joined —
not that he loved College less, but because he loved art
more — that art of which he describes himself as catching the
contagion from the pictures in oil of his sister Faith, and
which he practiced first in the sand on the floor of his moth
er's parlor. He wished to study painting under the instruc
tion of Mr. Copley, who then lived at Boston, and was of
high reputation as an artist. The expense of his support
there, he told his father, would be no greater than at College,
and' would be attended with the advantage of his possessing
a profession at the end of his apprenticeship, and the means
not only of supporting himself, but perhaps of assisting the
family, at least of aiding his sisters. " The argument," he
says, " seemed to me not bad ; but my father had not the same
veneration for the fine arts that I had, and hoped to see me a
distinguished member of one of the learned professions, di
vinity in preference. I was overruled."
So to College John went — and from thence — having stud
ied, meanwhile, Hogarth's "Analysis of Beauty," and Brook
Taylor's "Prospective made easy," almost as much as the
regular academical horn-books, and having devoured Cop
ley's pictures and the engravings in the College Library,
copying many — he returned to the family mansion.
"Not long after," he says, "a letter came by the post, and was first
put into the hands of my father. He brought it to me, and said, ' John,
here is a letter which I cannot read ; I suppose it must be for you ; what
language is it ? ' — ' Oh yes, Sir, it is from my friend Robichaud — it is
French, Sir.' — ' What, do you understand French ! How did you learn
it? I did not know that it was taught in college.' — 'It is not, Sir, but I
learned it in this gentleman's family.' — 'And how did you pay the ex
pense? You never asked me for extra allowance.' — 'No, Sir; I pinched
my other expenses, and paid this out of my pocket money.' My father
was very much pleased, and soon after proposed to me to study Spanish."

164 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. m4— 1775.
The son suggests, it will be observed, that his father " had
not the same veneration" with himself "for the fine arts."
This is true, but chiefly under one aspect only — that of their
availability, in his day, as a means of support. Under other
aspects — as a source of pleasure — often of instruction — as
often conveying solid meanings to the understanding, and
rich moral lessons to the heart — he estimated them highly.
He was, for example, one among the very first to subscribe
for those early first prints illustrating the Battle of Bunker
Hill, and the Death of Montgomery. — And afterwards, when
his son had gone abroad to perfect himself in his art, he
wrote him words of earnest encouragement — solicited in his
favor the friendship of influential men in England, and re
joiced over his ultimate success. But at this early period in
his son's career, when the public had, comparatively speak
ing, no taste for the arts, and there was no market at heme
for the products either of the painter's easel, or the sculptor's
chisel — when Connecticut, as he afterwards remarked, was
" not Athens " — he did not think it good policy for his son to
cherish a pursuit, which, as it seemed to him, did not bid fair
to be remunerative.
" I find he has a natural genius and disposition for lim
ning," wrote President Kneeland of Harvard College, in re
gard to the son, who was then at Cambridge. "As a knowl
edge of that art will probably be of no use to him, I submit
to your consideration whether it would not be best to en
deavor to give him a turn to the study of perspective, a
branch of mathematics, the knowledge of which will be at
least a genteel accomplishment, and may be greatly useful in,
future life." — " I am sensible of his natural genius and inclin
ation for limning," said Trumbull in reply — " an art which
I have frequently told him will be of no use to him. I have
mentioned to him the study of the mathematics, and among
other branches, that of perspective, hoping to bring on a new
habit and turn ot his mind. I direct him to diligence in his
studies, and application to the various branches of learning
taught in college. Please to afford him your advice and
assistance on every needful occasion."
All was of no avail. Genius — that "Light Divine"— was

1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 165
in the younger Trumbull, and no libation of cool advice
could quench it. The kingdom of this Western World,
within his own domain of art, was destined " to fall in his
lap." Eeturning home from College, he postponed, but
never surrendered his purpose of training himself as a paint
er. He postponed it because, first, his warm attachment to
his "excellent friend, Master Tisdale," prompted him for
awhile — when the latter was entirely disabled by a stroke of
paralysis — to take his place as teacher — and next because
the swelling difficulties between Great Britain and the Colo
nies warmed his imagination with the thought of becoming
a soldier. As the angry discussions increased, " I caught the growing enthusi
asm," he writes. " The characters of Brutus, of Paulus Emilius, of the
two Scipios, were fresh in my remembrance, and their devoted patriotism
always before my eye ; besides, my father was now governor of the col
ony, and a patriot — of course surrounded by patriots, to whose ardent
conversation I listened daily — it would have been strange if all this had
failed to produce its natural effect. I sought for military information ;
acquired what knowledge I could, soon formed a small company from
among the young men of the school and the village, taught them, or
more properly we taught each other, to use the musket and to march,
and military exercises and studies became the favorite occupation of the
day." Thus side by side — the spirit of the younger kindled by
sparks caught from the central fire of patriotism in the
bosom of the elder — and by concentring flames from the
hearts of co-patriots rendered daily more and more glow
ing — thus father and son ripened for the battle-fields of the
American Eevolution. NOTE.
The Resolutions to which reference is made on page 151, are as follows — from
the eleventh volume, page 284-5, of the Colony Records : —
" By the House of Representatives of the English Colony of Connecticut, held
on the second Thursday of May, 1774.
" This House, taking into consideration sundry acts of the British Parliament,
in which the power and right to Impose duties and taxes upon his Majesty's sub
jects in the British colonies and plantations in America, for the purpose of rais
ing a revenue only, are declared, attempted to be exercised, and in various ways
enforced and carried into execution, and especially a very late act in which pains
and penalties are inflicted on the Capital of a neighboring province ; a precedent
alarming to every British colony in America and which, being admitted and es-

166 CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 1774—1775.
tablished, their lives, liberties and property are at the mercy of a tribunal where
innocence may be punished, upon the accusation and evidence of wicked men
without defence, and without knowing its accusers ; a precedent calculated to
terrify them into silence and submission, whilst they are stripped of their inval
uable rights and liberties — do think it expedient, and their duty at this time to
renew their claim to the rights, privileges and immunities of free-born English
men, to which they are justly entitled, by the laws of nature, by the royal grant
and charter of his late Majesty King Charles the Second, and by long and unin-
terrupted possession — and thereupon —
" Do Declare and Resolve as follows, to wit : — In the first place, We do most
expressly declare, recognize and acknowledge his Majesty king George the Third
to be the lawful and rightful king of Great Britain, and all other his dominions
and countries ; and that it is the indispensable duty of the people of this coun
try, as being part of his Majesty's dominion, always to bear faithful and true al
legiance to his Majesty, and him to defend to the utmost of their power againBt
all attempts upon his person, crown and dignity.
"2d. That the subjects of his Majesty in this colony ever have had, and of
right ought to have and enjoy all the liberties, immunities, and privileges of free
and natural born subjects within any of. the dominions of our said king, his
heirs and successors, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, as
fully and amply as if they and every one of them were born within the realm of
England ; that they have a property in their own estates, and are to he taxed by
their own consent only, given in person or by their representatives, and are not
to be disseized of their liberties or free customs, sentenced or condemned, but
by lawful judgment of their peers, and that the said rights and immunities are
recognized and confirmed to the inhabitants of this colony by the royal grant and
charter aforesaid, and are their undoubted right to all intents, constructions and
purposes whatsoever.
" 3d. That the only lawful representatives of the freemen of this colony, are
the persons they elect to serve as members of the General Assembly thereof.
"4th. That it is the just right and privilege of his Majesty's liege subjects of
this colony to be governed by their General Assembly in the article of taxing
and internal policy, agreeable to the powers and privileges recognized and con
firmed in the royal charter aforesaid, which they have enjoyed for more than a
century past, and have neither forfeited, nor surrendered, but the same have
been constantly recognized by the king and Parliament of Great Britain.
" 5th. That the erecting new and annual courts of admiralty, and vesting them
with extraordinary powers, above and not subject to the common law courts of
this colony, to judge and determine in suits relating to the duties and forfeitures
contained in said acts, foreign to the accustomed and established jurisdiction of
the former courts of admiralty in America, is, in the opinion of this House,
highly dangerous to the liberties of his Majesty's American subjects, contrary to
the great charter of English liberty, and destructive of one of their most darling
rights — that of trial by jury — which is justly esteemed one chief excellence of the
British constitution, and a principal landmark of English liberty.
" 6th. That the apprehending and carrying persons beyond the sea to be tried
for any crime alleged to be committed within this colony, or subjecting them to
be tried by commissioners, or any court constituted by act of Parliament or oth
erwise within this colony, in a summary manner without a jury, is unconstitu
tional and subversive of the liberties and rights of the free subjects of this colony.
" 7th. That any harbor or port duly opened and constituted, cannot be shut up
and discharged but by nn act of the Legislature of the province or colony in
which such port or harbor is situated, without subverting the rights and liberties
and destroying tho property of his Majesty's subjects.

1774—1775. CHAP. XIII. — TRUMBULL. 167
" 8th. That the late net of Parliament inflicting pains and penalties on the
town of Boston, by blocking up their harbor, is » precedent justly alarming to
the British colonies in America, and wholly inconsistent with, and subversive of,
their constitutional rights aud privileges.
" 9th. That whenever his Majesty's service shall require the aid of the inhab
itants of this colony, the same fixed principles of loyalty, as well as self-preserva
tion, which have hitherto induced us fully to comply with his Majesty's requisi
tions, together with the deep sense we have of its being our Indispensable duty,
in the opinion of this House, will ever hold us under the strongest obligations
which can be given or desired, most cheerfully to grant his Majesty, from time
to time, our further proportion of men and money for the defence, protection, se
curity and other services of the British American dominions.
" 10th. That we look upon the well-being and greatest security of this colony
to depend (under God) on our connexion with Great Britain, which, it is ardently
hoped, may continue to the latest posterity. And that it is the humble opinion
of this House that the constitution of this colony being understood and practiced
upon, as it has ever since it existed until very lately, is the secret bond of union,
confidence and mutual prosperity of our mother-country and us, and the best
foundation on which to build the good of the whole, whether considered in a
civil, military, or mercantile light, and of the truth of this opinion we are the
more confident, as it is not founded on speculation only, but has been verified in
fact, and by long experience found to produce, according to our extent and other
circumstances, as many loyal, virtuous and well-governed subjects as any part
of his Majesty's dominions, and as truly zealous, and as warmly engaged to pro
mote the best good and real glory of the grand whole which constitutes the
British empire.
" 11th. That it is an indispensable duty which we owe to our king, our coun
try, ourselves, and our posterity, by all lawful ways and means in our power, to
maintain, defend, and preserve these our rights and liberties, and to transmit
them, entire and inviolate to the latest generation — and that it is our fixed deter
mination and unalterable resolution faithfully to discharge this our duty.
" In the Lower House — ¦
" The foregoing Resolutions being read distinctly three several times and
considered, were voted and passed with great unanimity. — And it is further
voted and requested by the House, that the same be entered on the Records, and
remain in the File of the General Assembly of this Colony.
"Test, William Williams, Clerk H. R.
" In the Upper House —
" The consideration of the request of the Lower House, that the aforesaid
Resolutions should be entered on the Records of the Assembly, &c, is referred
to the General Assembly to be holden at New-Haven, on the second Thursday
of October next.
" Test, Geoboe Wtllts, Secretary.
" General Assembly, on the second Thursday of October, A. D. 1774.
" In the Upper House —
" On further consideration, &c, it is agreed and consented to that the
foregoing Resolutions, according to the request of the Lower House, be entered
on the Eecord, and remain on the File of the General Assembly of this colony.
" Test, George Wtllts, Secretary."

CHAPTER XIV.
1775.
State of public affairs in the winter and spring of 1775 The Earl of
Dartmouth's Circular to the Colonies, forbidding a secorid American
Congress. Trumbull long on terms of friendly and useful correspond- ;
ence with the Earl. He strongly advocates the forbidden Congress.
A letter from his pen to the Earl of Dartmouth, on the grievances of
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and of the Colonies in general. He re-
peats the sentiments of this letter in another to Thomas Life, Agent
for Connecticut in England. At Norwich he first hears of the Battle
of Lexington. His conduct in consequence. Upon receiving a circum
stantial account, he transmits the same to Congress, and communi
cates it to tbe General Assembly of Connecticut. The duty, in con-
sequence, devolved on him. By order of the Assembly, he addresses
Gen Gage. His letter. Gage's reply. The Massachusetts Provincial ¦
Congress is alarmed at this correspondence, and remonstrates. No
ground for this alarm. It is soon, through Trumbull and others,
dissipated The year 1775 — the first of the War — shows Trumbull
in all those striking lights in which we fain would view him
— as workman, patriot, counsellor, and guide. We shall
dwell upon it, therefore, with particularity.
The winter and spring of this year, as is familiar, brought
no relief to the oppressed American Colonies, but, on the
other hand, more and more darkened their prospects. In
vain did the great Earl of Chatham plead for the removal of
the troops from Boston, and for the trial of the Ameri
can cause "in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair
enquiry, and not by codes of blood" — in vain press his
favorite bill for rescinding all the obnoxious measures against
tbe Colonies, and for restoring them to their ancient liberties.
In vain the unexpected Conciliatory Bill of Lord North-
that " infallible touchstone," as he called it, " to try the sin
cerity of the Americans." In vain the promising plans of
reconciliation presented to the House of Commons by Mr.
Burke and Mr. Hartley. In vain the long and secret negoti
ations of the British Ministry — through Barclay, and Dr.

1715. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 169
Fothergill, and Lord Howe, with Dr. Franklin — for a settle
ment of differences. In vain the petitions of the City of
London, and other commercial towns in England, in favor of
America — in vain all the humble supplications of three mil
lions of American people. The die with England was cast.
Obduracy ruled.
Every measure for reconciliation, except on terms of
slavery, was thrust aside. A joint address to the King on
American affairs, assured his Majesty of the determination of
Parliament never to relinquish its sovereign authority over
the Colonies — urged him to take the most effectual measures
for enforcing it — promised him ample support, at the hazard
of life and property — pronounced Massachusetts in a state of
rebellion — declared tbe Americans generally, incapable of
military discipline or exertion — and engaged, with but a
trifling armament, to bring them back at once to their allegi
ance and their duty.
Accordingly, King and Parliament went on increasing
their forces by sea and land — and prohibited — first refractory
New England — and then all the Colonies — from the use of
the ocean fisheries, and bound their trade, within narrowest
limits, down to themselves — expecting in this way to starve
them into obedience and submission. And one of his Maj
esty's principal Secretaries of State fulminated a Circular to
the Governors of all the Colonies, commanding them each, in
the' King's name, to stop the choice of Deputies to a second
American Congress, and "exhort all persons to desist from
such unwarrantable proceedings."
How now did Trumbull receive this notification? This
question brings us directly on his track.
He received it, as might be expected — civilly — for the Earl
of Dartmouth, Secretary for America, and himself, upon all
matters save those which involved tbe fundamental interests
of the Colonies, were 'friends. Like Joseph Eeed, President
of Pennsylvania — and with similar good judgment, good
temper, and fidelity of statement — Trumbull, in a confiden
tial intercourse that was long continued, wrote the Secretary
frequently, pleading for his country, and warning against the
consequences of the ministerial policy. He disclosed to him

170 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL.

IMS.

the actual condition and spirit of the Colonies. He coun
selled the removal of commercial restrictions. He guarded
against false intelligence and hasty conclusions — and urged
the justice and expediency of conciliatory measures.* And
on the point to which particular reference has now been
made — the right of tbe Colonies to choose Delegates who
should assemble and deliberate on public grievances, and
concert measures for their relief — Trumbull never entertained
a doubt. It was proper, in his opinion — it was just — it was
necessary. And so, " highly displease the King " — as Dart
mouth wrote him such an assemblage would — or not — Trum
bull promoted it — sanctioned the choice of Delegates from
Connecticut — and when the second National Congress met,
gave to its proceedings, as to those of the first, all the weight
of his good name and influence.
It became his duty soon— when the General Assembly of
his own Colony met in March — to address the Earl of Dart
mouth in behalf of Connecticut — to lay before him its con
dition, and that also of Massachusetts, and to ask his serious
attention to the distresses of all the Colonies. How he
accomplished this task, the Eeader shall see for himself.
"Newhaven, March, 1775. My Lord: I duly received your Lordship's
letter of the 10th of December last, enclosing his Most Gracious Majesty's
Speech to his Parliament, and the Addresses in answer thereto, which I
have taken the earliest opportunity to lay before the General Assembly
of the Colony ; and am now to return you their thanks for this commu
nication. " It is, my Lord, with the deepest concern and anxiety, that we con
template the unhappy dissensions which have taken place between the
Colonies and Great Britain, which must be attended with the most fatal
consequences to both, unless speedily terminated. "We consider the
interests of the two countries as inseparable, and are shocked at the idea
of any disunion between them. We wish for nothing so much. as a
speedy and happy settlement upon constitutional grounds, and cannot
apprehend why it might not be effected, if proper steps were taken. B
is certainly an object of that importance as to merit the attention of every
* Reed, through his father in law De Berdt of London, carried on his own confi
dential correspondence with Dartmouth. "This country will be deluged with
blood, before it will submit to taxation by any other power than its own legisla
ture " — was the last solemn warning with which, two months only before the
Battle of Lexington, he closed his correspondence with the noble Earl.

1175. CHAP. XIV.— TRUMBULL. 171
wise and good man, and the accomplishment of it would add lustre to the
first character on earth.
" The origin and progress of these unhappy disputes, we need not
point out to you ; they are perfectly known to your Lordship. From
apprehensions on one side, and jealousies, fears, and distresses on the
other, fomented and increased by the representations of artful and design
ing men, unfriendly to the liberties of America, they have risen to the
alarming height at which we now see them, threatening the most essen
tial prejudice, if not entire ruin, to the whole Empire. On the one hand,
we do assure your Lordship that we do not wish to weaken or impair the
authority of the British Parliament in any matter essential to the welfare
and happiness of the whole Empire. On the other, it will be admitted
that it is our duty, and that we should be even highly culpable, if we
should not claim and maintain the constitutional rights and liberties de
nied to us as men and Englishmen ; as the descendants of Britons, and
members of an Empire whose fundamental principle is the liberty and
security of the subject. British supremacy and American liberty are not
incompatible with each other. They have been seen to exist and to
flourish together for more than a century. Or, if anything further be
necessary to ascertain the one or limit the other, why may it not be amh
cably adjusted, every occasion and ground for future controversy be re
moved, and all that has unfortunately passed, be buried in perpetual
oblivion. " The good people of this Colony, my Lord, are unfeignedly loyal, and
firmly attached to his Majesty's person, family, and Government. They
are willing and ready, freely as they have formerly most cheerfully done
upon every requisition made to them, to contribute to the support of his
Majesty's Government, and to devote their lives and fortunes to his ser
vice ; and, in the last war, did actually expend in his Majesty's service
more than Four Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling beyond what they
received any compensation for. But the unlimited powers lately claimed
by the British Parliament drove them to the borders of despair. These
powers, carried into execution, will deprive them of all property, and are
incompatible with every idea of civil liberty. They must hold all that
they possess at the will of others, and will have no property which they
can, voluntarily and as freemen, lay at the foot of the Throne as a mark
of their affection and of their devotion to his Majesty's service.
" Why, my Lord, should his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain alone
enjoy the high honor and satisfaction of presenting their free gifts to
their Sovereign ? Or, if this be a distinction in which they will permit
none to participate with them, yet, in point of honor, it should be found
ed on the gift of their own property, and not of that of their fellow sub
jects in the more distant parts of the Empire.
"It is with particular concern and anxiety that we see the unhappy
situation of our fellow subjects in the Town of Boston, in the Province

172 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. m5.
of the Massachusetts Bay, where we behold many thousands of his Maj
esty's virtuous and loyal subjects reduced to the utmost distress by the
operation of the Port Act, and the whole Province thrown into a state of
anarchy and confusion, by the Act for changing the Constitution of the
Province, and depriving them of some of their Charter-Rights. We are
at a loss to conceive how the destruction of the East India Company's
Tea could be a just or reasonable ground for punishing so severely thou
sands of innocent people who had no hand in that transaction, and that
even without giving them an opportunity to be heard in their own
defence. " Give us leave to recommend to your Lordship's most serious and
candid attention the unhappy case of that distressed people, and in effect
of all the Colonies, whose fate' seems to be involved in theirs, and who
are therefore most anxiously distressed for them. Permit us to hope,
that, by your Lordship's kind and benevolent interposition, some
wise and happy plan will be devised which may relieve us from our pres
ent anxieties, and restore that harmony between Great Britain and the
Colonies, which we all most ardently., wish for, and which alone can ren
der us truly happy.
" I am, my Lord, in behalf of the Governor and Company of Con
necticut, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble
servant." In a letter dated March twenty-fourth, 1775, to Thomas
Life, Esquire — an influential agent for Connecticut in Eng
land — Trumbull again earnestly, and with comment that is
sharper, repeats the sentiments expressed in his admirable
letter to the Earl of Dartmouth now given. For the sake
of harmony, that the Colonies might put forth their united
strength against oppression — he instructs Life to stay all pro
ceedings in the Susquehannah Controversy — although Con
necticut had therein the deepest interest. He pleads to have
his country placed on the basis that preceded the Peace of
Paris. He recapitulates her present wrongs — hopes for their
" happy termination " — and wishes to be kept accurately in
formed of all proceedings abroad that materially affected the
interests of Connecticut.
" If the port of Boston," he concludes, " may be blocked up, many
thousands of his Majesty's virtuous and loyal subjects reduced to the ut
most distress, the many that are innocent punished with the few who
may be deemed guilty of a trespass, the Constitution of the whole Prov
ince be changed, some of their charter rights be taken from them without

1776. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 173
any opportunity to be heard in their own defence — if Boston may be
made a garrison in the heart of our country, and the Province of Que
bec be put into a situation, under the influence of their Roman Catholic
principles and prejudices, to become a check on all the Colonies — no one
can wonder their fears, distresses, and jealousies should be excited there
by. They look upon their own fate as involved in the unhappy case of
their distressed fellow subjects in Boston, their safety to be in the bless
ing of heaven, the favor of the king, and in their own union in religion
and virtue; and hope in the pursuit and practice thereof to obtain re
lief from their distresses, redress of their grievances, and to live quiet
and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty. I heartily join with
you in wishing that all matters may be happily terminated and settled to
the satisfaction of all parties.
" During the continuance of this hazardous contest, which God grant
may not be long, you are desired to give your attention to everything
that passes relative thereto, and give me early intelligence of what you
think material for our government."
In such manner, through correspondence in tbe most influ
ential quarters — was Trumbull busy in attempting to prevent
an armed collision between Great Britain and her Colonies,
when Lexington, April Nineteenth — from Maine to Georgia —
from the Atlantic to the great Eiver of the West — rung her
terrible alarm.
He was at Norwich when the news of that first deadly fire
upon the Green of this Massachusetts village, arrived. The
General Assembly of Connecticut had but a few days before
adjourned. Trumbull at once, therefore, applied to his Coun
cil — to decide whether it should not be immediately reassem
bled, to take measures suited to the emergency. It was de
termined, however — upon consideration that the news was
as yet imperfect — not to convene the Assembly at once, but
to wait for farther and reliable intelligence. To secure this,
Trumbull promptly directed some of the Connecticut Com
mittee of Correspondence to address its brother Committee
at Boston. An answer was returned confirming all the ac
counts previously received — and at the same time there came
also to Trumbull a letter from General Gage himself — dated
the very day of the bloodshed — April Nineteenth — and ac
companied with a circumstantial account of the transactions
upon this occasion — all of which the Governor subsequently
communicated to the Congress at Philadelphia.
15*

174 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL.

17.75.

Thousands and thousands of men — as in the alarm of the
preceding September — upon the first reception of the news,
had started from every part of Connecticut for the scene of
action. Many and many a furrow, besides that of General
Putnam's at Pomfret, was suddenly, by brave militia men,
forsaken for the battle field. And now careful provision was
to be made for these volunteers. They were to be organized
anew for farther and special service. They were to be offi
cered. They were to be equipped. They were to be furn
ished with ammunition and stores. Blood had run in Mas
sachusetts. Connecticut itself was therefore now in imminent
peril. All the Colonies were in peril. The crisis had come.
It was to be met.
And met it was by Trumbull — manfully — as we shall see.
He communicated his intelligence, all of it, to the General
Assembly, soon as in April it again convened — and incited
its action. One quarter of the militia of the Colony, conse
quently — to be distributed into companies of one hundred
men each, and formed into six regiments — was to be pre
pared for immediate service. The Governor was to sign and
deliver orders to the respective officers to push forward the
enlistments. He was to direct the four regiments command
ed by Spencer, Putnam, Hinman, and Parsons, or such part
of them as he should judge necessary, " forthwith to be in
readiness to march to Boston, or to some place contiguous."
But farther — and particularly — he was to address General
Gage, upon his late fearful proceedings, a letter — in behalf
of the Colony — of grief, remonstrance, and reproof. How
he accomplished this last duty, the letter itself will show.
It is dated Hartford, April twenty-eighth, 1775, and proceeds
as follows : —
" Sir. The alarming situation of public affairs in this country, and
the late unfortunate transactions in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
have induced the General Assembly of this Colony, now sitting in this
place, to appoint a committee of their body to wait upon your Excel
lency, and to desire me, in their name, to write to you relative to those
very interesting matters.
" Tho inhabitants of this Colony are intimately connected with the
people of your province, and esteem themselves bound, by the strongest

1775. CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL. 175
ties of friendship as well as of common interest, to regard with interest
whatever concerns them. You will not therefore be surprised that your
first arrival at Boston with a body of his Majesty's troops, for the de
clared purpose of carrying into execution certain acts of Parliament,
"which in their apprehension were unconstitutional and oppressive,
"should have given the good people of this Colony a very just and general
alarm. Your subsequent proceedings, in fortifying the town of Boston,
and other military preparations, greatly increased these apprehensions
for the safety of their friends and brethren ; they could not be uncon
cerned spectators of their sufferings, in that which is esteemed the com
mon cause of this country : but the late hostile and secret inroads of
some of the troops under your command, into the heart of the country,
and the violences they have committed, have driven them almost into a
state of desperation. They feel now, not only for their friends, but for
themselves, and for their dearest interests and connexions. We wish not
to exaggerate, we are not sure of every part of our information, but by
the best intelligence that we have yet been able to obtain, the late trans
action was a most unprovoked attack upon the lives and property of his
Majesty's subjects, and it is represented to us that such outrages have
been committed as would disgrace even barbarians, and much more
Britons, so highly famed for humanity as well as bravery.
" It is feared, therefore, that we are devoted to destruction, and that
you have it in command and intention to ravage and desolate the coun
try. If this is not the case, permit us to ask, why have these outrages
been committed ? Why is the town of Boston now shut up ? To what
end are all the hostile preparations that are daily making ? And why do
we continually hear of fresh destinations of troops for this country ?
The people of this Colony, you may rely upon it, abhor the idea of tak
ing arms against the troops of their sovereign, and dread nothing so
much as the horrors of civil war. But, at the same time, we beg leave
to assure your Excellency, that as they apprehend themselves justified
by the principles of self-defence, so they are most firmly resolved to de
fend their rights and privileges to the last extremity ; nor will they be
restrained from giving aid to their brethren, if any unjustifiable attack
is made upon them. Be so good, therefore, as to explain yourself upon
this most important subject, as far as is consistent with your duty to our
common sovereign. Is there no way to prevent this unhappy dispute
from coming to extremities? Is there no alternative but absolute sub
mission, or the desolations of war? By that humanity which constitutes
so amiable a part of your character, for the honor of our sovereign, and
by the glory of the British Empire, we entreat you to prevent it, if it be
possible. Surely it is to be hoped that the temperate wisdom of the Em
pire might even yet find expedients to restore peace, that so all parts of
the empire may enjoy their particular rights, honors, and immunities.
Certainly this is an event most devoutly to be wished for. And will it

176 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL.

1775.

not be consistent with your duty to suspend the / operations of war on
your part, and enable us on ours to quiet the Jninds of the people, at
least till the result of some further deliberation^ may be known? The
importance of the occasion will, we doubt not, sufficiently apologize for
the earnestness with which we address you^and any seeming impropri
ety which may attend it, as well as induce/you to give us the most ex
plicit, and favorable answer in your power.
" I am, with great esteem and respect,
" in behalf of the General Assembly,
" Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
"Jonathan Trumbull"
Dr. Johnson and Oliver "Wolcott were the committee ap
pointed on the part of tbe General Assembly to bear this
Letter to Massachusetts — and thither they repaired. So far
as Gage is concerned, his reply was what might have been
expected. He justified his own conduct — repelled the charge
of any outrages committed by his troops on the Nineteenth
pf April — and commended them as having acted "with great
tenderness, both to the young and old." He had found no
instance of their cruelty and barbarity, he said, and for him
self disavowed any intention of ravaging and desolating the
country. But strangely — so far as the Massachusetts Provincial Con
gress and Committee of Safety are concerned — upon being
made acquainted with this correspondence, they became
alarmed. They looked upon it in the light of a mediation —
uncalled for, and inopportune. In their view it "squinted"
too much towards reconciliation with the Mother-Country.
And so the Congress of Massachusetts formally remonstrated
against any separate negotiations, and voted Gage, renewedly,
a public enemy — an instrument in the hands of tyrants, they
said, whom there was no further obligation to obey — and,
addressing the Deputation from Connecticut, drew a picture
of consequences — fatal, as they apprehended — that might
follow — "upon any one Colony's undertaking to negotiate
separately either with Parliament, Ministry, or their agent
here." A grave delusion all this ! One would think that Trum
bull's letter itself — so full of pointed remonstrance against
the proceedings of Gage — so expressive of the sympathy of

.1775. CHAP. XIV.— TRUMBULL. 177
Connecticut for her suffering brethren of the old Bay Colony,
and of her determination to support them in their career of
opposition — and withal, on the point of reconciliation, saying
nothing more than what, at this period, was the hope, and,
everywhere, the publicly expressed desire of united Amer
ica — one would think that such a communication might have
saved itself from the possibility of misconstruction! So it
did, after a very short time, and after a few re-assurances
from Connecticut.
"No ill-consequences, it is hoped" — wrote Trumbull immediately to
Dr. Joseph Warren, will attend the embassy to Gage. " Connecticut
will be cautious of trusting promises which it may be in the power of any
to evade. Our General Assembly will pursue with firmness, delibera
tion, and unanimity, the measures which may appear best for our com
mon defence and safety."
" We hope good consequences will attend the embassy," wrote also the
House of Assembly to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety. " It is
yet possible things may not of necessity proceed to further extremity —
and although there is a great probability that they will, yet we conceive
that you, and we, might get more advantage by gaining time, and col
lecting all our forces, and those of other colonies, on a regular plan and
establishment."* Such representations as these soon dissipated any unfavor
able impressions in Massachusetts. The correspondence on
the subject was all communicated by Governor Trumbull to
the National Congress — was read before that Body — and
elicited from it not a word of disapprobation. Trumbull's
Letter is in fact a memorial of noble interposition. Massa
chusetts, from her peculiar situation — unlike other Colonies,
"galled from without and vexed within" — had some reason,
perhaps, for her peculiar sensitiveness. At other stages of
the Eevolutionary Struggle, there were those — as the patriot
*"The idea," wrote also Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, at this time, to his
brother Joseph, who was then at Cambridge—" the idea" in this procedure " held
out with us, and what governed almost every one, was that we should make some
categorical demand upon Gage as to his intentions and designs, and at the same
time be arming ourselves to treat sword in hand. You may depend upon this,
that no preparation has been in the least relaxed. There is a noble firmness with
us, and no thought of deserting the cause, aud we shall from this event be
strengthened to encounter any evasive or delusive propositions from Gage by our
ambassadors."

178 CHAP. XIV. — TRUMBULL.

177B.

John Dickinson, for example, who remonstrated with
Quincy on the point — to whom this Province seemed at
times to "break the line" of colonial opposition, by
"advancing too hastily." — "Though not to be justified,
may not her fault be considered venial," wrote Quincy in
reply.

C HAPTER XV.
1775.
Tetjm3tjll's activity, at Lebanon, in furnishing troops and supplies for
the army at Boston, immediately after the Battle of Lexington His
War Office, and Dwelling-House, and their associations. On request
from the New York Revolutionary Committee, he strives to intercept
despatches from England for Gen Gage. He receives from Massachu
setts an urgent demand for more troops — "with which he complies.
His connections with the expedition to Ticonderoga and Crown Point,
and with military affairs generally at the North, at this period.
After the manner now described, as regards official cor
respondence with important parties, did the opening scenes
of the American Eevolution engage at once the services of
Governor Trumbull. We proceed to view these services now
under other aspects.
A remarkable feature of his zeal at this juncture is shown
in the fact, that, when the Lexington news first arrived, his
own store at Lebanon became the point from which all the
soldiers in his own vicinity who marched for the relief
of Boston, were supplied — and Trumbull was personally
present, and a laborer in all tbe work of preparation* There
he was, himself, bis sons, and his son-in-law "Williams — in
tbe midst of a crowd of neighbors and friends — aiding with
his own hands to collect the needed stores, of all kinds — in
the midst of barrels and boxes, horses, oxen, and carts, him
self weighing, measuring, packing, and starting off teams —
dealing out powder and balls — and everywhere instilling, by
his own example as well as by words, a generous activity
among all who were present. Pleasing fact! The Chief
Magistrate of Connecticut, it is plain, could work as well as
write and talk — could condescend for his country — could
yield dignity to humble, but patriotic manual toil.
And here is a view of the store in which he worked upon
* A Lebanon Town account of services and supplies upon this occasion — made
out subsequently, as in all the towns of Connecticut, for settlement at the Colo
nial Treasury— awards Trumbull, for his own personal labor at this time, the sum
of two pounds and sixteen shillings.

180

CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL.

1775.

this occasion — and of his dwelling-housfe also, just adjacent
on the right — the former memorable not alone as his mercan
tile depot, but as containing the office also in which he trans,- •
acted the great bulk of his public business during the Bevov;
lution— familiarly known as his "War Office." They are.;
each worth contemplating for a moment, ere we proceed with
the great facts of his biography, associated as they are so
closely with himself, and with his public labors.

The Dwelling House and War Office of Gov. Trumbull.
Within that house— which is still standing, a little removed'-'
from its ancient site — he not only lived himself, but enter
tained many of the most conspicuous characters of the Eevo
lution — among others, General Washington, General Knox,
General Sullivan, General Putnam, Doctor Franklin, Samuel •
Adams, John Adams,, John Jay, Jefferson, Count Eocham-
beau, Admiral Tiernay, La Fayette, the Duke de Lauzun,
and Marquis de Chastellux— all of whom are believed to'1
have lodged within its walls. Within the same walls also,
his son, the eminent painter — Colonel John Trumbull— was
born, and, we believe, the rest of his distinguished children.'

1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 181
Around that house also patrolled — night after night — guards
that were set, in times of startling danger, expressly to pro
tect his person from seizure, and his house from plunder— a
precaution, which, as we shall have occasion hereafter to see,
was not without its utility.
Within that "War Office" also, with its old-fashioned
"hipped" roof, and central chimney stack, he met his Coun
cil of Safety during almost the entire period of the War.
Here he received Commissaries and sub-Commissaries, many
in number, to devise and talk over the means of supply for
our armies. From hence started, from time to time during
the War, besides those teams to which we have just alluded,
numerous other, long trains of wagons, loaded with provisions
for our forces at the East, the West, the North, and the
South — and around this spot-r-from the fields and farm yards
of agricultural Lebanon and its vicinity — was begun the col
lection of many a herd of fat cattle, that were driven even
to the far North around Lake George and Lake Champlain,
and to the distant banks of the Delaware and the Schuyl
kill, as well as to neighboring Massachusetts, and. the banks
of the Hudson.
Here was the point of arrival and departure for number
less messengers and expresses that shot, in every direction, to
and from the scenes of Eevolutionary strife. Narragansett
ponies, of extraordinary fleetness, and astonishing endur
ance — worthy such governmental post-riders as the tireless
Jesse Brown, tbe "alert Samuel Hunt" and the "flying Fes-
senden"* as the latter was called— stood hitched, we have
heard, at the posts and palings around, or by the Governor's
house, or at the dwelling of his son-in-law Williams — ready,
on any emergency of danger, to fly with advices, in any de
sired direction, on the wings of the wind. The marks of the
spurs of the horsemen thus employed, were, but a few years
back, visible, within the building — all along upon the sides
of the counters upon which they sat, waiting to receive the
Governor's orders, f
* Among other faithful post-riders were Jonathan Strong, Samuel Johnson,
Joshua Hempstead, Charles Kellogg, and Theodore Skinner." Jesse Brown es
tablished the second line of stages in Connecticut.
t A section of tho counter thus marked, from the Old War Office, is in the pos-
16

182 CHAP. XV.— TRUMBULL. ms.
Within this building too came many and many an officer
of the land troops of Connecticut, to consult with the Gov
ernor about the organization, the support, the distribution,
and the destination of forces — and around it mustered many
and many a little band of soldiers, waiting to be scanned by
the eye of the Captain General of the State, and receive his
encouragement and advice ere they marched for the battle
field. Five hundred men from the town of Lebanon alone-^-
in remarkable demonstration of its patriotic character — were
in the Army of the Eevolution at one and the same time*—
and around this spot it was chiefly, that they gathered for
their march.
Thither repaired too, from time to time, many a naval offi
cer of the State — the gallant Harding, the adventurous
Smedley, the brave Niles, Coit, Stanton, Tinker, McLane,
and numerous others who bore the flag of Connecticut upon
the deep — here to receive their commissions, and sailing or
ders — or here to report the movements on the water of the
enemy they had watched, or the prizes it had been their good
fortune to take.
Hither came also — in order to secure the Governor's over
sight and direction — many an engineer, with his plan for a
work of defence — many a naval architect, with his model for
a barge, a galley, or a ship of war — at times a mechanician,
session of the Connecticut Historical Society. It is also marked by measures for
a yard. * Among these, particularly distinguished, were Col. James Clark, who com
manded u company on Bunker Hill, and who was present at the laying of the
corner stone of the Monument, just fifty years, subsequent to the battle, and
Capt. Andrew Fitch, who also served as a lieutenant at Bunker Hill, and con
tinued in service to the close of the war. The former was buried with mihtary
honors, and the following striking inscription is upon his tomb : —
" To the memory of
Col. James Clark
who died on the 29th of Deo. 1826
aged 96 years and 5 mos.
He was a Soldier of the Revolution, and dared
to lend where any dared to follow. The
Battles of Bunker's Hill, Harlem Heights
and White Plains, witnessed his personal .
bravery, & his devotion to the cause of hia
Country.
He here in death rests from his labors,
For "there [is] no discharge in that war."

1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 183
with his screw for lifting vessels from the water — at times an
inventor, with his torpedo, or other ingenious device for
blowing up hostile vessels — and agents and contractors with
out number — with specimens of their lead, their sulphur,
their saltpetre, their guns, their gunlocks, or other articles
upon which the State had given a bounty — to submit them
to the Governor's personal inspection, and procure, if possi
ble, his approbation, and claim the promised reward.
Upon the sill of this old War Office too has pressed the
foot of many a soldier from the Duke de Lauzun's famous
Legion of Hussars, as a portion of it, for a whole winter, lay
quartered in Lebanon, ere it took up its march to join Wash
ington on the banks of the Hudson. Indeed the old build
ing is crowded with associations of the deepest interest, and
may well for a moment arrest the eye of the Eeader, ere he
moves with us on in the path of proceedings which here,
chiefly, took their rise. It had not, in the times of which we
speak, the portico now seen in the plate — this is a modern ad
dition. But within, it was divided, as seen but a few years
ago, into two apartments — one of which, that on the north,
was strictly the office-room of the Governor, where he ma
tured his counsels — and the other of which, that on the
south, was his store room, and the apartment also in which
his messengers and expresses were usually received.
From the views now given, we turn to resume the main
thread of Trumbull's life.
We left him busy at his store providing supplies for the
army just after the Battle of Lexington. While thus en
gaged, he received notice from the Eevolutionary Committee
of New York that despatches for General Gage had just ar
rived in a packet from England, and was urged to take im
mediate measures for their interception. All the roads lead
ing to Boston, they said, ought to be guarded. An express
should be sent with the intelligence on as far as Providence
and Newport. Every caution ought to be taken in the mat
ter, they wrote, which "prudence can dictate, or your own
zeal prompt you to think of — for it may save the lives of
thousands, by enabling the friends of this bleeding land to
defeat the designs of its implacable and merciless enemies."

184 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. hj6.
Trumbull at once carried the request of the New York Com
mittee into effect, though he was not fortunate enough, as it
resulted, to secure the despatches to which so much import
ance was attached.
A few days subsequent to this affair, he received by ex
press another important despatch — but this" time from Mas
sachusetts — from the Committee of Safety at Cambridge —
entreating him to send them on immediately three or four
thousand men, to enable them to fortify a pass of the utmost
importance to the common interest — which, they said, Gen.
eral Gage, unless "prevented" then, would secure for himself)
soon as his reenforcements should arrive. To this request
also Trumbull gave prompt attention,* and troops were soon
ordered to the East.
But the measure that about this time especially absorbed
his zeal, was that first aggressive act of the American Eevo
lution — the Expedition against Ticonderoga and Croum Point.
With this project, which resulted, May Tenth, in the capture
of the fortresses — those keys of Canada — at both these plac
es, and in the command consequently of Lake George and
Lake Champlain— he was intimately connected. Of this
connection we shall speak here — and for the sake of conti
nuity, shall describe generally his relations with military af
fairs at the North during the whole of the year now under
consideration — returning afterwards to his labors and respons
ibilities, during the same year, in other spheres of the War.
Deane, Wooster, Parsons, Wyllys, Boot, and a few others,
who first projected the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown
Point, and borrowed funds from the Treasury of Connecticut
for the purpose, consulted, in the first instance, closely with
Governor Trumbull, and received his secret cooperation— se
cret, because there was danger of discovery, and so of dis-
* " We have the fullest confidence," wrote the Massachusetts Congress at this
time, June 25th, " that your Honor's zeal and ardour for the salvation of onr
country, and the preservation of our inestimable rights, will render every impON
tunity unnecessary to induce you to take all the necessary steps to effect the pro
posed augmentation, for which we are most solicitous."
" This morning," answered Trumbull, June 27th — " received your pressing in
stance for an immediate augmentation of Troops from our Colony. In conse
quence expresses are gone forth to call our Assembly to meet at Hartford on Sat
urday next."

1775. CHAP. XV- — TRUMBULL. 185
appointment, if there had been any promulgation of the
plan, or any delay in waiting for the sanction of Congress.
He cheerfully assented to the loan for the enterprise from the
State Treasury, on the individual credit of its projectors — and
as cheerfully, subsequently, approved the Act of the Gen
eral Assembly which cancelled their pecuniary obligations.
Carried so successfully as it was into effect, it inspired new
and strong confidence, quite universally, in the power of
American Arms — and to Trumbull — even though his taste,
perhaps, might have been somewhat offended by Ethan Al
len's rather wild demand of surrender "in the name of the
Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress" — it proved a
source of high and peculiar gratification.
"As this advantage," he says — writing the Massachusetts Congress,
fifteen days after the event, and communicating the intermediate action
Of Connecticut thereupon — " was gained by the united enterprise and
counsels of a number of private gentlemen in your Province, New Hamp
shire, New York, and this Colony, prompted only by a zeal for their
country, without public authority, (to our knowledge,) and is of great and
general importance to the United Colonies, it was thought best to take
the advice of the Continental Congress upon the manner of treating it in
future, both by the General Assembly of this Colony, and the Committee
of New York, as well as by you. Despatches were accordingly sent to
Philadelphia, and the intention of the Continental Congress thereupon
hath been this day received by express, with a letter from the Commit-
the of New York, copies of which enclosed are herewith sent you. By
them you will see that the present custody of that fortress is committed
to the Province of New York, with the assistance of the New England
Colonies, if needed.
" The necessity of secrecy, and maintaining the posts on the lakes,
becomes daily more evident from the iterated intelligence we receive of
the plan framed by our enemies to distress us by inroads of Canadians
and savages, from the Province of Quebec, upon the adjacent settlements.
The enclosed copy of a letter from our Delegates attending at New York
to concert measures with the Provincial Congress in that City, throws
an additional light on this subject, and is thought worthy to be communi
cated to you ; and whilst the designs of our enemies against us fill us
with concern, we cannot omit to observe the smiles of Providence upon
us in revealing their wicked plans,' and hitherto prospering the attempts
of the Colonies to prostrate them. With a humble reliance on the con
tinuance of divine favor and protection in a cause of the justice of which
a doubt cannot be entertained, the General Assembly of this Colony are
16«>

186 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL; 1^5;
ready to cooperate with the other Colonies in evety exertion for their
common defence, and to contribute their proportion of men and other
necessaries for maintaining the posts on the frontiers, or defending
or repelling invasions in any other quarter, agreable to the advice of the
Continental Congress."
New York — to which State, as Trumbull in this letter
states, the custody of Ticonderoga and Crown Point — prop
erly as falling within their territory — was committed — at
once ordered the cannon and stores to be removed from
thence to the south end of Lake George— -but not being able
herself, at that time, to protect the new acquisitions, her Pro
vincial Congress wrote to Trumbull, expressing special grat
ification in the fact that he would undertake their protec
tion — as an immediate attack upon them, for their recapture,
was threatened from Quebec* Our National Congress, then
in session at Philadelphia, made a similar request. By a spe
cial resolution — transmitted to Trumbull by President Han
cock — this Body asked him immediately to send a strong
reenforcement to the captured fortresses, and to appoint a per
son in whom he could confide to command the forces. Yet
before this direction was received — such was Trumbull's anx
iety for the security of these posts — such his apprehension
of threatened attack upon them, and of an incursion" upon
the Colonies from Canada — that he had ordered Colonel Hin-
man, with four hundred men — soon by order of the General
Assembly augmented to a force of one thousand — to march
thither for their defence. He had borrowed five hundred
pounds of powder from the town stocks- of Connecticut for
this officer's use — had applied money from the Treasury of
the Colony to pay for its transportation, and for the immedi
ate support also of the fortresses at the North— and had sent
Samuel Mott, a skilful engineer, to put these fortresses in re-
* " I have certain intelligence," wrote Arnold at this time — " that on the 19th
there were four hundred regulars at St. Johns, making all possible preparation to
cross the lake, and expecting to be joined by a body of Indians, with a design of
retaking Crown Point and Ticonderoga."
" We shall bo happy to hear that you have placed a part of your forces' in these
posts, with intent to defend them, until they shall be relieved by troops from this
Colony"— wrote the Provincial Congress of New York to Trumbull, May 25th,
1776.

\115. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 187
pair. Of all this he gave due information to Congress, to
Massachusetts and New York, and specially urged the latter
prbvince forthwith to forward provisions, and send on tents
for the troops — as had been directed by Congress.*
" We beg leave to present our unfeigned thanks," wrote to Trumbull
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, recognizing these his serv
ices — " for your most friendly and seasonable reenforcement, from the
burden of which we shall, without loss of time, endeavor, in pursuance
of further directions from the Continental Congress, to relieve our breth
ren of Connecticut ; and should your stock of ammunition permit the
increase of that supply which you have generously destined for that
service, we shall exert ourselves in replacing it as soon as we shall have
it in our power."
" We are far," renewedly wrote the New-York Congress to Trumbull,
speaking again of the arrangements made by him for defending the for
tresses territorially their own — " we are far from considering them as an
invasion of this colony, or an intermeddling with the service entrusted
to it, as you may collect from our former letter on this subject; but
rather esteem them as a most friendly interposition for the safety of our
frontiers, and as the wise improvement of your early intelligence, and
your state of readiness to provide against immediate danger."
So passed the month of May with tbe Governor, in con
nection with affairs at the North.
Early in June, he was earnestly solicited by New- York to
send powder on to this quarter, the supply of that State
being so insufficient that they could not contribute the
least — as her Provincial Congress wrote Trumbull at the
time. "Be assured, Sir," they add, "that we are most grate-
* " It is matter of doubt with us," he says in his letter to Massachusetts at this
time, speaking of the force under Ilinman — " whether the above mentioned de
tachment of troops, ordered by this Colony, will be sufficient for the import
ant purpose for which they are destined; but we recollect that Col. Arnold is
now on the spot, with a commission (as we understand) to raise a regiment in the
pay of your Province. We are not informed how far he has proceeded in that
design. If he meets with success, we flatter ourselves that his Regiment, joined
with the troops we have sent, will be able to maintain their ground, and keep
possession of those important posts.
"We take the liberty to recommend to your consideration the furnishing such
additional supply of powder, from you, as you shall think necessary to be sent
forward for the supply of those northern posts. I am very sorry to have it to
say, that we are credibly informed there are not 5001bs. of powder in the City of
New York ; but at the same time are advised that means are taking to supply
them with that very important article."

188 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL.

1775.

fully sensible of the cheerfulness with which the Government
of Connecticut has exerted itself to support the important
posts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, until our abilities
may enable us to execute that trust which the Continental
Congress, on the subject, has thought proper to repose in us."
Later in June, Schuyler — then in command at the North-
appealed to him for money and ammunition. Colonel Mott
wrote him from Fort George, asking him to commission Cap
tain Niles, of Norwich, a bold and able sea captain, to fake
command of one of the vessels on the lake. With all these
requests Trumbull promptly complied — and in a letter to
Arnold, June nineteenth, urged the invasion of Canada — not
as an undertaking by New-England specially— - for the Brit
ish army at Boston, and the prospect of the arrival of another
at New-York, he thought, forbade this course — but as an un
dertaking which the Continental Congress ought to move —
and he communicated his thoughts, and the despatches which
he was constantly receiving from the North, to Massachusetts,
for counsel and co-operation.
And to Massachusetts also, particularly, he communicated
an interview held this month with a Deputation from the
Oneida Indians — an interview which afterwards was re
newed — and which, through the happy management of the
Governor — especially by his securing the influence in the
matter of President Wheelock of Dartmouth College, and
of the Indian School there — was rendered fruitful of good
results to the American Cause, by withdrawing the tribe
from the malign influence of Sir Guy Johnson, and other
noted adherents of Great Britain.*
* The correspondence between Trumbull and Dr. Wheelock, at this time, was
very active. Wheelock had kept his first Indian School at Lebanon, Ct., and
was on intimate terms with the Governor. " Several of the Indian children," he
wrote him early in the spring of this year, from Dartmouth — " from some of the
most respectable tribes, are now at tho Seminary, and may be considered host
ages ; Mr. Dean [who had been sent among the Indians at the West by Dr.
Wheelock, to preserve peace in the frontior settlements, and influence them to
join the Colonies] will probably bring more ; this connection is our surest bul
wark against invasion." — " The abilities and influence of Mr. Dean," replied
Trumbull, " to attach tho Six Nations to the interests of these Colonies, is an
instance of Divino favor. If the Indian soholars are called from you in a manner
that shows a design of hostilities, please to give the earliest intelligence of it. \ ou
may depend on my care to do nothing that may tend to injure you or your cause.

1775. CHAP. XV.— TRUMBULL. 189
June twenty-seventh, he received a Speech "and belt from
the chiefs and warriors of these Oneida Indians, and by order
of the General Assembly, made them " a kind and friendly
answer."* He also procured for their Deputation a belt of
wampum — and. besides, much to the gratification of the In
dians, sent them on in a wagon, at the expense of the State,
to view the Camp near Boston. Of all these proceedings he
gave full information to the Authorities of New-England,
and sent them the Speech of the Indians. "May the Su
preme Director of all events," was his pious and patriotic
wish in his letter to Massachusetts upon this occasion — "give
wisdom, stability, and union to all our counsels, inspire our
soldiers with courage, cover their heads in the day of battle
and danger; and convince our enemies of their mistaken
measures, and that all attempts to deprive us of our rights
are injurious and vain !"
In July, the Governor sent Schuyler fifteen thousand
pounds in money, and forty and a half barrels of powder— ¦-
all he could spare — and again appealed to Congress and New-
York in regard to requisitions and supplies. " You may
rely," he told New- York — while urging them to send on
tents to Ticonderoga — that, if the expense of supporting the
Northern Army " is not seasonably defrayed by the Conti
nental Congress, this Colony will not fail of doing so, altho'
it has, without grudging, advanced near one hundred and
fifty thousand pounds."f Despatches at this time reached
"him j frequently from the North, and he' was, almost con
stantly, employed in answering them. Ethan Allen gave
* " The Oneida Indians met our Speech at German Flats, and expressed great
satisfaction in it — promised an Answer in ten or twelve days." — Trumbull to his
son Joseph, Sep. 4th, 1775.
t "'We were a little surprised," he wrote the Delegates in Congress from Con
necticut ot this time — Dyer, Sherman, and Deane — July seventh — "that so large
a requisition of money, especially, was made upon us in favor of Gen. Schuyler,
when it is known how much we have cheerfully exhausted ourselves ; and we
cannot but suspect but that the money might have been raised with equal ease in
a short time, either in Philadelphia or New-York. However, that nothing in our
power might be Omitted to promote the service, the Assembly have agreed to
advance him £15,000 pounds ; knowing the inability of other States with respect
to the other article, [powder,] we should have very gladly complied with the full
requisition, but it was impossible. We have done all that we could, and are onlv
Bony that we could do no more."

190 CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL.

1775.

him particular notice, that, unless an army was marched into
Canada — a plan peculiarly acceptable to the Governor — the
Indians and Canadians, who in general were disposed to he
neuter, or to assist the United Colonies, would be compelled
to join against us.* "Now, Sir, it is time to carry Canada"
wrote to him Major John Brown. " It may be done with
great ease and little cost, and I have no doubt but that the
Canadians would join us. There is great defection among
them." — " Is it not high time," responded Trumbull, address
ing both Schuyler and Congress — "to proceed into, and even
hasten forward to secure the government of Quebec, and
thereby the whole Indian strength and interest in our favor?
Is there anything to expect from the present Administration
that is favorable or kind ? If needful, may not Col. Water-
bury with his regiment be spared to the northward? We
are near the grand scene of action ; are anxious for the safety
of our friends, the security of our rights, and to convince
our enemies that we are in earnest, and that the object in
view is American Liberty. The barrier of Virtue is to be
defended and maintained even at the sacrifice of life." — "Be
assured, Sir," replied Schuyler, " that every recommendation
of yours will claim my particular attention." — " The critical
hour seems to hasten," exclaimed Trumbull to his son, writ
ing him also at this time about affairs at the North — " May
our eyes be on the Lord of Hosts ! The Lord reigns ! "
But the promise of the moment began to turn dark. Prep
arations are making by General Carleton to invade the Colo
nies, wrote Samuel Mott from the North to the Governor of
Connecticut, on the third of August. General Schuyler
* " Your letter of the eighth ultimo," writes Allen, among other things, in
reply to Trumbull—" gave me to understand that my painful services in behalf
of my country were noted by your Honor. My letters having received your
patronage, were received by the Honorable Congress with that additional lustre
they needed. * * Your Honor's inviolable attachment, and unshaken relig
ious perseverance in support of the liberties of America, manifested from the era
of the detestable Stamp Act, have not only entitled, but gained you the love and
esteem of every friend to his country, of whatever rank, or denomination. That
your Honor may long live, and sway your respectable Colony in the way of vir
tue and liberty, and after this transitory life receive the unspeakable reward of
social virtue, is the sincere desire of him who is, with the greatest respect, your
Honor's devoted, most obedient, and humble servant, Ethan Allen."

1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 191
"drives on things fast as he can, considering the hindrance
he has ; but what can be done in the war with but few men,
and less. provision and ammunition — and not a tent to en
camp the men in." — The troops "sicken alarmingly fast,"
wrote Schuyler to Trumbull the same day — "and without
tents, they must suffer incredibly."* Intelligence of the
same sort reached him from Ethan Allen, and Colonel
Hinman. Here then was fresh business for his hands. To the New-
York Congress, therefore, he wrote, pressing them again to
send on tents for Hinman's regiment. To Mr. Benssellaer, a
purveyor of New-York, he at once gave a permit to pur
chase, for the Northern army, four hundred barrels of pork —
in Connecticut — and this although there was then a great
scarcity of the article in this Colony. That arms might be
in good condition, he sent to Schuyler for all the old gun-
barrels, and gun-locks, at Ticonderoga and Crown Point — •
that they might be transported to him, to be repaired for use.
" Our enemies," he at the same time wrote Schuyler — re-as
suring him for the Northern advance — "are the ministerial
troops in Canada, while the Canadians are our friends, and
will join us at a time when they are able, and not forced to
the contrary by our enemies. The Indians will join the
Canadians, and it will save both blood and treasure to make
our approach while our enemies are few and everything
looks promising. There are at least seven hundred and fifty
men who may possibly be spared, who are yet in this Col
ony, to assist in the enterprise. Surely it is not the intention
of the Continental Congress to prevent your going forward."
At the beginning of September be was informed, in confi
dence, by General Washington, that the latter was about to
detach ten or twelve hundred men on an expedition into
Canada by way of the Kennebec Eiver — that the detachment
would march in two days — and that new troops, whom
Trumbull was requested particularly to supply, would be
wanted to take the places of the troops about to leave.
* Fifteen thousand pounds in money are wanted, he added, and " all the am
munition you can spare, for it cannot be had in New-York, even in the smallest
quantity."

192 CHAP. XV.— TRUMBULL.

W5,

With this call Trumbull immediately complied—rand per
haps the more cheerfully, inasmuch as his own feelings, about
this time, were very much gratified by the appointment of
his son Jonathan to the post of Paymaster General for, the
Northern Army. "I take the liberty to recommend him,''
he upon this occasion wrote to General Schuyler — " to your
kind assistance and countenance. I trust he will discharge
his duties so as to meet your approbation, and merit your
recommendation to the Honorable General Congress of the
United Colonies in America, that he may meet a fit reward
for his fatigue, risk, expense, and service."
Hearing about this time that some jealousies had arisen
between the New York and Connecticut troops — and receiv
ing letters which complained of General Schuyler, and even •
of the generalship, to some extent, of Montgomery— Truni:
bull interposed, and with good success, to restore harmony.
He replied, in soothing strains, to the remonstrants. "It is
unhappy," he wrote to Congress, and to Washington — "that
jealousies should be excited, or disputes of any sort be liti
gated between any of the Colonies, to disunite them at a time
when our liberty, our property, and our all is at stake. * *
If our enemies prevail, which can happen only by our dis
union, our jealousies will appear then altogether groundless,
and all our disputed claims of no value to either side."
But the information which now most disquieted the Gov
ernor, was that which related to sickness among the troops at
the North. It was indeed distressing. Their treatment, he
heard from Dr. Young, was " not what it should be," and his
particular instructions on this matter were sought. "Let the
sick be placed where they will find good water," he re
sponded — " let them be supplied with good milk. More
tents will soon reach them from New York. I will send
them on more beeves. I doubt not it will recover many of
them, to find they are going into action ! " Special relief
having been voted by Connecticut, both for the soldiers sick
at Ticonderoga and vicinity, and for those who were on the
road home — to be paid for by this State, if not met from the
purse of the United Colonies— Trumbull looked to its appli
cation. He had every direction enforced. It was but the

1775. CHAP. XV. — TRUMBULL. 193
beginning of humane attention on his part towards suffering
soldiers of the Revolutionary Army — as we shall have occa
sion hereafter fully to observe.
Hearing from Schuyler in November that affairs then
looked promising at the North, he wrote him a characteristic
letter. "It is matter for an abundant rejoicing," he says — "that the Govern
ment is in the hands pf Him who is possessed of all perfection, and doth
all things right ; and while his judgments are abroad in this land, may
his people be instructed and learn righteousness. While the United
Colonies do sincerely lament the unhappy necessity of taking up arms,
they at the same time may rejoice with thanksgiving for the success of
those arms ; which, if they do, is an argument to support our hope of
future. prosperity. I do therefore reecho my hearty congratulations on
your kind favor of the 7th instant — and am in hope of securing and de
fending the province of Quebec in their own and our interest, and there
by to circumvent the mischievous design of rendering that, and the sav
ages under its influence, a scourge and ruin to the present rightful pos
sessors of these Colonies.''
November seventeenth, he received, by special express, the
news that " on Friday, the third instant, the strong fortress
of St. John was surrendered to the American arms." It was
followed soon by a letter from Schuyler, informing him of the
taking of Montreal. Glorious news was this indeed to him
who had so earnestly toiled for the invasion of Canada!
" The events announced," he wrote to Congress then — " are
arguments of praise to the Supreme Director of all events ! "
17

CHAPTER XVI.
1775.
Tbumbull supplies the Camp at Boston with fresh troops and stores.
Some of the powder he sent told at Bunker Hill. His daughter Faith
an eye-witnesa of this battle. Its fatal effect upon her. Trumbull'a
conduct upon her death. He sends forces, under Gen. Wooster, ands
supplies, to New York. Hia difficulty at this time in procuring supplies..
He proclaims an embargo. He recommends Congress to appoint a
National Fast — which ia done. He objects to their renewed Petition
to the Xing, hut on other points harmonizes with their action. Con-
gress highly commends hia course He congratulates Washington
upon his appointment aa Commander m chief. Washington's reply. A
difficulty among Connecticut officers on Putnam's promotion to the
poat of Brigadier General. Spencer resigna. Trumbull's prudent
management of the case. His letter to Congress on the subject. Eia
letter to Spencer. Its soothing effect. Spencer returns again to the
Army. We turn to contemplate Trumbull now, during the year
1775, in other departments of the War.
The Battle of Lexington, as we have shown, roused him to
great activity in providing for the relief of Boston. This
relief he continued to afford. To the troops from Connecti
cut already in camp under Putnam and Spencer, he soon
added most of the regiment under Parsons — which he ordered
on from New London, and supplied with ammunition from
the Colony stores — besides sending to Cambridge " with the
greatest possible secrecy and despatch," sixty barrels of
powder — all that could possibly then be spared from Con
necticut: — together with a small quantity obtained from
New Jersey. He sent cloth also to Putnam for forty
tents. Some of that powder told in June at Bunker Hill — in that
deadly fire of small arms which twice totally broke the Brit
ish lines, and precipitated them back to their landing place,
with more than one thousand of their dead left on the field
of strife — a majestic and tremendous scene, with its blaze of
more than five hundred houses in Charlestown, added to the

1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 195
continual blaze and roar of artillery — a scene whose havoc,
in full view from the heights of Boston and its neighborhood,
was witnessed by thousands of intensely agitated spectators —
and among the rest, particularly, by the eldest daughter of
Governor Trumbull himself. To her, as we have heretofore
intimated, the spectacle proved fatal.
"About noon of that day" — the day of the battle — writes Colonel
John Trumbull — " I had a momentary interview with my favorite sister,
the wife of Colonel, afterwards Gen. Huntington, whose regiment was on
its march to join the army. The novelty of military scenes excited great
curiosity throughout the country, and my sister was one of a party of
young friends who were attracted to visit the Army before Boston. She
was a woman of deep and affectionate sensibility, and the moment of her
visit was most unfortunate. She found herself surrounded, not by " the
pomp and circumstance of glorious war," but in the midst of all its hor
rible realities. She saw too clearly the life of danger and hardship upon
which her husband and her favorite brother had entered, and it overcame
her strong, but too sensitive mind. She became deranged, and died the
following November at Dedham.*
A sad event indeed — sad to all her friends — but especially
so to her husband, her brother, and to her doating father — >
to all of whom it gave the most poignant grief — for she was
a lady whose " benevolence, obligingness, and affection," in
their estimation — as was expressed by her husband subse
quently, in a letter to his brother-in-law Joseph — were
"without a parallel." — "You have seen," he adds, "the
thousand agreeable and tender scenes in which I have passed
with the dear partner of my soul, your lovely sister. The
law of kindness was ever on her tongue and heart — but she
is gone — and gone, I trust, to scenes of uninterrupted bliss.
My tears must and will flow."*
*The following is Gov. Trumbull's entry, in his own Family Bible, of his
daughter Faith's death:—
"Faith d. at Led. Friday Morning, 2Uh Mm. 1775."
*"I thank the God of all mercies," he continues, "that I have hope in my
mourning. Your darling sister I all along pleased myself would be restored. If
it could have been convenient for my dear sont to have taken a last parting look
at his dear mother, I should have been glad — his presence might have soothed
me — but it could not well be."
t Col. Jabez Huntington — only child left on the decease of the mother, and at
this time at Lebanon with his Grandfather. He died at Norwich, Ct., not many
years ago — in high estimation for his worth.

196 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1^5.
But though the joy which the Battle of Bunker Hill uni
versally inspired in the American heart, was in the bosom of
Governor Trumbull somewhat clouded by the melancholy
association of that contest with the loss of a beloved daugh
ter, yet, in the great cause in which he was engaged, this loss
did not lead him in the least "to temporize with his affection."
He seems to have anticipated the bereavement. Early in
October he had written for his daughter's husband to leave
the army, if possible, and visit her at Norwich, where she
then was. " She is very low in her spirits, and unwell," he
said. " I am really much concerned for her." But, though
sorely afflicted, he wiped " the honorable dew " from off his
cheeks. He gave Christian allayment to his grief — and kept
steadily on in the discharge of his public duties — in which
sphere we turn again to view him.
We have seen him raising forces and supplies for the East.
We find him at the same time, doing the same thing for an
opposite quarter — for New-York — where, owing to the in
trigues of Governor Tryon, disaffection to the American
cause began openly to appear — where the avowal of a deter
mination to join the King's standard was made, it was re
ported, with impunity — and where four British regiments —
to take advantage of the disaffection, secure the city, and
possess themselves of the Hudson river — were daily ex
pected. Trumbull, therefore, in June, sent thither a body
of seventeen hundred troops under General Wooster, that
had already been raised for the defence of Connecticut, and
stationed at Greenwich, Stamford, and elsewhere along the
coast of Long Island Sound.
The Provincial Congress of New-York had applied to him'
for this force. Wooster had informed him of his readiness
to march, and solicited orders. But a New-York Commit
tee — though grateful for his "kindness," they said, "in send
ing troops for their assistance " — yet requested him to direct
their encampment on the frontiers of Connecticut. Trumbull,
however, did not heed a caution which he deemed somewhat
timorous, but sent the divisions on to Harlem, where they
served a most valuable end in overawing the enemies of the
American cause, and in strengthening the hands of its friends.

1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. J 197
A part of them — four hundred and fifty men, with Wooster
in person — passed over to Long Island — and there, while
aiding to guard exposed points from the cruisers of the en
emy, and to assist defenceless inhabitants in removing their
cattle and crops to places of security, were carefully supplied
by Trumbull himself, to the extent of his means, with the
vital article of powder.*
This supply, as well as that of provisions, clothing, and
refreshments, both for the entire force of Wooster and for
the Connecticut Line near Boston — as well for present as in
anticipation of future military operations — gave Governor
Trumbull much anxiety.
Provisions of every kind, on account of the demands that
had already been made for the army, were just at this time
very scarce — and by order of the General Assembly, there
fore, he proclaimed an embargo on wheat, rye, Indian corn,
pork, beef, live cattle, peas, beans, butter, cheese, bread, flour,
and every kind of meal, except necessary stores for vessels
bound to sea. This embargo, the Governor was to see en
forced — and one of its features, particularly, which shows
the confidence reposed in his judgment, added much to his
labor. By act of Assembly, the power and privilege . was
reserved to himself of giving permits for exportation, such
as he should judge necessary and expedient, in case of the
public service — a power and discretion, which, as we might
cite numerous examples to prove, he exercised with com
mendable prudence, care, and benevolence.
Meantime, while Trumbull was thus busy with public
*"Same day, at eleven o'clock," he wrote Washington, August eleventh —
" I received a letter from Brigadier General Wooster, dated the 9th, at the Oyster
Ponds, on Long Island. He had with him four hundred and fifty men, besides
militia, designing to preserve the stock at that place. The people on the Island
had left it. He applied to me for three hundred pounds of powder, before I had
made my answer and order for the powder — which I gave, notwithstanding our
exhausted condition. On receipt of yours, I inserted an extract from it, for his
observation. " I am informed a quantity of powder for the camp is to be at Hartford this
evening, and more to follow soon. We have more lately arrived, which is daily
expected. I request your direction, that of the next quantity that comes to
Hartford, there may be lodged there so much as you shall judge expedient. Of
what is expected to arrive in the meantime, I shall have no occasion to use your
allowance." 17*

198 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
duties, the National Congress was in session, and Washing
ton was appointed Commander-in-chief of the American
Army. To Congress, therefore, he transmitted full informa
tion of the transactions in Connecticut, and, as he had done
at their former session, gave much useful counsel, and stimu
lated patriotic action. Among other things he recommended
to this Body the appointment of a Fast — "throughout all
the distressed American Colonies" — and his recommendation
was adopted. " On that solemn day," he wrote, therefore, to
President Hancock — "in which you have called the Inhab
itants of all the English Colonies on this Continent, to hu
miliation, fasting and prayer, may the Almighty and most
merciful Governor of the World hear the voice of his People,
and His ears be attentive to the voice of their supplications-r-
redeem them from all their iniquities; — grant an answer of
Peace ; and convince our enemies of their mistaken meas
ures, and of their injurious and vain attempts to deprive us
and unborn millions of that inestimable Heavenly Gift of
Freedom and Liberty ! "
To all the proceedings of the National Congress Trumbull
gave his unqualified assent, save to their renewed Petition to
tne King. This seemed to his independent heart too humble
in its tone. " Were all the political heads joined in framing
it ? " — he inquired of Eliphalet Dyer, one of the Delegates
then in Congress. "Doth it not express supererogatory love
for the dignity and welfare of the Mother Country ? Does it
not show a love to our brethren more than to ourselves, and
that the more we are beaten, the better we shall be? It may
be received very graciously, but cannot constitutionally
reach the royal ear." This was the only instance, however,
of disagreement between Trumbull and the Congress of his
countrymen at Philadelphia. Upon other points their senti
ments were in closest harmony — and of Trumbull's manage
ment of the War, here at its outbreak, so far as his own serv
ices were concerned, Congress entertained the most exalted
opinion — and took pains to express it.
"We are happy" wrote him from Philadelphia, June
twenty-sixth, the Delegates from Connecticut — "we are
happy to find that every measure within your power for the

1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 199
public good has been uniformly pursued by you, and that
the advice from the Congress has been rather as approving
than as directing your conduct. You will by this express
receive a letter from the President, informing you of the ap
pointment of General Washington and other General Offi
cers, and by unanimous order of the Congress expressing the
high sense they have of your important services to the United Col
onies at this important crisis!"
" I have to express," wrote Trumbull to President Han
cock, in response to his flattering communication — " the great
pleasure and satisfaction it gives me to find that my endeav
ors to serve the common cause of our bleeding country in
this day of unnatural Darkness, meets tbe approbation of the
Honorable General Congress of these United Colonies. I
am sensible that care and zeal for the defence of American
Liberty, attract tbe attention and regard of the Honorable
Members of that august Body, whose wisdom and prudence,
patience, time and labours, are exercised and employed for
its security. I do most sincerely thank them for their kind
wishes. Who of us wish to live in a land where Virtue mav
not dwell? — The prosperity and happiness of our country
justly deserve the utmost exertion of all my abilities."
Tbe appointment of Washington, in June, to the chief
command, was received by Trumbull with unalloyed satisfac
tion. "It will answer great and salutary purposes, such is his
character " — he said. And he immediately wrote him a con
gratulatory letter — which, filled with the prevailing spirit of
the day, and tinged with the writer's religious cast of mind,
warmly wishes him every success, and invokes Providence
on his side.
" Suffer me," he proceeds, " to join in congratulating you on your ap
pointment to be General and Commander-in-chief of the troops raised,
or to be raised, for the defence of American Liberty. Men who have
tasted freedom, and who have felt their personal rights, are not easily
taught to bear with encroachments on either, or brought to submit
to oppression. Virtue ought always to be made the object of govern
ment; justice is firm and permanent." * *
" The Honorable Congress have proclaimed a Fast to be observed by
the inhabitants of all the English Colonies on this continent, to stand be-

200 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
fore the Lord in one day, with public humiliation, fasting, and prayer, to
deplore our many sins, to offer up our joint supplications to God, for
forgiveness, and for his merciful interposition for us in this day of un
natural darkness and distress.
" They have, with one united voice, appointed you to the high station
you possess. The supreme Director of all events has caused a wonder
ful union of hearts and counsels to subsist amongst us.
" Now therefore, be strong and very courageous. May the God of the
armies of Israel shower down the blessings of his divine providence on
you, give you wisdom and fortitude, cover your head in the day of bat
tle and danger, add success, convince our enemies of their mistaken
measures, and that all their attempts to deprive these colonies of their
inestimable constitutional rights and liberties are injurious and vain."
"Allow me, Sir," wrote Washington in reply, "to return you my sin
cere thanks for the kind wishes and favorable sentiments expressed in
yours of the thirteenth instant. As the cause of our common country
calls us both to an active and dangerous duty, I trust that Divine Provi
dence, which wisely orders the affairs of men, will enable us to discharge
it with fidelity and success. The uncorrupted choice of a brave and free
people has raised you to deserved eminence. That the blessings of
health, and the still greater blessing of long continuing to govern such a
people, may be yours, is the sincere wish, Sir, of yours, &c"
Thus beautifully did the two patriots — Trumbull and
Washington — at the very outset of our War for Independ
ence, commence an intercourse, which, as the emergencies of
the struggle brought them more and more together, cement
ed soon into the closest friendship and correspondence.
Upon Trumbull — " one of the firmest patriots and best men
that his country has produced," says Sparks — "General
Washington relied as one of his main pillars of support."
A remark signally true I Upon no one, we think it can most
safely be affirmed, was the Father of his Country destined to
lean so much, for aid and counsel, as on the Governor of
Connecticut. The voices of both, as if they " had been in
corporate," were to sound ever on one glorious key of patri
otism. Emphatically, their " double bosoms " were " to seem
to wear one heart."
At the same time with congratulation to Washington upon
his appointment to the chief command, Trumbull had an op
posite duty — one of condolence and conciliation — to perform
towards other distinguished officers in the American Army.

1775. CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 201
"Under the new establishment by Congress, General Spencer
and General Wooster of Connecticut had been both super
seded in rank by the promotion of Israel Putnam — their
inferior in grade in the Colonial service — to the post of Briga
dier-General. This procedure touched military pride in its most sensi
tive point, and led Spencer, among others, to quit the army
in disgust. A warm remonstrance in his favor, from about
forty-five officers, followed his resignation — in which they
deprecated, " as injurious to the morals, good order, and dis
cipline of the troops," that alteration in rank by which the
first in command of the Connecticut forces at Boxbury — who
was "respected by his officers, and loved by his soldiers" — •
was "degraded," they said, from his position. And they
called on the General Assembly of Connecticut to interfere
for their own and for the satisfaction of their affronted Gen
eral. The Assembly at once instructed Trumbull to urge
Spencer to return to the Army, and to acquaint Congress
with the circumstances. He was to express to this Body the
high esteem in which they held both Spencer and Wooster—
to state their dissatisfaction at the injustice in appointments
done to those officers, but to testify at the same time to " the
singular merit" of General Putnam — and to request Con
gress, if practicable, " to devise some method of obviating
tbe probable inconveniences that might ensue."
This delicate duty Trumbull discharged with fidelity.
" I am desired by the Assembly," he wrote the Delegates in Congress
from Connecticut, July seventh — " to acquaint you that Gen1 ¦ Wooster
and Spencer are held in great estimation by them, and by the officers
and troops under their command. And from the intelligence lately re
ceived from the army, they are under some apprehensions that great
inconvenience will be the consequence of the alteration made by the Con
gress, in the rank and station of those generals. At the same time they
have the highest sense of Gen. Putnam's singular merit and services,
and request, if it be practicable, that some method may be devised to
obviate the difficulties that are apprehended." We wish the order
already adopted with our generals, he further said — "had been pre
ferred, and fear Generals Wooster and Spencer will think they have rea
son to complain. Indeed we should rather have expected that a matter
of so much delicacy would have been first submitted to the approbation

202 CHAP. XVI. — TRUMBULL. 177/fc
of the Assembly, before it was finally fixed. However, we will do the
best we can to prevent its being any prejudice to the service."
While thus using his influence with Congress in favor of
Spencer, and to satisfy his troops, Trumbull also dealt di
rectly and earnestly with the General himself. He wrote to
him. He had a long conference with him at his own house
at Lebanon. " By the love of his native land," he conjured
him — as the General Assembly requested — " to call to mind
the signal affection of his country towards him, so often test
ified," and "not precipitately to resign his command."
Such a course, he assured him, would distress troops that
were " attached to him by the warmest affection and duty,"
and would "give great dissatisfaction and anxiety to his
country, which had placed, and continued to place high con
fidence in his wisdom, prudence, integrity, and military skill."
This soothing treatment had its effect. General Spencer—.
bearing with him grateful letters from Trumbull to Wash
ington — was pursuaded to return to the army — a course-
considering that he was now to serve under an officer whom
he had himself formerly commanded — which was highly
creditable to his patriotism, and which at the same time re
flected honor on the man who so pleasantly had conciliated
his pride, vindicated his reputation, and ensured the continu
ance of his valuable services to his native land.

C HAPTER XVII.
1775.
A Coupon, of Safety organized to aid Governor Trumbull. The sessions
of this Council, and Trumbull's efficiency as its Head He continues
active in furnishing troops and supplies. He ia appointed "by Congress
to confer with Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, ahout the
army. A difference between himself and Gen. Washington in regard
to certain new levies. Correspondence concerning it. It is happily
reconciled. From the time of Washington's appointment to the chief
command, on the close of the year 1775 — the main American
Army lay encamped around Boston — hemming the British
troops within the city by land, and strengthening itself, after
the Battle of Bunker Hill, for further collision with the foe —
and Trumbull, as before, continued to contribute all in his
power towards furnishing it with troops and supplies. He
had now — to unite with him in his arduous task — a Council
of Safety, as it was termed — which, at the May session of the
General Assembly, had been appointed to aid the Governor,
when the Legislature was not sitting, in directing the marches
and stations of troops, and in supplying them " with every
matter and thing that should be needful." The Governor
was empowered to convene this Council on all important
occasions — and five of them might form a quorum to do
business in all cases where great dispatch was required.*
Governeur Morris — writing of his own duties as Head of
Committees in the Continental Congress — remarks, that " the
Chairman received and answered all letters and other appli
cations, took every step which he deemed essential, prepared
reports, gave orders, and the like, and merely took the mem
bers of a Committee into a chamber, and for the form's sake
made the needful communications, and received their appro-
*Its first members were Matthew Griswold, William Pitkin, Roger Sherman,
Abraham Davenport, William Williams, Titus Hosmer, Benjamin Payne, Gen.
James Wadsworth, Benjamin Huntington, William Hillhonsc, Thaddens Burr,
Nathaniel Wales Jr., Daniel Sherman, and Andrew Adams — fourteen in all.

204 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. ms.
bation, which was given of course. Necessity," he adds,
" preserving the democratical forms, assumed the monarchical
substance of business." This description applies, in good
degree, to Trumbull's post as Chairman of the Connecticut
Council of Safety. He convened them often during the
War — in fact, for their Body, a prodigious number of times—
nine hundred and thirteen days in all — upon each one of which
days he ivas himself personally present 1 He consulted with
them carefully. They were men, undoubtedly, of weight
and wisdom. But he was emphatically their leading spirit.
He was the organ of their resolves — upon him the great bulk
of duty devolved.
So we find him, during the period now under considera
tion, executing in person the business of furnishing troops,
and of procuring and forwarding supplies — now flour, par
ticularly from Norwich* — now, from various quarters, beef
and pork — now blankets— now arms — but especially, at all
times, whenever and wherever he could procure it, powder—
the manufacture of which vital commodity he stimulated
through committees appointed to collect saltpetre, in every
part of the State. "The necessities of the army are so great"
for this article, wrote Washington to him almost constantly
at this time — "that all that can be spared should be for
warded with the utmost expedition." — " Soon as your ex
pected supply of powder arrives," wrote his son in law Colo
nel Huntington from Cambridge, August fourteenth — "I
*" There are," he wrote Washington, July seventeenth — "thirteen hundred
and ninety-nine barrels of flour come to the care of Colonel Jcdediah Hnnting-
¦ton, of Norwich, for the use of the army, which I have ordered forward.
The busy season with the farmers renders its speedy transportation difficult.
Please to advise of the need of hurry, and where it shall be ordered to -bo
delivered. " Our Assembly supplied Major-General Schuyler with fifteen thousand pounds
in cash, and forty barrels of another necessary article. The brig Nancy, Thomas
Davis, master, which arrived at Stonington with molasses, is removed to Nor
wich. She hath on board eighteen or nineteen thousand gnllons. The Commit
tee of Inspection and Correspondence, I trust, will take proper care respecting
both vessel and cargo.
" Tho road by my door being the nearest for post-riding from Cambridge to
Philadelphia, I shall be obliged, whenever your Excellency has occasion to send
to that city, if the rider may be directed this way, and call on me, for tho con
venience of any despatches I may have occasion to forward by him. Fessenden
has passed this way more than once."

1»5. CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 205
imagine General Putnam will kick up a dust. He has got
one floating battery launched, and another on the stocks."
The powder was sent — at one time six large wagon loads —
and at tbe same time two more for New York, on account
of an expected attack in that direction.* "Our medicine
chests will soon be exhausted," wrote Huntington at the same
time. The medicine chests were replenished. And before
September, Trumbull had so completely drained his own
State of the materials for war, that he was obliged to write
Washington, and inform him that he could not then afford
any more.
As regards troops, in July he sent to the Camp at Cam
bridge two companies of Wooster's regiment that had been
stationed at New London — ordered the Colonels of the
seventh and eighth regiments of the Colony to march their
respective forces to the same point — and was closely occupied
also in giving commissions, and taking measures for raising
a further body of fourteen hundred men that had been
ordered by the General Assembly, and was to be formed into
two regiments of ten companies each, and be equipped for
the special defence of the Colony.f
* " The capital object of powder," wrote Richard Henry Lee from Philadelphia
to Washington, August first, " we [Congress] have attended to as far as we could
by sending you the other day six tons, and to-morrow we shall propose sending
six or eight tons more, which, -with the supplies you may get from Connecticut,
and such further ones from hero as future expected importations may furnish,
will, I hope, enable yon to do all that this powerful article can in good hands
accomplish." t " On the 1st instant," he wrote Gen. Washington from Lebanon, July seven
teenth — "I met the Honorable Assembly of this Colony, to deliberate on the
urgent and pressing reasons sent us from the Massachusetts for an immediate
augmentation of troops from this Colony. Our Assembly agreed to augment
with two regiments of seven hundred men each, who are now raising to join the
Continental Army. It was wished that we could have the advice and direction
of the Congress, or your Excellency, before we took this step, but thought tho
present critical situation of our affairs would not admit the delay of obtaining it.
Since your arrival at Camp before Boston, views and considerations of their situ
ation and circumstances I shall gladly be advised of, and shall attend your re
quest for the hastening and marching the men." %
% Two days after the letter from which we have just quoted was written, a
" direction of the Congress," which Trumbull was anticipating, passed that Body.
But it was needless as regards his action, as the following passage from r. letter
by him to Washington, dated July thirty-first, shows.
"By tho resolve of Congress of tho 19th instant," he says, "it is recommended
18

206 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL.

1775.

In September, he sent to Washington another body of new
levies that had been stationed to defend the sea-coast of the
Colony — and in December was again engaged in raising and
forming into regiments, still another body of troops — to con
sist of one-fourth part of the militia of the Colony, together
with such able-bodied persons, not included in any militia
roll, as should be inclined to enlist — and to be in readiness;
all "as Minute- Men" — for the defence of Connecticut, and of
the United Colonies. For the support of the troops now
mentioned, Trumbull was also engaged in providing money—
especially for those in the service of the Continent — whose
accounts — to the amount in one instance of fifty, and in an
other of sixty thousand pounds — he transmitted, thoroughly
prepared, to Congress for settlement — and at the same time he
sent on to this Body two Frenchmen — Perret and De Plic-
cure — who were proposing to aid the American cause by
furnishing military stores.
Thus active was the Governor of Connecticut, the present
year, for the Army around Boston. And he received from
Congress signal proof of their confidence in his knowledge
and experience by bis own appointment, in October, together
with a few others, to confer with a special committee raised
to the New England Colonies to complete the deficiencies in the regiments be
longing to them respectively.
" I have not been informed of any deficiencies in the number of troops sent
from Connecticut. It is recommended also to this Colony to complete and send
forward to the Camp before Boston, as soon as possible, the fourteen hun
dred men lately voted by our assembly. The 25th instant I sent orders to the
Colonels of the last named regiments to march forthwith to the Comp he-
fore Boston, by subdivisions, if all were not in readiness. I expect many of the
companies will begin their march this day, and that the whole will move forward
very soon."
July seventh, in a letter to the Delegates in Congress from Connecticut, Trum
bull says— "As the expense we are daily incurring is so very great, we should be
extremely glad to find that the Continental currency is in such forwardness as to
be applied to tho purpose of equipping and furnishing these troops ; should this
be the case, you will be so good as to apply for the money, and forward it to me
with all despatch. We estimate the present expense at £40,000. It will be so
much more convenient and less expensive for our troops stationed at New York,
by order of Congress, to be supplied with provisions &c, by New York, than
from us, that we hope the Congress will direct the Convention of that province
to furnish them during their residence there, in tho same manner as this colony hns
agreed to do— less than we have engaged them, I need not tell you, will by no
means give them satisfaction."

1775. CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 207
by Congress — Dr. Franklin, Mr. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch —
" touching the most effectual method of continuing, support
ing, and regulating a Continental Army."*
Among tbe troops sent by Trumbull to the East, we have
stated, were some new levies that had been stationed to defend
the sea-coast of Connecticut. His retention of these troops
for awhile, for this purpose, brought him into a correspond
ence with General Washington which was somewhat tart —
and which — as the only instance of a difference between
these remarkable men — deserves particular mention.
On the fifth of September Trumbull wrote to Washington
assigning the particular reasons for the detention of these
troops. He informed him that the coasts of Connecticut were
kept in continual alarm — that they were infested by ministe
rial troops and transports — that three ships of war, with
thirteen other vessels, had been seen off Fisher's Island and
in the Sound but tbe day before — that New London and
Stonington were each in great fear of an attack — and that for
the defence of these two places — as well as for that of some
other points of the coast — as "absolutely necessary for their
security at present" — he had stationed the new levies from
Stonington on to Connecticut Eiver, and four additional com
panies west of that river. He hoped, he wrote, that this use
of the new levies, until the danger was over, would neither
injure or hinder any of the operations around Boston.
To the contents of this letter Washington paid no atten
tion, but by sending on, September eighth, a peremptory
requisition for the levies, and informing Trumbull that by a
resolution' of Congress, troops on the Continental Establish
ment were not to be employed for the defence of the coasts,
* Hancock, the President of Congress, under date of Sept. 80, 1775, thus writes
to him on this subject: "As there are sundry matters contained in your letters
which are of great importance, and on which the Congress, before they come to a
final determination, are desirous to have the advantage of your experience and
knowledge, they have appointed three of their numbers, Mr. Lynch, Dr. Frank
lin, and Mr. Harrison, to wait on you, &c."
Trumbull in his response, dated Oct. 9th, 1775, and addressed to General
Washington, speaks of the Assembly of Connecticut as detaining him, and says —
" Had tho meeting been earlier, it would have afforded me satisfaction to have
attended, given me the pleasure of waiting on you and the other gentlemen,
besides gratifying my curiosity to see the works the army has made."

208 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
or of any particular Province — the militia being deemed
competent for that service. "Sir," he wrote from Cam
bridge — "upon the receipt of this you will please to give
directions that all the new levies march immediately to this
camp." Trumbull was touched by the General's neglect to notice
the exigency which had instigated his own course with the
troops, and with the somewhat unusual tone of positiveness in
his letter.
"I have received," he therefore wrote to "Washington, September
fifteenth — " your Excellency's letter of the 8' h instant by the express,
who was detained by sickness, and did not deliver it till the 12' h, in the
evening. * * Your peremptory requisition is fully complied with ; all
our new levies will be at your camp with all convenient expedition.
" At the time they were by your direction to remain in the Colony, on
some reason to suspect a remove from Boston to New York, that they
might be able to give them more speedy opposition, I ordered Colonel
Webb of our seventh regiment, his men being raised in the western part
of the Colony, to take his station, with three or four companies, at Green
wich, the nearest town of this Colony to New York ; his Lieutenant-
Colonel and Company at New Haven ; the residue of his and Colonel
Huntington's, who were forward in their march, one company in Norwich,
and the rest to New London. Last week I sent orders to Colonel Webb
to march the companies with him to Newhaven, to be on his way so
much nearer to your camp.
" I am surprised that mine of the 5' h instant was not received, or not
judged worthy of notice, as no mention is made of it
" Stonington," he proceeds in farther justification of his conduct, "has
been attacked and severely cannonaded, and by Divine Providence
marvellously protected.
"New London and Norwich are still so menaced by the ministerial
ships and troops, that the militia cannot be thought sufficient for their
security, and it is necessaiy to throw up some intrenchments. We are
obliged actually to raise more men for their security, and for the towns of
Newhaven and Lyme. I hoped some of the new levies might have been
left here till these dangers here were over, without any injury to your
operations. I own that it must be left to your judgment Yet it would
have given me pleasure to have been acquainted that you did consider it
" I thank Divine Providence and you for this early warning to great
care and watchfulness, that so the union of the Colonies may be settled
on a permanent and happy basis.
" I have before me your more acceptable letter of the 9' h instant
The necessities of the Colony to supply our two armed vessels, to furnish

1775. CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. , 209-
the men necessarily raised for the defence of our seaports and coasts, and
to raise the lead ore, which appears very promising, prevent our being able
to spare more than half a ton, which is ordered forward with expedition.
Before the necessity of raising more men appeared, we intended to send
a ton. " You may depend on our utmost exertions for the defence and security
of the constitutional rights and liberties of the Colonies, and of our own
in particular. None has shown greater forwardness, and thereby rendered
itself more the object of ministerial vengeance.''
In reply to this letter, General Washington, September
twenty-first, expressed regret at any misconstruction of his
purposes. He assured the Governor that nothing on his part
"was intended that might be construed into disrespect." He
said that he had " long been sensible that it would be impossi
ble to please, not individuals, but particular provinces, whose
partial necessities would occasionally call for assistance" — and
concluded with the remark that "the spirit and zeal of Con
necticut" were "unquestionable," and that he hoped it would
not suffer from the alarm on the coast.
" I have no disposition," was the happy response of Trum
bull to this epistle — "to increase the weight of your burdens,
which, in the multiplicity of your business, must be suffi
ciently heavy, nor inclination to disturb the harmony so
necessary to the happy success of our public operations. I
am persuaded no such difliculty will any more happen. It
is unhappy that jealousies should be excited, or disputes of
any sort be litigated between any of the colonies, to disunite
them at a time when our liberty, our property, our all is at
stake. Lf our enemies prevail, which our disunion may occa
sion, our jealousies will then appear frivolous, and all our
disputed claims of no value to either side."
Thus — his feelings soothed by kind explanations from
Washington — his discontent softened by the consideration of
public harmony — thus magnanimously did Trumbull close
the. only painful correspondence he ever had with the Com
mander-in-chief of the American armies. That the course
he took with the troops — though contrary to the established
policy of Congress, as this Body took occasion subsequently
to say— was yet — under all the circumstances of the case,
18°

210 CHAP. XVII. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
under the pressing emergency of danger that then existed —
warranted, we have not a doubt — especially so when we con
sider the fact that it was by Washington's own particular
order that the new levies had been retained in Connecticut
up to the time when he demanded their removal to Cam
bridge — having "had some reason," as he wrote, "to expect
a remove from Boston to New York" — in which case these
new troops would have been able "to give more speedy op
position to the enemy." But the difference between himself
and the Governor of Connecticut was all closed, as we have
seen, speedily, and in a manner highly creditable to both the
parties concerned. Sweet peace ever after reigned in their
counsellings. The friendships of Scipio and Lelius, or of
Theseus and Pirithous, or of Orestes and Pylades — though
they ran in different channels — never ran more fondly, or
with a more perfect coincidence of interests, than those of the
great Father of our Country and Trumbull, during the
remainder of their lives.

CHAPTER XVIII.
1775.
Tbumbdix in connection with the sea coast defence of Connecticut The
dangers upon the coast, from the enemy, "both to property and per
son — what they were. Attempted seizure of Gov. Griswold, and of
•other leading whigs — as Gen. Washington— Gen. Schuyler — Gen. Silli
man — Gov. Clinton — and Gov. Livingston. Trumbull a, special object
of the enemy's vengeance. A Tory threat against him. A price was
set on bis head. A special guard, therefore, appointed to protect him
at Lebanon. A suspicious stranger at his dwelling. Spirited conduct
'¦ of his housekeeper, Mrs. Hyde, upon the occasion. He receives alarm
ing intelligence of an intended attack, hy a large British fleet, upon
the shipping, and seaport towns of Connecticut. He is busy for their
protection. He detains the Nancy — a suspected ship — and distributes
her avails to the public use. He is applied to by Congress to furnish a
large armed ship to intercept two store brigs from England. He grants
permits for exportation — commissions privateers — and sends out spy
vessels. His oversight of prisoners of war. Many such sent to Con
necticut. Trumbull and the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenes-
borough. His management, particularly, of the cases of the elder
8kene and Lundy. His management also of the cases of Capt. De La
Place — Major French — and especially of Dr. Benjamin Church, his old
classmate m College His watchfulness against tories. suspicious wan
derers, and inimical persons generally. The Detective System of
Connecticut at this time.
The defence of the sea-coast of Connecticut, to which in
our last chapter we alluded — and the oversight of prisoners —
were other great objects of Trumbull's attention during the
year upon which we dwell — and we proceed to notice him
now, particularly, in these important spheres of duty.
British ships — especially the Bose, the Swan, and the
Kingfisher* — were constantly cruising up and down Long Is
land Sound, sweeping it clear of American craft — firing at
some vessels, and boarding others, and plundering all. Now
* " The Rose, Swan, and Kingfisher, ships of war, with a small tender," wrote
Trumbull to Washington, July thirty-first — " the 26th instant came into the har
bour of New London. On the 27th some men landed near the lighthouse, broke
off the nuts, and plugged up with old files three or four cannon. They sailed out
again on Friday last. It is reported Mr. Collector Stuart is packing up his effects,
in order to leave that port."

212 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1175.
they made a descent upon Fisher's Island.* Now they can
nonaded Stonington, and now threatened New London, as
we have seen. -Now they chased vessels, as once the Lively,
into Connecticut River — now chased another ashore before
the very door of Matthew Griswold at Lyme, and roused the
good old Deputy Governor of the Colony to rally his neigh
bors, put himself at their head, and amid a shower of bullets
drive the assailants away — and now they made descents on
other parts of the coast, and seized goods, cattle,, and effects
of every description.
Nor was this system of predatory warfare directed by the
enemy against property alone, but also against persons.
They frequently, and during every year of the war, concerted
plans for the seizure of leading American Whigs. At one
time they plotted to capture, and as was believed, even to
assassinate Washington himself. At a later period in the war
than that upon which we are now engaged, twenty of the
foe, it will be recalled by readers of History, surrounded the
house of General Schuyler at Albany — penetrated to the sa
loon leading to his bedroom — secured two of his men —
wounded a third — and compelled a fourth to fly the house
for safety — but fortunately missed the principal object of their
search, the General himself.
In the darkness of the night again, at his own house at
Fairfield, a hostile party of eight men succeeded in seizing
General Silliman— and with him his eldest sonf — and bore
them both off in triumph to Long Island. Often it was
planned to obtain possession of Governor Clinton of New
York — but more often of the eminently patriotic Governor
of New Jersey — William Livingston — who, at one time, for
many months, was obliged in consequence to shift his quar-
*"Wo are again alarmed," wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., to his brother Jo
seph, July thirty-first—" with the appearance of three ships &c off New Lon
don — discovered Sunday morning, standing into Fisher's Island Sound, and
sending their boats on the island. 'Tis conjeotured they are taking the stock off
that island. They will find poor picking, Mr. Mumford having, by particular
advice, purchased all the fat cattle and sheep, and got them off tho island the
day before tho ships appeared. I fear they have some further design. Three
militia regiments (Saltonstall's, Coit's, and Abbot's) are ordered to muster forth
with, and to take measures to prevent any misohief."
t Gold Selleok Silliman.

1115. .CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 218
ters every day. Once a parly of British troops, landing near
Elizabethtown, did succeed in reaching his mansion — where
they grasped some of his papers, and carried them off — but
luckily missed the Governor himself— who, by mere acci
dent, though his family was at home, happened to be absent
at the time, at the house of a friend a few miles distant.
Governor Trumbull, in a similar manner, was a special ob
ject of the enemy's vengeance. A villainous tory of New
town once said, that he "would kill him quick as he would a
rattlesnake!" A price was set upon his head, as he informs us
himself.* The facility with which the enemy — in the night
season — in their little privateering craft — could shoot over
from their countless lurking places upon Long Island to the
Connecticut Main — make a descent-^-and suddenly retreat —
rendered precautions, in Trumbull's case, particularly neces
sary. Accordingly a guard of about half a dozen men was
established around his dwelling at Lebanon, to protect his
person — a step which proved useful — for it prevented at
tempts that otherwise, in all probability, would have been
made to seize this eminent and ever active Son of Liberty.
Once circumstances indicated a special plot for this pur
pose. A traveller, in the garb of a mendicant — of exceed
ingly suspicious appearance — came into his house one eve
ning when he was unwell, and had retired to bed. The
stranger, though denied the opportunity of seeing him, yet
insisted upon an interview so pertinaciously, that at last the
Governor's wary housekeeper — Mrs. Hyde — alarmed and dis
gusted at his conduct, seized the shovel and tongs from the
fire-place, and drove him out of the house. At the same
time she called loudly for the guard — but the intruder sud
denly disappeared, and though careful search was made,
eluded pursuit, and never appeared in that quarter again.
In May, 1775, news reached Trumbull from Cambridge,
that General Gage intended seizing all the vessels on the
Connecticut sea-coast, and attacking New-London — and
shortly after, in October, he was informed by Washington
that a British fleet had left Boston for this purpose. " They
* In his Memorial to the General Assembly, May 24th, 1785.

214 CHAP. XVIII.— TRUMBULL. m5.
cannonaded Bristol last Saturday" — it was then reported.
In November again, alarming intelligence reached the Gov
ernor of fresh orders from England to destroy all the seaport
towns of this Colony — and in December again, came fresh
reports of a hostile embarcation at Boston, intended for Con
necticut. " We are infested by ministerial ships and trans
ports," wrote Trumbull this year from time to time.
All this kept the seashore inhabitants, as a matter of
course, in constant, and at times intense alarm. Much,
therefore, was to be done for their protection. By acts of
the General Assembly, three armed vessels, and four armed
row-gallies, were to be built, equipped, and manned for, the
coast defence, under the care and direction of the Governor
and Council. Brigantines were to be chartered, and fitted
for the same purpose, under the same direction. All care
was to be taken to prevent provisions near the water from
falling into the hands of the enemy. The fort at New-
London, particularly, was to be put in the best condition for
use, and an engineer, and men, and tools — sledges and shov
els, crowbars and pickaxes, draught chains and log chains,
oxen and carts — were all to be provided for the purpose.
Batteries there, and at Groton, Stonington, Norwich, Lyme,
Newhaven, Milford, Norwalk, and Stamford, were to be sup
plied with men and guns. Cannon were to be procured
from New- York, and from Congress, and some were to he
cast at Salisbury. Coast guards were to be stationed, and
entrenchments made at all important points. Beacons were
to be erected for the communication of intelligence. Ex
presses were to be established. And upon Trumbull, as the
Chief Executive of the Colony, all this labor, mainly, de
volved. Into his ear the inhabitants of the coast, whenever
attacked, or whenever startled by the rumor of approaching
danger, poured their apprehensions. From his hand they
sought relief — and from his hand, to the extent of his means,
they received it.
To him also, in July, Massachusetts applied for the deten
tion, in the port of Stonington, of a suspected ship belong
ing to Boston — the Nancy and her cargo — the disposition of
which, by public sale, and the distribution of whose avails

1115. CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 215
to public hospitals, and among the Commissaries of Sup
plies for the army, the Governor had subsequently to super
vise. To him too, in October, Congress applied to furnish the
largest ship in . the Connecticut service, to be sent out — with
two armed vessels from Massachusetts — in order to intercept
and capture, if possible, two "north country-built brigs"
from England, that were on their way — loaded with six
thousand stand of arms, and a large quantity of powder and
other stores — for Quebec, without convoy.
To him also — as lying within his own peculiar power —
owners of vessels in the Colony, during the period of embar
goes, were in tbe habit of applying for permits in case of
exportation for particular purposes — as to the West Indies,
particularly, for powder.*
Here and there, too, Trumbull commissioned a few priva
teers, to commence a system of naval warfare upon the Brit
ish — which, in succeeding years, as we shall have occasion to
observe, was greatly augmented, and met with wonderful
success. Many a little spy vessel also he chartered, and sent
out, from bay and inlet, to watch the motions of the enemy
upon the water, and make report. Many a communication
from the armed brig Minerva, and the schooner Spy, reached
him through their commanders — Captain Hall and Captain
Niles — giving news of their naval ventures, and solicit
ing fresh instructions, and fresh equipments for new enter
prises. But besides this defence of the long seashore of Connecti
cut — one which, in the year that follows, we shall find
making greater and greater demands upon Trumbull's time,
and attended with many interesting and highly important
results — he was also charged, we have said, with the over
sight of prisoners. These he had to receive — especially pris-
*"The merchants of St. Eustatia are much our friends," he wrote in July to
his son Joseph — " we shall soon have powder enough." Nathaniel Shaw, Jr., a
highly enterprising merchant of New-London, and an ardent patriot, was at this
time, as well as subsequently, closely connected with Trumbull in the importa
tion of powder from the West Indies. "Purchase gunpowder, and return soon,"
was the frequent direction which he gave to the commanders of his vessels,
loaded with flour, pipe-staves, and other commodities, for Hispaniola.

216 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1^5.
oners of war — to distribute into suitable places of confine
ment, and look to their safe custody.
Connecticut, for some reason or other — either because of
the natural security and comparative compactness of many
of her inland towns — or from the fact that she was the first
to receive any large body of prisoners — or because of a gen
eral confidence in her superior watchfulness and patriotism—-
had, relatively, more charge of prisoners, during nearly the
entire War of the Eevolution, than any other one of the
Thirteen Colonies. Massachusetts sent them to her in great
numbers — New-York by crowds — New-Jersey quite numer
ously — the Continental Congress numerously. Such and so
many were they, in fact, in the first year of the War — and
so heavy was the attendant expense — that, in October, her
General Assembly was obliged specially to desire the Gov
ernor to request Congress to direct what provision should he
made for them, and how the costs incurred in their keeping
should be defrayed— a duty which, November eleventh, he
took particular pains to perform.
Conspicuous among these prisoners were those surprised
at Ticonderoga and Skenesborough, on the tenth of May of
the present year, and those subsequently brought down from
St. Johns, and from Chamblee in Canada. By order of Con
gress, and upon direction from the Governor of Connecticut,
those from St. Johns were placed at Windham and Lebanon,
and those from Chamblee, at Farmington — at which latter
place, on account of the turbulence of many of the captives,
and their attempts to escape, Trumbull was compelled to
exercise unusual vigilance, and in several instances, at an
extra expense, to increase their guards.
But the prisoners from Ticonderoga and Skenesborough —
the first fruits, in their character, of the first aggressive act
of the American Eevolution — most exacted his attention.
They consisted of forty-seven private soldiers of his Majes
ty's troops, of Governor Skene, Major Skene his son, Major
French, Captain De La Place, Mr. Lundy, and quite a num
ber of women, children, and servants — all of whom were
brought to Hartford. Trumbull immediately communicated
their capture to Congress, and, under the direction of the

1775. CHAP. XVIII.-^-TRUMBULL. 217
General Assembly of Connecticut, provided for their due
custody — with the exception of a few ladies of the party,*
from Canada, who happened to have been taken at Skenes
borough, and- who, with praiseworthy readiness, under the
escort of Captain John Bigelow, were at once returned to
their friends. The elder Skene and Lundy, however, were
soon, by special resolutions of Congress, placed under Trum
bull's own immediate surveillance. He was to order them,
under a guard, either to Wethersfield or Middletown. He
was to confine them there on parole, within such limits as he
should prescribe — and make such provision for their support,
at the expense of the United Colonies, as he should think
proper.f This duty he proceeded to execute — with strict
ness — more than was required, as it seemed to Silas Deane,
then a Member of Congress, who had given Skene private
assurances of a milder treatment than that which he in fact
experienced, and wrote to Trumbull in his behalf.
" You have no reason to blame yourself for any seeming
harshness towards the captive," answered Trumbull. "Doth
it not rather appear that Providence interposeth to prevent
the operation of Skene's inimical purposes and designs
against the constitutional rights and liberties of these Colo
nies? Truly as a prisoner of war he is entitled to the per
formance of the conditions on which he was made such — but
I could learn of no other conditions than such as came to
me authenticated from the minutes of Congress." Trumbull
continued, therefore, in the course he had already adopted,
and his judgment of Skene was fully confirmed by succeed
ing events — for at Hartford — at Mr. Hooker's house in the
* Among these ladies were the aunt and two sisters of Andrew Philip Skene.
To Skene also liberty was granted, under the direction of a Committee, "to alp-
point and send <i suitable man to take charge of his farm and business" at
Skenesborough — and the Commander from Connecticut at Ticonderoga and
Crown Point, was directed to see that his estate " should receivo no unnecessary
damage from the troops under his charge."
t Gov. Skene, wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., to his brother Joseph, July 24th,
177a — " has been very surly and turbulent — and is very much displeased with
his destination in the town of Hartford — swore, before he left Philadelphia, that
he would never come here — at least he would not come alive. Mr. Boss, one of
the Pennsylvania Delegates, told him they did not pretend to have power over
his soul — but that if he disengaged soul and body, his body should go where it
was ordered." 19

218 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. .1775.
West Division — to which place this leading captive was re
moved — he was believed to have been engaged plotting
busily against the Colony — particularly, it was supposed,
through the instrumentality of his servants. A special
Committee, therefore, was raised to investigate and report
upon his proceedings — and subsequently, after having been
sent by Trumbull, as was arranged, to the care of Washing
ton — with his son and some other British officers — he perfid
iously broke his parole.*
Captain De La Place — who had been commandant of the
garrison at Ticonderoga — often addressed Trumbull, as well
as petitioned the Legislature, in behalf of himself and his
companions in captivity — praying, in the first place, that
they might be set at liberty — and next, have an allowance
of money suitable to their rank. The first request was, of
course, disregarded, but tbe second met with respectful and
proper treatment at the hands of the Governor.
A third request, about the same time, but of a different
character, was preferred to him. Major French — another of
the northern prisoners, in custody at Hartford, and a Church-
of-England man — applied for removal to Middletown, be
cause for himself there was no place of worship, he said, in
the town in which he was then confined. " The situation
and circumstances of Middletown," wrote Trumbull to the
President of Congress on this matter — " render that an im
proper place for the officers. There is an Episcopal Mission
ary at Simsbury. I have no objection to that place, if de
sirable to them." After this manner, during the year 1775,
with frequent applications from captives of one sort and
another, was the Governor of Connecticut considerably oc
cupied. But the most remarkable case among the prisoners sent at
this time to bis custody, was that of Dr. Benjamin Church,
of Watertown, Massachusetts. This noted individual was
with Trumbull in College, as we have formerly stated — and
it was his peculiar destiny, in the period of which we now
speak, to be incarcerated, in a common jail, under the eye
* So Trumbull was informed by Gen. Schuyler, in a letter from Albany dated
tho onsuing Decomber.

1775. CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 219
and surveillance of his own old classmate. His traitorous
correspondence with the enemy in Boston — and that too
while a professed friend of the American cause, and while he
was, by appointment of Congress, Director of the Hospital
and chief Physician for the Army at the East, and while en
joying a seat of honor also in the Legislature of Massachu
setts — brought him into this forlorn situation. November
twenty-second, he was sent by General Washington to Leba
non, in charge of Captain Putnam and a sergeant with seven
men — under a resolve of Congress that he should be closely
confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without pen,
paper, or ink — and that no person should be allowed to
converse with him except in the presence and hearing of
a magistrate, or of a sheriff of the County within which
he should be kept, and then only in the English lan
guage — until further orders from the Supreme Authority
of the nation.
Governor Trumbull was requested to comply, in every
particular, with the words of this resolve — and he did so.
He sent Church to the prison at Norwich — and soon directed
the Sheriff there not to permit him to go out from close
confinement but once in a week — a precaution which the
dangerous character of the prisoner rendered imperative.
Soothed by no sympathy from the lips of his old college
companion and friend — animated by him with no hope of es
cape, or of release, except on the stern condition of turning
his freedom, heartily and unalterably, to the account of his
suffering country — yet treated with no more rigor than cir
cumstances required — it was not until July of the succeeding
year, that, by order of Congress, he was relieved from re
straint, and through his jailor — Prosper Wetmore — was re
turned to his home in Watertown.
But in addition to the oversight, now indicated, of those
who strictly were prisoners, the Governor had also, at this
period, to keep an eye of vigilance out in other directions — ¦
over tories, suspicious wanderers, and all inimical persons in
Connecticut — to see that they carried on no traitorous cor
respondence with the enemy, and were in no way concerned
in any plot or combinations for betraying the State, or for

220 CHAP. XVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1775,
resisting the measures pursued for a general union of defence
in the American cause. " Arrest and secure every person
whose going at large may endanger the safety of the Colony^
or the liberties of America" — was the injunction of the
Continental Congress. Seize the tories that are active, was
the recommendation of Washington addressed to him in No
vember — they are preying on the vitals of the country, and
will do all the mischief in their power !
But neither this injunction from Congress, nor the recom
mendation from Washington, were needed to stimulate the
conservative espionage either of Governor Trumbull, or of
the State at large, at the critical period now under considera
tion. A perfect system of police, with reference to internal
foes— at the head of which stood Trumbull — was organized
by Connecticut upon her own warning impulse.
Let any person within this Colony, she proclaimed by act
of legislation — directly or indirectly supply the Ministerial
army or navy with provisions, or military or naval stores —
or give to their officers, soldiers, or mariners, any intelli
gence — or enlist, or procure others to enlist into their serv
ice — or undertake to pilot any one of their vessels — or aid
or assist in any other way against this or any one of the
United Colonies — and the offender shall forfeit his whole es
tate to the use of this Colony — and furthermore shall be in
carcerated — three years — if a Judge of the Superior Court
shall think proper — in a common jail.
Let any one, proclaimed Connecticut again — either by
writing or speaking, or by any overt act, libel or defame any
resolves or proceedings of Congress, or of the General As
sembly of this Colony, made for the defence of the rights
and privileges of the country — and his arms shall be taken
from him. He shall be rendered incapable of serving in any
office, civil or military. Furthermore, he shall be punished by
fine, imprisonment, or disfranchisement — shall find surety of
the peace, as the Court may order — and himself shall pay the
costs of his own prosecution. And the Civil Authority, Se
lectmen, and Committees of Inspection of the several towns,
were commanded to examine every person charged with hos
tility to Connecticut, or to any other of the United Colonies.

1775: CHAP. XVIII.— TRUMBULL. 221
It was made imperative that such offenders should solemnly
purge themselves of the sin of unfriendliness to the country,
or be at once disarmed. Warrants were to issue for this pur
pose. The Sheriff was to see them enforced. If resisted, the
militia of any County, all or any part, was to be summoned
to execute them. Let every informing officer take care to
make presentments for any breaches of this law — concluded
the stringent and warning enactment.
Here then, in Connecticut — with details needless to men
tion in this place — was a Detective Code and a Detective Po
lice, for the suppression of internal foes — thorough for tbe
purpose intended as was that of the Duke of Otranto's in the
days of Napoleon the First. An open inquisition — under the
supreme authority of the Colony — patriotic from its motive —
searching from the pressure of danger — and irresistible from
the support of the whole judicial and tbe whole military
Arm of the State — stood at the door of every tory within
the bounds of its operation. Innumerable Committees — the
Magistracy — the General Assembly itself when in session —
and the Council of Safety — all watched to seize every offender
against the struggling liberty of the day, and swift punish
ment awaited swift trial, and swift condemnation.
It was a system, which — without moving phalanxes of
supple, crafty, and salaried spies — without recourse to venal
zeal in the gentler sex — with no fierce gendarmarie for its en
forcement — with no fiscal support from the visde of passports,
or in taxes levied on gambling and prostitution — as was the
vast and terrific system of Joseph Fouche" — which yet, like
that of this famous Minister of the General Police of France,
spread a perfect network over the State for the discovery of
disaffection — one so energetic, so elastic, and so penetrating,
from the patriotism which inspired it, as to render it impossi
ble for tart toryism to conceal its own activity, or to escape
retribution. Trumbull administered this system — as Chief Executive —
as by virtue of his office the great Searcher into the
State — with prudence and with energy. Its strings all
converged upon himself, and he managed them with wary
efficiency. Fortunately, the calls for its application, the
19*

222 CHAP. XVIII.— -TRUMBULL. 1775.
present year — so strong and overwhelming was the popu
lar tide in favor of liberty — were comparatively few — and
these confined, chiefly, to a little strip of the State bord
ering on New York. Elsewhere, there was almost universal
harmony — one heart — one mind — one glorious end — and this
end, Freedom!

CHAPTER XIX.
1775.
A »w anxiety for Trumbull. Soldiers left the Camp around Boston,
and among them some of the troops from Connecticut. Washington
writes Trumbull respecting these, animadverting, in severe terms, on
their conduct. An admirable reply from Trumbull. Another letter
of censure, to Trumbull — from the New York Congress — in regard to
Capt. Sears and the Rivington Press. Trumbull's reply. He blames
New York for granting permita to carry pTovisiona to the Island of
Nantucket, then deemed somewhat disaffected to the American cause.
Satisfied now that Oreat Britain will not yield, he continues diligent for
the public good. For the sake of general harmony, he again urges Con
gress to aidin quieting, for the present, the Susquehannah Controversy.
Dr. Franklin's Plan of Union sent to Trumbull. His views concerning
it. He proclaims a Fast, at the close of 1775. The Proclamation.
The month of December 1775 ushered in a novel and
painful anxiety for the Governor of Connecticut, in connec
tion with military affairs at the East. Enlistments in that
quarter were, many of them, expiring — and some of the
Connecticut troops, particularly of General Putnam's regi
ment — like other troops from other Colonies — induced in
part by the termination of their contracts — in part by neg
lect in the payment of their wages — in part by "ill usage on
tbe score of provisions"* — in part by the idea that, as win
ter had begun, there would probably be no call for any ac
tive service — and in part by tbe consideration that they had
been summoned suddenly to the field, and had left families
and property at home, that urgently required their atten
tion — forsook the Camp.
In a letter addressed by Washington to Trumbull, Decem
ber second, the Commander-in-chief animadverts, in severe
terms, upon this matter — " the late extraordinary and repre
hensible conduct," as he styles it, of some of the Connecticut
troops. When the time of their enlistment was about to
* 1775. " Oct. 28rd, Mon. Went to Cambridge w'th Hd Comms'nd Officers to
Gen'l Putnam, to let him know the state of the Reg't, and yt it was thro' ill
usage on the score of Provisions yt th'y would not extend their term of service
to the 1st of Jan'y 1776." — Diary of Capt. Nathan Hale.

224 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775,
expire, he said, they refused to remain a short time longer in
camp, to man the lines until other forces should have been
raised to supply their places. Through a Council of War
assembled in the exigency, he continued — he had determined
to call in, by the tenth instant, minute-men and militia, and
two thousand troops from New Hampshire — and the Con
necticut troops were informed of this arrangement. Yet on
the first of December quite a number resolved to leave — and,
eluding the vigilance exerted to retain them, started from
camp. "Many were taken," he added, " and brought back.
I have enclosed you a list of those that got off from Gen.
Putnam's regiment only, with their arms and ammunition,
and who have thus basely deserted tbe cause of their coun
try at this critical juncture. I submit it to your judgment
whether some example should not be made of them."
To this crimination from the Commander-in-chief, Trum
bull made the following admirable reply : —
" Lebanon, 7th Dec. 1775. Sir. Your Excellency's letter of the 2nd
instant, per Capt. Clark, came to hand the 14th — The late extraordinary
and reprehensible conduct of some of the troops of this Colony impress-
eth me, and the minds of our people, with grief, surprise, and indigna
tion, since the treatment they met, and the order and request made to
them was so reasonable, and apparently necessary for the defence of our
common cause, and safety of our rights and privileges, for which they
freely engaged, the term they voluntarily enlisted to serve not expired,
and probably would not end much before the time when they would be
relieved, provided their circumstances and inclination forbid them under
taking further. Indeed there is great difficulty to support liberty, ttf
exercise government, to maintain subordination, and at the same time to"
prevent the operation of licentious and leveling principles — which many
easily imbibe. The pulse of a New England man beats high for liberty.
His engagement in the service he thinks purely voluntary — therefore in
his estimation, when the time of his enlistment was out, he thinks himself
not holden, without further engagement This was the case in the last
war. I greatly fear its operation among the soldiers of other Colonies, as
I am sensible this is the genius and spirit of our people.
"I have the pleasure to inform you that the people of the towns where
the most of them belong, were so greatly affected by their unreasonable
conduct, that they would readily march to supply their places. This is
thought not advisable, as your Excellency made no such application;
Our laws against desertion are well calculated to punish such as are

1"5. CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 225
guilty. Provision is made effectually to punish such offenders, espe
cially the ringleaders. Of this care will be taken.
" The officers, by Act of Assembly, appointed Paymasters of their
companies, are not likely to return soon, and many might be uneasy for
want of their wages. To obviate this, I advised three gentlemen of our
Pay Table to proceed to the camp with money, to take your advice and
direction therein — taking care for the public arms and ammunition, for
minors and apprentices. The Union of the Colonies,- and the internal
union of each are of the utmost importance.
"I determine to call the General Assembly of this Colony to meet at
Newhaven on Thursday the 14th instant. Please to notify me of any
matters you think fit to suggest for consideration. You may depend on
their zeal and ardor to support the common cause, to furnish our quota,
and to exert their utmost strength for the defense of the rights of these
colonies. Your candor and goodness will suggest to your consideration
that the conduct of our troops is not a rule whereby to judge of the
temper and spirit of the Colony. I am &c."
The readiness with which in the letter now given, Trum
bull admits and censures the behaviour of the soldiers in
question, and the pride with which he seeks in the liberty-
loving zeal of the inhabitants of Connecticut some extenua
tion for the conduct of the few offenders, are pleasing evi
dences, the Eeader will concede, of an ingenuous and manly
spirit. Washington, in reply, fully admitted all that the
Governor affirmed in commendation of the patriotism of his
people, and expressed sincere gratification at the fact. " I
have nothing to suggest for the consideration of your Assem
bly," he wrote. " I am confident they will not be wanting in
their exertions for supporting the just and constitutional
rights of the Colonies."
At about the same time with the letter from Washington
now considered, Trumbull received another letter — from an
other quarter — in censure of Connecticut. It was a commu
nication from the New York Congress, in regard to the fa
mous exploit of Captain Sears in annihilating the Bivington
press — a press whose political poison had created serious de
fections from the American cause — and which, for this rea
son, Sears, at the head of a party of horsemen from Connec
ticut, well armed, had broken up. To the tune of Yankee
Doodle, in part destroying, and in part bearing off its types —

226 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
be by these means bravely overawed the tories, and gave
check to a plan — regularly concerted, it was believed — for
inviting the British troops from Boston to New York.
The Congress of New York — taking umbrage at this pro
ceeding — addressed the Continental Congress respecting it,
and wrote Trumbull in terms of serious remonstrance. They
complained that they could not but consider " such intru
sions as an invasion of their essential rights as a distinct
Colony." — " Common justice," they said, obliged them to
request that "all the types should be returned to the Chair
man of the General Committee of the City and County of
New York " — and, though they would not, they added, just
ify the man from whom the types were taken, they yet earn
estly wished that the glory of the existing contest might
" not be sullied by any attempt to restrain the freedom of
the press."
Small consolation, however, did tbe Bemonstrants in this
case get in response from Governor Trumbull — and certainly
tbey did not get one of the types. " The proper resort for a
private injury," be immediately answered — "must be to the
courts of law, which are the only jurisdictions that can take
notice of violences of this kind." Lf the affair is to be
viewed in a public light at all, the Governor continued,
"the head and leader of the whole transaction was a respect
able member of your city and Congress,* whom we consider
as the proper person to whom the whole transaction is im
putable, and who belongs, and is amenable to your juris
diction alone — and therefore the affair cannot be consid
ered as an intrusion of our people into your province,
but as a violence or disorder happening among your-
selves."f It is plain from this that Trumbull had no sympathy to
expend, on the tory Eivington — as he had not, we know,
upon tories anywhere. Even at the very time when he was
thus answering New York on tbe affair of the ruined printing
press, he was transmitting to the Council of Massachusetts per-
* Soars wbb at that timo a resident of Now York, but gathered his party in
Connecticut. t Rivington went off to England, and nothing more was done about the affair.

1775. CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 227
mits that fell into his hands, which New York had granted
for the transportation of provisions to the then somewhat
tory-infected island of Nantucket* — and was remonstra
ting against this indulgence — this sending supplies "to the
favorites of Administration" in that quarter — as being a
" suspicious " proceeding, and one to be carefully watched.
"I give you this intelligence," he forcibly adds — "that
such measures may be taken that while we are at war
with, we may not at the same time be feeding our ene
mies." From the proceedings in Great Britain, Trumbull was now
satisfied that his country at last — alas too truly — was "re
duced to the alternative of choosing between unconditional
submission to tbe tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance
by force." He was familiar with the fact that tbe Provinces
had been freshly stigmatized, by large majorities, in Parlia
ment, as in a state of "revolt, hostility, and rebellion"- — that
the British naval establishments and land forces had been
augmented, and that measures had been taken by the King
to procure foreign troops. "I am fully assured," he said in
November, "of the insufficiency now of all petitions, and
¦that the Boyal Proclamations in regard to America, are de
cisive." Most diligently did he, therefore, at this period, keep him
self at work in cementing that union and harmony between
the Colonies which he had always promoted, and which he
deemed utterly vital to their success. It was his own most
emphatic desire that his countrymen — as was immortally
expressed by Congress, in its Declaration, in July, of the
causes which led them to take up arms — should be " with
one mind resolved to die freemen, rather than live slaves."
So again — towards the close of the present year — he wrote
the Supreme Authority of the nation in regard to the contest
about the Susquehannah lands — and expressed his "strong
hope that all altercations" between Connecticut and Mr.
Penn and the Settlers, would "be quieted by the Honorable
Congress." This Body, he urged, "may lay their hand
* They were granted to one Captain Fanning.

228 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
effectually " upon the strife, "and prevent mischief."* And
he at the same time labored assiduously to promote the suc
cess of those Articles of Confederation and Union between
the Colonies, which, in August, Dr. Franklin had proposed
to Congress — and which, though not adopted, are yet consid
ered as containing much of the substance of the plan that
was subsequently submitted to the Colonies for their appro
bation. He had objections to some features of the original
scheme, it is true — and he expressed them to Congress. A
draught of it was sent him, for his own particular considera
tion — which he returned with such alterations as suited, his
views. In his own opinion, however, it was " of the utmost
importance " that this scheme, after being " well and maturely
digested," should be " entered into as soon as might be with
conveniency" — and should "continue firm and inviolate,"
even in the event of a possible reconciliation with Great
Britain — as he could see nothing in such a confederation
" inconsistent with the English Constitution."
But the most interesting among the acts of Trumbull, in
the closing month of the year on which we dwell, was — De
cember Nineteenth — his Proclamation for a Fast — in which,
after recapitulating the tyrannies suffered from Great Britain,
he proceeds, in a spirit of unfeigned piety, and in language
of peculiar forcibleness, to assign a Day of Humiliation and
Prayer, and to particularize the ends of the appointment.
The document, as has been well remarked, "breathes the
very spirit of the Declaration of Independence, whose prede
cessor it was by about six months." We give it, therefore,"
entire — and with all its typographical peculiarities — as a fit
ting close to our survey of the life and services of Governor
Trumbull during tbe first year of the great American Strug
gle. It was published as follows : —
* " This cannot easily be done, if it can be done at all," he wrote tho Conti
nental Delegates from Connecticut, Nov. 17th, 177s — "by the Assemblies of the
two Colonies, and it may endanger the penco of both. All desired here by the
frionds of American liberty, is that the two claims may lie dormant during our
more important struggles — but tho enemies who are seeking the ruin of our priv
ileges, will make the best handlo of it they can to embroil and divide the two
Colonies. The Congress may lay their hand effectually upon it, and prevent
mischief."

1775. CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 229
"By the Honorable Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire, Governor of the
English Colony of Connecticut in New-England in America,
"A PROCLAMATION
"For a day of public Pasting and Prayer.
"Whereas it hath pleased the Most High God, blessed forever, the
supreme and righteous Ruler of the World, to bring upon this Colony,
and the other British Colonies on this Continent, grievous and distressing
Troubles, by permitting the Administration and Rulers of our Parent
State to make a solemn Declaration, that the Parliament of Great Britain
hath a right to make Laws binding upon the Colonies in all cases what
soever — and in Pursuance thereof have imposed Taxes upon us without
our Consent ; deprived one of the Colonies of their most essential and
chartered Privileges ; sent over a Fleet and Army which have engaged
us in a Civil War ; destroyed many lives, burnt two of our flourishing
Towns ; captured many of our Vessels that fell in their Way ; prohibited
and destroyed our Fishery and Trade ; hostilely taken from the Inhabit
ants of our Sea coast and Islands, Live Stock, and other Articles of pri
vate Property, and threaten us with general Destruction, for no other
Reason known to us, than that we will not surrender our Liberties, Prop
erties, and Priviledges, which we believe God and Nature, the British
Constitution, and our sacred Charters give us a just right to enjoy — And
in the midst of these Calamities it hath pleased God to visit many of our
Towns with Sickness in the last Autumn. — All which call for extraordi
nary Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer, and sheweth us that God demands
our sincere Repentance and Return to Him.
"I have therefore thought fit, by and with the Advice of the Council,
and at the Desire of the Representatives in General Court assembled, to
appoint, and do hereby appoint Wednesday the Seventeenth day of Jan
uary next, to be observed as a Day of Fasting and Prayer throughout
this Colony, hereby exhorting our Ministers and People of all Denomina
tions of Christians to observe the same ; unfeignedly to humble them
selves before God, penitently to confess their Sins ; earnestly to beseech
the Mercy of God, and His gracious Return to us. — That He would par
don our Iniquities, pour out His Holy Spirit upon us, and effect a thor
ough and general Reformation — That he would be pleased to remove the
awful Calamities we are under ; put an End to the Miseries of Civil War ;
restore, preserve, and secure our Liberties and Priviledges, and settle
them upon a lasting Foundation. — That He would bless and direct the
Rulers and Guides of His People in all the Colonies, and particularly
guide the Continental Congress, and make all their Counsels, Advice and
Determinations such as will be pleasing to Him, and will promote the
Union and Happiness of the People and secure the Enjoyment of our
just Rights, and more and more unite and engage the Hearts of this
People in the Things of God, and their own Peace ; succeed all just En-
20

230 CHAP. XIX. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
deavors to obtain the Restoration of our Liberties and Priviledges, and
go on to restore and establish Health among us. — That He would partic
ularly dwell in this Colony, give his Presence and Blessing to our Civil
Rulers, strengthen, direct and assist them in this dark and difficult day
to understand and pursue the Things of our Welfare, — build up the
Churches in Faith, Unity and Holiness, — prosper the Gospel Dispensa
tions, — give his Presence with the Ministers of Christ, — make them
greatly successful in gathering in Souls to Him, — bless the College and
Schools of Learning, succeed Endeavors used for promoting Christianity
among the Heathen, — preserve their Peace and Friendship with us, — con
tinue to turn the Counsel of our Enemies to foolishness, and blast every
evil Design against us. — And to offer fervent Prayers for our sovereign
Lord King George the Third, our Gracious Queen Charlotte, the Prince
of Wales, and all the Royal Family. — That God would direct the King's
Councils, teach him ever to discern and incline him to pursue and pro
mote the Things of God's Will, and the true Interests, Happiness and
just Rights of His People, remove evil Counsellors far from him and
bless him with such Ministers as fear God, hate Covetousness, and are
sincere Lovers of the People. — That he would pardon, enlighten, and
save the Nation, and fill the Earth with his Praise.
" And all Servile Work is forbidden on said Day.
"Given under my Hand in the Council-Chamber in New-Haven, the
Nineteenth day of December, in the Sixteenth Year of the Reign of our
Sovereign Lord George the Third, of Great Britain, France and Ireland,
King, &c, Annoque Domini, 1775 "Jon™- Tbcmbull.
"God Save the King."

CHAPTER XX.
Trumbull known and denounced ahroad as " the Rehel Governor of Con
necticut." Extract from a London Magazine, of 1781, showing the man
ner in which he was vilified in England. Was in fact the only "Rebel"
Governor in America., at the outbreak of the Revolution, His course,
under this aspect, examined and vindicated by contrast "with the course
of every other Governor in tbe United Colonies — viz: Thomas Hutch
inson of Massachusetts — John Wentworth of New Hampshire — Joseph
Wanton of Rhode Island — William Tryon of New York — William.
Franklin of New Jersey — John Penn of Pennsylvania and Delaware —
Robert Eden of Maryland — Lord Dunroore of Virginia — Joseph Martin
of North Carolina — Lord William Campbell of South Carolina — and
James Wright of Georgia.
"God save the King!" — concludes emphatically the Procla
mation with which our last Chapter closes — yes, as the phrase
concluded every official document— from every Chief Magis
trate — in all tbe Thirteen Colonies — down to that memorable
morning which ushered in the Declaration of Independence.
Intermitting now the fashion of royalty — relaxing for once
its ceremonial silence and stately reserve — would George the
Third at this time, do our Eeaders think, have consented to
reciprocate the solemn invocation, and have prayed God to
save that Governor who thus prayed God to save the King ?
In his heart he might have done so — nay did — for each of
his own high functionaries in the New World, save for the
one solitary Governor of solitary Connecticut — for other Gov
ernors all obeyed him. They were loyal — to all appearance
affectionate — true to his maxims of power — nay almost all
of them forward in their allegiance — ready, in truth, to bend
"the pregnant hinges" of the knee in unquestioning adora
tion of every feature of his kingly omnipotence.
But for Trumbull — alone of all who stood at the helm of
his subordinate sovereignties in the New World — he bad no
impulse of attachment — not a purpose but to condemn — not
a wish but for his downfall and his extirpation. He would
not have said "God save" him, for all the worth of his king
dom — for Trumbull was the outspoken foe to all his meas-

232 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL.
ures respecting America — his stern, uncompromising, unrest
ing opponent upon every question that involved the liberty
of the American subject. He was in thought — in word — in
deed — against him. He was against him in arms. He had
despised, repudiated, and forgotten, it was believed, every
sentiment of what "his Majesty" deemed true allegiance.
He was "the rebel, the Eebel Governor of Connecticut!" —
so denounced by tbe king himself, and by his own haughty
Parliament— so proclaimed in periodicals, and talked of at
almost every fireside and wayside, in Great Britain — so
known the world over, wherever American resistance found
one eye to note its leaders.*
*" Jonathan Trumbull, the Rebel Governor of Connecticut" — says, for ex
ample, the "Political Magazine'" for January 1781, published in London — in one
of the most mendacious and scurrilous articles on record — " a man of desperate
fortune, with an abundant share of cunning" — "is about five feet seven inches
high, has dark eyes, a. Roman nose, sallow countenance, long chin, prominent
forehead, high and broad cheek bones, hollow cheeks and short neck"— ris "in
person of a handsome figure and very active" — and is "now between 70 and 80
years of age. He is morose in his natural temper, reserved in his speech, vain
and covetous, envious and spiteful to a great degree, never forgiving or forgetting
an affront. He is at the same time very artful ; he will smile in the face of those
he hates, and court their friendship at the very moment he is endeavoring by
every means in his power to effect their ruin. As to justice, he never had an
idea of it ; at least he never showed any in practice ; always judging according
to a party spirit, which ever domineered in his merciless soul."
The article from which this extract is taken — for which we are indebted to the
politeness of Jofin Langdon Sibley Esquire, the Librarian of Cambridge Uni
versity — covers four pages and a half— of very fine print — two columns on a
page — in the Political Magazine — and is entitled — "History of Jonathan Trum
bull, the present Rebel Governor of Connecticut, from his Birth, early in this
Century, to the present Lay"
It opens with gross defamation of Trumbull's birth, parents, and ancestry— and
next — in order to sustain a charge of chentery in business affairs, and of fanati
cism and intolerance in religion, fabricates a story of a lawsuit between the Gov
ernor and one Joel Harvey, a loyalist and Church-of-England man. It then pro
ceeds wholly to misrepresent and pervert, to his prejudice, his connection with
the famous Betel's riot at Hebron — and concludes with some references to Ms
"rebel" children.
Connecticut also, in the course of tho articlo, is abused without stint. Its
"first emigrants," according to the malignant and ignorant writer, "had more
zeal than honesty or common justice. They murdered King Connecticote, and
killed or drove away all bis subjects, seizod their lands under pretence of spread
ing the gospel, and by way of compensation, or in memory of their triumph,
called tho Colony by the name of the murdered King.— In 1662, after having
killod two kings, they accepted a Charter under Charles II, but declared at tho
same time, Jesus was their King, and themselves sole legislators and lords of
Connecticut ; admitting no law of England to be of any validity until it had re-

CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 233
"The Rebel Governor!" Phrase significant indeed — and
already abundantly explained by the acts of Trumbull dur
ing the year we have just surveyed, as well as by those of his
previous life from the Peace of Paris down I But tbe only
Rebel Governor — the sole Chief Magistrate of a Colony, who,
at the outbreak of the American Revolution, as well as ever
after, took the side of Freedom and the People ! This, in the
sphere in which he moved — this bis naked solitariness of re
bellion — is peculiarly fraught with patriotic beauty, and de
serves to be contemplated in connection with the position of
those other Governors — those other "loyal" Chief Magistrates,
as they were termed — with whom Trumbull came so strik
ingly in contrast. Let us run the comparison then — summa
rily — but here fittingly at the close of the first Act in the
Drama of the American Revolution.
There was first Thomas Hutchinson, Governor of Massachu
setts — a classmate of Trumbull's in College, as we have here
tofore had occasion to state, and notorious as a bitter foe to
America — "like a mildewed ear," contrasting with "his
wholesome brother." Acute, learned, thoroughly experi
enced in public affairs, affable, insidious, insinuating, ambi
tious, avaricious — ready to sacrifice everything for place and
power — zealous to uproot now the Constitution of Massa
chusetts, now that of Rhode Island, now that of Connecticut,
and now tbe whole New-England organization of towns —
ceived the sanction of the General Assembly." — And their descendants, "after
the reduction of Canada, judged the Millenarian State had commenced, and
viewed Britain only as a foggy island, proper to be annexed to the States of Hol
land, or to France."
Almost the only passage in the article, concerning Trumbull, which, with much
that is falBe, has yet one or two glimpses of truth, is the following : — ¦
"No sooner had Jonathan taken his degree, [at College,] than ho became a
preacher in the independent way, and was esteemed to be a man of grace ; but
having a bad delivery, he could not obtain a parish. However, his politeness,
apparent goodness, and address, recommended him to Miss Robinson, a de
scendant of the famous reverend Mr. Robinson, head of a Sect both in Old and
New England. His marriage with this Lady (whose father was a burning and a
shining light among the independents and children of the regicides, who settled
in New England,) raised him from obscurity to a state of nobility, for all who
have any blood in their veins of the first settlers, or of the regicides, are consid
ered in Now England as of the rank of Noblesse. Mr. Jonathan's matrimonial
connection giving him the prospect of preferment in civil life, he bid adieu to
the pulpit, and commenced merchant."
20*

234 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL.
toiling now to restrain American commerce, now to make
the Judiciary dependent on the Crown, now to render the
denial of Parliamentary Supremacy a capital felony, and
now to establish Martial Law — from the days of the Stamp
Act down to the close of his career in the New World, he
did more to embroil the Colonies and the Mother-Country,
and to fan the quarrel after it commenced, than any other
man upon the American Continent. All who are familiar
with his pernicious administration of public affairs in the
Colony which he governed, and with the fatal consequences
which ensued, agree that "few ages have produced a more
fit instrument than he proved to be for the purposes of a
corrupt court." In 1 7 74r— defeated in his ambition — suffer
ing " all the tortures of age trembling for the loss of place" —
with his gray hairs, that should have been ever "kept purer
than the ermine," now "covered with shame" — he left his
native country forever — on the same day when, by Act of
Parliament, the blockade of Boston took place. Without
living to see American Independence established — but living
long enough "to repent in bitterness of soul," it is said, "the
part be had acted against a country once disposed to respect
his character " — in London, in 1780 — by a kind of retribu
tive justice, a victim to chagrin, disappointment, and des
pair — he breathed out his disturbed and disturbing soul on
the very day when the riots, roused by Lord George Gordon,
reached their fearful height.
There was John Wentworffi, Governor of New-Hampshire,
Far back as 1767, this man manifested his hostility to Amer
ican interests by preventing the merchants of Portsmouth
from entering into the Non-Importation Scheme, which was
then devised in resistance to the arbitrary measures of Great
Britain. Soon as tbe Revolution dawned, he labored most
assiduously to prevent the appointment of Committees of
Correspondence — those props and safeguards of Liberty.
When the New-Hampshire Legislature, in spite of his oppo
sition, appointed them, he at once dissolved this Body.
When these Committees met to appoint Delegates to Con
gress, he took a Sheriff with him, and dispersed them. He
soon lost all power in the Province. An outraged People

CHAP. XX.— TRUMBULL. 235
compelled him to shut himself up in Portsmouth. An in
dignant mob pillaged his house. Popular anger continued
to swell against him, and he fled the territory, leaving the
political control of New-Hampshire entirely in the hands of
its Republican Provincial Congress, and local Committees.
There was Joseph Wanton, Governor of Rhode Island — " a
man of weak capacity, and of little political knowledge" —
who not only " endeavored to impede all measures of oppo
sition to Great Britain," but also " to prevent even a discus
sion on the propriety of raising a defensive army." After
the burning of tbe Gaspee, treacherously to the interests of
freedom, he sat on that most obnoxious inquisitorial Court
of Inquiry, then raised by his Majesty — which Was vested
with tbe fearful power of seizing any person on bare suspi
cion—confining him on board a King's ship — and sending
him, in desolation and despair — far from friends — out of the
reach of a single witness in bis favor — to stand trial, and
receive a certain condemnation in distant England.
There was William Tryon, Governor of New- York, a most
noted foe indeed to the Colonies. Several years before the
Revolution, his administration of North Carolina had marked
him as an extortioner and an oppressor. His merciless con
duct in that Province — sword and torch in one hand, and
the halter in tbe other — towards a poor, scourged, and almost
defenceless people in the counties of Orange and Mecklen-
burgh — signalized him as one, says Bancroft, who "in his
revengeful zeal for the Crown, had treasured up wrath
against the day of wrath." The Cherokees there, with
whom he negotiated boundaries, to mark his cruelty and
craft, distinguished him by the name of the " Great Wolf."
Able, enterprising, artful, a perfect master of intrigue, there
was not one measure of the British Cabinet into which he
did not enter with hot zeal. When he assumed the govern
ment of New- York, he counselled every soul under his rule
there to submit quietly to the King, and " to decline any
union of opinion and action with the other Colonies in their
opposition to the new regulations of the British Parliament."
He encouraged the recusants upon Long Island, and upon
Staten Island, in their refusal to sign the Continental Asso-

236 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL.
ciation. Though he soon became so obnoxious as to be com
pelled, for personal safety, to fly on board the Asia man-of-
war, yet he soon emerged from his retreat — like a dragon
from his den — put himself at the head of a body of loyalists,
and annoyed and scourged the inhabitants of New- York and
the Jerseys, wherever he could penetrate. In the course of
his career he burned Continental Village, and the public
stores there, and houses and other buildings at numerous
other points upon the Hudson. He reduced Danbury and
Fairfield to ashes. He fired Norwalk. He plundered New
haven. He devastated wherever he could. A most active,
malicious foe to the Colonies and all their rights, his memory
is execrated. There was William Franklin, Governor of New-Jersey.
The fact that this man was, by order of Congress, deprived,
as a prisoner, of the use of pen, ink or paper, fully shows
his dangerous opposition to the rights of America. Far
back as 1767, he had prevailed on New-Jersey to return a
negative answer to the famous patriotic Circular of Massa
chusetts. It was a fit preparation, on his part, for the course
he took when the doings of the first Continental Congress
came before an Assembly of his Province for ratification.
He then labored most zealously, but in vain, to prevent this
ratification. He took the Assembly to task for avowing sen
timents favorable to a separation from the Mother-Country,
and denounced such separation as " a horrid measure." He
held traitorous correspondence with the enemy. New-Jersey,
therefore, made him a prisoner in his own house. Persisting
in it, he was sent to rigid confinement in Connecticut — and
when released, by exchange, became at once President of a
Board of Loyalists whose object it was to trample down
Colonial rights and liberties.
There was John Penn, Governor of Pennsylvania, and
Governor also of Delaware — for it was not until 1777, when
the Presidency of John McKinley commenced, that this lat
ter territory, though previously enjoying a distinct adminis
tration, became in fact wholly separate from the adjoining
"Propriety." Like the Governor of New-Jersey, he too,
before the Revolution broke forth, acted out sentiments not

CHAP. XX.— TRUMBULL. 237
in accordance with that glorious event. He too, like William
Franklin, had opposed that patriotic Massachusetts Circular,
to which we have referred — had even enjoined the Pennsyl
vania Assembly to disregard it as factious, and of dangerous
tendency. Soon after his first arrival in Philadelphia — at
which time an earthquake, of ill omen as by many regarded,
shook the city — he had, by a demand for proprietary taxes
deemed extravagant, so incensed this Assembly, as that, by
a very large majority, it determined to petition the King to
take tbe jurisdiction of the province out from the bands of
the Proprietors, and vest tbe government directly in the
Crown. So that he too was prepared, when the Revolution
broke out, to resist it — with occasionally, it is true, an ap
pearance of sympathy witb such leading spirits in his Prov
ince in the cause of liberty as John Dickinson, and perhaps
bis own co-Quaker friend, General Mifflin — and with com
parative mildness — yet after all, with so much of positive-
ness, as that when the detested Boston Port Bill took effect,
and he was requested thereupon to convene the Assembly of
his Province, he refused absolutely to do so, and during the
whole time that the storm was gathering, adhered to instruc
tions from the Crown, and openly disapproved of the patriot
mode of redressing grievances through the medium of Con
ventions, and of the immortal Continental Congress.
There was Robert Eden, Governor of Maryland — a man of
conciliating manners, and estimable private character, but
one whom Marshall describes as strongly prejudiced in favor
of British interests, and a spy for the public enemy — a man
whose arrest, in consequence of his traitorous correspondence
with the British Ministry, was recommended by Congress —
and to whom a Convention of his own Province formally
signified its opinion that "the public safety and quiet re
quired him to leave " Maryland. General Lee threatened to
seize and confine him. The summer of 1776 saw him sail
for England, a fugitive from his own seat of power.
There was Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia — a man
whose intemperate zeal in behalf of the King caused universal
disgust — who strove to cut short every deliberation upon the
public grievances — who proclaimed Patrick Henry, and his

238 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL.
coadjutors in the cause of the People, guilty of rebellion-^
who, in the face of a tumult which his own rashness excited,
was compelled to retreat for safety on board tbe British man-
of-war Fowey — and who proceeded then, for several months,
to wage a bitter predatory war upon Virginia — which term
inated, most disgracefully to himself, in his applying the
torch to tbe best town in the Province* He seized the
powder of the Colony, and placed it on board an armed
ship. He dismantled the Colonial fort at Williamsburgh.
He threatened to declare the blacks free, and to arm them
against their masters. He did enlist fugitive slaves to
butcher their masters. He encouraged the Indians to rush
from the wilderness on the back settlements. After outrag
ing in every form that he could the interests and liberties of
the Province he had governed, this rash, ranting, and exe
crated defender of Parliamentary Power, found it necessary
at last to retire with his plunder to St. Augustine.
There was Joseph Martin, Governor of North Carolina — also
an inveterate, zealous, cruel tory — who, after doing all in his
power to prevent the appointment of Delegates from hia
Province to the Continental Congress, and the subsequent
ratification of the doings of this Body, conspired with the
Regulators, and Scotch Highlanders, in his government, to
overawe and subdue all the Sons of Liberty there — who
commissioned McDonald and McLeod to march against them
for their destruction — who angrily denounced all their con
ventions and proceedings. Compelled at last, in fear of
their indignation, first at Newbern to fortify his own dwell
ing, and next to fly for safety on board a British man-of-
war, he co-operated heartily with Clinton, in every form, to
retain North Carolina in subjection to the Crown.
There was Lord William Campbell, Governor of South
Carolina. He too, like the Chief Magistrates already de
scribed, was hostile to the liberties of the Province which he
ruled. All the proceedings of the people there for putting it
in a state of defence, he opposed. He struck at its Commit
tee of Safety. He secretly negotiated with the Cherokees,
and with the disaffected in the back counties of the South,
* Norfolk.

CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL. 239
and encouraged insurrections of the negroes, in order to over
power the patriots. All harmony between himself and the
latter being soon broken up, he too was compelled at last to
retire for safety on board a British ship-of-war — where, in
the attack on Charleston — in June 1776 — serving as a vol
unteer in the flag-ship of the enemy, he fell fighting against
the liberties of America.
There was James Wright, Governor of Georgia — another
violent tory Chief Magistrate — who opposed the adoption in
his Province of the American Association, and had influ
ence enough for a time to prevent it — who issued proclama
tions against all conventions of his people — and who attempt
ed to stop them from seizing powder at the mouth of the
Savannah, that so they might be deprived of an article vital
to their defence. Made at last, on account of his obnoxious
course, a prisoner in his own house, be forfeited his parole —
and after having done everything in his power to quench the
flame of revolution, he too stole off for security to a British
ship. And now, in striking contrast with every other Chief Mag
istrate of every other American Colony, when the Revolu
tion began, how does the subject of our Memoir, Jonathan
Trumbull, Governor of Connecticut — how does he appear?
"Quantum mutatus ab illis!" Thoughtful only of the
good of the people over whom he presided, we find him
heartily and at once flinging himself on their side — and with
a contempt of all the allurements or menaces of royal power,
and an almost unparallelled assiduity, devoting his time,
talent, and treasure to the support of colonial rights. Yes,
with the ardor, courage, and inflexibility of an Adams'
of an Otis, a Henry, and a Rutledge — with the wisdom of a
Sherman and a Franklin — and with the serene confidence,
and undying hope of a Washington — he sprang into the con
test — and to every act of British tyranny opposed a wall of
resistance — opposed a rampart of reason, and a rampart of
men — thirty-one thousand nine hundred and thirty-nine in
number, in the course of the War — whom his own energy,
as we shall see, gathered from every hill and valley in Con
necticut, to fight the battles of Freedom !

240 CHAP. XX. — TRUMBULL.
"The Rebel Governor ! " Ah, yes — title of glory indeed—-
a rebel to an arrogant King — to a dictatorial British Minis
try — to an enslaving British Parliament; — to all power, and
all policy, not founded on the- indestructible rights of man
kind! The names of other Colonial Governors, at the
outbreak of the American Revolution, may live — but it will
be only in union with the thought of oppression. That of
Trumbull will survive immortally associated with Liberty—
that Liberty which is "the eternal Spirit of the chainless
mind" — whose habitation is the heart of patriotism — and
whose monument is " the independence, the glory, and the
durable prosperity of one's country."

PART II,

21

JllBufWilifh.

£ffyW7Zsf c^^^^^

CHAPTER XXI.
1776.
Trumbull in his connections with the War, at the North — around New
"York — and at the East. He issues two Proclamations for raising a
Northern Pvegiment. He makes other preparations for the Northern
Department, and hears favorable news from this quarter. He warmly
aids the defence of New York "by Gen Lee. An instance, here, of hia
promptness and decision. He guards against tories. Congress and
IJord Sterling press him to continue his aid to New York. He
strengthens and supplies the army around Boston He encourages
the procurement and manufacture of the munitions of "war. The
"works at Salisbury in this connection. Death of his friend and pastor.
Rev. Solomon Williams. Trumbull in his relations to this worthy
man — to his Church — and to his death-bed.
We enter now with Trumbull upon the year 1776 — one
of renowned events both in the forum and the field of new
born America — a year peculiarly of triumph for freedom
upon tbe civil and political stage, but upon the military are
na, one of blood-baptism and distress. We shall watch his
steps here — as in that we have just left, and in that which
follows — closely — for these are the years especially in which
the War — not yet, as subsequently, transferred mainly to the
Southward — had its seat at the North — raged as it were
around his own dwelling — and most particularly tasked his
energies, tested his patriotism, and developed the man. Let
us look at him then — as in our plan hitherto — in his connec
tions with the War, at the North — around New York — at
the East — and upon the waters and shores of his own native
State — and first, during that period of tbe year — its three
opening months — which closes with the marked event of the
evacuation of Boston by tbe British troops.
And here let the Reader observe him first on tbe opening
clay of January, 1776— on which day, developing at this
date both his own and the action of the State over which he
presided— he addressed a letter to General Washington, from
which the following are extracts : —

244 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. i^g,
" I received the 20th of last month, your Excellency's favor of the
15th, enclosing a list of the officers and companies under the new ar
rangement, with the number of men enlisted ; and at the same time, an
other of the 17th, with the information of several persons who then had
lately come out of Boston. I return my thanks for both.
" By accounts received from various parts of the Colony, the recruiting
officers, for the Continental service, have good success in enlisting men.
" The Assembly have granted Chaplains the same pay given last cam
paign, with the addition of forty shillings per month each, to enable
them to supply their pulpits.
" Brigadier General Prescott is not arrived. Shall give particular di
rections to prevent his escape, if he comes into this Colony.
" The 23rd, yours of the 14th of December came to hand, per Mes
sieurs Penet & De Pliarre. Every necessary assistance, for expediting
their journey, was afforded without delay ; they set out the next morn
ing. You shall be made acquainted with the expense incurred on their
account, when the same is known.
"The 28th instant, at evening, our General Assembly adjourned.
There is great unanimity in our common cause."
And the Governor goes on to describe several important
acts which the Assembly passed — among others, one for
raising and equipping, as Minute-Men, one-fourth part of the
militia of Connecticut — another for restraining and punish
ing persons who were inimical to the liberties of the coun
try — another providing for the construction of armed ves
sels — another exempting the polls of soldiers from taxes —
and still another for encouraging the manufacture of salt
petre and gunpowder.
" I hope," he continues — " to collect Saltpetre and manufacture a con
siderable quantity of gunpowder early in the spring. The furnace, at
Middletown, is smelting lead, and likely to turn out twenty or thirty
tons. Ore is plenty.
" Please to favor me with an account of the quantity of lead received
from Crown Point. From thence I received one hundred and eighty old
gun barrels, which are fitting up here, and will make one hundred and
fifty stands of good arms. Hearing that those stands, taken in the ord
nance store-ship, had each a spare lock, I thought proper to mention to
you, that, if it be so, whether it may not be well to furnish a number
for the arms fitting here.
"On the 26th, at evening, I met, at Hartford, on my returning from
the General Assembly, yours of the 23d of December, and immediately
sent to Captain Wadsworth, a person employed by the Commissary-

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 245
General, and much acquainted, to see if any blankets could be pur
chased, and found there are none. Many of our new enlisted men, I am
told, will bring blankets with them, which they get from private families.
Those lost at the Bunker Hill fight were furnished in that manner, and
our minute-men will supply themselves in that way ; but I am very
doubtful of success, if attempted. Lieutenant Colonel Durkee this day
mentioned to me your direction to him on this head. Shall lay the same
before our Committee at their next meeting.
"Inclosed is a copy of an Act empowering the Commander-in-chief,
&c,, to administer an oath. Also, Minutes of the ordnance taken from
the Ministerial troops at the several Northern posts, from the 1st of May
to the 13th of November, 1775 " — also " a letter from President Wheelock,
at Dartmouth College."
The year 1775, as is familiar history, so far as the North
ern Campaign is concerned, went down in blood — in the
blood of one of the noblest Generals of the Revolution, and
in calamity and defeat before Quebec. The fall of Montgom
ery, however, and the disastrous state of affairs at Quebec
which immediately ensued, but stimulated effort afresh on
the part of the United Colonies. Congress at once resolved
to raise nine battalions of men for the preservation of Cana
da, and apportioned their quotas accordingly upon different
States. Yet before he received particular instructions from
Congress, Trumbull — to whom, from his peculiar efforts for
the Northern Department, the rout proved most distressing —
was up and doing.
January nineteenth, he issued a Proclamation for raising a
Northern Regiment. After reciting tbe news of Montgom
ery's defeat* — in consideration of this, and of the fact that
the Continental Congress could not instantly forward troops,
and would approve bis steps — be called for a regiment of
foot, to consist of seven hundred and fifty effective men —
which was "to be marched with all possible expedition," he
said, "to the relief and succor of the Continental Army in
Canada, and to continue in service until the first of March
next," unless it could be "sooner released consistent with the
public safety."-}-
* " I lament the loss of Gen. Montgomery, and the other brave officers before
Quebeo"— he wrote Jan. 21, 1776. "Let our eyes be upon the Lord. May we
humbly and patiently bear his chastisement ! "
t "And I do," he concluded — "earnestly recommend it to, and invite all per
21*

246 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL.

m&

Shortly after this Proclamation, he received from Congress,
by express, directions for keeping up nine battalions in Can
ada, and for raising one regiment in Connecticut. Where
upon he issued a second Proclamation — in lieu of the form
er — drafted on the Congress plan — and calling for eight com
panies, of ninety men each, including officers. In this offi
cial document, after declaring pay and encouragement for
those who would enlist, he pledged himself that they should
receive all that was offered. "And considering," he con
cluded- — -"the generous encouragement aforesaid, granted by
said Honorable Congress, tbe nature and importance of the
service more immediately affecting the Northern Colonies,
the justice of the cause &c, I repeat the invitation contained
in my former Proclamation, to all able-bodied men, to a suf
ficient number, for the sake of all that is dear to freemen,
and for security of those rights which render life desirable,
freely and cheerfully to exert themselves on this great occa
sion, in which we have much reason to hope for the blessing
of Almighty God, and that our vigorous exertion, for one
ensuing campaign, will lay a happy foundation for putting an
end to the unnatural contest into which we are forced by
cruel oppression, and secure the lasting peace and tranquillity
of this once happy land, on the sure and happy basis of re
ligious and civil liberty."
The regiment thus called for was speedily prepared — and
Colonel Burrall, a brave and energetic officer, was placed at
its head. It is completed, as you desired, and will soon be
on its march — wrote Trumbull to Congress. It will be at
Albany soon — he wrote to Schuyler. Pay and all needful
supplies were furnished — and in advance too of General
Washington's request. "The early attention which you and
your Honorable Council have paid to this important busi
ness," said Washington — addressing Trumbull on the sub
ject — "has anticipated my requisition, and claims, and de
serves, in a particular manner, the thanks of every well-wish
ing American."
sons able for said service, to a sufficient number, freely and cheerfully to engags
in and undertake the same, for the sake of the love of their country, and all the
dear bought rights and privileges thereof, the happiness of themselves, and of all
posterity."

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 247
In February, Trumbull sent Northward for as many old
gun barrels as could be procured, and put one hundred and
fifty pounds into the hands of his son David to see them re
paired. He forwarded all the powder that could then be ob
tained. He made provision that John Lawrence Esquire — ¦
with twelve thousand five hundred dollars then lately ap
propriated by Congress to Connecticut for the expedition —
should repair to Canaan or elsewhere, and pay off each
officer and soldier of tbe Northern Battalion before they
marched — thus anticipating again the request of Washing
ton, Schuyler and others. And in this connection he was
the first to adopt tbe measure of appointing a Regimental
Paymaster — for which he received the special thanks of
Schuyler. It will be attended " with vast benefit to the serv
ice," said the latter. Nor in this connection did he forget
payment for those who first at the North — in the capture of
Ticonderoga — signalized the American arms. He brought
this matter before his own Council, and warmly urged it in
letters to Congress.
In the midst of all this duty, he was gratified with news
somewhat favorable from the North. " Our brave little corps
before Quebec," wrote Schuyler in February — "hold their
ground, and continue the blockade." — "It gives me great
pleasure," answered Trumbull, on hearing the fact. "This
is true bravery. It must convince Lord North that Ameri
cans are not all poltroons."
At the same time with the Canadian, the Atlantic frontier
of New York was receiving military attention at the hands
of Trumbull. Upon report of a hostile embarcation from
Boston for its leading city, and authentic information that a
great part of the inhabitants of Long Island were inimical to
the American cause, Washington determined to detach Gen
eral Lee* in that direction. Early in January, therefore,
* General Lee was himself very anxious that this plan should be expedited.
" The consequences," he wrote Washington, January fifth — " of the enemy's pos
sessing themselves of New York have appeared to me so terrible, that I have
scarcely been able to sleep from apprehensions on this subject. * * I would
propose that you should detach me into Connecticut, and lend your name for col
lecting a body of volunteers. I am assured that I shall find no difficulty ia as
sembling tv sufficient number for the purposes wanted. This body (if there

248 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. x«6.
through Captain Sears, he communicated his plan to Trum
bull — for his sanction — and asked him to provide troops for
the purpose — especially, he said, "volunteers of gentlemen
without pay." Trumbull warmly welcomed the proposal —
convened his Council — drew money from the Treasury — and
issued a Proclamation* to encourage enlistments — as the fol
lowing letter, which, January fifteenth, he addressed to
Washington on tbe subject, shows.
" I have received your agreable letter, of the 7th instant, per Captain
Sears. The condition and circumstances of the Colony of New York
give me pain, lest the friends to American liberty in that Colony should
be too much neglected and become disheartened, and the inimical designs
and mischievous operations of others succeed. I have received credible
information that the Provincial Congress there had spent some time, just
before they adjourned to the 1st of February, in debating whether they
should not address Mr. Tryon for the purpose of calling the General As:
sembly of that Colony, to revive the old scheme of adopting the Parlia
mentary insult of the 20th of February last, which was rejected. Surely
our friends want to be strengthened, and our enemies to be checked. * *
" I wrote a letter to President Hancock, dated the 6th of January, and
another to one of our Delegates at Congress, requesting that more effect
ual measures may be taken for the security of New York, to prevent our
enemies from being supplied with provisions, furnished with intelligence,
and from having an opportunity to use every artifice to insult and injure
us from that quarter. It therefore gave me sensible pleasure to find, that
you have adopted the measures mentioned in yours, and with great
cheerfulness I called my Council, and with their advice, appointed Colo
nel Waterbury, Lieutenant Colonel Bradley, and Major Holly, field-offii
cers for one regiment, Colonel Ward, Lieutenant Colonel Lewis, and Ma
jor Douglas for another. Sent a Proclamation to the two Colonels, and
orders to them with the rest of the field-officers, by voluntary enlistment,
to raise seven hundred and fifty men each, to join and assist Major Gen
eral Lee, with encouragement that they should be entitled to the same
pay, wages, and billeting allowed the troops before Boston, during the
should appear occasion to summon them) with the Jersey Regiment under the
command of Lord Stirling, now at Elizabethtown, will effect the security of New
York, and the expulsion or suppression of that dangerous banditti of Tories^
who have appeared in Long Island with the professed intention of acting against
the authority of the Congress. Not to crush these serpents, before their rattles
are grown, would be ruinous."
*"That ardent patriot," says Sparks in this connection, speaking of Trum
bull — "always foremost in vigorous action ns well as in zeal, and public spirit,
immediately issued orders for raising two regiments by voluntary enlistment,
&o. — Life of Charles Lee.

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 249
time they served, and to be dismissed soon, when the service would con
veniently admit
"The field-officers of each regiment are to select captains and subal
terns from those in the standing militia; if needful, to request the chief
officer of the militia companies to call their companies together for the
purpose of enlisting the men with expedition ; and, to prevent difficulty
from want of ammunition, I have ordered Captain Niles, Commander of
our armed Schooner, the Spy, to take on board half a ton of powder, and
transport four hundred pounds to Newhaven, two hundred pounds to
Norwalk, and four hundred pounds to Stamford, with orders to him to
follow such directions as Major General Lee may give for the service he
is employed in, and to execute the same, until dismissed by him, or
further orders from me. I wished, but failed, to have the pleasure of a
short interview with him. When my orders were ready, very early on
Saturday morning last, Captain Sears took them, and I apprehend he got
to Hartford by noon. I wrote to Major General Lee, informing of what
was done by me. I have no doubt but the men at the westward part of
this Colony will readily and expeditiously engage in the service. May
the Supreme Director of all events add His blessing on our endeavors to
preserve, support, and maintain the constitutional liberties of these
Colonies, which he hath made it our duty to do."*
In the Proclamation to which Trumbull above refers, he
called zealously upon the good people of the Colony — espe
cially in the parts most contiguous to New York — freely and
cheerfully to engage in this most important service, to the
number of fifteen hundred men — and was so successful as
almost by the time General Lee reached Stamford in Connec
ticut, to have a highly spirited body of troops — two regiments
under the command of Colonel Waterbury and Colonel
Ward, with an additional body of three hundred volunteers
from Hartford Countyf — ready to march. " I find the peo
ple through this province," wrote Lee from Stamford to
Washington, January twenty-third — "more alert and more
zealous than my most sanguine expectation. I believe I
* In communicating the same facts to his son Joseph at the same time, the Gov
ernor remarks that Washington's plan "is very judicious." — "The ministerial
speech," ho adds, " breathes destruction and ruin to the Colonies, but if the
Lord of Hosts is ou our side, as I believe he is, all their designs will prove
abortive." t"In consequence of General Lee's invitation," writes Col. Jeremiah Wads
worth to Joseph Trumbull, Jan. 21, 1776, from Hartford— " a number of volun
teers set out from hence to-morrow — among which is my uncle Col. Sam. Talcott,
more than sixty years of age, Col. Seymour, &c."

250 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. me.
might have collected ten thousand volunteers. I take only
four companies with me, and Waterbury's regiment, which is
so happily situated on the frontier."
Yet ere Waterbury could march, Trumbull had occasion
to displaj" — quite remarkably — his own peculiar promptness
and decision.
The regiment in question — Waterbury's — had been, by
order of Congress, made ready for embarcation, to land at
Oyster Bay, and in conjunction with Lord Stirling on the
other side, attack the tories upon Long Island — but just at
this moment, by another and counter-order from Congress —
to the ruin, apparently, of measures essential to the salvation .
of New York, and to the infinite regret of all concerned in
the expedition — the regiment was suddenly disbanded.
Trumbull, at once— in an unhesitating exercise of author
ity — "like a man of sense and spirit," says Lee — "ordered
it to be reassembled."* And on went Lee, therefore, with
the regiment. Though sick himself with the gout, and
borne upon a litter, on he went to take "strong possession"
of New York— there to quarter Waterbury's troops in the
upper barracks of tbe city, while Lord Stirling's occupied the
lower — there soon to receive Ward's regiment, which also,
Trumbull, in compliance with Lee's request, sent promptly .
on,-j- and which was stationed on Long Island to construct
redoubts for commanding the entrance to East River — there,
behind Trinity Church, to erect batteries for keeping off the
enemy's ships — and throw a barrier mounted with cannon
across Broadway^ — and barricade all the streets leading right
and left into the main way, that his own force might not be
taken in reverse — there to carry into effect, should occasion
arise, his own fearful menace at the time, that if the British
ships, then threatening the city, dared to set one house on
fire in consequence of bis coming, he would "chain a hundred
* " I believe it will be ready on Sunday, the day on which I shall leave this
town " — wrote Lee from Newhaven, January sixteenth, to Washington.
t " In compliance with his [Lee's] request, we have already sent orders to Col
onel Ward to repair again forthwith to New York." — Trumbull to Washington,
Feb. 11th.
% To prevent the fort at its foot from being converted into a citadel for hostile
use.

117C. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 251
of their friends by the neck, and make that house their funeral
pile!" And doubtless this impetuous general — of whom
Irving remarks that he "had served in the famous campaigns
of Europe, commanded Cossacks, fought with Turks, talked
with Frederick the Great, and been aid du camp to tbe King
of Poland " — would have carried this menace into effect, had
the foe but given him cause.*
Tories, as already seen, were no favorites with the patriot
whom we commemorate — and his eye was upon them at this
time not only on Long Island, but elsewhere in the Province
of New York — particularly upon some in the County of
Westchester — concerning whom be made complaint to the
Committee of Inspection for Greenwich, that, contrary to
every principle of duty, they were supplying the enemy with
provisions, and had already placed a large quantity on board
the British ship of war Asia. Lee carried into effect certain
precautions regarding these persons which Trumbull desired,
and the latter was highly gratified. " The news from New
York," he informed Washington — when in February Lee was
thoroughly securing the city — " is interesting, pleasing, and
sheweth God's marvellous interposition for our assistance. — I
cannot but hope propitious Heaven will smile success on that
most timely and judicious exertion of your Excellency to
prevent our enemies from possessing themselves of that im
portant station. I have the pleasure to enclose you a copy
of Gen. Lee's letter."
In March a pressing communication from Congress reached
Trumbull, desiring him to continue his aid in the quarter
now under consideration. " The importance of the service,"
wrote President Hancock to him then — " and the distinguished
zeal you, Sir, and the good people of your Colony, have dis
covered in this glorious struggle, give tbe strongest assurance
that you will comply with this request, and exert your
utmost efforts to repel our hostile invaders, and prevent them
from gaining possession of a post from which they may so
* Gen. Webb, in a letter dated Wethersfield, Feb. 7th, 1776— speaking of the
New York expedition from Connecticut, says — " our people are so much enraged
at that Den of Tories, they swear if Gen. Lee is stopp'd, they will march in a
body and destroy the city."

252 CHAP. XXI.— TRUMBULL. i^fi,
much annoy the Colonies." And at the same time with this
letter from Congress, Trumbull received another from Lord
Stirling — who had now taken the place of General Lee-^
highly commending the conduct of the Connecticut troops in
New York, and asking the Governor to recruit the two regi
ments there to at least six hundred privates each. That
number of our militia, wrote Trumbull in reply, has already
been dispatched. They are to march forthwith from the
frontiers nearest New York. " You may rely upon it," he
gave assurance — " that nothing in my power will be wanting
to serve this great and just cause in this, or any other way."*
Nor, while thus engaged, did Trumbull forget the Main
Army around Boston. This, until it left that quarter for
New-York — and for a long time after — he continued to
strengthen and supply. His correspondence at this period
about it — with Washington, with Colonel Huntington, with
his son Joseph, and with Congress — was incessant.
In January, he was requested by Congress to reenforce
Washington with four regiments. " The great and constant
attention, Sir," wrote the President of this Body to him
then — " which you have shown upon all occasions, to pro
mote the public cause, affords me the strongest assurance
that your every exertion and interest will be employed to
comply with these several requisitions." This confidence on
the part of Congress — thus for a second time within a very
short period expressed through its Presiding Officer — was
not misplaced. The regiments, Trumbull wrote to Washing
ton, shall be raised " with all possible expedition "—and in a
Proclamation for the purpose, he called earnestly upon able-
bodied men in Connecticut — " laying aside all warm dispute
about rank & pay — to strive only to emulate each other in a
virtuous love of their country, and zeal to serve its cause "
in that " critical juncture, when all that is dear to freemen,"
he said, was " threatened and vigorously attacked."
We want these regiments thoroughly furnished, urged
* " It is an historical fact," says Hinman very justly — that " for their first
emancipation from the thraldom of the British government, the citizens of New
York were indebted to the gonorous sympathy of the hardy yeomen of Con
necticut."

1776. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 253
Washington. We want arms, ammunition, blankets, cloth
ing, kettles — in all of which we are " amazingly deficient."
Our situation in respect to powder particularly, he wrote in
February, is "distressing. Nothing can be undertaken for
the want of it, and the world, without knowing our condi
tion, is censuring my inactivity. The matter is mentioned to
you," he added, " in confidence. Your zeal, activity, and
attachment to the cause, renders it unnecessary to conceal, it
from you." And Trumbull sent him all he could obtain of
the articles demanded — particularly powder — now in the be
ginning of February, three tons then lately imported by Mr.
Shaw — and a few days later, two tons more.* " May the
God of armies," be sent along with it the prayer — " direct
you in all your operations, and succeed you therein to the
salvation of this oppressed country ! "f
All this Trumbull did with straitened means. We have
no pay for our troops — our Treasury is exhausted — he was
obliged from time to time to complain both to Congress and
to Washington.^: The National Treasury too — as well as
* Feb. 26. " We have spared all the powder prudence would permit. Besides
what came from Providence, four thousand weight is gone from Norwich — half a
ton was furnished for Gen. Loe — eight hundred weight goes in cask to the north
ward." — Trumbull's Letter to his son- Joseph.
t " I am obliged and return you my sincere thanks for the seasonable supply,"
wrote Washington again and again — "and for the arms you are so good as to
promise to send me, as they are exceedingly wanted."
"Necessity obliges ns to defend ourselves and our rights," wrote Trumbull to
his son Joseph at this time — March fourth. " Tlie machines of war, death and
destruction are really horrid, but 'tis by constraint we are bro't to the use of
them. * * The plan of operations appears to be well concerted."
% To the latter, for example, February fifth, he wrote as follows : —
" Our Treasury was exhausted, and I knew not how to set the troops forward
[those destined for Canada,] until Saturday. Intelligence came to me that twelve
thousand five hundred dollars wore received from the Honorable Congress for
that purpose. My proclamation was out some time before, and I hear that men
enlist freely, and hope they will be on their march soon ; have ordered them to
go off by divisions, and hope nothing will retard them.
" Through fear of delay, I wrote, last week, to you on the head of our payment
of the troops that served under you last season ; and although provision is re
ceived for those going to Canada, yet there remain innumerable calls we are un
able to answer without further supplies, and I apprehend payment is to be made
by you on those rolls.
" Three battalions raised and marching to your camp, will come on soon ; three
dollars a man was paid, in part of wages, to enable them to make necessary pro
visions. I hoar that two or three companies are gone forward, and the rest go
ing this week." 22

254 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. ll^,
the Treasury of Connecticut — was at this period almost dry —
and Trumbull, therefore, could get but little from this source
with which to refund Colonial expenses. Still he was not
disheartened, but pushed on with his labors. Fifty to sixty
tons of lead, for the use of the army, he turned out from the
mine at Middletown — and explored for more in different
parts of the Colony. He sent Joseph Hopkins to examine
and report upon another mine in Canaan, New-York — urged
Congress to have it worked — and warmly encouraged through
out Connecticut the manufacture of saltpetre, the erection of
powder mills, and the casting of guns and camp-kettles in
the important works at Salisbury.
These works at Salisbury — that secluded town in the
north-west corner of Connecticut — celebrated to this day for
its rich and productive iron mines — where deep limestone
vallies lapping elevated granite hills, lakes kissing the foot
of mountains, and huge clefts in gaping rocks, strangely
break and diversify the landscape — occupied the anxious at
tention of Trumbull and his Council, not only at the period
"I received your favors," wrote Trumbull again to Washington, February
twelfth — " of the 8th instant ; have also received, per Bacon, the remittance for
the expenses of the French gentlemen to Philadelphia. I had no design to have
ever called on you for tbe money paid our troops under your immediate com
mand, but to have accounted with tlie Congress, hud we not been unexpectedly
drained of cash, and had pressing calls upon us two or three ways at once. That
to the northward could not possibly have been answered, but for the seasonable
arrival of tbe Continental supply, just sufficient for that purpose. Our otherde-
mands for tbe common service arc many. The men, for the short service with
you, could not have inarched without some money, which they have, I trust,
wholly expended for necessary clothing, &c. 1 therefore could have wished it
lind been in your power to have remitted the sum advanced by our Pay Tnble,
but shall do everything in my power, that the common interest does not suffer.
" I am greatly concerned for the scarcity of powder and arms. We have not
half a sufficiency for ourselves, as tbe circumstances may be; yet, anxious to
furnish you, for the common good, with every supply in our power, I have or
dered a quantity of gunpowder arrived at Bedford, in Dartmouth, carted to and
now lying at Providence, on account of this Colony, to be sent yon, with all pos
sible expedition. Three thousand weight of this wo conclude to order to Major
Thompson, Agent for the Massachusetts Colony, on account of money he sup
plied to Mr. Shaw, tho importer, for that end, and you will consult him or them
concerning the use of it. I suppose the whole to be upwards of six thousand
weight ; the residue, on account of this Colony, for which shall expect payment,
or to be replaced, as shall be hereafter chosen by us. I shall send you this week
twenty or thirty stands of good arms. I have not certain advice from any quar
ter, but I believe our three regiments are all on the march to your camp, except
those already arrived thore."

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 255
of which we now speak, but during the entire course of the
Revolutionary War. There — for the use not only of Con
necticut, but of the United States at large — cannon were to
be cast, from time to time with quickest speed, and cannon
balls, and bomb shells — swivels, anchors, grape shot, and
hand grenades for vessels of war — iron pots and receivers for
the manufacture of sulphur — kettles for camp use — pig iron
for the fabrication of steel — wrought iron for musket bar
rels — and various other articles vital to the defence of the
country. And to keep the furnace in blast, ore-diggers, col
liers, firemen, moulders, founders, overseers, and guards — ¦
exempted all from ordinary military service — were to be
procured from time to time, and furnished with clothing, sub
sistence in provisions, and money from the Pay. Table.
Woodlands for coal, teams for transportation, black lead, sul
phur, and other articles essential to the foundry, were to be
procured — and once — to facilitate its operations, a bridge
was to be built across the Housatonic, from Salisbury to
Canaan. Trumbull, therefore, in the general superintendence of a
foundry thus vital to America, and thus requiring attention,
had much to do— and it is plain, from memorials that remain,
that his own energy, particularly, promoted its success.
Much of the time he had an express running from his door
at Lebanon, to bear bis own, or the orders of himself and
Council, to its overseer Joshua Porter, or to its Managers
Henshaw and Whiting. The cannon from this famous estab
lishment — its shot — its munitions generally for military and
naval use — it fell to him, very often, at bis own discretion, to
distribute — now to the Selectmen of towns, or to posts upon
the coast — now to armed vessels in the Sound, or to points
of defence without the State — and now to sell for cash, or
exchange them, as was sometimes tbe case, for West India
goods that were in demand for workmen, or for the
soldiery of Connecticut. The brown hematite of Salis
bury's " Old Ore Hill," and that furnace upon the outlet of
its Lake Wanscopommuc — which, as it happens, the hero of
Ticonderoga, Ethan Allen, was one of the first to estab
lish — will ever be associated, in the minds of those who

256 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 17J6.
know the facts, with the Governor's management, and with
his name.*
Thus, one way and another — in every department of the
war — was Trumbull busy during the first three months of
tbe year on which we have paused.f
And it was an interval of anxiety to him, not alone in his
relations to the public, but in bis private sphere — for it was
marked by the death of one of his most valued friends — one
with whom for more than half a century he had been in the
habit of almost daily intercourse, and to whom, by every
social as well as, particularly, by every religious sympathy,
his own soul was grappled. We refer to the death of that
" eminently learned and pious divine," as he was justly
called, the Rev. Solomon Williams of Lebanon.^; Let us turn
here then for a moment away from the " tented field," briefly
to contemplate Trumbull in his relations to this worthy man,
to his church, and to bis death-bed — for they show him in a
new and pleasing light.
Dr. Williams, for fifty-four years in succession, occupied
the pulpit of the first Congregational Church in Lebanon.
He commenced his labors there just a year before Trumbull
entered College — and it was into his religious arms that
Trumbull threw himself after his graduation, when he made
a public profession of religion, and became a communicant
in the church. During the whole period that succeeded —
down to the close of the good minister's career on earth—
Trumbull was a regular attendant upon his ministrations.
* The partners of Ethan Allen, in the erection of this furnace, were Samuel
and Elisha Forbes, and a Mr. Hazeltine. It was first erected about the year 1762.
The guns used on board the frigate Constitution, by Commodore Traxton, in
capturing the French frigate L' Insurgente, were here manufactured. The armo
ries of the United States, and private armories, still use extensively tho Salis
bury iron.
t " Furnishing orders to the troops of the Colonies of New York, Quebec, and
Massachusetts," he informed his son Joseph in January- — "provents my being
able to write but a word." — "I have long been in continued fatigue" — he again
wrote in February — ."more especially for three weeks" — making orders "and
provisions for two battalions to aid Gon. Lee — another to march to the assistance
of our friends at Canada — and three to the camp near Boston — for tho building
of a 20 gun Bhip-of-war — four row gallics — and for setting the Salisbury furnace
~to work for casting cannon, bomb shells, & balls."
X Trumbull and Williams were, in their day, often spoken of ns Moses and
Aaron.

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 257
He was a most heedful listener to his sermons from tbe pul
pit — was in the habit of taking brief notes of them, and re
peated and commented upon them at home, before bis family,
after his return from worship. He attended upon his exhort
ations during the "Lecture Days" of the week, and often
himself aided in tbe duties upon these occasions. In short,
in all " holy offices," he stood among the worthy preacher's
parishioners, foremost by his side — him
" followed with endearing wile,
And plucked his gown to share the good man's smile."
Did the business affairs of tbe Church require special
attention ? Trumbull was the member most leaned upon to
bestow it. Were contributions, for any benevolent purposes,
wanted ? He was among the first to open his purse — and
liberally. Did the Meeting-House require, as in 1775, some
monitor of time — an unostentatious clock? Upon him it
devolved to devise a subscription paper for the purpose — to
bead it with his own " one pound," as the paper, in his own
handwriting shows — and to commend a "skilful work
man" — as he did upon this occasion one Jedediah Morse —
to make it. Did some of the members of the Society, as in
1772, wish to abandon the venerable old House of Worship,
and build a new one — upon a new site — and agitate the sub
ject, warmly, at many public meetings in Lebanon, and be
fore tbe General Assembly of Connecticut? Trumbull was
the impartial draughtsman, who, with a thorough knowledge
of the history of the edifice, and of the Society from its be
ginning, was relied upon to prepare a statement of all the
facts in the case.
This he did in a pointed Memorial to the Legislature — in
which he showed both to all the advocates of a new site, and
to the State, that the change desired, under tbe circumstances,
would be against justice — that it would violate old agree
ments — that it would be against faith that had been plighted
in past payments — that the existing edifice was one in which
the inhabitants of Lebanon had long and contentedly wor
shipped, and with a few repairs, might worship still — and
that — as in pleasing deference to the age, infirmities, and ar-
22*

.¦

258 CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL.

1176.

dent wishes of his friend, tbe venerable pastor, he added— *
Mr. Williams had preached from its time-honored desk for
now " fifty years next December."
Now when this good old man came, in February 1776, to
bis bed of death, Trumbull, his long-endeared neighbor,
friend, and supporter, was by his side — to feel as the follow
ing brief extracts from his letters to his son Joseph, in part
show him to have felt. There he was, like a ministering
angel, to soothe the entrance of his revered pastor upon the
dark valley — to look with him, in the deep sympathy of
Christian faith and hope, at that dread future from which the
curtain, to the eye of the sick man, fast began to rise — to
comfort his afflicted family — and go away to mourn his own
irreparable loss, and lay the event to profound religious use.
February sixth, he writes — " Poor Dr. Williams is in a dangerous and
painful condition."
February nineteenth, he writes — "Dr. Williams' case is very dan
gerous." February twenty-sixth, he writes — "All our connections are well, ex
cept our dear Reverend Pastor. I left him at 12 o'clock, to all appear
ance just at the entrance of the dark valley of the shadow of death —
his family in tears. He is calm, patient, and resigned. The world and
its objects lessen before him at every thought. His faithful labors will
follow him. You was born, and bro't up under his ministry. Most of
my life hath been under the like enjoyment It is not his fault if we
have not profited thereby. — 0 the vanity of man as mortal ! 0 his grand
eur, when prepared for immortal glory ! "
March first — Dr. Williams being dead — he writes thus : — " Alas, he is
gone from us — but let us follow him as he followed our dear ascended
Lord and master Jesus Christ His friendship hath been one of the
great comforts of my life — pray God may provide another of like spirit,
to take his people by the hand, and lead them in the way to everlasting
life." March fourth, he writes — " Our reverend and worthy Dr. Williams
departed this life last Wednesday at midnight His funeral solemnity is
to be attended this day at two o'clock. A sermon is to be preached oa
the occasion."*
* The following is the inscription upon a table of sandstone supported hon-
zontally above his grave : —
"This stone covers the remains of that eminent Servant of God, the Eev d
Solomon Williams D. D. late Pastor at Lebanon. Adorned with uncommon
gifts of nature, learning and Grace, he shone bright as the Gentleman, Scholar]

1116. CHAP. XXI. — TRUMBULL. 259
Christian and divine, conspicuous for wisdom, warm in devotion, bold in the
cause of Christ, excelling as a preacher, most agreeable in conversation, dear
& Judicious in counsel, an ardent lover of peace and the rights of mankind,
firm in friendship, Singularly hospitable & in all relations exemplary ; having
faithfully serv'd the interest of Christ, of Religion & Learning at his Master's
call, he calmly fell asleep in Jesus Feb. 28th 1776 in the 76th year of his age &
54 of his ministry.
" Them that sleep in Jesus will God bring with him."

CHAPTE R XXII.
1776.
Trumbull aids the American Army on its way from Boston to New York.
He meets Washington at Norwich. Eis sentiments on the evacuation
of Boston. He is informed that a large body of foreign troops ia on its
passage to America — and that a British fleet of one hundred and thirty
sail had left Halifax, bound for New York. His preparations thereupon
both for the Continental Army, and for the defence of Connecticut
He is officially apprized of the Declaration of Independence. His views
of this Instrument He lays it before his Council, and it is referred
for official promulgation and record to the next General Assemhly.
Depressed state of American affairs. Trumbull receives the Peace
Propositions of Lord Howe and his brother as King's Commissioners.
His opinion and action thereupon. They serve but to render his prep
arations for the defence of New York and Long Island more vigorous.
His Exhortation to the people in this connection. Their quick
response. Soldiers rush to New York.
From viewing Trumbull, in his devotedness and piety, in
a scene of private death, we turn now to view him again in
his preparation for that other theatre where the Destroyer
" sounds tbe trump of war, and rushes to the field."
March eighteenth, he received advices from General Wash
ington that the British troops were withdrawing from Bos
ton, and entreating him to send two thousand men forthwith
to New York — there to remain until the General could
march his own army to this quarter. With this request
Trumbull complied — giving orders for the purpose to the
field-officers of the regiments nearest New York to forward,'
by land or water, twenty companies of ninety men each—
and soon after, directing the commanding officers of seven
other Connecticut regiments to draft each one-fourth of their
men, and hold them ready to march. March twenty-first,
Washington informed him that the enemy lay in Nantasket
road — and that — as had been previously suggested by Trum
bull — he should take his army to New York by the sea
coast route, through Norwich— at which place, April thir
teenth, the two patriots met — at the house of Colonel Jede-

1116. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 261
diab Huntington — where they dined together, and conferred
until evening, when General Washington pushed on for New
London. The evacuation of Boston by the British troops gave the
Governor of Connecticut lively satisfaction — and he did not
fail to express it in letters to various correspondents. To
John Adams and George Wythe, in Congress, for example,*
be said, in a strain of mingling piety and patriotism — " I do
most sincerely congratulate you on Gen. Washington's suc
cess, and on the shameful retreat of our enemies from Boston,
which demand our humble adoration and praise of the Su
preme Director of all events for his marvellous interposition
for our help. — Burning and destroying our towns, robbing
our property, trampling on and profaning places dedicated to
divine worship and service, and cruel treatment of the per
sons so unhappy as to fall into their hands, are injuries of
the first, magnitude. — Every subtile art, as well as arms, are
used against us. May God prevent their operations, and
turn their counsels to foolishness, preserve and increase the
union of the American people, grant them wisdom, and
guide their public counsels ! "f
May sixth, and Trumbull received intelligence from the
Massachusetts Assembly, that a large body of foreign
troops — hired by the Ministry of Great Britain to lay waste
America — were on their passage to execute their "bloody
orders," and in all probability were near our coast. They
might be daily expected, he was told. He made immediate
preparations, therefore, to receive them. In conformity with
Acts of the General Assembly, he improved the organization
of the Minute-Men of Connecticut. He raised two additional
* To these gentlemen, about this time, he sent an account of losses sustained
in Connecticut from the Ministerial navy — which he had himself carefully pre
pared. tin a letter to Schuyler, March 21st, 1776, he thus concludes: "I most sin-'
cerely congratulate you on the success of Gen. Washington. The enemy evacu
ated Boston last Sunday. Boston is now open. The poor inhabitants are
greatly emaciated, from their want of provisions, and rejoiced for their happy
deliverance. The most of the tories are gone off with the troops. The cattle
remain in the enemy's hands, but hope they will soon be ours. They have car
ried off the unhappy prisoners, it is said, in irons. Is it not time to retaliate ?
They have done all the mischief in their power."

262 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. me.
regiments to serve within the Colony — which, by special re
solve, were to be stationed, from time to time, as he should
order. He raised also a battalion of troops .to march " to
Boston or elsewhere" — and upon a further requisition from
Congress, levied seven battalions to join the Continental
Army in New- York — and expended twelve hundred pounds
in procuring tents and clothing.
At the same time — that supplies might be on hand — he
proclaimed an embargo — and sent one vessel to Cape Fran
cois for a cargo of powder— to be obtained " soon as possi
ble "¦ — and others to different ports in the West Indies for
military and naval stores of every kind. That the resources
of Connecticut in men might be accurately known, he pro
ceeded, with great labor on his own part, to execute a census
of the State — which, together with authenticated copies of
the public documents of Connecticut relating to the War,
from its commencement down, he transmitted to Congress —
and, receiving from this Body twenty-one thousand dollars,
he carefully expended it for the public service — procuring
and sending to the army at New-York, among other articles,
yarn stockings to the number of five thousand pairs. His
hands just at this time overflowed with business. "The In
telligence is very alarming " — he wrote his son, June fifteenth.
" The Assembly tho't it necessary to sit on tlie Lords Day"—
he wrote June sixteenth. "Four thousand Hessians are
near our coast" — be soon beard. Soon again, and he re
ceived news of what he styles " Tryon's Assassination Pow
der Plot " in New- York. "Shocking ! Barbarous ! "—he ex
claimed. " God be praised for the discovery made thereof in
season ! "
July second, he was informed by Washington that a fleet
of one hundred and thirty sail had left Halifax, bound for
New- York, and that General Howe had already arrived at
Sandy Hook. He therefore ordered three regiments of
Lighthorse forthwith to march for the menaced city, and
held a special interview with John Jay at Lebanon, upon
the matter of procuring cannon for the defence of Hudson
Eiver. At the same time — bearing from tbe frontier towns
of western Connecticut, that they were greatly distressed on

1716. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 263
account of the proximity of the enemy — he wrote Washing
ton asking that a Continental Regiment might be raised for
their relief. He also sent Eliphalet Dyer and Richard Law
to confer with the General on measures to be taken for the
defence of Connecticut, and the other States — and addressed
Congress, praying for some new legislation against tories, and
refugees, and counterfeiters of the paper money of the na
tion. " Notwithstanding our enemies are so numerous and
powerful," he said, addressing Washington — "and have
hired mercenaries into their service, yet, knowing our cause
righteous, and trusting Heaven will support and defend us, I
do not greatly dread what they can do against us."*
Just the very day upon which Trumbull was writing Con
gress, as we have stated — soliciting its special legislation
against the foes of his country, and informing them, as he
did also, of the measures he had himself taken for defence —
that Body, through its Presiding Officer, was inditing a letter
to him, communicating that immortal Instrument, which — ¦
finally and forever — absolved this country from all allegiance
to the British Crown — and declared it — before God and the
world — free, sovereign, and independent.
With what emotion it was received by the Governor — with
what satisfaction bis eye paused upon its solemn clauses — ¦
with what enthusiastic readiness his own soul sprung to unite
*"Our internal malignants," he continues, "may be permitted to do many
injurious and insidious things. They are, therefore, to be watched with care and
diligence, to prevent such hypocritical and designing men carrying on and perpe
trating their wicked purposes. No doubt there are many such, the persons iind
characters unknown to mc, and not convenient to mention in a letter the noticc8
given mc of any.
" Last week I sent circular letters to the civil authority, Selectmen, Committees
of Inspection, and Military Officers, in all the towns of the State, to promote
and facilitate the several battalions ordered to be raised here, and to send them
forward to the places of their destination. Recruiting Officers for the companies
not filled are necessary, and I conclude are left for tbe purpose. The people
have, in some measure, got through the hurry of harvest, &c. Hope that they
will now cheerfully enlist and go on.
" Colonel Dyer and Eichard Law, Esq., are directed to repair to New-York to
confer with your Excellency on every subject needful for our direction, for your
information. You know our readiness to afford every assistance for the common
defence. — I have put Colonel Ward's regiment under marching orders," Trum
bull adds, " to proceed, without loss of time, whatever way Congress shall
direct."

264 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. m«.
with the soul of Congress in its pledge of life, and fortune,
and sacred honor, to tbe cause of freedom — and with what
just confidence, and pious gratitude, he could himself appeal
to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of his
own intentions — it is easy for our Readers to imagine.
He was himself fully prepared for the step. Long had his
expectation fastened upon it — long his wishes. In the op
pressed condition of his country — when, in the recorded
language of Connecticut, no alternative was left "but abso
lute and indefinite submission to such claims as must termin
ate in the extreme of misery and wretchedness, or a total
separation from the King of Great Britain, and a successful
resistance to that power which was extended to effect our
destruction " — in this state of peril, Trumbull knew and felt
that America could not do otherwise than proclaim herself
free. And after that fatal Restraining Bill of the British
Parliament — at the close of 1775 — which guillotined Ameri
can trade, and, by "a sentence worse than death, obliged the
unhappy men " who should be made captives in the preda
tory war it would occasion, "to bear arms against their
families, kindred, friends and country; and, after being
plundered themselves, to become accomplices in plundering
their brethren " — after all this, in the winter and spring of
the year which followed, no man was more active than
himself in preparing the hearts of his countrymen for
Independence. " Talk of rebellion ! " — he said in March — "if we are right,
the rebellion is on the part of our enemies, who aim at the
happy constitution of the Empire ! " — " Talk of reconcilia
tion ! " — he at the same time said — " British supremacy such
as it ought to be, and American liberty, have been seen to
exist together. But under our present cruel treatment, it is
too late to think of this now I "
Twenty days before that great step was taken of which we
find Congress now officially apprizing him — on the Four
teenth of June — a memorable day in the history of Connec
ticut liberty — he had set his own hand to a Resolution of. the
General Assembly, which solemnly instructed the Delegates
of Connecticut in General Congress " to propose to that re-

1116. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 265
spectable Body, to declare the United American Colonies free
and independent States — to give the assent of this Colony to
such Declaration" — and "to move and promote" every
measure necessary to sustain it, and to preserve our just
rights and liberties.* So that it was with no surprise that he
received the Matchless Document prepared by Congress — ¦
first, July eleventh, enclosed in a letter from his son Colonel
John Trumbull — and next, the day after, in a letter from
President Hancock. He immediately laid it before his Coun
cil, where it was again and again " largely discussed " — and
finally referred, for official promulgation and for record, to
the next ensuing session of the General Assembly — not the
Assembly any longer of tbe Colony — but now, for the first
time of the State— the Sovereign State of Connecticut !
To tbe pleasure afforded Trumbull by the great event to
which allusion has now been made, was added, in a few days,
"the joyful news from South Carolina" — as it was styled
in a handbill which Colonel Huntington first sent him from
camp, and which described the successful defence of Charles
ton against the attack by Sir Henry Clinton.
But save from these two sources, there was nothing else
where upon the face of the American struggle, at this time,
to gladden the heart of the patriot we commemorate. In
telligence from every other quarter grew more and more
alarming. Admiral Howe had arrived, and joined his
brother at New York — and their united forces, and formi
dable batteries, were now frowning destruction on every
thing that should oppose them. Appointed as they both
were by the King, Commissioners to bear what the Ministry
called " the olive branch as well as the sword " to America — •
they, in July, addressed a Circular Letter to the Governors
of the American Colonies, calling on the people to return to
their allegiance — and declaring pardon to all who were will
ing, by thus evincing their loyalty, to reap the benefit of the
royal favor. One of the Letters and Declarations, sent by
Lord Howe, reached the Governor of Connecticut about the
middle of July — and his opinion of the document is shown
* See this remarkable Resolution, with its Preamble, in a note at the end of this
chapter.

266 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. rtt6.
in the following passage from a letter, dated July twenty-
sixth, 1776, to William Williams.
"By Friday's post," he proceeds — "received Lord Howe's letter of the
20th of June, ult., and his declaration of pardons to all those who in the
tumult and disorder of the times, may have deviated from their just alle
giance, and who are willing by a speedy return to their duty, to reap the
benefits of the royal favor; that pardons shall be granted, dutiful repre
sentation received, and every suitable encouragement given for providing
such measures as shall be conducive to the establishing legal government
and peace, in pursuance of his Majesty's most gracious intentions. In
his letter he says 'I have judged it expedient to issue the enclosed decla
ration, in order that all persons may have immediate information of his
Majesty's gracious intentions.'
" He desires me to promulgate it, assured of being favored with my
assistance in every measure to restore the public tranquillity, and
requests such information as will facilitate the attainment of that import
ant object. I shall by next post forward copies to Congress ; to them I
shall refer him. Who began the war? "Who withdrew his protection?
Who refused to hearken to most dutiful and humble petitions? Who in
vaded our rights ? Is not the appeal made to the Supreme Director of
all events? Will not the Judge of all the earth do right? Doth not
pardon presuppose guilt? Are we guilty of want of duty and allegiance?
Could anything but tyranny, oppression, injustice, and war and desola
tion, have driven us to cast off our mother country ? "
How manifest in all this is Trumbull's conviction that, in
the struggle then going on, truth and reason were on the
side of his country — -and how manifest also bis contempt for
the propositions of the foe ! He viewed these propositions
just as Congress did— and just as Congress by resolution de
clared them to be, when it ordered their publication in all
the gazettes of tbe land as an endeavor on the part of the
insidious Court of Great Britain " to amuse and disarm the
good people of the United States." Like Franklin— and as
the latter told Lord Howe at tbe time — he felt astonished that
tbe British Commissioners should imagine the American
people would now submit to a government that had "with
the most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenceless
towns, in the midst of winter, excited tbe savages to massacre
our peaceful farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters,
and that was then bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our
settlements with blood." Like Franklin, he had long

1176. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 267
labored — " with unfeigned and unwearied zeal— to preserve
that fine and noble vase — the British Empire — from break
ing." But this vase was now ruptured — irremediably — and
Trumbull was not tbe man to make the first advance in an
impotent and humiliating attempt to reunite its scattered
fragments.* But from resistance, to the Peace-Propositions of Lord
Howe, Trumbull had now to turn to resist his arms. It was
certain at this time, as we have intimated, that New York
Would be attacked — and August made heavier and heavier
draughts on the Governor in the way of military prepara
tions. On the first of this month, he issued a Circular to the
Civil Authority, Selectmen, Committee of Inspection, and
military officers in different towns of the State, to procure
fresh recruits. It was addressed also — a curious and interest
ing fact— to many Ministers of Churches, with a request that
it should be read at the close of public worship, and that the
Authorities of the Society, and the Committee of Inspection,
should be invited to meet with the Selectmen the next day.f
August eleventh, Trumbull directed tbe commanding offi
cers of fourteen regiments of militia, to march their respect
ive forces to New York, and place themselves under General
Washington until the exigency there should be over. He
* In a letter to his son John, dated Sop. 25th, 1776 — Trumbull speaks farther
of Lord Howe, and of his conference with a Committee of Congress, as follows :
" It Beems the conference with Lord Howe came to nothing. He had no powers
but to pardon. The Rehels who need pardon from the King of Great Britain are
not yet discovered. We disclaim the name, and judge that our rights and privi
leges have been injuriously invaded."
tThat sent to Newhaven was communicated to Rev. Mr. Whittlesey. " What
a contrast," it affords, " between our peaceful Sabbaths, and those days when
the might of Great Britain was raised to crush our fathers in the act of asserting
their constitutional liberty I " — " As I have the most pressing requisitions," pro
ceeds Trumbull in this document, August 1st, 1776 — " urging the absolute neces
sity of having our new levies filled up, completed, and forwarded with the ut
most dispatch ; and as delay may be attended with the utmost disastrous conse
quences, our enemies beiug about to use their utmost exertions as soon as the
foreign troops arrive, which by the best intelligence are now on our coast, if not
in port ; — therefore, in this critical moment, on which the fate of America de
pends, I do most earnestly entreat you all, as you value your lives, liberty, prop
erty, and your country, that you immediately and vigorously exert all your influ
ence, power and abilities, in encouraging and forwarding the enlistments within
your respective spheres of influence and connections, that the same may be com
pleted and sent forward with all possible expedition."

268 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. me.
urged them by every patriotic consideration — by the "raised
expectations'' which he said had been formed of their "dis
position and ability to serve their country " in this most im
portant crisis — cheerfully to undertake the service, and " be at
New York quick as possible." For the purpose of co-oper
ating with Washington specially upon Long Island — to har
ass the enemy there in their rear or flanks, and prevent them
from advancing eastward — at the particular request of the
General, he rallied a force at New London, and elsewhere on
the coast — as we shall have occasion soon more particularly
to recount — in part provided transports to bear them across
the Sound — and sent Major Ely and Benjamin Huntington
over to the Island, to consult and agree with the sure friends
of our cause there for an addition to the force.* And to all
the able-bodied, effective men in the State, who were not
obliged to do military duty in any Train-Band — and to such
as were "gentlemen of horse" — for the purpose of securing
their services also in the existing crisis — he published what
he styled an "Exhortation" — a document so spirited that we
here give it entire.
"Intelligence is just received," he proceeds — "from General Washing
ton, of the necessity of a large augmentation of our forces at New York,
that the number of our enemies is greatly increased by the arrival of
Gen. Clinton and Lord Cornwallis with the whole southern army from
South Carolina, that the fleet which came in a few days since are Hessians
and Scotch Highlanders, part of 12,000 who were left off Newfoundland,
in the whole making 30,000 men, that it is said by officers both of the
army and navy, that they are to attack New York, Long Island &c, in the
course of a week.
" In this day of calamity and great expectations, when our enemies
are exerting every nerve to pluck up, pull down, and destroy us, it is of
the greatest necessity that everything in our power be done for defence
of our rights, properties, lives and posterity. To trust altogether to the
justice of our cause without our own utmost exertions, would be tempt
ing Providence. Be roused therefore and alarmed to stand forth in our
just and glorious cause. Join yourselves to some one or other of the com-
* " The knowledge," says Washington, in his letter of Aug. 2-tth— calling on
Trumbull for this preparation — " I have of the extraordinary exertions of your
State upon all occasions, does not permit me to require this, not knowing how far
it is practicable. I only offer it, therefore, as a matter for your consideration,
and of great public utility, if it can be accomplished."

1716. CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL. 269
panies of the militia now ordered to New York, or form yourselves into
distinct companies of fifty men or more each, and choose a Captain,
Lieutenant, and ensign forthwith. March on — this shall be your war
rant — and give notice thereof to me, and commissions shall be forthwith
issued, and sent after you. You are to join the regiment to which you
belong, and the army under command of his Excellency Gen. Washing
ton, for this important emergency — to be held only the short time the
present necessity calls for your service. Stand forth for our defence.
Play the man for God, and for the cities of our God. May the Lord of
Hosts, the God of the armies of Israel, be your Captain, your Leader,
your Conductor and Saviour — give wisdom and conduct to your generals
and officers, and inspire our soldiers with courage, resolution and forti-
tudq, that God may delight to spare and save us for his name's sake.
The same provisions and wages shall be given to you as to others that go
into the service, and it shall be recommended to the General Assembly
to do everything for your service that justice requires. Given under my
hand in Lebanon this 12th day of August, 1776. "Jonathan Trumbull."
This appeal was irresistible. It roused Connecticut like a
fire-cry. Men rushed to supply the army — and of her twen
ty-five regiments, all but two were soon collected at New
York, together with many companies of volunteers.*
*The "good people" of this State, said Trumbull at this time, addressing the
President of Congress — "do not hesitate to do all in their power to be freemen
while they live, and to leave their posterity the heirs of freedom and its bless
ings." " Notwithstanding our enemies are so numerous and powerful," he wrote
to Washington — " yet knowing our cause righteous, and trusting Heaven will sup
port and defend us, I do not greatly dread what they can do against us." — "No
exertion hath been wanting to forward men," he wrote his son theu in New
York. "This, with the Bupport of the Colonies near you, will, it is hoped, be
sufficient, with the protection and blessing of heaven, to defeat the devices of the
enemy, and crush their plan in its cradle."
NOTE REFERRED TO ON PASE 265.
''At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the English Colony
of Connecticut in New England in America, holden at Hartford, in said Colony,
by special order of the Governor, on the lith day of June, A. Lorn. 1776.
"Whereas the King and Parliament of Great Britain, by many acts of said
Parliament, have claimed and attempted to exercise powers incompatible with,
and subversive of the ancient, just and constitutional rights of this and the rest of
the English Colonies in America, and have refused to listen to the many and fre
quent, humble, decent and dutiful petitions for redress of grievances and resto
ration of such their rights and liberties, and turning from them with neglect and
contempt to support such claims, after a series of accumulated wrong and injury,
have proceeded to invade said Colonies with Fleets and Armies, to destroy our
towns, shed the blood of our countrymen, and involve us in the calamities inci-
23*

270 CHAP. XXII. — TRUMBULL.

1776.

dent to war ; and are endeavoring to induce us to an abject surrender of our nat
ural and stipulated rights, and subject our property to the most precarious de
pendence on their arbitrary will and pleasure, and our persons to slavery, and at
length have declared us out of the King's protection, have engaged foreign mer
cenaries against us, and are evidently and strenuously seeking our ruin and de
struction. — These and many other transactions, too well known to need enumer
ation, the painful experience and effects of which we have suffered and feel, make
it evident, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that we have nothing to hope from
the justice, humanity, or temperate counsels of the British King or his Parlia
ment, and that all hopes of a reconciliation, upon just and equal terms, are delu
sory and vain. In this Btate of extreme danger, when no alternative is left us
but absolute and indefinite submission to such claims as must terminate in the
extreme of misery and wretchedness, or a total separation from the King of Great
Britain, and renunciation of all connection with that nation, and a successful re
sistance to that force which is intended to effect our destruction — appealing to
that God, who knows the secrets of all hearts, for the sincerity of former declara
tions of our desire to preserve our ancient and constitutional relation to that na
tion, and protesting solemnly against their oppression and injustice, which have
driven us from them, and compelled us to use such means as God in his provi
dence hath put in our power, for our necessary defence and preservation —
"Resolved unanimously by this Assembly, that the Delegates of this Colony
in General Congress, be, and they are hereby instructed to propose to that re
spectable body, to declare the United American Colonies, free and independent
States, absolved from all allegiance to the KiDg of Great Britain, and to give the
assent of this Colony to such Declaration, when they shall judge it expedient
and best, and to whatever measures may be tho't proper and necessary by the Con
gress, for forming foreign alliances, or any plan of operations for necessaiy and
mutual defence ; and also that they move and promote, as fast as may be conven
ient, a regular and permanent plan of union and confederation of the Colonies
for the security and preservation of their just rights and liberties, and for mutual
defence and security — saving that the administration of Government and the
power ought to be left and remain to the respective Colonial Legislatures ; and
that such plan be submitted to the respective Legislatures for their previous con
sideration and assent."

CHAPTER XXIII.
1776.
Disastrous Battle of Long Island. Trumbull not disheartened — hut
sends reenforcements, and animates Massachusetts and Rhode Island
to do the same. He appoints a Day of Fasting and Prayer. His Proc
lamation for this purpose. Forces from Connecticut pour into the
Continental Army. Washington expresses hia thanks to Trumbull.
Trumbull's reply. American affairs still in a calamitous state. Trum
bull, undismayed, continues his exertions for the common cause.
Some of his labors.
The plan of the enemy, unfortunately, was not destined,
in conformity with Trumbull's patriotic wish, to be crushed.
The disastrous battle of Long Island brought death to his
hopes in this direction. New York was taken. "Washing
ton was compelled to evacuate the island. Everything wore
the gloomiest aspect as the Autumn of 1776 began to open
its prospect of desolated nature, and the verdure of the fields
began to blast, and tbe " Flowery Eace to resign their sunny
robes." Yet to the heart of Trumbull the event did not
bring despair — no, nor to tbe heart of his State — which still,
notwithstanding defeat, beat with an "indomitable firm
ness " — such as neither Athens, when beset by the legions of
Xerxes, nor Eome, when she bad lost the battle of Cannae,
exhibited more gloriously.
To the urgent solicitations, both from "Washington and the
New York Congress, for military succor, Trumbull respond
ed with an alacrity that is truly astonishing. Within six
days only from the first of September, be started — first, eight
regiments, and all the troop of Horse in the State east of the
Connecticut Eiver — next nine regiments of militia more, and
two additional of horse — and next two companies additional
of a regiment stationed at New London and Groton for coast
defence — to march all forthwith towards New York. Some
of them were to embark — if circumstances should require —
for some convenient point on Long Island, and thence pro
ceed " to the assistance of our army against the troops and
mercenaries of Great Britain" — and some were to proceed

272 CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. His.
all the way by land — rendezvous in "Westchester — and from,
thence defeat the enemy's design of throwing a force upon
the Main, and cutting off in this quarter the communication
with New York. And Trumbull appealed to Massachu
setts — and he appealed to Ehode Island — informing both
these States of what he had himself now done, and stimulat
ing their immediate cooperation.*
And farther — at this dark crisis in American affairs — not
content with providing the material of war merely, but wish
ing specially to propitiate tbe favor of Heaven — September
sixth — in view of the "judgments" lately fallen upon the
country, and of the " sins and shortcomings," he feared, of
the people of tbe land — he issued the following Proclamation
for a " Day of Fasting and Prayer " in Connecticut — the first
of the kind, which since the Declaration of Independence, he
caused to be published, and which will be found worthy of
attentive perusal.
" When it is considered," he proceeds — " that all Mankind, ani all
Communities of Men, have an absolute, entire, and necessary Dependence on
God; — that he is the great Governor of the World, and the wise Disposer
of all the Affairs and Concernments of the Children of Men; that He
hath done great and marvellous things for his People in this Land, from
their first Beginnings to this Day, which our Fathers have told us, and
which we have seen with our Eyes; — that He is, in his holy and, right
eous Providence, come out in Judgment against us, and doth permit the
King of Great Britain with his Parliament, to sap the Constitution in
its very foundation, and to sport with all the Privileges of the People
in all Parts of the Empire; and to accomplish their Purposes, to hate
Recourse, in spite of the most powerful Arguments to the contrary, to

# <t ^

1 We thank your Honor," wrote back to him the Speaker of the Massachu
setts Assembly, Sep. ISth — for your exertions in the common cause, and assure
you it will be our ambition to cooperate with the United States, to the utmost of
our power, in efforts for their common safety " — and a battalion from the old Bay
State militia, destined for Rhode Island, was ordered to join the forces around
New York " with all possible dispatch."
"Our eastward regiments are raised, and ordered forward to go to or near West
chester to cooperate with the army — or, if not needed there, to supply the place
of some of tho last militia sent." — The Governor's letter to his son Joseph,
Sep. Uh.
" I have this minute sent a letter to Gov'nor Cooke — to move them on this ques
tion [that of military cooperation.] My Council will be with me in a hour of
two. Our regiments aro prepared for motion, whenever tho't necessary & best.
Same to same, Oct. 11th.

1776. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 273
every dishonorable Artifice, and unprotoTced Violence, and finally to
levy an unnatural War upon his British People in America, who at that
time were a dutiful and liege people; and to carry on the same with
unrelenting Cruelty and Vigor, have engaged Mercenaries and Savages
to join therein, using every Artifice to cause Division and Discord
among the People:  When it is also considered, that humble and
decent Petitions have been made anil presented to obtain Relief and Re
dress of these Grievances, which have been rejected and spurned ;-— that
Thirteen Governments in America being declared Rebels, and deprived
of the Protection and paternal kindness of the King, and suffering
under the Malevolence of their British Brethren, have solemnly declared
that they are, and of Right ought to be, free and independent States;
that a solemn act of Confederation is forming, to be entered into by all
these United States, so that all Men in them may lead quiet and peace
able Lives in all Godliness and Honesty ; — and that a solemn Appeal is
made to God for his just and righteous Decision in this unhappy War ; —
The Scriptures, the Examples of Holy Men, and of our Fathers, show it
to be our Duty frequently by Fasting and Prayer, to appear before the
Lord, to humble ourselves in his Sight, to confess and lament for our evil
Deeds, and for our great Trespass, and to repent for all our Iniquities,
which deserve His righteous Punishment — to seek His Face, the Light of
His Countenance, and Deliverance from the Hands of our Enemies, who
have risen up against us, to deprive us of our Rights and Liberties — and to
supplicate for his Mercy, for Wisdom and Direction, that so the free
and independent States may be radicated, confirmed; established, built
up, and caused to flourish, and to become a Praise in the whole earth:
" I have therefore, by and with the advice of the Council, thought fit
to appoint Thursday the nineteenth day of September instant, to be ob
served as a Day of Fasting and Prayer throughout this State ; hereby
exhorting both Ministers and People of all Denominations, to humble
themselves before God, confessing their sins, and intreating his divine
Grace, Favor, and Blessing. Particularly, to confess and lament their
having gone far from God, forgetting the errand of their Fathers into
this Land, neglecting and abusing the inestimable Privileges of the Gos
pel, and trifling with the Liberties wherewith Christ hath made us free —
to mourn for our Pride, Covctousness, Sensuality, Security, Vanity, Dis
sipation, and Insensibility of the Obligations we are under to the divine
Author of all our Blessings ; — Upon this solemn Day of Fasting and
Humiliation, to set our Sins in Order before us, with all their heinous
Aggravations, and in the Bitterness of our Souls to lament and bewail
the general Prevalence of Impiety and Vice, which hath overspread
and diffused itself throughout the Land : — To offer up fervent supplica
tions to Almighty God, for his gracious Presence with us, — to give us
true Repentance and Reformation, — to make us fully sensible that our
Dependence must be on his Power and Grace alone, — to retrieve the an-

274 CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL.

1776.

cient Piety and Virtue of the Land, — to prosper our Arms, — to deliver
us from the Power of our Enemies, — to quicken and enlarge the Hearts
of His People in the Fear and Service of God, of their Country, of one
another, and in defence of their just Rights and Liberties.
" And likewise to offer up devout Prayers for the Representatives of
the United States in General Congress assembled, that God would pre
side in the Midst of them, direct and lead them to such wise and just
Articles of Confederation, and to such equitable and righteous Measures,
as may preserve and secure the Rights and Liberties, the Prosperity and
Tranquillity of the whole United States of America — That he would
show Favor to each, and in particular to this State, carry them all safely
through this unhappy War — give Wisdom and Conduct to our Generals
and Officers, and inspire our Soldiers with Courage, Resolution, and For
titude — defeat the Attempts and Designs of our Enemies — turn them
back from us — and make bare His arm for our Salvation — bless and guide
our Civil Rulers, and enable them with Wisdom and Courage to use all
their Power and Influence to promote the Happiness of this People-
make them Protectors and Examples of Virtue, the Terror of Vice, and
happy Instruments of the public Peace and Tranquillity ; that God
would Grant plentiful Effusions of His Holy Spirit upon Rulers, Minis
ters of the Gospel, Colleges, Schools of Learning, and on all the People —
cause true and undefiled Religion to flourish in this and all these States,
and through the Christian world.
¦' Further, I do sincerely recommend to all the Churches in this State,
to continue the laudable Practice of setting apart Seasons of Prayer to
God, our Almighty Preserver and Deliverer.
" And all servile Labor is forbidden on said Day.
" Given under my Hand in Lebanon, the sixth Day of September, in
the year of our Lord One Thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.
"Jonathan Trumbull."
True to the preparations which Trumbull bad made, the
Connecticut forces — in the crisis at New-York — poured on,
at quick intervals, to join the Continental Army — much to
the joy of the whole country — deeply to the satisfaction of
Washington himself. " The exertions of Connecticut upon
every occasion," he wrote to Trumbull, September sixth—
" do them great honor."
" I observe with great pleasure," he wrote again, September ninth—
"that you have ordered the remaining regiments of militia, that can be
spared from the immediate defence of the sea-coast, to march towards
New- York with all expedition. I cannot sufficiently express my thanks,
not only for your constant and ready compliance with any request of
mine, but for your own strenuous exertions and prudent forecast, in

1776. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 275
ordering matters so, that your force has generally been collected and put
in motion as soon as it has been demanded."
" When your Excellency," answered Trumbull, the next day — " was
pleased to request the militia of our State to be sent forward with all pos
sible expedition to reenforce the army at New- York, no time was lost to
expedite the march ; and I am happy to find the spirit and zeal that ap
peared in the people of this State, to yield every assistance in their power
in the present critical situation of our affairs. The season indeed, was
most unfavorable for so many of our farmers and laborers to leave home.
Many had not even secured their harvest ; the greater part had secured
but a small part even of their hay, and the preparation of the crop of
winter's grain for the ensuing year was totally omitted ; but they, the
most of them, left all to afford their help in protecting and defending
their just rights and liberties against the attempt of a numerous army
sent to invade them. The suddenness of the requisition, the haste and
expedition required in the raising, equipping, and marching such a num
ber of men after the large drafts before made on this State, engrossed all
our time and attention."
Nor were this "time and attention" on the part of Trum
bull to the American Army, destined to be otherwise than
engrossed, for the residue of the eventful year on which we
dwell. Disasters crowded thick and fast upon that of August
Twenty-seventh. The evacuation of the City and Island of
New- York* — the indecisive action of White Plains — the fall
of Fort Washington — the abandonment of Fort Lee — the
retreat of Washington, with but the shadow of an army,
through tbe Jerseys — all these misfortunes rapidly succeeded
the rout upon Long Island. They resulted, as is a familiar
fact, from the wretched policy of using militia upon short
enlistments, instead of troops upon a regular and permanent es
tablishment — a policy which Trumbull was among the earliest
to condemn, and one of the first, in common with Washing-
* " The City," Trumbull warmly says, writing his son Joseph, Sep. 21st — " is
then left an asylum and resting place for our enemies. — Strange that those who
fight pro arts etfocis, should behave in such a poltroon manner, as you mention
some of them did on Sunday. It seems some others made up for it on Monday.
I lament the loss of the brave Lt. Col. Knowlton — -would others behave with the
spirit and bravery he did, our affairs would soon put on a different aspect.! — Par
don for rebels — who are they ? Our enemies we say are the guilty. They may
crave pardon on repentance, and coming to a better mind and behaviour."
t " Our greatest loss is poor Knowlton, whose name and spirit ought to be im
mortal"— wrote Gen. Joseph Reed, who saw him full at the battle of Harlem
Heights. " I mounted him on my horse, and brought him off— and when gasp
ing in tlio agonies of death, all his inquiry was if we had driven in the '-in-m y."

276 CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL.

1776.

ton, by appeal particularly to Congress, to labor to over
throw.* Still when the army, after the ill-success around
New- York, was daily and fearfully diminishing in numbers,
he continued, after the old mode, to recruit its exhausted
ranks. When, in October, he heard from various quarters of a
projected invasion of Connecticut by way of White Plains,
he made every preparation to meet it. When, on the second
of the same month, be heard from "Washington that tbe
army was actually on the eve of a dissolution — that " every
nerve," therefore, "should be exerted to enlist a new one" —
and that he wanted aid also particularly for securing the
Highlands — a point for which the New- York Committee of
Safety too specially solicited Trumbull's assistance-^-the un
tiring Governor of Connecticut, upon these fresh demands,
issued first one Proclamation calling on the militia to he
ready to march — and then a second, renewedly stimulating
officers and men to promptness — " fully confiding," he de
clared, "in the virtue and public spirit of the good people
of this State, that has at all times exerted itself in so glo
rious a cause that they need no stimulus to duty at this all-
important juncture." In November again, upon a requisition
from Congress, he issued a third Proclamation, for raising
eight battalions upon a Continental Establishment — once
more desiring the people of the State, upon "the generous
encouragements" then offered, "to step forth voluntarily in
their country's service" — and expressing the ardent hope
that "the justice of our cause, and reliance on the favorable
presence of the God of armies," would inspire them "with
that fortitude and magnanimity necessary to expel our en
emies from our coasts and restore tranquillity to our land."
And when in dark and gloomy December, just previous to
the flashing of the light at Trenton and Princeton — Wash-
*In a letter to Congress, Sep. 21st, 1776, he says: "The mode of supplying
the army by militia is a measure not to be depended on ; there must be a durable
army, or the consequences will bo fatal. — The time of the inlistment of oursol-
diery is boginning to expire. Congress will suffer mo to ask, if it is not a matter
worthy serious and speedy consideration, that measures should be adopted for
their further enlistment. In which case I think it of groat moment that the en
gagement should bo for a longer time than has hitherto been."

xllS. CHAP. XXIII. — TRUMBULL. 277
ington — before "a numerous, well-appointed, and victorious"
army of the foe — was retreating through New-Jersey —
through a desponding country — with a force reduced now to
less than three thousand men — almost wholly destitute of
artillery — with but a single troop of cavalry — and this a little
band of mounted militia-men from Connecticut under
Major Sheldon — with his soldiers all wretchedly armed —
without tents, with but little clothing, almost naked and
bare-footed, in cold that froze the breath — it was at this des
pairing moment that Trumbull more earnestly than ever
conjured the troops of Connecticut to rush to the rescue —
" for the sake of their country and all its inestimable rights,
for the sake of themselves and all posterity " — pleaded with
them to comply with the requisitions of "Washington.
There was a promising opportunity in New-Jersey, he
thought — by reenforcing Washington in front of Cornwallis,
and Lee in his rear — to cut off the enemy between two fires.
So with the General Assembly of his State, he united in
proclaiming, as a new incentive for enlistments, this "so
great an occasion." And with a Committee of Twenty-
Two — raised specially by Connecticut at this time, for the
purpose of propagating " the spirit and zeal of the country,"
and rousing the people to serve in the existing conjuncture —
Trumbull traversed and animated the whole State with his
correspondence and bis influence. Through the darkest
period of the American Struggle, courage emphatically was
in his heart. "Fortuna favet audaci" — he remembered it —
bis own family motto. Hope was on his banner,
"White as a white sail on a dusky sea"—
and he looked anxiously forward to some glorious morning,
yet to break, when this auspicious Messenger was sure " to
ride upon the wind, and Joy outshine the sun." A State
with such a Governor, and such a People — thus spirited —
thus harmonious — thus lighting up anew the torches of ef
fort — was bound to be free! 24

CHAPTER XXIV.
1776.
TKUMBtrLL in the department of Home Defence. The hostile vessels
and fleets in the Sound. He is made Chief Naval Officer of the State.
He builds three row-galleye, and a ship-of-war. He confers with ingen
ious men about marine devices. Bushnel^and his Torpedo in this con
nection. Trumbull commends him to Washington. He regulates pro
vision vessels, and guards' against predatory descents, and illicit trade.
He concerts expeditions, in aid of Washington, to drive the enemy
* from Long Island and the Sound. These expeditions described. He
urges Congress to adopt New London as an asylum for the Continental
fleet. The Marine of Connecticut this year. Its success. The, De
fence captures a valuable British ship and brig, after a'sharp engage
ment. Admiral Hopldns reaches New London, from the West Indies,
-with valuable prizes, and important prisoners. Satisfaction of Trum
bull. While steadily sustaining — as in the last chapter de
scribed — the main army under Washington, in its operations
around New- York and in New-Jersey, Trumbull was at the
same time busy in protecting the sea-coast and waters of Con
necticut. To comprehend fully his labors during the year
now under consideration, we have to look at him here also —
in the department of Home Defence.
The whole of Long Island Sound, this year, was almost
incessantly crowded with vessels of the enemy, and some
times with fleets of immense size, which cruised up and
down — watching opportunities to seize American craft of
every kind, and to land upon the Connecticut coast — as they
did with impunity upon the coast of Long Island opposite—
for purposes of plunder and devastation. Conspicuous
among the single British vessels thus employed, were the
Kingfisher, the Swan, tbe Glasgow, the Phoenix, the Nautilus^-
the man-of-war Rose, tbe same which, the preceding year,
had attacked and fired upon Stonington — and tlie (hierus,
the same which captured tbe brave and unfortunate Captain
Hale, and from whose hot pursuit — from Montauk Point
over to the race of New-London — Captain Niles of the Spy

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 279
but barely escaped, with the loss of his topmast. And there
was also the Bellmia, the same whose crew, eager for plunder,
sprang on board the vessel of Captain Hawley — as he sailed
from Stratford — and, after rifling his chest, in vain labored to
bribe the gallant sailor into their service as pilot by offering
him payment for his vessel after the War closed, and bis choice
of a plantation anywhere upon tbe continent of America.
Conspicuous among tbe fleets which threatened America
were, first, one in March — when the British were about to
withdraw from Boston — which was reported as designed for
devastating the entire coast towards New-York — next,
shortly after, one consisting of twenty -one vessels of war,
which appeared off Newport — next, one which, in May, was
said to be on its passage from England — again one early in
July, which, consisting of one hundred and thirty sail, left
Halifax, bound for New- York — and again, one in the last
week in August, consisting of three ships and two tenders,
which anchored off Fisher's Island, and then off Stamford.
In the beginning of December there was another, consisting
of one hundred men-of-war and transports, which appeared
off Black Point— about eight miles from New-London har
bor — and there remained at anchor three days. Shortly
after, there was still another, composed of twenty-two sail,
which lay at anchor between Fairfield and Norwalk, and
menaced tbe whole coast in this direction.
All these alarms gave, of course, intense anxiety to the
people of Connecticut. Forts and entrenchments for defence,
consequently, were to be erected, and supplied fully with
batteries, and every munition of war, all along the shore —
especially at Stonington, New London, Saybrook, Newha
ven, Milford, Bridgeport, Fairfield, Stamford, and Norwalk.
Forces were to be raised and stationed from time to time.
Minute-men were to be kept in readiness. Signals were to
be agreed upon — quick modes of communication estab
lished—little spy-boats were to be constantly despatched.
Bow-galleys, whaleboats, and vessels of war were to be
built — sloops purchased and fitted up as brigantines — and all
to be armed, officered, manned, and have their cruising
grounds appointed. Everything in short was to be done,

280 chap. xxiv. — trumbull.

1776.

for the security of American navigation in the Sound, and
of towns on the coast, that general alarm and prudeiit
bravery could instigate* — and in all this Trumbull took a
leading part. It was upon himself and his Council that the
duties to which we refer, mainly devolved — and chiefly on
himself — he and his Council being by the Assembly specially
empowered to make such regulations, from time to time, for
defence of the sea-coast and of the Sound, as they should
think best.
By special Act of the General Assembly too, Trumbull
was constituted Chief Naval Officer of the State, with power
to appoint four naval officers under himself — one at New
London — one at Middletown — one at Newhaven — and one at
Norwalk — and with power also to fill blank commissions for
private ships of war, and letters of marque and reprisal,
sent by the President of Congress to Connecticut, and take
bonds for the proper execution of the same — which last
power — as is manifest from the numerous naval commissions
to be found among his Papers — he exercised to a very great
extent, f
* At times all supplies for the use of the army and people of Connecticut,
which were stored upon or near the sea-coast, were to be removed back into the
country, to some deposit safe from the enemy. At times not even a little canoe,
under any pretence, without a written license, was to leave any port, bay, creek,
or river in the State — but all the small craft were to be laid up on shore and se
cured. And at times again, not a boat from any islands under control of the en
emy — as from Block-Island, particularly — was to be permitted to land in Con
necticut. Every hostile vessel that might be hovering about the coast, was to
be closely watched, and captured, if possible. Particular orders were to be given
with regard to Provision Ships, to prevent their falling into the hands of the en
emy. Any American vessels that might be discovered about New London offing,
or in the Sound, without legal clearances from Congress, were to be seized and
brought into port — and all smuggling and clandestine management, that should
be contrary to the laws, or to any embargoes, or to any prohibitions of Congress,
or of the State, were to be carefully prevented. Horned cattle, sheep, and swine,
were to be ordered off from islands adjacent to the coast — from Fisher's Island,
particularly — and brought to the Main. And vessels were to be sent over as
convoys for transports to bring off inhabitants, with their effects, from Long
Island to Connecticut — Whig inhabitants, who at times appealed to Governor
Trumbull in crowds, and most earnestly, for aid and protection.
t One of his papers contains a list of fourteen different bonds — the basis of
fourteen different commissions for privateers, all issued within five months.
They were taken to the Treasurer of the United States, usually in the sum of
twenty thousand Spanish milled dollars — conditioned that commanders and own
ers should govern and direct themselves according to the Commission, and ordi
nances, and instructions of the United States.

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 281
Early in the year he had three row-galleys built — the
Shark, the Whiting, and the Crane — and started at Saybrook
the construction of a new and large ship of war — tbe Oliver
Cromwell, as she was afterwards called — giving orders for the
materials necessary to build her — looking to the manufacture
of her anchors — and sending to Philadelphia and Boston for
the duck and ropes with which to rig her. And when, in
October — mounted with artillery which he bad himself or
dered* — she was made ready for sea, he immediately sent her
out>— Captain Coit commander — to cruise against the enemy.f
In April, he caused the armed brig Defence, and the schoon
er Spy, to join Admiral Hopkins in a cruise of eight
weeks. At other times — and indeed during most of the
year — he kept the State Captains, Stanton, Tinker, and Mc
Cleave — with Stonington and New London harbors as their
places of rendezvous — cruising respectively, from Stonington
on through Fisher's Island Sound westward to New London,
and east and south of Fisher's Island — from New London
westward again to the mouth of Connecticut River, and
southward as far as Montauk Point — and westward again to
New Haven harbor and beyond — while tbe Spy and the De
fence particularly, were to cruise at large. He was in almost
constant correspondence with the commanders of these ves
sels. They were often in his presence, to receive bis orders,
and to report, when made, their prizes — and upon one occa
sion, in July, he sent the captains of the three row-galleys
above-mentioned, upon "Washington's request, specially to
aid the General in New York, when the American ships in
the North River were threatened with an attack.
In conference often with him too, and with his Council,
were ingenious men, who came to explain their contrivances
for aiding, in one way and another, the little marine of Con-
* She was struck by lightning just before she was taken from Saybrook, but
did not receive much damage.
t In the same month he received a request from the Marine Committee at Phil
adelphia, to provide sixty-four cannon for a frigate then building in New Hamp
shire, and another building in Massachusetts. " Your well-known zeal in tho
common cause," say the Committee writing him on the subject — "gives us per
fect confidence that you will do herein what will most contribute to promote and
expedite the public service." 24*

282 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL.

1776.

necticut, or for damaging the foe-*— Willard from Killing-
worth, for example, with his singular plan for applying the!
screw to weigh off vessels — and Bushnell from Saybrook,
with his famous "American Turtle,"* and torpedoes, for
blowing up hostile ships.
Bushnell, particularly — a well-educated, scientific man, of
remarkable mechanical ingenuity, and a zealous patriot — was
warmly encouraged by Trumbull. He received him at Leb
anon before his Council — listened with great interest to his
explanation of his submarine explosive machine — fully ap
proved of his plan — and, holding out to him "the expecta
tion of future notice and reward," directed him "to make
every necessary experiment about it," and wrote to Congress
strongly in favor of its adoption, and for their patronage of
the inventor. Again he bestowed on Bushnell his special
attention, when the latter, attended by Colonel Huntington;
brought him a specimen of his new torpedo — and he ordered
the officers, agents, and commissaries of the State generally,
to assist him with men, boats, powder, lead, and everything
necessary for his purpose, "without stint."
True the inventions — from want of skill in operators, mis
directed attachment of driving screws, from the vigilance of
the enemy, or from untoward accidents by wind or tide— did
not fully answer public expectation. Yet they effected much
good at times in alarming British men of war, and causing
* " Outwardly this machine bore some resemblance to a large sea turtle. Hence
the origin of its name. In the head there was an opening, sufficiently large to
admit a man. This apartment was air tight, and was designed to be supplied
with air sufficient to support life for half an hour. At the bottom, opposite this
entrance, was a deposit of lead for ballast. The operator sat upright, holding an
oar for rowing forward or backward, and having command of a rudder to direot
his course in any direction. An aperture at the bottom, with its valve, admitted
water, for the purpose of descending, while two brass forcing pumps served to
eject the water, when necessary to rise to the surface.
"Behind this vessel, and above the rudder, was a place for carrying a larga
powder magazine. This was made of two pieces of oak timber, large enough
when hollowed out, to contain one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, with the
apparatus used for firing it, and was secured in any place, where it was designed
to act, by means of a screw turned by the operator. Within the magazine, was a
piece of clockwork, capable of running twelve hours, and so arranged as to he
set at any moment, at the will of tho manager. When it had run out its time, it
unpinioned a strong lock, resembling a gun-lock, by means of which the explo
sion was produced." — Cutter's Life of Gen. Putnam, p. 227.

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 283
them to avoid the coast and harbors of Connecticut — aa the
British frigate Cerberus found one day to ber cost, when, aa
she lay off Nyantic Bay — west of New London — her deck
was suddenly strewn with the bodies of men prostrated by a
torpedo, exploding with tremendous force, which some of tbe
crew, from ignorant curiosity, had drawn up from the
waves* — and as the Eagle — the flagship of Admiral Lord
Howe — in New York harbor, would also have found to her
terrible detriment, but for that unfortunate sweep of the tide
which misdirected the driving screw of one of Bushnell's
Turtles against impenetrable iron plates near her rudder.
Still, in this case, the magazine of the machine, bursting at a
little distance from the ship — with a noise stupendous as if
produced by "a bomb, a meteor, a water-spout, or an earth
quake," and sending "a vast column of water to an amazing
height" — drove the Eagle, the Asia, the Chatham, and all
the rest of the British fleet that lay near the Battery instantly
down the Bay — not again from Staten Island to move to
wards the city, until the morning of the Long Island battle.
Trumbull never forgot the inventor of this fearful machine; —
but pursued him with his kindness and encouragement, until,
with a well-timed and warm-hearted letterf to General Wash
ington, he introduced him to a permanent and honorable post
as Captain in a Continental corps of Sappers and Miners.
Among the naval duties of Trumbull this year, was that,
particularly, of stopping provision vessels from going out of
any port in the State through the Sound — save in special
cases — lest the enemy might be supplied. It devolved on
him also still to arrest the many plundering descents made on
Connecticut by a vile set of tories and refugees, from Long
Island, in those little piratical boats and sloops familiarly
known in their day as "Shaving Mills." His cruising orders,
to meet these cases, were very numerous, and were gratefully
* "A Hne was one day seen from the ship floating upon the water at a little
distance, which the tender of the ship was ordered to examine. It was drawn
np with great caution, and found to be 150 fathoms in length, and to have a ma^
chine attached to the end of it, weighing about 400 pounds. This, upon being
hauled into the frigate, exploded on the deck, and as was currently reported at
the time, killed several men." — Miss Cauliins' Jiew London, p. 525.
t See this letter in a note at the end of this chapter.

284 CHAP. XXIV.— TRUMBULL.

1776.

acknowledged by the New York Congress. He took strong
measures also to prevent that illicit contraband trade 
"fraught with mischief, misrule, and villainy" — in which sup
plies from the Main were sometimes carried over to Long
Island, and there exchanged for British gold and goods — an
occupation odious indeed — and which made the phrase "Long
Island trader " everywhere one of peculiar opprobrium, and
exposed the guilty party to the contempt and indignation of
every true American.
In August, particularly, in close accord with General
Washington — in order to cause a diversion to the enemy,
harass their rear, and put a stop to tlieir excursions upon Long
Island for provisions — he concerted an expedition across the
Sound, of which, in the following letter to the Commander-
in-chief, August thirty -first, be gives an account himself.
" Sir. Adjutant-General Read's letter,* of the 24th instant, came to
hand Tuesday Morning, the 27th ; yours, of the same date, yesterday.
" On receiving the former, I advised with my Council. We concluded
to send Benjamin Huntington, Esq., one of our Council, with directions
to take with him Major Ely, at New London, an officer there well ac
quainted with the people on Long Island, to proceed there and consult
and agree with some of the sure friends of our cause — with secrecy, as
far as the circumstances would admit — for a number of their men, as
sured friends, and well acquainted on the Island, to join with a body
from this State, if possible to accomplish your wishes, to cause a diver
sion to the enemy, to harass them on their rear, and to prevent their ex
cursions in pursuit of the provisions the Island affords. I hear they
sailed for the Island yesterday. His return is expected the beginning of
next week.
" If he succeeds according to our hopes, no exertions of this State, I
trust, will be wanting, at this critical conjuncture, to harass and keep the
enemy at bay, to gain time and every advantage the case may admit I
shall give the earliest intelligence of our proceedings, that you may co
operate with our designs. * *
" A post comes in, and brings the letters, copies of which are inclosed,
I now expect Mr. Huntington's speedy return. Have sent for my Coun
cil. My own thoughts are to send forward four or five of the companies
now stationed at New London, with four field-pieces, I hope six pieces, .
' to join those men who may be ready for the service on Long Island ; four
or five companies to follow from New London as soon as they can be
* Read wrote Trumbull in behalf of Washington, as his private Secretary.

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 285
inarched down ; and also to order on other regiments to take the places
of such as are removed from thence.
"I am inclined to think we shall fall upon some measure similar to
what is mentioned. No delay can be admitted at this critical moment
Please to give me the earliest intelligence how we may best serve agre-
ably to your desires.
"Shall send in the morning this intelligence to Gov. Cooke, of Provi
dence, and ask his assistance in the best way he shall think the circum
stances of that State will admit."
Trumbull made every preparation to carry into effect that
plan which in this letter he suggests.* Governor Cooke, of
Rhode Island, made ready an entire brigade in that quarter,
and two galleys, for the purpose of cooperation. But the
disastrous battle of Long Island, August twenty-seventh,
checked and postponed awhile the undertaking. Uncertain
and aggravated accounts of the evacuation of that Island,
and of imminent danger in consequence to Rhode Island
from the ships of tbe enemy, reached Governor Cooke at
Providence, and led him to stop the embarcation of the bri
gade which he had prepared. The same cause, and reports
besides that Long Island had universally gone over to the
enemy — led Trumbull also to defer the expedition for the
present — except so far as assistance to the inhabitants in that
quarter in removing their stock and effects is concerned — to
which he gave attention.!
But though thus disappointed as to an immediate diversion
in favor of Washington and his army, Trumbull did not
relinquish the project of driving the enemy both from Long
Island, and the Sound. In the same letter in which he com
municated to "Washington the abandonment of tbe August
plan,- he started another. " I have it in contemplation," he
* " We have ordered 10 or 15 hundred men to go on L. Island to give a diver
sion, defend the inhabitants, and secure tbe stock." — Governor's letter to his son,
Joseph, Sep. 2nd.
t " I have received intelligence," he wrote to Washington, September fifth —
" that since our troops retreated from the west end of Long Island, the Militia
have disbanded themselves, laid down their arms, and are making their submis
sion to General Howe. Two companies of Continental troops that were sta
tioned there are arrived at Saybrook. In this situation we cannot hope to make
a diversion there, to any purpose, with what force we can throw over. We can
' only assist such as choose to retire from Long Island in getting off their persons
and effects, which to the utmost of our power will be done."

286 CHAP. XXIV.— TRUMBULL. m6t
wrote — " if practicable, to procure a sufficient naval force to
clear the Sound of the enemy's ships now in it, and have
proposed the matter to Governor Cooke, and requested of
him to join their force with ours, and ask the concurrence of
Commodore Hopkins with such part of the Continental fleet
as are ready, and capable to act. I beg leave to ask your
opinion whether a plan of this nature be practicable and use
ful, and, in case it should be attempted, whether a number of
seamen may not be drafted from the army to assist in the
enterprise." "Washington warmly approved the plan — and soon — upon
fresh advices that the enemy were recruiting a large number
of men, with great success, upon Long Island, and were also
collecting there large quantities of stock — renewedly urged
it upon Trumbull's attention, and promised the cooperation
of General Mcintosh and General Lincoln, with a force froiA
his own army — for tbe purpose of suppressing, if possible,
practices so deleterious to the American cause. Trumbull,
therefore, " put everything forward" for the expedition pro
posed, " fast as possible." Besides to Rhode Island, he wrote
also to Massachusetts for particular aid and cooperation — for
a special regiment of men, and for whaleboats.*
For the marine force to be employed, in addition to a por
tion to be provided by Connecticut, Trumbull applied partic
ularly to Commodore Hopkins at Rhode Island — whom, in
the beginning of the year, he had aided to fit out — in the
harbor of New London — the first naval expedition ever
made under the authority of Congress, f The Commodore,
*"Iam informed," he said, addressing the General Assembly of Massachu
setts — " that a large number of whaleboats that belong to the Continent, are at
or near Boston, and might be used for this important service. We have but very
few with ns. I am also informed that a regiment is ordered from you to Provi
dence — to replace the Continental battalion removed from the State of Rhode
Island — and whether your regiment could not come in the whaleboats to Provi
dence, carrying them across the land at Buzzard's Bay, is, 1 apprehend, worthy
of your consideration, and to be executed without delay. i l
" We are equipping what naval force we have, with all possible expedition'
We are exerting ourselves, and desirous to unite our whole strength with tlie
other States in our common cause. I don't doubt of your utmost attention, ano
most vigorous exertions therein."
t The little squadron consisted of four vessels— the Alfred, Columbus, Andr#
Doria, and Cabot — varying in armament from fourteen to sixteen guns, i

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 287
in consonance with the Governor's views, and much to bis
gratification, pushed on bis preparations rapidly.
"Your favor of the 5th instant" — wrote Trumbull to him, October
eleventh, in a letter which develops his own careful foresight and indus
try in the scheme — " came safe to hand, in which you inform me that
the Alfred and Hampden are ready, and that two new frigates, you ex
pect, will be ready in about a week. I hope no attention or diligence
will be wanting to have them prepared by that time, and shall endeavor
that there he no delay as to ours, though I am necessitated to apply to
you, or your State, to furnish a quantity of shot for our ships. We
have the round, but double-headed, chain sliding, and star shot we have
none ; hope you can supply what will be wanting for the present. We
have sent to our furnace for them, but fear it will be impossible to have
them ready at New London by the time they may be wanted for the
present expedition, but may be ready to be replaced, if necessary, very
soon after. The size of the cannon for which we shall want them is nine-
pounders. I understand the Columbus is now in port ; if so, cannot she
join your squadron ? For no force ought to be omitted which human
foresight can devise to render our ships as sure as may be at this critical
time with our army, as this expedition, if successful, may much discon
cert the enemy."
On the same day on which Trumbull wrote this letter to
Commodore Hopkins, he addressed another — from New
haven — to General Washington, explaining his own proceed
ings thus far — giving some further details as to his plan—
and again soliciting men from "Washington's army to aid in
the enterprise.
" In consequence of your favor," he proceeds — " proposing a descent
upon Long Island, although I was so unhappy as not to be able to meet
Generals Clinton and Lincoln at this place, as requested, I applied to the
State of Rhode Island, and obtained their consent and orders, that Colo
nel Richmond, and such part of his battalion as shall not enlist on board
the Continental vessels, should assist in the enterprise. Colonel Rich
mond will accordingly begin his march this day for New-London, and
bring with him the whaleboats collected in Massachusetts Bay and Rhode
Island, to the number of between eighty and ninety, which, it is appre
hended, will be of great use to the troops ordered on this service, espe
cially to secure and assist their retreat, should it be attempted to be
cut off.
" I have this day conferred with Colonels Mcintosh and Livingston on
the subject. They inform me they are supplied with provisions and am
munition for their purpose, and only want such a number of water-craft,

288 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. tfje,
as, with the whaleboats divided into three parts, in the whole may be
sufficient to transport twelve hundred men, as he means each division to
be so placed at the inlets to the Island, as, if cut off from one, he may
resort to the other to make his retreat sure, if necessary. These I have
ordered for him, and they will be provided and ready without delay.
* * " Our naval expedition against the ships of the enemy in the
Sound is still in contemplation, and preparations are making for the same
as fast as we can. Commodore Hopkins writes me, the 5th instant, that
the Alfred and Hampden are ready, and that the two new frigates there
would be ready in about a week, if they can be manned, neither of them
having more than half their compliment at that time. Our ship and brig
will, we trust, be ready to join them, and when they are equipped it is
proposed that they first attack the two frigates that infest the coast and
Sound, if they, or either of them, shall appear in their way ; otherwise
they will proceed directly up the Sound, and give the best account they
can of the ships this side Hell Gate, which is the principal object.
" I am now informed that the two frigates and the Alfred are manned
from Colonel Richmond's regiment, which I hope will prove true; but, if
not, am in hopes they may be completed by volunteers from Rhode
Island and New-London ; but if they should still fall short of their full
compliment, I beg leave to suggest to your Excellency whether they
could not, without inconveniency, be filled up from some parts of your
army. * * * Since my last from Commodore Hopkins, I am informed
that the Columbus, Captain Whipple, has arrived in port at Rhode
Island. I have wrote to him to take her with him, which will make
considerable addition to his force. Please to afford me your advice and
fullest information. I cannot but flatter myself with strong hopes of ad
vantages to be derived from this adventure of our ships, as well as the
expedition to Long Island. Secrecy in both is of the utmost importance.''
But the "strong hopes" which Trumbull entertained of
success in the expedition which he so carefully fostered, were
destined, in great part — as in the August plan immediately
preceding — to disappointment. Instead of the fifteen or
eighteen hundred men he expected for the service, he was
unable to collect more than half that number. Such was
the pressure around New York that Washington could not
spare him any force. It was found impossible also either to
man or properly equip tbe ships at Rhode Island intended
for this expedition. Seamen there were wanting— shot were
wanting* "Water-craft too, for the conveyance of troops
*" No sort of shot are to be had in this State," wrote Hopkins fromKhodo
Island to Trumbull, October fifteenth—" there is no encouragement in getting
the ships manned."

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 289
across the Sound, failed. Colonel Richmond, it is true,
with four hundred men, and fifty-four whaleboats, proceeded
.to New London — and Livingston collected some companies
at Saybrook — but when their united force, in obedience to
the orders of Trumbull, after a stormy passage upon the
Sound, was to be gathered at Newhaven, but twelve whale-
boats — with as many men only as each could carry — made
their appearance at the point of rendezvous. Without coop
eration then, either from the fleet under Hopkins, or the
army under "Washington — and, as it was found, with not
more than half the whaleboats requisite for transporting the
men that were collected, across the Sound— the expedition —
though carefully concerted, and finally arranged in every
particular by Trumbull and the commanders, in an inter
view at Newhaven — could not be carried into effect in the
iform in which it was originally designed.
Something, however, in pursuance of tbe public service
upon Long Island, notwithstanding the failure of the general
plan, was accomplished, by part of the force which the occa
sion collected. Several companies did in fact go over to the
Island. The active, spirited, sanguine Livingston, was there
with them. Many families, with their stock and effects, were
successfully brought off from the Island. The well-affected
there were protected. Many of the hostile militia there were
disarmed. Many obnoxious tories were taken and secured.*
And, more than all — a fearful attack upon Norwalk in Con
necticut, which, about this time, had been projected by that
famous partisan ranger, in the employ of General Howe,
Major Rogers — "that scouter," as Trumbull calls him,
" skilled in waylaying and ambuscade " — was diverted. It
was to have been made by a battalion of tories from Hunt
ington, and was to have taken place in the night season — but
the activity of the companies sent across the Sound by
Trumbull frustrated tbe undertaking — and Rogers was
pushed into extremities which soon resulted, at other hands,
in his surprise and defeat at Mamaroneck.
* Like Col. Abram Gardiner, for example— a man who had been exceedingly
active in administering the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants of South and
East Hampton— and like Zebadiah Howell, another "infamous abettor of the
ministry," as he was styled. 25

290 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. fog.
While all this was doing for Long Island, and for the Con
necticut service upon the water, Trumbull was also busy
with troops and fortifications upon the land — for coast de
fence. He was continually raising and stationing compa
nies — now in May, for example, one entire regiment — now
in November, eight regiments — and now in December again,
the quarter part of five regiments, to be stationed at and
about New London. He personally inspected most of the
works of defence. From time to time he advanced money
to complete them, and for the support of men and troops
employed upon them. He mounted them with cannon from
Salisbury — supervised them through committees, whose re
ports be received and scrutinized — and kept up an alert cor
respondence respecting them at every point — especially with
their commanders, with Washington, and with Congress.
The works at New London received in particular his
attention. Tbe harbor there, he said, "may be made an
asylum for the Continental fleet, for our armed vessels, and
other Navigation." — " Its situation and natural advantages,"
he wrote his son Joseph — " to render it a place for defence,
and for the security of the American fleet, are at the least
equal, if not superior to any on the continent. When at
Philadelphia you may have an opportunity to promote it as
an object worthy the attention of Congress. I wish it may
not be neglected on any account." And he sent on to his
son a little box containing an accurate map of the harbor*
The preparations thus made by Connecticut, under the
superintendence of her Governor, proved to be of extensive
utility. Their importance indeed cannot be overestimated—
crowded as the Sound was with British cruisers and fleets,
* " I have left it easy to open," he wrote! — " that yon may observe it, and show
it to others who may bo desirous to be acquainted with it, that may have oppor
tunity to influence and promote its being fortified at the continental expense.
"During the whole war," says Miss Caulkins in her History of New London—
" the inhabitants of this town could never lie down with any feeling of secunty
that they might not be roused from their beds by the alarm bell and tho signal
fire, proclaiming the invader at hand. There was indeed, in the early part of
tbe war, no spoil to alluro an enemy ; but the harbor, capacious, accessible, and
secure, would furnish a fine winter refuge for their ships, and it would be a vast
benefit to their cause to seal up the State, and have the whole Sound to them
selves."

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 291
spreading consternation along the coast. "They have all
just arrived at Newport," reported Colonel Saltonstall from
New London to Trumbull, April first — writing of the
twenty-one British ships-of-war then on their way towards
New York — and "our fortresses are deficient — we want
working materials — the present danger is imminent." — " In
addition to your present forces," responded Trumbull — " de
tach one-third of the present regiment of militia — charge
them to be ready for service at a minute's warning. — How
soon the enemy may enter the harbor, make the attack, and
attempt to land, is uncertain. Readiness to receive them is
the best preventive remedy." And readiness in this case
fortunately caused the enemy— soon augmented to a force
of thirty sail — to pass by without any attempt to land or
attack. So in July, when one hundred and thirty sail from Hali
fax were reported as on their way to New York — so again
in August, when a British fleet made a plundering descent,
first on the fated Fisher's Island, and next at Stamford — and
so in numerous similar cases of menaced invasion of Con
necticut from the water side — menaced, and often made too
in the night season, or at seemingly obscure points for land
ing — Trumbull's timely preparations warded off much, nay
almost all of the impending danger.
And when, particularly — at the beginning of December- —
that hostile fleet, which, in the course of the year, most
alarmed Connecticut — the fleet of one hundred men-of-war
and transports — anchored at Black Point — for three days —
within one hour's sail of New London — looking as if pre
pared to " sweep the foundation of the town from its moor
ings, and filling the minds of the inhabitants with astonish
ment and dismay as from hill-tops and house-tops they gazed
dn the distant spectacle " — the anticipated invasion was for
tunately escaped. Trumbull, upon this occasion, instantly
ordered the whole of the militia on the east side of Connec
ticut River, and three regiments on the west side, to march
to New London — dispatched letters to "Washington for aid —
and removed the continental and colonial property then at
New London back immediately to Norwich for security.

292 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. m6.
And on a Friday morning, the fleet hoisted sail — about mid
day, in formidable array, in abreast of New London, terri
fied tbe inhabitants for awhile with momentary expectation
of an attack — but soon stood out again — anchored for the
night on the south side of Fisher's Island — and thence dis
appeared.* The little marine which Trumbull established this year —
and for which he procured Richard Law to draw up a naval
code — did not go unrewarded with success. Many of the
privateers which he commissioned, were highly fortunate.
They started out from almost every port in the State — made
their way up and down the whole American coast, — even
south to the West India isles, and east to Massachusetts Bay,
and beyond — encountering — as did the armed vessels of the
State also — and often bringing in as prizes, British merchant
shipping laden with supplies for the army. So numerous
were their prizes in August of this year — and such were
the profits of their cargoes, as sold both in Connecticut, and
in different ports to the eastward — particularly in Boston,
where Trumbull established Samuel Elliot, Junior, a highly
efficient man, as naval agent for the State — that Jamaica
* The following are notices, from Governor Trumbull's own pen, in letters to
his son Joseph, of the event mentioned in the text.
Dec. 6th, 1776. " The 3rd instant 11 sail of ships appeared off New London
harbor — passed up the Sound as far as Saybrook — were joined by 80 sail that
came down — and they now lie across the Sound, from Nyantic to L. Island.
Whether they design to make their attack on New London, and Newport, or
both, remains uncertain. They probably wait to be joined by more. Orders
are given out to 13 of our militia regiments to march for our defence. Intelli
gence is sent to the States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island — the latter is in
great alarm — the former doubtless will be. Have wrote to Gen. Washington a
state of facts — with a quere whether some general officers ought not to be sent
previous to the coming on of continental troops, to take command whenever the
descent is made. — Would it not be well that some most experienced be sent—
you will know the necessity of it."
Dec. 8th, 1776. " The British fleet mentioned in my last appeared off Ne*
London harbor — proceeded to Rhode Island at 9 o'clock. This morning received
intelligence from Gov. Cooke that upwards of one hundred sail and transports
entered Narragansett Bay, and were steering directly for Providence. They were
seen between Canonicut and the main land. Besides these, thirty sail were com
ing into the harbor of Now York. I have ordered some eastward regiments to
their assistance — and sent for Col. Champion to furnish provisions. Am send
ing out to forward raising the four battalions to serve till 15th of March.— Have
sent an earnest exhortation to the soldiers."

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 293
rum, an article of frequent capture, was reduced to the com
paratively low price of four shillings and fourpence per
.gallon, and sugar to five dollars per hundred pounds.*
But the efforts of the Connecticut Marine were not con-
. fined to the capture of merchant vessels alone. The Defence
and the Spy — carefully equipped by the care of Governor
Trumbull — frequently encountered British men of war, and
the former, particularly, signalized herself by daring enter-
.prize. Once, in the month of June, her commander fell in
.with an English ship and brig in Nantucket Road. About
eleven o'clock in the forenoon he took station in between
them — cast anchor — hailed the ship — and receiving for an
swer "From Great Britain," ordered her to strike her colors
to America.
"What brig is that?" — shouted the English commander.
"The brig Defence" — was Captain Harding's reply. "I
do not want to kill your men — but I will have your ship —
Strike!" "Yes, I'll strike" — answered his opponent — and immedi
ately fired a broadside at the Defence — which was instantly
returned — and after an engagement of three hours, the ship
and brig both yielded to the Defence, the latter losing no
men, but the former having eighteen killed — among these
the British commander himself — and several wounded. Two
hundred and ten prisoners — and among these Colonel Camp
bell of General Frazer's regiment of Highlanders — rewarded
the attack. Captain Harding at once communicated his suc
cess to Governor Trumbull— to whom it gave great gratifica
tion, not only as a triumph for the Connecticut Navy, but also
as reflecting lustre on a man who was his favorite both as a
naval commander and as a friend — and of whom he subse
quently spoke in a letter to Congress, as "experienced, brave,
* The ship John, with a full cargo of sugar and rum, brought in by tbe De
fence, Capt. Harding — the schooner Hannah & Elizabeth, loaded with rum — the
prize brig Annabella — a ship from Jamaica, sent into New London by Capt.
Harding, and loaded with three hundred and six hogsheads of sugar, one hund
red and fifty of rum, sixteen bales of cotton, a quantity of coffee and mahogany,
and two sea turtles — and a Guineaman taken by Capt. Harding at the same
time — were conspicuous among the prizes of this year. And their cargoes were
of great use in supplying the wants of the State. At the particular request of
Congress, Trumbull, in August, sent a vessel to St. Eustatia for supplies.
25*

294 CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. niG
intrepid, cool in action," and as meriting "proper acknowl
edgments from all the United States."
The Governor was farther gratified this year by the arriv
al — in the port of New London — of Commodore Hopkins
with forty cannon and fifteen brass mortars, besides other
military stores — the first-fruits of the first American Conti
nental Navy — which Hopkins had captured from the island
of Abacco lying near New Providence. With these he had
seized the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and one Coun
sellor of the island, and seventy odd prisoners — together also
with a British schooner, a Bermudian sloop, and a British
bomb-brig, laden with arms, which he took near the east end
of Long Island. And in New London, to the delight of
Trumbull, the Commodore deposited his valuable prizes.
The cannon and stores were, by orders from the Governor,
carefully inventoried — and he transmitted an account of
them to Congress, with a request at the same time that some
of tbe cannon, and the captured sloop, might be retained for
the service of Connecticut — a request with which Congress
promptly complied.

NOTE KEFEEBED TO Olf PAGE 283.

"I suppose your Excellency," wrote Trumbull to Washington, May 29th,
1779 — "is not wholly unacquainted with the character of Mr. David Bushnell,
the bearer. He has had a liberal education, and discovers a genius capable of
great improvement, in mathematical, philosophic, and mechanical literature.
His inventions for annoying the enemy's shipping are new and ingenious, and, I
trust, founded on such principles as would insure success. The vigilance prac
tised in guarding the shipping has, I suppose, been the only means of preventing
such execution as would have been attended with very alarming and beneficial
consequences. He has, with persevering and indefatigable industry, pursued the
object with very little prospect of any other reward than that of serving his
country. " Misfortune and accident have prevented the execution of this design ; but
there is reason to believe the explosion of one of his machines, taken on board
one of the enemy's ships some time since, has greatly alarmed their marine, and
made them very cautious in their approaches to any of the neighboring shores.
" It is a pity that so promising a genius should not be encouraged. I under
stand an establishment of miners and sappers is forming under your Excellen
cy's direction, and would therefore take the liberty to propose to your Excellency,
whether a person of his particular genius might not be very useful in that de
partment. "If you should not have filled, aud probably cannot fill, the offices with gentle
men of greater merit and genius, permit me to recommend Mr. Bushnell to the

.4 i

1776. CHAP. XXIV. — TRUMBULL. 295
office of Captain in that service, which, from his abilities, genius, and integrity,
I should judge him capable to execute with honor and advantage. The Council
of this State, now convened, join with me in this recommendation,
" I am, with very high respect and esteem,
"Your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant,
"Jonathan Trumbull."
Mr. Bushnell died, at an advanced age, in the State of Georgia. He left a
handsome property, which was brought on by one of his friends, and delivered
to the children of his deceased brother Ezra, in Connecticut. Among the prop
erty was " some curious machinery, partly built, which had been viewed by sev
eral gentlemen," none of whom, however,, it is said, could determine the pur
pose to which it was to be applied.
Upon one occasion in Connecticut, in promotion of his scheme for annoying
the enemy's shipping, Bushnell was captured by the enemy. "Last night,"
wrote Gen. Putnam to Washington, May 7th, 1779, from Reading, Conn. — "an
other party landed at Middlesex, near Norwalk, in quest of one Capt. Selleck,
who happened to be absent ; but a Mr. Webb, late a lieutenant in the train, two
of the inhabitants, and the ingenious Dr. Bushnell, fell into their hands. As the
last mentioned gentleman, who was there in the prosecution of his unremitted
endeavors to destroy the enemy's shipping, is probably known to very few peo
ple, it is possible he may not be discovered by his real name and character, and
may be considered of less consequence than he really is."

CHAPTER XXV.
1776.
Trumbull and the Northern Army. His letter to "Washington upon the
failure of the Expedition into Canada. He urges renewed exertions
for the defence of the Northern Frontier. They are to be made. Hia
own preparations therefor. Distressed condition of the NoTthem
Army at this time. Trumbull's efforts for its relief. The enemy
about to descend, in great force, from Canada, and occupy the whole
country south. Trumbull, therefore, aids to form a lake squadron
ample for defence. His efforts, in other respects, to reestablish the
Northern Army. The testimony here of General Gates to his conduct.
Arnold's defeat. Trumbull communicatee the news to the States ad
jacent to Connecticut. He continues to refurnish the army. Gen.
Schuyler warmly acknowledges his services. His son Col. John Trum
bull receives the American prisoners taken at the defeat of Arnold. A
curious conference, involving the Governor, between Sir Guy Carleton
and Gen. Waterbury. Gen. Gates renews his thanks to Trumbull.
llany officers of the Northern Army are recommended by Trumbull to
rewards. He sympathizes with their grievances, and gives them coun
sel. Case of Gen. Schuyler in this connection Soothing letters to
him from Trumbull.
While Trumbull was engaged, as has now been seen, with
the Main Army under Washington, and with the defence of
Long Island Sound, and the sea-coast of Connecticut — he at
the same time kept up his exertions in behalf of the North
ern Army — a department in which we turn again to view
him. In July this Army — after having been, to the extent of his
ability, reenforced and supplied by Trumbull, in tbe months
of January,* March, April, and May — had been compelled
?"Your letters," wrote Trumbull to Washington, Jan. 21st, 1776— "of tho
20th and 21st instant, are received. I thought fit this morning to acquaint Colo
nel Burrall, appointed to command the regiment destined to Canada from hence,
that a month's pay will be advanced to officers and men by you. This additional
encouragement will enliven them to the service. * * A month's pay was
promised the men by my proclamation. * * The men in that quarter are well
spirited and zealous, but have yet received no intelligence of the progress made
in tho business. Shall give you every necessary intelligence as it comes to my
knowledge. Every necessary requisite for the march of this regiment will bo
provided on the best terms in my powor."
" The battalion raising in this Colony," wrote Trumbull again to Washington,
Feb. 6th, 1776 — " to march to the assistance of our friends at Canada, are enlisted

1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 297
to retreat from Quebec. The battle of the Three Eivers, so
disastrous to it, had been fought — and the Americans had
evacuated Canada — post after post yielding to tbe British
force which followed close in the rear, until — with their bag
gage only saved, and military stores — worn, dispirited, and
sick with the small pox — they retreated to Crown Point —
and soon to Ticonderoga, where thev made a stand. Hear
Trumbull now upon this reverse.
"The retreat of the Northern army, and its present situation "—he
wrote, July fourth, to General Washington, in a letter which we here
quote in full — "have spread a general alarm. By intelligence from
Major-General Schuyler, received last evening, I have reason to conclude
that they are now at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, in a weak state, and
under the necessity of an immediate reenforcement, to enable them to
make a stand, and prevent the enemy from passing the Lake and pene
trating into the country. The prevalence of the small pox among them
is every way unhappy. Our people, in general, have not had that dis
temper. Pear of the infection operates strongly to prevent soldiers from
engaging in the service, and the battalions ordered to be raised in this
Colony fill up slowly ; and though no measures be taken to remove the
impediment, may not the army be soon freed from that infection? Can
the reenforcements be kept separate from the infected ? Or may not a
detachment be made from the troops under your command, and the mili
tia raising in the several Colonies, and ordered to New York, of such
men as have had the small pox, to be replaced by the troops raising for
the Northern Department? Could any expedient be fallen upon, that
would afford probable hopes that this infection may be avoided ? I be
lieve our battalions would soon join the Northern army. I shall omit
nothing in my power to expedite them.
"The retreat of the army from Canada exposes the Northern frontiers
of New York and New Hampshire to the ravages of the Indians, who
will doubtless be spirited up to fall upon them. Some of the settlements
on Onion River, I am informed are breaking up and removing, and the
whole filled with the most disquieting apprehensions. Some powder and
lead, upon application, have been supplied them from this Colony ; but
the settlers there, from their infant state, and consequent poverty, are
unable to devote themselves to the defence of the frontiers, unless they
should be enabled to hire laborers to carry on the business of their farms
in their absence. I could therefore wish, that your Excellency might think
proper to recommend it to the Continental Congress, to order a battalion
to serve until the 1st of February next, with bounty, pay, wages, and allowances,
agreable to resolve of Congress, sent me by the express who last came to vou
this way."

298 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. nig.
to be raised and stationed there, for the defence of those settlements. It
would, I trust, be immediately filled up with a hardy race of men in
that quarter, well adapted to repel the attacks of the savages, and ready
to join and support the Northern army, upon occasion, and at all times
may scour the woods, and furnish intelligence of the enemy's motions.
" If those settlers are driven back, besides the loss of their property,
a much heavier expense will fall on some of the Colonies for the support
of their families, than the charges arising from the raising and maintain
ing a battalion of Continental troops ; and we shall still have a frontier
to defend.
" The anxiety of the friends and relations of many, if not most, of
those settlers who emigrated from this Colony, and the importance of the
matter, will, I trust, be my sufficient apology for wishing to engage your
influence with Congress to support the motion I judge advisable and
shall make, to have a battalion raised out of, and stationed on, those
frontiers. " By a letter from General Schuyler, of the 1st instant. I am advised
that Generals Schuyler, Gates, and Arnold, were to set out on Tuesday
morning. I trust they are by this time at the end of their journey, and
hope their presence may have a happy effect towards retrieving affairs in
that quarter. I am, with great truth and regard, Sir,
" Your most obedient, humble servant,
" Jonathan Trumbull.''
But with the failure of the expedition to Canada, did not
end American hope and exertion. It was, universally,
deemed of the utmost importance to defend the Northern
Frontier — and as the theatre of action, by the retreat of the
Americans, " approached nearer home, the scenes assumed a
deeper interest." The possession of Lakes Champlain and
George — the highways from the North to Albany — which
might lead to the acquisition of Albany by the enemy, and
so to a free cooperation between their forces at the North
and in New York, and to a fatal severance, therefore, between
the eastern and the middle and southern States — was to be
warmly disputed. The British army must at all events, rea
soned every American, be kept back. Busy preparations,
consequently, during the whole month of July, were made
for accomplishing this vital object — and into all these prepa
rations, both by land and water, Trumbull entered with un
diminished activity.
And first as regards a fleet to oppose tbe enemy on the

17.76. CHAP. XXV.— TRUMBULL. 299
Lakes. For this purpose, he immediately organized two
companies of ship-carpenters — under the charge respectively
of Job Winslow* and Jonathan Lester — and sent them both
on to General Schuyler, with letters commending them to his
care, and extolling their skill. "They will march next
week," he informed Washington, July sixth — "and carry
their tools with them to go to that work at Crown Point."
Further to aid the operations in this direction — at an ex
pense — which was advanced — of three hundred pounds — he
sent one thousand felling-axes to Schuyler, upon the latter's
request.f He sent also to the Paymaster of the Northern
Department — his own son — the sum of eighteen hundred
pounds in money — and again asked for old gun barrels, locks,
&c, which he intended to have repaired, and fitted up into
good guns and bayonets for future service. At the same
time he was active in hastening on the battalions which had
been ordered for the North:]: — and in urging upon Con-
gress§ — as he had already done upon Washington — the for
mation of a special battalion for the protection of the front
iers of New York and New Hampshire against British and
Indian ravages.
The American army, during the period just now under
consideration, was in a most distressful condition — as is fa-
* "Received," says, July 1st, Job Winslow — a head carpenter from Connecti
cut — in a paper still preserved— " of the Hon. Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Gov
ernor of the Colony of Connecticut, the sum of fifty pounds lawful money, to be
used for advance wages to myself as Head Carpenter, and twenty-five other ship
carpenters to go under me, for building and constructing batteries, vessels, and
other buildings, under the direction of Major General Schuyler, or any persons
at his direction, at Crown Point, Ticonderoga, or other places in the province of
New York or Quebec." A similar receipt was also given by Jonathan Lester of
Norwich, another approved ship builder, who, under directions from the Gov
ernor, organized another band of twenty-five ship carpenters for the North.
t " Your Honor's goodness, and the dispatch with which everything comes
from you," responded Schuyler at this time — "will expose you to much trouble
and many applications, but as I know where your consolation lies, I do not hesi
tate to beg your assistance on this occasion."
f'Tho troops from this State, destined for the northward," he wrote Wash
ington, August fifth — "are marched to Bennington, and from thence to Skenes
borough." §"The retreat of our army from Canada," he wrote Congress, July fifth, has
" created great consternation" in the New Hampshire Grants. "May I not ven
ture to suggest," he adds, " the expediency of raising a battalion of troops, in
the pay of tho Continent, upon those Grants."

300 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 1776.
miliar history — from the ravages of the small pox, want of
harmony, and from insubordination. Of this Governor
Trumbull was kept accurately informed, and at no time,
therefore, were his services more useful, or bestowed with
more anxiety. His son — Colonel John Trumbull — then ad-.
jutant to General Gates at the North — often wrote him
minutely about tbe condition of the army. "My first duty,"
he told his father — as he repeats in his "BeminiscenceS of
his own time" — "after my arrival at Crown Point, was to
procure an accurate return of the number and condition of
the troops. I found them dispersed, some few in tents, some
in sheds, and some under the shelter of miserable brush huts,
so totally disorganized by the death or sickness of officers,
that the distinction of regiments and corps was in a great
degree lost; so that I was driven to the necessity of
great personal examination, and I can truly say that I did
not look into a tent or hut in which I did not find either
a dead or dying man. I can scarcely imagine any more
disastrous scene, except tbe retreat of Bonaparte from
Moscow."* Of all this — and of the state of the Northern Army in
every particular — Trumbull informed Congress— in a letter
bearing date July twenty -sixth.f But Congress could not at
the moment furnish the necessary succor. Neither could
General Washington. It is a state of things, wrote the latter
to the Governor, " calling aloud for the most vigorous exer
tions" — but "we," at New-York, he added, "can afford no
relief." Upon Trumbull, therefore, mainly, devolved this
task of relief. He consequently counselled with General
Schuyler about the construction of hospitals for the sick,
and sent on to the North stores of clothing, and provisions,
and medicines. He sent also Major John Ely — an eminent
physician and surgeon — to do all in his power to contribute
to the health of the army — and with Doctor Ely he sent
•"May Heaven grant," wrote Schuyler also to Trumbull about this time—
"that when our posterity relate to each other the pain of the struggle, they may
feel and reflect on the blessings of the event 1 "
tThis letter was addressed to his son-in-law, William Williams— then a Mem
ber of tho Continental Congress — and was read to this Body for their own partic
ular information and action in tbe premises.

177.6. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 301
Peter Granger — a French neutral and an excellent nurse — to
take care of those sick with the small pox.*
Nor did Trumbull forget to do all in bis power to promote
that subordination and harmony among the Northern troops,
about the want of which so much and just complaint was
made at this time. He had been particularly requested by
Schuyler and others to use his influence upon this matter,
and " aid in eradicating colonial distinctions in the army " —
and he complied fully with the request. He appealed to the
troops from Connecticut on the subject, " with all the earnest
ness the nature and importance of the subject required."f
He appealed to Gates:]: — and he addressed bis two sons, then
connected with the army, and others of influence.
" I am sorry to find so many supersedeases, jealousies, and uneasi
nesses," he wrote, for example, to his son Jonathan, July eighteenth —
" but at a time when our all is at stake, 'tis best to bear and forbear — to
settle points of honors and rewards at a more convenient season. If we
fail through neglects occasioned by rank and pay, it will be too late to
retrieve the dishonor, and we shall then have to lament the bitter fruits
of pride and covetousness. If we succeed, we may at leisure settle
merits, honors, and rewards. § Humanum est err are — Will not the mag-
* " This disease," he wrote to Congress, " is a more terrible enemy than the
British troops, and strikes a greater dread into our men who have never had it."
And, consulting how best to counterbalance this great impediment to the recruit
ing service in Connecticut, he inquired of this Body if some of the New- York or
Jersey battalions, which had, generally, passed through with that distemper,
might not take the place of some of the Connecticut troops'. " This," he added,
would "greatly facilitate the filling up of our regiments."
t " I have," he says, writing Schuyler, July thirty-first—" agreable to your
request, recommended to the troops of this government to cultivate harmony and
a good understanding with the troops from other States, as well as among them
selves, and have pressed it upon them with all the earnestness the nature and
importance of the subject requires. I shall be very happy to find anything I
have done, or can do, may contribute towards eradicating the evil."
{ " Why is it not best," he wrote Gates — repeating the suggestions he had al
ready made to the General Congress — " and even just, that each command the
same body of men as expected, without respect to the place where — Gen. Gates
above, and Gen. Schuyler below 1 The good of the general service is the great
object. I wish to cast in my mite toward that end.".
| Trumbull's opinion" on the subject of army promotions, is worth quoting
here— because he places them, not on the basis of mere seniority in commission,
but on the substantial basis of merit. Writing to his son Joseph, he says:
" Promotions made in exact succession, which some challenge, would soon ruin
our army. Honor in that way would soon be lost, and Quixotism supply its
place. Others, not ourselves, ought to judge of our merit, bravery, and fitness.
26

302 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. ifrg.
nanimity and generosity of the northern generals prevent altercations
between them? Congress can find them honorable employment. — Is it
best for you to fall through the back door? — Is it not best to catch before
the fall?"*
Thus, one way and another — in quarters of highest influ
ence — did Trumbull exert himself to restore harmony in the
Northern Department — and at a time too when this harmony
was of most vital importance. For now — in August — the
enemy, with incredible exertion, had prepared a large naval
armament to seize possession of tbe lakes — and, it was re
ported, had a force of eight thousand men, with which to
descend — drive the Americans before them — and occupy, as
they advanced, the whole country to the south. The control
of tbe lakes was, of course, indispensable to their plan.
Every nerve, therefore, was strained by our army to form
an ample lake squadron for itself, by which to prevent this
result — and in this effort, as usual, Trumbull participated.
Schuyler sent to him for five captains to command the
armed vessels on Lake Champlain. Trumbull immediately
procured them. He raised also some crews of seamen, f and
sent these on — and with these, additional land troops also —
and with all, fresh clothing, tents, camp kettles, axes, medi
cines, and various other important articles.:): Of these pro
ceedings he gave due notice, from time to time, to General
Gates — much to the joy and encouragement of the latter—
to whom he often, with pious zeal, expressed the hope that
" the Great Buler of all would grant that the event might
A person may be fit for the post given him, and altogether unfit for the
next." * "Is there no Achan among us? "—he wrote to his son Joseph — "is not our
failure in Canada owing to the political manoeuvres of secret enemies— internal—
hypocritical, crafty malignants — who subtilely have occasioned procrastination.
Some speak very freely of  . I fear the resentments of an injured people.
I wish the best. Purgations are sometimes very healthy to the human body,
altho' they occasion some gripings."
t General Arnold, July 30th, with the approbation of Gates, applied to him
for three hundred.
t Upon this occasion, Trumbull — without waiting directions from Congress-
ordered all the clothing which had been purchased, under its authority, in Con
necticut, to bo immediately forwarded — and besides — to purchase more, ana
tents also — issued an order, in favor of J. Fitch of Newhaven, for three hund
red pounds.1

HIS. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 303
correspond with the justice of our cause " — and to whom also,
with a noble humanity, he often spoke of the sick — those
particularly in the hospital of St. George— asking that both
the invalids for whom there was a prospect of recovery, and
those who probably never would regain their health, should
all be sent home. "I flatter myself," he wrote— that some
lives may be saved, and at the same time the zeal and
strength of the army not be diminished." — "I am happy to
hear," he added — " that the army begins to emerge from the
state of distress and dejection that succeeded their retreat
from Canada."*
" His Excellency " — wrote Gates to Washington of Trum
bull at this time — " has, from the beginning of the misfor
tunes of this Army, done everything in his power, to rees
tablish it in health and power. — Too much cannot be said in
his praise." — "I am obliged," responded Trumbull to Gates,
with characteristic modesty — " for the kind mention you are
pleased to make of my exertions — which shall not be want
ing — and I shall esteem myself happy if any endeavors of
mine can serve the just and glorious cause in which we are
engaged." Everything now — in September — at Ticonderoga and vi
cinity — looked promising. The whole summit was crowned
with redoubts and batteries — all manned, on both sides the
lake. The fleet, under Generals Arnold and Waterbury —
consisting of a brig, several gallies and gunboats, mounting
altogether more than one hundred guns — proceeded down
the lake to look for the enemy. Tbe hopes of Governor
Trumbull, and of all Americans, were high and flattering as
to the result.
But these hopes were destined to disappointment. On the
eleventh of October the two fleets met — engaged — and Ar
nold was defeated with great loss. Most of his vessels were
* To his son Joseph, Aug. 24th, he writes as follows : " The army at the north
ward is strengthening fast. Carpenters, sea captains, rigging, and duck, with
#2200 value in various kinds of clothing, and 1000 felling-axes, are forwarded to
them. The men begin to appear in good spirits. The armed force on the lake
is become formidable. I trust they will command tho lake this season. May
the Lord of Hosts, the God of our armies, be in the midst of both — that at
New York, and the Northward — and give success and victory ! "

304 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. me.
either taken or destroyed, and with the exception of a few
who got on shore, or in a few gunboats struggled back to
Ticonderoga — after quite a smart action on the twelfth —
their crews, with General Waterbury, remained prisoners of
war. It is remarkable that in this engagement the only gal
ley saved was the Trumbull, commanded by Captain Wig-
glesworth. The news was at once transmitted to tbe Governor by
General Schuyler — and Trumbull in turn communicated it
to the Governors of adjacent States — still, in spite of defeat,
with words of encouragement and hope — and he proceeded
himself, with his accustomed activity, to replenish the army.
" Please let me know," he wrote Gates, but four days after
the disaster — " let me know by tbe return of this post the
situation you are in, and whatever is needful, in our power
to supply, that we may forward the same." And on went
again, tents, clothing, provisions, medicines, shingle nails,
two hundred iron spades and shovels, and some new compa
nies of militia — together with a particular request from
Trumbull for the names of such officers in the old as were
willing to serve in the new Northern Army — then to be or
ganized — and were fit for service. " The first of the militia
have just arrived," wrote Schuyler to him from Saratoga,
October twenty-first. "Give them double bounty," said
Trumbull in reply. " The sufferings of the army last year
in the northern department, render this necessary. To pre
vent as far as possible every occasion of complaints of a sim
ilar nature this year, seems as well to be dictated by sound
policy as by justice to the soldiers." — "Your attentions to
supply the army," answered Schuyler — "merit the warmest
acknowledgments of every friend of his country. You have
mine most unfeignedly."
Though winter was approaching, with ¦ its expected abate
ment of sickness in tbe army, and the Northern Campaign
must of necessity soon close — still solid preparations for
another were, in the view of Trumbull, then to be made.
He was full of hope. "I am glad," he said, again address
ing Gates — " that there is so near a prospect of our troops
being relieved, by the approaching season, from the predoni-

1776. CHAP. XXV.— TRUMBULL. 305:
inant plague of the Lake, which it seems is inevitable, and
must be endured — with this only gleam of comfort, that our
enemy's end of the ship will sink first."
That enemy — it must be conceded— was as much to be,
dreaded through the humanity and policy of its commander —
Sir Guy Carlton — as through the force of its arms. So kind-
was this officer's treatment of the prisoners who fell into bis
hands, after the engagement on tbe lake, that he laid them
all under the deepest obligations of gratitude. It fell to the
lot of Governor Trumbull's son John, adjutant to Gates, to
receive them from Captain Craig.
¦ " The usual civilities," writes the son upon this subject — " passed be
tween Sir James and me, and I received the prisoners. All were warm
in their acknowledgments of the kindness with which they had been
treated, and which appeared to me to have made a very dangerous, im
pression. I therefore placed the boats containing the prisoners under
the guns of a battery, and gave orders that no one should be permitted
to land, and no intercourse take place with the troops on shore, until
orders should be received from Gen. Gates. I hurried to make my re
port to him, and suggested the danger of permitting those men to have
any intercourse with our troops ; — accordingly they were ordered to
pfoceed to Skenesborough, on their way home, and they went forward
that night, without being permitted to land."
'- Conspicuous among the prisoners that fell into the hands
of Carleton — as we have noted — was General Waterbury, of
Connecticut — between whom and the former an incident
occurred of much interest as involving, in the view of an
enemy, Governor Trumbull's authority in his public acts.
:Carleton particularly invited Waterbury on board his own
ship — the Royal Charlotte — and down into the cabin — where
he asked the latter to show him his commission. Waterbury
-handed it to him — and Carleton, observing that it was signed
by Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, at once held out his
hand, and said he — " General Waterbury, I am happy to take
>you by the hand, now that I see you are not serving under a
commission and orders of the rebel Congress, but of Gov
ernor Trumbull. You are acting under a legitimate and
acknowledged authority. He is responsible for tbe abuse he
has made of that authority. That which is a high crime in
26*

306 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. me.
him, is but an error in you ; it was your duty to obey him,
your legitimate superior." ?
Soon after the defeat of Arnold on the lake, the Campaign
of 1776, at the North, was closed. But though closed, Gov
ernor Trumbull still continued, from time to time, to furnish
supplies for that quarter, when needed. It seems that in this
respect his patience was exhaustless — his zeal at all times
unwearied — and his success remarkable. Well, therefore,
might General Gates renew to him, as he did, his thanks. "I
have a thousand obligations to you for your attention and
care of tbe army in this department," he said. " The Con
gress have in some instances forgot us ; but tbey are excus
able in the vast demand that has been made upon them nearer
home. Medicines, which with clothing you are forwarding
to us, are articles in the utmost request. How much we are
obliged to you for your regard of us, I think my masters will
tell you also — they acknowledge that. You make me happy
in acquainting me that camp equipage is coming for your
regiments. All things conspire to make me believe that
America will be free ! "
Ere, in connection with Trumbull, we quite drop the cur
tain for the year 1776 upon the Northern Campaign, one
thing important remains to be mentioned. It is the circum
stance that he was often applied to in behalf of numerous
officers at the North, both to recommend them, in the way
of appointments and rewards, to the attention of others —
particularly to Washington and the Continental Congress—
and to sympathize and counsel with them in what they
deemed their grievances — a duty which he always discharged
with ready kindness, and exemplary regard to what he
thought the justice of the case. Among such applicants for
his interest with Congress, were, particularly, General Water
bury, and Captain Noah Phelps — the last, one of the heroes
at the capture of Fort Ticonderoga by Ethan Allen — both of
whom he warmly recommended as "worthy of the kind
notice and regard of the country." And conspicuous among
those with whose discontent he was made specially acquainted,
was General Philip Schuyler himself. His case deserves par
ticular mention.

1776. CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL. 307
The feelings of this officer had been wounded by what he
deemed a supersedeas of himself — a senior in command —
through the appointment, by Congress, of General Gates to
the head of the Northern Army. He had other causes too
of discontent. Unpleasant rumors in regard to his capacity
and conduct had been circulated — and to Trumbull, there
fore, early in August, he poured out his complaints.
" Your assiduous attention," responded Trumbull — " to the great con
cerns of the public at this important period, is, in the minds of the con
siderate, a most undissembled declaration of your hearty attachment to
the United States of America. Whatever reports may have been spread
by the disaffected, or opinions held by the mistaken or ill-informed, I hope
neither your character nor the cause of our country will eventually suffer
thereby. Your painful industry and substantial services to the public,
cannot fail to remove all jealousy from the well-affected. As to Tories,
no very good offices to one in your place can be expected from them. I
flatter myself that no misrepresentations of theirs will have credit enough
in this State greatly to wound your character, or prevent your usefulness.
It requires the wisdom of a Solomon and the patience of a Job to endure
traduction, or regard a slander with the contempt it deserves. I heartily
wish the injury may not give too much anxiety to a mind possessed of a
conscious rectitude of intention."
Whatever effect this letter may have bad in soothing the
feelings of Schuyler, " the line of conduct which Congress
held with him," he wrote to Trumbull — " would put it out
of his power to continue in any office where the appointment
must come immediately from them." So he determined to
resign his command — did so — and informed Trumbull of tbe
fact, and that he should publish a narrative in defence of bis
conduct. " That you have sent Congress a resignation of your command," re
sponded Trumbull — who, from his long and close association with Schuy
ler, entertained an idea of his ability and patriotism, which was not in
harmony with that at the time entertained in Connecticut, or in New
England generally — " that you are obliged to vindicate your character by
publishing a narrative of your conduct — are matters I cannot hear of but
with deep concern. I make no doubt of your ability to justify yourself,
yet fear the consequences of such an appeal, at this time especially. I
wish to see your character stand as fair with the world as it does with me,
but cannot wish that Congress should accept your resignation — that your

308 CHAP. XXV. — TRUMBULL.

me.

ability and zeal should be lost to the country when she most needs them,
or that matters of so much delicacy and importance as those which have
passed through your hands, and have been under your direction, should
be laid open to the world, when our enemies may derive such advantages
from the discovery, and our friends he discouraged and disheartened.
May I prevail with you to suspend your publication a little while? Per*-
.haps your character may be vindicated from the aspersions you consider
it to labor under, from another quarter, and in a manner more honorable
to you, and less unhappy to the country. Your resolution to continue to
love and serve your country to the utmost of your power in a private
station, does you much honor, and corresponds with the idea I have
entertained of your patriotism; but I flatter myself I shall yet continue
to see you fill and adorn a sphere of greater extent and usefulness."
Thus with words of kindness — with prudent counsel —
with his country on his heart — as upon every occasion, to
all, where his advice was sought — did Trumbull soothe his
co-patriot and friend, General Schuyler.

CHAPTER XXVI.
1776.
An alarm from Rhode Island. The enemy seize Newport. The Connec
ticut measures for defence, and the Governor's cares and duties. The
prisoners of this year. The Mayor of Albany, the Mayor of New York,
Governor Brown of New Providence, and Governor Franklin of New
Jersey, conspicuous among them. Trumbull charged specially with
their custody. Case of Franklin particularly described. Other prison
ers — where from — where confined. Connecticut is overburthened with
them. Trumbull writes the New York Congress on the subject. His
letter. The care taken of them in Connecticut. Trumbull's treat
ment of them illustrated. He was eminently humane His duties
and conduct in promoting their exchange.
We have followed Governor Trumbull now in bis connec
tions with the Eevolutionary Struggle, north near Canada —
and upon the west and south, on the seashore and the Sound,
near Connecticut — almost all around, and close upon the
boundaries of the State at whose helm be stood. And we
have reach the closing month of 1776. But we have not yet
reached the close of Trumbull's labors during this eventful
year. For as this year drew to its end — dark with the dis
appointment of American hopes — gloomy as if the winter of
Liberty was coming with the winter of the seasons — fresh
alarm broke out from a new direction, also adjoining Connec
ticut — from the east — from the hitherto untouched and com
paratively secure quarter of Ehode Island.
December ninth, the Governor and Council heard that a
large British fleet was pushing up Narragansett Bay, towards
Newport and Providence. It was the same which had been
seen, December sixth — their "design unknown" — at anchor
off New London harbor. It was that which General Howe —
hoping to keep the forces of New England occupied at home,
and so to prevent their rendering any aid to Washington in
New Jersey and Pennsylvania — had sent, bearing about four
thousand troops under Sir Henry Clinton, to make a diver
sion to the eastward. Governor Trumbull at once ordered
the eastern regiments of Connecticut to march to Ehode

310 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. m6.
Island for its defence. But the enemy soon landed — at Newr
port — on a Sabbath Day — meeting with little or no resist
ance — and from this point Clinton, defended and aided by
the strong fleet under Sir Peter Parker, threatened the inva
sion of all the adjoining States.
It was a crisis of imminent peril. The General Assembly
was informed of it, and four members from the Governor's
Council — Eliphalet Dyer, Eichard Law, Nathaniel Wales,
Junior, and Titus Hosmer — were sent to Providence, to con
sult — December twenty-third— with Committees from the
other New England States, and report measures for "mutual
and immediate defence and safety."* These gentlemen re
ported ten hundred and ninety-two men as the quota of
troops to be raised by Connecticut for the emergency — and
tbe Governor and Council were empowered to raise thern^-
particularly from Colonel Ely's battalion — and send them to
the scene of danger in tbe "most speedy way." And the
Governor besides, was directed to state to the Continental
Congress tbe "reasons and necessity" of the meeting of the
New England Committees at Providence, and transmit a copy
of their proceedings — which be did.
His Proclamation for raising the men assigned, was at once
issued. They were to join the army under General Spencer
at Providence. So he directed. He sent for the captains
who were to serve — commissioned them — and pressed them
to proceed with their enlistments. He instructed Commissa
ries to provide and transport to Ehode Island, pork, flour,
and other supplies. He ordered Major Ebenezer Backus,
with troops of Lighthorse, to march to the exposed quarter.
He employed couriers for this quarter, and affixed theii
stages. He did everything, in short, which the occasion de
manded, with promptness — and though — for reasons which
will fall under our observation the next year — the expedition
proved in the end a failure, so far as tbe expulsion of the
* Deo. 21, 1776. " Col. Dyer, Messrs. Law, Wales, and Hosmer are setting out
as Commissioners to meet with such as may be appointed in the N. E. States at
Providence, the beginning of the week, to consult on raising an army for their
defence till they can receivo instructions and directions from Congress.— The
enemy possess Rhode Island— lie still there for tho present."— Governor's letter til
his son Joseph.

1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 311
enemy from Newport is concerned — yet Connecticut, in the
emergency, under the guidance of her Chief Magistrate, did
all that could be expected from her patriotism and ber re
sources. This — for the east — was the fifth large draught' of men,
"for actual service in different quarters, which had been made
upon this State during tbe present year. That first one, from
the western section of the State, which was marched for the
defence of New York — that second, for the defence of New
London and Long Island — that third, from the eastern sec
tion of the State, for Westchester County — that fourth, from
the extreme western section, ' again for the defence of the
' western border — and now this fifth and last, in the last month
of the year, for Ehode Island — kept the bands of Governor
Trumbull, so far as relates to troops merely, to their organ
ization and supply alone, pressingly full of business.
Through the exertions of these, and the troops of other
States, upon the land — through the effective vigilance of
Eevolutionary Committees, and bands of the Sons of Liber
ty — and through the bravery of Americans upon the water —
many prisoners were taken during the year with which we
are concerned. Indeed they multiplied exceedingly on the
hands of the State — so much so that it early became neces
sary to appoint a Commissary,* and a special Committee, to
aid in their charge. These appointments, however, did not
relieve the Governor from various duties respecting them.
For as Chief Magistrate he superintended them all — received
applications both from themselves, and from those who, in
a subordinate capacity, overlooked them — and was himself,
in many instances, specially charged with their custody.
Conspicuous among those thus entrusted to his special
keeping, were a Mayor of Albany, whose name we do not find
given — David Matthews, Mayor of tbe City of New York —
Montford Brown, Governor of New Providence — and Gov
ernor Franklin of New Jersey, a natural son of tbe illustri
ous Benjamin Franklin.
Matthews, was taken first to Litchfield jail,f and thence to
*Epaphras Bull, of Hartford, was first appointed.
f While at Litchfield, he was under the care of Capt. Moses Seymour.

312 CHAP. XXVI. — TRLMBULL. 1776.
Hartford, where he was closely watched. Brown — who, with
many others, as has been heretofore narrated, had been cap
tured by Admiral Hopkins — was brought to Windham
County jail — where Governor Trumbull gave him his parole,
and treated him with great kindness, until, in September, he
delivered him up — at the same time with the turbulent Gov
ernor Skene — to General Washington — to be exchanged, the
one for Lord Stirling, and the other for a Mr. Lovell.*
Franklin — as remarkable for his rank toryism as was his
father for bis distinguished patriotism — was by far the most-
prominent of the four prisoners to whom we have now
alluded, and bis case deserves particular notice.
On the Fourth of July 1776 — the very day of the Decla
ration of Independence — he was brought into Connecticut-
escorted by a guard of which Thomas Kenny was Chief Offi
cer — having been seized by a Convention of his own Prov
ince as a virulent enemy of the Colonies, and by this Conven
tion consigned to Governor Trumbull, who was desired to
take his parole, and if he refused to give it, then to treat him
according to the Eesolutions of Congress respecting prisoners.
A parole was accordingly prepared. Franklin urged the
Governor to alter it, so that he might have liberty to return
to New-Jersey. This was refused. He then asked that he
might go to Stratford. This also was refused. He then sent
word to the Governor that he might do with him as he
pleased — and signing his parole, he was removed to Walling-
ford — from which place, however, after about two weeks, he
was permitted — still on parole — to go to Middletown. After
remaining at this last place several months, he wrote, again
asking to return to his family in New-Jersey — a privilege, he
said, which had been allowed to other gentlemen who had
been sent to Connecticut as tories — and he remonstrated, "in
terms more sharp than decent," against Trumbull's neglect
in not answering a former letter which he had written him.
But this re-application was refused.
Subsequently, an order reached Trumbull from Congress,
* Sep. 27, 1776. " Gov. Brown is to bo exchanged for Ld. Stirling, and Gov.
Skene for Mr. Lovell, and the two Governors are to set out from Middletown
next Tuesday noon." — Governor's letter to his son Joseph.

1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 313
directing his confinement without pen, ink, or paper. " He
has" — said the Eesolutions of Congress respecting him —
"sedulously employed himself," since his removal to Con
necticut, "in dispersing among the inhabitants the protec
tions of Lord Howe and Gen. Howe — styled King's Com
missioners for granting pardons, &c, — and otherwise aided
and abetted the enemies of the U. States." And the Gov
ernor was requested not only to confine him in the manner
stated, but to allow no person or persons to have access to
him, save such as he himself should properly license for that
purpose. Trumbull, therefore, bad him forthwith conveyed,
by the Sheriff of Hartford County, to Litchfield jail — where,
in the keeping of Lynd Lord, and under a special guard — at
an expense, for a little over a year, of above one hundred
pounds — he was closely watched — not, however, without his
securing, now and then, a chance to hold treasonable inter
course.* When taken from New Jersey, be had possessed himself
of a chest containing important State records. Governor
Livingston of New Jersey, therefore, wrote Trumbull, wish
ing the State authorities of Connecticut to interpose, and
cause Franklin — and his servant Thomas, who was suspected
of being privy to the concealment — to be examined on oath
respecting it. This was done, through Matthew Talcott, ap
pointed by the General Assembly for tbe purpose — with
what result, however, we do not ascertain.
Such was one notorious offender, with whose custody the
Governor of Connecticut was charged the present year — one
whom the Journals of the day heralded as "exceedingly
busy in perplexing the cause of liberty," and whose princi
ples, connections, abilities, and address, rendered him a most
dangerous enemy.
But besides the prisoners now mentioned, very many
others, as already suggested, were sent this year to the
charge of Trumbull. Washington, while encamped in the
City of New- York and vicinity, consigned them in great
numbers. Trumbull confined these chiefly at Litchfield and
*As once with a Capt. Camp — against whom Newhaven complained to tho
General Assembly for holding such intercourse.
27

314 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. i^g.
Norwich. Once, a party of twenty-two — taken at one time,
in July, on board a barge of the British fleet, as they were
sounding a channel below New-York— were sent. Trumbull
confined these at Farmington. The Albany Committee also
sent large numbers — in August, particularly, very many —
disaffected persons chiefly — some of whom were confined in
the jail at New-London, and some were placed at East Had-
dam, under their parole of honor to continue there, and not
to do or say anything in prejudice of the United States, or
their acts or resolves, on penalty of close confinement.*
Many prisoners also were sent from Massachusetts — some
from Ehode Island — many from Long Island — and quite a
number from the Northern Army. They were distributed-^-
besides in the towns already mentioned — also in Hartford,
Simsbury, Salisbury, Durham, Middletown, Glastenbury,
Saybrook, New-London, Preston, Windham, Colchester, and
elsewhere. The jails and secure places in Connecticut were
in fact — as Governor Trumbull said — even by August, so
"filled" that it was "difficult" to find room for more — and
they so tasked his care, and that of the State, that we find
him at this time addressing the New-York Provincial Con
gress in the following terms : —
" Enclosed," he writes, August tenth — " is a copy of a letter from a
Committee at Albany, by Ensign John Fiske, who escorted under guard
from Albany twenty-three prisoners represented to be inimical to the
rights of these States, to be secured and taken care of. The jails here
are so filled that it is difficult to find a proper place of security for this
additional number. For the present they are ordered to the jail at New-
London, and I shall expect soon a resolve from your Convention in what
manner you will have them treated, and how, or by what means sup
ported. " The Mayor of Albany, and five others sent with him by the Com
mittee of that city some time ago, are at Hartford. Those sent by your
body under the care of Mr. De Peyster, are imprisoned at Hartford, Nor
wich, and Litchfield.
" The present necessity, attention to the service of the U. States, and
real affection for our sister State of New-York, under the present calami
ties of a siege and invasion, induce us to receive such troublesome and
*Thc Albany prisoners were afterwards sent to Preston — where some of them
were allowed to labor for their own support, under the inspection of a Commit
tee — and others, as being "particularly dangerous," were strictly confined.

1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 315
inimical men into our care and custody. We wish to have them re
moved, and to be released from the trouble they occasion, as early as is
convenient." The prisoners sent to Connecticut — be it written to the
credit of this State, of Trumbull, and of his agents in the
matter — received the best treatment consistent with their
situation. The Governor was eminently humane in all that
he did concerning them. He received their applications with
attention, and whenever he could — consistently with se
curity to the great cause with which he was identified—
granted their prayer.
Did John Eapalji, for example, who was confined at Nor
wich, and destitute of clothing, ask to return to Long Island
to procure it ? Upon giving his parole to be back again
within two weeks, and to do naught against the States, the
Governor not only allowed him to go, and bring back neces
saries for himself, but also for such other of his fellow-pris
oners as he could.
Did Alexander Campbell, William Pemberton, and eight
others, again, ask a similar permission for the same purpose?
Under the care of a Committee to attend them, and under
their parole faithfully to return, they had leave to go.
Did Duncan Stewart, the English Collector for the port of
New-London — where, with no other restraint than that of
being forbidden to leave town without permission from the
Governor, he resided — ask to visit New-York ? Leave was
freely given — to stay three months — and soon to depart
again, with a passport from the Governor's own hands, to
take all his family and effects, and sail for England.*
Thus kind was Trumbull in numerous other cases. And
* " The populace took umbrage at the courtesies extended to the English Col
lector. At one time, when some English goods were brought from New-York
for the use of his family, the mob at first would not permit them to be landed,
and afterwards seized and made a bonfire of them. The ringleaders in this out
rage were arrested and lodged in jail ; the jail doors were broken down, and
they were released, nor were the authorities in sufficient force to attempt a re
commitment. It was indeed a stirring season, and the restraints of law and
order wore weak as flax. It is however gratifying to know that Mr. Stewart was
allowed to leave the place with his family, without any demonstration of personal
disrespect. He departed in July, 1777."— Miss Caulkins' History of N. London,
p. 511-12.

316 CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. ms.
the State Commissary and Committee for prisoners, were
from time to time enjoined by him to make suitable provis
ion for them all. They were directed to send to him — certi
fied under oath — true accounts of their numbers, of their
manner of treatment, of the resources for their support, and
of the conduct of the captives — in order that he might him
self see that they were used with justice and humanity — or
if otherwise, might rectify any error or abuse, or report the
same to his Council, or to the General Assembly, for their
correction or reproof. Conduct this how strikingly in con
trast with that of the enemy towards American prisoners —
who were left — alas, almost habitually — in hunger, in cold,
in nakedness — without medicines, without care — alone in
dungeons, or crowded into heaps — to die like beasts ! And
all this humanity, on tbe part of Trumbull, was ever exer
cised in consistency with tbe proper security of captives —
for wherever particular vigilance was required, there he was
sure to employ it.*
He had much also to do, in relation to prisoners, in pro
moting their exchange — now in person, and now by giving
directions to various agents and Committees appointed by
the Legislature in the matter — particularly to Shaw, the
Naval Agent at New-London.f His correspondence with
Washington, with Congress, with New- York and Massachu
setts, was extensive on this subject. Cartels for the redemp
tion of prisoners, bearing his communications and his mes
sengers, frequently passed in and out from the harbors of
Connecticut — particularly between New-London and New-
York, and New -London and Newport — and the sad condi
tion of many of the returned American captives frequently
called for an application both of his commiseration and his
* As once at Hartford, for example, when — upon information that the prisoners
there had intercourse with tories from without the jail — he ordered additional
guards, and a yard, with pickets or plank, to be erected around the jail in the
best and most prudent manner — and as once again, upon a similar occasion, when
he doubled the guards around Newgate Prison.
t Exchanges were particularly numerous in the marine department — as the
batch of prisoners taken from on board the ships John, Clarendon, and SaUy,l>J
American cruisers, and, in December, exchanged at New-London, under the di
rection of Trumbull, illustrates.

1776. CHAP. XXVI. — TRUMBULL. 317
bounty. Ethan Allen, incarcerated with eighteen others —
taken near Montreal — in the common jail at Halifax — for
whose release Trumbull wrote pressing letters to Washing
ton, to Congress, and to the " Commanding Officer at Bos
ton," praying their "seasonable and friendly interposition"
for the speedy exchange of this distinguished captive and
his companions — never forgot the compassionate attention.
His brother Levi, who was sent on by Connecticut to visit
him in jail — with one hundred and twenty pounds in his
pocket, from the Treasury of the State, for the relief of
these prisoners — told Ethan of the Governor's needfulness,
and it rejoiced his heart. 27* •

CHAPTER XXVII.
1777.
Trumbull opens the year with a Proclamation for a Past. He devotes
himself to recruiting the Continental Army. The system of additional
"bounty in this connection, and aletterfrom him on the subject. Press
ing requisitions from Washington for more troops. Tmmoull re
sponds — and how. Menaced devastation from the enemy. Trumbull
prepares. Danbury laid in ashes. Measures taken oy him in conse
quence. His Proclamation against home depredators. He guarda
against similar attacks, and for the present euccessfuUy. GaUant
expedition of Col. Meigs to Sag Harbor, and report of the same to
the Q-overnor. He perseveres in his plans for home defence. Sends
a Company of Hangers to the seashore. Sis labors in the department
of supplies. Connecticut the Provision State.
In harmony with bis own deep sense of dependence on
an all-wise Euler of the Universe — in accordance with his
view of national calamity as tbe result of "ill-deserts," of an
undue general forgetfulness of God and all his mercies — and
from a hope that through a public acknowledgment of trans
gression, by penitence and by prayer, the People might pro
pitiate anew the favor of Heaven — Governor Trumbull
opened to Connecticut the eventful year of 1777, by a Proc
lamation for a Public Fast. It was his desire and direction —
as in the document he proceeds to promulgate — that the
Great Father of all should be supplicated " to animate the
whole body " of his fellow-citizens " to rise in the cause of
their oppressed, bleeding country, to a zeal and exertions
proportioned to its vast magnitude and importance."*
*The Proclamation bears date January eleventh, 1777. "Fervent and united
supplications," he proceeds to say, should be offered up " for the United States
of America — for their Representatives in General Congress assembled, that he
would bless and honor them as Instruments, under his own divine direction and
counsel, of guiding and conducting the People through all the struggles and
convulsions which attend the great controversy in which they are engaged, and
bringing them into a settled and confirmed state of government, peace, and
safety ; that he would abundantly bless the people and rulers of each particular
State, and increase, strengthen, and perfect the general union of the whole ; that
the Commander-in-chief of the forces of the United States may be the care of
divine Providence, and under divine direction ; that all our officers and soldiers

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 319
The year at whose threshold we now stand, so far as lead
ing military events are concerned, was marked by skir
mishes in the Jerseys — by expeditions of the enemy up the
North Eiver, and into Connecticut — by the expedition of
Colonel Meigs to Sag Harbor — by the continued presence of
the foe in Ehode Island — :by the movement of the British
fleet up the Chesapeake — the Battle of Brandywine — the
occupation by the enemy of Philadelphia — the attacks upon
Fort Mifflin and Eed Bank — by the Battle of Saratoga—
and by the British capture of Forts Montgomery and Clinton
on the North Eiver — events with all of which Trumbull was
more or less connected — but particularly with those which
occurred at the North.
The winter and spring of this year, as is well known —
although in the plan of Washington intended as a period of
active effort to break up and disperse the enemy — was yet
spent mainly in making preparations for the campaign that
followed — particularly in recruiting the Continental Army,
which at the close of 1776 — from the expiration of enlist
ments, a general aversion to service induced by the misfor
tunes of the year which had passed, and the seemingly over
whelming force of the enemy — was thinned down to almost
a shadow. Trumbull's attention, therefore, at this time, was
specially bestowed on the recruiting service — and on this
subject he was soon engaged in correspondence with Con
gress, with General Washington, and with General Heath,
General Greene, and others.
One of his letters upon this matter deserves to be quoted
here in full — because, especially, it vindicates the step taken
at this time by Connecticut, and by tbe New England States
generally, of granting an additional bounty to their quotas
of the Continental Army — vindicates it against an objection,
may be blessed with the presence and fear of the Lord of Hosts and the God of
armies, and all our enterprises by sea and land, in defence and for the protection
of our country, be greatly succeeded ; and that God in infinite wisdom and good
ness, would bring great and lasting good to his people out of the evils and
troubles of the present day, and in his own due time, restore peace, and cause
truth, righteousness and charity to prevail in this whole land ; break every yoke
of the oppressor, and let the oppressed go free ; bless all the nations of the earth
with light and liberty, and fill the world with the knowledge and glory of his
great name."

320 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
quite extensively indulged — and made both by Washington
and by Congress — that it would produce discontent and dis
order in the army. The letter — bearing date February
twenty-first — was addressed to the Commander-in-chief, ano!
proceeds as follows : —
"We have now granted to our proportion of the sixteen battalions the
additional bounty of thirty-three dollars and one-third, estimating that
proportion at one thousand men. In making this estimate, we are gov
erned by the proportion which the quota assigned by Congress to this
State bears to the whole number to be raised, namely, as eight is to
eighty-eight. This I trust will put the officers you have appointed in
this State upon an equal footing with those of the eight regiments
allowed to us before, and remove every impediment in the way of raising
these men.
" I am not insensible that the step taken by the New England States,
of granting an additional bounty to their quotas of the Continental army,
is objected to, as tending to produce discontent and disorder in the army.
You will, therefore, permit me to state the reasons which have prevailed
to induce the giving it, and the manner in which this State hath been
drawn into it.
" The length and severity of our winters in this climate are such, that
a soldier can neither clothe or support himself, or a family, so cheaply as
he can at any time in a southern climate. Many, indeed most of our
soldiers, have small families at home dependent, in a good measure, upon
the savings they can make out of their wages for subsistence, which must
always be the case while most of our youth marry at the age of twenty-
one, or thereabouts. The almost total interruption of commerce, and
the scarcity of materials for manufacturers, have and must still greatly
increase the prices of clothing and other articles, while the demand for
all kinds of provisions for the army has likewise rendered every necessa
ry article of subsistence much dearer than at the commencement of hos
tilities. At that time the wages given to a common laborer were about
forty shillings per month ; now ten dollars are rather less than a medium,
and all articles of produce are risen in proportion. Add that the seaman
is offered twenty dollars per month, and tradesmen and artificers in propor
tion. Neither is this chargeable to any ill principle, but the necessary
consequence of drawing off so many of our men into the service. When
these facts are considered, it was thought to be very apparent, that a
New England soldier cannot, and in justice ought not to serve upon the
same pay and allowances that were given in 1775, or that one fromthe:
Southern States, where his expense for clothing and subsistence for him
self and family is so much less, now can. Our people in general are so
fully persuaded of this difference, it is alleged that it would be fruitless,
as well as unjust, to attempt to engage them upon it, and vain to expect
success in the attempt.

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 321
" These considerations induced the Massachusetts Assembly, in Octo
ber, to offer an additional monthly pay. The Assembly of this State
who had before rejected the measure when proposed by some of their
own members, followed their lead, and offered the same additional pay ;
but when they were advised of the disapprobation of Congress, and had
your Excellency's objections laid before them, they cheerfully retracted,
and determined to trust to the bounties and pay of Congress, with some
encouragement in furnishing them with necessaries at prime cost, to in
duce them to enlist In the meantime, all the other New England States
offered large additional bounties; Massachusetts and New Hampshire,
sixty-six dollars and two-thirds ; Rhode Island, twenty dollars. , It was
soon evident that these bounties would entice a great part of our men into
the service of the States contiguous to us on the east and north, which,
beside the obstruction which would thence arise to the filling up our own
battalions, would be highly prejudicial to the agriculture of this State,
and, in effect, to the general service, as the army must still depend, for a
considerable part of its subsistence, on this State.
" In this situation the matter rested until the enemy took possession
of Newport. It then became necessary to provide for the immediate de
fence of the New England States, and Commissioners met at Providence
to concert proper measures for that purpose. They immediately agreed
to raise an army of six thousand men for a temporary defence, until the
Continental army might be raised.
'' Sensible that an attempt to raise a separate army for their own
defence, must effectually obstruct the raising a Continental army, and
otherwise be liable to great objections, they considered raising the Con
tinental battalions speedily, as the only sure means of defence against the
enemy, should they fall upon any of these States ; and proceeded to de
liberate upon proper measures for this purpose.
" The rapid increase of the prices for the necessaries of life operates
strongly to discourage soldiers from enlisting. These they attempt to
limit by recommending prices to be affixed by law, beyond which they
might not rise, by recommending that a stop be put to emitting further
bills of credit, and measures be taken to reduce the quantity now circu
lating. " The number of men employed on board privateers and merchant
vessels, formed another obstacle to raising an army. They recommend
ed an embargo upon all privateers and merchant vessels, except those
sent after necessaries by permit, until the army was raised.
"The bounties offered by other States were alleged as an impediment
to raising the quota for the army in this State and Rhode Island. The
Commissioners from this State strongly urged, that the additional boun
ties should be withdrawn, and encouragement, by supplying necessaries
at a certain price, be substituted in their place. In this they were over
ruled ; and then, sensible of the mischief that might arise from the great
bounties given by the other States, they consented, in case Massachu-

322 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. m<j,
setts and New Hampshire would reduce their bounty to thirty-
three dollars and one-third, to recommend to the State to give the same
bounty to our soldiers, which was agreed to, and recommended
accordingly. " Our Assembly, with reluctance, for the sake of uniformity, and to
avoid what they considered as a greater evil, acceded to the recommend
ation, and offered the proposed bounty.
" I must leave the other New England States to give their reasons for
the measures they have adopted, and only add, that it is my wish and
desire that all jealousies and occasions of disunion, and animosity of the
several States, may be avoided and laid aside. It is not wonderful, that
diversity of sentiment happens at a time that government is so far con
vulsed and unhinged, fi is necessary, as far as possible, to become all
things to all men, and not suffer our enemies to avail themselves of any
discord or disunion among these States. I am, Sir, with great truth and
respect, your obedient, humble servant, "Jonathan Tbdmbdll."
As concerns the Main Army now, under Washington — to
which first, in connection with Trumbull, we direct the
Eeader's attention — it is to be noted that it was the policy of
the Commander-in-chief, just at this time, to divert the forces
of the enemy from Philadelphia. In January, therefore, he
requested the Governor of Connecticut to place the quota of
troops to be then raised in his State, eastward of New York— a
request with which the latter readily complied. He proceed
ed to collect one thousand men for the purpose — which was
the proportion for Connecticut in sixteen regiments that were
to be levied in the United States.
Early in March again — when great apprehension existed
that the enemy would move up the North Eiver — a pressing
requisition from Washington for two thousand more men—
to be marched to Peekskill — reached Trumbull. "I am
persuaded," said Washington upon this occasion — "from the
readiness with which you have ever complied with all my
demands, that you will exert yourself in forwarding the
above-mentioned number of men, upon my bare request—
The enemy must be ignorant of our numbers and situation,
or they would never suffer us to remain unmolested; and!
almost tax myself with imprudence in committing the secret
to paper ; not that I distrust you, of whose inviolable attach
ment I have had so many proofs, but for fear the letter

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 323
should by any accident fall into other hands than those
for which it is intended."
Trumbull immediately applied himself to fulfil this last
request from Washington. He issued a Proclamation for
the purpose — directing proportionate detachments of men
from ten Connecticut regiments. He sent special letters of
instruction to the field-officers concerned — and at the same
time, with his Council, took active measures for filling up
the regular quotas from the State for the Continental Army.
Committees of aid were raised in each town — and by order
of his Council, the Governor himself stimulated their exer
tion, to the utmost; — earnestly recommending "the virtuous
sons" of Connecticut — all, "without delay — to offer them
selves for the service of God and their country, in the right
eous cause, and to prevent the disagreeable necessity of the fre
quent rotation of men from the militia," whereby, he affirmed,
"the husbandry and manufactures were so much injured."*
Nor did the exertions of Trumbull at this time in tbe re
cruiting service stop here. The calls for fresh troops becom
ing incessant, and little progress, for reasons already assigned,
being made in filling up the Continental battalions — the Gov
ernor and Council, April twelfth — for the purpose of hasten
ing the completion of an army — issued a joint Proclamation.
It is a long, and in parts, an eloquent document — evidently
written by the Governor himself — in which it is urged, that
the time swiftly approaches, nay has almost arrived, when,
without more vigorous and successful efforts, all will be bst —
*"Not unmindful," as says the Record of his own, and of the proceedings of
his Council at the time — "not unmindful of the difficulties which might be oc
casioned by calling away so many men at that busy season of the year, yet they
[the Governor and Council,] considered the unspeakable importance of the cause ;
that the burthen lay equally on all the States ; that the contest in all probability
would be short, if the people would be true to themselves ; that the war would
have been closed even before that time, if our exertions had been equal to the
strength which God had given the country for defence ; that the blessings con
tended for were what the Almighty had bestowed upon us, with full confidence
that we would continue our faithful endeavors ; that future generations would be
established in the best and highest civil and religious liberty, or bound by the
most galling yoke of wretched slavery, according to our conduct and exertions
for liberty for a very short time longer; and that in the highest probability, had
the army been once filled, the country would have had no farther occasion t0
have called for the militia, but could have made an effectual stand against all the
efforts of the enemy, with a fair prospect of a speedy termination of the war."

324 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. m^
and that the great laws of reason, virtue, and self-preserva
tion, call aloud for universal attention to the matter of enlist
ments — which, it is added, cannot longer be neglected " with
out a dismal certain prospect, if constant rotations of the
militia and husbandmen must be called off, of being devoured
by famine!" Well might tbe Proclamation thus appear — for at this time
the enemy were making active preparations for their burning
and plundering expeditions up the North Eiver to Peeks-
kill — up the Sound, for Danbury, and wherever else along
the Connecticut coast they might find magazines of military
stores, or property of any description, to seize or destroy.
The whole western frontier of the State was reported. by
General Silliman to the Governor, as being in consternation
on account of expected hostile attacks.
Eaise your own brigade for defence then, in that quarter,
wrote back Trumbull— watch the enemy most vigilantly —
give me the earliest intelligence of every alarming appear
ance in your department. And he proceeded himself. to re
new his own orders to the guards all along the coast to be on
the alert. He sent new cannon, and powder, and shot, for
Stamford. He raised a new company of artillery for Fair
field. He ordered Colonel Latimer, with a fresh troop of
two hundred men, to take post at New London. He mount
ed six new field pieces at this point, and in Groton— and
with his Council, personally inspected the fortifications at
both these places. In short, as in previous years, the Gov
ernor made all possible preparation to ward off the depreda
tions that were threatened.
But spite of every precaution, an incursion came — and, for
the first time, the foot of a foreign invader pressed the soil
of old Connecticut. On the morning of April the twenty-
fifth, the pestilent Tryon of New York — who had now, add
ed to his other titles that of a Major General in the British
service — attracted by tbe fact that Danbury had become a
large depot for military stores — and thirsting to avenge him
self on a State which more than any other — through itsfliili-
tia especially under Wooster, and its dashing volunteers un
der Captain Sears — had vexed the repose of his administrar

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 325
tion — disembarked, from an imposing naval armament of
twentyrsix sail, two thousand men on Cedar Point, the eastern
jaw of the river of Saugatuc. The time he had chosen for
his enterprise was, for him, most opportune. Large numbers
of the male population of Fairfield County were away de
fending the soil of other States. And without serious oppo
sition, therefore, at first — signalizing his march by scattering
alarm among defenceless women and children, and by batter
ing a church at Beading on the Eidge with volleys of can
ister and grape — on Saturday, at about three o'clock in the
afternoon — with a proud array of infantry, cavalry, and artil
lery — he entered the fair town which his vengeance had
doomed to destruction.
The excesses which " characterize an unmerciful and exas
perated enemy," soon followed. Night fell upon his soldiers
in the fumes of a debauch — drunken, most of them, on the
stores they had found of "rebel rum" — lurching as they
walked, or clinging to fences or trees, or lying imbruted and
sprawling in streets and door-ways.
Early in the morning — morning too of the hallowed day — " while it
was yet dark, the signal is given, and on a sudden, a livid and unnatural
glare chases night from the sky. The torch is carried from house to
house, and from store to store. From the sacred recesses of home, from
the roofs that guard the hard-earned savings of a frugal people, the fire
breaks upon the surrounding darkness, and joins in the general havoc
of the element The aspiring tongues of flame climb and curl around
the spire of the Congregational Church, until it totters and falls into the
burning mass. The sun, as it rises, looks only upon the flickering em
bers of a once smiling village, save where, here and there, a solitary
house stood unscathed, but branded with the indelible stigma,* of har
boring only traitors to freedom. By the cold light of early dawn, is
Been, not the stealthy savage, but the disciplined army of a Christian
king, stealing away from the desolation they had caused, and from the
avenger on their heels, while the aged and the young, the sick, the help
less, and the infirm, gather round the smouldering ashes, for that warmth,
which is all that is left of the comforts of home."t
Nineteen dwelling bouses, the Congregational Church,
twenty-two stores and barns, with all their contents, sixteen
* A white cross, conspicuously painted on every tory's dwelling, and outbuild
ings, and on the Episcopal Church.
tHon. H. C. Dcming's Oration on Gen. David Wooster.
28

326 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
hundred ¦ tents, more than one thousand barrels of flour, two
thousand bushels of grain, several hundred barrels of beef,
and more than three thousand barrels of pork, fell a prey to
the devouring element. And the glutted foe — vainly, though
bravely opposed, on their return march, by seven hundred
undisciplined militia, under the intrepid, but deatb-doomed
Wooster, and under Silliman and Arnold — superior numbers,
and their own resistless showers of grape and small shot,
protecting their way — gained in safety the refuge of their
ships. It was on the evening of the very day on which Danbury
was thus set on fire by the British troops that Trumbull, by
express, received news of the startling event. There he was
at the time — at Lebanon — sitting with his Council on the
Lord's Day — as frequently, during the war, he was obliged
to do. All the day before, be had been exceedingly busy.
He had been preparing and sending letters on to Boston and
New Hampshire, pressing the authorities there to hasten their
troops forward to General Gates at the North. He had been
arranging for a guard of " four men, each night, two at a
time," for- the important foundry at Salisbury. He had
been writing instructions to the naval agent of Connecticut
at Boston, Mr. Elliot, in regard to Connecticut prizes — three
valuable ones, which one of his own commissioned naval
officers — Captain Smedley of the brig Defence — had then
recently taken, and carried into ports at the east. The day
following, he doubtless thought, while thus engaged — was to
bring him relief from labors like these, and the grateful
repose of pious devotion. But War knows no Sabbaths.
The evening of Saturday found a panting post-rider at his
door with the report that Tryon had just landed at Cedar
Point, and that other ships of the enemy were making their
predatory way up the North Eiver. And now, Sunday eve
ning — Danbury, he heard, was in ashes.*
* " Amidst this scene of fear and sympathy, of hurry and flight, a Mrs. Clark,
wife of Capt. James Clark, a woman of singular fortitude, remained after the
inhabitants had retired, to dispose of her family and secure her goods, and was
in fact the last whig female that left the town upon the entrance of the enemy."
(From " Remarks upon the British Expedition to Danbury," by Elisha D. Whit
tlesey, in the New York Historical Society's Collections, 2d Series, Vol. II., Pw*
I., p. 230.)

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 327
To the new and perilous crisisj therefore, he turned at
once, and met it with anxious consultation, and ready expe
dients. He ordered General Huntington on to the scene of
danger. He armed him with power to collect the militia in
the western quarter of the State, and to hurry up the Conti
nental troops. Apprehending that the enemy might sud
denly change their point of attack from the western to the
eastern parts of the State, he instructed the Colonels of four
eastern regiments to hold their companies in readiness "to
act on the most sudden alarm" — and at the same time
ordered stores, for every emergency, to be provided in all tbe
towns of the State.
The measures thus taken fortunately warded off any im
mediate renewal of aggressions upon Connecticut. Tryon,
dreading the alarm his expedition had created — after lying
for awhile at his anchorage in the harbor of Huntington,
Long Island — returned to New York — and Governor Trum
bull, from rendering military support to those who had suf
fered by the wanton incursion of the British General, turned
to aid them in a new form.
Many tories at Danbury, and even certain parties among
the American troops there — low, unprincipled militia-men
and others — taking advantage of the general confusion and
alarm, plundered the distressed inhabitants of such goods
and effects as chance, or the neglect of tbe enemy had left
them — and to such an extent as to call loudly for the inter
ference of the power of the State. This power was promptly
applied — and in the shape of a public Proclamation from
Trumbull himself — who — after reciting the outrage, and
launching against it his loudest rebuke — commanded every
offender, and every person who had either found or taken
any effects of the sufferers, straightway to make restitution —
under penalty, for neglect or disobedience, of suffering the
full pains of the laws against theft and larceny. And he
empowered the Civil Authority and Selectmen of towns, and
Grand Juries, to take the most vigilant measures for carrying
this his command into effect. They were to call before them
all suspected persons whomsoever — and examine them — and
the same report to tbe Governor — in order that — as his Proc-

328 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
lamation concludes — "justice may be done against such
high-handed offenders — that all may be made to know
that the persons and properties of all the inhabitants of
this State, whatever their character or denominations may
be, all shall be protected against such daring violations.
thereof." The interval which succeeded the Danbury Alarm-
down to the time when Washington marched with his
main army southward towards Philadelphia — both so far
as regards the defence of the western frontiers of Connec
ticut, and of its sea-coast — was occupied by Trumbull in
a manner quite similar to that which we have already
described. So far as troops are concerned, he had to raise two new bat
talions, of seven hundred and twenty-eight men each — one
new company of Eangers, consisting of ninety men, which
the General Assembly placed under his own particular direc
tion — and one new company of Artillery -men. All of these
be had, of course, to supply — to distribute at various points,
or keep in readiness every moment for action.
As a renewed attack upon Connecticut, or its neighbor
hood — or up the North Eiver — -was a matter of daily expecta
tion, he ordered General Silliman's brigade, and one-fourth
of General Ward's, to be prepared for an instantaneous march
to the western border. He directed Colonel Ely to gather
the residue of his regiment at New London — Colonel Enos
to gather his own soon as possible at Newhaven — and
Colonel Douglas to be ready with the companies of his bri
gade to march to any place attacked. He sent one-quarter of
seven regiments of militia and of the Alarm List, to man the
forts of New London and Groton. He detained four hund
red Continental troops under General Parsons to defend
Greenwich and the adjacent country. He provided addi
tional cannon, round shot, grape shot, powder — of which he
made large collections — ammunition-carts, draught horses,
tools, utensils, and provisions, for the fortifications, soldiers,
and guards along the whole sea-line and western line of the
State. He gave orders continually to artificers, paymasters,
muster-masters, and commissaries in every direction. He

1777. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 329
sent instructions constantly to the chief commanding officers
throughout the State.*
¦ And well was Trumbull rewarded for this his extraordi
nary activity of preparation — for during the whole interval
with which we are now cbncerned, he kept the enemy at bay.
They had no opportunity to penetrate Connecticut. On the
other hand, they found themselves, on one brilliant occasion,
attacked and overpowered by some of the forces that Trum
bull had raised.. We refer to the gallant expedition of
Colonel Meigs from Sachem's Head to Sag Harbor. How
must the Governor's heart have thrilled with satisfaction,
when— in the beginning of June — he read the following let
ter — dated Newhaven, May thirtieth — from General Parsons!
"I sincerely congratulate your Honor,'' proceeds the General — "on
the success of our arms on Long Island. Col. Meigs left Sachem's Head
on Friday, at 1 o'clock, P. M., with a detachment of 160 men, officers
included, and landed within three miles of Sag Harbor, about one at
night ; and having made the proper arrangement for attacking the en
emy in five different places, proceeded in the greatest order and silence
within twenty rods of the enemy, when they rushed on with fixed bayo-
petSj upon the different barracks, guards, and quarters of the enemy ;
while Capt Troop, with a party under his command, at the same time,
took possession of the wharves and vessels lying there. The alarm soon
became general, and an incessant fire of grape and round shot was kept
up from an armed schooner of twelve guns, which lay Within 150 yards
of the wharves, for near an hour ; notwithstanding which, the party
* Here is a specimen of his instructions in one instance to a commanding offi
cer. We give it but as one out of hundreds of similar communications.
" You will take care," he wrote Colonel Ely at New London, July eighteenth —
" that the men are kept clean, and to duty. * * You will take care and pre
vent all kinds of embezzlements and abuses of arms, ordnance stores, tools, and
utensils owned by the public. * * You will take care that the military offi
cers and the matrosses attend, and do faithfully their duty, and from time to time
give information and all needful intelligence to this Board. You will attend to
the services to be performed by every part of your regiment ; to see them duly
ordered and performed, and direct advice to be given you in case of the appearance
pf an enemy, or an attack ; you will put all in proper posture of defence, and on
every necessary occasion forward intelligence to me, and make needful alarms.
You will give the necessary orders for preventing the landing of the enemy. You
will, as soon as may be, Bend me a return of your regiment, in due form. And
you will attend and obey all orders you may receive from me, or other your su
perior officers. You are also to take care, and make all proper enquiry of aU
such vessels, boats, &c. , as pass the fort, and attend to the law and the orders
which may be further given for your direction."
28*

330 CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
burnt all the vessels at the wharf, killed and captured all the men who
belonged to them, destroyed about one hundred tons of hay, large quan
tities of grain, ten hogsheads of rum, and other West India goods, and
secured all the soldiers who were stationed there ; the prisoners are about
ninety, among whom are Mr. Chew and Mr. Bell. I have the satisfac-'
tion of being informed that the officers and men, without exception, be^
haved with the greatest order and bravery, and not a man on our side
either killed or wounded.
" Eleven vessels, great and small, were destroyed in the above affair,
and the prisoners taken were about one-third seamen — the others gener
ally American recruits, and sent to Hartford."*
The residue of the year 1777 — so far as the Home Defence
which we have now under consideration, is concerned, was
spent by Trumbull in services such in the main as those that
have now been described. Save in bis addition, in Septem
ber, to the troops on the seashore, of the new company of
Eangers ordered in May — under Peter Griffing, whom he
commissioned as commander — and save also exertions which
be made, during the fall, to fill up the two battalions, of
seven hundred and twenty-eight men each, that had been
specially ordered for the defence of the State — nothing
occurred in this department to vary his former routine of
duties. As regards supplies — during the whole of the year 1777 —
notwithstanding the removal of the Main Army under Wash
ington from Connecticut and vicinity to a new region around
Philadelphia, whence it might have been expected to have
drawn its support — Trumbull seems to have been equally
laborious as in the two preceding years. Embargoes and
permits, for the purpose of securing provisions of various
sorts, were quite as numerous this year as before — the latter,
even more so. He gave them for the transportation of West
India goods to the army in New York, and of sugar, rum,
tea, and coffee, to the army in New Jersey. He gave them
* As a mark of their approbation of the conduct of Colonel Meigs upon this
occasion, " Congress," says Chief Justice Marshall, " directed a sword to be pre
sented to him, and passed a resolution expressive of the high sense entertained
of his merit, and of the prudence, activity, and valor, displayed by himself and
his party, in this expedition." — He moved in it " with such uncommon celerity.
as to have transported his men, by land and water, ninety miles in twenty-five
hours."

17f7. CHAP. XXVII. — TRUMBULL. 331
for flax to be carried into Massachusetts, and made into
clothes for the American troops. He gave them for vessels
to go out with produce to the West Indies, and return loaded
with salt and munitions of war.* It was his policy to keep
the State stocked with the various articles necessary for sub
sistence — and he succeeded — so that he was not only able to
provide, to a great extent, for the American army, but also
for some of the inhabitants of other States, when they were
in want — as he did, upon several occasions, for some in the
State of New York, and for tbe inhabitants also of Nan
tucket. Connecticut, under his wise administration of it3
resources, became known throughout the War of the Eevo
lution, as emphatically " the Provision State ! "
* He gave them for numerous transport wagons, that with grain, butter, cheese,
pork, and beef, were destined for various points in Massachusetts, New Jersey,
and even distant Pennsylvania. Once, on account of a deficiency in flour, he
sent the Spy, Capt. Niles, to Virginia to procure it — and once to Bedford for
goods.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
1777.
Trombtji.l hears that the British fleet has sailed southward, hut may
speedily return. His preparations in consequence. Himself and
Rhode Island military affairs. Military affairs at the North Trum
bull continues to strengthen the army there. An interview between
him and a deputation of Oneida warriors — whom he conciliates with a
"talk," and with presents. Burgoyne's unchecked progress south?
wards. Defeat of G-eneral St. Clair. The shock to the American
people in consequence. Trumbull expresses his own bitter disap
pointment in letters to his son in law WiUiams. These letters.
Notwithstanding defeat, he is still active to reenforce the army The
tide turns Battle of Saratoga, and triumph of tbe American arms;
Joy of Trumbull. He participates in a. solemn Thanksgiving in the
Church at Hartford.
When the British fleet, in August, had sailed southward,
and it was apprehended that its movement was only a
decoy — that, taking advantage of Washington's march with
the Main Army towards Philadelphia, it would return, and
attack the posts in the Highlands, on the North Eiver, and
perhaps Connecticut again — Trumbull was informed of the
exigency, and called upon for more troops, by an Express
which reached him at Lebanon.*
At this time a Convention of New England Committees
happened to be sitting at Springfield — and availing himself, .
therefore, of so large and authoritative an Assembly, Trum
bull at once informed its members of the communication
he had received, and asked their advice and cooperation.
He asked also for ammunition. And when informed —
* " You may think it not necessary to keep a party at the White Plains, but,
unless we do, the inhabitants will be ruined ; their grass, grain, and cattle will
all be taken off by the enemy. There are seven hundred militia at the forts
and different posts, whose time is out to-day, and must be discharged. I have
advised with General Clinton in respect to calling in tho militia, and concluded
that one thousand should be called for immediately, five hundred from Connecti
cut, and five hundred from this State ; and an express was immediately sent off
to Governor Trumbull, requesting them to be sent without delay." — Gen. Putnam
to Washington, July 81, 1777.

1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 333
as he was, immediately, by General Silliman, and General
Oliver Wolcott — that, upon his intelligence, thfsy had
ordered detachments of men to Peekskill, he wrote
them letters highly approving of their conduct, and sent
a whole wagon-load of flints on after the troops to
Woodbury. At the same time he ordered General Erastus Wolcott to
draft four hundred additional men from his own brigade, and
send them to the same point on horseback — and to the same
point, in September, he ordered three hundred more from the
same General's brigade, and three hundred from General
Ward's command. In November again — collecting two
hundred additional men from each of the brigades of Generals
Silliman, Oliver Wolcott, and Ward — and augmenting this
force with the entire regiment of Colonel Ely — and providing
them all with tents, and with six hundred new camp kettles
from the furnace at Salisbury — he sent the whole body on to
Peekskill — to cooperate with the troops already there under
General Putnam, for the defence of Connecticut and " these
United States."
His consultations with his Council, just at this juncture,
were very constant. Dispatches flew from his Office at Leba
non to Putnam, to Washington, and to Congress — and from
the same point also to Providence and Boston — with each
particular of important news, as from time to time, from
the westward, it reached his own door.* Up nearly to Sep
tember — ere the destination of Howe's army was certainly
known — it was a period indeed of intense anxiety to all
New England — and to no man in this region probably
as much so, considering the peculiar exertion he was called
upon to make, as to Trumbull. It must, therefore, to his
mind in particular have been a moment of great relief,
when, August twenty-second, Washington wrote — •" the
enemy's fleet have entered Chesapeake. There is not tbe
least danger of Howe's going to New England. Forward
this account to Gov. Trumbull, to be by him sent on to the
eastward." •"Spent the day in preparing letters, and sending expresses" — is a frequent
entry upon the Records of the Council of Safety, at this period.

334 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
And the Eastward, at this time, was also again a point of
anxiety and labor for the Governor of Connecticut. The
enemy still lay at Newport. The plan was to dislodge them,
and to this plan Trumbull applied his usual energies. In the
beginning of the year he consulted with his Council about it.
He commissioned Captains of companies for the purpose.
General Spencer came once and again to visit him in person
at Lebanon, seeking further aid of men and means — and was
authorized, in case he could procure cooperation from Massa
chusetts, to call upon a number of officers in the eastern part
of Connecticut, for additional troops.
In the spring, Governor Trumbull sent him five companies
of militia, and one thousand pounds.
As the autumn approached, he sent him, first, fifty-three
men more — then a lieutenant and twenty-four privates, with
wrought iron field pieces, and suitable horses and harnesses,
from Norwich — and next, in October, renewed the order
for Colonel Ely's regiment to join him, and sent teams
to transport the baggage of the regiment, and continental
stores. And when — near the close of 1777 — the Governor and
Council of War of Ehode Island informed him of the great
danger to Providence from the hostile ships of war then at
Newport, and of the daily expectation of an attack upon
this town — Trumbull, upon tbe emergency, crowned his
labors for the year for Ehode Island, by ordering five hund
red additional men, from the first and fifth brigades of Con
necticut, to be marched, without delay, to the point of
danger. But the expedition proved a failure. There was not force
enough in Ehode Island to dislodge the enemy. General
Spencer, it is true, proposed to assail the foe at Newport, by
a landing at Howland's ferry — on a point of land which pro
jects from the island — and he erected a battery upon high
grounds on the opposite shore. Do not make the attempt
without the strongest probability of success, was, however,
his direction from General Washington — " it is right not to
risk a miscarriage." So the attempt, under the circumstances,
with an inferior force, and one composed too, chiefly, of

1777. CHAP. XXVIII.— TRUMBULL. 335
raw militia — was abandoned, as too hazardous. It was a
disappointment to Trumbull. The gentlemen,* however,
whom, in November, at the request of General Spencer, he
commissioned — with others from Massachusetts and Ehode
Island — to inquire into the reasons of tbe failure of the ex
pedition, reported extenuating causes, and Trumbull acqui
esced. Better success awaited his hopes and labors in another
quarter — the Department of the North — to which now we
again turn the Eeader's attention — a department where, it
will be remembered, Trumbull took at all times the in-
tensest interest, and which, therefore, we shall look at some
what closely.
The termination of the Campaign of 1776 in this quarter,
saw the American army, by the expiration of enlistments,
almost dissolved. Hardly troops enough were left there to
keep up an appearance even of garrisons in the forts. They
were so weak that serious apprehensions were entertained
that the enemy, in case Lake Champlain should be frozen
over, would cross the ice, and carry Ticonderoga by a coup
de main. Schuyler, to be sure — who had now, on the resig
nation of Gates, accepted the chief command — was busy
during tbe winter in making arrangements for the defence
of Lake George, and in preparing generally for the ensuing
campaign. But the business of recruiting went on very
slowly. Spring had far advanced, and still but a very small
force had been collected — a small fraction only of tbe fifteen
thousand men, whom, in his plan for the campaign, he
required. The British, on the other hand, were exceedingly active.
Burgoyne had passed the winter in England — where a plan
for penetrating to the Hudson from Canada by way of the
Lakes — one portion of the enemy by this route, and another,
to cooperate and ultimately join it, by way of Oswego and
the Mohawk Eiver — was complete!}' arranged by himself

* These Commissioners were, Gen. Jabez Huntington, Brigadier Gen. E. Wol
cott, and Nathaniel Wales, Jr., who repaired to Providence for the investigation.
Trumbull subsequently transmitted the doings of this Court of Inquiry, with an
accompanying letter, to Congress, and this Bocly referred the whole matter over
to a Committee.

336 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
and the British Ministry. In pursuance of this plan,
troops embarked from England in the spring soon as it
was practicable to sail up the St. Lawrence. Colonel St.
Leger, with a party composed of new-raised Canadians,
American tories, a few Europeans, and a powerful body
of Indians, marched for Oswego. And General Burgoyne
in person — in full force in May on the river Boquet, on
the western bank of Lake Champlain — soon advanced on
both sides this lake, until, July first, his van appeared
within three miles of Ticonderoga, and threw up works
of defence — the van of a formidable army indeed, which—
furnished abundantly with every military equipment, and
commanded by officers of the first reputation, and with
a train of artillery the most powerful ever annexed to
such an army — prepared for an immediate attack upon
the Fort.
But about three thousand men at this time garrisoned the
Fort — and these, through the industry of Schuyler, had
been supplied with necessary stores, without calling much
for aid except in the adjoining country of New-York, New-
Hampshire, and Massachusetts.
Governor Trumbull, therefore, had not, as in the two pre
ceding years, been overburdened with duty for the Northern
Department. Still both in the winter and spring of 1777,
he had done something for it — for it was never out of his
mind. Early as February, he had received a letter from
Schuyler, which expressed very strong expectation of a
speedy attack on Ticonderoga, and pressed for men and sup
plies. In April he received another, to the same effect, from
General Gates, with a request that be would communicate
the information to Massachusetts, and New-Hampshire, and
urge on their preparations. In June he received other let1
ters of similar purport, from Colonel Burrall, General Poor,
and General Fellows. To all these communications he paid
attention, and sent on men, more or less, to reenforce the
army — at one time drafting one-half of Colonel Burrall's
regiment for the purpose, and equipping them fully to
march, all- or a part, as the exigency of the case might
require.

1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 337
Nor, prior to the appearance of Burgoyne's army before
Ticonderoga, did he forget to aid the service at the North by
continuing to exert a favorable influence upon the Indians
of the Six Nations — particularly the Oneidas — in detaching
them from the British, and allying them to American inter
ests. He was familiar with all their conferences and treaties
hitherto, with Schuyler, and with others — and now, in March
of the present year, himself and his Council were visited by
a deputation of their warriors from Oneida, accompanied by
Mr. Kirtland — and " they held a long talk " together— just
as in January the Governor had done with fifteen of the
Chagnawaga Chiefs.*
These warriors were travelling through the States for the
purpose of obtaining information regarding the war, and of
reporting to the Six Nations. Governor Trumbull received
them with great hospitality. He repeatedly met them before
his Council. He listened to their speeches, and made appro
priate replies — and after thoroughly conciliating their friend
ship and good wishes in behalf of the American cause, dis
missed them, with handsome presents — among other things,
with a finished gun, gun-lock, belt, and stringsf — to pursue
their journey. Kayendalongueva — Williamko, head war
rior — Thaghnegtotis, pine splinter — Hendrake, second war
rior— Shaleslago, blazing spear— Quedd, alias Peter — Yegh-
leytitzi, alias Joseph — Thaghlaghquisene, alias William —
and Yolonghyagewea, clear sky — -left Lebanon highly de
lighted, and carried back to their Indian allies most favorable
reports both of the " Chief" of Connecticut, and of New-
England generally.
June 30. "Advice was received from Gen. Schuyler," say the Pro
ceedings of the Council of Safety at this date — " that the British fleet
and army had advanced as far as Crown Point, and that a strong party
* " On the 15th instant there came 15 of the Chagnawaga chiefs or great men,
to see my father, and are now on their way to camp " — says David Trumbull in a
letter from Lebanon, Jan. 14, 1777, to his brother Joseph.
t The gun, which was a beautiful article, costing twenty-three dollars, was pro
cured by Colonel Elderkin— and the Governor's son-in-law, Col. Huntington,
furnished the lock, which was of very curious and elaborate construction. They
were both manufactured in Connecticut, and were presented avowedly as speci
mens of American manufacture. 29

338 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. m7.
had gone by way of the Creek, for the purpose of falling in between
Ticonderoga and Skenesborough — and that another detachment had
marched on the west side of Lake George, in order, if possible, to cut off
Lake George, &c, and requested that the militia might be ordered to
march soon as possible to their assistance, and rendezvous either at Fort
Edward or Fort Ann."
Here commenced with the Governor again active duties for
the Northern Department. He immediately made General
Wolcott aware of the impending danger, and instructed him
to hold his whole brigade in readiness for service — to draft by
rotation one-half of it— and upon such information as he
should receive, to march for tbe assistance of the Northern
army, or for the relief of any place attacked, either on the
North Eiver, or at the Northward. And at the same time
he sent to Wolcott a team loaded with powder, lead, and
flints, and directed him to procure from Salisbury a load of
cannon shot.
But the reenforcements from Connecticut, as well as those
from other States, came all too late for General St. Clair.
On the fifth of July, in tbe night, with all his troops, his in
valids, and stores — believing that be could not withstand the
superior force of the enemy — he evacuated Ticonderoga, and
Mount Independence. And, taking his way — a portion of
his troops through Castleton by land, and a portion by water
•to Skenesborough — amid disaster after disaster, at Castle
ton — at Skenesborough — at Fort Ann — and in every direc
tion in the neighborhood of these places — with total loss of
his military stores — without baggage — badly armed, and
thoroughly dispirited by defeat — he at last joined General
Schuyler at Fort Edward.
This was a terrible shock to the whole American people.
The necessity for evacuating Ticonderoga could not be un
derstood, and the act was almost universally, in the first im
pulses of disappointment and passion, condemned as one of
cowardice, or treachery, or of both. There was the fort
there — with a garrison reported by Schuyler as consisting of
no less than five thousand men — a force not inferior, it was
supposed, to that of the invading army — with a supply of
provisions and military stores understood to be most ample-^

1777. CHAP. XXVIII— TRUMBULL. 339
with fortifications, the key to the whole western country, upon
which a vast quantity of money and labor had been ex
pended — with a train of artillery consisting of one hundred
and twenty-eight pieces — there was this fort, thus complete
and deemed invulnerable, abandoned without a siege — with
all its stores fallen into the hands of the enemy — and its fly
ing army attacked, defeated, and dispersed, by an ostenta
tious, galling, and triumphant foe ! Astonishment seized the
minds of all men — but upon no one did the blow fall with
more stunning effect than upon the energetic Governor of
Connecticut, who had so long, with warmest anticipations of
success, nursed the defence of the North. With Washing
ton, and as Washington expressed himself at the time, he
felt it to be "an event of chagrin and surprise not apper
taining nor within the compass of his reasoning." And in
a letter, July fourteenth, to his son-in-law Williams, he gave
vent to his feelings in language of patriotic regret and
remonstrance. "There must be some very material circumstances," he wrote — "in
addition to what I now know, before I can conceive the necessity, that a
garrison, well filled with provisions, ammunition, and military stores,
with above one hundred cannon &c, and between three and four thousand
men — I believe more, for Col. Robinson, with six or seven hundred men,
went in with militia just before this evacuation — should be abandoned —
at the appearance of an enemy. I say the appearance only, because I
don't learn that a gun had been fired, save by some scouting parties &c.
But Heaven hath so decreed — it must be so. God will save us in the
way that seems good to him. The future kind interposition of Provi
dence is my support. * * Hath not some internal enemy had a hand
in this? Will not their mischief and spite recoil on their guilty heads?"
Trumbull, it will be observed, more than hints his appre
hension that some treachery had been at work in causing the
evacuation of Ticonderoga. But hear him again on the same
subject, and after Burgoyne, having forced our troops from
Ticonderoga, bad driven them also from Skenesborough and
Fort Ann — had charged their rear guard under Colonel War
ner, and dispersed it with a loss to tbe latter of three hund
red men — and was advancing in triumph upon a foe, which,
now but the shadow of an army, fled before him leaving the

340 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
whole country open to his approach. In a letter at this time,
July twenty-sixth, also to Williams — in a strain of almost
fiery rebuke — under the information which he then possessed,
he denounces the whole proceeding on the part of the Ameri
cans as a most unjustifiable disappointment of the hopes of
the country, and pointedly lays the blame where he thinks it
belongs. " The deplorable situation of our affairs at the North," he proceeds —
"loudly calls for immediate attention, and most spirited measures.
Should there be any delay of a public enquiry, the consequences may be
very serious.
" The idea of treachery seems to be more generally adopted. Some
indeed assign political reasons for permitting the enemy to come down
upon the Grants — none attempt an excuse for evacuating the Northern
Posts. All reprobate the measure. I believe but very few will under-:
take to account for it even upon principles of cowardice, and indeed the
whole conduct seems to carry with it the evident marks of deliberate
intention. " 'Tis said the Council of War [in Ticonderoga] were unanimous in
opinion. If the Posts were not tenable, why was not this discovered be
fore an appearance of the enemy ? Why all the cannon, ordnance, stores,
tents, clothing, provisions, &c, &c, hurried up into this place? Why
that drove of cattle suffered to come and remain there after the Council
had determined on flight, and before an actual evacuation? Why was
no part of the provision, stores, &c, sent away or destroyed, but all pre*
served, and left for the enemy's use ? To what purpose is the Adjutant
General's account of numbers but about half so high as the Quarter Mas
ter's Return ? Why is the flight performed with such disorder and con
fusion as to prevent every proper precaution being taken, and the rear
guard left at so great a distance from the main body in the rapid retreat,
and all the feeble in the army left to fall back upon the rear guard, as if
on purpose to retard their march, and no succor afforded them when ac
tually attacked by the enemy ?
" The officers of lower rank and soldiers were all in high spirits, and
impatient for battle — why then were they hurried off in such seeming
premeditated disorder at only the distant approach of the enemy, when
succors were known to be coming to their relief? What makes the dif
ferent accounts between the General and Commissary in the quantity of
provisions? Why should the reasons of all this mysterious conduct be
concealed from public view, at a time when it is most important for them
to be known — and some feeble excuses attempted to be thrown out before
there was time for an external accusation ? Nothing short of the most
spirited and vigorous measures upon this occasion can maintain and pre-

1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 341
serve the complete and full confidence of the people. Some are disposed
to say, as Joab did to David, 'tis not probable our men will submit to be
commanded by these officers — nothing short of a recall of them, and an
immediate examination into the matter, to be made public, will give sat
isfaction. Such officers must be immediately placed in that Department
as the people have entire confidence in."
Notwithstanding tbe severe disappointment which Trum
bull thus strongly expresses, he yet set himself immediately
to work — during the months of August and September — to
aid, so far as it was in his power, in repairing the damages at
the North, and placing tbe army there in a situation to com
pete with the enemy.
Ten thousand men were wanted for this purpose. Towards
completing this number — besides some Connecticut troops
which he forwarded from the Continental Army at Peeks-
kill — Trumbull sent on to Gates between three and four
hundred of the militia of General Wolcott's brigade, includ
ing twenty-five Light Horsemen, and a few of the thirteenth
regiment of Volunteers. He detached also one-half of the
troops of Lighthorse in the State, not then in service else
where, and superintended tbe raising of other troops. In the
whole, two entire regiments — to be held in service two
months from the time of joining the army, and consisting,
all told, of about two thousand men — were raised and
marched by him to repulse the progress of the enemy at the
North. They were fully armed and equipped — his son David super
intending the repair of old fire arms brought from Albany,
in part for their service, and James Bull collecting for them
cattle and other stock. Everything in the way of pay,
bounty, allowances, and refreshments, was completely ar
ranged — the Governor holding frequent consultations witb
his Council on this matter, and upon the situation of affairs
generally at the north — corresponding often with the officers
there — transmitting intelligence from them to tbe States at
the East, and stimulating exertions in that direction — and in
all respects meeting the wishes of General Washington that
he should "put forth new exertions proportioned to the exi
gency of the times," and "by a spirited opposition check the
29*

342 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
progress of Burgoyne's arms." So that now — the prepara
tions completed — With the Father of his Country — from "a
dark and gloomy aspect " in the past, he looked forward " to
a fortunate and happy change."
This change soon came. That remediless accumulation of
dangers and difficulties upon the head of Burgoyne, by which
at last he was rendered utterly unable to retreat save by
crossing the Hudson in the face of a most formidable foe, that
was posted all along the opposite shore — his consequent
abandonment of such a purpose as impracticable, and his des
perate determination to make one more trial of strength with
his adversary — that eventful trial, the Battle of Saratoga —
the successful attack on the British right — the equally suc
cessful one on the British left — and that general assault,
under a tremendous fire of grape shot and musketry, upon
all the British works in front, which finally compelled the
foe to give way — to retreat, to sadden, despair, capitulate, to
ground their arms— and surrender — about seven thousand
men, their entire army — as prisoners of war — with seven
thousand stand of arms — with clothing for seven thousand
recruits — witb an immense train of artillery, and a large and
valuable amount of military stores of every description — all
these stirring facts are familiar to the reader of history.
They lifted the long past of American struggle at the North
out from the pit, and up to the mountain top. They crowned
it with interminable glory. The wand of British invincibil
ity was broken. America looked like a giant, that snapping,
as withes, each cord of constraint with which British tyranny
had attempted to bind its stalwart limbs, was prepared to
stalk out upon the platform of colossal life, and take its
place — free, prosperous, and happy — proudly and forever-^
among the Independent Nations of the earth.
Upon the heart of no man did the news of the splendid
victory at Saratoga fall witb more thrilling effect, than upon
that of Governor Trumbull of Connecticut. No Chief Mag
istrate of any State received a memorializing share of Bur
goyne's captured artillery with fonder exultation* Few
* " Half a mile this side of Litchfield [Conn.] I remarked on the right a bar
rack surrounded by palisades, which appeared to me like a guard house. I ap-

1777. CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 343
men did the event so profoundly penetrate witb sentiments
of pious thankfulness; and gratitude to God. He was pre
pared somewhat for the event — for his confidence was high.
" This Aurora Borealis," he wrote to Washington, soon as
he heard of the Battle of Stillwater, and the retirement of
the enemy back towards Saratoga from this place — "this
Aurora Borealis, I hope, may not only dispel the gloom, and
establish our affairs in that quarter, but be the forerunner of
success and victory in every other department." His first
intelligence that the light he saw was no delusion — no meteor
to flash and then expire — was verbal. It came to him, but
reliably, as it passed everywhere, current upon every tongue.
" How interesting — how important the victory I" — he ex
claimed, writing to his son at the North. " Give to General
Gates my hearty compliments and congratulations on his
success. Very conspicuous is tbe hand of the Lord in bring
ing it about. To him be all the glory and praise ascribed.
Let us trust and wait on him for his salvation and success in
other departments ! "
" May we praise " — he wrote to William Williams — after
announcing to him the triumph, and his momentary expect
ation of receiving, by express, all tbe particulars concerning
it — " may we praise the name of the Lord that has caused us
to know his hand and might, that his name is the Lord — it is
marvellous in our eyes ! May we rejoice with thanksgiving
for this success and salvation. May we likewise rejoice in
hope that he will give us success and victory over our ene
mies in their other enterprises against us. The Assembly
have desired the ministers of this town [Hartford] to meet at
the House of worship to celebrate the praises of the Lord of
Hosts." Thus with patriotic fervor, and deep religious sensibility,
did Governor Trumbull rejoice over an event the most mo
mentous of all which had yet signalized the American arms.
And no doubt — when with the General Assembly of Con
necticut, and the ministers and people in the Capital City of
proached it, and saw in this small enclosure ten pieces of brass cannon, a mortar,
and a swivel. This I heard was a part of Burgoyne' s artillery, which fell to the
share of the State of Connecticut." — Marquis de Chastellux.

844 CHAP. XXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
the State, he met, as was proposed, at the House of God — no
doubt his prayers upon this occasion went up to the great
Benefactor of his country loaded more deeply with thanks
giving, and more beautified with hope, and confidence for the
future, than those of any other worshiper, who — within the
walls of the Centre Church at Hartford — gave ear to the
Eeverend Mr. Williams,* as in an appropriate discourse this
worthy Divine memorialized the exceeding victory, and
uttered to the Fountain of Mercy, and Father of Light, the
language of souls o'erfraught with gratitude, and feeding on
substantial bliss. * Of East Hartford, Connecticut.

CHAPTER XXIX.
1777.
Trumbull in the naval sphere. The Sound, as usual, infested with
' hostile ships. His po-wers, duties, and labors as Chief Naval Officer of
the State. Prizes this year — their .number and value. Trumbull in
this connection. Maritime losses this year small — -maritime gains large.
Prisoners this year — numerous as usual — some specified. Trumbull
in this connection again. Their exchange exacts much labor. Sad
- Btate of many Americans -whom he released. His remonstrances m
behalf of such. Tories and malignants in Connecticut. Their detec
tion and treatment by Trumbull. His care for sick soldiers. His care
for the farming interests of the soldier. He rotates agricultural with
military labor.
Another sphere of duty remains to be described ere we
close the account of Trumbull's labors, in the department of
defence, for the year on which we now dwell. We allude to
the naval sphere.
Long Island Sound was, as usual, this year crowded with
vessels of the enemy. They had their places of rendezvous,
as in previous times, upon the Long Island coast: — at Sag
Harbor particularly — at Oyster Bay — Gardiner's Bay — and at
Huntington Bay, distant not more than eight or nine miles
from the islands of Norwalk — and from these nesting points
they came out frequently to annoy, distress, and plunder the
inhabitants of the Connecticut Main. They came both by
day and night, to seize property, take prisoners, abuse women
and children, fire houses — chiefly those that were solitary
and defenceless — and to create general consternation. The
newspapers of the day are filled with notices of their hostile
appearance, the present year, upon and off the Connecticut
coast* * Thus in January, first nine British ships, then ten and two brigs, and next
twenty-one sai^pf the enemy's ships, passed New London harbor up and down
the Sound. In February, the Niger— a ship-of-war of thirty-six guns— lay at the
west end of Fisher's Island. In March, first a British frigate, and two or three
tenders, appeared in New Haven harbor — next eleven sail of men-of-war and
transports appeared at the west end of Fisher's Island— came to anchor— landed
troops, and carried off much valuable stock— and next twenty ships, ready for

346 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
Governor Trumbull, therefore, very often assembled his
Council to consult upon matters relating to the enemy's ships
and cruisers — urged naval preparations for the State at-
large — gave constant orders to the Connecticut Marine, and
commissioned privateers. He had much to do also, as in
former years, in fitting out the various armed vessels of the
State — and besides this, in the course of the year he was
called upon to overlook the construction of two frigates for
tbe United States — one of thirty -six, and the other of twenty-
eight guns.*
plunder, lay at anchor in Gardiner's Bay. Besides, two were seen coming
through Plumb-Gut, and one passed New London to the Eastward. In April,
about thirty sail, British men-of-war and transports, passed New London, and
one large ship went down, and another went up the Sound. In May, first a con
siderable number of ships and other vessels, with some flat-bottomed boats, ap
peared off Stamford — next about twenty hostile ships, soon again one brig, two
schooners, and four sloops belonging to the enemy, went up the Sound past New
London. In June, first two ships and a sloop passed New London — and next a
party of men from three British ships landed at Sachem's Head, in Guilford,
burned a large dwelling house, owned by Mr. Leete, and two bams, and carried
off several cattle, calves, and sheep. In July, in the night, a number of the
British landed four miles west of Norwalk, and took off over forty head of cattle,
and the next night attempted, but unsuccessfully, to land east of this town— and
on one Sabbath Day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, twenty-three sail of
British ships appeared off New London harbor, and so excited the fears of the
inhabitants of New London, that alarm guns were fired, and the troops got under
arms. In August, seven sail of British ships passed New London — next three
appeared in the Sound several days — and next, one Monday morning, the British
Swan, and three tenders, came to off Milford Farms, landed about forty men,
attempted to seize cattle, broke the windows and doors of Mr. Merwin's house,
and destroyed his beds and furniture — but upon the assembling of the people,
they retired with great precipitation. In September, first eight sail of shipping
went down the Sound — then near thirty sail were seen under Long Island shore,
taking in wood — and next a fleet of twenty-one sail came out of Gardiner's Bay,
and went down the Sound. In October, a fleet of twenty sail went up the
Sound — and in November, a frigate and three other vessels went down the Sound.
* Early in February, by Resolution of Congress, himself and his Council were
empowered to determine at what places in Connecticut two frigates should be
built — one of thirty-six, and the other of twenty-eight guns — and to appoint
proper persons to execute and superintend the business of their construction.
The superintendents thus appointed — one upon the river Thames, and one at
Chatham, where the vessels were to be built — had frequent occasion to apply to
Trumbull for advice in executing their contracts, and for the money and provis
ions needed for their purposes — and they were heard and answered. The Gov
ernor also often corresponded with the Marine Committee at Philadelphia re
specting these vessels — and received and disbursed the payments from Congress
for their construction— as, for instance, July twelfth, $20,000, in part payment
for the frigate then building on the Thames — and at the same time examined and
settled the accounts of tho builders.

1111. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 347
His powers and duties in the Naval Department may be
estimated somewhat, from the new Naval Code which was
established by Connecticut this year. By this, he was to
take from the captain of a ship, before she sailed on a cruise,
a complete list of tjie officers and men, with the time and
terms of their enlistment — and after tbe return of such ship,
another complete list of the same, together witb an account
of the necessary articles delivered out to each man. He was
fully empowered to appoint a Court Martial for the trial of
all capital crimes, and for many not capital, committed at sea
on board any of the vessels of war belonging to the State.
And it was made the duty of the President of any Court
Martial to transmit to the Governor every sentence which
should be given, with a summary of the evidence and pro
ceedings — no sentence being to be put in execution until it
Was laid before him — and he being armed with power to
confirm it, or respite the offender to the next session of the
General Assembly. Here are functions which, in the activ
ity of the Connecticut Marine this year, were frequently
called into exercise — save in the matter of naval Court Mar-
tials — where, to the great credit of those seamen of the State
who manned her vessels of war — and as appears abundantly
from many records — the interposition of the Governor was
but little required.
Another of Trumbull's duties this year — as in past times —
and one quite onerous, related to prizes. Very many of
these — both by armed ships of the State, and by privateers
which he commissioned — were brought into the ports of
Connecticut, and some to the ports of Massachusetts. The
prize brig Anna and her cargo, worth — not to cite shillings
and pence — twenty-six hundred and sixty-three pounds — tbe
brig Medway, worth thirty-five hundred pounds — the snow
Swift, worth five thousand nine hundred and three pounds —
the barque Lydia, worth six thousand six hundred and
seventy-six. pounds — the sloop Dolphin, worth ten hundred
and six pounds — the brigantine Honor, worth ten thousand
six hundred and ninety-two pounds — a prize sloop brought
in by Captain Conklin in his privateer, with seven thousand
barrels of rum on board — a large prize ship, with four hund-

348 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
red and thirty-nine hogsheads of sugar, brought into New
London by Captain Champlin — a prize ship from Scotland,
laden, among other things, with seven thousand pounds
worth of linens, brought in by Captain Chew — and a prize
ship taken into Boston by the Oliver Cromwell, with quite a
quantity of dollars and of wrought plate on board — these
are among the important captures which the little Navy of
Connecticut made during the year now under consideration,,*
The entire value of all the vessels and cargoes thus taken,
amounted to not less, it may reasonably be calculated, than
two hundred thousand pounds, or about six hundred and
sixty-six thousand dollars. f
All these prizes now, were reported to Trumbull — the
Chief Naval Officer, as well as Chief Magistrate of Connec
ticut — and he was, of course, much employed at times in giv
ing orders respecting them — now receiving and examining
with care the invoices of cargoes — now looking to a distribu
tion and delivery of these cargoes, part to the State, and part
to the captors — a policy which gave great stimulus to
efforts:]: — now purchasing portions for tbe army or navy off
* Take other examples. In January, the privateer American Revenue, Capt.
Champlin of New London, took a brig from Quebec, laden with fish, and sent
her into Bedford. In February, the same privateer took a large schooner jrom
Ireland, laden with flour, bread, butter, &c, and linen. In April, the same pri
vateer, and the Defence, brought in four valuable prizes, and Capt. Wattles, in a
small sloop letter of marque, owned in Norwich, took a brig from Europe with a
valuable cargo, and Capt. Smedley took a large barque from Liverpool bound to
Pensacola. In June, the privateer Fanny, of Groton, carried a prize ship into
Bedford, Mass. In July, the sloop Trumbull sent a prize brig, with five or six
thousand pounds of coffee, <fcc, into N. London, and sent another prize brig,
with ninety-eight hogsheads of rum, into Marblehead. In August, Capt.
Champlin sent into Boston a brig laden with rum, and also two schooners, one
of which had on board, among other things, two hundred and twenty hogsheads
of rum. And Capt. Jason Chester, in a small armed boat from Middletown', iii
one week took five sail of coasting vessels, and sent them into Connecticut
River— and a prize brig, laden with beef, pork, butter, flour, &c, was brought in
by the Oliver Cromwell, &c, &c.
t The year before — 1776 — the value of prizes made by all the armed vessels of
New England — amounted, it is conceded by English authors, to no less than one
million of pounds sterling. Americans, with more of probability, claimed that
it was not less than two millions of pounds — an amount which was nearly equalls"
in 1777. The share, therefore, of Connecticut, was at least that stated in the
text — and in all probability was greater.
J Under the Naval Code of Connecticut at this time, all captures, prizes, ani
shares, bolonged, one-half to the State, and one-half to the use of the captors—

1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 349
Connecticut — and now sending to Samuel Elliot, Junior — ¦
naval agent for the State at Boston — schedules of such arti
cles as he wished reserved for particular use, and directing
the disposition of the remainder.
Spite of the fact that, during the year 1777, the Sound
was crowded with hostile vessels — and spite of their activi
ty — the maritime losses of Connecticut were not large — and
the Governor, his marine agents, and the people at large, had
good reason to congratulate themselves upon the general re
sult. Save, in January, the loss of two little sloops from
New-London — in March, tbe loss of a sloop from Newhaven,
Captain Bonticue, and of the schooner Olive from New-Lon
don, Bulkley master, and of the sloop Polly from Killing-
worth, Griffin master — in July, of four small sloops, under
the command respectively of Captains Eogers, Bigelow, Pal
mer, and Stillman — in October, of the sloop Two Brothers,
a privateer from New London — and in December, of the
sloop Schuyler, which ran on shore on a spit of sand near
Long Island, and was taken by a British frigate — save these
losses, and a few other inconsiderable ones in the way of
email coasters and fishing craft, Connecticut suffered but little
in her marine.
And these losses were infinitely overbalanced by the gains
which the State made through her own naval captures.
Brave privateersmen, commissioned by Trumbull in great
numbers— "ever ready, ever serviceable, alert in discovering
the necessary charges of condemnation being first deducted. The captain of an
armed vessel had for his share of the moiety of any prize, two-twentieth parts.
The lieutenant of the ship and of the marines, the surgeons, chaplains, pursers,
boatswains, gunners, carpenters, masters and mates, had three-twentieth parts
equally divided among them. The midshipmen, clerk, surgeon's mate, steward,
sailmaker, cooper, armorer, boatswain's mate, cook, cockswain, and Serjeants of
marines, had three-twentieth parts equally divided among them. The remain
ing twelve- twentieth parts of the moiety, wore divided among the rest of the
ship's company, share and share alike. The first discoverer of a ship or vessel
which should be made a prize, was entitled to a double share of such prize — and
he who should first board any ship or other vessel making resistance, was mado
entitled to a triple share of such prize.
The Governor of the State also, it would seem, -was entitled to a share. In a
letter to his son, dated Nov. 6th, 1777, Trumbull says: " I hear the Weymouth
packet is adjudged to the captors. They will not dispute the Commander-in-
chiefs one-twentieth of the whole. I have made a power of attorney for you to
act for me in that matter." 30

350 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
smugglers, in intercepting unlawful communications, in tak
ing prizes, and in giving notice of the movements of the
enemy " — shot out from almost every one of her ports — but
particularly from New London, where a band of sea cap
tains — "prompt, valiant, experienced, and danger-loving"—
some natives of the town, and others from Groton, Norwich,
Middletown, and Saybrook — had their rendezvous — and
from whence prizes, if pursuit was feared, might be hurried
with facility, out of sight, and in security, up the Thames to
Norwich. The naval history of Connecticut, this year —
thanks to Governor Trumbull, to the agents be employed, to
the officers he commissioned, and to the seamen whom he
caused to be enlisted — is one in which she may justly take a
pride. The War, of course, throughout the year 1777, continued
to bring its prisoners into Connecticut — to be placed under
the general, and often the special custody of Trumbull.
And tbey were about as numerous this year as usual. In
January, for example, he received twenty British officers
and soldiers who arrived at Hartford from the westward —
and thirty tories and soldiers, taken at Hackensack by a de
tachment from General Parsons' brigade, who arrived at Mid
dletown — and at the same time a party of one hundred and
sixty more, part of three hundred taken at Princeton, were
on their way to Hartford. In September, Captain Harding
sent him the entire crews of the prize ship Weymouth, and the
brigantine Honor, taken by tbe Oliver Cromwell. In Octo
ber, another party of thirty, and still another of twenty, were
sent from New York. And again in tbe same month, fifteen
more arrived, who had been taken in an assault upon an
armed schooner in the North Eiver — and one hundred and
twenty British soldiers, together with five Hessian officers,
who had been taken at tbe northward previous to the capitu
lation of General Burgoyne. So numerous in fact were pris
oners in Connecticut in 1777, that it became necessary to de
vise new places for their security.*
*As barracks and a yard, for instance, on land of Isaac Kibbe at Enfield, and
Bhops, stores, and other buildings at othor places, and a ship — all of which were
either hired or impressed for their confinement.

1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 351
Though ably aided by Ezekiel Williams — now Commis
sary of prisoners in tbe place of Epaphras Bull — and by va
rious Committees — tbe Governor still, as heretofore, had
much to do concerning the captives, and in all that be did
manifested bis usual discretion, and a praiseworthy humanity.
Wages where justly due to them, as to some from New York
in April, were carefully settled. When sick from their
crowded state in jail, as once in Hartford, such lodgings or
barracks were provided as would prevent their sufferings.
Some, the least obnoxious, were permitted to go at large in
the State — on their parole. Many — on their parole to return,
and not to give any intelligence, or prejudice the United
States — were allowed, as in previous years, to go to their
homes, and bring away their effects and necessaries. Some,
on their parole, were even allowed to go to their homes with
out as well as within the State, and to remain there. Mis
takes with regard to any of them— as when, for instance,
they were found to have been forced into the British service
against their will — were speedily rectified.
The Governor's hands were full too, this year, with the
business of exchanging prisoners* — and the awful state in
which he found very many Americans whom be had released,
gave him intense anxiety and pain. There were those, for
example, who in August were brought from Newport, ema
ciated almost to death — their "meagre countenances confirm-
* Jan. 17th, for example, the captain, and thirteen others of the Gaspee sloop,
were to bo exchanged. In this same month, the marine agent at N. London went
to New York, and exchanged forty prisoners, on the Governor's order. In
March, Trumbull ordered all the prisoners at Windham, who wished it, that
were taken by Commodore Hopkins, to be exchanged. He frequently sent in
structions to Shaw at New-London, to proceed to New York with prisoners.
Upon one occasion he redeemed Benjamin Ross, of Baltimore, from captivity,
and paid his expenses homeward out of his own pocket. He frequently gave
orders to Ezekiel Williams, Commissary of Prisoners, to the same effect — of
which the following is an example : —
July 16. " State of Connecticut, by tho Governor : To Ezekiel Williams, Esq.,
commissary of prisoners : — You are hereby directed to deliver to Captain Samuel
Lyon, of Rye, in the State of New- York, Henry Hallock, u, seaman, and one
other seaman, prisoners to this State, such as you may judge convenient (never
an inhabitant in this State,) to be exchanged for a son of said Capt. Samuel
Lyon, and one other person, a friend of his, who are prisoners with our enemies,
taking Capt. Lyon's receipt to return said Hallock and other prisoner, if not ex
changed, keeping an account of your doings and what is done thereon, and mak
ing return to the Governor and Council."

352 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. xtlTT.
ing the scanty pittance which had reduced them " — their entire
clothing not worth one farthing — covered witb vermin — cari
ous witb scurvy and putrid fever — with but just life enough
left, in fact, to answer an exchange. And there was a second
party in the same month, from the same place, many of
whom died soon after they landed, and the rest of whom
crawled languidly and painfully to their homes. Upon cases
like these the Governor remonstrated to Congress, to General
Washington, and to the hostile agents and commanders,
earnestly — and in terms of just severity. But interposition
in behalf of mercy and humanity was so unheeded by the
enemy, that his own mind subsequently, as we shall see,
came to the conclusion that a severe retaliatory policy ought
to be pursued.
Among prisoners this year who fell under his general
oversight and direction, besides those taken from the enemy,
there were some who were taken from the midst of the peo
ple whom he governed — a few tories and malignants — some
who had received and signed the protections from General
Howe — some who bad been busy in circulating these protec
tions — and some who were strongly suspected of being en
gaged in hatching secret plots against the country.*
Against all persons of this character, the law levelled its
bolts, and Trumbull's was the hand to guide them. He kept
the police of the whole State active for the detection of trai
tors — caused the chief roads and passes to be strictly
watched — had all suspicious wanderers stopped and exam
ined, and, if unable to account satisfactorily for themselves,
imprisoned or put under guardf — and once had the good
fortune to intercept an important letter from Governor Went-
worth, which he sent to Congress:]: — as he did subsequently
* Respecting which, in one instance, he communicated specially with Congress,
asking its own particular Bervice in procuring " all evidence " from one Colonel
Dewer, or from " any other quarter."
t " It is of tho utmost importance," is his own language, in a letter to his son
Joseph, April 13, 1776 — " to secure the malignants in every Colony, to prevent
our enemy gaining any footing on the Continent, or receiving supplies, assist
ance, or intelligence. Let us show a determination to enjoy liberty and freedom
while we live, and not suffer hypocritical friends, who seek our ruin, to wheedle
and cajole us."
t It was referred by Congress, together with an accompanying letter from
Trumbull, to the Marine Committee, for special consideration.

1777. CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 353
another important letter which he obtained, that was ad
dressed by General Pigot to General Burgoyne. He did all
in his power at the same time to conciliate such persons, as,
though disaffected to the American cause, had not yet by any
overt and highly offensive acts, taken ground against it —
issuing at one time a Proclamation for this purpose — in
which, on certain conditions, he assured them of pardon for
their treasonable course, and adoption into the sympathy and
protection of the State.
While thus active and humane, as we have seen, in his
treatment of captives from the British army, and kind to
wards those of his own countrymen whose mistaken views of
loyalty caused them to swerve from duty — Trumbull never
forgot that soldier of Connecticut — or indeed of any other
State — who happened to be within his reach — whose sick or
necessitous condition required attention. Send the sick —
those who by reason of malady are incapable of further
service — send them home, that they may be cured — was often
the burden of his communications to officers commanding the
Connecticut troops — as well this year as in 1776, to Schuyler
at the North, and to Washington at New York — and he pro
vided, as usual, medicines, hospital stores, and physicians, for
the tent, the barrack, or the chamber of sickness. And for
the families too in Connecticut of indigent soldiers, he not
only looked to the enforcement of all the laws providing for
their support by towns — but himself often personally super
intended their relief. Applications for aid were frequently
before him — and before himself and Council — as well as
before the General Assembly — and his ear was ever open to
them all, "gently to hear, kindly to judge."*
It is another feature of his care for soldiers, that he was
ever particular that such portion of them from Connecticut —
in the militia — as consisted of husbandmen — should in tbe
seasons of tillage be returned, if possible, to their homes, to
* The case of Mary Vose, for example — that remarkable woman in Colchester,
wife of Henry Vose, a soldier, and mother of three children at a birth— named
John Hancock, George Washington, and Charles Lee — whose necessities, upon
her application, Trumbull at once relieved by on order on tbe Selectmen of the
town in which she resided— is a good illustration of his prompt benevolence in
this regard. 30*

354 CHAP. XXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
sow and reap their crops — that so neither their own interests
should suffer by their absence in service — or the State be pre
vented from accumulating the stores necessary not only for
the supply of its own inhabitants, but for the armies also of
the American Union .* It was excellent management on the
part of Trumbull, thus to rotate labor on the field of agricul
ture and on the field of war — necessary, because the one pro
vided for the other — prudent, because otherwise he would
have been compelled to send the shipping of the State abroad
in search for provisions, and exposed, in consequence, to the
imminent peril of capture by the enemy — and wise, because
the soldier-husbandmen of the militia — feeling that their
home interests were not to suffer — were encouraged thereby
to quicken their own exertions, and to render them cheer
fully, when called temporarily to the field of war.
* " I shall wish our militia to continue in actual service as long as it is abso
lutely necessary " — was, to illustrate, his language to Gen. Oliver Wolcott at New
York, in August, 1776 — " but as the circumstances of the country, and of the
men in service, require as speedy a return as possible, you will represent the same
to the General, and procure their release in whole or in part as soon as may be.
If a part only should be dismissed, it wiU be prudent to select such as are farm
ers, whoBe country business most suffers by their absence." — " I trust that the
militia from this State," was his language again in August to his son Joseph—
" may be soon dismissed. They are of our substantial farmers, who will suffer
at home during their absence."

CHAPTER XXX.
1777.
Trumbull and finance. Large sums of money pass through his hands.
The depreciation of the Continental currency. His course on this
subject. His views remarkably sound. "Pay aa we go," his financial
aphorism. His opinion of a foreign loan to sink the hills in circulation.
The correspondence and friendship between himself and John Derk,
Baron Van der Capellan, of Holland. Sketch of this patriotic noble
man. Trumbull addresses him a long and able letter. He closes the
year by proclaiming a Day of Public Thanksgiving. Other Proclama
tions in this connection. The title of "His Excellency" for the first
time conferred this year upon the Governor.
We have looked at Trumbull now in all his strictly mili
tary connections with the Eevolutionary War, for the year
1777 — north, south, east, and west, both within and without
Connecticut — upon the land, and on the sea. We have yet,
however, ere we close our review of his life and services for
the year, to look at him in some other departments of effort.
And first, briefly, in that of finance — in bis relations to
that sinew of war — money. Here, as in previous years, he
had much duty to perform. Large sums passed through his
hands in payments for the public service, both from the
Treasury of Connecticut, and from Congress.*
But the matter in this department which gave him tbe
most anxiety, was the depreciation of the Continental cur
rency — a depreciation, which, commencing in 1776 — with
the fresh issue by Congress of ten millions of paper money,
in addition to nine millions the previous year — and aided
materially, in New England, by the large influx of cash pro
duced by the sale of prizes — went on increasing to such an
extent, as that, in July 1777, a Convention of the New Eng
land States, together with New York, became necessary on
the subject, and was held at Springfield — Eoger Sherman,
* As from Congress, in one instance; over thirty thousand dollars for the Light-
horse of Connecticut— and again twenty thousand dollars for naval agent Shaw— •
and so on in numerous other cases.

356 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
Samuel Huntington, and Titus Hosmer, from Connecticut,
being commissioned by the Governor for the purpose — to at
tend, and take the currency into consideration, and contrive
for its amelioration. But no action by this Body seems to-
have been of any avail in checking the downward course of
the public Bills of Credit.
Connecticut, with tbe assent of the Governor, tried the
remedy of excluding from its own trade and commerce all
paper money save that emitted by itself, or by the United.
States — but this did not avail. Governor Trumbull also, by
direction of the General Assembly, specially instructed the
Connecticut Delegates in Congress, to move that Body for a
recommendation to each State to draw in and sink all its own
outstanding bills, save those for sums less than one dollar,
and to tax its inhabitants in amounts — to be proportioned by
Congress — that should be sufficient to pay the current annual
expenses of the war, and sink a portion of the Continental
Bills. But Congress was unable to enforce any such recom
mendation. And so, spite of all the patriotic emblems, es
cutcheons, and mottoes, on the paper money of the nation-
spite of all laws which attempted by constraint, to fix a value
upon it — to put "the stamp of reality on a fiction," and com
pel the people "to receive as substance a mere shadow" —
spite of all — the depreciation of this money rapidly increased
with each new emission, until, as is well known, in a few
years — million following million in quick succession — its ex
changeable rate lessened soon to forty for one of specie — and
last to tbe agio of five hundred, and then one thousand, for
one — when it ceased to circulate.
Trumbull looked upon all this with feelings of regret and
mortification, and did everything within his power to coun
teract a result so deplorable. His views on the subject of a
currency were remarkably sound. He understood it as a
practical question, and wished it to be supported by a sub
stantial, underlying basis of value, as we shall have occasion
to notice more fully hereafter. He was anxious that the pub
lic credit should be in every particular fully sustained, and
to sustain it, he desired — as his instructions, this year, to the
Connecticut Delegates in Congress, import — that outstanding

1777. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 357
bills should be sunk, and new war expenses liquidated by
new taxes.
"Pay as we go" — was witb him a financial aphorism.
Each emission of bills by the State he governed, was — upon
his own instigation, as well as from the inclination of its
Legislature — provided for by anticipatory funds. It is a fact
that— had his own wishes and advice, as regards the public
expenses, been followed — the people of his day — though they
would have been obliged to bear indeed a heavy burden —
would yet have been freed from a wretched medium of ex
change, and from iniquitous tender laws that operated upon
them with the harshness of despotism. They would have
been spared the hard necessity of carrying on the whole ma
chinery of government, for two entire years, with but only a
wheelbarrow full of specie* — would have been spared the
mortification of seeing "a whole wagon-load of money" — as
a Member of Congress expressed it in debate at the time —
"paid for with a quire of paper" — and worse still, of seeing
at last barbers' shops papered, in jest, with their worthless
bills, and sailors, who received them in pay, fabricating out
of them suits of clothes, and " with characteristic light-heart-
edness, parading the streets in that decayed finery, which, in
its better days, had cost thousands of dollars."
There was at last, in the year on which we dwell, in Trum
bull's view, but one course left to be pursued for remedying
the public grievances from a depreciation of the currency.
This was by a foreign loan — to be applied — not in any way
to sustain that system of tender laws which so enabled un
principled debtors to pay their debts at enormous discounts,
and so operated to the ruin of confiding patriots, as that even
Congress itself, after having once recommended their passage,
earnestly besought the States for their repeal — nor to be ap
plied by way of interest to a tribe of speculating money
lenders, who were intriguing to procure it for their own
pockets — but to be sacredly used for reducing the quantity of
bills in circulation.
* The years 1778 and 1779. The aggregate of gold and silver received into the
Treasury for the year 1778, was $78,666— that for the year 1779, was $73,000—
in all $151,666— an amount which, in gold, would weigh seven hundred pounds,
and might, as stated in the text, be put into a wheelbarrow.

358 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 1777,
On this point we have his views as expressed by himself—
and in language that cannot be mistaken. A foreign loan of
two millions sterling was proposed — and upon this, Septem?
ber twenty-first, he wrote the Connecticut Delegates in Con
gress, in terms of approbation, and counselled its direct ap
plication towards sinking the Continental Bills. But at the
same time he warmly interposed his influence against any
application of it towards making good an interest in specie to
the lenders of bills — because, he wrote, "some of these lend
ers have principally contributed to sink the credit of these
Bills, and with the tribe of speculators, your future lenders
are yet exerting themselves in the same laudable purpose.
In the name of common sense, where can be the justice of
pledging the property of the people at large to make them
good an interest of 20 per cent, as a reward for doing us the
greatest injury in their power, and where the policy is that
of sacrificing the honest, undesigning, and industrious, to the
crafty, designing, and dishonest, to leeches who are preying
on our vitals, and, with their eyes open, are destroying their
country for a little solid gain to themselves! "
Another circumstance to be specially noted in the life of
Trumbull at this time, is his correspondence with JohnDerk,
Baron Van der Capellan, a nobleman of Zwoll, in the prov
ince of Overysell in Holland — whose services rendered to
the cause of American Liberty, during the entire struggle for
Independence, deserve to be warmly remembered. As the
friendship between himself and Trumbull was intimate, the
correspondence between them active, and such as we shall
have occasion from time to time to quote — a few words here
introducing him to the Eeader will not be out of place.
He was a man conspicuous for bis abilities, sound judg
ment, and unswerving love of liberty. His uprightness — ac
cording to the testimony of cotemporary writers who refer to
him — his benevolence and piety, and the purity and simplic
ity of his manners, through a long life, "approached the
primitive patterns of a sublime religion." Though himself
by birth one of the nobles of bis Province, he soon distin
guished himself at home by his advocacy of the rights of the
people.

1777. CffAP. XXX.— TRUMBULL. 359
Upon one occasion be went so far in their support — in an
attempt to abolish what was styled "the servitude or dredg
ing days" of the farmers of his neighborhood — that certain
other persons of his own rank in the Province — who eagerly
sought to have those old feudal burdens confirmed which he
wished to remove — becoming indignant at his course, thrust
him out from his seat in the Assembly of Overysell, by a
decree which censured him for sedition and slander, and de
manded from him an humble apology. This be refused to
make — and he remained, therefore, excluded from his seat
for four years— "until the popular voice demanded his resto
ration in a manner it was not deemed safe to neglect. His
triumph then was complete — and it took place at the same
time with that of the United States over the resistance of
Great Britain." A medal was struck upon the occasion, in
honor of the event, and distributed among his friends — one
of which was presented to John Adams* — then in Europe —
with whom Capellan was on terms of intimacy, and all of
whose efforts for the recognition in Holland of American In
dependence, he warmly aided.
Soon as the struggle began in the American Colonies,
Capellan eagerly espoused their cause, and frequent reference
is made to his active services in their behalf, in the Diplo
matic Correspondence of the Eevolution. When, in 1775,
the King of England — in a letter written by his own hand —
demanded from tbe States-General of Holland some Scotch
battalions which tbey had in their pay, that he might employ
them in the campaign against America — Capellan gave his
opinion in the Assembly of Overysell pointedly against the
proposition. In a speech, filled with patriotic indignation,
he said — in conclusion : —
"In what an odious light must this unnatural civil war appear to all
Europe ; a war in which even savages, if credit can be given to newspaper
information, refuse to engage : more odious still would it appear for a peo
ple to take a part therein, who were themselves once slaves, bore that
hateful name, but at last had spirit to fight themselves free. But above
all it must appear superlatively detestable to me, who think the Ameri-
* It is now in the possession of one of his grandsons.

360 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. mi.
cans worthy of every man's esteem, and look on them as a brave, peopje,
defending in a becoming, manly, and religious manner those rights which
as men they derive from God, not from the legislature of Great Britain.
Their mode of proceeding will, I hope, serve as an example to every na
tion deprived by any means of its privileges, yet fortunate enough in
being able to make similar efforts towards retaining or regaining them."
These admirable sentiments were acted out by Baron Ca
pellan in all his subsequent relations with America. "The
sedateness of his mind," as has been justly remarked, "quali
fied him for the patriot, and the friend of a young and grow
ing country, whose manufactures had been checked, her com
merce cramped, and liberties curtailed; and in no instance,
did he ever deviate from the principles of the Eevolution,'.',
He predisposed many of his countrymen to unite cordially,
with the Americans. He urged that treaties of amity and
commerce should be entered into with them, previous to the
arrival of an American Minister at the Hague to negotiate
on the subject — and when the negotiations commenced, sus
tained them with all the weight of his ability and influence.
The partialities of the Stadtholder, and his family, and the
Court connections, were altogether British. Capellan took
sides with the merchants, and burgomasters, and pensioners
of Holland, decidedly against them, and had the satisfaction'
at last of seeing his own views prevail.
Nor did he confine himself to words alone in behalf, of
America. He displayed a noble activity in procuring loans
in Holland for her service — going around in person to urge
subscriptions, and subscribing himself — in one instance,
twenty thousand livres. He caught up and answered all re
ports disparaging to America. He sent over frequently to,
this country for accounts of its resources, abilities, and prog- .
ress in the cause of freedom. He communicated with Gon-
gress, and with several leading patriots — but more than alb
with Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, for whose judgment
he entertained a profound respect.*
* Well does Mrs. Warren, in her History, remark, that " a more competent,
and judicious correspondent he could not have selected" than Trumbull— "whose :
merits as a man, a patriot, and a Christian," she adds, " cannot be too highly apr*
predated."

1777. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 361
Such was the man to whom, June twenty-seventh 1777,
Trumbull addressed a long and able letter — the first of his
communications in this quarter with which it has been our
fortune to meet. In it he renders thanks to Capellan for his
generous sympathy with the American cause — reviews for
his information the origin and progress of the War — and
eloquently defends his country from the charge, then current
in Europe, of wantonly aiming to shake off its subjection to
the British crown.*
" It was with the greatest pleasure," he says at the outset, " we were
informed that the States of Holland refused to send their troops to Great
Britain to be used in extending the dominion of tyranny over these
States, and effacing almost the only traces of liberty which remain in our
quarter of the globe, and we cannot sufficiently express the gratitude we
feel for the generous part you, Sir, was pleased to take in that matter,
worthy of a senator from a free State, and a candid and impartial friend
of Liberty and humanity."
After glancing now at the War, and tracing its progress
down to the date of his letter, Trumbull thus concludes : —
'"lam not insensible that we have been from time to time charged
with aiming from the first to shake off our subjection to the British
Crown, and to establish our independency. Let those who impute this
design to us show how it could promote our interest, our liberty being
safe and invaluable, to exchange the happiness of free subjects of free
States for a hazardous contest in arms with one of the most formidable
powers of Europe. Let them show if they can that we have taken any
one step indicating such design before they wantonly attacked us,
either by engaging foreign assistance and support, or by any military
preparation at home. Let them render it probable that thirteen uncon
nected Colonies, without generals, soldiers, arms, military stores, ships-
of-war, or even an armed vessel, with a sea-coast of fifteen hundred
miles extent, or even any measures taken to supply these defects, should
meditate a War with the first maritime Power of Europe. Till this can
be shown, we trust we have a right to have credit given to our solemn
declaration that we never wished to withdraw ourselves from our just
and constitutional subjection to the Crown of Great Britain, and that no
Mr. Erkelaus, a foreigner, appeared at times before the Governor and Coun
cil to consult with them upon the matter of addressing Capellan. He was doubt-
loss employed by the Governor both as u translator, and as an amanuensis to
write in the Dutch language occasionally, as we find several letters in his hand
writing among the Papers in the Connecticut Historical Society.
31

362 CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 1777.
small infraction of our rights, nothing but extreme necessity could have
compelled us to have renounced our connection with Great Britain, under
which we and our Fathers have so long been contented and happy.
" Prom our brethren in Great Britain we have not experienced their
boasted candor, and impartiality, and clemency. We appeal from their
injustice to the Supreme Governor and Judge, and to the candid censure
of the impartial world. In you, Sir, and in your wise and generous sen-,
thnents, we find the justice, the sincerity and rectitude of our measures
entitled us to hope for. We may justly flatter ourselves that no free
State will so far forget what is due to its own glory and interest as to
lend their aid to exterminate liberty from the wilds of America. Might
they not rather be expected to assist in preserving what liberty remains
upon earth from falling a sacrifice to the encroachments and avidity of
tyrants, lest liberty itself should be banished or forced from among men,
and universal tyranny, with its attendant calamities and miseries, over
whelm the whole human race. But I desist. It is not my intention to
send you a history. I would only thank you for your favorable senti
ments of us, and request a continuance of your good offices as far as we
shall appear to you to deserve them."
The year 1777 was opened by the Governor, as we have
seen, by a Proclamation for a Fast. It was closed by his
Proclamation, in accordance with Eesolutions of Congress,
for a day of Public Thanksgiving — that the People — it hav
ing pleased Almighty God, " in his abundant mercy," not
only to continue to them " the innumerable bounties of his
common Providence," but also " to crown their arms with
signal success "—might " with one heart, and one voice, ex
press the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate
themselves to their Divine Benefactor."
Between these two Proclamations — in October — he issued
another, earnestly exhorting persons of all ranks, to abstain
from injustice, oppression, and every vice, and apply them
selves to industry, economy, and every moral and social vir
tue — enjoining them to perform the duties of brotherly kind
ness and charity — to alleviate each other's burdens, and re
lieve the distresses of the poor — to discountenance ''as
totally unworthy of any public office, and even as the vilest
pests of society," all persons who, practicing " the detestable
vices" of monopoly and extortion, withheld the conven
iences of life, or demanded exorbitant prices for the same—
and to yield a willing and cheerful obedience to all the laws

1777. CHAP. XXX. — TRUMBULL. 363
of the State — laws whose due and just administration he at
the same time called upon all Executive Courts, Ministers of
Justice, and Informing Officers, to " use their utmost influ
ence " to promote.
Thus, with public prayer and humiliation to begin the
year — with public exhortation to the practice of virtue,
religion, justice, charity, and economy, to continue it — and
with public prayer again, and thanksgiving, to close the
year — thus did the devout, pure-minded, faithful Governor
of Connecticut, mingle in with man's duties to himself, man's
duty also to his Maker. Thus earnestly did " His Excel
lency "* prompt his people to seek pardon from on high for
the errors and failures of their lives — by penitence and purity
to stay the bolts of an angry heaven — by industry and fru
gality to nurse the means of self-defence — and by solemn
gratitude and worship to conciliate celestial favor and bless
ing — that so, over a land which was heaving with the con
vulsions of war, God might pour the oil of peace, and make
its joy and happiness triumphant.
* " His Excellency." So, in May of this year, for the first time, by Act of the
General Assembly, the Governor of Connecticut was to be styled and entitled.
It ia a singular fact that Trumbull objected to this title — strongly — soon after
It was bestowed — and even made it the subject of a special message to the Legis
lature. "An Act of this Assembly made and passed this time twelve month,"
he says in this document — " ordered the stile of His Excellency to be given the
Governor of this State. This savouring too much of High Titles, and not bene
ficial, may it not honorably be repealed ? It passed without any previous knowl
edge, expectation, or desire [on my part.] Asking pardon from you and from my
successors, I do sincerely request its repeal. It is Honor and Happiness enough
to meet the approbation of Heaven, of my own Conscience, and of my Brethren."
"High sounding Titles," he says elsewhere in the same Message — "intoxicate
the mind, ingenerate envy, and breed disorders in a commonwealth, and ought
therefore to be avoided." " The true grandeur and solid glory " of the Consti
tution of Connecticut, he insists — " do not consist in high Titles, splendour,
pomp, and magnificence, nor in reverence and exterior honor paid to their Gov
ernors and Rulers, but in the real and solid advantages derived therefrom."
The Governor, it is almost needless to add, failed to secure the repeal he de
sired—and the title remains to thiB day.

C HAP TER XXXI.
1778.
Stabvino condition of the American Army at Valley Forge. Washington
appeals to Trumbull for aid. It is rendered. Many droves of cattle
sent on. G-en Champion particularly active in the matter. The vital
relief they afforded The policy of Connecticut in regard to the sup
ply of beef for the army. Some of its legislation on this subject; Its
policy and laws in regard to the supply of clothing. The pains taken
by Trumbull to procure materials for this purpose, and the patriotic
industry of Connecticut women in fabricating them into garments.
The opening of the year 1778 found the grand American
Army starving and fainting in their winter quarters at Valley
Forge. About three thousand of them, according to a field
return, were unfit for duty by reason of their being barefoot
and otherwise naked. Many others, for the same reason,
were detained in hospitals, or crowded into farm-houses —
" our sick naked — our well naked — our unfortunate men in
captivity naked" — as Washington described it at the time.
Warm blankets were so rare as to be deemed a luxury.
Vegetables were scarcely known in camp. Many of the
troops were utterly destitute of meat. The dead in unusual
numbers were borne to their graves. Horses too were dying
for want of forage. The department of the Commissary was
wretchedly defective, and that of the Quarter Master without
a head. " Our difficulties and distresses," said the Com
mander-in-chief again — " are such as wound the feelings of
humanity." Such, and so universal and violent, are the
complaints for want of provisions, represented all the com
manding officers — that famine, in all probability, will break
up tbe camp, and dissolve tbe army !
More fear was felt that there would be a continued failure
in the article of flesh than in any other, as all the cattle and
sheep around the Delaware and Schuylkill were exhausted.
At one time the Commissary reported that there was not a
single hoof in camp for slaughter. So to the great beef
country — to New England — and to Connecticut particularly,

1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 865
Washington, in this emergency, turned his eyes. Besides
strongly representing to the Assistant Commissary in this
State the extremity to which the army was verging — " as a
stimulus to greater exertion," says Chief Justice Marshall —
" and to assure himself of all the aid which could be derived
from the State authorities, he addressed himself at the same
time to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, whose ardent
cooperation in the public service he had so often experienced,
and to whom, after stating the past and present dangerous
condition of the army, he added " as follows : —
" What is still more distressing, I am assured by Colonel Blaine, depu
ty purchasing commissary for the middle district, comprehending the
States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, that they are nearly
exhausted, and the most vigorous and active exertions on his part will
not procure more than sufficient to supply the army during this month,
if so long. This being the case, and as any relief that can be obtained
from the more southern States will be but partial, trifling, and of a day,
we must turn our eyes to the eastward, and lay our account of support
from thence. Without it, we cannot but disband. I must, therefore,
Sir, entreat you in the most earnest terms, and by that zeal which has
eminently distinguished your character in the present arduous struggle,
to give every countenance to the person or persons employed in the pur
chasing line in your State, and to urge them to the most vigorous efforts
to forward supplies of cattle from time to time, and thereby prevent such
a melancholy and alarming catastrophe."
;. Governor Trumbull at once assembled his Council, and laid
before them the communication from General Washington.
The picture of destitution at Valley Forge which it pre
sented — its agonizing account of disease, of famine, and of
woe, among those who were banded to fight tbe American
.(battle for freedom, and upon whom the whole hope and ex
pectation of the country solely rested — this, together witb
the earnest, almost rending appeal which the Commander-in-
chief made for help — help, without which, he said, all is lost,
: fihe army "must disband" — "drew tears" reports Gordon the
historian, "from the eyes of those who heard the letter read."
i laudable sensibility! Tears indeed of true and fervent
patriotism I
And out upon those tears glided at once resolution and
31*

366 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 1778;
dispatch. The Council sent immediately for Colonel Henry
Champion of Colchester — a gentleman who, but a few days
before — in anticipation that the quantity of salted provisions
laid up in Connecticut for the Continental service would be
inadequate to the probable demands and necessities of the
army — had been specially appointed by them "to procure all
the live fat cattle" in the State "for said use" — he being, as
their Becords say, " of great judgment, capacity, and experi
ence in said business, of most unexceptionable honesty and
integrity, and of universal acquaintance and ability to pro-j
mote the fattening of cattle, and skill in purchasing." He
was a gentleman too whose appointment to this end, but a
few days only after it was made, had been particularly sane*
tioned by the American Congress — a Body which at the same
time expressed its own high approbation " of the conduct of
the Governor and Council of Safety of Connecticut" in
making it, its approbation also " of the other measures for
providing public stores and provisions" which these State
Authorities had taken, and its own dependence upon said
Authorities thereafter for "their constant attention to this
important subject." , ;
Colonel Champion repaired to Lebanon. He met the
Governor. He met the Council. He talked with each and
all. Consultation was brief. Their request was in harmony
with the promptings of his own spirit. He returned to his
mansion in the Westchester Society of Colchester — there
where, upon many hills and beautiful slopes, he had fat cattle
and numerous finely cultivated acres of his own. He took
from his own herd all that he could possibly spare. They
were the first contribution , to tbe drove destined for Valley
Forge. Others came in from his neighbors, and from adjoin
ing towns. The stirring missives of Governor Trumbull,
urging contributions, flew in every direction. And so, most
speedily, out from the gateway of Commissary Champion—-
in the piercing cold of winter — his drove was started— oh,
three hundred miles and more, for the far-distant camp of
Washington — to be augmented, it was hoped, each mile
almost of its progress through the already far-famed "Pro
vision State " of old Connecticut.

1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 367
Nor was this hope without its fulfillment. The drove had
no sooner reached Hartford — a town at this time noted for
the many cattle that, from spring to the late fall, grazed upon
the luxuriant herbage of its extensive meadows, and in win
ter fed from the barns and sheds of adjoining wealthy pro
prietors, or from warm shelters around their large, cone-
shaped stacks of hay* — than it was swelled to the number
of three hundred. Thus replenished, it started for the North
River — new stock, at intervals, being woven into its long
procession, as amid the cheering on of drivers, over bill and
valley it wound along — until, baving crossed the Hudson,
probably at King's Ferry — and passed through Upper Jer
sey, and over the Delaware — the lowings of the bullocks and
fatted steer were heard at last reverberating through the
forest, there where, on the west bank of the Schuylkill, the
despairing hearts of more than ten thousand famished Amer
ican soldiers — butted in the wild inclement woods, and in
the very face almost of a most formidable, well-fed, well-
clad, and ever-menacing foe — started and rejoiced at tbe wel
come sounds — and poured themselves forth in most fervent
thanksgivings to that Great Benefactor whose are "the cattle
upon a thousand hills. "f
' The vital service thus rendered by Governor Trumbull
and Commissary Champion to the American Army, in its
perilous extremity, was followed up by them, most assidu
ously, until the crisis was past. One warrant from the Pres
ident of Congress for two hundred thousand dollars — drawn
in favor of the Governor and Council, for the purchase of
provisions — and then a second for one hundred thousand
dollars — "to be transmitted," as it was expressed, "to Henry
* De Warville, in his Travels in the United States, speaks of the " vast mead
ows" at Hartford, that still, in 1788, were " covered with cattle of an enormous
size," which, he remarks, "furnish the market of New York, and even of Phil
adelphia." t Hon. Henry C. Doming, of Hartford, Conn., a great-grandson of the Com
missary, informs us that Col. Champion, and his son Colonel Epaphroditus, ac
companied the cattle quite on to Valley Forge — and that in passing the North
Biver, the Commissary himself plunged into the water on horseback, and trolled
the drove across. Col. Epaphroditus Champion said, that five days after the
arrival of the cattle — so closely had they been devoured by the famished sol
diers — that " you might have made a knife out of every bone ! "

368 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. .1773.
Champion, Esq., for the purpose of purchasing cattle in Con
necticut " — facilitated their labor. And so drove after drove
of fat cattle, besides that just mentioned, were sent on to
Washington at Valley Forge. It is the testimony of Mar
shall, that at this time the army was "furnished abundantly"
from the State in question.
Fortunately these droves — spite of extreme exposure in
the vicinity of Philadelphia to capture by the enemy— all
reached their destination in safety, save one. This one, as it
happened — consisting of an hundred and thirty head— when
within only twelve miles of the American encampment, was
met by a disaffected inhabitant of that region, who — passing
himself off on its conductors, it is said, as an American
Commissary — persuaded them to billet the drove at a neigh
boring farm, whose owner was also a tory, and then gave
immediate notice of the fact to Lord Howe. The informa
tion was at once turned to account. A party of British
Lighthorse galloped to the farm, seized the cattle, and drove
them into Philadelphia, where they served to feed the British
General and his troops. But the loss was not particularly
felt by the American Army, for at this time, early in March,
their supplies — thanks to the activity of Trumbull and
Champion — and of Clinton and Livingston also, the patriotic
Governors of New York and New Jersey — were quite
abundant. Famine had withdrawn her ghastly visage.
Plenty reigned — and reigned, we think it will be conceded,
more in consequence of the exertions of Governor Trumbull
and Connecticut at this time, than of any other Governor or
State in the Union — for the region nearest the seat of war
was just then, as has been already remarked, quite exhausted
of supplies.
Pennsylvania and Delaware had no cattle to spare, or at
least that could be reached — Maryland none — New Jersey
hardly any — New York but few. Connecticut had — and by
a remarkable act of her General Assembly — which Trumbull
was active to see steadily enforced — she rendered her 'own
supply of beeves greater than otherwise it would have been.
For early in the year — in February — she ordained, that inas
much as the transportation, from place to place, of the pri-

1778. CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 369
vate property of individuals, had then " greatly increased,
and gave employment to so large a number of oxen as was
likely to lessen the business of agriculture, particularly the
Taising of grain and provisions, and shorten the supply of beef
for the use of tlie army" — therefore, save in a few excepted
instances, which the Act specifies, no more than " one pair
of oxen " should be employed in such transportation. The
penalty for employing more was to be the forfeiture of all
oxen beyond one pair, and of all the property thus trans
ported. And every Grand Juror, Constable, and Freeholder
in the State was specially empowered to carry this law into
effect. What an example this of the subordination of im
portant private interests to the public good ! It was in keep
ing with the generous self-sacrifice of Connecticut from the
beginning to the end of the War.
And about the same time that this law to promote the
abundant supply of meat for tbe Eevolutionary Troops was
enacted by the Connecticut Legislature, it passed another act
to promote the abundant supply of clothing, as it had done
in previous years of the war. Witb tbe enforcement of this
Act: — one which had at first originated from a statement and
recommendation made by the Governor himself, and by his
Council — with its enforcement not only in reference to the
existing emergency at Valley Forge, but in reference also to
the comfort of the troops during the entire year, his Excel
lency had much to do. It made each town in the State —
through the agency either of its Selectmen, or of a Commit
tee to be appointed for the purpose — responsible for the pro
curement, for each officer and soldier of the quota of each
town, of one hunting shirt or frock, two linen shirts, two
pair of linen overalls, one pair of stockings, and two pairs
of good shoes, besides a certain number of blankets. All
of this clothing, if not provided in the manner required, was
to be taken by impressments — warrants for which, if neces
sary, the Committees of the towns were empowered to grant.
Here now was a law, which, carried fully into effect, would
have furnished all, and even more than all, in tbe way of
clothing, that could have been required from Connecticut.
It may, perhaps, have had this result. But neither Trum-

370 CHAP. XXXI. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
bull or bis Council were content to depend upon it solely.
So from time to time, as opportunity offered, the Governor
would procure cloth from other quarters, and cause it to be
made up into garments.
A French ship, for instance — the Lyon, Captain Michel —
came into the port of New London, in March, laden with a val
uable assortment of goods. Buy woolen cloths — spend three
thousand pounds for the purpose, if you judge it best — buy
linen also, suitable for officers' shirts, and have it made up, and
send on tbe clothing to the officers — were his directions to
Major John Bigelow, whom he had specially appointed at
this time to su23erintend the fabrication of garments. Send
on cloths and trimmings to Connecticut, was his request in
March to Otis and Andrews, deputy clothiers in Boston
for the Continental Army, and we will have them made up
here. The cloth and the trimmings came. Materials also came
from the Lyon, and from other quarters. And — -just as for
many a livelong day in other years — they kept hundreds of
the daughters of Connecticut busy with the needle — maidens
and matrons too, whose thoughts, as they plied their work,
doubtless often turned, witb deepest solicitude, to the tented
camp, or bristling fortress — perhaps to battalions "burning
with high hope," and bounding with victory — but more
likely, in view of the gloomy outset and intense anxieties
of the year on which we dwell, to the stinted fare, or famine,
or sickness, or cold, and nakedness of the suffering soldier —
or to his death-doom, perchance, upon the blood-stained bat
tle field.

CHAPTER XXXII.
1778.
The Campaign of 1778 — its plana and achievements. Trumbull aa con
nected with them. The troops to he raised. Difficulties in the way
of enlistment. He senda two thousand troops to Peekskill. Upon a
call from Congress, he aids in perfecting the defences of the North
, Eivar. Upon the arrival of the French fleet under D'Estaign, bringing
, aid to America, he prepares diligently for cooperation. He issues stir-
' ring Proclamations for raising troops to support Gen. Sullivan in Rhode
!< Island. The soldiers and supplies he sent. Failure of the attempt to
expel the British from Newport. His son, Col. John Trumbull, in tbe
battles there. He sends his father an account of them, and a map of
tbe battle grounds. A graphic description by the son of his own ex
perience at the time The movements of the enemy become myste-
. rious American movements in consequence, and the participation
Trumbull bad in them. Gen. Gates, witb a large force, encamps at
Hartford. A public dinner is given him by the Governor and General
., Assembly. The Governor present. Description of tbe entertainment,
The problem of the British plan solved, and tbe American troops go
into winter quarters,
From the view taken in our last Chapter of the labors of
Trumbull in the department of supplies for the present
year — to which we have been led, almost as a matter of
course, by the crisis of danger, originating in the want of
food and clothing, with which the year opened — we turn
now to look at him under other and the more strictly mili
tary aspects of the period. What were the war plans — what
the war achievements of the year 1778? What had he to
.do with them? What were the public wants in regard to
troops, and his services respecting them? What, generally,
his labors both for the defence of the country at large, and
for his own State ? Let us see !
The Campaign of 1778 — from causes which neither the
American Commander-in-chief, nor the leading patriots of
the day, could control — was tardy, inefficient, and unpro
ductive to the American cause. Save in plans — one towards
<the beginning, and one towards the close of the year, for
invading Canada, which were both soon abandoned — there

372 CHAP. XXXII. — TBUMBULL. 1TT8.
m
was no prosecution of any great military enterprise in the-
Northern Department — Congress having, early as March, de
termined that the fortifications at Fort Ticonderoga and
Mount Independence should be demolished. So far as mili
tary affairs elsewhere are concerned, the campaign was
marked by skirmishes between the two hostile armies around
Philadelphia — by the subsequent evacuation of this city by
the British, and the march through the Jerseys — by the
severe but indecisive battle of Monmouth — and by the en
largement, on the part of the American force of its defences
upon the North Biver. It was farther marked by the arrival
of a French fleet, under Count D'Estaign, to aid the United;
States — by an intended cooperation with this fleet, and the
unavailing siege of Newport under General Sullivan — by a
general apprehension in New England that the enemy medi
tated an attack on Boston and the French fleet there, on New
London, on the Connecticut coast elsewhere, in fact on the
East generally, and by consequent extensive preparations for
resistance. It was also marked by the "Wyoming and Cherry
Valley massacres — by the expedition of the British against
Bedford, Fairhaven, Martha's Vineyard, and Great Egg Har
bor- — by the surprise and defeat of Pulaski and his infantry,
and of Colonel Baylor and his regiment, in New Jersey— by
extreme uncertainty, towards the close of the year, as to the
destination of large masses of the enemy in New- York — and
by tbe departure, finally, of five thousand British troops for
the West Indies, and of three thousand for Florida, in prep
aration for an attack on that region.
With all these matters and events Trumbull was more or
less connected throughout the year,* and in forms quite simi
lar to those which attached him to the public interests in
previous years of the Eevolutionary Struggle. In the first
place, besides supplies for the army — that ever-acting press
ure upon his attention, of which, for the present period, we
have already spoken — he had, as usual, so far as the chief
* He had at this time, to aid him in his labors, a clerk — John Porter by name—
" a young man," says the Eecord of tho Council of Safety, " of liberal educa
tion, and proper accomplishments." Ho was allowed fifteen pounds a month M
salury.

ms.

CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 373

direction is concerned, new troops to gather, and station,
both -for home defence, and for that of the country at large.
Of those employed at home, and of those also who were
engaged in the Ehode Island Expedition under Sullivan, we
shall speak by themselves, in connection witb their particu
lar 'destinations. Independently of these, and of those also
proposed in January for filling up the Continental Battalions
that had been raised by Connecticut for the service of the
previous year — and independent of those too which were to
have been embraced in a plan proposed by Congress, in
March, for establishing a troop of light cavalry from among
the "young gentlemen of property and spirit" in the State —
the Governor had, besides, two brigades to raise, by volun
tary enlistment, that were ordered by the General Assembly
in February — of which six battalions were to be held in con
stant readiness to march on the shortest notice upon any tour
of duty, wherever the militia were liable to be called.
It was more of a task, the whole country through, this
year than at any other time during the war, to enlist men for
the Continental service. The distresses at Valley Forge bad
not only caused great numbers of the soldiers there en
camped, to quit the army in disgust, but made multitudes
who were not in the army dread joining it, as they dreaded
poverty and the pestilence.
The alarming depreciation too in the paper money of the
nation which then existed, and which rendered all payments
in Continental Money for Continental services comparatively
worthless, had forced hundreds and hundreds of the best and
bravest officers of the army — from sheer poverty — in order
to hide their nakedness, and secure their families, in many
cases, from absolute starvation with themselves — to throw
up their commissions, and return to some employment or
other in private life that might at least yield them bread,
and a decent garb of homespun.
A strange, unaccountable apathy also had suddenly, like a
leaden mist, crept over the spirit of American patriotism,
and dulled, nay almost obliterated, with some, the blessed
vision of freedom. There was, besides, a strong apprehen
sion in the minds of many, that the war would not ever
32

374 CHAP. XXXII. — TKUMBULL. m8.
terminate triumphantly for America^ — because, contrary to
universal expectation, it had been already so long protracted;
and because of the continued presence in our land — and
almost upon whatever point, in its huge floating armaments,
it chose to go — of a numerous, well-appointed, and most
formidable British army— that had not yet, after three
years of most earnest opposition, been forced from but a sin
gle one of its strongholds upon our coast, and seemingly
never could be. All these causes combined, which more or
less affected every American State at the period now under
consideration, rendered enlistment, more than ever, a matter
of difficulty, doubt, and even for awhile of despair.
So far as Connecticut is concerned, these causes were not
without their influence, but their operation was by no means
so extensive as in some other sections of our country — was
comparatively limited. And Trumbull faced them in his
task of raising new recruits, with his customary energy.
Though bis recruiting officers encountered for awhile, at
first, some obstacles to their success, yet we cannot learn that
at any time they were forced to resort — as the law allowed
them to do, in case volunteers enough could not be found— >
to the system of compulsory detachment. Though a large
number of tbe troops of Connecticut were still in the field
when the year opened, with Putnam on the banks of the
Hudson, and with Washington at Valley Forge, and re
mained there the winter through — though no great military
enterprises, calling for an immediate draft of men and money,
were in contemplation during the winter, and the regular
campaign, it was presumed, would not, of course, open till
about the middle of spring — still the Connecticut battalions
were filled up as rapidly as under all the circumstances could
have been- expected.
True tbe eight battalions called for by Congress, in Febru
ary, were not prepared. But these were apportioned on Con;
hecticut as its quota, only in case a general plan for raising,
from all the States in tbe Union, an army of forty thousand
men, was carried out — a plan which, in fact, was never exe
cuted in a single State, and hardly even attempted. True
that troop of cavalry^to be composed of "young gentlemen

lTO. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 375
of property and spirit," and "of a cultivated understand
ing"-— which Congress proposed, to serve at their own ex
pense — was not formed in Connecticut — though Trumbull
gent the scheme to all tbe Majors of Ligbthorse in tbe State.
Neither was it formed in any State in tbe Union, save one
solitary troop in Virginia— and this was speedily abandoned,
the whole plan being given up by Congress.
But in the spring, early in March — in proof of the good
progress made in the State, under Trumbull, in the recruit
ing service— the moment General Washington made his first
important requisition of two thousand troops for Peekskill,
those troops were marched to the point required. And again,
in May — before Congress had settled the army establishment
for the year, and before even it had agreed upon any gen
eral plan of operations for the campaign — the six battalions
of Connecticut which had been ordered by the General As
sembly in February — together with three troops of Light-
horse — in fair condition, as to numbers, arms, and equip
ments, considering the embarrassments to enlistment at the
time — were sent by the Governor to join General Gates upon
the North Eiver.*
This was a point to which Governor Trumbull, as well
from his own foresight, as by special request from Congress,
paid close attention. Once occupied and controlled by the
enemy, as is familiar to all, it would have been a quarter
whence they might have poured destruction on the American
cause. For it would have opened an easy connecting passage
between their forces in New York and any that, as in past
years, they might have sent to join them from Canada. It
would have cut off all connection between New England and
the rest of the country. The States might then have been
beaten in detail. America would have returned again under
*"0n the pressing requisition of Major General Gates, we have thought it our
duty to order the Six Battalions raised by Act of Assembly, the last winter, to
join them on Hudson River, and to detach, in addition to them, three Troops of
Light-horse ; and, as there seems' to be a greater probability that the enemy will
bend their Main Force there or immediately on this State, than anywhere else,
have been obliged to order a Peremptory Detachment of two more entire Regi
ments for the Defence of our very exposed and extensive Sea-Coasts, and to act
as occasion shall require."— Trumbull to Gen. Sullivan, June 5th, 1778.

376 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1118.
British sway. And there, close by this important quarter-
constantly menacing it — improving every opportunity to at
tack it — bound, at almost every hazard, upon securing it — ¦
was the foe. About the last of winter its defences were weak,
extremely so — and some of its important passes scarce de
fended at all. Could the enemy but have known this! To
command tbe Hudson — its entire length — what a prize to
them! It was vital then that the American troops there
should be reenforced. And therefore it was that Washing
ton called upon Trumbull for tbe two thousand- men to be
marched to Peekskill.
But the defences themselves upon the Hudson Eiver needed
repairs, and enlargement. It was necessary also that many
new ones should be constructed. Putnam had been busy
effecting this during the winter. General McDougall, his
successor in the command in this quarter, was busy at it. So
was Gates, who succeeded McDougall — and Kosciusko was
there to plan.
Upon whom now did the American Congress call at the junc
ture, and for the purposes now described ? Upon the Chief
Magistrate of New York, and the Chief Magistrate of Connec
ticut. " Eesolved, that Gov. Clinton and Gov. Trumbull be re
quested to give every assistance in their power to Gen. McDou
gall for perfecting the defence of the North Eiver" — was their
vote of March the twenty-first. And in April, by another
Eesolution of Congress, the same request, for the same endj
was made again to the same gentlemen, and to the States also,
upon this occasion, of Massachusetts and New Hampshire.
Troops, artificers, materials — all the necessaries requisite "for
fortifying and obstructing the North Eiver, and securing the
communication with the Eastern States," were earnestly de
sired. And, so far as Trumbull was concerned, the request
-was complied with, to the extent of his power — not even "six
receivers, for the Hon. James Duane of the State of New
York," and " twelve refining-pots, with doors or covers, for re
fining sulphur," being forgotten amid his provision of neces
saries for the defence of the great river-artery of New York
It was while engaged as we have now described, that,
July eighth, Count D'Estaign — with twelve massive ships of

im CHAP. XXXII.— TRUMBULL. 377
the line, six frigates, and a body of land forces — arrived from
Toulon off the mouth of the Delaware — bringing aid to
America in her struggle for freedom. It was the first fruits
of our Treaty of Alliance with France — a Treaty whose in
ception and progress Trumbull had watched witb the deepest
solicitude — and which one son of Connecticut, a Commis
sioner at the Court of Versailles — his friend Silas Deane —
had assisted in framing — and which another son of Connec
ticut, Simeon Deane, had first brought over to the county,
to gladden, with a joy that was unbounded, the heart of
Congress, and of a whole nation.
Washington himself gave notice of the arrival of this fleet
to Governor Trumbull. "Every thing we can do to aid and
cooperate with it," he wrote — "is of the utmost importance."
It is "off the Hook."
And he proceeded to inform him that by accounts from
New York, a Cork fleet was momently expected at that city,
for the safety of which the enemy were extremely alarmed —
that to avoid tbe French fleet it would probably take its
course through the Sound — that if it should, it might answer
most valuable purposes for the Eastern States to collect be
forehand all their frigates and armed vessels, to intercept its
passage that way — and that if the whole, or any considerable
part of it could be taken, loaded as it was with provisions,
the blow would prove a fatal one to the British army. And
he desired Trumbull, if the project appeared to him eligible,
to make it known to the neighboring States.
But circumstances quickly put an end to this design.
D'Estaign was unable to invade New York. He was frus
trated by physical impossibilities. His ships were too heavy
to pass the bar — and after eleven days' detention off tbe har
bor, he sailed for Newport — the point next after New York
to be attacked, in the plan of operations for the combined
French and American armies.
Prepare — wrote Washington immediately to Major General
Sullivan, who was then in command at Ehode Island. Ap
ply in the most urgent manner, in my name, to the States of
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, to augment
your force to five thousand men or more. Establish your
32*

378 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. iff8i
magazines of provisions. Make a collection of boats, proper
for a descent on Newport. Engage pilots for the fleet. Ar
range your signals. Fix a chain of expresses, from some
commanding view on the coast to your own quarters. Mas
ter the number and position of tbe enemy by land, aud their
strength by sea !
At this point — with Washington's first directions to Gen
eral Sullivan — commenced Trumbull's connection with the
Ehode Island Expedition of tbe year 1778 — a connection
which, like that of previous years in the same direction, was
pervaded witb his anxiety and energy. No success — as
none in previous years — so far as the enemy is concerned —
was destined to reward his exertions, but they were none the
less unremitting — as we shall see.
Sullivan, in conformity with instructions from Washing
ton, wrote Trumbull for more troops. Connecticut had
already under him her quota of seven hundred and twenty-
eight men, as settled by the Springfield Convention of 1777,
and as desired by Congress in January and July of the pres
ent year. But now, upon Sullivan's request, the Governor
convened his Council, and ordered on to Ehode Island seven
companies more — on the very day, as it happened, when
D'Estaign with his fleet cast anchor five miles from Newport,
just without Burton's ledge. These were not enough. Sul
livan sent for more. Washington wrote for more. The
Governor and Deputy Governor of Ehode Island wrote for
more. Immediate measures were taken by Trumbull to
procure them.
" Whereas," says a Proclamation, which, July twenty-eighth, he issued
for the purpose, to the two Connecticut regiments under Brigadier Gen
eral Tyler and Brigadier General Douglas respectively — " whereas I have
received authentic intelligence from his Excellency Gen. Washington,
that the fleet of our magnanimous and faithful Ally, his most Christian
Majesty, sailed from the Hook eastward, before the 22d instant, to co
operate with the forces of the United States at Providence to dislodge
our inveterate enemies from their hold at Newport, or other places at the
eastward — And whereas an expedition of the utmost consequence is
formed against the enemy to the eastward, and a requisition is made by
Gen. Washington to the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode
Island, for five thousand men from the militia/ — considering [also] the

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 379
importance of the object, the opportune season, and many aus
picious circumstances which conspire to promote success — I do there
fore," &c.
And the Governor proceeds to order tbe commanding offi
cers to raise volunteers from tbe two regiments expeditiously
as possible, and march them to Providence — promising him
self to see to the transportation of their baggage, and to
provisions for their march.
He is sensible, he says, " of the business of the season, and
of the difficulties which attend leaving home" — but yet — re
garding the present opportunity ''asa favorable intervention
of Providence," he " cannot but think it would be criminal
to neglect the advantage " which the kind Disposer of events
has " so evidently " put into the hands of the people for ex
pelling from their coasts " the enemy that has so long dis
tressed them."
"Were it possible," he concludes, "that any should want incitement
to exert themselves in this great and glorious struggle, let them reflect
on the wonddrs God has wrought for our forefathers, and for us — on the
cruel ravages committed by the enemy on our defenceless towns, and
helpless women and children — spreading desolation and ruin wherever
they extend their conquests — a specimen of their future designs towards
us — [and let them reflect also] on the amazing quantities of blood and
treasure already expended, and on the happiness, dignity, and glory that
will result to us, and be transmitted to posterity, by exerting ourselves
mightily for the vindication of our just Rights, Liberties, and Inde
pendence." On the same day that Trumbull issued this Proclama
tion — in addition to the seven companies that had already
been sent to Providence, he ordered on another from New
London. And only four days after — August first — fearing
lest the volunteers whom he had solicited from tbe two regi
ments of Tyler and Douglass might not respond in sufficient
numbers, or with sufficient alertness — " on discourse and
consideration" with his Council, he issued another Order and
Proclamation — this time calling on the Commanders of the
two regiments already mentioned, and on the General also of
the first regiment, to raise, peremptorily, five hundred men — ¦
who should be entitled, he promised, to continental pay,

380 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. ms,
rations, and encouragements, besides forty shillings bounty,
and who were to be marched forthwith, he commanded, to
the theatre of war around Providence.
" Whereas," he eloquently recites in this Proclamation — which notices
also the calls made upon the State at this time for its services, and what
had already been done — "whereas his most Christian Majesty, the re
nowned and illustrious King of France, has first among all the powers
of Europe acknowledged and recognized the United States of America,
while struggling under the weight of British tyranny and oppression,
and has entered into and ratified a Treaty of Alliance with them, founded
on principles truly noble, and becoming a wise, great, and gracious
Prince, without taking advantage of the difficulties to which we were
reduced by being suddenly and unpreparedly pushed into this extensive
war for the defence of all that could be dear to a free people — and
whereas the said King, of his great magnanimity and goodness, has sent
over a large fleet of capital Ships, under the command of the Admiral
Count D'Estaign, superior to all the British navy in these seas, together
with a considerable Body of Land Forces, to aid and assist these States
against the invasion of our enemies, and in subduing, or extirpating, or
driving them from this good Land — I do hereby renew [the Summons
for volunteers of July twenty-eighth,] and earnestly call upon all who
are within the limits of this Proclamation, cheerfully and forthwith to
offer themselves in the service of God (it may be truly said,) and of their
country, against the enemies of the rights of mankind, and our cruel
invaders and murderers."
And he goes on to assure all who will engage in the
service that their " tour of duty " will be " very short " — that
'' the prospect of success, in a humble trust on Divine Prov
idence," is fairer than ever before — and that "the advantages
of so powerful a support both by sea and land," as those af
forded by " the new friends and allies " of the Americans— ;
the French — are "exceedingly great, and must strike
terror and dismay" into the hearts of the enemies of our
land. These appeals from Trumbull were effective. All the sol
diers required from Connecticut rallied on the occasion — and,,
as the Governor had promised, they were amply provided.
Teams, loaded down witb salted beef, and pork — upon one
occasion, in July, witb no less than one hundred barrels-
lined the roads from Connecticut to Providence, by his

1118. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 381
order — and vessels, loaded with water for the use of D'Es-
taign's fleet, shot out from the harbor of New London.*
Preparations on all sides were abundant. Washington was
deeply interested in the event. He sent the Marquis La
Fayette, witb additional forces from the camp at White
Plains, to unite with the army under Sullivan — and General
Greene — and he sent Baron Steuben. He sent also his own
Aid de Camp — the chivalric Laurens — to join the French
Admiral. The hopes of the country ran high. Could the
British now but be expelled from Newport — that vital hold
on the American coast which they had so long maintained —
how easy it would be to crush them elsewhere! It must be
done — it can be, was the general thought — for they are but
six, and the Americans are more than ten thousand strong.
And with the patriot forces are the choicest of officers — the
bravest of volunteers — all panting for glory — and a magnifi
cent and most powerful French naval armament. What can
withstand such a force? It must triumph! So reasoned,
and so concluded the over-sanguine expectation of the
country. But a cloud soon came upon that expectation. D'Estaign
sailed off to fight Lord Howe upon the sea. He was gone
many days — days of intense anxiety to the force which was
left behind around Newport. It was doubted whether he
would return, and the American ranks began to grow thin
by desertion. One by one, soldiers dropped away. Pros
pects grew darker — yet not to the eyes of Trumbull, or of
his patriotic Council. "Sustinet qui iranstulit" — he remem
bered it — the motto of his State. " Every branch in the
true vine that beareth not fruit, our Heavenly Father taketh
away ; and every branch that beareth fruit he purgeth, that
it may bring forth more fruit." So be wrote to President
Laurens in June.f
August fourteenth — in order, as the Eecords of the Coun
cil say, that " the important enterprise may not fail for want
* " I have written to Governor Trumbull of the State of Connecticut, request
ing bis endeavors to collect vessels and load them with water at New London for
the use of your fleet."— Washington to D'Estaign, Aug. Sth.
t June 29th, 1778.

382 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. ms.
of a little support, to the great disappointment and injury of
the country" — the Governor made a peremptory draft of six
companies more of soldiers, each consisting of eighty men,
and ordered them on from Connecticut to Ehode Island, To
these he added a troop of forty-eight horsemen from the reg
iment of Major Ebenezer Backus — and at the same time sent
on from Norwich to Governor Greene one hundred barrels
of powder.*
But his efforts, alas, were all in vain. A storm disabled
D'Estaign. He forsook Newport, and repaired to Boston to
refit. More than five thousand of the American Army then
forsook too. Company by company, regiment by regiment,
they fell away.
" Our expectations," wrote Trumbull at this time to Roger Sherman,
Titus Hosmer, and Andrew Adams, the Connecticut Delegates in Con
gress — "our expectations from the expedition against Rhode Island are
again like to be blasted. The French fleet, which has suffered consider
ably from the late very unusual gale of wind, has taken a resolution to
go for Boston, to refit and repair their damages. This event will put our
Army on too precarious a footing to remain long upon an Island. Un
less some sudden and desperate attempt is made, (which I would wish
them to avoid,) I think their operations against the Enemy must cease,
and their whole attention be turned to getting themselves safe landed on
the Continent. I wish this may be effected without loss. I was in hopes
the Fleet would have run themselves into New London — where I think
their Damages might be repaired with safety to them, and at the same
time their lying in an Harbour so contiguous to Rhode Island might have
proved a Security to the operations of the Army. But they are gone,
and with them are fled our fond hopes of success from this Enterprise.
This event will put a new aspect on our affairs. The Lord reigneth— fa
our hope — let it be our trust and confidence."
The course for the American Army which suggested itself
to the mind of Trumbull, was adopted. Sullivan was com
pelled to raise the siege of Newport, and retreat to the north
shore of the Island, pursued hotly, but not defeated, by the
foe. He maintained himself gallantly in his entrenchments
* " Major Joshua Huntington, Norwich. Lebanon, 26th Aug., 1778. Please to
forward to Governor Greene at Providence, with all possible dispatch, one hund
red barrels of powder belonging to the United States, in your custody— taking
care tho barrels are well secured. "Jonth. Tbtjiibull, Gov*." :

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 383
{here — only for a brief time, however. He cannonaded the
enemy. He had a few sharp contests with them, around
Quaker Hill, upon his right flank, and around a redoubt —
but he was altogether too feeble to advance far upon them,
or to secure any important advantages. Clinton too was rap
idly hastening to reenforce them with four thousand men.
There was no longer any hope from D'Estaign — nor of any
further addition to his strength from the Main. All was
ominous of ill. In the silence of the night, therefore, and
from his masterly management unannoyed by the enemy, he
crossed with his army back to Tiverton — retreated. The
Expedition to expel the enemy from Newport was now at an
end. The Island still remained in the embrace of the Brit
ish arms — and the whole country mourned. How heavily
the blow must have fallen on the heart of Trumbull !
: And he had anxieties too in another direction at this par
ticular juncture — for bis son Colonel John, the painter, was
in the thickest of the fight on the memorable twenty -ninth
of August. He had been retired from the army for about a
year previous, pursuing diligently bis avocations witb the
pencil at Boston. But when the Ehode Island enterprise was
started — feeling his "slumbering love of military life" re
vive, as he says — he offered his services to General Sulli
van as a volunteer Aid de Camp, and attended him on the
field. Soon as all was over — "after we had left the Island " — he
writes in his Reminiscences of his own times — " I took leave
of my General, and sent my servant back to Lebanon, with a
descriptive letter to my father, a drawing of the field, and the
sword which I had taken from its own owner, a German offi
cer, my trophy of action."
The descriptive letter to which the Colonel here refers, is
repeated, in substance, in his autobiography — from whence,
filled as it is with graphic details, we extract it. Through
the postern of time then, let the Eeader pass, and sit down
now for a few moments with that "Father" to whom the
epistle was first addressed. There, in his own old "War
Office " at Lebanon — where, probably, the Governor himself
lead the communication, and doubtless re-read it, as stirring,

384 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1775,
latest news from the seat of war, to his own attentive Coun,-
cil — let the Eeader sit too — and, identifying himself with the
occasion — thinking of that mortal strife, which, On the
twenty-ninth of August, eighty-one years ago, for the first
and last time dyed tbe sands of Ehode Island with blood, and
agitated with unusual apprehension the heart of the patriot
whom we commemorate — let him peruse what follows : —
"The French fleet " proceeds the Colonel, "which had passed New
port, and lay at anchor above the town, were drawn off from their well-
selected station by a very clever manoeuvre of Lord Howe, the very day
after the American army was landed on the island. The two fleets came
to a partial action off the capes of the Chesapeake, in which they were
separated by a severe gale of wind ; the French, more damaged by the
tempest than by the enemy, put into Boston to refit, and General Sulli
van was left to pursue the enterprise with the army alone. The enemy
shut themselves up in Newport, while he advanced to the town in admi
rable order, and the place was invested in form.
" It soon became evident that the attempt was vain, so long as the ene
my could receive supplies and reenforcements by water, unmolested ; so
soon as it was ascertained that the French fleet would not resume its sta
tion, the enterprise was abandoned — on the night between the 28th and:
29th of August, the army was withdrawn, and reoccupied their former
position on Butt's Hill, near Howland's Ferry, at the north end of tha
island. " Soon after daybreak the next morning, the rear-guard, commanded
by that excellent officer, Col. Wigglesworth, was attacked on Qua
ker, otherwise called Windmill Hill; and General Sullivan, wishing
to avoid a serious action on that ground, sent me with orders to the com
manding officer to withdraw the guard. In performing this duty, I had
to mount the hill by a broad, smooth road, more than a mile in length
from the foot to the summit, where was the scene of conflict, which,
though an easy ascent, was yet too steep for a trot or a gallop. It was
necessary to ride at a leisurely pace, for I saw before me a hard day's.
work for my horse, and was unwilling to fatigue him.
"Nothing can be more trying to the nerves, than to advance delibe
rately and alone into danger. At first I saw a round shot or two drop
near me, and pass bounding on. I met poor Col. Tousard, who had just
lost one arm, blown off by the discharge of a field-piece, for the posses-'
sion of which there was an ardent struggle. He was led off by a small
party.* Soon after, I saw Capt. Walker, of H. Jackson's regiment, who
*" Tousard was a French officer, attached to the family of the Marquis
La Fayette. In the action on Rhode Island he rushed forward very courageously
in advance of the troops, when an attempt was made to take a cannorij ahi

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 385
had received a musket ball through his body, mounted behind a person
on horseback. He bid me a melancholy farewell, and died before night.
Next, grape shot began to sprinkle around me, and soon after musket
balls fell in my path like hailstones. This was not to be borne. — I
spurred on my horse to the summit of the hill, and found myself in the
midst of the melee. " Don't say a word, Trumbull," cried the gallant
commander, " I know your errand, but don't speak ; we will beat them
in a moment." — " Col. Wigglesworth, do you see those troops crossing ob
liquely from the west road towards your rear ! "¦ — " Yes, they are Ameri
cans, coming to our support." — " No, Sir, those are Germans ; mark,
their dress is blue and yellow, not buff; they are moving to fall into your
rear, and intercept your retreat. Retire instantly — don't lose a moment,
or you will be cut off." The gallant man obeyed, reluctantly, and with
drew the guard in fine style, slowly, but safely.
"As I rode back to the main body on Butt's Hill, I fell in with a party
of soldiers bearing a wounded officer on a litter, whom I found to be my
friend H. Sherburne, brother of Mrs. John Langdon, of Portsmouth,
New Hampshire, a fellow volunteer. They were carrying him to the
surgeons in the rear, to have his leg amputated. He had just been
wounded by a random ball, while sitting at breakfast. This was a source
of lasting mortification, as he told me afterwards — " If this had hap
pened to me in the field, in active duty, the loss of a leg might be borne,
but to be condemned through all future life to say I lost my leg under
the breakfast table, is too bad." Mr. Rufus King was acting that day as
a volunteer aid de camp to General Glover, whose quarters were in a
house to the foot and east of Quaker Hill, distant from the contested po
sition of the rear guard a long mile. The general and the officers who
composed his family were seated at breakfast, their horses standing sad
dled at the door. The firing on the heighth of the hill became heavy
and incessant, when the General directed Mr. King to mount, and see
what and where the firing was. He quitted the table, Sherburne took
his chair, and was hardly seated, when a spent cannon ball from the
scene of action bounded in at the open window, fell upon the floor, rolled
to its destination, the ancle of Sherburne, and crushed all the bones of
his foot. Surely there is a providence which controls the events of hu
man life, and which withdrew Mr. King from this misfortune.
" Soon after this, as I was carrying an important order, the wind, which
had risen with the sun, blew off my hat. It was not a time to dismount
for a hat. I therefore tied a white handkerchief round my head, and as
I did not recover my hat until evening, I formed, the rest of the day,
the most conspicuous mark that was ever seen on the field — mounted on
found himself surrounded by the enemy. His horse was killed under him, and
he lost his right arm, but escaped from capture. As a reward for his brave act,
Congress granted him the rank of lieutenant-colonel by brevet, and a provision
of thirty dollars a month for life."— Sparks & Journals of Congress, Oct. 27.
33

CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1773.
a superb bay horse, in a summer dress of nankeen — with this head dress,
duty led me to every point where danger was to be found, and I escaped
without the slightest injury. It becomes me to say with the Psalmist,
" I thank thee 0 thou Most High, for thou hast covered my head in fhe
day of battle." For never was aid de camp exposed to more danger
than I was during that entire day, from daylight to dusk.*
" The day was past in skirmishing, and towards evening a body of the
enemy, (Germans,) had pushed our right wing, and advanced so far as to
endanger themselves. I was ordered to take Gen. Lovell's brigade-of
Massachusetts militia, and aid in repulsing them ; this brigade was very
much weakened by the withdrawal of many officers and men, in conse
quence of the army having been left by the French fleet. For this reason
I drew up the brigade in line, and disregarding their original distinction
of regiments and companies, told them off into ten divisions ; assigned
their officers among them, wheeled them off into column, and advanced
towards the scene of action, intending to pass beyond the enemy's flank,
and to attack his rear. As we advanced, the noise of the conflict seemed
to retire, until we approached a small wood skirting the open fields,
which lay in the direction of our march. This wood was occupied by a
party of the enemy, whom it concealed from our view, while the Are
which they opened upon us as we advanced, marked their position. As
was common, they fired too high, and their shot passed over our heads,
doing no harm. In front of the wood, at the distance of thirty or forty
yards, ran a strong stone fence, such as are common in Rhode Island.
Generally, on such an occasion, this fence would have been made use of
as a breastwork to protect us from the enemy's fire ; but as my men had
hitherto kept their order perfectly, and seemed to be in no degree discon
certed by the sound of the balls, which whistled over their heads, (per
haps they did not understand it,) I became elated with the hope of doing
something uncommon, and therefore determined not to make use of this
wall for defence, but to attack. For this purpose it was necessary to re
move such an obstacle, for in attempting to climb over it all order would
infallibly be lost. I therefore moved on until the front division of the
column was within ten yards of the wall, and then gave the word of
command as if on parade — "Column, halt — leading division, ground
your arms — step forwards, comrades, and level this fence — it stands in
our way — quick, quick!" The order was obeyed with precision; the
fence was levelled in an instant, and we resumed our forward march with
out having a man hurt From that moment the firing from the wood
ceased, and we could find no enemy; they had already been engaged
* " As soon as the enemy discovered you, and probably suspecting your object,
they opened a fire upon you from six or seven pieces of their cannon ; and I, and
others around me, were every instant looking to see yon fall, as it seemed im
possible that yon should escape. On your return from this most adventurous ex
ploit, General Sullivan said, "your escape has been most wonderful."— Gm.
Mattoon, who was present at the battle, to Col. J. Trumbull.

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 387
with, aud overmatched by other troops, before we approached, and when
they saw our cool manoeuvre, they probably mistook us for veterans
coining to the rescue, and prudently withdrew.*
" Still I hoped to be able to strike an important blow, and requested
General Lovell to incline his march to the right (by which means his
movement would be screened from, the view of the enemy by the form
of the ground,) to move slowly and carefully ; and to keep the men to
gether in their actual order. I rode forward to reconnoitre and ascertain
the position of the enemy. As I rose the crest of the hill, I saw the
German troops, who had just been repulsed, in evident disorder, endeav
oring to re-form their line, but fatigued, disconcerted, and vacillating. I
thought it a glorious moment, and hurried back to my brave column,
with the intention of heading it (under cover of the ground,) into the
rear of the enemy's flank. Judge of my vexation, when I found my
men, not in slow motion and good order, as I had directed, but halted
behind another strong fence, dispersed, without the shadow of order,
their arms grounded, or leaning against the fence, exulting in their good
conduct and success in having made the enemy run. I was cruelly dis
appointed ; but as the success of the blow which I had meditated de
pended entirely upon rapidity of movement, and much time would be
wasted before we could recover our original order, and be prepared to
move, I gave up my projected attack, and returned to make my report to
my general.
" The next day the army kept their ground on Butt's Hill, collected
our wounded, buried the dead, and while we made a show of intending
to maintain our position, were really busy in preparing for a retreat,
which was effected during the following night, across Howland's Ferry to
Tiverton, without the loss of a man, or of the smallest article of stores.
" The entire conduct of this expedition, and of this retreat, (as well as
of that from Canada,) was in the highest degree honorable to General
Sullivan." The retreat from Ehode Island which Colonel Trumbull
thus describes, did not at once relieve the Governor of Con
necticut, or his Council, or the State at large, from the ne
cessity of military labor and watchfulness. The enemy be
gan immediately to burn and depredate along the coast of
New England. They menaced every part of it. Particu-
* Seeing the order and rapidity of this movement, Gen. Sullivan exclaimed,
"that movement would do honor to the ablest regiment of the army." "The
enemy engaged with Col. Greene, perceiving this bold and successful adventure,
instantly retreated, and thus escaped a capture. Tour preservation in each of
these most daring enterprises, [he refers to Trumbull's bearing orders to Quaker
Hill also,] I have ever considered little short of a miracle, and a most remarkable
interposition of Providence for your safety." — Gen. Mattoon to Col. J. Trumbull.

388 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
larly, they threatened Boston, and the French fleet in the
harbor there. They indicated also, occasionally, a purpose
of sailing to Nova Scotia and Canada, in order to renew de
scents upon the United States from the North — while at the
same time tbey made demonstrations against the posts in the
Highlands, and preparations, apparently, for hostile expedi
tions against the South. All was mystery — deep mystery in
their proceedings. They were decidedly now superior at sea,
and might strike anywhere — but at New England again first,
and at D'Estaign especially, it was thought most generally
their blows would be levelled.
Washington, therefore, adapted his army to this new state
of things. He threw it into several divisions — one of which
he left posted in the vicinity of the North Eiver. Another
be stationed at Danbury. Others he pushed on by different
stages towards Connecticut Eiver — his object being to have
them all within supporting distance of each other, so that
they might either form a junction, if necessary, for their own
immediate defence — or cooperate in defending the posts in
the Highlands, or in resisting any attack on D'Estaign and
Boston, or upon any other part of the New England coast.
In prosecution of this plan, early in September, he sent Gen
eral Gates with three brigades to Danbury, where the latter
was soon joined by General McDougall with two more — and
then, in October, on to Hartford — where Gates soon arrived,
and encamped on the broad and beautiful plat of the North
Meadow. In carrying the arrangements now stated into effect, Trum
bull was consulted by Washington and Gates at almost every
step, and gave them freely every advice and assistance in hia
power. All the roads leading from Danbury towards Boston
were, by order of the Commander-in-chief, to be put in rei
pair for the march of the American columns. Trumbull
gave his attention to this matter. Good halting places for
the arm}', at proper stages, were to be secured in advance.,
He lent his aid for this purpose to the Quarter-Master whom
Washington sent forward to provide them — so that when the
American troops advanced, everything was ready for them—
and during the entire period that they traversed Connecticut,

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 389
or remained stationed within its borders, they were comforted
by easy marches, and by full supplies.
When Gates reached Hartford, he was cordially met there
by the Governor and General Assembly of tbe State, and
treated with distinguished honor. And the Governor — and
Assembly — in a field of duty quite different from that in which
the former was usually occupied — gave the General and his
suite, together with all the field officers of the Continental
army then in town, a fine entertainment. Tbe proceedings
were ushered in, at twelve o'clock in the day, by a parade in
front of the State House, on the part of one of the Compa
nies from a Train of Artillery, whose exactness of discipline,
says a cotemporaneous account, " rendered them respectable
to' the numerous spectators."
At three o'clock, dinner was served, at a public inn — and
there, at the head of tbe table — in his white-haired, full-bot
tomed wig, fine broadcloth or velvet coat, white neckcloth,
satin-embroidered vest, black small clothes, probably, and
white silk stockings buckled at tbe knee — surrounded by
officers in glittering uniforms — his Excellency sat — dispense
ing with grace and dignity, over a well-loaded board, the
hospitalities of the occasion. His own sober yet imposing
manner, we can easily imagine, must have contrasted some
what strongly, with the gayety of some of his companions —
his own opinions and conjectures as to the future probable
course of the foe, as to the safety of Boston and D'Estaign,
and the security of New England generally, have attracted
attentive listeners. And the conversation of all present was,
doubtless, wholly absorbed by that war, which, for the first
Sme since it began, had stationed armed brigades in the
beautiful valley of the Connecticut— deep in the interior of
the State, and sixty miles distant from that sea on which the
enemy rode triumphant.
As the feast was about closing, cannon rent the air with
thirteen discharges, in honor of the thirteen United States —
Between whose intervals, and while their echoes were rolling
back' from the adjacent ridges of mountains, toasts were
drank. " The United States of America — The Congress and Councils
33*

390 CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
of America — General Washington and the American Army-r-
The American Navy — The King of France and our Allies in
Europe — Count D'Estaign and the fleet under his commands-
Dr. Franklin and our Plenipotentiaries in Europe — The State of
Connecticut — May oppressed Virtue ever find an Asylum in
America " — such were the sentiments in their order at the
time, which the patriotic tongues at that festival took up-r-
" While sanguine hopes dispelled their floating care,
And what was difficult and what was dire,
Sank to their prowess and superior stars."
"The glorious memory of Generals Warren, Montgomery,
Wooster, and Nash, with all the virtuous officers and soldiers
who have died in defence of Freedom and their country" —
drank in melancholy silence, followed upon the toasts already
given. "May the Arts and Sciences be ever patronized in America" —
was the hopeful sentiment which succeeded.
"May all our citizens be soldiers, and our soldiers be always
citizens " — was the ingenious antithetical canon of true repub
licanism witb which the libations closed.
And at half past five the Governor, General Gates, his
suite of officers, and a committee on the part of the State,
who had added by their presence to the dignity of the enter
tainment, withdrew, in imposing procession, to the State
House — where — in the midst of a throng of gratified specta
tors — the ceremony of reception — which had been conducted
throughout in a most appropriate manner — was at last con
cluded — to tbe great satisfaction of all.
General Gates soon left Hartford for Boston, to take com
mand in the Eastern Department. General Putnam, suc
ceeding him at Hartford, marched the troops from the North
Meadow to the West division in that town — and thence,
November twenty-fourth, back to Danbury. New England
was no longer immediately threatened. The problem of the
British plan was solved by the departure of large detach
ments of their army to the West Indies, and to Florida. So
Washington placed his forces in winter quarters — the main
portion of them upon and near the Hudson Eiver — a part in

1778. CHAP. XXXII. — TRUMBULL. 391
the Jerseys — and three brigades under Putnam, consisting of
the Connecticut and New Hampshire troops, and Hazen's
regiment, at Danbury — to protect the country lying along
the Sound, and the magazines on Connecticut Eiver, and to
aid the Highlands in case of any serious movement of the
enemy in that direction. Tbe Campaign of 1778 was at an
end.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
1778.
Trumbull and the Home Defence of Connecticut. The British naval
armament upon the American station this year. Trumbull's protec
tion of the coast. His attention to the Marine. A privateer named
after him. The whaleboat system gives him much, anxiety. It de
generates. He -watches it closely, and is sparing of commissions. The
benefits resulting to Connecticut this year from his measures for home
defence. Maritime losses few. They are more than counterbalanced1
by maritime gains. The memorable capture of the Admiral Eeppel
and the Cyrus, by the Oliver Cromwell — a Connecticut ship-of-war.
Its commander's letter to Trumbull announcing the victory. Prison
ers — a large number this year. March of the captives at the Battle of
Saratoga through Connecticut on their -way to Virginia. Trumbull's
arrangements for it. Case of Henry Shirley, a distinguished pris
oner in Trumbull's hands The handsome treatment he received from
the Governor.
Trumbull had other important labors in the Campaign
of 1778, to which we have not yet alluded — choosing, as
heretofore, that they should occupy paragraphs by them
selves. We refer to his labors, particularly, in the home and
naval defence of Connecticut — a sphere, which in 1778, as
in previous years, still continued to make heavy demands on
his time and watchfulness. For still armed British vessels
hardly ceased day or night, cruising up and down the Sound,'
threatening towns, and seeking opportunities to land, and
burn, and plunder. In February of this year, the British
naval armament upon the American station consisted of no
less than eighty-three ships-of-war, from sixty-four to ten
guns each — besides the Eichmond, a bomb-ship — the Juno,
the Orpheus, a fire-ship — tbe Blonde, the Potens, and the
Venus. Is it a wonder then that Connecticut, lying directly
alongside one of their great highways of travel — Long Island
Sound — should be kept in a state of perpetual apprehension!
So far now as coast defence is concerned, Governor Trum
bull was employed as usual this year, in raising, stationing,
and supplying troops — in repairing and strengthening fortifi*

1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 393
cations — in providing for these, from time to time, new field
pieces and apparatus of every description — in promoting
activity among the coast guards — and in preventing all un
lawful communications, or illicit trade with the enemy, from
the Connecticut shore. Seven companies were to be raised in
January for the defence of various points upon the sea-line —
to serve during the year — and two brigades were ordered in
February, which were to be ready, on the shortest notice, to
do duty either within or without the State. These the Cap
tain-General superintended, and at intervals, as danger threat
ened, drew from the brigades to increase tbe protection of
exposed points.*
As regards defence strictly naval — on the Sound particu
larly — he was occupied as in previous years. He fitted out
the vessels of war belonging to the State. He furnished ma
terials for this purpose — particularly masts, bowsprits, booms,
and yards, from tbe Connecticut Eiver. He commissioned
officers, gave sailing orders, and sent out privateers — which
he furnished at times with guns — and also whaleboats and
spy vessels. He superintended prizes, and enforced embar
goes, especially one which was laid by Congress in June.-f-
Whaleboats were at one time wanted by Washington for
the transportation of one thousand men — Trumbull provided
these. A new Continental frigate, called the Confederacy, was
*As once, for example, late in March, two additional companies to secure New
haven, which city, particularly, was then exposed to great danger — and once In
April, eighty-six additional men to guard Great Neck at New-London. Besides
numerous drafts like these — in February, upon request from General Putnam —
he sent Major Thompson, the commanding officer of Nixon's battalion then sta
tioned at Farmington, with all of his regiment fit for duty, to take station at
Greenwich, for the protection of the coast towards New- York— and in June
again, ordered a fresh regiment on to Sawpitts, to be placed under General Gates.
There was no part of the whole line of Connecticut sea-coast, which, during the
entire year, escaped the eye of himself and his Council.
+ Among the vessels which he fitted out for sea this year was the Governor
Trumbull— a, fine privateer ship of twenty guns — which was built by Howland
and Coit at Norwich, and named after himself. He sent her out in March upon
her first cruise, under the command of Capt. Henry Billings. In April, he sent
the Dolphin and the Spy, loaded with hoops and staves, to the West Indies, to
procure warlike munitions and stores. In August, he caused Capt. Smedley to
fit up his ship anew in Boston, and then to cruise up and down from this port
southward. In September, he refitted the Oliver Cromwell, which had then
lately suffered from a storm at sea, and ordered her, and the Defence, to cruise
up and down the Sound, &c., &e.

394 CHAP. XXXIII.— TRUMBULL. mg.
to be built at Norwich. He gave attention to her construc
tion, and after she was launched, in September, procured the
appointment of his friend Capt. Seth Harding to command
her — having taken pains to recommend him previously to
the Marine Committee at Philadelphia, as one of the bravest
of officers, who could man a ship, he stated, with suefi expe
dition that " three hundred men stood ready to engage under
him the moment he should receive his commission." The
Continental Marine Committee for the Department, of Con
necticut — among whom were Oliver Ellsworth, and. Captain
John Deshon of New London — often sought his advice. It
was always ready. Naval agent Shaw sought his interven
tion for funds. His drafts on Congress, to the amount at
times of fifty thousand dollars, were ready.
But no department of the naval service gave him more
anxiety than that which embraced tbe cruising of the Con
necticut whaleboats, and small armed vessels, upon the
Sound. These, during tbe year now under consideration,
were exceedingly active in annoying the enemy — the whale- •
boats, particularly — which, made light — witb sheathing not
more than half an inch thick— -sharp at each end, and vary
ing in length from fourteen to thirty-two feet — could be im
pelled, by from eight to twenty oars, with remarkable veloci
ty — could be easily carried on men's shoulders, and, if nec
essary, be hid among bushes, and relaunched with the great
est facility.
Many a market-boat of the enemy, loaded with provisions,
and detached vessels even from British convoys, became
their prizes. Many a noted tory upon Long Island,, and
"loyal" American volunteer — many a little band of British
soldiers, Hessians and others — became their captives. They
were constantly on the lookout. "They will take advantage
of every calm," complained Eivington loudly this year, "to
shoot out from their lurking places, and cross over and pil
lage the loyalists of Long Island." And almost every week
this tory Editor had occasion to chronicle, in his "Gazette,"
some fresh instance of attack — from the Connecticut shore—
upon "his Majesty's woodcutters," as he styled them— or
"his Majesty's sloop, loaded with wood" — or upon the per-

1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 395
son and effects of some one of "bis Majesty's loyal subjects"
on the opposite shore. "These rebels"- — these "freeboot
ers" — these "pickaroon gentry" — these "villains" — with their
"rebel schooner Wild Cat, of fourteen swivels and forty
men," and their armed sloops generally, and their "great
abundance of whaleboats," the tory Editor Gaine would add
m his "Mercury" — are kept cruising in many parts of the
Sound — interrupting our market-boats — and making prison
ers of great numbers of "his Majesty's faithful subjects!"*
The commissions which the Governor gave to these armed
boats and vessels were at last, unfortunately, abused by some
of the parties who obtained them. Under the pretence of
taking or destroying tory property, they would sometimes
invade that of whigs, and treat its owners with severity.
Sometimes, against the positive requirements of law — en-
* Take the following ns examples of the kind of warfare from Connecticut,
spoken of in the text.
' April 27, 1778, Bivington. "Last Monday evening two row gallies and an
armed vessel crossed from Connecticut to Lloyd's Neck, wh'.re a party of loyal
refugees were cutting wood ; who, upon being attacked, retreated to a house, in
which they defended themselves with great bravery and resolution upwards of
six hours ; but their ammunition being all expended, they wore obliged to sub
mit to superior force. Next morning the rebels carried their prisoners, 18 in
number, over to Connecticut. The house in which the refugees fought and sur
rendered is perforated in many places by the shot of the rebels."
June 8, 1778, Bivington. "Wednesday last the rebel schooner Wild Cat, of 14
.swivels and 40 men, came from Connecticut to Oyster Bay, and landed 14 of her
crew, who shot several sheep, but a number of inhabitants appearing in arms,
they made off. This vessel, by having a great number of oars, takes advantage
of every calm to cross over and pillage the loyalists on Long Island."
Hartford, Sept. 3, 1778. "Moj. Grey, of Col. Meig's regiment, brought off
from Lloyd's Neck 15 tories, and killed three — all from Connecticut."
Sep. 7, 1778, Gaine. "A sloop with some provisions, and a boat loaded with
Trood, were taken at Lloyd's Neck last Wednesday, by a privateer sloop from
Connecticut. A great abundance of armed whaleboats are cruising in many parts
ef the Sound, and 'tis feared will much interrupt our market-boats."
Sep. 12, 1778, Bivington. "A party of rebels came over from Connecticut to
Oyster Bay Thursday evening last, and plundered the house of Wm. Cock of
goods to the amount of £140. They made Mr. C. and his family carry the goods
near two miles, to their whaleboat, and got off unmolested. And on Saturday a
number of freebooters, in two boats, came over to Red Spring, and robbed the
houses of Jacob Carpenter and John Weekes of a quantity of valuable effects,
and then made off; but returned Saturday evening to Oak Neck, and robbed two
unfortnnate weavers. The principal of these villains is named Carhart, who
sometime ago came over from Connecticut, and pretended to be a friend to gov
ernment, and was treated with the greatest hospitality and kindness by the very
persons whose property he has carried off."

396 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
gaged, more than in former years, in illicit trade — they would
bring off British goods to the Main, and there dispose of.
them for lucre.
Some American refugees from Long Island, who professed-
to be warm friends of their country — but who in fact were-
unprincipled men, who by imposition had obtained their,
cruising commissions from the Governor of Connecticut— ¦*
were among the first and most notorious in their abuse of
them. They were men with whom "it required no great
stretch of conscience to go on land and plunder indiscrimin
ately, both Whig and Loyalist, under pretence of taking
British goods." And in their hands, and those of a few oth-;
ers, the whaleboat warfare at last " degenerated into down
right robbery," and, in the year 1779, was summarily
stopped. General Putnam, late in the present year, wrote,
both to Trumbull and to Governor Clinton of New York— „
who also granted commissions— and warmly remonstrated
against the abuses now in question. But Trumbull needed
no admonition or stimulus upon this subject. It had been
his care, not only to grant no cruising licenses save to those
whom he believed to be patriotic and trustworthy, but also to
watch their proceedings afterwards, and to arrest and sum
mon them at once before himself and his Council to answer
for any violations either of their instructions, or of their
duty.* * As one example, among many, of his promptness in this respect, take the
following summons, which, Aug. 11, 1778, he addressed to Captain Jonathan
Vail, and Capt. Jeremiah Rogers, the commanders respectively of two whale-
boats. " Whereas sundry and repeated complaints have been made that persons, un
der authority of Commission given to American boats to go on shore on Long
Island to act against the enemy there, or under color or pretext thereof, have un
justly and cruelly plundered many of the friendly inhabitants there— brought off
their effects, and have not caused them to be libelled and condemned in course
of Law— you and each of you arc hereby required to attend here on Tuesday the
18th instant — to account for your conduct in that respect. In tlie meantime you
are forbidden to act offensively towards the inhabitants on Long Island, or to
make any hostile descent upon tho Land, in virtue of your Commission.
" Jos™ Trumbull, Gov*." , ,
Here is another example of tho kind, addressed " to Capt. Peter Halleek,
Jonth Solomons, or their owners, ns they may bo respectively concerned."
" Lebanon, Aug. 11th, 1778. Gentlemen. It being represented and complained

1778. CHAP. XXXIII.— TRUMBULL. 397
The services of Trumbull now described, for the home de
fence of Connecticut and the Sound, were not, the present
year, without important and highly favorable results.
When — in February — news arrived that the enemy at New
port were preparing to sweep the coast of the State with fire
and slaughter, and one of their large ships — the advance, it
was supposed, of a numerous fleet — approached menacingly
nearly within the lighthouse towards New London — his act
ive preparations diverted the attack.
When — in March — thirty British sail — some of them gi
gantic men of war — hovered around Gardiner's Bay, and
daily threatened a descent, their purpose was checked by the
energy of his measures. When — again in March — two hund
red British troops — under cover of a row-galley and two
armed sloops — landed at Greenwich Point, to destroy flour
on the beach above the Point, and fire a vessel belonging to
the State — the guard whom he had stationed there — aided by
a few brave inhabitants near the spot — extinguished the
flames which the enemy had applied to a galley, retook the
cattle and sheep they had seized, and gallantly repulsed the
foe. When again — early in September — New London was
greatly alarmed — there being strong reason to apprehend, as
the Record expresses it, " that our restless and malicious ene
my," having been "lately disappointed, by the favor of divine
Providence, of an enterprise " against this town, would
"speedily return and attempt its destruction," unless a suffi
cient force was stationed there "for its security and de
fence " — that force was immediately raised. Fourteen addi-
to me, that Bundry persons belonging to your or one of your armed boats com
missioned to cruise in the Sound, have, contrary to the tenor of your Commis
sion and Bond, made descent upon the island of Long Island, and plundered the
inhabitants of their stock and effeots, and that without distinction, and in particu
lar have lately taken six oxen from Col. Phinehas Fanning, and brought over to
this Stnte— this conduct you must be sensible is unworthy, and renders you
liable on your bonds, &c. — I would, with the advice of my Council, advise you
or oither of you, so far as you may be respectively concerned, to settle— compound
tho matter with Col. Fanning, and restore to him his property ; lest you be ex
posed to further consequences. I am, " Your humble servant, "Jos™ Tbtjmbull."
34

398 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. tfig.
tional companies, ordered thither by Governor TrumbulL
averted the threatened catastrophe.
While the sea-coast of Connecticut was thus ably defended,
the little navy of the State was fruitfully busy upon the. wa
ter. The Old Defence, it is true, commanded by Captain Dan
iel Deshon, was — in January — taken by the enemy, and car
ried into Jamaica. A brig also, under Captain Atwell, and
a sloop from Newhaven, commanded by Captain Brown, in
April, were both captured, and sent to the West Indies. The
privateer sloop Broome also, in November, was seized by the
British, and taken into New York. But the losses otherwise
of Connecticut, were few and inconsiderable.
On tbe other hand, her naval successes — though not, save
in one or two instances, so brilliant as in preceding years,
and not comparable to those of 1779 — were yet productive
and encouraging. A large schooner, an armed sloop, two
British captains and several British seamen — together with a
large amount of rigging and ship furniture — were brought
off,' in March, from Smith town, Long Island, by a gallant
party of thirty or forty volunteers from Colonel Meigs' regi
ment — who at the same time burned a British brig of two
hundred tons. Two sloops, deeply laden with wood and
vegetables, were cut out from Hempstead harbor, in April,
by Lieutenant Lay with a party of fifteen men. A brig
from Ireland, laden witb provisions, and an English ship
from Bristol, were taken in May by the privateer sloop
America, Captain Coit, and carried into Martinico. The
Lovely Lass from London, with a valuable cargo, in May
also, was taken by the Revenge, Captain Conklin, and by
the American Eevenge, Captain Champlin, from New Lon
don, and sent into Boston. A ship from London, bound to
New York — with a cargo valued at thirty thousand pounds-^-
in May again, was taken by two Connecticut privateers, of
which Captain Stanton commanded one. These now men
tioned were among the chief prizes which, this year, re
warded the adventurousness of Connecticut upon the seas. ,,
But the capture altogether the most conspicuous of any
made during this period — and the most valuable of all that
were made by the Connecticut Marine during the entire

1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 399
course of the Eevolutionary War — was that of the two ships
Admiral Keppel and the Cyrus — taken in April by the Oliver
Cromwell, Captain Parker, and tbe Defence, Captain Smedley.
They were both of them letters of marque — mounted eight
een excellent six pounders each — and contained cargoes
which together sold for eighty-one thousand two hundred
and fifty-five pounds, fourteen shillings, and five pence.
How must the heart of Trumbull have beat witb joy, when
from Captain Parker — dating a letter to the Governor him
self from on board the " Oliver Cromwell, at sea, April 20th,
1778, latitude 20°, longitude 50° "—he received the intelli
gence, that on Wednesday, the thirteenth of April, this gal
lant commander had fallen in with, and captured these re
markable prizes — that the Keppel " had a very warlike ap
pearance, and was the best manned" — that he "ran close
alongside of her in the Cromwell, and received her first fire
at some distance, but did not return it until he came close on
board" — that "she gave tbe Cromwell a warm reception for
about three glasses, and then struck " — that all this was effected
with but the loss of two men killed, and five wounded — that
"the courage" of his "raw, undisciplined men could not fail
of doing honor to their country " — and that the merit of his
officers, " in keeping such inexperienced young boys, as many
of them were, to their quarters, without the show of fear, or
noise, or confusion, through the whole short and warm action,
was conspicuous to all I "
Such was the naval experience of Connecticut in the year
seventeen hundred seventy-eight.
Her own land and naval warfare, and that of the country
generally, brought with it of course, as in former years, and
placed within her limits, a large number of prisoners — not so
many, however, as in previous periods, but yet enough to
demand, on the part of Trumbull, a good share of his atten
tion. Many were brought in by the privateers,* and other
*The following order illustrates Trumbull's action, at times, with regard to
such prisoners : —
' estate of Connecticut. By the Governor. To Prosper Wetmore, Esq., Sheriff
of the County of New London — Greeting.
"It is represented to me by Mr. Jacob de Witt, of Norwich, one of the owners
of the Privateer Sloop Lydia, that Capt. Jabez Lord, Commander of the same,

400 CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
armed vessels of the State. Once, in April, in one troops-
one hundred and fifty British, Hessian, and Canadian prison
ers were taken from Albany to Hartford, and there lodged in
jail — while at the same time one hundred and thirty more,
who were confined in this latter town, were transferred to be
kept on board a guard ship at Norwich.
At the beginning of the year, in conformity with a Reso
lution of Congress — which applied to each State, and had
reference to a system for exchanging prisoners — Trumbull
furnished an accurate account of all the money, provisions,
and other necessaries, which had been used for captives in
Connecticut — and in the course of the year, as in previous
periods, was busy in negotiating exchanges, and sending flags
of truce from the harbors of New London and New Haven.
Among those who obtained their freedom this year was the
notorious William Franklin, of whom we have heretofore
spoken. He was exchanged for John McKinley, Esquire,
President of Delaware, and went back to New Jersey, there
to renew his nefarious opposition to the land of his birth.
There was one duty, in the department of prisoners, which
Governor Trumbull had to perform this year, that was peculiar.
It was to see that the " Convention Troops," as they were
called — those who bad been captured by Gates at the memor
able Battle of Saratoga — were marched securely through
Connecticut, on their way, in October, from Boston to Char-
lottsville in Virginia- — to which place — on account of the
scarcity of flour in the New England States, and the unwill
ingness of Clinton to grant passports for its conveyance from
tbe Middle States to the eastward — these prisoners were to be
conducted. He complied with Washington's requisition for
troops to act as an escort and guard upon the occasion — sent
hath captured an enemy's sloop, on board which he hath taken prisoners one
Captain and nine men.
" You are hereby directed to receive and keep in safe custody the said Prison
ers. You may take the parole of the Cnptnin, to abide within such short limits
as you may judge proper and safe.
"You will give notice by some convenient opportunity to Ezekiel Williams,
Esq., Commissary of Prisoners, and observe such orders as he shall give concern
ing the prisoners.
" Given at Lebanon, the 19th day of August, A. D. 1778. I
" Jon-™ Tbdmbull." -»

1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 401
them to meet the captives on tbe borders of Connecticut, and
conducted them safely through the State.* What a spectacle
they must have been to the inhabitants, as they passed —
morose, solemn, inflexible — the motions of their spirits no
longer, as when they swept magnificently strong over the
waters of Lake Champlain, light as the tossing plumes which
they mirrored by thousands in its glassy depths, but " dull as
night"— Given to captivity, they and their utmost hopes 1 "
It was the peculiar fortune of Trumbull, during almost
every year of the war, to hold in his custody as prisoners,
personages who were more or less remarkable. We have
bad occasion to notice quite a number of these heretofore.
Among such, the present year, he held Hugh Wallace,
Esquire, one of the former Council for the Crown in the
State of New York.
But more conspicuous than any other person in his hands
as a prisoner — if so, under all the circumstances, be can be
regarded — was Henry Shirley, Esquire — a gentleman "of
estimable character, of great fortune, of powerful connec
tions," and who had himself once represented Great Britain
as ambassador to tbe Court of Russia. Witb his lady,
daughter, a handmaid of Mrs. Shirley's, and their servants,
this person had been taken on board tbe Admiral Keppel by
Captain Parker, while on bis way from Bristol to settle the
affairs of an estate which he owned in Jamaica. He had
been favorably inclined towards the United States — had
taken no active part against them — and was the gentleman
who had formerly presented the Jamaica petition to the King
in their favor. He had used his influence on board tbe
Keppel, after she was captured, to keep the prisoners quiet —
* " When you have fixed the time of march and the route, inform Governor
Trumbull, that he may be ready to receive them'on the borders of Connecticut."
— Washington to Gen. Heath, Oct. 21, 1778.
"I have requested Gen. Heath to employ a sufficient number of the Massachu
setts militia to conduct them to Connecticut. I shall make a like requisition to
Governor Trumbull, and it will be necessary that the several States in succession,
through which they are to pass, be called on in the same manner. — Washington
to the President of Congress, Oct. 22, 1778.
34*

402 .CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. mg.
without which, it was said, it would have been impossible tq
have brought the prize into port, as the Oliver Cromwell had
but few seamen, and most of them were sick with the small
pox. All these circumstances were strongly represented to Gov
ernor Trumbull by his son Colonel John, who made Shirley's
acquaintance in Boston — was warmly interested in his favor—
and begged bis father to grant him a flag to transport him
and his family to his estate in Jamaica — a boon, which, he
said, " good policy, not to say justice," should induce him td
grant, since Mr. Shirley was in a. position "to become a
mighty engine," he stated, "either for or against" the great
interests of the United States. Captain Parker also repre;
sented him in a most favorable light to the Governor. So
did Samuel Elliot, the naval agent at Boston, who took pain's
also to memorialize the Massachusetts Legislature for liberty
to accommodate him and his suite in Boston in a manner be
coming his rank and character.
These applications were not without their influence upon
Governor Trumbull. He in consequence sent instructions to
Elliot, to pay every proper attention to the prisoner, and
allow him all the indulgence which was consistent with his
safety, and duty to the State. And soon he sent on a permit
to Shirley himself, to visit Connecticut by the middle route
from Boston, with the privilege of being attended by his
friend Mr. Phipps, bis surgeons, and his servants — and
directed Elliot to assist him on his journey, and make Mrs.
Shirley and her daughter " as easy in his absence as their
unfortunate situation would admit." Mr. Shirley accordingly
made a journey to see the Governor at Lebanon, where he
was entertained witb tbe greatest courtesy, and where he
entered into full and free conversations in regard to the
mutual relations of Great Britain and America. The impres
sion he made upon Trumbull was exceedingly favorable.
" Mr. Shirley is a gentleman of good sense and abilities," he wrote the
Delegates in Congress from Connecticut, June twenty-ninth — "well
knowing British policy, acquainted with all the great men and characters
in Great Britain, and was an ambassador from the Court of Great Britain

1778. CHAP. XXXIII. — TRUMBULL. 403
to the Court of Russia. He talks freely on politics. He left England 9th
of March. He wishes we had a go-between, as he expresseth it — says
France will serve only as a Polcer to increase the flame — the more the
better — that the States of Holland would serve to make a Reconciliation —
that great numbers in England wish well to our Independence, with a
Treaty of Amity and Free Commerce — that Canada, Nova Scotia, and
the Floiidas be ceded to us — they to retain Newfoundland — the Fishery
to be free to both — they to protect our Flag — these States, in return, to
Guarantee the English West Indies.
" He gives the King the character of good — says that he ardently de
sires a Reconciliation, is much directed by his Ministers, and doth not
wish the Administration to be in the hands of Lords Chatham and Shel-
burne. He gives Lord North a very good character. The Ministry who
are violent against these States want to introduce the two former, and to
produce a Coalition between the opposite parties in England — to declare
no war with France — to raise and send reenforcements to wreak John
Bull's vengeance against America — to divide and distract, our Councils —
and to inflame the Protestant Powers in Europe against the United States
for forming an Alliance with France and Popish Powers."
Such were the views which Shirley freely expressed to
Governor Trumbull at his house in Lebanon — views which
in the concessions they made to America were certainly lib
eral — and which the latter took pains to communicate, as of
more than ordinary weight and importance — through Eoger
Sherman and his colleagues from Connecticut — to the General
Assembly of the nation. At one time he thought of sending
Mr. Shirley on in person to Congress, to confer with members
there — but finally abandoned this project, lest some "disa
greeable consequences," be said, might possibly follow, and
he should himself "incur blame." He took another, and
probably more prudent course — one which at the same time
reflected honor on his courtesy, his humanity, and his cau
tion. He permitted Shirley to hire a vessel for the transport
ation of himself and his family to Jamaica — gave him a pro
tecting flag— and merely demanding from him — in order to
meet any exigency that might possibly arise — his own parole,
for himself and those who accompanied him— for the purpose
of exchange — dismissed him in safety to pursue his journey
to his original destination.

CHAPTE R XXXIV.
1778.
Trumbull and the Conciliatory Plan of Lord North. The bills embrac-
¦ ing it are sent to him by Gov. Tryon ofNev York. His spirited reply:
He communicates them to Massachusetts and to Congress. The plan
wholly fails. Trumbull and tbe Confederation. Its articles are sent to
him, and he lays them before the General Assembly of Connecticut.
His views respecting them. He urges their adoption. Has long ad
vocated some Plan of Union, and been impatient at its delay; With
Washington, he censures Congress for its dilatoriness, factiousness,
and neglect of wholesome measures. Trumbull and the currency
again. Its continued depreciation. His remedy. Connecticut, upon
his Message, provides for six hundred thousand doUars. He writes
the Connecticut Delegates m Congress on the public debt. With
Erkelaus, a patriotic foreigner, he advises Congress, upon certain con
ditions, to negotiate a foreign loan. His vie-ws upon the scheme of
regulating prices by law.
Thus far we have been looking at Trumbull, for the
year 1778, in that department of his life and services
which is strictly military. "We have now to look at him,
during this period, in a department which is civil, mainly,
in its nature, though parts of it connect directly with the
war. And here we shall find much that is worthy of special
note. The first important fact which presents itself, is his pro
ceeding in regard to the famous Conciliatory plan of Lord
North, which — instituted in the British Parliament about the
middle of February — and soon transmitted for consideration
to the United States, and backed in this country by a special
Board of Peace Commissioners — continued during nearly the
whole year to create agitation and disturbance.
This Plan, arranged in three bills — the first, as expressed
by its title, intended for removing all doubts concerning the
taxation of the Colonies by the British Parliament — theses
ond, for restoring the charter of Massachusetts Bay — and the
third, for appointing commissioners witb full powers to treat

1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 405
with the Colonies on the means of quieting the public dis
orders — the Plan, thus arranged — glittering, but insidious —
full of promise, yet full of guile— was in the spring sent over
to America. It was sent instantly upon its being reported in
the British Parliament, and before it received the sanction of
legislation — so vividly apprehensive at this time were the
British Ministry, lest an Alliance, that would in every respect
improve the aspect of American affairs, should take place
between France and the United States — and so eager were
they to anticipate any movements which might be made for
establishing such a connection. The bills which embraced
this Plan, very many of them, came into the hands of Gov
ernor Tryon of New York, for distribution in America —
and, on the last Tuesday in April, he sent several copies of
them, under a flag of truce, to Newhaven, for delivery to
Jonathan Trumbull. And at the same time he dispatched
a letter to the Governor, requesting him to circulate them
both among the people of Connecticut, and those of the Prov
inces at the East.
These bills, as has been intimated, promised much — they
yielded much — yet they were insidious and perilous. The
duty on tea was to be repealed. No taxes were to be laid
save those which were external, and for the regulation of
commerce. The allurement was "extremely flattering," as
Washington remarked, to minds that did " not penetrate far
into political consequences," and was not without its effect —
but yet to discerning men, " a game," he added, played by
the enemy which was " more dangerous than their efforts by
arms," and which threatened " a fatal blow to the independ
ence of America, and of course to ber liberties." So Trum
bull viewed the matter — precisely — as the following letter
which he addressed to Tryon in reply, abundantly proves.
"April 23d, 1778. Sir. Your letter of the 17th instant, from New
York, is received with its enclosures, and the several similar packets of
Various addresses, with which it was accompanied.
"Propositions of Peace are usually made from the supreme authority
of one contending power to the similar authority of the other ; and the
present is the first instance within my recollection, where a vague, half-
blank, aud very indefinite draft of a bill, once only read before one of

406 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
three bodies of the Legislature of the Nation, has ever been addressed to
the people at large of the opposite power, as an overture of recon
ciliation. " There was a day when even this step, from our then acknowledged
parent State, might have been accepted with joy and gratitude ; but this
day, Sir, is past irrevocably. The repeated, insolent rejection of our sin
cere and sufficiently humble petitions ; the unprovoked commencement
of hostilities ; the barbarous inhumanity which has marked the prosecu
tion of the war on your part in its several stages ; the insolence which
displays itself on every petty advantage ; the cruelties which have been
exercised on those unhappy men whom the fortune of war has thrown
into your hands ; all these are insuperable bars to the very idea of con
cluding a peace with Great Britain on any other conditions than the
most perfect and absolute independence. To the Congress of the- United
States of America, therefore, all proposals of this kind are to be ad
dressed ; and you will give me leave, Sir, to say, that the present mode
bears too much the marks of an insidious design to disunite the people,
and to lull them into a state of quietude and negligence of the necessary
preparations for the approaching campaign. If this be the real design;
it is fruitless. If peace be really the object, let your proposals be ad
dressed properly to the proper power, and your negotiations be honor
ably conducted ; we shall then have some prospect of (what is the most
ardent wish of every honest American,) a lasting and honorable peace.
" The British nation may then, perhaps, find us as affectionate and
valuable friends, as we now are determined and fatal enemies ; and will
derive from that friendship more solid and real advantage than the most
sanguine can expect from conquest. "I am, Sir,
"Your humble servant,
"William Tryon, Esq." "Jonathan Trumbull."
What a rebuke to the presumption of British power does
Trumbull administer in this his answer to Tryon — bestowed
indeed, as Botta justly remarks, " in a most energetic man
ner!" — "When Iwas told the Governor had written Gov
ernor Tryon on tbe subject of the Overtures," said General
Jedediah Huntington, in a letter which be addressed "at the
time* to Colonel Williams — " I was very anxious to know
what it was — not that I doubted its being well done, but I
considered it a matter of great importance, as it would prob
ably be immediately forwarded to England, and be there re
ceived as a specimen of our temper and feelings on the occa-
- * April 28th, 1778.

1778. CHAP. XXXIV.— TRUMBULL. 407
sion, I must think the Governor's words are like Apples of
Gold in Pictures of Silver ! "
"Apples of Gold" they were indeed ! So thought Massa
chusetts of them upon this occasion — to tbe President of
whose General Assembly the Governor transmitted Tryon's
communication, and his own reply. So thought Congress,
to which Body also he sent the entire correspondence, with
the Conciliatory Bills enclosed, and by whom it was all re
ferred, for careful consideration, to their standing Committee
on Intelligence* The sentiments which, with such becom
ing firmness Trumbull expresses, were those of his country.
They were, particularly, those of the Congress of the United
States — for one day only before his letter was written — and
of course before he could himself have had any knowledge
of its proceedings — this Body resolved that the Conciliatory
Bills, which Trumbull had thus, so far as his own decision
is concerned, summarily rejected, were "intended to operate
on the hopes and fears of the good people of these States, so
as to create divisions among them, and a defection from the
common cause, now by the blessing of God," tbey affirmed,
" drawing near to*a favorable issue " — and that they were
"the sequel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of
the Stamp Act," down to that time, had " involved the coun
try in contention and bloodshed."
By the united voice of America too, these Bills were
* The first set of Conciliatory Measures sent to Trumbull, which were mere
"Drafts of Bills," were followed, May 21st, 1778, by another communication en
closing these Drafts in the form of "Acta of Parliament" — copies of which
Tryon desires Trumbull to forward to Boston, and the Eastern Provinces. They
came on, he says, in his Majesty's ship the Porcupine, and he trusts " they will
be reeeivod with more confidence and liberality than the Drafts" which he sent.
Whether they were thus received or not, the following brief epistle from Trum
bull to Tryon, in reply, will show.
. "Hartford, 25th May, 1778. Sir. Your letter of the 21st instant is received,
with its enclosures. The innocent do not want a pardon. The injured do not
place confidence in any who have done them an injury, while Force is continued
in the same pursuit. To ask it in this situation — docs it not add Insult to Inju
ry! Ought not Propositions and Negotiations of a public nature between two
cbntending Powers, to be addressed from one to the other, and not to Individ-
ualsy or to a particular Person or Persons ? When made in this manner, and
honorably conducted, Liberality may justly bo expected from both.
"I am, &c,
"Jonathan Trumbull."

408 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1775.
thrown to the winds — as Trumbull had thrown them — and.
as before him, in entire conjunction of sympathy and opinion
Franklin had done — when — consulted in Paris in behalf of :
the Ministry of England in regard to them — he told the
British emissaries upon the occasion — Pulteney and Hart
ley — that "every proposition, implying a voluntary agree
ment to return to a state of dependence on Great Britain,
would be rejected by the Americans."
The day of reconciliation, as Trumbull affirmed to Tryon,.
was indeed "irrevocably passed." The efforts of the British,;
Commissioners appointed under the Conciliatory Plan,*
though earnestly exerted — though enriched with greater con
cessions and higher promises in behalf of America than any,
hitherto proffered — though gilded with glittering guineas,
and exalted stations offered under British authority to lead-
ing statesmen of our land — all were in vain. In vain, in
October, did these Commissioners — persisting to the last in
their purpose of crowding an ignoble pacification . on the
country — send a second flag of truce to the harbor of New
London, with fresh dispatches for the Governor of Connecti- .
cut, and intrude on the devotional repose*of his Sunday eve
ning — at which time he first received them — with their new
Manifesto and Proclamation. Trumbull remained incorrupt
ible, and inexorable.f And United America was full of
men, whom — like the honest, inflexible Eeed — the King of
England was " not rich enough to purchase." So the Earl
of Carlisle, and Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, found,
out — not a sou], within the forty days of pardon and of .
grace which they graciously extended to America, not one
being found to desert either the military or civil service of
tbe country. And they went back to England, having, by
their blandishing proclamations and haughty threats, accom-

* They were Frederic, Fifth Earl of Carlisle, known afterwards as Lord Byron's
Guardian — William Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland — and George Johnstone* <
Commander in tbe Royal Navy, and at one time Governor of East Florida.
t " There can be no solidity in any offers the British Commissioners can
make"— he wrote to Gen. Gates, June 26th, 1778. "The plan is evidently to
divide and distract our Councils ; to unite the opposite parties in England, to '
bring into Administration Ld Chatham and Shelburne ; to declare no war with
France ; to send over Reenforcemonts, to wreak their vengeance on America,
Our Heavenly Protector, I trust, will spare and defend us."

1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 409
plished nothing but to rivet more firmly than ever American
resistance to British tyranny — witb the opinion — it must
have been so — planted deeply in their conviction, that
" ' Tis late indeed before the brave despair! "
Another important subject which claimed Trumbull's
attention in tbe year 1778, and of which we shall now speak,
was the Confederation of tbe United '"States. Far back as
1775 — just after Dr. Franklin introduced before Congress the
first Articles on this subject — we found the Governor of Con
necticut a strong advocate of a plan of union between the
Colonies — consulted witb about it — and earnestly hoping
that one, "maturely digested," would be adopted soon as
possible, and remain " firm and inviolate."
For such a plan he continued to be an advocate — and when
towards the close of 1777, he received a copy of those Arti
cles of Confederation, which became subsequently the bond
of union for the country, and which were then for tbe first
time finally adopted by Congress — he proceeded — immedi
ately upon the assembling of the Legislature of Connecticut,
in January, 1778 — to lay them before this Body for their
"dispassionate attention," and to procure their authority for
their ratification — urging them — as a Circular from Congress
requested the Governors of all the States to do — to examine
the subject " with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow-
citizens, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply
interested in being forever bound, and cemented together, by
ties the most intimate and indissoluble,"
The articles were taken up by the Assembly, and most
carefully considered — but a final decision was not made upon
them until its succeeding session in February. At this time,
at the opening of the session,. Governor Trumbull was not
able to be present, by reason of sickness — a very remarkable
circumstance in his career. But be did not forget — in a Mes
sage which he then sent, February eleventh, from Lebanon
to the "Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the
House of Eepresentatives " — to introduce this subject of tbe
Confederation, as the first and most important matter to be
again considered by them, and brought to a conclusion.
35

410 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 177a.
"It having pleased Providence," he proceeded to say, "to detain me
by indisposition from personal attendance with you, at the opening of.
the pres«nt sessions, I am to take this method of addressing you on the
present important occasion. The Papers relative to the Business which
will come under your attention, accompany this — and any Letters under
Address to me, which may be received in my absence, his Honor the
Deputy Governor will open and communicate.
" The Articles of Confederation of the United States, call first for,
your attention — and as this Business was well nigh completed during
your late sessions, I hope it will be speedily finished."*
Prompt attention was paid to this, the Governor's recom
mendation. The Articles were discussed at great length, and
serious objections were made to some of their features — par
ticularly to that rule by which the expenses of the country
were to be apportioned among the States. The value of
lands, which, by the eighth Article, was made the standard
for taxation, was by no means, it was thought, a just repre;
sentation of the proportionate contributions which each State
ought to make towards discharging the common burthens;
It was a standard that would be extremely unequal, it was
urged, in its operation upon the different States. The true
criterion, on tbe other hand, for estimating the wealth and
ability of each State, ought to be, it was believed, the num
ber of inhabitants of every age, sex, and quality, except In
dians not paying taxes — this being a more certain, equitable,
and practicable rule for apportioning taxes than the value of
lands — and including in its operation that .trade and those
manufactures of the country, which give employment and
support to multitudes, and are in fact sources of wealth to a
nation as well as the produce of lands.
Such were the views of Trumbull and Connecticut, as well
also as of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Ehode Island, and
* The illness, to which the Governor refers, abated so that he was able to attend
awhile upon the Legislature, but soon returned, and compelled him to go home-
as the following note, from his hand, shows. ;'
" March 3d. Governor Trumbull taketh this method to inform [the Gen$r$
Assembly] that his indisposition is such that ho is unable to attend on publio
Business — that he intends to take the first favorable weather to return home-
that he wisheth them Wisdom, influence, and direction in all the Important Af
fairs before them." By a Resolution at this time the General Assembly,^
volved his duties on the Deputy Governor.

1^78. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 411
a large part of New York and Pennsylvania. "Is it not cer
tain," said Trumbull at this time* — enforcing the rule of ap
portionment by tbe polls, and meeting tbe objection from tbe
South on the score of its slaves — "is it not certain the riches
of a" nation consist in the number of its inhabitants, when
those inhabitants are properly employed? If the negroes
when young or old are like drones in a hive, will it not be
remedied by numbering them from a certain age, when they
become useful, to the age when they are unserviceable?
Will not this be more satisfactory ? "
. But notwithstanding the Governor's objections, and those
of the General- Assembly, to the basis of taxation as estab
lished by Congress — and notwithstanding the want among
the Articles of some provision against a standing army in
time of peace, and against an improper system of pensions —
both Trumbull and the State — "sensible," as they said, "of
the great importance, necessity, and advantage of a firm and
speedy union" — early in February, day the twelfth — em
powered the Connecticut Delegates in Congress, in conjunc
tion with others, "to agree to and ratify" tbe Articles. So
that, July ninth — amendments expressing their views hav
ing been previously submitted to Congress, and, in common
with all from all the States, rejected — the hand of Connecti
cut was set to that Eoll of Parchment which was the first
cement of the first federal union — tbe first written "League
of Friendship " between the Thirteen Independent States of
America, for their common defence, the security of their lib
erties, and their mutual and general welfare."
Trumbull watched the operation of this celebrated instru
ment, till the close of his life, with the greatest interest and
anxiety. He lived to see negotiated under it that Treaty of
Peace which acknowledged the Independence of his native
land, and that War concluded upon which he so lavished the
treasures of his intellect and his heart. He was fully sensi
ble of its defects, as time disclosed them — no man was more
so. It was his wish, year by year, to remedy them — in order
that the Federal Government might "act, and move, and
guide" independently and firmly, "and not merely totter un-
* His letter to Congress, Dec. 12, 1778.

412 CHAP. XXXIV, — TRUMBULL. 1718.
der its own weight," or sink into a drowsy and palsied de
crepitude. But the remedy did not come in his own day.
He did not survive to see the old Confederation — its glory
departed — "its days of labor done" — stand but "as a de
cayed monument of the past" — as "but the shadow of a
mighty name." Yet while he lived, he gave to its enforce
ment the whole strength of his influence, as the only instru
ment of government, be was forced to think, which, under the
circumstances of the day, could be exacted from thirteen jeal
ous Sovereignties. And when he passed off from the stage of
public action — having had opportunity to see some of the steps
of its decline as they went on " numbering and finishing" —
be left on record, as we shall hereafter find, his own wise and
strong counsel for its extensive and radical amendment.
Its progress through Congress had been exceedingly slow.
Nearly seventeen months had elapsed from the time its first
draft was reported till the instrument was finally adopted.
Trumbull was impatient at this long delay — impatient at the
hesitation and unwillingness, even obstinate, of some of the
States to ratify it. " I am exceedingly anxious," he wrote,
August twenty-fifth, to Eoger Sherman — " to see our Con
federation completed. The four States," he added — alluding
to New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, which had
not yet signed the Articles — " how long must the others wait
for them ? If tbey are not like to comply soon, should we
not confederate without them ? "*
"Why, why is this vital matter delayed," was the frequent
burden of his letters to others in Congressf — a Body which,
towards the close of the year on which we now dwell — "for
want either of abilities or application in the members, or
through the discord and party views of some individuals-1-
" bad become quite neglectful of the important concerns of
* In April 1779, all the States excepting Maryland having ratified the Confeder
ation, the State of Connecticut authorized its Delegates to complete this Planigf
Union, exclusive of Maryland. .;
i e. g. "Am sorry to find Confederation is procrastinated," he wrote to Dyqr
and his colleagues from Connecticut. " I find Maryland has something plausible
to say — I wish that obstacle was removed — yet think they might rely on what
hath been already done by Congress on that head. If the matters they mention
were settled, it would be well. That must be a work of time. A delay of Con
federation is very detrimental."

1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 413
the nation — and which, for this reason, both Washington and
Trumbull chastised with free and just censure.*
"It is most devoutly to be wished," exclaimed the former,
in November, addressing Joseph Eeed — " that faction was at
an end, and that those, to whom everything dear and valu
able is entrusted, would lay aside party views, and return to
first principles, Happy, thrice happy country, if such were
the government of it ! "
" Many and weighty,'' said Trumbull, in October — preceding the Father
of his country in similar reproof — in a letter which is worthy of special
notet — "are the objects which still press on Congress for consideration. I
wish, however, it did not seem that some essential things appear to be
protracted tb a greater length than either their nature, the importance of
the objects, the necessary time for consideration, or the public expecta
tion, deem necessary. I would fondly hope that no time is lost which
might be employed in precious deliberation — that no unnecessary, un
reasonable, or untoward circumstances conspire to make delays. Our
situation, altho' the dawn of happier days seems to lighten upon us, is
in my apprehension very critical. Many great and serious points remain
to be settled. I would hope no leaven of uneasiness between States, Dis-
* A letter to Gov. Trumbull, dated Aug. 31, 1778, from Mr. Hosmer, a Delegate
in Congress from Connecticut, thus corroborates the statement in the text : —
"The idleness and captiousness of some gentlemen," he says — "maugrethe
wishes and endeavours of an honest and industrious majority, in my apprehen
sion, threaten the worst consequences. * * Some States have Delegates so
very negligent, so much immersed in the pursuit of pleasure or business, that it
is very rare we can make a Congress before eleven o'clock ; and this evil seems
incapable of a remedy, as Congress has no means to compel gentlemen's attend
ance, and those who occasionally delay are callous to admonition and reproof,
which have been often tried in vain.
"When we are assembled, several gentlemen have such a knack of stating
questions of order, raising debates upon critical, captious, or trifling amendments,
protracting them by long speeches, by postponing, calling for the previous ques
tion, and other arts, that it is almost impossible to get an important question de
cided at one sitting, and if it is put over to another day, the field is open to be
gone over again, precious time is lost, and the public business left undone."
" Where is virtue " — wrote Henry Laurens, President of Congress to Washing
ton, November 20, 1778 — " where is patriotism now ; when almost every man has
turned his thoughts and attention to gain and pleasures, practicing every artifice
of change-alley, or Jonathans ; when men of abilities disgracefully neglect the
important duties for which they were sent to Congress, tempted by the pitiful
fees of practicing attorneys ; when members of that body artfully start a point,
succeed, and then avail themselves of the secrets of the House, and commence
monopolizers, and accumulate the public debt for their private emoluments ? I
believe many such tricks have been acted."
t It was addressed to Congress through the Members from Connecticut.
35*

414 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 177s.
union, or opposition of North to South, or South to North, is creeping
into Congress to prevent the completion, the speedy completion of those
matters which are of essential moment to the duration of our union, and
uninterrupted happiness. In all your deliberations I hope it may be a
fixed principle, that virtue alone can be the foundation, that virtue alone
can be the support of any government."
This wholesome reproof and advice from the Governor of
Connecticut, applied, among other things — as Washington
specially applied his own — to the remissness of Congress with
regard to the currency of the country — particularly to its
neglect to promote "some happy expedient" for restoring
credit to the Continental Paper Money, and for punishing the
" infamous practice " of forestalling those articles which were
vitally necessary to the existence of the army.
The currency was ever a subject of deep interest to Trum
bull — as has been heretofore suggested — and this year espe
cially so, as no less than sixty-three millions of dollars was
added to the already enormous circulation of previous years.
An "amazing sum," in all — which was seven or eight times
more than was wanted — which consisted of bills bearing no
interest — with no specific fund appropriated for their redemp
tion — and whose amount ruinously affected prices — encour
aged speculation and dishonesty — kept in operation the
wretched policy of penal, tender, and limitation laws — and
.produced an almost total stagnation of trade and purchases.
The "aut mors, aut vita decora" which figured as a motto on
some of its bills, was realized in the alternative of fatal de
preciation, and its "fugios " in tbe perpetual flight of value.
What was to be done ? Tbe army was harassed to death
by the overriding evil. It was imperative that some remedy
should be applied. Congress during the year — down to its
very last day — applied it only in the shape of fresh emissions
of paper, which but augmented the ill tbey were intended to
alleviate. Trumbull contemplated, mainly, but one remedy—
and this the only sound one — one which — though not per
haps at the time, in consequence of tbe feeble power of Con
gress, generally practicable — was yet, so far as he is con
cerned, urged with all the strength be could bring to bear
upon it. Tax — "pay as we go." At all events pay by taxa-

177.8. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 415
tion so far as we can. Emit no new bills of credit. Sink
those outstanding speedily as possible. Procure a loan in aid
of this purpose, if rendered necessary — a foreign, not an in
ternal one. Fill up the magazines of the country with articles
of public consumption, that speculators may not have oppor
tunity to affect prices ruinously by imposing an artificial
scarcity and demand. Here were Trumbull's remedies — the
fundamental one, as just suggested — taxation!
"The necessity of immediate taxation," he said in his
Message early in February of the present year, enforcing bis
views upon the General Assembly of the State over which
he presided — " will now occupy your serious attention. For
my own part, I am more fully convinced that this is the only
effectual and safe method of extricating ourselves from our
present difficulties, and of giving value to our currency — and
that this time is the most proper for adopting this remedy is
almost self-evident. Our debts must be paid — and all men
must allow, that it is more easy to pay a nominal sum, when
Money is plenty and cheaply earned, than when it is tbe
scarcest, and consequently the dearest Article."
Trumbull had the satisfaction of seeing the General As
sembly adopt his own wise recommendation. The sum of
six hundred thousand dollars, which, in November of the
preceding year, Congress had apportioned on Connecticut, as
its own quota at that time for procuring means to carry on
the war— which was large, and save the quotas upon three
States only, the largest of any apportioned on any other one
in the Union — was immediately provided for by a tax of two
shillings on the pound, on the list of the polls and rateable
estate in Connecticut; — to be placed in the Treasury in the
course of the year. And the State Treasurer was directed to
pay it over to the order of Congress, as fast as it should come
in, and debit the same in account with the United States.
The States generally, however, did not take this course —
did not comply witb the recommendation from Congress.
The Continental Paper Money, therefore — that expedient
embraced from necessity — that " cheap defence of the nation,"
as it has been justly styled, of which our emancipation from
oppression is the rich purchase— that "happy illusion, which

416 CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 1773.
worked the miracle of reality" — went on so deepening in
depreciation, that Congress soon could no longer force its cir
culation at prescribed rates. And this Body was compelled,
in October — retracing its own steps — to take off all limita
tions on the prices of gold and silver — and, on the very last
day of the year, adopt that financial policy of which Trum
bull had ever been the unwavering advocate. It was com
pelled to resort to taxation — and create a sinking fund, by
establishing an annual levy on the country of six millions of
dollars for eighteen years.
"You are sensible," wrote Trumbull, December eighth— just before
this plan was adopted by Congress, to the Connecticut Delegates there —
enforcing again at the close of the year the same sound views which he
had expressed at the beginning — " you are sensible of the sad condition
our Finances and currency are in. I trust Congress is meditating a
remedy. 'Tis a Continental object. No one State can give the necessary
relief— and unless some relief is speedily provided, our affairs will grow
worse and worse.
" The remedy for the public is the same as for a private person — that
is to pay his debt when it is in his power. 'Tis in the power of the pub
lic to pay off a reasonable part of its debt. The Bills are yet in the
hands of almost everybody, and 'tis easier paying taxes when this is the
case, than it will be when speculators aud others have accumulated the
bills. Is not taxation the plain path before us."
"I am, I confess," he again wrote Congress, December tenth — "I am
seriously alarmed at the State of our Currency, and the seeming delay
of the necessary remedies. * * Are not the means, by which we
have been brought into this situation, instructive lessons, pointing us to
the cure? So long as our magazines were kept full, and our stores plen
tifully and seasonably provided, Speculators had not the opportunity of
imposing an artificial scarcity and demand upon the Public, and thereby
making their own prices upon the articles of public consumption. Is it
that we have exhausted our resources, that our supplies are now so
scantily made from hand to mouth — perpetually keeping up the demand,
and playing in tune to the desires of the ungodly seekers of gain? Cer
tainly not. Our internal resources are still great; our magazines can
again be filled — they must be filled ; the idea of scarcity, from this arti
ficial demand, must be removed. This appears to me one great remedy.
Another, and very principal one, is to reduce the quantity of circulating
Cash, and have means devised to prevent the necessity of constant and
perpetual new emissions for new emergencies."
And the Governor goes on to express the opinion that

,1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 417
" Taxation and Loans must be cooperative " — that as regards
loans, a foreign is to be preferred to an internal one* — that
the former, should the Confederation and Confederate Funds
be established, can " undoubtedly be obtained " — and that its
improvement — a part by its realization in gold and silver to
be brought into the States, and a part by the sale of Bills of
Exchange within the country — "might be attended witb
very salutary consequences." " At the same time," he says
emphatically — " in aid of this remedy, heavy taxation should
be kept up; our debts should be paying; our new emissions
should be as small as possible ; and punctually sunk off; — our
yearly expenditures should certainly be reduced, by a yearly
payment of taxes, and as much of the public funded Debt
paid, from time to time, as circumstances will admit". A
youthful, growing, vigorous, and industrious nation, need be
under no great apprehension from a very considerable public
Debt. Peace, Arts, Commerce, and Industry, will soon ex
onerate such a State."f
One other scheme for reducing the quantity of the circu
lating medium, and so of reducing tbe unequal and exorbi
tant cost of articles, was at this period recommended by
Congress — which, though it received Trumbull's assent, did
not receive bis cordial approbation. It was that of regula
ting by law the prices of labor, manufactures, internal prod-
.uce, and imported commodities. A Convention for this pur-
.pose of the New England States — and of New York, New
* " I don't know," says Trumbull, " how an internal one would operate. I am
,rather of opinion, that, until the value of the Paper Currency is fully ascertained
by the Public, and so long as a rapid depreciation is going on, your monied people
will rather choose to make the best of their money, in some kind of business,
than to trust to an uncertain future redemption in tho hands of the Public."
+ The scheme of a foreign loan, above suggested by Trumbull, was by himself,
and one Gossimus Erkelaus — a patriotic foreigner resident in Connecticut — urged
particularly upon the attention of Congress. They each, at the same time, ad
dressed the National Council on the subject — the latter, from his connections
abroad, his zeal in behalf of America, and his good repute as a business man,
being employed by the Governor to interest himself, in Holland, in procuring
funds for the use of the United States. Their communications were both referred
to the national Board of Finance. But Congress, being "not yet prepared to
adopt the scheme" — as in a letter to Trumbull and his coadjutor they declared-
declined the proffered negotiation. It was an instance of attention, however, on
the part of Trumbull, to the financial wants of the country, that deserves note.

418 CHAP. XXXIV.-^-TRUMBULL. 1778.
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware — was held at Newhaven
on the fifteenth of January, 1778, and Governor Trumbull,
in introducing their proceedings to the notice of the General
Assembly of Connecticut, remarks as follows : —
" The Doings of the Convention at Newhaven, in the Regulation of
prices, &c, will likewise come before you, and will demand your very
serious consideration. As it is a matter of particular concern to the
whole Body of the People, will it not be advisable to Defer your Deter
mination, until it can be referred to, and considered by them in their
Town Meetings. At least it is not in my opinion safe to attempt the reg
ulation of those Articles which are immediately necessary for the support
of the Army. We may, it is true, avail ourselves of whatever is at
present on Hand — but, meantime, if we affix a low price to provisions,
and articles of importation, we shall find that the Farmer will cease to
till the Ground for more than is necessary for his subsistence, and the
Merchant to resign his Fortune oh a small and precarious prospect of
Gain. These things, I trust, will be carefully attended to, and those
measures adopted which will best promote the public good."
It is plain from the passage now quoted, that Trumbull
was rather opposed in principle to the regulation of prices
by law. This is a fact which redounds to his credit as a po
litical economist. For at the time — this system — though
now by universal concurrence deemed a solecism and fatal
error in public administration — was in vogue. It seemed a
good purpose to take from the hands of engrossers, fore-
stallers, and others, such articles — beyond tbe required sup
ply for families — as were wanted for the Eevolutionary
Army. But when it is considered that the only and true
cause of the derangement of prices, at the period now under
consideration, was the excessive issue of paper — and that all
acts of limitation, fixing, under high penalties, maximums at
which property should be sold, are in their nature arbitrary,
and do not in fact tend to arrest tbe evil against which they
are intended to provide — the scruples which we have found
Trumbull to entertain, are fully justified. He earnestly de
sired a remedy in tbe case, but — like Washington in this
respect — was not satisfied, it is obvious, with that of fixing
prices by legal enactment — nor, among expedients proposed,
did he ever for once admit that which in modern times has

1778. CHAP. XXXIV. — TRUMBULL. 419
so stained the faith of some portions of our Union — the foul
remedy of repudiation. But, with our own Eevolutionary
Congress — and as tbey expressed it — " knowing the value of
national character, and impressed with a due sense of the
immutable laws of justice and honor" — he looked "with
horror on such an execrable deed" as that of leaving the
bills of the country unpaid.

C HAPTE R XXXV.
1778.
A domestic affliction. Death of his son Joseph, and his feelings in conse
quence. Sketch of the son. Tbe father memorializes Congress in
behalf of his son's accounts as Commissary General of the United
States. ^Resolution of Congress respecting the same. The Wyoming
Massacre. Trumbull's special interest in the event. He prays both
Washington and Congress for an armed force to avenge it. His letters
on the subject. Through hia influence, particularly, a force is finally
raised, under Gen. Sullivan — the savages are chastised — and protec
tion is given to frontier inhabitants He proclaims a public Thanks
giving. The year 1778 brougbt to Trumbull, among other events,
a severe domestic affliction. On a Thursday — July twenty-
third — his son Joseph, the first Commissary General of the
United States, breathed his last, in the house of his father at
Lebanon.* A gentleman — as Chief Justice Marshall remarks — whose
talents, activity, and zeal, fitted him well for the important
station which he held, for two years and more, during the
most perilous and trying portion of the Eevolutionary
War — he had labored in the Commissariat Department with
exemplary fidelity — with in fact a degree of anxiety and ex
ertion that had overtasked his constitution, and brought
him, at the comparatively early age of forty-two years, to
his grave. f In January of the present year, he was unable,
* The following is Gov. Trumbull's entry, in his own Family Bible, of his son
Joseph's death : —
" Joseph d. at my house— Thursd. 23rd July 177S, at i o'clock, A. M."
t " The fatigues of his business," says the Governor, writing Henry Laurens,
President of Congress, June 29th, 177S — "but chiefly the trouble, sorrow, and
grief for the treatment he received after all, broke his Constitution ; bro't him
next door to death, and renders his recovery doubtful; — former health and
strength never to bo expected."
" On information," he writes in a paragraph immediately preceding this now
quoted — " that my son Joseph Trumbull, late Commissary General, from fatigue
beyond his strength, boing dangerously ill, Lord's day morning, 14th instant, 1
left Hartford, and came to Norwich ; found him better than my fears. He is in a

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1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 421
on account of failing health, to take his seat at the Board of
War, as his father, in his behalf, informed Congress at the
time — and in April he was compelled, for the same reason,
to resign his seat altogether at that Board — a post which he
occupied for about one year.
Long the partner of his father in business — long associated
with him in Eevolutionary service — full of enthusiasm in
the cause of his country — open, frank, engaging, benevo
lent — well-educated, of finished manners — the eldest son — in
the prime of manhood — but a short time married, and to the
highly accomplished daughter of Eliphalet Dyer — the blow
which severed him from the love and presence of a parent
whose locks were now whitening with age, though endured
by the latter with Christian resignation, was yet to him pe
culiarly painful.
In a letter at the time to Eoger Sherman and others, he
alludes feelingly to his own "distresses," and "melancholy
of mind" in connection with the event. It occurred directly
in the midst of the anxious preparations he was making for
the Ehode Island Expedition — preparations so pressing as to
require a session of his own Council of Safety, at Lebanon,
on the very day of his son's funeral. " His Excellency the
Governor not present sitting with us, being the day of his
son Col. Joseph Trumbull's interment" — reads most signifi
cantly the Eecord of this Body for August twenty-fourth.
What a hint does this furnish us of the sad urgency of
the times, that the Governor's own Council — themselves his
intimate coadjutors in the public service, and warm personal
friends — coadjutors and warm friends too of the deceased —
should by the public dangers be compelled — in his own
town — sitting in his own office — not twenty paces from the
corpse of his eminent son — in the very presence as it were
feeble condition, easily overset. I visited him the 22d instant, and left him on
the gaining hand. He prays his best compliments to you, and gratefully ac
knowledges the receipt of your late letters. Hopes he will be able so far to at
tend his Accounts, as to send his Cash Accounts. Mr. Hoskins, his head clerk,
and others employed in his Accounts, are busy on them — not to equal advantage
Without his assistance. 'Tis easy to conceive that in two years and a half supply
of the Army, they are large and extensive. He had reduced his business int»
method, and got into a good train."
36

422 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 1778.
of the dead — to forego the courtesy of an adjournment, and
give themselves up to their ordinary cares and occupations —
unable to ponder upon one who was going to his long home-4-
denied the melancholy privilege of aiding a weeping father
"to wrap the athletic in his shroud," and build bis tomb.*-
From the first moment that his son Joseph was introduced
into the service of the United States, Governor Trumbull
had watched his career — as well as that of his other sons in
their public capacities — with deep parental solicitude, and
with the ever-recurring hope, that at any expense on their
own part of time and exertion, and at the sacrifice even of
personal emolument, tbey would prove eminently useful to
their country. His pride as a parent was thoroughly en
listed in their success — and when, in 1775, Joseph was first
appointed to his office as Commissary, he did not fail at the
time to' make his satisfaction known both to General Wash
ington and to the American Congress, and to add the stim
ulus of bis own warm personal advice to tbe good purpose
and efforts of his son.
The performance of bis duty, in a manner " answerable to
your expectations," he said in a letter to Congress, August
fourth, expressing his thanks — "will meet your approbation,
and afford me peculiar satisfaction."
" These instances of kindness," he wrote to Washington,
July thirty-first; — referring both to his son Joseph's appoint
ment, and to that also of his son John as a member of Wash
ington's military family — "justly claim mj most grateful
acknowledgments." " Enclosed," he wrote the same day to his son Joseph — "is
a letter of Thanks to the General for his kindness to you and
your brother. I hope you will both conduct with honor,
and satisfaction to him."
" I apprehend," he said in another letter to the same, in
* The following is his epitaph on the memorable family tomb at Lebanon:—
" Sacred to the memory of Joseph Trumbull, eldest son of Governor Trumbull,
and first Commissary Gen'l of the United States of America, a service to whose
perpetual cares and fatigues, he foil a sacrifice A. D. 1778, JE. 42. Full soon in
deed may his person, his virtues, and even his extensive Benevolence be forgot
ten by his friends and fellow-men. But blessed be God ! for the hope that in
His presence he shall be remembered forever."

1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 423
September, referring on this occasion to his son Jonathan's
office also, as Paymaster General of the Northern Army — "I
apprehend danger in both your and his department as to
your emoluments for your services" — but, he adds, "the
great business is to discharge your trusts with ability and
fidelity — to do all you can to serve our country, devoted to
ruin by our enemies."
The emoluments to which the Governor refers, and the
settlement generally of his son Joseph's accounts, after his
decease, gave his Excellency much anxiety and labor — and
the manner in which he discharged his duty in this regard,
is so honorable to his character, as to deserve, in connection
with his son's proceedings previously, particular mention here.
. In July, 1777, on account of a new and unfortunate ar
rangement of the Commissariat, Colonel Joseph Trumbull
resigned his office in that Department. Congress had under
taken to regulate it by dividing its duties between a Com
missary General of Purchases, and one also of Issues— with
four deputies under each — all to be appointed by Congress —
and the deputies not to be removable by the Head of tbe
•Department, but in case of any charge against them, to be sus
pended only by him, and then to be accused before Congress —
which Body alone was to have power to examine such
charge, and either remove the party accused from his office,
or restore him to it, as circumstances should determine.
In the opinion of Colonel Trumbull, this was taking the
proper control out from the hands of the proper authority
the Commissary General — upon whom the selection and en
tire command of all the officers under himself, as " absolutely
necessary to insure uniformity and obedience," ought to de
volve — and creating, in favor of the subordinate officers, an
absurd and fatal independence of their legitimate superior.
It was a plan which was adopted entirely against the advice
and wishes of General Washington. It was a plan, which,
persisted in by Congress, proved misjudged, and abortive,
. and had the effect of driving Colonel Trumbull from tbe
office,* which under the new arrangement was promptly
offered him again — that of Commissary General of Purchases.
* " His experience taught him the incongruity and impracticability of the new

424 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL.

1778.

" In my humble opinion," he wrote Congress, July nineteenth, 1777,
stating his- reasons for declining the commission then tendered him-^
" the head of every department ought to have the control of it. In this
establishment an imperium in imperio is created. If I consent to act, I
must be at continued variance with the whole department, and of course
be in continued hot water. I must turn accuser, and be continually ap
plying to Congress, and attending with witnesses to support my charges,
or I must sit down in ease and quiet, let the deputies do as they like,
and enjoy a sinecure. The first situation I cannot think of — the last I
never will accept. It never shall be said I was the first American pen
sioner. I am willing to do and suffer for my country, and its cause — but
I cannot sacrifice my honor and my principles. I can by no means con
sent to act under a regulation, which, in my opinion, will never answer
the purpose intended by Congress, nor supply the army as it should be.
" I must beg Congress to appoint some person in my place as soon as
may be ; until then I will continue to furnish the army as heretofore."
And Colonel Trumbull did as he promised.* He fur
nished the army until his health rendered it impossible for
him to perform the task any longer — at which time the De
partment — always under the new arrangement in difficulty —
became at length so deranged as to require — just what Trum
bull had anticipated and foretold — a return to its old system
of management — at which period, in April, 1778, it was
committed anew to the sterling superintendence — as the sec
ond Commissary General of the United States — of another
son of Connecticut — the able and enterprising Colonel Jere
miah Wadsworth.
It was indeed a most arduous and important duty — this of
feeding the armies of our Eevolution — and it involved the
officer at its head in the receipt and disbursement of vast
sums of money, and in most extensive and ponderous ac
counts. These accounts, so far as the first Commissary Gener
al is concerned, were not settled by Congress up to the time
of his death, though Colonel Trumbull had frequently ap
plied for the purpose. The father, therefore, soon after his
son's decease, renewed solicitations on the subject. He
regulation of the Commissariato : After experience teacheth us he was right.
The Army feel its bad effeots to this day." — Gov. Trumbull to Laurens, June 29,'
1778. *" He is honest and zealous in his country's cause. He cannot bear to see it
suffer for want of any assistance in his power to afford." — Gov. Trumbull to th
President of Congress, Jan. 2ith, 1778.

1778. CHAP. XXXV.— TRUMBULL. 425
caused a full and clear Statement of all his son's transactions
on public account to be submitted to Congress, in order — as in
a letter to this Body dated October third, he says — "that jus
tice should now be done the Eelict and heirs of the deceased,
upon the same principles as he ever expected, while alive,
should be done to himself — principles of at least equal gener
osity and liberality as are allowed to the present Commissa
ries General of Purchases, whose task, by the path having
been in a great measure traced, explored, and ascertained by
the first Commissary General, has by that means become in
a measure easy and familiar to them, thro' the care, tbe atten
tion, industry, and application of him who may perhaps be
said to have lost his life in the arduous pursuit. I must beg
your attention to this object," he adds, "that it may be speed
ily determined. It was always grievous to my son that Con
gress were never pleased to take up the matter on his own
representation."* Governor Trumbull had the pleasure of securing at last
from Congress ample attention to the accounts of his son — of
having them fully approved — and all due allowances made
for the benefit of tbe legal representatives of the deceased. f
He had the high satisfaction also of finding Congress adopt
a Resolution affirming that "the late Commissary General
Joseph Trumbull, coming into office in the earliest stage of
?Writing Congress again, Dec. 10th, 1778, through Henry Laurens, its Presi
dent, he says : " Your esteemed favor of the 10th of last month, is now before
mo. I feel a pleasure in the estimation you express of the services of my late
Bon, the first Commissary-General. My own thoughts have often turned in the
same strain ; and I fondly think still, that the disadvantages accruing to the
States, in consequence of his being obliged to leave that service, is not overrated
by your estimation— but that is passed. He is gone. I now only wait for that
justice I think is due his Estate, from the Public, for those services he actually
performed." And he goes on to state that his son Jonathan is arranging the ac
counts of the Commissary, and will shortly exhibit them for settlement at Phila
delphia. " Their appearance," he remarks, " allowing for times and circum
stances in which the business was conducted, is favorable beyond expectation."
t These allowances were, a commission of one half per cent., on the gross sum
of all monies received and issued by him for public service— and also a commis
sion of two andahalf per cent., on such sums as were laid out in purchases made
byTumself. His brother Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, as his Administrator, was
principally employed, under the direction of the Board of Treasury, to settle the
accounts of the deceased. They were settled at the public expense, and addi
tional clerks were authorized by Congress to aid the Treasury Board in the execu
tion of the trust. 36*

426 CHAP. XXXV: — TRUMBULL. rm.
the American contest, found himself without a system by
which to trace the plan of his duty ; that with great care, in
dustry, labor, and attention, he instituted a plan by which the
army, during bis continuance in office, was amply supplied,
with much economy and to general satisfaction ; that during
his commissariate, he was obliged to act not only in capacity
of Commissary General of purchases, but to direct all the is
sues of provisions, and for near two campaigns had the addi
tional duty of purveyor of the hospitals and Quartermaster
General, the three last of which employments greatly in
creased his care and trouble, but not so much his expenditure
of monies" — that he "made great savings to the public by
his large and seasonable purchases and contracts, out-running
and anticipating in many instances the orders of Congress,
by which means he kept up large supplies, thereby modera
ting the demands of the seller, intercepting monopolies, and
keeping down prices " — and that a compensation for services
by the said Commissary General still remained to be made.
We have now reviewed tbe career of Trumbull during the
fourth year of the Revolutionary War. Our pen is upon its
close. Yet ere we leave it quite, one other fact deserves to
be commemorated, of which just at this time the Governor — -,
in letters from his own pen, has left us a brief memorial.
It relates to that appalling, almost world-startling assault,
which, beyond the Delaware — at Wyoming — laid eight beau
tiful towns belonging to Connecticut in ashes — consigned an
extensive and fertile territory, at the very time when it was
loaded witb most luxuriant crops, to desolation — and de
voted the larger part of more than one thousand hardy and
enterprising families — in the midst of a supposed security;:
and under the guarantee of repeated pacific assurances—to
the hatchet and to fire — to " the fatal wile
Of Indian ambuscade, the maddened shout
Of massacre — the flight of timid forms,
And moan of sireless orphans."
The event was sudden — was almost without one note of
warning. The able-bodied, effective men of the Colony-*

j .1

1778. CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 427
nearly one thousand of them in all — were away, fighting for
their country in the Continental Line. Few, save grey -haired
men and boys, remained at home to protect the settlement,
ajid fill the crops. The merciless British, tories and Indians,
in consequence, had full opportunity for their work of de
struction, and neither Washington or Trumbull had chance
to anticipate or provide against it. On the ears of both,
therefore, the blow fell like a thunderbolt.
Trumbull, particularly, it filled with the most poignant
grief. For here was a colony from Connecticut — flourishing
towns and a whole county from the loins, and still within the
body of that State which he himself governed — a district for
Whose- title and whose vitality as a member of his own good
old Commonwealth, he had himself painfully toiled — a dis
trict interwoven in all civil, political, and religious affinities,
and by tbe ligament too of a regular semi-monthly post, with
that by which he was himself immediately surrounded — here
it was now, draining down to the bitterest dregs, and more
deeply than any other portion of our common land, the cup
of revolutionary afflictions. Here it was, " given up a total
prey to pillage and conflagration " — with but one-twelfth
only of its property left — with but a little fragment only of
its population in being — aud this consisting chiefly of wid
ows and orphans, who were now either wandering through
the-woods, or begging their way back to their friends in the
east, in utter beggary and destitution.*
What could the Governor do? Nothing, under the cir
cumstances—distance from the scene of action considered,
and the ' active employment of Connecticut troops in other
directions— nothing but interpose his prayer to Washington,
and to Congress, for a force sufficient to avenge on the foe its
onslaught, and give new and lasting protection for the future,
* It would be nearly impossible to estimate the amount of damage sustained,
but the list of assessments for 1777-8 amounted to £20,322.17 ; and in November,
1780, the list of Westmoreland was £2,353— making the difference of £17,969.17.
The miserable state of destitution at Wyoming was such that, in August, 1781,
all the males from sixteen to seventeen years of age were only 143 ; they all had
but 24 yoke of oxen, 14 three year old steers, and 18 two year old steers and
heifers; while at the same time Connecticut counted sixty-one soldiers from
Westmoreland in the army I

428 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. * 1778
to doomed Westmoreland, and to the whole western frontier.
This he did, and in terms of earnest entreaty.
" I must now beg leave," he wrote the Commander-in-chief,
August twenty-seventh, 1778 — "to turn your attention to a
case of peculiar and accumulated distress " — and he goes on
to describe the devastation on the Susquehannah— "a particu
lar representation whereof," he sa3rs he has received from
"Messrs. Jenkins, Gallup, and Harding, persons of integrity,"
and settlers from the eastern part of Connecticut "who had
the good fortune to escape the carnage."
"Your Excellency," he proceeds, "hath undoubtedly been made ac
quainted with the distresses of this People, and felt the tenderest emo
tions for them, and a willingness to afford them all the relief in your
power, consistent with the safety and good of the whole.
" I have this day written to Congress on the subject, and proposed to
their consideration whether it would not be advisable that a sufficient
force, to consist of 1500 or 2000 men, be immediately sent to that part
of the country, under whose protection the inhabitants would return and
secure their crops — which would be an important acquisition — and also
to pursue that detestable Banditti into their own country, chastise them
for their insolence and cruelty exercised towards the innocent inhabitants
aforementioned, and effectually prevent their making any further depre
dations on that, or any other of our back settlements. Such a measure,
I am persuaded, would produce the happiest effects. I would recom
mend it to your Excellency's consideration, and in case the state of the
army and present appearance of things will permit, that your Excellency
would order a sufficient number to be detached, and employed for the
purpose aforesaid."
Congress, in the judgment of Trumbull, acted, in the
emergency, altogether too slowly and inadequately. Again
therefore, and in terms of remonstrance — for the subject was
never out of his mind — he addressed this Body.
" The depredations," he wrote them, December eighth, through the
members from Connecticut — " which were made last summer on our set
tlements at Susquehannah were very alarming — it is so likewise that no
provisions are made for the security of those inhabitants who returned
to take care of what the enemy did not destroy. I am informed that the
force hitherto sent is in no measure sufficient to prevent mischief being
done there very frequently— that there are great quantities of pork and
grain remaining, but that many of the inhabitants, who were returning

.1778. -CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL. 429
with the intention to re-settle their habitations, are discouraged, and
coming off. through fear of the plunderers that often appear among them.
.Ought not an adequate number to repel the Enemy to be sent, for relief
of the sufferipg inhabitants that do remain there. I esteem it a matter
worthy serious and early consideration."
And soon — in union with the Governor of New York —
Trumbull followed up tbe remonstrance now quoted, with
• another letter, and with carefully prepared memorials respect-
.ing the depredations and dangers upon the western frontier.
These papers, by special order of Congress, were transmitted
to the Commander-in-chief of the American Army, with
particular instruction to the latter to take "effectual meas
ures " now " for the protection of the inhabitants, and chas
tisement of the savages " — measures which Washington did
not fail to pursue, and which, in 1779 — through the instru
mentality of a thoroughly equipped and resistless force under
General Sullivan — swept in turn the land of the Six Nations
with destruction like a whirlwind, and effectually shivered
their murderous arm.
Spite of the disaster, however, at Wyoming, the general
result of the. Campaign of 1778 was favorable to the Ameri
can cause. The enemy made no important headway. The
army under Washington had sustained itself well, and been
Encouraged by a few, though small, yet brilliant successes.
France had become openly our ally. Spain was leaning to
bur side. The hearts of the American people remained
united. It had been the duty of Trumbull, in April, to proclaim a
day for fasting, humiliation, and prayer. It became his duty
now, as the year closed, to proclaim a day for public thanks
giving. This he did — for the thirtieth of December — and in
his usual fervid strain upon such occasions, called upon all
the people under his charge — in view of the mercies of God,
manifested by his supporting them in a just and necessary
war — by his affording them seasonable supplies for their
armies — by his disposing the heart of a powerful monarch to
enter into alliance with them — by his defeating the evil de
signs of their enemies — and by his continuing that union
among the States which was their strength and glory— for

430 CHAP. XXXV. — TRUMBULL.

1778.

these reasons he called upon his people, with the country at
large, to express a just sense of the Divine Favor. Pray —
be enjoined — that under the smiles of Heaven our public
counsels may continue to be directed — our arms by land and
sea be prospered — our Liberties and Independence secured —
our schools and seminaries of learning flourish — our trade be
revived — our husbandry and manufactures be increased — and
the hearts of all be impressed with undissembled piety, and
witb benevolence, and zeal for the public good.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
1779.
Statb of the Revolutionary Struggle. Tbe main theatre of war now at
the South. The campaign of this year marked by comparative debili
ty. Enlistmenta difficult. Trumbull completes the quota of Con
necticut in the Continental Army by adding eight hundred men —
some of whom participate in tbe attack on Stony Point. He also furn
ishes troops for Rhode Island, and supplies the famishiDg there with
food. His Brief for the purpose. Tbe enemy, much to his joy,
abandon Newport. He calls for four thousand troops to cooperate -with
D'Estaign, upon the expected return of the French fleet to the
North. His Proclamation for the purpose. D'Estaign, however, sails
for the West Indies. Trumbull hears from various quarters — and par
ticularly from Arthur Lee in Paris — that a fierce renewal of the de
vastating policy of the British King and Ministry, is designed. Hia
precautions in consequence The enemy land and pillage Newhaven.
Trumbull hears of it by express — orders out fresh troops — and senda
to Washington for help.
The year 1779, and Trumbull ! It was a year, fifth in the
progress of the Eevolutionary Struggle — and marked, like
the last, so far as the country at large is concerned — save
in the remarkable successes at Stony Point and Powles
Hook — by no very brilliant results in favor of the American
arms. But, on the other hand — from an overweening confidence
engendered in the public mind by the alliance with France,
and by the connection which soon followed with Spain —
from a reaction in point of effort and patriotism on the part
of the people — from the wretched policy, still continued, of
short enlistments — from the depreciation of the currency,
and destructive spirit of speculation — and from diversions
and factions in Congress — the Campaign was characterized
by general inaction and debility.
The theatre of war — except so far as Connecticut territori
ally is concerned — was now transferred to the South — where
Georgia was soon overrun, and every preparation made by
the enemy to invade the Carolinas, and to extend the sphere

432 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
of conquest from this region northward. Congress was ex
ceedingly tardy this year in replenishing the national army.
It was not until the ninth of March even that requisitions
were made upon the States for their several quotas. Meas
ures, in short, were not adopted for raising men, until the
time when they should have been already in camp, thor
oughly trained and prepared for service. When adopted,
they were carried into effect very slowly — and this in spite
of advice and entreaties to the contrary from Washington —
from Trumbull — and from others of those leading spirits of
the day, who in no respect yielded to the overwrought ex
pectation of the country in regard to the speedy termination
of the war — but who, on the other hand, foresaw nothing
but disappointment and ruin to the American cause from the
prevailing false hopes, bewildering apathy, and general
neglect. It was not until the close of July, that Washington re
ceived a single reenforcement to his army, since the last
campaign, save four hundred recruits from Massachusetts.
Yet, so far as Trumbull is concerned, there was not in this
particular sphere of labor the same necessity for exertion
which existed in previous years. The Connecticut quota of
troops in tbe Continental Line of the preceding year was so
little diminished by the expiration of enlistments, or by sick
ness, desertion, or other causes, as that but eight hundred
more effective men were required from the State to make her
battalions complete. These, with the aid of one hundred
and fifty thousand dollars granted him by Congress for the
purpose, Trumbull proceeded witb due expedition to raise,
clothe, and equip. And he bad the pleasure of seeing them
take their places, quickly as possible, in the Grand Army of
the country on the banks of tbe Hudson— there, some of therii,
to achieve glory in that immortal band under General Wayife,
which, on the fifteenth of July— in the dead of night— with
unsurpassed intrepidity— without a bullet in their muskets,
or a whisper in their mouths — under a tremendous fire of
grape shot and musketry— mounted the works at Stony
Point— struck the British standard from its height— an^
made the hours of darkness suddenly vocal with Major Po-

1779. CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 433
sey's soul-thrilling cry — "The fort's our own!"* "May we
not forget on this event," wrote the grateful Governor at this
timef — "duly to notice the hand of the Supreme Director of
events, who causes us to sing of mercies in the midst of
judgments ! "
Two calls more upon Trumbull, and two only — in the way
of providing troops for the general service of the country,
outside of the State — were made during the year now under
consideration. One was for the Connecticut quota for Ehode
Island, as settled by the Springfield Convention. This Trum
bull furnished as usual — and, early in the year, be performed
another duty towards the State in question which deserves
; particular mention.
The long presence of the enemy there — sweeping com
pletely, as they did, with their power the whole island on
which they were posted, and lowering like a storm-cloud
ready to disgorge itself on the whole adjacent Main^-had
caused very great distress to a large number of the inhabit
ants there. It had stripped them of property. It had de
barred them from cultivating their lands. It had cut off their
trade, navigation, and fishery — and thrown them — women
and children many — unhappy fugitives all — upon the com
passion and charity of the country. Even national interven
tion was called out at last for their relief. " Many must in
evitably perish unless they are speedily supplied with the
necessaries of life " — reported to Congress the Delegates from
Ehode Island, in February. And Congress, in consequence,
recommended the States of Connecticut and New York— so
far as the supply of provisions for the sufferers, by land, is
concerned — to repeal their respective embargo acts.
The Governor, and Council, and General Assembly of
Connecticut, had anticipated this recommendation. "The
State of Ehode Island," wrote Trumbull, February twenty-
second, to Dyer and others in Congress — "has received a
grant for seven thousand bushels of grain to be carried from
hence thither — witb a Brief throughout this State for the
* He was the first — standing by tho side of Col. Henry, who first struck the
British standard — to give tongue to this phrase of victory.
tHis letter to Maj. Gen. 0. Wolcott.
37

434 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
sufferers driven from tbe Island of Ehode Island— which
will raise both money and grain for their relief. I have re
ceived nothing from the President [of Congress] on that or
any other head."
The Brief to which Trumbull here refers, was an Authority
given to Jonathan Otis, and Oliver K. Warner, of Newport,
to collect in every Eeligious Society in Connecticut, dona
tions for the sufferers from "the charitable and well-disposed."
Trumbull, with characteristic humanity, took pains to pro
mote this benevolent purpose.* He granted permits freely
for the transportation of flour, and other necessaries, into the
afflicted region — and the succor thus afforded he continued,
whenever necessary, until the British pall was wholly lifted
from the territory of Ehode Island.
That was indeed to him a gratifying moment, when this
event took place — when, by letter from Providence, October
thirtieth, General Gates informed him that the troops of the
enemy — stealing surreptitiously away in the darkness of the
night — all their heavy artillery and a large quantity of stores
left behind — by "an extraordinary and precipitate abandon
ment," yielded Newport — for the undisputed possession of
whose ramparts Trumbull had so long and so earnestly
toiled — into American bands.
The troops of Gates — all tbe Continental troops that had
been employed in Ehode Island — soon — about the middle of
November — marched for Head Quarters on the banks of the
Hudson. They took their way — a day or two apart — in two
divisions— on through Plainfield, Canterbury, and Wind-
bam — to encamp, near a week, at Hartford, ere they marched
again for their final destination. The road they followed,
was at some points but five or six miles distant from the
family mansion of that Governor, who was among the fore
most to feel for their dangers, to supply their necessities, and
* To the people everywhere he said, in the language of a legislative resolution
of tlie time — that, while "they adored tho gracious Providence, which, in the
course of a wasting and distressing, though just and necessary war, had exempted
them from so many of the calamities and desolations which had fallen on some
of the sister States" of tho Union— they should "cheerfully and liberally con
tribute, each one according to his ability, for the relief of those who suffered
under tho rigorous, inhuman, and vindictive cruelly of our common enemy."

1779. CHAP. XXXVI.— TRUMBULL. 435
to pray for their success. How pleasant now to imagine,
that— attracted by their proximity for a time to his own
house — Trumbull might have ridden over to gratify his eye
with the spectacle of their columns on their winding way — -
to take- Gates, their chief commander, and Livingston, Jack
son, Webb, Green, Angeli, and Sherburne, their colonels, by
the hand, in mutual congratulation— perhaps to receive com
plimentary salutes, heart-bestowed, from scores of drums and
ear-piercing fifes — from the mouths of thousands of muskets,
and from the brazen throats of Colonel Crane's artillery — the
echoes of whose thunder, rolling up and down the valley of
the Shetucket, and upon the bosom of the murmuring
Thames, may have been borne from Tolland Lake to the
Falls of Yantic, and from Yantic to the sea. Just tribute, if
such perchance there might have been, to one of the most
•dauntless of Work-masters for Liberty !
. : The other of the two calls, this year, upon Governor
Trumbull for troops, to which we have referred, was, in Oc
tober, for a force to cooperate with Count D'Estaign — just
when the fleet of the latter, after the attack on Savannah,
was "hourly looked for" on the northern coast, to renew, in
conjunction with Washington, assaults upon the foe at New
port and New York. Upon this occasion, the Commander-
in-chief made a requisition on Trumbull for four thousand
militia.* Promptly, as usual — the General Assembly assent
ing — the latter issued his Proclamation for the purpose.
"Taking into consideration," as in this document he said,
" the foregoing requisition — the important reasons on which
it is granted, and the happy consequences, which, by tbe
./blessing of Almighty God, may attend a cheerful and vigor
ous exertion in this peculiar and great occasion — [taking into
consideration also] tbe singularly noble and generous con
duct of the French Admiral in leaving to hazard his acqui
sitions in the West Indies, and coming to our aid at the re
quest of Congress — and the emotions he must feel if disap
pointed of the spirited cooperation he has been made to ex-
*He at the same time required from Massachusetts two thousand — from New
York twenty-five hundred — from New Jersey two thousand — and from Pennsyl
vania one thousand.

436 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
pect from the several States " — he the Governor, therefore,
called for " a free, cheerful, and immediate enlistment " of the
required number of men.
They were to be formed into two brigades — which were to
rendezvous along the coast and western frontiers of Connec
ticut, either for defence in these directions, or for cooperation
with the French, as the Governor and Council should direct.!
And he urged officers and privates, all, to provide themselves
with necessary arms, blankets, and equipments — for all of
which he promised them "a reasonable allowance and full,
compensation, if lost without their default." And at the
same time, by the consideration of " the happiness and salva
tion of their country," he earnestly pressed the neighbors and
friends of those who enlisted " to lend and furnish " with
equipments all such as could not supply themselves. The
brigades were raised.* Every thing that Congress or Wash
ington required in the case, was fully effected. But D'Es
taign did not, as expected, sail for the North, but away for
tbe West Indies. The force, therefore, which the energy of
Trumbull bad thus collected for cooperation with the French,
was in December disbanded.
Though thus — as regards the defence of the country at
large — Governor Trumbull was not called upon the present
year to make exertions by any means so strenuous as those
be made in previous periods of the war — yet, so far as the
home defence of Connecticut is concerned, there was no year
which gave him so much anxiety and duty as this of seven
teen hundred seventy-nine. For it was at this time that the
enemy — in order at any event to drive the Colonies into sub
mission, or to render their accession to France, if such was to
be the issue, of as little avail as possible — began to pursue sys
tematically, and relentlessly, the system of making the Ameri-
*"The time," wrote Trumbull to Washington, November fifth, "when the
arrival of the fleet under Count D'Estaign may bo expected, being so far advanced
that the utmost readiness to cooperate with him is become necessary, should he
nppear on this coast, and the immediate danger to which our own seaports will be
exposed from the collected force of the enemy, should he be prevented from com
ing this way, have prevailed to induce tho General Assembly of this State to
order the militia, requested by your Excellenoy, to be assembled at the places of
rendezvous proposed, as soon as possible."

1779. CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 437
can coasts scenes of perfect desolation. And Connecticut
was now the first among the States to feel — and to feel more
deeply than any other one in the Union — the effects of this
ilbfated and detestable policy.
Johnson, Carlisle, and Eden, the King's Commissioners to
America of the preceding year, had threatened this course.
"The policy as well as benevolence of Great Britain," they
said in their boastful Proclamation to the Colonies — " have
thus far checked the extremes of war:" But when America,
they menacingly added, " professes the unnatural design, not
only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging her
self to our enemies, the whole contest is changed, and the
question is, how far Great Britain may, by any means in her
power, destroy and render useless a connection contrived for
her ruin, and for the aggrandizement of France." Instruc
tions to the same effect came from the British Ministry to
Sir Henry Clinton. " Keep the coasts of the enemy con
stantly alarmed " — wrote Lord George Germain. " Destroy
their ships and magazines. Prevent the rebels from becom
ing a formidable maritime power, and obstructing the com
merce of his Majesty's subjects, and from sending out that
swarm of privateers which has enabled and encouraged them
to persevere in their revolt ! "
The instructions thus given — notwithstanding a counter-
manifesto from the American Congress that "exemplary
vengeance " should be taken, if the policy they contemplated
was attempted — were yet to a great extent executed — and
with a Vandal-like ferocity-^as Connecticut, unfortunately,
experienced — she particularly at this time having been se
lected by the foe for a victim.
•Governor Trumbull early heard that such was to be the
future policy of the English King and Ministry. It was in
fact foreshadowed, towards the close of February, by tbe
invasion of Greenwich — when fourteen or fifteen hundred of
the enemy, under General Tryon, destroyed some salt-works
and a store, burnt a schooner, plundered the inhabitants of
the principal part of their effects, broke furniture and win
dows, and stripped many families even of tbe clothes on their
backs. But Trumbull bad better information of British de-
37*

438 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
signs than this foray alone would give him — and he had it
from abroad.
" I have received intelligence," wrote to him Arthur Lee
from Paris, April sixth — " that it is just determined in the
British Cabinet to, send over immediate orders to New-York,
for an expedition through the Sound up Connecticut Eiver.
The enemy are to land at Wethersfield, and proceed by land
to Newhaven Bay, where they are to embark, after having
plundered, burnt, and' destroyed all in their way." " The
English Parliament have given orders to burn the sea-coast
of New England — particularly to burn Newhaven, Hartford,
and Boston " — reported also to Trumbull Captain Niles, on
his return from the European seas. Such at this time was
the complexion of news from abroad.
" Sixteen transports, I am informed," he was apprized by Washington
in March — " with a flat-boat each, a sloop-of-war of sixteen guns, and
five or six strong privateers, went up the Sound a few days ago with a
view of joining the Scorpion and Thames of twenty guns. The advices
also say, that the Admiral [Gambier] in a sixty-four, with a sloop-of-war,
sailed from the Hook about the same time, with a pilot acquainted with
Long Island and the Sound, that the supposed design of the expedition is to
take the frigates at New London, and that their determination now is to
plunder and distress the coast. There are accounts, besides these, that
troops have been drawing towards the east end of the island, and
some flat-boats building under the direction of Sir William Erskine. It
is added, that General Clinton is gone there himself"
Such was the complexion of advices at this time which
Trumbull received from Washington.
In this conjuncture, therefore, he made every preparation
in his power to ward off the impending calamity. Two regi
ments had been regularly ordered in the spring for the de
fence of the State. These he hurried to their stations. He
added new guards along the sea-coast. He improved signals,
multiplied expresses, increased the munitions of war, and
strengthened all works of defence. In particular he largely
augmented the troops at New London, and General Putnam
went there to take the command. He ordered the militia
everywhere to be ready for instant service. " Call out your
brigade." he specially instructed General Wolcott— "and

.1779. CHAP. XXXVI.— TRUMBULL. 439
.guard the stores at Danbury, and the whole western frontier,
and the pass from Fishkill to Fredericksborough ! "
But spite of all these precautions, the blow came — like a
. thief in the night, came unexpectedly in the quarters where
it fell — and with a devastating force. Monday, July fifth —
, at two o'clock on the morning of that very day on which
, the citizens of Newhaven were to assemble to celebrate the
^Declaration of Independence — the Camilla and Scorpion,
British men-of-war- — witb forty-eight tenders and transports,
bearing from twenty-six hundred to three thousand men —
..' anchored off the beautiful city of Davenport, and Eaton, and
Sherman, and Wooster.
Sunrise — and the foe landed. In vain the small, but brave
and spirited force of militia and volunteers which opposed
them. Noon — and they entered the town. Afternoon and
night: — and Newhaven was given up to pillage and to out
rage. Houses were sacked — many burned. Stores, and
.. magazines, and shipping, at Long Wharf, were reduced to
.ashes. Individuals, even women and children — shocking
execrations in their ears, and tbe bayonet at their breasts —
were everywhere insulted, lacerated, and robbed. The vener
able President of Yale College,* while pleading for his life,
, was gashed four times to the skull-bone, and then plundered.
Worthy, inoffensive old Mr. Beers, was shot in his own door
way. The aged and helpless Mr. English was murdered in
his own house. An insane man had his tongue cut out, and
was then killed. The honored widow of General Wooster
was seized, hurled mercilessly about, cursed, and, with a
bayonet levelled at ber bosom, made to give up her plate, and
part of her attire. Some women, less fortunate than herself,
-escaped the reigning brutality only witb ravishment.
Tuesday morning — and this execrable scene of British
¦ barbarity was ended. The foe suddenly retired — with plun
der, much of it; — with about forty inhabitants taken cap
tive — having killed outright no less than twenty-seven
others, wounded nineteen, and despoiled Newhaven — in the
teeth of their lying proclamation of immunity to all who
*Dr. Napthali Daggett.

440 CHAP. XXXVI. — TRUMBULL. 1779,
should remain peaceably within their own dwellings — of
more than one hundred thousand dollars worth of property.
Expresses flew with the news of this invasion to Trumbull
at Lebanon — and to the commanding officer also at New
London. The Governor at once sent the intelligence to
General Wolcott, and to General Ward, with fresh incite
ments to vigilance, and fresh orders to establish posts wher
ever necessary on the sea-coast, and to watch the frontiers.
He at once also transmitted the intelligence to General Wash
ington, and prayed for help. The militia in the region
around him were ordered under arms, and to be ready to
march to the scene of danger. But news quickly reached
him — on July the eighth — that General Tryon had left New
Haven. Here was a pause, therefore, now for his anxiety.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
1779.
The attack on Fairfield, and report of a projected attack on HartfoTd.
Trumbull's measures in consequence. The attack on Norwalk, and his
measures. The alarms upon other parts of tbe Connecticut coast, and
his successful watchfulness against future hostile descents. Maritime
losses and gains this year. Loss of the Oliver Cromwell, and of the
privateer Governor Trumbull. The whaleboat system again, and
Trumbull. The pause for Trumbull, witb which our last Chapter
closes, was brief indeed — but for a few hours only. The
very next day after he heard of the evacuation by the
enemy of Newhaven, he received news of their attack on
Fairfield. Sure enough! There they were — July seventh — in an
other beautiful town of Connecticut — the scattered, desultory
fire from a few intrepid militia-men and volunteers who op
posed them, having proved fruitless — there they were, the
bloody Hessian and Yager bandits, again let loose for plun
der and rapine — again sacking houses — breaking open desks,
trunks, and closets — seizing pocket-books, and even but
tons — dashing glasses, ware of china and stone, and furni
ture of all kinds, in pieces — threatening lives, and taking
many. Wrapping one poor victim in a sheet saturated with
rum, they burned him to death. They knocked down, and
rifled, the old and infirm. They stripped with violence rings
and buckles from feeble women. Tbey robbed them of their
bonnets, their aprons, their handkerchiefs. Pouring into
their ears language the most foul and profane, they left them
with but just strength enough to escape, stunned, bruised,
and fainting, from a "horrid conflict" in defence of their vir
tue. And at last they consummated their hellish work by
firing the town — the conflagration — while a sudden thunder
storm overspread the heavens — illumining "the earth, the
skirts of the clouds, and the waves of the Sound, witb an

442 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
union of gloom and grandeur at once inexpressibly awful
and magnificent."* '.'
Ninety-seven dwelling houses — sixty-seven barns, most of
them just filled with wheat, from a harvest that was extraor
dinarily bountiful — when the fields had borne a "load"
more " ponderous " than for many years before — forty-eight
stores — two school bouses — one County House — two Meeting
Houses, and one Episcopal Church — nearly two hundred
thousand dollars worth of property in all — these were the
sacrifices which at this time "pleasant Fairfield" made to its
ferocious assailants. Such "the smoking ruins, marks of
hostile ire," to which it was devoted when Tryon " sealed its
melancholy doom."f
* What a scene ! The sky, in the vivid language of Dr. Dwight — " speedily
hung with the deepest darkness, wherever the clouds were not tinged with the
melancholy lustre ~of the flames" — the lightnings at intervals blazing "with a
livid and terrible splendor" — the thunder rolling above — beneath, the waving of
the fires filling up the intervals " with a deep and hollow sound, which seemed
to be the protracted murmur of the thunder, reverberated from one end of heaven
to the other ! Add to this convulsion of the elements, and to these dreadful ef
fects of vindictive and wanton devastation, the trembling of the earth, the sharp
sound of muskets, occasionally discharged, the groans here and there, of the
wounded and dying, and the shouts of triumph." Then let the Reader place be
fore his eyes "crowds of the miserable sufferers, mingled with bodies of the
militia, and from the neighboring hills taking a farewell prospect of their property
and their dwellings, their happiness and their hopes," and he "will form a just
but imperfect picture of the burning of Fairfield." It needed "no great effort of
imagination" on the part of those who were witnesses of the event, adds Dr.
Dwight — " to believe that the final day had arrived, and that, amid this funeral
darkness, the morning would speedily dawn to which no night would ever suc
ceed, the graves yield up their inhabitants, and the trial commence, at which was
to be finally settled the destiny of man."
t Language from an elegy written by Col. Humphreys, in 1779, on the spot
where the town stood. The following interesting entry was made in the Eecord
of the Congregational Church at Fairfield, by its pastor at the time when Tryon
laid the town in ashes — the Rev. Andrew Elliot.
" 1779, July 7. A part of the British enemy, consisting of Britons, Germans,
and American refugees, under the command of Maj. Gen. Tryon and Brig.Gen.
Garth, landed in this town from a fleet, commanded by Sir George Collier.
" In the evening and night of the same day, great part of the buildings in the
town plot were consumed in the flames by said troops.
" July 8th. In the morning the Meeting House, together with the Church of
England buildings, the Court House, Prison, and almost all the prinoipal build
ings in the Society, were laid in ashes.
" Our holy and our beautiful house
Where our fathers praised thee, is
Burnt up with fire ; and all our
Pleasant things are laid waste.

.1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 443
Again quickly, expresses — which in the present emergency
Trumbull had established — at but fourteen or fifteen miles
only apart — all tbe way from Lebanon to the New York
line — bore to him the news of this fresh invasion. And
with this news came also a report that a formidable body of
the enemy, six thousand in number, were advancing into
Connecticut by the western frontier — were already at Eye
Neck — bent on devastation — and on making Hartford, more
•particularly now, feel their vengeance.
Again therefore Trumbull armed the State for a crisis.
He augmented to its full complement the two battalions that
had been already ordered for home defence,. He sent three
hundred Lighthorse to Newhaven. He directed all the mili
tia of the third brigade, and one-quarter of tbe two brigades
of General Douglass and General Wolcott, to assemble at
New London — Washington had informed him by express
that he had instructed General Glover — who about this time
was on his way from Providence to join the Main Army on
the banks of the Hudson — to take his course not far from
Long Island Sound, and cooperate with the troops of Connec-'
ticut in case the enemy should make a descent. Trumbull
¦immediately, therefore, sent an urgent request to Glover to
bring his brigade on by Norwich to New London. That is a
post, he wrote, which must "not be left naked for a day."
He again also urged Washington for further aid from the
Continental Army. "Mine of this morning," wrote Wash
ington in reply, from his Head Quarters at Windsor, July
twelfth — "will inform you that on hearing of the enemy's
movement from below, I had detached a body of troops un
der Major General Heath to counteract them. It gives me
pain that I have it not in my power to afford more effectual
service to our country ; but the smallness of my force obliges
The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken
Away : Blessed be the name of the Lord.
All things work together for good to them
That love God — to them that arc the
Called according to his purpose. Alleluia.
The Lord God Omnipotent reigneth. Amen."

444 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
me to confine my attentions so entirely to one essential point,
that I can do little more than lament the depredations of the
enemy at a distance."
Trumbull was not, however, disconcerted by this inability
on the part of Washington to render him the full assistance
he desired — but at once, on consultation with his Council,
applied to Massachusetts and to New Hampshire for aid —
and from the former State received it, promptly. One-sixth
of its militia from the counties of Berkshire and Hampshire,
and Frothingham's company of artillery at Springfield — con
sisting of thirty men, with a train of six field pieces — were
ordered to his rglief. And he distributed them for defence,
part on the sea-coast of Connecticut — part at Hartford — and
part at Middletown.*
Force, however, could not be assembled and stationed in
the western part of the State in time sufficient to ward off
another most serious blow from the enemy at Connecticut.
July eleventh, Tryon crossed the Sound from Huntington Bay
to Norwalk — there to crown himself "plentifully," as General
Parsons remarked at the time, witb laurels from another "fiery
expedition "—there "upon tbe rebellious women, and formi
dable host of boys and girls," in another defenceless, hapless
town of Connecticut, to wreak his " master's vengeance."
Vain the opposition of a little band of Continental soldiers
under the intrepid Captain Betts. Vain that of a few mili
tia, and of one hundred horsemen, from the northern heights
of the town. Vain that of a small force under General Par
sons — save, after tbe work of destruction was accomplished,
to hasten the enemy's retreat. Seated — a table by his side —
in a chair, on the top of Grummon's Hill — whose sides, in
the graphic description of an eye witness, f were "all red with
* " From every appearance," he wrote Washington, August second — " there is
no reason to think our enraged enemy arc satisfied with the plunder and destruc
tion they have already made in this State, but that it is yet an object of. their
determined pursuit, and especially the town and port of New London, which,
from a variety of circumstances and intelligence, I have reason to apprehend they
will attack in a few days — and should they be able to carry it, that they will en
deavour to make it a post from which it would bo very difficult to dislodge
them " — and he goes on rcnowedly to urge the great importance of its harbor,
and the overruling necessity for its defence.
t Nathaniel Raymond, of Norwalk.

.1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 445
the British"- — with beautiful Norwalk, and tbe river flowing
through its midst, the Sound, the long train of islands front
ing the town, and neighboring Long Island, all full in his
view — Tryon wrote his fiery orders. And from this his seat
he. beheld eighty dwelling houses — all in the town but six —
two' churches, eighty-seven barns, that were many of them
overflowing with wheat and hay, seventeen shops, four mills,
¦and four vessels — in all a property of nearly one hundred
and sixty-seven thousand dollars — reduced to ashes. He be
held a thriving population — amid abuse and pillage — amid
bloody menaces, and mortal stabs, such as sent poor John
, Waters, and John Kich, to their graves — burned out of house
jand home.
July eleventh, the report of this disaster — third in the
list of startling forays upon Connecticut within but about a
single week — reached Trumbull. Not bis the disposition, in
consequence, to relax one nerve of effort. The power of the
enemy, thus far superior and resistless, but fired bis energy
anew — and he proceeded, with his Council, to take fresh
measures for defence.
. " Can the whole strength of your province cope with the
vforce which may at any moment be poured through every
district in your country ? " — was the taunting inquiry which
Tryon and Collier made in their Proclamation at this period
to the inhabitants of Connecticut. Four thousand men,
tordered anew, August second, to stations along the whole
coast of the State — from Stonington to Byram Kiver— was
Trumbull's answer.*
" You who lie so much in our power," continued tbe in
vading commanders, in the same vaunting document — " afford
4he most striking monument of our mercy." You, therefore,
"ought to set the first example of returning to your allegi
ance. We hoped that you would recover from the frenzy
that has distracted this unhappy country. We offer you 3,
;refuge against the distress, which, you universally acknowl-
* "Eour thousand troops," he wrote Washington, August second — " are detailed*
for the defence of the State — besides the complement of men we are filling up for
the Continental Army — by all which we are greatly distressed, and the agricul
ture of the State, so important for our own and for the supply of the army, is in
danger of Buffering material injury."
38

446 CHAP. XXXVII.— TRUMBULL. 1779,
edge, broods witb increasing and intolerable weight over
your whole country ! "
That "frenzy" you charge us with, answered by their
conduct, Trumbull and his State — is the enthusiasm of lib
erty. We are the " monument," not of your " mercy," but
of your barbarity. We owe no " allegiance " to your master,
and shall never "set the example of returning" to it, "first"
or last. The people of Connecticut, in the memorable Ian-,
guage of Colonel Whiting's response to Tryon at Fair
field — "having nobly dared to take up arms against the
cruel despotism of Great Britain " — and having had " the
flames precede the answer to your flag — will persist to
oppose to the utmost the force exerted against injured
innocence."* Such, as now described, were the devastations of the ene
my, in the year 1779, upon Connecticut. They were devas
tations by which half a million of dollars worth of property —
the painful accumulation and sole stay of a large mass of
frugal human life — was wantonly immolated — and defence
less men, women, and children, by crowds — through the
ferocity of a foe that boasted of its superior humanity and
civilization — were suddenly forced to bide themselves "in
the dens and in the rocks of the mountains," and to say " to
the mountains and the rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the
face " of those to whom it hath been given " to kill with the
sword, and with hunger," and "to hurt the earth and the
sea." But Trumbull's watchfulness was not confined solely to
those particular marauding expeditions which we have now
sketched.f He bad also, as in former times, other inva
sions — that were menaced on the coast during almost every
period of the present year — to note and guard against. And
* Trumbull sent the intrepid Response referred to in the text, together with the
hostile Proclamation which elicited it, to General Washington. " I thank your
Excellency for the Proclamation and answer," wrote back Washington, July
twelfth. " The first is truly ridiculous, and must tend to incense rather than
intimidate ; the last is laconic, but to the purpose." The Response was dated
"7th July, 1779."
t He took special note, however, it should be stated in this connection, of all the
losses they occasioned — which, carefully collected by Committees of the General
Assembly, were by him transmitted to Congress.

1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 447
alarms in 1779 were particularly rife — more so than during
any other season of the War. They shook the seaboard and
the State.
Conspicuous among these was, first, that which, in April,
was occasioned by the appearance of a British fleet of thirty-
one sail — then by that of another of thirty sail — which, pass
ing both up and down the Sound — now seizing some Ameri
can schooner laden witb West India goods — now other
craft — now rocking at anchor near Gull Islands — now off
Fisher's Island — were reported as meditating a speedy at
tack upon the Connecticut Main — and pointedly upon New
London. Next came an alarm, in June, from a fleet of twenty hos
tile ships, which anchored off Fisher's Island, and again
menaced New London.
Next, in July, another was occasioned by tbe landing of a
detachment from the enemy's fleet on Fisher's Island, whicb
blew up a house — fired outbuildings — fired hay — and threat
ened other serious mischief on the adjacent coast. Next —
far more startling than the preceding, and in the same
month— came an alarm that a most formidable British fleet
df fifty sail had appeared off Point Judith, and would soon
move on a plundering and burning expedition to Connecti
cut. And next, towards the close of autumn, there was still
another and extensive alarm, when — the fleet of D'Estaign
having failed to appear at the North — fresh inducement and
opportunity were, in consequence, offered to the foe to renew
their depredations.
Upon some of these emergencies — as, particularly, when
that immense British flotilla was expected from Point Judith,
and the roar of cannon, from Stonington and New London,
roused the militia of the whole surrounding country to arms —
the consternation created was universal— and the energies of
the Captain General of Connecticut, and of the forces under
his command, were tasked to the utmost. At the very be
ginning of the year, when the western Sound was filled witb
the armed craft of the enemy — for the purpose of either tak
ing or destroying them — he concerted, with tbe Marine Com
mittee at Philadelphia, a plan for joining two ships of Con-

448 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
necticut to a Continental armed vessel* — and by his judicious-
arrangements, fresh troops, as emergencies happenedj were
poured to every exposed point. He gave orders to the Brig
adier Generals of the State to hold more in constant readi
ness to march. Men from the County of Hampshire in Mas
sachusetts, and from the hills of Berkshire, were at times
stationed at menaced New London — and the defences there
were freshly inspected and strengthened.
"Should the advanced season," he wrote Washington, towards the
close of this eventful year, November fifth — " or any other unforeseen
cause, prevent the Count [D'Estaign] from coming this way, and the in
tended enterprise against the enemy in New York be laid aside, the front
iers and sea-coasts of this State will be eminently exposed to the depre
dations and ravages of the enemy. We would flatter ourselves it will be'
in your Excellency's power to send a part of the troops, under your com
mand, into this State, to take post so as to cover and protect the most
exposed part of our sea-coast and frontiers ; and desire you to inform us
whether we may expect that our hopes and wishes, in this respect, may
be realized, "t
Thus did Trumbull make every preparation to receive the
enemy, at all times, should they attempt a landing, or an as
sault. Fortunately they did not. His own and the signal
activity of the State, at the perilous periods, averted farther
attack. And while thus active to guard against fleets of formidable
size, Trumbull did not forget to keep his eye, as heretofore,
* "By an Express from the Navy Board of the Eastern Department," wrote to
him, February 10th, 1779, Samuel Adams, Chairman of the Marine Committee—
this Committee " had the honor of receiving your letter to them of the 22d of
January, respecting the enemy's armed vessels in the western Sound, and the
probability of taking or destroying them by joining the force of the Confederacy
to the two State ships. They were very anxious of adding the Confederacy to
the number of those ships destined for another service ; but the object yon have
in view is so very desirable, and the accomplishment of it, from your representa
tion, attended with so little danger or delay, that thoy have fallen into the meas
ure, and consented to join the Confederacy to the State ships."
. +." The keeping up large guards of the militia on the coasts," he proceeds—
" besides the enormous expense attending, injures the public service by withr
drawing tho mon from the field, and lessening our ability to supply the army with
men or provisions. But I persuade myself, I need not use arguments to prevail-
on your Excellency to indulge our request, if consistent with the public service
and a due rogard to the general interests of the States."

1779. CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 449
on all the smaller British craft that infested the Sound — and
upon Long Island particularly, where most of the refugee and
tory privateers were harbored and equipped.*
Nor did he forget the little Marine of Connecticut — but,
as usual, kept the armed vessels of the State in constant
motion. And not infrequently, by direction of his Council,
he chartered other vessels to cruise in the Sound. Privateers,
which he commissioned, continued to dart out for Britisb
prey, whenever they could, and met, on the whole, witb great
success. The Oliver Cromwell, it is true, was lost this year — having
been taken — June fifth, off Sandy Hook — after a most gallant
defence against a superior British force, consisting of the frig
ate Daphne, and one or two other smaller British vessels, f
So too was lost — infelicitous reverse indeed — that privateer
twenty gun ship to which we have heretofore referred, as
having been named after the patriot we commemorate — the
Governor Trumbull. While cruising off the West Indies, in
March, she was captured, and taken into St. Kitts, by the
Venus — with this only consolation attending her loss, that
the British frigate which took her was originally a patriot
vessel, owned by Massachusetts, and was first named tbe
Bunker Hill! Add to these losses now, that of the sloop
Wooster, Captain Brintnall of New Haven — of the sloop
Maccaroni, Captain Eldridge of Stonington — which were
both captured and carried into the West Indies — and of a
few other inconsiderable vessels and small craft — and we
have the sum total of prizes which the enemy made this year
from the Connecticut Marine — while, on the other band, the
State counted her prizes taken from the enemy, by scores.
* " A fleet," he wrote Deputy Governor Bowen of Rhode Island, August ninth —
" is fitting out at Huntington, of Tories to come on another plundering and burn
ing expedition on our coasts." This is an example of his watchfulness to secure
information, and communicate it, for cooperation in defence, to adjacent States
whose coasts also were exposed.
t Connecticut had the mortification of finding this vessel — her name changed to
that of the Bestoration — advertised, July 31st, in Rivingston's Gazette, as then
fitting for sea "to join the Associated Refugee Fleet in Huntington Harbor,"
with the intention of soon paying "a visit to the rebel coast" — the coast of the
very State which had built her, and for which she had been employed to fight
many a brilliant battle on the seas.
38*

450 CHAP. XXXVII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
In June, no less than eighteen of tbe latter were libelled
in a Court of Admiralty held at New London, on one and the
same day. On another day, preceding, no less than one brig,
three schooners, and seven prize sloops, witb all their cargoes
and tackle, were advertised for sale at public auction. Nine
New- York or tory privateers, captured between the first of
March and the thirteenth of June — the brig Eanger, a refu
gee privateer of twelve guns, that was cut out from Sag Har
bor early in the year — the privateer Ariel, of twelve guns,
also taken — eleven vessels captured in the spring, all of
which were loaded with valuable produce, most of it from
tbe West Indies — a ship from Liverpool freighted, among
other articles, with thirty thousand pounds of steel — a rich
ship from Halifax, likewise taken — these, together with innu
merable smaller prizes, far outbalanced any losses that Con
necticut sustained.
The American Revenue, the Eagle, Washington, Gates, the
Revenge, Gull, Rattlesnake, Beaver, Hancock, and Young Crom
well— these privateers particularly — spite of the almost over
powering presence of the enemy in tbe Sound — distinguished
themselves by their dashing exploits, and amply justified the
commissions their owners bad received at the hands of Gov
ernor Trumbull. Armed whaleboats too, by their descents
on Long Island, continued to add much to the general stock
of acquisitions from the enemy. True very few of these, as
has been heretofore intimated — on account of irregularities
which had crept into their system of warfare — received com
missions from the Governor this year. Still the temptation
to retaliate upon the enemy on the opposite coast was irre
sistible — and many bold men ventured, without license, to
pounce upon the cattle, horses, goods, plate, furniture,, and
other property on the Island, and bring them over to the
Connecticut Main — accompanied often by prisoners whom
they made, from one to little groups of eight, ten, and thir
teen in number.

CHAPTER XX XVIII.
1779.
Great want of money. Depreciation of national Bills of credit deep
ened. Eight millions four hundred thousand dollars apportioned on
Conne'cticut by Congress. The impossibility of raising this sum.
. Trumbull's anxiety on the subject — and his confidence in the future
ability of tbe nation. His views on the finances of the country, shown
in a letter to Henry Laurens. He hears from Baron Capellan, asking
' for an American Agent to reside secretly among the Dutch — and so
liciting also from him a circumstantial account of American transac
tions, resources, and prospects. Trumbull gives the account in alet-
terof great length and ability. Tbe letter. It -was shown to the Presi
dent 'ftnd Members of Congress before it was sent, and "was highly ap
proved. Capellan delighted with it as a most energetic defence of the
American cause — and makes advantageous use of it to counteract Eng
lish views and opinions regarding America. He so writes Trumbull—1
and in his letter speaks feelingly of himself, and his own life. Tribute
to the patriot.
The addition made to the means of Connecticut, from the
sources indicated at the close of our last chapter, was this
year felt as peculiarly valuable — for it was more than ordi
narily difficult to obtain supplies. Trumbull, it is true, suc
ceeded in procuring his usual quota of food and clothing for
the country — and closed his labors in this respect, in Decem
ber, by furnishing eight thousand barrels of flour for tbe
Continental Army, which Congress had apportioned on Con
necticut. But so far as money is concerned for the general
service, this could not be raised, in the way either of taxa
tion or of loans, to any considerable extent — either in Con
necticut, or in any other State — and the fact gave Trumbull
great anxiety.
Such were the wants, difficulties, and dangers of the time —
so sadly was that great instrument of the war, Paper Money,
now depreciated — no less than seventy-two millions of dol
lars having been this year added to its former amount — so
large had been previous draughts on the resources of the
country — so completely deranged was the course of regular
industry — and so feeble the powers of tbe General Govern-

452 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
ment — that taxation, under these circumstances, was almost
wholly impracticable. Of specie, there was hardly any in
the country. But the pitiful sum of seventy -three thousand
dollars, in gold and silver, reached the National Exchequer
during the entire year! How then could Connecticut — these
things considered — be expected to raise by taxation the enor
mous sum of eight millions and five hundred thousand dol
lars, with which she was charged this year by Congress, as
her quota of the general expense? It was impossible.
Trumbull deeply felt her powerlessness in this respect.
But be at the same time felt, as ever before, an abiding con
fidence in the ability of his country ultimately to redeem all
its pecuniary obligations. It must necessarily increase in
population, he reasoned — in accordance with the confiding
Congress of the nation. "Extensive wildernesses, now
scarcely known or explored, remain yet to be cultivated, and
vast lakes and rivers, whose waters have for ages rolled in
silence and obscurity to the ocean, have yet to hear the din
of industry, become subservient to commerce, and boast de
lightful villas, gilded spires, and spacious cities rising on
their banks." Such resources in prospect then, the national
debt can, and must be paid. "Let it never be said," was his
own, as well as the noble language of Congress at this peri
od — " let it never be said that America had no sooner become
independent than she became insolvent, or that her infant
glories were obscured and tarnished by broken contracts and
violated faith, in the very hour when all the nations of the
earth were admiring and almost adoring the splendor of her,
rising ! " And his remedy, he said, for all the pecuniary
embarrassments of the day, was embraced in two words-^-
"Do Justice " — as in the following extract from a letter ad
dressed from Hartford, November second, 1779, to the Presi
dent of Congress, Henry Laurens, he repeats — and at the
same time, in connection, expresses other important views.
" I sincerely lament with you," he proceeds, " the prospect before us
respecting our Finances. Yet I am far from being discouraged. Wheth
er the remedy applying by Congress will prove the radical cure we wish,
I will not absolutely decide.* I wish, however, the aspect in my view
* Tho remedy to which Trumbull here alludes, was tho attempt by Congress,

1779. CHAP. XXXVIII.— TRUMBULL. 453
had a more favorable appearance. A remedy might I think be applied—
a remedy simple, easy, and perfectly right. In short, two words will
.express it — Do Justice. If this remedy in our present circumstances
cannot have its full operation, come as near to it as we can, and do the
best we can. Let our creditors be assured, in the most absolute terms,
it shall be done. Remove false weights and measures. Fix the curren
cy, if circumstances will admit — if not, fix on some standard measure by
which the variation may be ascertained — and let the variation be con
stantly made up.* Continue the present currency a legal tender to all
intents and purposes — but when so used, let the quantity tendered make
up the quality or value. Make good all contracts, equal to the value
contracted. Remove the deception of sounds, and let not nominal value
attempt to drown the idea of intrinsic worth. In short, use this substi
tute for mowey as it ought to be used — measuring it by some real stand
ard. In this track I think our political safety must be secured. We
have tried too many devious paths already. The more we deviate, the
more we stray. The only sure way, in my mind, is the simple road of
justice and equity, as near as we can practice it — and in that only shall
we find our security.
" Great resources to relieve our coming necessity might be found from
_ internal loans, were these loans on a proper footing. How long are the
lenders to want the assurance that the value lent shall be repaid, or se-
cured? Was this assurance given in the most positive terms, the pres
ent creditors would be perfectly easy, and might be induced to trust
large further sums. Till that takes place, I think all prospects from
loans must fail."
The views on finance, which, in this letter to Laurens, Trum
bull presents, and his firm conviction also of the ability of
the country to redeem its plighted faith, were repeated by
him this year, in various forms, to numerous other corres
pondents, .both at home and abroad — and among those abroad
¦this year, to call in and destroy two of its emissions of Bills of credit — one of
1777, and one of 1778 — and at the same time to impose heavy taxes, and estab
lish a prospective sinking fund.
*"Is there no means to prevent the farther depreciation of our currency"—
inquired Trumbull, writing Congress September sixth, and again urging taxa
tion. " Can there be no radical cure ? The measures used formerly, in the case
of the old Tenor bills, answered the end at that time — why not at the present?
The bills are of the nature of Tallies, that each individual may know and bear
his bnrden in equal proportion. An appreciation will prove more pernicious
than depreciation. Justice ought to be sought for and done to all, as far as is
possible. Taxation is an, infallible remedy. A tax nominally high is as easily
borne as one of a lower denomination, where the value is the same. 'Tis always
beat to pay our debts, when the means for doing it are in our power, which is
assuredly thewse while the bills, or tallies, are so equally distributed."

454 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
to no one so fully and earnestly as to Baron Van der Capel
lan in Holland — that ardent friend to America, and to the
cause of liberty in general, to whom we have heretofore re
ferred. This will appear in the course of a letter, mainly
upon other topics, which we are now about to introduce to
our readers. It is one of the ablest and most important that
ever came from the hands of Trumbull, and with it we shall
close our review of his life for the present year. To appre
ciate this document fully, however, some preliminary re
marks and statements are necessary — to which we now invite
attention. ,
In a letter to Trumbull, dated Amsterdam, July sixth, -
1779, Capellan assures the Governor of his still unwavering
attachment to the American struggle for Independence, and
of his endeavors still to promote the same both by his
" mouth and pen." And in proof of his sincerity — at a time
when the conciliation of Holland — both for the sake of her
pecuniary aid, and of commercial and political alliance — was
of the utmost importance to the United States — but when,
unfortunately, the English party and influence were still pre
dominating there, and wholly false accounts of the situation
and resources of America were everywhere rife — at this criti
cal time he urged upon Trumbull — as he did also upon Gov
ernor Livingston of New-Jersey* — the appointment of some
able agent from the United States to go over and reside
among the Dutch. There, privately for awhile — "under the
rose" as Capellan expressed it — he wished him to form useful
connections, become acquainted with the language and dispo
sitions of the country, and promote the interests of America,
until such time as circumstances might allow him to appear
openly in a public character. f
At the same time that Capellan urged upon Trumbull this
* Capellan refers to Livingston in his letter to Trumbull, and says that he has
desired the former to communicate specially with the Governor of Connecticut
upon the subject of his epistle.
t " Congress," wrote Capellan, " would do well to send over, the sooner the
better, a gentleman of distinction and capacity, to be incognito among us, and aa
a private gentleman to form connections and acquaintances, to obtain a sufficient
knowledge of the maxims, dispositions, and even language of the country, and at
the same time promote the interests of America (under the rose) until the proper
season arrive openly to appoar in and assume his public character."

1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 455
scheme— and upon other occasions also — he warmly solicited
the Governor, himself to prepare and send over to him a cir
cumstantial account of American transactions, resources, and
prospects — in order that upon information thus obtained, he
might be fully armed to resist English statements, ideas, and
¦influence in Holland, and better aid the rising Bepublic of
the New World to take her place among the free and inde
pendent nations of the earth.*
With this request Trumbull complied in a letter of great
lengthf — in which be describes New England, and the origin
and progress of the Eevolutionary War — shows that the Brit
ish are masters of but little more than they possessed at the
outbreak of this war — and replies most fully to all the leading
false reports against his country. He compliments Dutch
valor, and, advantageously for the United States, compares the
Dutch and American contests for liberty. He describes the
American governments, soil, climate, productions, and induce
ments for settlement. He treats of the Continental currency,
and American indebtedness — and concludes with a grateful
reference to Capellan's generous exertions in Holland, and
with some allusions to his own, the writer's family.:]:
It is a document full of value to the cause of that abused
*"A description of the present state and advantages of United America,"
says Capellan in his letter to Trumbull — " of the forms of government in ita
different republics ; of the facility with which strangers can there establish them
selves, and find subsistence ; of the price of lands, both cultivated and unim
proved; of cattle, provisions, &c. ; with a succinct history of the present war,
and the cruelties committed by the English, would excite astonishment in a
country where America is known but through the medium of gazettes." — " I
shall be much honored," he wrote, "with your Excellency's correspondence,
which in future I intend (as good as I can,) to answer in English."
t It fills thirty printed pages in Volume sixth, Series of the Massachusetts His
torical Society's Collections.
t "Another cause of distrust, in relation to the credit of America, is the false
intelligence which the English incessantly circulate, and the effect of which the
friends of the Americans cannot destroy, from want of information. It would be
of the last importance to enable them, by authentic relations, which should con
tain nothing but what was precisely true, and in which even the disadvantages
inseparable from the chance of war, should not be concealed, to enable them, I
say, from time to time, to give an idea of the actual state of things, and of what
is really passing on the other side of the ocean. If you choose, Sir, to honor me
with such a correspondence, be assured that I shall make a proper use of it.
Communications, apparently in confidence, have much stronger influence than
those which appear in public."— Capellan's Letter.

456 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1119.
and suffering country, for whose particular vindication it was
written. It will compare most favorably in point of ability,
and is in its general nature and aim the same, with that cele
brated Memorial, which, at a little later period — in 1781 —
John Adams addressed to the States General of Holland,in
order to promote their recognition of American Independ
ence. It was shown to the President and Members of fhe
Congress of the United States ere it was sent abroad — was
by them highly approved — and with their "knowledge and
consent," as we are assured by Capellan, was transmitted to
himself.* Let those who read it now, we would further remark, not
fail to bear fully in mind the circumstances under which it
was written — that the period of its composition was one of
deepest anxiety for. the American cause abroad — that the
Cabinet of Great Britain, as already intimated, was busy
poisoning the mind of Europe, and particularly of Holland,
with the idea that America — from divisions and factions in
her Congress and among her people, from discord between
the French and Americans,.from a rapid increase of royalists,
from her depreciated currency, ruined credit, and almost total
lack of resources — could not much longer maintain her con
test for Independence — nay was, upon the whole, disinclined
to persist in it — and that, therefore, neither Holland, or any
other European country, ought to look with an eye of pity,
least of all with a helping hand, upon her condition of
revolt. Add to these circumstances the consideration, that — spite
of all these efforts of Great Britain — there was a growing
* A part of it also was placed under the inspection of the Minister of France
at Philadelphia, the Chevalier de Luzerne — with what comment upon it, on his
part, we do not learn. Trumbull was in the habit of transmitting important
letters from Capellan, to Congress, by which Body they were carefully scanned.
Writing to its President Sept. 6th, 1779, he says: "I have lately received an an
swer to my letter of the 27th June, 1777, addressed to Baron Van der Capellan.
Enclosed is his original with its enclosures, written in French. * * Enclosed
is a packet for him, prepared in answer — left open for Congress and your observ
ation — to communicate so far as you think fit and prudent. Please to seal ana
forward the same by the first good conveyance. I entertain raised expectations
of some solid benefit to the public ton this nobleman. Money and goods Way
bo hod most advantageously from tlie Hollanders."

1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 457
disposition in Holland to favor America* — that her mer
chants, particularly, were all anxious to share in that com
merce which the Independence of the United States would
open to the world, and were at this period deeply irritated at
the aggressions which England had committed upon their
trade in naval stores with France — and we have a series of
facts which cannot fail to render the document we are now.
about to present, of absorbing interest to those who will pe
ruse it. Surely it was of vital importance to secure on the
side of the American Eevolution — and against its armed
foe — a Sovereignty so distinguished as Holland then was —
she being rich in resources, and one of the first and most
formidable maritime Powers of Europe. It is to this end
that the letter of Trumbull is directed. Let us proceed now
to look at it. It is dated "Lebanon, Aug. 1779," and thus
opens : —
"Dear Sir. I have the honor and pleasure to acknowledge the receipt
of your first and triplicate letter, dated 7th December, 1778 ; the former
came to hand the 18th instant, the latter about three weeks ago by Capt.
Niles, from France. The duplicate came to Philadelphia ; Mr. Erkelaus
took it, and unhappily irrecoverably lost it in Connecticut River, to his
and my grief. I do sincerely thank you for the communication ; and
your kind offer of correspondence is very freely embraced. The letters I
sent, I feared were not received, or neglected. Col. Derks kindly offered
to see the quadruplicate delivered. That gentleman's polite and agree- •
able behaviour and disposition inclined me to make another attempt, to be
sure of its delivery. Before the receipt of that, sent by him, I am agree
ably entertained by yours. In consequence, I shall embrace every op
portunity to carry on a correspondence, which, I trust, may be mutually
acceptable, and prove beneficial to the public, especially to this spring
ing in the wilds of America."
The Governor goes on now to describe succinctly, yet witb
great accuracy, the early settlement of New England — the
first hostilities at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill — the
establishment by Congress of an army— the taking of Crown
Point and Ticonderoga — and the military affairs in Canada,
• *"Tho people of Holland begin to think now more favorably of America,"
wrote Capellan at this period — " so that this would be tho very time to establish
its rising credit." 39

458 UHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
before Quebec and elsewhere, under Montgomery, Arnold,
and Schuyler. He sketches the evacuation of Boston, with
its military causes — the defeat of General Clinton in South
Carolina — the naval fight under Arnold on Lake Champlain,
and the subsequent retreat and despondency of the American
Army. He notes the Declaration of Independence — the mili,
tary proceedings at New York, and Battle of Long Island—
the retreat of the American Army through New Jersey-—
their return and victories — the Expedition for Philadelphia,
and Battle of Brandywine. Leaving the British in quiet
possession of the metropolis of America, he proceeds to out
line the Northern Campaign, and surrender of General Bur-.
goyne — the Treaty with France — the evacuation of Pbiladeb
phia — the military proceedings and battles at Newport,
Ehode Island — the military events in Georgia and South
Carolina — the expedition of the enemy up the North Eiver—
their plundering and burning expeditions to Newhaven,
Fairfield, and Norwalk, in Connecticut — the recapture of
Stony Point by General Wayne — the expedition to Penob
scot^ — and the defeat of the English in the West Indies by
Count D'Estaign. His description of these events, because
of their great familiarity to the Eeader, we do not here pre
sent — but proceed with his letter from this point.
" The foregoing account," he continues, " gives you a general idea of
the operations of the war, in which, notwithstanding their many con
quests, whether boasted or real, you find the British actually, at this day,
masters of little more than they first possessed. New York, Staten Is
land, Long Island, Rhode Island, Savannah in Georgia, and Penobscot
in Massachusetts, are the extent of their present dominions, all of which,.
you will naturally remark, owe their preservation much more to the navy,.
whose superiority we have no power to dispute, than to the army, whom
we are now ready to meet in the field.
" I can well conceive the address and perseverance of our enemies, in
disseminating false and disgraceful reports of our resources and move
ments ; but a very little knowledge of mankind will be sufficient to teach
even the most simple, what confidence is to be reposed in the assertions
of those, whose actions are seen to deviate widely from every rule of
right. They assert, that ' of 32,000 electors of Congress, only 600 have
taken the oath of abjuration.' But I affirm to the world, that only in the
little state over which I have the honor to preside, there are 1 0,000 elect
ors, every one of whom has abjured his allegiance to the king of Great

17T9. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 459
Britain, and sworn to support with his life and fortune the liberties and
independence of his country — these oaths being one established and irre
vocable condition on which the right of election is founded. They assert
that 'the people are disgusted with the measures of the new Congress.'
On the contrary, the recommendations, only, of this worthy body of men,
have every effect of laws, in guiding the actions of their constituents ;
and it may be truly said, that they have taken no one material step,
which has not been received with the most hearty approbation. It would
be strange indeed, and unprecedented in the annals of mankind, if, in the
establishment of a new empire, under the numberless embarrassments
through which we have struggled, no errors had been committed which
an after prudence might find to correct.
" ' The number of royalists is said to have increased with rapidity.'
General Johnson should have learned to discriminate between people who
voluntarily declare in favor of a party, and those whom misfortune re
duces to the necessity of partial and temporary submission to avoid the
horrible alternative of fire, captivity, and slaughter. Experience, or his
tory might have taught him, that a submission, thus forced, is but the
prelude to revenge ; if he demands example, let him look at New Jer
sey, or the modern instances of Georgia, Carolina, and Connecticut.
"'Discord already reigns between the French and Americans, and
even among the Americans themselves.' Let the French gentlemen, who
have been in America, relate the reception they have met with 'in this
country ; or inquire of my countrymen what treatment they receive in
France. The answer will decide on individual affection ; and the une
quivocal conduct of the Courts of France and Spain leave as little doubt
of the subsistence of national harmony. For ourselves, at the com
mencement of the war, the southern and northern States were almost as
unacquainted as two different nations ; but now, not only political, but
individual union subsists on the firmest, most amicable foundations.
" ' That many of the States are on the point of following the example
of Georgia, Carolina, and Connecticut, in returning to their allegiance,'
is an assertion too impudently false, almost, to merit an answer. How
ever, let the present state of Georgia and Carolina, let the late opposi
tion of two or three hundred raw, surprised militia, and the children of
a college at Newhaven, to as many thousand veteran troops in the
field, and the precipitate retreat of those veterans in less than eighteen
hours, be considered, and I will grant that America, in general, is upon
the point of returning to her allegiance in the very same manner.
" The history which you already have, of the operations and misfor
tunes of the war, with their causes, furnishes a ready answer to the in
quiries of your countrymen, and gives the true reason why ' we did not
improve the opportunity of General Burgoyne's defeat, and the support
of Count D'Estaign, to dispossess our enemy, entirely, of the small part
of the continent which still groans under their dominion.' It was want
of power. New York, Newport, and Penobscot, with the islands, are to

460 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
us real Gibraltars, impossible to be reduced so long as the enemy com
mand the seas ; and this command we can have no power to dispute for
many years to come, except by the support of our allies.
"I acknowledge, my dear Sir, that no one action of the present war
merits any comparison to the fury, and the rage of valor, which was dis
played at the sieges of Harlem, Leyden, &c, and which rendered your
ancestors so justly, so illustriously celebrated. But when we compare
the circumstances of the two countries, perhaps we may be induced to
believe, that the collective conduct of the present has been, by no means,
less arduous than that of the former war. „
" At the time of your revolt, Holland might already be called old in
population, in government, in war, and in arts. Your country, though,
not of wide extent, was crowded with cities and inhabitants. You had
many men of extensive knowledge and experience : your people were in
ured to the fatigues and discipline of war, by land and sea. Cultivation
and manufactures were, by you, carried to an height of perfection un
known to almost any part of the world : trade and commerce you had
almost engrossed to yourselves : your cities and harbors were already
covered with extensive and very strong fortifications : and to these must
be added, your real dominion over the seas, whether on the ocean, where,
your fleets were nearly equal, if not almost superior to those of your
enemy, or by your inundations, which formed a new, and absolutely un
conquerable style of defence. On the other hand, we see America al
most in a state of infancy. We are three millions of inhabitants indeed,*
but thinly scattered over an immense country, whose extent on the sea is
not less than fifteen hundred miles, and to the back country more than
three hundred ; destitute of a single fortified town, or the engineers, the
men, or the revenue, necessary for works of the kind; without a civil
officer informed in independent government, or a military of higher rank
than a colonel of irregulars ; without almost a man who had ever served
on board a ship of war, or in a disciplined army. Cultivation is, from
the youth of the country, but very imperfect; and manufactures, espe
cially of arms, ammunition, and the requisites of war, from the policy of
our connections, were almost unknown in the smallest degree. These
are disadvantages, which already form a striking contrast to the re
sources of Holland, and might have well been sufficient to deter the most
heroic people from an attempt, which, thus embarrassed, reason would
almost stamp with the character of madness and despair.
" But let us go further, and compare our naval situation with yours (to
say nothing of the advantage derived from your inundation.) Our com
merce has always been so cautiously restricted to our mother-country,
that we were almost unknown, by name, to the other nations of the
earth. Thus destitute of commercial connections, or political acquaint
ance, we had, at first, little to expect from the friendship or alliance of
strangers ; while the same mediocrity of commerce, in itself, deprived
us of seamen, the soul of a marine. In fine, there was not, at the com-

1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 461
mencement of the war, a single armed ship on the continent, to defend,
even the smallest point of our vast extended coast, against a navy, which,
but a few years before, had triumphed over the united powers of the
world. The innumerable misfortunes, which were the inseparable con
sequence of this inferiority, are obvious ; it was impossible to combat to
advantage an enemy who could thus, in a moment, evade an attack, and
transport himself to a thousand different defenceless quarters of the
country. Devastation and plunder were continually in his power, while
supplies, of ammunition, and military stores, were almost more precari
ous from abroad than the manufacture of them was unknown at home.
Thus friendless, and thus destitute of resources, the maxims of Fa-
bius were necessarily adopted, and we have hitherto 'conquered by
delaying.' " You will find in the enclosed answers to the inquiries of the British
Court, an accurate description of the form of government, population,
soil, climate, produce, and trade of the State of Connecticut The gov
ernments of the other States are founded on democratic principles like
wise, and nearly similar to ours ; most of them are already established,
though some (from peculiar difficulties of situation,) are still scarcely
arranged. " The climate, the soil, and the productions of a continent, extending
from the thirtieth to the forty-fifth degree of latitude, and in longitude
an unknown width, are various beyond description, and the objects of
trade consequently unbounded. There is scarce a manufacture, whether
iri the useful or ornamental part of life,"of which you will not find the
materials, collected, as it were, in an immense magazine. In every req
uisite for naval armaments we abound : our forests yielding prodigious
quantities of timber and spars ; our mountains vast masses of iron, cop
per, and lead ; and our fields producing ample crops of flax and hemp.
Provisions of all kinds are raised in much greater quantities than are
necessary for our own consumption ; and our wheat, our rye, our cattle,
and our pork, yield to none in the world for quality.
" The price of cultivated lands is by no means extravagant; and of
uncultivated, trifling; twelve thousand acres, situated most advan
tageously for future business, selling for three hundred guineas English,
i. e., little more than sixpence sterling the acre. Our interests and our
laws teach us to receive strangers, from every quarter of the globe, with
open arms. The poor, the unfortunate, the oppressed, from every coun
try, will here find a ready asylum ; and by uniting their interests with
ours, enjoy in common with us all the blessings of liberty and plenty.
Neither difference of nation, of language, of manners, or of religion, will
lessen the cordiality of their reception, among a people whose religion
teaches them to regard all mankind as their brethren.
" The only obstacle which I foresee to the settlement of foreigners in
this country, will be the taxes, which must inevitably, for a time, run
high, for the payment of the debts contracted during the present war.
39*

462 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
These, indeed, will be much lightened by the care which has been taken
to confine these debts, as much as possible, among ourselves, and by
emitting a paper currency in place of borrowing from abroad. But this
method, though it secures the country from being drained, hereafter, of
immense sums of solid coin, which can never return, has exposed us to
a new and very disagreeable embarrassment by its monstrous deprecia
tion — an evil which had its rise in, and owes all its rapid increase to, the
single cause of our not having provided, at a sufficiently early period, for
its reduction and payment by taxes. This measure was indeed rendered
impracticable, at the proper time, by the radical derangement of the sys
tem of government, and consequently of revenue, in many of the United
States ; and its necessary delay, till the removal of these impediments,
gave time for avarice and suspicion to unite in sapping the foundations
of our internal credit. Many methods have been attempted for the pre
vention of a further depreciation; and among others, the regulation. of
prices and markets has been repeatedly essayed ; but all efforts of the
kind must forever prove fruitless, while they do not strike at a radical
cure; and the evil, after each momentary restraint, springs up, like fhe
hydra's head, redoubled and renewed in vigor ; each new attempt con
stantly evincing to us, what we ought at first to have received as a fixed
principle, that the value of money, whether real or artificial, will forever
be determined by the proportion of its own quantify to the quantity of
all the objects of trade in the country where it is current.
" Taxes, therefore, are now adopted, and the evil seems at a stand.*
The continuation of this system, and stopping the emission of additional
sums, we now begin universally to acknowledge as the only effectual
remedy ; and the increasing union of sentiment, which pervades all
classes of men, will soon produce the desired effect. The danger of ex
travagant taxes, indeed, is much more imaginary than real. We have
to defray the expenses of an army of twenty thousand men for four
* This was particularly true as regards Connecticut. Washington, in a letter
to Edmund Pendleton, Nov. 1st, 1779, after alluding to the " capital injury " to
the country from the depreciation of the Continental money, thus, with a com
pliment to the State over which Trumbull presided, urges the restoration of
public credit.
Let the enemy, he says, " once see, that, as it is in our power, so it is our in
clination and our intention, to overcome this difficulty, and the idea of con
quest, or hope of bringing us back to a state of dependence, will vanish like
the morning dew. They can no more encounter this kind of opposition, than
the hoar frost can withstand the rays of the all-cheering sun. The liberty and
safety of this country depend upon it. The way is plain, the means are in oar
power. But it is virtue alone that can effect it. For without this, heavy taxes
frequently collected (the only radical cure,) and loons, are not to be obtained.
Where this has been the policy, in Connecticut for instance, the prices of every
article have fallen, and the money consequently is in demand ; but in other
States you can scarcely get a thing for it ; and yet it is withheld from the publio
by speculators, while everything that can be useful is engrossed by this tribe of
black gentry, who work more effectually against us than the enemy's arms." '

1779. CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 463
\
years. These expenses are almost entirely within ourselves ; and one
hundred bushels of wheat will at this day discharge the pay of a man as
readily as at the commencement of the war. What matters it then (so
long as our country continues to produce an equal quantity of essential
wealth,) whether that wheat is nominally called one hundred pounds, or
an hundred shillings ? The real value (that is in any foreign market, or
in solid coin,) is still the same, however we may vary the denomination
of our internal currency.
" You find I am not an advocate for internal or foreign loans ; in my
opinion, they are like cold water in a fever, which allays the disease for a
moment, but soon causes it to rage with redoubled activity ; temporary
alleviations, but ultimately real additions to the burden. The debts
which we have already contracted, or may hereafter be necessitated to
contract abroad, I have no doubt but will be paid with the utmost punc
tuality and honor; and there can be no surer foundation of credit than
we possess in the rapidly increasing value and importance of our country.
" Indeed it is not so much my wish, that the United States should
gain credit among foreign nations, for the loan of money, as that all na
tions, and especially your countrymen in Holland, should be made ac
quainted with the real state of the American War. The importance and
greatness of this rising empire, the future extensive value of our com
merce, and the advantage of colonization, are objects which need only to
be known, to command your attention, protection, and support.
"Your 'Tertia,' with its enclosures, will (together with this,) be imme
diately forwarded to Congress, where, I doubt not, the services you have
already rendered this country, and the affectionate attachment you are
pleased to testify to our interests, will meet that acknowledgment of
gratitude which pity and relief demand in return from the unfortunate.
" Give me leave, most sincerely, to express my grief that the efforts
1 you have made for the removal of oppression in your own country, and
for extending the blessings of liberty and plenty to the poor, should have
met with so ungrateful a return of persecution and insult. Unhappy
state of man ! where opulence and power conspire to load the poor, the
defenceless, and the innocent, with accumulated misery 1 where an un
worthy few join to embitter the life of half their fellow-men, that they
may wallow in the excess of luxurious debauch, or shine in the splendid
trappings of folly !
" Go on, however, my dear Sir ; continue to assert the liberties of
mankind, and support the cause of this injured and unfortunate country.
And may heaven, in return for your generous, benevolent, and virtuous
exertions, crown your life with the enjoyment of every public and do
mestic blessing. And if future events should render it convenient or
agreeable to you to visit this new world, and share with us the enjoyment
of universal freedom, may you be happy.
"For myself, sixty-nine years which I have already lived, allow me
but a few days at best, of which I can even hope for the enjoyment.

464 CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 1779.
But I have children, in whom I am happy to anticipate an elongation of
life ; and in whom, you may be assured, you will meet with faithful
friends, though you should not chance to see, My dear Sir, your most
obliged, most obedient, and grateful humble servant,
"Jonathan Trumbull."
To the letter from Trumbull now given, Capellan replied;
from Zwoll, early in December of the present year. He was
" delighted," he said, with the communication. He had made
it known, " with discretion," in Amsterdam — down to De
cember "without giving any copies" — he reported — and it
had made " a strong impression " upon all who read it. "All
-regret," he added, "that so handsome, so energetic a defence of
the American cause, should be shut up in the portfolio of
an individual."
Such, however, was the necessity in Holland, just then. It
was not quite time yet, in the judgment of the Baron, to
publish it openly to the Dutch— for the Court of London
stood ready to pounce upon this nation at once with the talons
of war, in case of any active interference in behalf of Ameri
ca — and indeed had succeeded, at the moment, in deepening
the prejudice against the American cause. The United States
will break off from France — they do not defend themselves
" with that exasperation and fury manifested by Hollanders
in past days " — such were the " disparaging reports," among
others, with which Capellan said he was himself "mortified
everyday." Are there "no true heroes in America as in
Switzerland," he asked of Trumbull in this connection — in "
true affliction of soul, yet still witb unyielding confidence in
American bravery. " Should America not have her sacred
Phalanx as well as Thebes ? Yes, certainly 1 "
For himself, he added — he was rejoiced to be tbe object of
the public esteem of America — and but for an aged father,
and wife, and child, would go over and take up his abode
there — shut out still, as he was, on account of his attachment
to liberty, from the Council of his Province — and feeling the
ties, therefore, which united him to bis native land, sensibly '
impaired. His own political proscription, however, he said,
he did not regret; for he greatly preferred "a quiet, unoffi-"
cial life " — especially as it was plainly manifest to himself,

1779.

CHAP. XXXVIII. — TRUMBULL. 465

that, though but thirty-eight years of age — because of sick
ness, great application to business, and trouble — he was " old
before the ordinary time," and unable, therefore, "to do
much." Still what he could, he would do, he promised, for the in
fusion, and spread of liberty. He had himself subscribed, he
stated, to a loan for the United States — was still busy urging
others to subscribe — and wished Trumbull to continue to
send him full accounts of his country — the refuge and the
hope of freedom, and always inexpressibly dear to his heart.
What Trumbull had already sent, he was anxious, were it
prudent, to publish at once. It should be used, however, he
assured him — as all else that he would transmit — for the
benefit of America. And it was so used — most effectively.
Holland became at last, though slowly, inoculated with the
views, and with the arguments sustaining them, which Trum
bull had presented — and no longer distrustful of American
credit — but propping it with her own funds — took her station
side by side with the struggling Eepublic of the Western
World— an open foe to its great Oppressor.
Philanthropic, self-sacrificing Capellan ! Thou wast one
among the first of the nobles of Europe, that — stepping off
from the platform of hereditary rank — bursting every bar
rier with which wealth and power in the Old World have en
trenched and palisadoed man from his fellow-men — didst
come with thy cheering sympathy, thy purse, and thy influ
ence, upon the arena of oppressed America, and bid her —
Be free I At a time when she was rocking, at utter hazard,
in the stormy cradle of war, thou didst say to her— Be of
good cheer! Honor then to thy name, thy bounty, and thy
love! Honor for that undying confidence in the final tri
umph of liberty here, which thou wouldst permit no arrow
barbed from our distress ever to wound ! The shield thou
thus lifted for American defence, should be emblazoned witb
gratitude, wherever thy good deeds are known ! Fame, in
fair guerdon of thy worth, should tell to posterity thy vir
tues, and keep the temple thou hast erected in the American
heart, ever vocal with thy praise I

CHAPTER XXXIX.
1780.
The Campaign of 1780. Another Valley Forge scene. The Continental
Army starving again in its winter quarters. The portion of it upon
the North River relieved "by Trumbull. Testimony of George Wash
ington Parte Custis on this point. The army distressed for support
during most of the year Trumbull, therefore, called upon for extra
ordinary exertion. A change made by CongTese in the Departmentpf
Supplies. Trumbull under the new organization. He furnishes pro
visions, tents, camp equipage, and gabions and fascines, to Washington.
He supplies Ethan Allen with powder. His task rendered doubly diffi
cult on account of tbe -wretched state of the national currency. Yet
ne achieves it. The -whole subject of finance in Connecticut is co'm-
mitted to bis sp.ecial care. Favorable results. A new Congressional
plan, started this year, for improving the currency, is sustained in
Connecticut. The Campaign of 1780 opened under favorable auspices.
France, we were assured, was to help us. Spain looked upon
us with a cautious, yet with a kindly eye — she was at least
pledged against Great Britain. The combined navies of these
two Powers were in the waters of the West Indies to threat
en there the annihilation of British armaments and commerce.
Eussia, Denmark, Sweden, and Holland, had combined in an
Armed Neutrality that was profoundly humiliating to British
naval power and pride. Lord George Gordon was beginning
to rock London witb civil convulsions. Ireland was restive
under the oppression of her master, and threatened retalia
tion. Disturbances, directed against the English Gov
ernment, were rife in Scotland. Prospects then for Amer
ica were auspicious. The hour of deliverance seemed at
hand. But, alas, no deliverance came. The campaign of the
year was tardy — and, upon the whole, fruitless but of gain
to the enemy.* A capital city of the South — beleaguered'
* True, in some respects, America was profited. Hurricanes and assaults in
the West Indies, had wounded Great Britain in her " tendcrest point," her

1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 467
Charleston — fell. Upon tbe blood-soaked plains of Camden,
Gates was defeated, and the heroic Baron de Kalb expired.
The bloody Tarleton ravaged and plundered, almost with
impunity, from the slopes of the Alleghany down to the sea
upon which his master's fleet rode quite triumphant. Lord
Comwallis, not without reason, regarded. Georgia and Soutb
Carolina as conquered provinces — and his foot was planted,
with apparent firmness, on a part of North Carolina, ready
for an advance northward into Virginia, and beyond — an ad
vance which nothing seemed able to prevent.
Yet though the main theatre of tbe war — transferred at
the close of 1779 to the South — remained there during the
whole of the year now under consideration — a full thousand
miles away from the immediate observation of that Governor
we commemorate — who for the five years that preceded, had
been accustomed to see battle rage in his own neighbor
hood — still at home — for the military departments directly
around him — he had his usual amount of labor and duty to
perform — at one. period of the year indeed, as we shall see,
more than an ordinary share.
The year opened with another call upon his services in the
Way of supplies for the Continental Army, which involves a
scene of great interest — and one peculiarly illustrative of his
promptness. To this, therefore, we first direct the Eeader's.
attention. ' On going into quarters — in a winter again signally
severe — in the first month of the year — the scene of Valley
trade— source of her wealth and credit. Portugal had insulted her, fearlessly
and without provoking retaliation, by shutting her ports against her ships-of-
war, and her prizes. Strangely enough, the petty principalities of Germany,
which had heretofore sold her Hessians and Waldeckers for a few shillings a head,
now paused in the mercenary traffic, and rendered additions to her troops des
tined for America from this source impracticable. The American cause too in
Europe had gained in credit. There was satisfaction and even joy felt there at
the expected circumscription of English domination. Though expending all her
finesse to detach France from her alliance with the United States, yet England
had not succeeded. Though she had labored to weaken the friendliness of Spain
and Holland, she had not succeeded. All these circumstances — forcing her, as
they did, to maintain her belligerent attitude — still to muster her battalions, and
task her resources, for a continued contest with America — left her, at the end of
the Campaign of 1780, upon the whole, in a posture by no means favorable.
God, " in bounty," seemed to be " working np storms " about her.

468 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
Forge, as regards distress for want of food, was renewed
among the American troops, with even aggravated horrors.
" The present situation of the army, with respect to provis
ions," wrote Washington, January eighth — "is the most, dis
tressing of any we have experienced since the beginning of
the war. For a fortnight past, the troops, both officers and
men, have been almost perishing for want. They have been
alternately without bread or meat tbe whole time, with a very
scanty allowance of either, and frequently destitute of both.
They are now reduced to an extremity no longer to be
supported." Such at this period, was the melancholy picture drawn by
the Commander-in-chief. And it was but too true. There
they were, the poor soldiers — both those in quarters in New-
Jersey, and those cantoned on the North Eiver— on the very
verge of famine — reduced to half, and sometimes to less than
half allowance — five or six days, at times, without either
bread or meat — compelled to eat every kind of horse-fbqd
excepting hay — their magazines absolutely exhausted — their
medical department without sugar, tea, chocolate, wine^pr
liquors of any kind, and driven to the alternative either of
perishing with cold and hunger, or of dispersing to relieve
their biting wants by indiscriminate plunder — honest and
honorable though their intentions, and heroic and unex:
ampled their patience.
To those of them that were in winter quarters in New Jer
sey, Washington, under the menace of military impress
ments — fortunately, on account of the magnanimous exertions
of the people and magistrates of that State, seldom carried
into effect; — was compelled to extort an irregular and preca
rious subsistence.
But for those cantoned upon the North Eiver he ap
pealed—just at their extremest point of suffering — to Gov
ernor Trumbull of Connecticut — as did also General Heathri-
and Congress also, in pressing terms, twice within six days-+-
to a State that was apparently, from her previous exhausting
contributions, destitute of any provisions beyond those im
mediately necessary for the subsistence of her own inhabit
ants. Of the manner in which Trumbull responded, the fol-

1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 469
lowing account, gathered from the personal statements of the
late venerable George Washington Parke Custis — the adopted
son of the great Father of his Country — will give the Eeader
a vivid idea*
"It seems that once,'' proceeds the account, "when Gen. Washington
¦was quartered in New York, the necessities of the army were at a dis
couraging extremity, and such frequent and exhausting calls had been
made upon the various States, that he despaired of being able to draw
any substantial quantity of supplies from any quarter. However, as a
last resort, he wrote to Gov. Trumbull on the subject, expressing his
mind with perfect frankness, and sending his letter by a special messen
ger. The Governor received the letter in the afternoon, and, after read
ing it, told the messenger to rest for the night, and call the next morn
ing to take his answer. The envoy supposed the case was desperate, and
as he galloped his horse back to New York the next day, believed that
he was carrying information of the utter inability of Connecticut to sup
ply the provisions asked for.
" The letter was opened by Gen. Washington, and, much to his sur
prise, informed him that on.a stated day he might expect a certain num
ber of barrels of beef, a certain number of barrels of pork, and other
provisions in detail. The news was joyfully received, for the Governor
was never known to prove false to his promise. On the day assigned,
squads of American soldiers might have been seen on the highest hills in
the vicinity of the camp, straining their eyes down the line of road from
the East, in which the longed-for wagons were expected to appear in
sight. " Within half an hour of the time assigned by Governor Trumbull for
the arrival of the stores, the expectant eyes almost filled with tears of
joy at discovering through the mists of the valley the teamsters cheering
along their jaded horses. It was like the cry of " sail ho " to the ship
wrecked. Every heart bounded with gratification, and Gen. Washing
ton was delighted to receive fresh evidence of the trustworthiness of the
sterling people and punctual Governor of the State of Connecticut, dur
ing the "times that tried men's souls.''
" With respect to provisions," wrote Washington, January
twenty-ninth — "the situation of the army is comfortable
[now,] on this head. I ardently pray it may never be again
as it has been of late." But the prayer of the Commander-
*The facts were communicated to the Hon. Charles Rockwell, then of Nor
wich, Connecticut, upon occasion of a visit paid by himself and lady to Mr.
Custis. By Mr. Rockwell they were communicated to Charles Hosmer, Esq., of
Hartford— by Mr. Hosmer to L. F. Robinson, Esq., of this city, and by the latter
were written out and published. 40

470 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
in-chief was not, however, answered — for though relieved at
the time he describes, yet spring, and summer, and autumn
too — the whole year in fact^saw the same distress painfully
renewed. May — and the troops were at a half, a quarter,
and even an eighth allowance, for subsistence. September—
and the destitution in camp caused Washington to send fif
teen hundred of the militia of Connecticut, as well as militia
from other States, home — just to procure their " daily bread."
Instances these of want which are "so reiterated and con:
stant," said the Commander-in-chief about this time, as "can:
not but lead to alarming consequences." And the conse
quences predicted did ensue. Two regiments of the Con
necticut Line were forced into seeming mutiny — as were sub
sequently portions of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey
lines. Trumbull, therefore, as at the beginning, so during the
whole course of the year, was compelled to do extraordinary
duty in the department of supplies — a fact which leads us to
dwell somewhat on this duty here. Though it is familiar to
those who have thus far followed us in this work, still its
round at this time, for Trumbull,- varies a little from that of
former years, and in justice to him should not, though under
some aspects analagous, be untrodden either by his Biog
rapher, or the Eeader.
It was at this period that Congress new-modelled the De
partment of Supplies — and for the old system of Continental
purchases by Continental agents, substituted the plan of
making requisitions upon the States for specific articles — to
be procured under State authority, by State agents, with
State money. Connecticut, therefore, appointed, for herself,
a Commissary and Assistants, to make requisite purchases— -
and Trumbull superintended their performance of duty.
From time to time, in order to ensure supplies, this State, as
has been observed, decreed embargoes. Trumbull pro
claimed and enforced these — this year as before — and as
against all exportations that might interfere with demands
for the public service. Connecticut again, passed careful acts
for collecting and storing provisions and refreshments, and
for impressing them even, if otherwise they could not be ob-

1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 471
tained. The Governor saw these Acts too, faithfully exe
cuted — nor did he forget to add beef and pork to the general
stock, from prizes brought into New London by American
privateers.* So that when the Army, during the year, was in need,
Trumbull was always prepared witb a supply — greater or
Jess — generally all, and often more than was the just quota
of the State. When the French troops — arriving this year-
were in want, he relieved them — and frequently also during
the year, supplied some of the people of neighboring States,
from the strangely exhaustless magazines, as they seemed, of
old Connecticut. The Manager of a forge in New Jersey,
for example, on which the army was dependent, wrote him
that unless be received aid in provisions, his workmen must
be dismissed. The provisions were sent. The people of
Nantucket, in March, were suffering from want of bread.
He gave them permits to barter their oil, salt, and rum, in
Connecticut, for this great necessary of life.
Congress called upon him, in March, for one thousand bar
rels of pork, and one thousand five hundred barrels of flour —
fo replace stores that had been borrowed from the French
Marine. They were furnished. In June, De Cornay came
to him with a letter from the President of Congress, request
ing his aid for the steady supply of the French force, and for
fhe prevention of all competition in purchases between
France and the United States. This aid Trumbull cheerfully
bestowed. He commissioned agents to go to Boston for a
conference and arrangement on the subject with agents from
other States. Twenty thousand pounds were advanced to
the French Commissary from the Treasury of Connecticut —
and wagon after wagon, loaded down with provisions — un
der permits which Trumbull granted to Commissary Wads
worth— rolled along the roads from Connecticut to the
French Army at Newport.
In September again, Congress asked him for five hundred
and thirty -nine head of cattle — for the "full" number, and
* As once, for example, in May, when he sent Commissary Champion to New
London, to seize such stores, then lately captured, and convert them to the
public use.

472 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
"immediately." Tbe cattle were sent. In tbe same month
again, General Heath — the militia and troops under his com
mand at Newport being in extreme want of bread, and in
the "utmost danger," in consequence, he said, of a mutiny
and desertion — sent to him for three or four hundred bushels
of Indian corn.* Permission was given to take five hund*
red. Washington wanted four or five hundred barrels of
salted beef for exhausted Fort Schuyler. "I desired Gov
ernor Trumbull," he wrote Governor Clinton of New York,
"to hurry them on, that they might be got up, in all, this
month." The barrels of beef were "hurried" on.
In November again, Congress asked him for fifteen hund
red barrels of beef — twenty -five thousand hundred weight of
beef — three thousand barrels of pork — twenty-five thousand
gallons of West India rum — eight hundred and thirteen
bushels of salt — and two hundred and two thousand three
hundred and ninety-nine dollars and one-third, in money. It
was an enormous demand. Trumbull communicated the
call to the General Assembly. Make what purchases you
can — said the Assembly to himself and his Council — but at
tbe same time represent to Congress their own tardiness in
making the requisition, its magnitude, its disproportion, and
our own inability, at present, to comply with it fully.
This representation Trumbull made. The requisition, he
wrote to Congress, is so " dilatory as to render a reasonable
compliance absolutely impracticable " — why was not Congress
more prompt? It is "large and untimely," especially in the
* The following is the letter of Gen. Heath to Governor Trumbull, upon this
occasion. " Newport, Sept. 30, 1780. Sir. Since I had the honor to address your Ex
cellency on the 22d, we have been in extreme want of bread, and the militia on
the point of a mutiny and dispersing.
"A temporary relief of flour and meal arrived yesterday from Massachusetts^
but your Excellency well knows that the resources of that State in grain, espe
cially in the neighbouring parts of it, aro but small. Permit me therefore again
to request some aid from your State, if possible. Capt. Collins will bring 800 or
400 bushels of Indian corn from your State, if ho can gain permission. As this
can be ground here, and the meal mixed with wheat and rye flour, it will be a
great relief to the troops."
" Had it not been for Connecticut," says a newspaper account, speaking of this
period — "tho whole south-eastern part of Massachusetts would have been deso
lated by a famine."

1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 473
article of salted provisions — and "vastly beyond" tbe just
proportion for Connecticut. Congress is not sufficiently care
ful of its supplies, when obtained. There is the article of
clothing, for example, in which there has been "great loss
and spoil." Still Connecticut is patriotic, and though much
exhausted, " will make every proper effort." Such were tbe
views he presented.
" 'Tis difficult and ever will be," he wrote again to Congress Upon an
other occasion this year — " for Governors and Executive Councils to be
Commissaries and Quarter Master Generals. But we must struggle
through the present campaign as we can. The winter, I think, will be
employed in systematizing still farther. Is it not already time to be form
ing your estimates for another year — that the States may know what
they have tb obtain — that their procurements may be in their season —
and that we may not have the misfortune and embarrassment to look up
our salted meats, &c, after they have all passed to markets. I wish
Congress would for once economize in point of time as well as money."
But it was not provisions alone, but supplies of every
other kind wanted for the war, that Trumbull, this year, was
more than ordinarily active in procuring. Washington, for
example, in July, called for a large quantity of tents and
camp equipage. Trumbull made them ready. Gabions and
fascines were wanted. One thousand militia-men were, in
July, set to work cutting them on and near the banks
of the Connecticut Eiver. Washington again, in August,
called on him for fifteen hundred arms. Tbey were furnished.
Ethan Allen, in February, and again in December, ap
pealed to him, in behalf of Vermont, for powder with
which to ward off an expected invasion from Canada. El-
derkin and Wales, by Trumbull's order, sent two tons in
all to the "Green Mountain Boys" from their powder-mill at
Windham. Labors like these now described, in the department of sup
plies, were achieved by Trumbull, it should be remembered,
when the medium of purchases — Continental Money main
ly — now thirty-nine fortieths at least below its nominal val
ue — was fast verging to the point of utter annihilation — when
in fact, at times, there was no available money at all — as, in
September, Commissary Champion declared before the Coun-

474 CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
cil of Safety, when pressed by this Body to " do his utmost"
for supply. True Congress — early in tbe year — had taken
measures to reduce the quantity of bills in circulation—and
to establish and appropriate specific funds for the punctual
redemption of a new paper substitute, which they endeav
ored to render equivalent to specie* True, their appeal to
the States for cooperation in their plan was kindly met by
Governor Trumbull, and tbe people of Connecticut^-who, in
their General Assembly— for the purpose of sinking the
wretched outstanding paper of the country — authorized a
lottery — and imposed an annual tax of seven pence on the
pound, for six years, on all the polls and rateable estate of
the State.
But all these proceedings did not suffice to make money,
in the language of Wall Street, either " plenty " or " easy "—
and the business of supply therefore, to Trumbull, the pres
ent year, was on this, account — as well as on account of a
disposition still existing, among some, to engross and fore
stall commodities — an arduous task. Yet, aided somewhat
by a fresh emission of State bills of credit — spite of all em
barrassments — he achieved it.
It is a striking proof of the confidence felt in his financial
ability and integrity — that the General Assembly, this year,
specially empowered him "to superintend" the whole subject
of Finance in Connecticut — to supervise and direct the Treas
ury, and the Pay Table — to examine into the state of the
public debts and credits — to make a proper estimate of the
amount of public expenses, and of the ways and means pro
vided for their discharge — and to take effectual measures for
securing, from the towns of Connecticut, their respective
arrearages of the public taxes. All this duty he performed—
and he inspired confidence. The people began, after a while,
to accept cheerfully the new system of finance devised by
Congress. " The Connecticut traders " — was the compliment
which, at this time, the Honorable James Duane of Con-
* By issuing them on the funds of particular States— by guaranteeing their
payment, and making them, principal and interest, redeemable in specie, or, at
the election of the holder, in sterling bills of exchange drawn by tho United
States on their Commissaries in Europe, at 4*. 6p. sterling.

1780. CHAP. XXXIX. — TRUMBULL. 475
gress,* paid to tbe State over which Trumbull presided —
" have done themselves great honor, as well as the principal
farmers. The former, in an Address to the Assembly, de
clare their readiness to receive the new money at its value
specified by Congress, in payment for their commodities.
New-York, I am sure, will concur."
* In a letter to General Washington.

C HAP TER XL.
1780.
Trumbull and military affairs at the North. Devastations "by the ene
my in the Jerseys, and elsewhere. The forces raised by Trumbull
for Continental service, and for Home Defence. Enlistments difficult.
An alarm upon the Hudson River. Washington applies to Trumbull
for aid. Arrival of a French land and naval force at Newport. High
expectations of the country in consequence. Preparations for cooper
ation. Trumbull, through La Fayette, congratulates Count Rocham*
beau and Admiral Ternay, upon their arrival. Arbuthnot, however,
blockades the French fleet Trumbull orders on troops to that quar
ter. Another alarm. Clinton, with a formidable armament, is report
ed to be in Long IslaDd Sound. The Governor's measures in conse
quence. A meeting between the American and French Commanders-
in-chief, at Hartford, to arrange a combined plan of operations. Their
expenses in Connecticut are paid from the State Treasury. Their im
posing reception at Hartford, the Governor being present. Their first
interview in the street near the State House. Their subsequent inter
view and consultation at tbe bouse of Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth.
Trumbull shares in all their deliberations. The result. Escorted by
the Governor's Guards, and amid the roar of artillery, the Command
ers-in-chief depart for their respective Head Quarters. Washington
on his way hears of Arnold's treason.
So much for Trumbull's labors in the department of
finance and supplies, for the present year — a year which,
though the arena of war, as has been stated, was chiefly at the
South, yet did not pass at the North without dyeing some
portions of this quarter with blood, and keeping the expecta
tion of armed collision almost momentarily alive. And it is
to Trumbull's connections with military affairs in this quar
ter that we now turn.
It was during this year that large detachments from the
British army, advancing upon the Jerseys, reduced Spring
field and Connecticut Farms to ashes — and that Sir Henry
Clinton, having settled, as he supposed, South Carolina and
Georgia in firm allegiance to the King, returned from his
successes southward to New- York — thence, with a veteran
army, now become immense, to menace the American battal-

1180. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 477
ions around Morristown, and all the posts in the Highlands
upon the North River. It was in this year that the alarm
ing treachery of Arnold came near throwing West Point
into the hands of the British Commander. It was in this
year that the French naval armament under Admiral Ternay
arrived at Newport, and cooperation with the United States
for the expulsion of their formidable foe was carefully
planned. It was in this year also that Major Carlton and
Sir John Johnson — with their motley hordes of Europeans,
Indians, and tories — dashed upon the northern parts of New
¦York — and, reducing two hundred dwellings and immense
quantities of wheat and forage to ashes, startled the dwellers
upon the upper Hudson and the Mohawk with fresh scenes
of terrific waste and conflagration.
The period, therefore, was a most anxious one at the
North, as well as at the South. It exacted constant military
•watchfulness. It consequently called on Governor Trumbull
-not only for tbe supply of provisions and munitions of war,
but largely also for the supply of troops. These he had to
raise, as usual, both for regular service in the Continental
Army, and for Home Defence.
Of the former there was required, first, in January, a force
of eighteen hundred men to make up a deficiency in troops
that had been previously ordered by Congress from Connec
ticut — second, in May, a force of twenty-five hundred and
twenty men to complete a quota of three thousand two hund
red and thirty-eight that in February was assigned to tbe
State by Congress, for the Campaign of 1780 — and third, in
October, a force of about two thousand to complete a quota
of four thousand two hundred and forty-eight ordered by
Congress for the ensuing Campaign of 1781, to serve for
three years, or during the War, and which was to be made
-ready, and be in the field by tbe succeeding first of Janu
ary — at which time — through the expiration of enlistments,
and other causes, it was calculated that the old regular army
would be diminished one-half — down to six thousand men —
to but a shadow and a name.
Add now to these, two regiments which in January were
ordered for Home Defence — to serve steadily — and other

478 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. mo.
troops that were only occasionally, in some emergency,
raised for the same sphere of duty — as once one thousand
men for Horseneck — add a body of two thousand militia
that, in June, upon an alarm in the Highlands, was suddenly
made ready, and marched to West Point — add also a body
of about one thousand, which, in July, was detached, and
sent on to Greenwich, Rhode Island, upon occasion of an ex
pected attack upon the French at Newport — and we have,- in
all, a force — distributed through the year — of about twelve
thousand men, that was newly raised for public service in
1780 — with the superintendence of which Governor Trum
bull was occupied. <
To raise it was at many times — as in days that had
passed — a difficult task. Once, in May — in order to secure
men — it became necessary to lay an embargo on the priva
teers, letters of marque, and armed vessels of Connecticut —
which the Governor proclaimed and enforced — making, how
ever, such exceptions as in bis own judgment were expedi
ent. Empowered as he was, with his Council, to fill up all
deficiencies in the army — make peremptory detachments, if
necessary — call out, if thought best, the whole military
strength of the State — and, at discretion, regulate bounties —
which, in the course of the year, were raised to the amount
of even three hundred dollars a man — he had occasion to
exercise these powers, nearly every one of them, more or
less. And though through the country generally — partly
from dilatoriness in Congress — partly from jealousy of a
large standing army, such as was contemplated, of from
twenty -five to thirty-five thousand men — and partly from an
overstrained reliance on the French auxiliary force — there
was tardiness in completing the Continental battalions — yet,
so far as Trumbull is concerned, his own exertions in the
case were put forth with his usual energy. With the hu
manity also which ever characterized him, he labored assidu
ously to make the condition of all the officers and soldiers
comfortable as possible — and, in May, united cordially with
the General Assembly in a Public Act which was intended
to secure to all of them the balances which were already due,
and those additional which would become due on the ensu-

1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 479
ing first of January — a purpose which was achieved by hav
ing every soldier registered at the Pay Table, and his wages,
together with interest thereon, provided for in installments
that were secured and made payable, from time to time,
within a few years.
Two occasions, particularly, this year, drew upon the Gov
ernor's energies. One was an alarm at West Point, and upon
the Hudson River generally, in the beginning of summer —
and the other was the American plan of cooperation with
the French land and naval force at Newport.
The alarm to which we refer occurred about tbe middle of
June — at tbe period of Sir Henry Clinton's return from the
South to New York. At this time everything indicated that
the British Commander would proceed immediately to attack
the American posts, in the Highlands — while General Knyp-
hausen, having just burned tbe flourishing settlement of
Connecticut Farms, should continue to harass New Jersey,
and threaten the American army and stores around Morris
town. In pursuance, to all appearance, of this project, Clin
ton assembled transports, and embarked his troops. His des
tination was believed to be West Point. He had at this time,
in and around New York, an army of no less than twelve
thousand men, while Washington had an operating force of
but about three thousand only — a fearful disparity. It was,
¦therefore, a most auspicious time for the .British general to
undertake the scheme he threatened — but one of gloomy
prospect indeed, and pressing danger, for tbe American
troops. Washington fully apprehended "some alarming scene
shortly to open," as he expressed it — some " serious misfor
tune " in the quarter of the Highlands. Prepare, therefore,
he wrote to General Howe, who was then in command at
West' Point. Circulate ideas of having the militia ready
for a sudden call. Apply to Governor Trumbull for the ad
vance of the Connecticut regiments. Collect boats, sufficient
to carry two thousand men, and put the garrison under mov
ing orders, with provision for three days, for a demonstration
m your quarter, in case the design of the enemy should be
against the army in New Jersey — and take such other steps

480 CHAP. XL.— TRUMBULL. 1780.
as, without making a noise, may give tbe enemy some
alarm. Governor Trumbull responded, of course, to the applica
tion made to himself. He ordered a peremptory detachment
of about two thousand militia — and " caused them to march
with the utmost expedition" to General Howe. They
reached the exposed quarter, and gave strength and confi
dence to the garrison there. The relief they afforded was
most timely. And the arrival, speedily, of the French fleet
with Count Rochambeau — which gave Clinton occupation in
other directions — rendered this relief complete. " I am un
der no apprehensions now of danger to West Point," wrote
Washington to Livingston, June twenty -ninth — "on the
score either of provisions, the strength of the works, or of
the garrison. I have dismissed all the militia that were
called in for the defence of the posts on the North River."
!' I beg your Excellency," he wrote Trumbull at about the
same time,* "to accept my warmest acknowledgments for
your exertions in behalf of West Point."
The second occasion to which we have alluded as specially
commanding bis Excellency's attention the present year, was
the arrival, at Newport, of the French Armament just men
tioned. Six thousand soldiers from sunny France — gallant,
devoted, ambitious — came bearing the aegis of protection for
America in her perilous struggle for independence. It was
a boon and benison soul-stirring! The chivalric La Fay
ette — chief promoter of the event — announced their coming,
April twenty-seventh, from on board a frigate in the Bay of
Boston which bis Majesty of France bad furnished him for
bis passage — that he might be the bearer of the tidings, and
find himself once again one of the "loving soldiers" of
Washington. How the good news flew the country over!
How tlie heart of each American patriot kindled with exult
ation! The foe, in his belief, could certainly now be ex
pelled from New York ! The South would be recovered!
The proud navy of England would no longer ride triumph
ant on tbe American seas! America would be free at once!
Beautiful dream — to be realized at last — surely — but" not at
* July twonty-sevonth.

1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 481
the time this present Joy dated its fulfilment — not in tbe
year seventeen hundred and eighty !
Still' preparations were made as if its immediate fulfilment
were certain. A memorial from the Minister of France*
roused Congress — and this Body appealed to the country for
ten millions of dollars — to be paid within thirty-five days at
least— and to be used solely for bringing an army into the
field, and forwarding its supplies. Connecticut, for her
share; was asked for one million three hundred and twenty-
nine thousand dollars. Congress called on the country also
to complete a force of twenty-five thousand men, which, in
January, had been promised for cooperation witb France.
Connecticut had yet many soldiers to enlist in order to make
up her assigned quota of this force. Congress demanded
explicit information from all the States as to their men,
money, and provisions, and charged their Supreme Execu
tives with the duty of correspondence with a Committee of
its own at the Head Quarters of the Army, to communicate
the measures they took from time to time in pursuance of the
public requisitions. A Circular from this Committee to all
the States detailed measures — many and vital — and entreated
for their execution.f
*At Philadelphia.
t The following is General Washington's appeal to Trumbull, June 27th, on
the Plan of Cooperation : —
" Dear Sir. I can omit no occasion of repeating my earnest entreaties to your
Excellency, to use all your influence to forward the measures recommended by
the committee of cooperation. I assure you with the greatest sincerity and
truth, that nothing short of them will answer our purpose, and that I am fully
pursuaded, from a general view of European and American affairs, that the fate
of our cause depends on the exertions of this campaign. The sparing system
has been tried, till it has brought us to a crisis little less than desperate ; and, if
the opportunity now before us be neglected, I believe it will be too late to
retrieve our affairs. These are ideas which I may safely trust to your judgment,
though I know they would be slighted by those indolent and narrow politicians,
who, except at the moment of some signal misfortune, are continually crying All
w well, and who, to save a little present expense and avoid some temporary in
convenience, with no ill designs in the main, would protract the war, and risk
the perdition of our liberties. As I always speak to your Excellency in the con
fidence of friendship, I shall not scruple to confess, that the prevailing politics,
for a considerable time past, have filled me with inexpressible anxiety and ap
prehension, and have uniformly appeared to mo to threaten the subversion of
our independence. I hope a period to them has now arrived, and that a change of
measures will save us from ruin." 41

482 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
To the new duties that now devolved upon him, Trumbull
devoted himself with his usual assiduity — and, notwithstand
ing the great embarrassments of the country, with compara
tively good success. The occasion was indeed an extraordi
nary one — calling for an extraordinary amount of concert
and correspondence, and for the greatest wisdom and energyi
The General Assembly, it is true — in view, as they said, of
the fact that " affairs of great weight and moment to the
peace, happiness, and safety of the States" would "now de
volve on the Executive Department" of Connecticut, and
that " very vigorous and important exertions " must be put
forth — added ten gentlemen, for the conjuncture, to the Gov
ernor's Council. Their advice and aid were received by him
with respect and attention, but did not very materially dimin
ish his own labors — for his were hands which found always
something to do. Nor, to any great extent, did they Telieve
bis sense of responsibility — for this, Chief Executive of the
State as he was — witb such sensitiveness to duty as he pos
sessed — no number of Councillors, though a multitude,
could weaken.
Soon as the French troops appeared at Newport, he warmly
congratulated the Public on their arrival. He spoke in flat
tering terms of their commanders — and by La Fayette — who
on his way, in July, to join his countrymen, visited him at
his home in Lebanon — he sent on to Rochambeau and Ter
nay words of courtesy, and zealous assurances of his own
purpose to do all in his power to make their mission grateful
to themselves, and fruitful of good to the great cause which
they came to succor.
It was but a few days only after their arrival, as is famil
iar history, when the British Admiral Arbutbnot — suddenly
reenforced by Graves witb six ships of the line — reversed the
naval superiority of the French, and effectually blockaded
them in their quarters at Newport.
July twenty-seventh, Trumbull heard of the appearance of
Arbuthnot off this place. General Heath wrote him. So
did Governor Greene. The news was alarming. The ene
my, it was said, would immediately make an attack. Quick
ly therefore did Trumbull provide, so far as was within his

1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 483
own power, for the emergency. He ordered half the men
from four eastern brigades to be made ready to march to the
threatened quarter. A part of the forces from the two brig
ades of Tyler and Douglass, he sent immediately on to Rhode
Island. To the same quarter also he sent Captain Timothy
Backus with his troop of Veterans from Canterbury — and
Captain Daniel Tyler with his company of Matrosses from
Pomfret — instructing them all to rendezvous at Greenwich —
and there, placing themselves under tbe order of the officer
commanding in that department, to be momentarily ready to
defend Newport, should the enemy, as expected, make an
attack. But two days after this, came a second installment of start
ling news. It was at ten o'clock at night, July twenty -ninth,
that a wearied express— one among others who, by order of
General Silliman, had ridden night and day upon his er
rand — drew up his panting steed at the door of Governor
Trumbull's mansion at Lebanon, and announced that Sir
Henry Clinton — with a most formidable armament — was on
the waters of Long Island Sound. He had embarked eight,
probably ten thousand land forces — was the report which his
Excellency received. The armament had been in menacing
position off Greenwich, it was added. It had now put into
Huntington Bay, and lay there at anchor. It was des
tined, concluded the message, for Newport — or for New
London I
The Governor instantly sent the news, by express, to Gen
eral Heath. An attack upon you at Newport, he wrote,
"may be momently expected." Another express he sent
with the news to General Washington. Other expresses he
sent to New London — and in various other directions — with
numerous and urgent commands that every preparation
should be made to receive the enemy — that fresh aids of mili
tia should be put under marching orders — that coast guards
should be multiplied, supplies augmented, spy-boats sent out,
and the most sleepless vigilance be everywhere exercised.
Fortunately the danger was escaped. To alarm Clinton,
General Washington moved rapidly with a force of ten
thousand men towards Kingsbridge, threatening New York.

484 CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. ngo.
Arbutbnot found that the French had so strengthened their
defences, as in his judgment to defy assault — nor did he like
Clinton's plan of combining a land and naval force for his
project. It was, therefore, abandoned. Newport was re
lieved. New London was relieved — and Clinton went back
to New York. His bootless expedition was at an end.
Arbuthnot, however, still continued to blockade New-J
port — and cruised from bis station off Block Island to inter
cept, if possible, that second division of French troops which
was daily expected from Brest. August passed — and this
second division had not come. Neither did Count de
Guichen, so anxiously looked for with a fleet from the West
Indies, appear. Nor — from the over-abounding confidence
engendered by the presence of Rochambeau, and from other
causes — was the American Army recruited rapidly and fully
as it should have been. How then recapture New York —
the darling project of General Washington — or how other
wise direct, separately, or in union, the French and Ameri
can forces — were now the great questions to be settled.
In order to settle them — " to combine some plan of future
operations" which events might render practicable — arrange
ments were made for a personal interview between the French
and American Commanders-in-chief. It was to take place at
Hartford, Connecticut, September twentieth — and Trumbull
was to be present. On a Monday morning, therefore, Wash
ington — with General Knox and La Fayette for companions,
and some other officers of his suite — set out to meet Count
Rochambeau and Admiral Ternay at the appointed place.
It is a singular and interesting fact, related by Gordon —
and one which shows strikingly the pecuniary pressure of
the times — that, on the departure of Washington and his
party from Camp — they were compelled to send about in
every direction in order " to muster up " money with which
to pay the expenses of their contemplated trip — and that^
after strenuous exertions, all they could obtain was eight
thousand paper dollars — such was the " scarcity," says Gor
don, " even of that depreciated commodity at camp.'; Be
fore quitting New York, they had expended "more than
half their stock " — and were much embarrassed by the idea

1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 485
that soon they would become quite unable "to pay their
way." Nevertheless, they "put a good countenance" on tbe
matter, when in Connecticut, says Gordon — "called for what
they wanted, and were well supplied — but tbe thought of
reckoning with their host damped their pleasure. To their
great joy, however, when the bills were called for, they were
informed that the Governor of Connecticut had given orders
that they should pay nothing in that State, but should be at free
cost!" Gordon is correct. Trumbull's thoughtful ness upon this
occasion did anticipate their wants, and those too of the
French commanders and their suite — for, September nine
teenth, say the Records of the Council of Safety — " agreeable
to the orders of his Excellency," three hundred and forty-five
pounds are to be drawn from tbe Treasury " for the reception
and entertainment " of General Washington, and tbe French
General and Admiral at Hartford.
Upon their appearance in this city, they were received
with imposing ceremonies. The Governor's Guards, and a
company of Artillery, were on duty upon the occasion.
They saluted Washington, as he entered the town, with thir
teen guns. Trumbull, and Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth,
and other distinguished personages of the State, met him as
he advanced. They gave him a cordial welcome — and,
through crowds that rent the air witb cheers, and strained to
catch a sight of the illustrious Commander-in-chief, the latter
made his way, together with Knox and La Fayette, to the
residence of their mutual friend, Colonel Wadsworth — there
upon the site where the Historical Society of Connecticut
now lifts its walls — and where, in a beautiful mansion, still
standing, though upon another spot, himself and his princi
pal officers were nobly entertained during their stay.
The same ceremony was repeated soon after Washington
came, upon the arrival of the French commander and suite.*
* The following interesting occurrence, upon their journey to Hartford at this
time, is related by Eochambeau himself.
" I will here venture to intrude on the kind attention of the Reader with an
anecdote, which is.strikingly characteristic of the manners of the good republic
ans of Connecticut. The conveyance in which I proceeded to the conference,
in company with Admiral de Ternay, who, by the way, was very infirm, brok.e
41*

486 CHAP. XL.— TRUMBULL. 17-80.
They were formally received at the City Landing, after crossing
the ferry — and marching to the area in front of the Capitol,
were there met by General Washington and his military
companions. It was the first time that these distinguished
leaders of the great Allied Armies, saw the faces of each
other — the first time that, through their chief martial repre
sentatives, France and America shook hands — and the spec
tacle is described as having been one of the most august and
imposing character.
There were the noble-looking Frenchmen, gayly dressed,
and sparkling with jewelled ensignia. There was Washing
ton — erect, tall, commanding — in his buff vest, buff breeches
buckled at tbe knee, long-spurred boots, white neckcloth,
and blue, buff-lined coat, that shone with a pair of rich,
massive epaulettes. There were Knox, and other American
officers, in nearly similar attire. There were Governor
Trumbull, Colonel Wadsworth, and other noted patriots, in
the close-fitting short clothes, embroidered vests, and drab or
down. I dispatched my first aid de camp, Fessen, to fetch a wheelwright, who
lived about a mile from the spot where the accident occurred. He soon after re
turned to us, however, that he had found the man sick with the ague, and that
he had positively declared to him that for his hat full of guineas he would do no
work at night. I prevailed on the Admiral to accompany me to the man's shop,
and we repaired thither ; we told him that General Washington would arrive at
Hartford the same evening, to confer with us the following day, and that unless
he could repair our carriage, we should be too late to meet him. ' You are no
liars at any rate,' he replied, 'for I read in the Connecticut paper that Washing
ton was to be there to confer with you ; as it is for the public service, I will take
care that your carriage shall be ready for you at six in the morning.' He kept
his word ; and we proceeded on at the promised time. As we returned, another
wheel broke, and we were once more obliged to have recourse to our old friend.
' Well,' said he, ' so you want me to work again for you at night? ' 'Aye, in
deed we do,' I replied. 'Admiral Bodney has arrived to reenforce threefold the
naval forces against which we are contending, and it is of tho highest import
ance that we should return without delay to Rhode Island to oppose him.' — ' Bat
what can you do,' he continued, ' with your six ships against tlie twenty Eng
lish ? ' — ' It will be the most glorious day of our life if they attempt to break our
line.' — ' Come, come,' said he, ' you are good honest fellows ; your carriage shall
be put in repair by to-morrow morning at five o'clock. But tell me, before I Bet
to work, although I do not wish to inquire into your secrets, how did you like
Washington, and how did he like you ? ' We assured him that we had been de
lighted with him ; his patriotism was satisfied and he kept his word. I do not
mean to compare all Americans to this good man ; but almost all the inland cul
tivators, and all the land owners of Connecticut, are animated with that patriotic
spirit which many other people would do well to imitate."

1780. CHAP. XL. — TRUMBULL. 487
crimson broad-flapped coats, which then distinguished the
dress of the opulent citizen.
In close proximity to this central group, were the Govern
or's Guards, in glittering uniform, and Mattrosses witb their
shining brass artillery — and around — crowding the street,
and filling every window, stoop, and niche in the vicinity,
was an immense, eager multitude— composed of men, women,
and children, who had assembled from Hartford, and the
neighboring towns, to witness the novel and gorgeous spec
tacle of a meeting in America between tbe Representatives
of the two great military families of France and the United
States. Everything passed off most happily. " The great
est satisfaction," says the Hartford Courant of that day,
" was expressed by the parties at this meeting, and the high
est marks of polite respect and attention were mutual."
The interview between the commanders was continued at
the house of Colonel Wadsworth — whither the parties re
tired — and where, we are reliably informed — Trumbull in
their midst, and lending his own highly valued aid and ad
vice — they proceeded with that consultation which was the
special object of their meeting. They conferred long and
earnestly — about recapturing New York— about a combined
expedition to the South — and about eventual operations by
the French squadron against the British West India isles, in
case the enemy should be expelled from tbe United States —
operations in which these States — to be "disencumbered," it
was hoped, "of an internal war" — might vigorously unite
their own inhabitants and resources, for the benefit of the
common cause.
. But this deliberation resulted in no definite plan of ac
tion — because, as Washington informs us, "neither side
knew with certainty what was to be expected. We could
only combine possible plans," he adds, " on tbe supposition
of possible events, and engage mutually to do everything in
our power against the next campaign." Still, though the
exceeding complicity of public affairs, at this time, rendered
it impossible for the illustrious military Areopagus at Hart
ford to concert any project for immediate execution, yet the
interview was fruitful of good to the country by bringing the

488 CHAP. XL.— TRUMBULL. 1780.
great leaders of the French and American forces personally
in contact — making them acquainted with each other — and
by augmenting mutual respect, attachment, and harmony.
Thursday night, the Conference was concluded. Friday
saw the French officers start on their return to Newport—
the Governor's Guards again in martial array — escorting the
distinguished guests to the River bank, while thirteen guns
renewedly rent the air. The same parade was again pro
duced on the following morning — at which time General
Washington and suite shook hands with the hospitable
Wadsworth, the worthy Governor Trumbull, and numerous
other friends — and, amid volleys of huzzas, started for the
Head Quarters of the Army — their way, for a while, pleas
antly beguiled, doubtless, with thoughts of the friends and
the welcome they had left — but soon awfully saddened by
the report, which met them on their journey, of the fearful
treason of one, whom in confidence and friendship, but five
days before, Washington had met at King's Ferry — whither,
from West Point, to pay the Commander-in-chief his respects,
bad come the execrable Arnold.

C HAPTER XLI.
1780.
Trumbull aids to rebuild Fairfield and Norwalk. British marauding ex
peditious upon the western frontier of Connecticut. Similar expedi
tions from Long Island — particularly from a band of "Associated
Loyalists" at Lloyd's Neck. Trumbull's precautions. Illicit trade,
and foraya upon Long Island. Trumbull in this connection. Capture
of Gen. Silliman, and counter-capture of Judge Jones. Trumbull re-
Btores Silliman to liberty. The Governor and naval defence. Mari
time prizes this year comparatively rare — losses inconsiderable. Gal
lant capture of the Watt by the frigate Trumbull. The army goes into
winter Quarters. Trumbull and Col. Sheldon's regiment of Horse,
The Duke de Lauzun, and his famous corps of Hussars, take up their
quarters at Lebanon. Their appearance and mode of life at this time
A diDner given by the Duke to the Marquis de Chastellux and Baron
Montesquieu. Trumbull present. Sketch by Chastellux of his ap
pearance, and of his " saying grace " at the repast. Another sketch of
him by the same hand, and also of Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth.
The foreign fleet — whose coming originated the Confer
ence described at the close of our last Chapter — we have
found to have been the cause, indirectly, of a great alarm to
Connecticut — that occasioned by Clinton's expedition. No
large British squadron, however, like that of July, seems to
have again threatened the coast of this State during the pe
riod' on which we now dwell — and Trumbull, therefore, had
a little time to devote to the good work of lifting Fairfield
and Norwalk up from the ashes to which the enemy had re
duced them the previous year — a work which he promoted
by freely granting permits for tbe exportation of produce
from Connecticut to Boston and elsewhere, for the procure
ment of boards, glass, and other materials required for the
rebuilding of these towns — while at the same time, at other
points where the enemy had expended their fury — as par
ticularly at Fisher's Island* — he promoted re-inhabitation
and industry.
Still, so long as the foe occupied New York and Long Is-
*In February, on application of John Winthrop, he gave this gentleman per
mission to rebuild on this island, and cultivate.

490 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
land, Connecticut was never otherwise than in immediate
danger. Still marauding expeditions against the western
frontiers were frequently set afoot by them — as once in July,
when a band of their horsemen surprised a militia-guard at
Horseneck, killed four, wounded as many more, took twenty
prisoners, and drove off a large number of horses, and thirty
or forty head of cattle — and as once again in December, when
another British party of one hundred horse and foot, sur
prised another militia-guard at the same place, and carried
off about thirty prisoners. Such forays as these, of course,
drew immediately upon the Governor's care — some of them
for extraordinary care — as upon one occasion in June, when
he sent to General Howe at West Point for forty Lighthorse
to relieve Greenwich — and upon another occasion late in the
fall, when for the defence generally of the western frontiers,
be asked Washington and Howe for the return of two Con
necticut regiments from the Highlands that had been tempo
rarily loaned, upon a fresh alarm in that quarter — and upon
still another occasion, in December, when one thousand addi
tional soldiers were ordered for the defence of Horseneck and
vicinity. Marauding expeditions too from Long Island against the
Connecticut Main, were frequently concerted and attempted.
Particularly did these originate from a nest of tory priva-
teersmen at Lloyd's Neck — who, this year, for the first time — ¦
for the express purpose of annoying the sea-coast of the "re
volted " provinces, and distressing their trade — became form
ally organized, as a "Board of Associated Loyalists," so
styled, under a commission from Sir Henry Clinton, and with
Trumbull's own former prisoner — Governor Franklin of New
Jersey — for their President.* The watchfulness, however,
of Connecticut against them was abounding. For there;
cruising in the Sound — one set from Stonington to Guilford —
another set from Guilford to the Housatonick — and still an
other from the Housatonick westward — were ten thoroughly
armed whaleboats — under the command respectively of
* " The important post of Lloyd's Neck," says Onderdonk, in his Bevolutionary
Incidents of Queen's County, L. I., " was put under their direction, and they were
furnished with suitable armed vessels, provisions, arms, and ammunition, to de-

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 491
Phinehas Bradley, William Ledyard, and David Hawley —
captains whom Trumbull commissioned for tbe special em
ployment — and manned by nine men each, such as, in the
language of the Record, were " true to the American cause,"
and might " be relied on for their fidelity." And they were
aided occasionally by some of tbe large armed vessels of the
State — and once, in October, by two or three vessels from the
French fleet at Newport, for which Trumbull specially
applied.* There they were, day and night, cutting the
waters of the Sound, turning its waves in sparkles to the sun
and stars, in order to intercept and check all hostile craft,
guard the coast, and detect and prevent illicit trade.
This illicit trade, the present year, was more than ordina
rily active. The General Assembly had to pass a new and
special act for its suppression. And plundering expeditions,
by some unprincipled men, from the Connecticut shore over
to Long Island, were to some extent still continued — spite of
the fact that Governor Trumbull — in obedience to the advice
of Congress and of Washington, and in consonance with his
own convictions of duty — had, on account of abuses, refused
any longer to grant commissions for armed descents upon this
quarter. Still they were made, at times — against law — as
one Colonel Hamilton of Flushing, for instance, found to his
cost — for the house of this man, filled with elegant furniture,
and stocked with provisions and costly wines for the enter
tainment of his British and tory friends — was in January, by
a party of whaleboat adventurers, burned to tbe ground.
The vigilance, therefore, of Trumbull in regard to forays
upon Long Island, was still kept active.
fend the post, and carry on enterprises against the rebels." The conditions of
their " Association " were as follows : —
" 1. Each Associator was to receive 200 acres of land in North America. 2. All
captures made by them to be their own property. 3. Prisoners taken by them to
be exchanged for such Loyalists as the Board may name. 4. The sick and
wounded to have the benefit of the King's Hospital. A skilful surgeon, with a
complete medical chest, to reside at Lloyd's Neck, and accompany the Associators
in their excursions. 5. It will be their care to stop those distinguished cruelties
with which Colonial loyalists are treated, when in the hands of rebels, under the
distinction of prisoners of war and prisoners of State. The Directors will omit
nothing to make the rebels feel the just vengeance due such enormities."
*He asked for them to bo stationed "at or near New London, and the mouth
of the Connecticut River."

492 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
And in this connection it should be noticed, that the pris
oners made from this island, and those taken upon the
Sound, as well as those taken elsewhere, also gave him at
times, this year, much duty to perform — both as regards'
their security, and their exchange. Prominent among
the exchanges which it devolved upon him to negotiate,
was that of his endeared friend, the patriotic General Silli
man — who was Superintendent at this period of tlie coast
of Fairfield, and whose case, as it illustrates strikingly the
exposures and perils of the day, deserves brief mention
here. It was the dead of night in 1779, and General Silliman and
his family were soundly sleeping at his house in Fairfield,'
when a violent assault, from without, upon the door, suddenly
awakened them all. The General leaped from his bed-
seized a muskets — sprang to a window — and there saw eight
armed men striving to force an entrance. Quick as thought
he attempted to fire his musket — but it only flashed. And
the assailants, dashing through the window, seized their vic
tim — pronounced him their prisoner — plundered him of his
purse, a pair of pistols, a sword, and a few other articles —
and just giving him and his son* time to dress themselves,
hurried them down to the water-side, which they reached
at two o'clock, and thence instantly embarked for Long
Island. " Have you got him ? " — was the excited inquiry of Colo
nel Simcoe to the party as they approached the shore of
Lloyd's Neck — where Simcoe commanded, and where he
stood waiting for the expected prisoner.
"Yes" — was the reply.
"Have you lost any men? " — inquired Simcoe again.
" No " — said the captors.
" That 's well " — commented at once the licentious British
Colonel, in the true tory style of detraction — "Your Silli-
mans are not worth a man, nor your Washingtons! "
Father and son were at once ordered to the guard-house—
an indignity, however, from which the General's remon-
*Gold Selleck Silliman.

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 493
strance saved him at last* — and soon, under an escort of
dragoons, they were both sent to New York — and thence to
Flatbusb — where, carefully guarded, they worried out many
months of imprisonment. Such was the consummation
mation of a plot which Sir Henry Clinton himself bad devised.
It was night again — about nine o'clock, November the
sixth — when brave Captain Hawley, from Fairfield, with a
party of about twenty -five gallant volunteers — having crossed
the Sound, hidden his whaleboat in the bushes, and made his
way, stealthily, through the woods, fifty-two miles — stood at
Fort Neck, Long Island, in a pleasant solitude, before tbe
door pf the Honorable Thomas Jones — one of the Justices of
the Supreme Court of New York. There was a ball in the
house that evening. " Music arose with its voluptuous swell,"
and the lamps shone brilliantly " o'er fair women and brave
men " assembled for the dance. The approach of the adven
turers, therefore, had been unheard. Captain Hawley knocked
at the door. The knock was unanswered. He forced the
door open. There stood Judge Jones, immediately confront
ing him in the entry.
"You are my prisoner!" — said the Captain, seizing him,
and drawing him out into the darkness, while others of his
companions at the same time seized and bore away a young
gentleman by the name of Hewlett. The party started on
its return — rapidly — leaving many hearts that " beat happily "
but a, moment before, astounded. A small guard of British
soldiers happened at the time to be posted at a little distance
from their road. The captive Judge hemmed, sonorously, as
they were passing it — that he might attract its attention, and
be rescued.
"Do that again, and you shall die!" — was the quick ex
clamation with which Captain Hawley sternly forbade him
to repeat the sound.
* "The prisoners were ordered to the guard-house. The General asked the
Adjutant whether this was the manner they treated prisoners of his rank. Tho
Adjutant replied, 'Wo do not consider you in tho same light as we should, a
Continental General.' 'How,' said General Silliman, ' will yon view me when an
exchange shall be proposed ? ' 'I understand yon,' said the Adjutant, and with
drew. These questions probably preserved General Silliman from the indignity
of being confined in a guard-house."— Dr. Dwight.
42

494 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
This menace was effective. The party pushed on, thirty
miles that same evening. The following day, they lodged in
a forest — for the alarm had been given, and the British Light-
horse were on their track. Six of their number, in fact, be
came victims to the pursuit. On the third night, however,
spite of all perils, they reached Fairfield in safety — with their
prisoners. General Silliman and his son were avenged!
And doubly avenged — for the wife of the captive Gener
al — with a noble magnanimity — retaliated the sufferings of
herself, her husband, and her son, under the sweet law of
hospitality — soon as she heard of the arrival of Judge Jones,
invited him to breakfast at ber own house — made her house,
though guarded, his home — and soothed his imprisonment
by every courtesy in her power, until the prisoner, "distant,
reserved, sullen,"* as the accounts of the day state him to
have been, was, with his companion Hewlett, removed at last
for safe keeping to Middletown.
Here now was an opportunity, as it seemed, for the recov
ery of General Silliman. Himself and Judge Jones — both
gentlemen of high distinction — equivalents, to all appearance,
in consequence and influence — would make a fair exchange.
Trumbull gladly seized the chance, and issuing a suitable
commission and instructions, not only for the exchange of
Silliman and his son, but at the same time for several other
prisoners — he communicated bis proceedings to General
Washington. The British Authorities in the case, hesitated — down till
the month of May. Throw in Washburn, they then said—
a tory refugee, who happened at this time to be a prisoner
with the Americans — throw him in along witb Hewlett and
the Judge, and we will send you the rebel General and his
son. The proposition was accepted. Washburn, a man no
torious for his worthlessness, was included in the exchange
as a kind of make-weight, and Silliman, with his son, was
sent home. On his passage in a vessel up the Sound, he
was met by another vessel with Judge Jones and his con)-
panions on board, going down the Sound. The two vessels
* He had been made a prisoner before — in 1776 — and was then confined in the
jail at Norwich, Connecticut.

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 495
paused. The General and the Judge — who seem to have
been well acquainted, and aside from their political affinities
on good terms — dined together — and then proceeded to their
respective destinations — the latter to New York — and the
former to Fairfield — where he was "welcomed witb demon
strations of joy by all the surrounding country" — and by
no heart more cordially than by that of him, who, with all
the zeal of private friendship, as well as witb all the author
ity of his official position, had, chiefly, been instrumental in
the restoration of the General to liberty.
Thus, as now described, against surprises and captures like
that of Silliman, and for the protection generally of the Con
necticut Main, was Trumbull still active — and chiefly this
year through the whaleboat system of defence. For the
larger armed vessels of the State, though at intervals they
cruised under the Governor's directions, from some causes or
other-— chiefly, it is probable, on account of the presence of
overpowering British squadrons either at the head of the
Sound, or around Block Island — did not cruise as much, or
so successfully, as in some former years. Prizes were com
paratively rare. A sloop from St. Kitts, laden with rum,
which in March Captain Smedley, of the Recovery, took and
sent into New London — a large brig, which in March again,
Captain Whittlesey, of the Retaliation, captured and sent into
Newport — a letter- of -marque sloop, of ten guns and twenty-
one men, with among other articles one hundred puncheons
of rum, and the Cornelia, a brig from Dublin laden with a
very valuable cargo, which, in April and June, were brought
into New London — these were the chief captures of the
season. On the other hand, naval losses were few and inconsider
able — the privateer sloop Revenue, which was driven on
shore by the enemy near Hog Island, and bilged — and the
brig Dispensier from New London, which was taken by a
British frigate, and carried into New York — being the prin
cipal ones. And these were far more than compensated to
the Governor and State by tbe account, in June, that the frig
ate. Trumbull — whose construction, for Congress, at Chatham
on the Connecticut River, his Excellency had himself super-

496 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
intended — nobly distinguished herself in an action " which is
judged, all things considered, to have been the best contest
ed, the most equally matched, equally well-fought, and
equally destructive battle during the war."*
But little more now remains to be said of Trumbull in his
military connections for seventeen hundred eighty. The
campaign, towards its close, at the North, was wasted away
in almost entire inaction.f Save an apprehension, early in
October, that Newport would be freshly attacked — upon
which occasion General Greene, then in command at Rhode
Island, was empowered by Washington, in case of an emer
gency, to call on Trumbull for tbe two regiments of Connec
ticut that were stationed on the Sound — nothing occurred to
create general alarm, or to concentrate troops upon any mili-
* " When about a hundred yards distant," says Cooper in his Naval History,
describing the contest— "the English ship fired a broadside, and the action
began in good earnest. For two hours and a half the vessels lay nearly abeam
of each other, giving and receiving broadsides without intermission. At no
time were they a hundred yards asunder, and more than once the yards nearly
interlocked. Twice was the Trumbull set on fire by the wads of her enemy, and
once the enemy suffered in the same way. At last the fire of the Englishman
slackened sensibly, until it nearly ceased. Capt. Nicholson now felt satisfied
that he should make a prize of his antagonist, and was encouraging his people
with that hope, when a report was brought to him, that the mainmast was totter
ing, and that if it went while near the enemy, his ship would probably be tho
sacrifice. Anxious to secure the spar, sail was made, and the Trumbull shot
ahead again, her superiority of sailing being very decided. She was soon clear
of her adversary, who made no eifort to molest her. The vessels, however,
were scarcely musket-shot apart, when the main and mizzen topmasts of the
Trumbull went over the side, and, in spite of every effort to secure them, spar
after spar came down, until nothing was left but the foremast. Under such cir
cumstances, the enemy, who had manifested no desire to profit by her advantage,
went off on her proper course. Before she was out of sight, her main topmast
was also seen to fall. It was afterwards ascertained that the ship engaged by the
Trumbull was a letter-of-marque called the Watt, Capt. Coulthard, a vessel of
size, that had been expressly fitted to fight her way. * * In the way of li
regular cannonade this combat is generally thought to have been the severest
that was fought in the war of the Revolution."
The Trumbull was distinguished in other respects this year. With the Deane,
the Confederacy, and the sloop-of-war Saratoga, she was selected by Congress to
be put under the control of Washington, and employed for cooperation with tho
French fleet in any naval enterprises on the coast of North America— and again
was selected by the national Board of Admiralty for a special cruise of six
months, "without loss of time, for the protection of trade, and annoyance of the
enemy." t " We are now," wrote Washington, Ootober fifth, " drawing an inactive cam
paign to a cioso."

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 497
tary enterprises. In October, tbe Army began to think of
winter quarters — and early in December, tbe arrangements
for their accommodation were completed — the Pennsylvania
and New Jersey lines being cantoned at Morristown and
Pompton — the New York brigade in the vicinity of Alba-
ny^-and the New England lines at West Point and its de
pendencies — save Sheldon's regiment of Horset which — for
a short time quartered at Colchester, Connecticut— was, upon
a representation from Governor Trumbull, removed subse
quently to Northampton.
The occasion of the Governor's interposition in this case
grew out of the fact that a large force of French cavalry was
to be quartered, it was expected, in Colchester, and it was
feared there would not be a sufficient quantity of forage for
both troops. Washington was somewhat discontented at the
plan of sending Sheldon's regiment into Massachusetts, and
so expressed himself at the time — in a letter to Trumbull —
because he deemed such State interposition with his own ar
rangements as improper. " It was striking," he said, " at the
most essential privilege of tbe Commander-in-chief that could
be exercised." This was making rather prodigal claim.
However, he submitted to the new arrangement, as he seemed
bound to do, having already previously written to Rocham
beau, and " very much " approved this officer's intent of quar
tering a portion of his troops, tbe second division, in Con
necticut. To carry out this intent, Rochambeau bad himself care
fully conferred with Trumbull. He applied to the latter for
the cantonment of two regiments of his troops at New Lon
don, three at Norwich, and one at Windham — and October
nineteenth, wrote him in regard to the cantonment of the
Duke de Lauzun's celebrated Legipn of Horse — a corps six
hundred strong, and " as fine a one," said General Heath, "as
I have ever seen." Rhode Island, he informed Trumbull, bad
" kindly prepared good lodgings " for Lauzun and bis corps
at Providence, but the " cupidity " of some people there, be
said, had "raised forage to an extravagant price in hard
money" — and therefore, having consulted with Colonel
Wadsworth on the subject, be had determined to apply to
42*

498 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
Connecticut for their winter quarters. " Good policy," he
added, " would render it necessary that the corps should, be
in the same place, under the inspection of its chief," upon
whose " honesty every way," he assured Trumbull he might
depend. " I am acquainted," he concluded, " with all tbe
zeal that your Excellency has for our common cause, and
that you will do all in your power to receive that part of the
French corps."
This "part," to which Rochambeau refers, consisted of
about two hundred and twenty or two hundred and forty
Hussars, with about an equal number of horses. And these,
under arrangements speedily ordered by Trumbull, were
carefully cantoned in Lebanon, a little west of the Chureh,
on the road that leads to Colchester. The spot is known as
" the barracks " to this day — and formed a portion of a farm
which belonged to Governor Trumbull himself, and subse
quently passed into the possession of his son David Trum
bull. Other portions of the French corps of Hussars were
quartered at Colchester, and at Windham — at the latter place,
however, only temporarily* — by far tbe largest division of
the whole being ultimately all gathered at Lebanon, and oc
cupying, many of them, portions of the broad and beautiful
village street — there "by their watchful fires" — traces of
whose seat, in portions of brick ovens, still exist — to remain
for about seven months — their festivities and gay parades, at
times, making the neighborhood sparkle with life and activi
ty, and their morning drum-beat making the air each day
vocal with the uprousing reveille.
Trumbull's son David, and Colonel Wadsworth, were spe
cially appointed to prepare quarters for them, by taking va-
*Nov. 15. " Windham is fifteen miles from Voluntown. I there found Lau-
zun's Hussars, who were stationed in it for a week, until their quarters were
prepared at Lebanon. I dined with the Duke de Lauzun," &c— Travels of
Chastellux. " De Lauzun's legion was obliged, for want of provisions, to divide from its
cavalry, which was sent, with the artillery, horses, and provisions, to the State
of Connecticut, to occupy the barracks which had been built at the Banora for ita
militia. The Duke of Lauzurn-Biron, who was in command of this canton
ment, rendered himself very agreeable to the Americans by his prepossessing
manners, and succeeded in every transaction which he had to conclude either
with the veteran Governor Trumbull, or with tho other members of the Legisla
ture of the State." — Bochambeau's Journal.

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 499
cant houses, by repairing some decayed buildings, and by
building a series of barracks "near as possible to each
other." The Duke de Lauzun — himself a highly accom
plished nobleman, of great wealth, celebrated alike for the
beauty of his person, his wit, his liberality, and his brav
ery — had his own special quarters in the house of the Gov
ernor's son David. There he was most hospitably enter
tained during his entire stay in the town — and there, in re
turn for civilities often extended to himself and his officers
by Governor Trumbull and other citizens of Lebanon, be
often gave gay and brilliant parties — the banquet and the
ball — at which the wine cup was not infrequently freely
pledged, and talk
" Rolled fast from theme to theme — from horses, hounds,
To church or mistress, politica or ghost."
' Upon one of these occasions, but a few weeks only after the
arrival of the Hussar Corps — at a dinner given by Lauzun
in honor of two distinguished visitors from the French
Army — the Marquis de Chastellux, and Baron de Montes
quieu, the latter a grandson of the illustrious author of the
"Spirit of Laws" — Trumbull was present. And the Mar
quis — himself a highly able Major-General in the French
service, of accomplished education, of a gay spirit, and of
polite and agreeable manners* — has given us, in the Journal
of his Travels in North America, a graphic picture of the
appearance of the Governor at this time, and of a striking
incident that marked his connection with the entertainment.
"On returning from the chase," he proceeds — he had been out hunt-
* He was a relative and friend of La Fayette, and quite a favorite with General
Washington, who speaks of him as " a gentleman of merit, knowledge, and
agreeable manners, and of literary as well as military abilities." Franklin, in a
letter introducing him to Washington, says — "I have long known and esteem
liim highly in his several characters as a soldier, a gentleman, and a man of let
ters. His excellent book on "Public Happiness" shows him a friend to man
kind, and as such, entitles him wherever he goes to their respect and good ofiiees.
He is particularly a friend to our cause. He translated into French Col. Hum
phrey's poem entitled " The Campaign." He was a member of the French
Academy. The College of William and Mary in Virginia bestowed upon him
the title of Doctor of Laws.

600 CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
ing squirrels* — "I dined at the Duke de Lauzun's, with Governor
Trumbull and General Huntington. The former lives at Lebanon, and
the other had come from Norwich. I have already painted Governor
Trumbull. You have only to represent to yourself this small old man,t
in the antique dress of the first settlers in this colony, approaching a ta
ble surrounded by twenty Hussar officers, and without either discon
certing himself, or losing anything of his formal stiffness, pronouncing,
in a loud voice, a long prayer in the form of a Benedicite. Let it not be
imagined that he excites the laughter of his auditors ; they are two well
trained for that ; you must, on the contrary, figure to yourself twenty
amens issuing at once from the midst of forty moustaches,^ and you will
have some idea of the little scene. But M. de Lauzun is the man to re
late, how this good, methodical Governor, didactic in all his actions, in
variably says, that he will consider; that he must refer to his Council;
how of little affairs he makes great ones, and how happy a mortal he is
when he has any to transact."
What a picture this from a gay Frenchman of the worthy
old Governor ! He is grave in carriage. His manners seem
ceremonious. He is preceptive in conversation. He courts
business. He is the happiest of mortals when he has any to
transact. He is profoundly considerate in its execution — is
heedful of comparing opinions with his Council — and, from a
habit of thoughtful attention, magnifies even small affairs
into "great ones." He wears the peculiar, imposing dress
of his ancestors — and there over a table where doubtless
waited "the brimming bowl" — in the midst of a party of
volatile, laughter-loving French officers — to all of whom
good-natured derision and merriment was an instinct — to all of
whom, doubtless, tbe utterance of prayer before a meal was a
solecism — tbe Governor, in the true old Puritan style, "says
grace" — and with such imposing solemnity of manner, and
sincerity of tone, as,, for his Benedicite, to extort "at once
from the midst of forty moustaches " —
" Vociferous at once from twenty tongues,''
*"The Duke de Lauzun entertained me with this diversion, which is much
in fashion in this country. These animals are large, and have a more beautiful
fur than those in Europe ; like ours they are very adroit in skipping from tree to
tree, and in clinging so closely to the branches as to become almost invisi
ble." — Climtellux.
+ He was then seventy years of age.
1 The Hussars of Lauzun's Legion, and the Duke himself, all wore moustaches
in America.

1780. CHAP. XLI. — TRUMBULL. 501
twenty profound, complaisant Amens ! Truly it was a scene
for a painter.*
But we have another picture of the Governor from the
same hand — one to which reference is made in the preceding
extract — drawn when the Marquis met him on another occa
sion — and while the Marquis was for a day or two the guest
of Colonel Wadsworth, whose house he found "a most
agreeable asylum" — and whom he describes as then "about
two and thirty, very tall and well made " — possessed of " a
noble as well as agreeable countenance " — and of a name, he
adds, which "throughout all America, is never pronounced
without the homage due to his talents and his probity."f
"Another interesting personage was then at Hartford, and I went to
pay him a visit This was Governor Trumbull ; Governor, by excellence,
for he has been so these fifteen years, having been always rechosen at the
end of every two years, and equally possessing the public esteem under the
English Government, and under that of the Congress. He is seventy
years old ; his whole life is consecrated to business, which he passion
ately loves, whether important or not, or rather, with respect to him,
there is none of the latter description. He has all the simplicity in his
dress, all the importance, and even pedantry becoming the great magis
trate of a small republic. He brought to my mind the burgomasters of
Holland in the time of the Heinsiuses and the Barnevelts."
* Upon another occasion, the French officers were invited by Gen. Jedediah
Huntington to an entertainment at his house in Norwich. " They made a superb
appearance," says Miss Caulkins in her History of this place, " as they drove into
town, being young, tall, vivacious men, with handsome faces and a noble air,
mounted on horses bravely caparisoned." After dinner the whole party, going
out into the yard, huzzaed for Liberty, and, in good English, bade the people "to
live free, or die for Liberty ! "
f'The particular confidence of General Washington," he subjoins, "puts the
Beal upon his merit."

C HAPTER XLII.
1780.
The arrest and imprisonment in London of tbe Governor's son — Col.
John Trumbull — against all reason and justice — upon a charge of trea
son committed in America. The eon's description of the event. Ben
jamin West interposes in his behalf with the King. Burke, Fox, and
other distinguished men lend him their aid. He is finally liberated—
goes to Holland, in accordance with particular instructions from his
father, to labor for a loan of money — and then returns to America.
The father's anxiety and feelings on the subject. The cruel testtment
never forgotten. Death of the Governor's wife. Trumbull's grief.
Her character. Extract from a sermon preached at her funeral. A co
temporaneous Obituary Notice. Her patiotric sacrifices and conduct.
A scene of contribution for Revolutionary soldiers in the Church at
Lebanon, in which Madam Trumbull figures conspicuoualy.
The War, through whose connections with which, for
1780, we have now followed Governor Trumbull, occasioned
this year one event of startling consequence, which deeply
affected his own immediate family circle, and gave to him
self great inquietude. We refer to the arrest and imprison
ment in London of his son, the painter. Let us look at the
case. About the middle of May, in 1780, Colonel John Trum
bull — partly for the purpose of managing a commercial specu
lation, in which himself and a few friends were interested,
but chiefly with the view of pursuing the study of painting
under Sir Benjamin West, in the metropolis of the British'
empire — embarked at New London on board the La Ne-
gresse, a French armed ship of twenty-eight guns, bound for
Nantes. Previous to bis departure he had taken the pre
caution — through his friend Sir John Temple — the Consul
General of Great Britain in New York — to secure from Lord
George Germaine, the British Secretary of State for Ameri
can affairs, an assurance that if be chose to visit London for
the purpose of studying the fine arts, no notice would be
taken by the Government of his past life — and that though

1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 503
"the eye of precaution" would be constantly upon him—
compelling him, therefore, to shun the "smallest indiscre
tion" — yet that so long as he avoided "political intervention,
and pursued the study of the arts with assiduity," he might
"rely upon being unmolested."
Confiding in this assurance, and also in the Proclamation
made by his Majesty's Commissioners in America in 1778,
that all treasons committed in America prior to the second
of October of that year should be pardoned — twenty months
before which time he had resigned his commission in the serv
ice of the United States — he took up his abode in London.
" I had remained some time " here, proceeds the Colonel himself in his
own deeply interesting narrative of the transaction — "with more pros
pect of success than in any place on the continent, and perfectly secure
under the name of an artist, till the news of the death of the unfortu
nate Andre arrived, and gave a new edge to the revengeful wishes- of the
American refugees.* The arts they had for a long time used to no effect,
now succeeded ; and they had interest enough to persuade the ministry
that I was a dangerous person, in the service of Dr. Franklin, &c, &c.
The occasion united with their wishes, and the resentment of Govern
ment marked me as an expiatory sacrifice.
" On the 15th of November, 1780, news arrived in London of the
treason of Gen. Arnold, and the death of Major Andre. The loyalists,
who had carefully watched my conduct from the day of my arrival, now
thought themselves certain of putting an end to my unintelligible secu
rity and protection. Mr. Andre had been the deputy adjutant-general
of the British army, and I a deputy adjutant-general in the American,
and it seemed to them that I should make a perfect pendant. They
however took their measures with great adroitness and prudence, and
without mentioning my name, information was by them lodged at the
office of the secretary of State, that there was actually in London (doubt
less in the character of a spy,) an officer of rank in the rebel army, a
very plausible and dangerous man, Major Tyler, t In the very natural
irritation of the moment, a warrant was instantly issued for his arrest.
The warrant was placed in the hands of Mr. Bond of the police, and the
* American refugees in London, for the most part, were " in the incessant pur
suit of personal and interested vengeance." They did very much to embitter
the separation between England and America, and to precipitate the Revolution.
English policy " decorated them with the name of loyalists."
t Major Tyler was from Boston, and was a fellow-passenger with Trum
bull on his voyage out, from New London. He had gone abroad to settle some
mercantile concerns of his father — having previously served in the American
Army.

504 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
additional information was given to him by the under secretary, Sir Ben
jamin Thompson, afterwards Count Rumford (himself an American loy
alist,) that " in the same house with the person who is named in this
warrant, lodges another American, who there are strong reasons for be
lieving to be the most dangerous man of the two — although his name is
not inserted in the warrant, you will not however fail, Mr. Bond, to se
cure Mr. Trumbull's person and papers for examination, as well as Major
Tyler's." Mr. Bond did not fail. " My orders are to secure your
person and papers, Mr. Trumbull, for examination," he said
to tbe Colonel, as on a Sunday night, at midnight, at his
lodgings near the Adelphi in London, he proceeded to arrest
him. "A thunderbolt falling at my feet," continues the Colonel — "would
not have been more astounding ; for conscious of having done nothing po
litically wrong, I had become as confident of safety in London, as I
should have been in Lebanon. For a few moments I was perfectly dis
concerted, and must have looked very like a guilty man. I saw, in all its
force, the folly and the audacity of having placed myself at ease in the
lion's den ; but by degrees, I recovered my self-possession, and conversed
with Mr. Bond, who waited for the return of Mr. Tyler until past one
o'clock. He then asked for my papers, put them carefully under cover,
which he sealed, and desired me also to seal ; having done this, he con
ducted me to a lock-up house, the Brown Bear in Drury Lane, opposite to
the (then) police office. Here I was locked into a room, in which was a
bed, and a strong, well-armed officer, for the companion of my night's
meditations or rest. The windows, as well as door, were strongly se
cured by iron bars and bolts, and seeing no possible means of making
my retreat, I yielded to my fate, threw myself upon the bed, and en
deavored to rest.
" At eleven o'clock next morning, I was guarded across the street,
through a crowd of curious idlers, to the office, and placed in the pres
ence of the three police magistrates, Sir Sampson Wright, Mr. Addington,
and another. The examination began, and was at first conducted in a
style so offensive to my feelings that it soon roused me from my mo
mentary weakness, and I suddenly exclaimed, "You appear to have
been much more habituated to the society of highwaymen and pickpock
ets, than to that of gentlemen. I will put an end to all this insolent
folly, by telling you frankly who and what I am. I am an American —
my name is Trumbull ; I am a son of him whom you call the rebel Gov
ernor of Connecticut ; I have served in the rebel American army ; I have
had the honor of being an aid de camp to him whom you call the rebel
General Washington. These two have always in their power a greater

1?80. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 505
number of your friends, prisoners, than you have of theirs. Lord
George Germaine knows under what circumstances I came to London,
and what has been my conduct here. I am entirely in your power ;
and, after the hint which I have given you, treat me as you please, al
ways remembering that as 1 may be treated, so will your friends in
America bo treated by mine." The moment of enthusiasm passed, and
I half feared that I had said too much ; but I soon found that the im
pulse of the moment was right, for I was immediately, and ever after,
treated with marked civility, and even respect.
" Other business of the office pressed, so after a few words more, I
was ordered in custody of an officer to Tothill-fields, Bridewell, for safe
keeping during the night, to be ready for a further examination the next
day. I had not entirely recovered from the shock of this most unex
pected event; so I drifted with the stream, without further struggle
with my fate, and I slept that night in the same bed with a high
wayman ! "
The next day Colonel Trumbull was brought up before the
magistrates for a second examination. He had avowed the
crime of which he stood accused — that of bearing arms
against the King — and little else remained to be done but to
remand him to prison — where, in an old, irregular building —
behind Buckingham House, towards Pimlico — in a parlor on
the ground floor, about twenty feet square, which he hired
from Mr. Smith, the jailor, at a guinea a week, and from
which two windows, secured by strong iron bars, looked
upon a "pretty little garden" within the prison yard — he
spent seven months in durance — " ignominiously imprisoned,"
he says, "as a felon."*
The moment that Sir Benjamin West heard of Trumbull's
arrest, he hurried to Buckingham House for an audience with
the King — and giving every assurance -to the monarch that
the prisoner's conduct in London had been "so entirely de
voted to the study of his profession " as to have left him " no
*"Tho room," ho narrates, "was neatly furnished, and had a handsome bu-
roau-bod. I received my breakfast and dinner — whatever I chose to order and
¦ pay for— from tho littlo pnblio house, called the tap. The prison allowance of tho
government was a ponny-worth of broad, mid a penny a day ; this I gave to tho
turnkey for brushing my hat, clothes, and shoes. Besidos these comforts, I had
the priviloge of walking in the garden. Every evening when Mr. Smith went to
his bed, he knookod nt my door, looked in, saw that I was safe, wished me a good
night, looked tho door, drew tho bolts, put the key in his pocket, and withdrew.
In the morning, when he quitted his own apartment, ho unlocked my door,
lookod in to see that all was safe, wished mo a good morning, and went his way."
48

506 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
time for political intrigue," warmly pleaded for the liberty of
bis friend.
"I am sorry for the young man," said his Majesty George
tbe Third — "but he is in the hands of the law, and must
abide tbe result — I cannot interpose. Do you know whether
his parents are living? "
"I think I have beard him say," replied Mr. West — "that
he has very lately received news of the death of his mother;
I believe his father is living."
" I pity him from my soul ! " — exclaimed the King. "But,
West." said he, after musing for a few moments — "go to Mr.
Trumbull immediately, and pledge to him my royal promise,
that, in the worst possible event of the law, his life shall be safe!"
A tedious confinement then, was all now that Trumbull
had to apprehend — and this he softened, well as he could,
with books, and with his pencil — copying and finishing,
among other pictures, a "beautiful little Corregio " loaned
him by Mr. West, which is now, product and memorial of his
imprisonment, in the Gallery at Newhaven. Meanwhile, him
self and his friends labored for his liberation — West most stren
uously — and John Lee, a Member of Parliament, Charles.James
Fox, Edmund Burke, Lord Bockingbam, Sir Joshua Beynolds,
Copley, and many other distinguished men, who paid him
kind visits, and interested themselves deeply in his case.
" My commitment and detainer," wrote Trumbull himself to Lord
George Germaine — "express no other charge than of treason committed
in America, from which I conceive myself fully protected by the procla
mation of his Majesty's commissioners, dated October 3d, 1778, which
grants pardons for all treasons committed before that day in America,
.long before which fhad quitted the American service, and ceased to act
hostilel'y against this country. My conduct since my residence in Eng
land, I trust does now appear to your lordship to have been fair and
upright. Mr. West, under whom I have regularly studied, and who has
spoken and written to your lordship on the subject, can give the strong
est assurance of this, as well as explain the loss I suffer from the impos
sibility of pursuing my studies in this place."
" Although personally unknown to you," he wrote, May tenth, 1781,
to Sir Edmund Burke, giving him all the particulars of his case — "I
have been encouraged by the generous manner in which some gentlemen,
your friends, have interested themselves in my favor, and by that benevo
lence and liberality of character which I have long since learned to re-

IWO. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 507
/
spect in you, to solicit your attention to my unfortunate case. I have suf
fered six months' imprisonment, and after every reasonable effort, I find
no disposition in his Majesty's servants to grant me my relief. The man
ner in which I have become a prisoner, and the treatment which I have
received, appear to me equally singular and unworthy. Betrayed, (if I
may be allowed the expression,) under the specious appearance of liber
ality and honor — not taken in arms — I have experienced a degree of se
verity which has been shown to very few of my countrymen. It merits
some consideration that my father, (who has been for many years Gov
ernor of one of the now United States,) and family, have been distin
guished hitherto for their humanity to British prisoners, and for making
it their study to alleviate, as much as possible, the distresses of war.
What change the treatment I receive may make in their sentiments, I am
unwilling to think. Even the law, to which I would gladly have com
mitted my cause, being shut from me by the suspension of the habeas
corpus act, I am left without a hope of recovering my liberty earlier than at
the tar distant date of peace, except from the generous interest of yourself
and your noble and honorable friends of the opposition ; but from your
friendship, should I be honored with it, I have everything to hope."
" Mr. Burke,*' adds Colonel Trumbull in a letter to his father—" called
on me immediately after he had received this letter " — that from which
we have just quoted — " and assured me of his hearty efforts in my favor ;
that he had already seen Lord George Germaine, and, from what passed
in their conversation, he had hopes of effecting my discharge. Mr. Fox
called on me the next day, and assured me of his entire concurrence with
Mr. Burke ; and, after a few days' delay with forms of law and want of
precedent, a discharge was sent me from the Privy Council."*
* The following is a copy of the discharge : —
\h. S.] u Whereas John Trumbull stands committed to your custody, charged
with' having been guilty of the crime of high treason, committed in his majesty's
colonies and plantations in America, contrary to the statute in that case made and
provided; and application having been made unto his majesty's most honorable
privy Council in his behalf, to be discharged from his confinement ; the said
Council have thought fit to order; and you are hereby authorized and required
^forthwith to cause the above said person to be discharged from his confinement, he
first giving good and sufficient security to appear before the commissioners who
shall be appointed by his majesty, by the first commission under his great seal to1
try treasons committed out of the realm, at the time and place which such com
missioners Bhall appoint for the trial thereof. And for so doing, this shall be
your warrant.
"¦ From the councU chamber, Whitehall, this 12th day of June, 1781.
Bathurst, L.

"To the Governor of Tothill-Fields,
Bridewell, or his deputy.

Sandwich.
Stoemont. Clarendon.Amhekbt.
loughbobodoh.'

508' CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
A bond now for two hundred pounds — with Mr. West and
Mr. Copley as sureties — conditioned that within thirty days
he should depart the kingdom, and not return till after peace
should be restored — left Trumbull at liberty to fly from the,
scene of his unwarrantable persecution and thraldom — a lib
erty of which he was not slow to avail himself. Passing
over immediately to Amsterdam, he there found important
letters from his father — one of which empowered and in
structed him to negotiate a loan in Holland, of two hundred
thousand dollars, for the State of Connecticut. This he la
bored earnestly to effect. But the times were exceedingly
unpropitious for such a purpose. Neither himself, nor John
Adams, who was in Holland at the same time striving to se
cure a loan for the United States, could succeed. And so,
" baffled at every point " — " this favorable gleam of hope," the
loan, he says — his "original mercantile speculation" — and
his "flattering pursuit of the arts" — all seeming "to fade
and elude his grasp " — nothing remained for him to do "but
to find his way back to America, and the quiet of home, soon
as possible " — a point which he reached in January, 1782 —
not however without having first, in a mad gale on a lee
shore, which strewed the coast of Texel Island with wrecks,
encountered an imminent risk of being lost at sea.
All the facts of his arrest and imprisonment, with all the
appertaining documents, be communicated, upon the first
opportunity, to his father at Lebanon — and particularly in a
long and careful epistle from Bilboa in Spain, to which place,
on his return voyage, adverse circumstances had driven him.
The history is "so complicated," he wrote, "and at the same
time so interesting to the reputation and public credit of our
country, as to merit a separate letter."
The event filled the Governor with grief and surprise. It
distressed him that his son's career of study and improve
ment, under one of the master-painters of the world, should
have been so abruptly terminated. It was a disappointment
to his youthful ambition which the father keenly felt-r&r
though still of opinion, in a prudential view — as in the boy
hood of his son — that the art to which he devoted himself
would not in his own country prove sufficiently remunera-

> > ^

1»I80. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 509
tive — he yet had learned to respect the passion with which
the latter pursued his favorite art, and freely, though, under
the circumstances of the war, with a solicitude that was some
what trembling, consented to his foreign trip. Now, that
trip had taken him — not — save but for a brief time — to the
studio of Sir Benjamin West — but for many desolate months,
to a barred and grated apartment in a London prison. Its
expense was almost entirely thrown away. Its fruit was mis
carriage and woe.
But more than all, the Governor felt the treatment of his
son as an indignity on national honor — as an outrage on na
tional faith, and a gross breach of hospitality. Going to
London as Colonel Trumbull had gone, under pledges that
were most sacred and inviolable, and which were freely
proffered — demeaning himself in all respects there peace-.
ably as any subject of the realm — fulfilling in fact scru-
pulously every obligation under which he was placed—
he had yet been selected as the special object of national
vengeance, and his life placed in imminent peril, just at
the moment when the death of a favorite British officer*,
had most roused and maddened the spirit of retaliation.
Upon a charge on which his own perjured accusers had them
selves entered a solemn public nolle — a " few frivolous pa
pers" which were found in his possession, and his own "too
generous and unguarded weakness " on his first examination,
being made the pretext for his commitment — denied the privi
lege of a trial — with no other answer from Government, for
alongtime, to his repeated prayers for relief, but "acontempt-
uous silence" — he had been doomed — "a dungeon's spoil" —
to "rust in vile repose" side by side with the most atrocious
convicts and villains ! Truly the treatment was cruel with
out warrant, and faithless! Both father and son felt it as
such to their dying day.
But another calamity, far more afflictive than that which
we have now described, overtook Governor Trumbull the
present year — that to which Mr. West alluded in presence of
the King. Death again entered his household, and on Mon
day, the twenty-ninth day of May, snatched from him his
. „,. * Major Andre".

510 CHAP. XLII.— TRUMBULL.

1780,

wife — a lady with whom, united in the bloom of her youth,
he had passed now nearly forty-five years of uninterrupted
eonjugal happiness. She died at the age of sixty -two years,
with a dropsical affection, which for some time previously
had impaired her health, and which, upon a last sudden and
severe attack, terminated her existence fatally in five days.*
Trumbull drank this bitter cup with Christian fortitude,
but still with tears, " copious tears," they are reported to have
been, of human lamentation. She was deeply endeared to
him — as a devoted wife — devoted mother — as the most agree
able of companions — as the most valued of friends — and he
was leaning upon her then in his old age, more droopingly
than ever before, as a staff and comfort — as the tenderest of
human props. Of ber birth, education, mind, and temper—
of her moral and religious principles — pf her appearance,
manners, habits, and conduct — of her reputation, and particu
larly of the affection which her condescension and diffusive
benevolence won from all — we are able to present the Eeader
with quite a full conception, from two interesting memorials
of the deceased which remain — the one a Funeral Sermon,
and the other a cotemporaneous Obituary Notice.
Tbe Sermon was preached at Lebanon upon the day of
her funeral — Wednesday, May the thirty-first — by Timothy
Stone, A. M., Pastor of the Third Church in the parish of
Goshen, in that town — and in that portion of it which relates
specially to the deceased, proceeds as follows : —
"Madame Trumbull was honorable in her birth, in her education, and
in her near connections in life. She was the fifth and youngest daughter
of the Reverend Mr. John Robinson, of Duxbury — possessed of a good
natural understanding, of a generous and noble spirit, which being orna
mented and informed by an education answerable to her family and
birth, she was hereby fitted for that peculiar and exalted position in life,
to which Providence raised her, and for which she was designed. She
filled every station, and sustained every character of life, with dignity
and propriety — the elevation of her character never raised her mind
above her acquaintance, nor diverted her from the openness and familiar
ity that were peculiar to herself, nor to neglect the duties and necessary
* The following is Gov. Trumbull's entry, in his own family Bible, of his wife's
death : —
" My wife died— Monday 29th May, half an hour after noon— 1780." She was
born Deo. 11th, 1718, 0. S.

1780. CHAP XLII. — TRUMBULL. 511
concerns of her family, to which she was ever peculiarly attentive. She
was a kind, respectful wife, an affectionate, tender parent. The heart of
her husband did safely trust to her. She looked well to the ways of her
household, and ate not the bread of idleness — her children rise up and
call her blessed — her husband also, he praiseth hei — she stretched out her
hand to the poor, yea, she reached forth her hands to the needy.
" She was many years a serious professor of the religion of Jesus, a
very constant attendant upon the worship of God's house, and the ordi
nances of the gospel ; which she attended with apparent pleasure and
devotion. I have never had that intimate and personal acquaintance
with the deceased, which should enable me to speak with knowledge con
cerning her internal views, and religious exercises of soul. This however
I am able to say, without any air of funeral panegyrics, as praising the
dead; all her acquaintance will bear witness to her uncommon benevor
lence and charity to the poor ; this noble and exalted Christian grace,
which may be called an expensive grace, and too rare in our days, was a
grace which, so far as may be known from outward expressions, shined
with a peculiar lustre in Madame Trumbull. She had an uncommon
commisseration for the distressed, and was ever ready for, and never
weary of affording relief to the afflicted and the poor. Her charities
have been very numerous and very large.''
. The Obituary Notice to which reference has been made —
bearing date June ninth, 1780 — was published in the Con
necticut Courant of that time, and is as follows : —
" On Monday of the last week, departed this life at, her seat in Leba
non, Madam Trumbull, consort of his Excellency the Governor of this
State, aged sixty one years and five months. She was a daughter of
that wise and venerable minister of the gospel, the late Rev. Mr. John
Robinson, of Duxbury ; her pious mother was suddenly taken away
while she was a child, and left her the beloved of her father ; and under
his wise and tender care, she received a virtuous and polite education,
becoming the beauty of her person, the elevation of her mind, and the
honorable station she was destined to fill. She was early married to the
great and good man now mourning her loss, with whom she lived in per
fect friendship and harmony near 45 years, an amiable and exemplary
pattern of conjugal, maternal, and every social affection.
"Joined to most comely features, she had a certain natural, peculiar
dignity in her mien and whole deportment through every scene in life —
the same accompanied with a graceful modesty, condescension, and kind
ness, as bespoke at once the greatness of her soul, and the benevolence
of her heart — and equally commanded and attracted the esteem and re
spectful love of all her acquaintance. But her benevolence was more
than seen ; she never turned a deaf ear to the cry of the poor, nor was

512 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 1780.
any kind of distress in her power to relieve ever neglected. Yea, she
sought out and delighted in opportunities of doing good, and promoting
within her sphere every good and charitable purpose. Her circumstan
ces enabled her to begin early and persevere through life, in acting out
the benevolent desires of her heart. The sum of her charities has been
great, and the objects very many ; but still she had an excellent spirit of
prudence and economy, and never ate the bread of idleness. Her house
and all about her was a striking exhibition of regularity and order. She
was eminently qualified for, and adorned the honorable station in which
Providence had placed her.
" She had many friends, and not one enemy. The heart of her hus
band safely trusted in her, and her children arise, and call her blessed.
More than all these, she had hopefully the saving impressions of divine
grace made on her heart many years since, under the ministry of that
eminent servant of God, the late Rev. Dr. Williams, and she became a
serious professor of religion, and devout attendant on all the worship and
ordinances of the gospel, and ever maintained a fixed hope of eternal
salvation through the merits of Christ alone. Without ostentation she
wore the ornaments of a truly Christian spirit
" Her health had been for several years greatly impaired, tho' by inter
vals she enjoyed a very comfortable state. The last return of her (drop
sical,) illness was severe, and in the short period of five days unexpect
edly released her from a world of pain and sorrow, to a state (we doubt
not,) of everlasting rest
"The honorable bereaved consort has received and drank this bitter
cup at the hand of his heavenly father, without a complaining word, re
membering all the loving kindness of the Lord, and especially his giving
and so long continuing to him this so rich and great a blessing. But
even Jesus wept for a friend ; no wonder then if copious tears have
bathed his face. But an unshaken trust in the unchanging faithfulness
of God's everlasting Covenant, is his firm and solid support"*
The picture given of Madam Trumbull in the extracts now
presented, we have no reason to think in any respect over
drawn — flattering though we know to be, customarily, the
praise of the dead. Its genuineness is proved from other
sources, and especially from the evidence of many who have
beard her described by her cotemporaries. But it is deficient
in two important features — which the pen of the authors
* Madam Trumbull was buried in the family vault at Lebanon, and the follow
ing is her epitaph : —
" Sacred to the memory of Madam Faith Trumbull, the amiable lady of Gov.
Trumbull, Born at Duxbury, Mass., A. D. 1718. Happy and beloved in her con
nubial state, she lived a virtuous, charitable, and Christian life at Lebanon, in
Connecticut, and died lamented by numerous friends, A. D. 1780, aged 62 years."

1780. CHAP. XLII.---TRUMBULL. 513
failed even to delineate at all. Madam Faith Trumbull, in
addition to her other virtues, was a lady eminent for her de
cision of character, and for her patriotism. Her opinions
once formed, she was not only frank, but bold to avow them.
Her purposes modelled, she was not only ready, but resolute
to execute them. Firmness of will gave energy to her con
duct, and certainty to her plans — alike whether these plans
were to operate in the sphere of domestic life — through the
rounds of neighborhood benevolence — or upon tbe stage of
the Eevolutionary Struggle.
To this Struggle — in harmony with her husband — in exact
fulfillment of all the duties which bis high position imposed
peculiarly on herself — she devoted herself, in every form in.
which a lady could, witb unwearied assiduity. It was a
cause she earnestly loved — for which she ceased not a mo
ment to labor — for whose success she failed not ever devoutly
to pray. Like Dr. Franklin's daughter — Mrs. Bache — like
Mrs. Bead, wife of the President of Pennsylvania — she was
ever busy rousing charities, and superintending contributions,
for the suffering soldiers of the Revolution — stimulating asso
ciations among her own sex to provide them with clothing — -
and sending them the encouragement of kind words and
grateful compliments.
" The army," said Washington to Mrs. Bache and other
ladies of Philadelphia, upon occasion of one of their contri
butions — "ought not to regret their sacrifices or sufferings,
when they meet with so flattering a reward as the sympathy
of your sex ; nor can they fear that their interests will be
neglected when espoused by advocates as powerful as they
are amiable." Madam Trumbull was one upon whom a com
pliment like this, from the Father of his Country, would
have been as fittingly bestowed as in this instance upon tbe
ladies of Philadelphia. Like them, alike by her spirit and
her efforts, she was entitled to an exalted place among those
of her sex who have devoted themselves to the cause of lib
erty. Let the following striking example of her conduct in aid
of the soldiers of the Revolution, vouch for her patriotism !
During the War — after divine service on a Sunday, or on
a Thanksgiving Day — contributions were often taken in

514 CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. iign.
church for the benefit of the Continental Army. Cash, fin
ger-rings, ear-rings, and other jewelry — coats, jackets, breech
es, shirts, stockings, hats, shoes, every article in fact of male
attire — besides groceries in great variety — were frequently thus
collected — in New England particularly, in large quantities.*
Upon one such occasion in Lebanon Meeting House, Connec
ticut, after notice given that a collection would be taken for
the soldiers — Madam Faith Trumbull rose from her seat near
ber husband — threw off from her shoulders a magnificent
scarlet cloak — a present to her, we hear on good authority,
from the Commander-in-chief of tbe French Allied Army,
Count Rochambeau himself — and, advancing near the pulpit^
laid it on the altar as her offering to those who, in the midst
of every want and suffering, were fighting gallantly the great
Battle for Freedom. It was afterwards taken, cut into narrow
strips, and employed, as red trimming, to stripe the dress of
American soldiers.
The act was one of peculiar generosity. It shed an instant
lustre on ber patriotism — and the example was contagious.
From all parts of the congregation, donations were at once
showered — and many overloaded baskets upon this occasion —
as upon many other similar ones in the same place — were
borne from the church, to have their contents carefully
packed up, and sent away to the Army.f
* " On the last Sabbath of December, 1777, a contribution was taken up in the
several parishes of Norwich, [Conn.,] for the benefit of the officers and soldiers
who belonged to said town ; when they collected 380 pair of stockings, 227 pair
of boots, 118 shirts, 78 jackets, 48 pair of overalls, 208 pair of mittens, 11 buff
caps, 15 pair of breeches, 9 coats, 22 rifle-frocks, 19 handkerchiefs, and £258 17«.
8d. in money, which was forwarded to the army. Also collected a quantity of
pork, wheat, cheese, rye, Indian corn, sugar, rice, flax, wood, <fcc, &c, to be dis
tributed to the many families of the officers and soldiers. The whole of which
amounted to the sum of £1400." — Connecticut Gazette, published at New London.
" New London, Dec. 26, 1777. On Thanksgiving Day (last Thursday,) a col
lection in the North Parish of New London was taken for the benefit of our sol
diers in the continental army ; viz., in cash £26 12«., 17 shirts, 14 pair of stock
ings, 4 coats, 7 jackets, 3 pair of breeches, 2 pair of drawers, 20 pair of mittens,
1 pair of trowsers, 7 pair of shoes, 1 pair of gloves, 2 felt hats, and 2 linen hand
kerchiefs." — Green's Gazette, New London, Conn.
t The act too was one of picturesque beauty — a primitive parish scene of paci
fic, pains-taking Eevolutionary service. We have caused it, therefore, to be illus
trated, that the Eeader may gaze upon it. Let him look then on the picture
opposite !
There, near her husband — in tho act of laying her cloak upon the altar, stands

IM.ilTord's lilt.

Tage SI*

¦MADAM" FAITH TRUMBULL, CONTRIBUTING HER SCARLET CLOAK TO
THE SOLDIERS OF THE REVOLOTIGN.

1780. CHAP. XLII. — TRUMBULL. 515
Madam Trumbull — her dress a rich one of the day, and her mien imposing and
noble. On tho left, and adjacent, is a young woman holding in her hands a
bundle of supplies, which she is about to present. A basket, heaped full, is just
before her, on the floor, near the altar. To the right is a young lad, bearing a
pair of boots. Behind him is a little girl, with a small shawl on her arm, which
she intends to give — -and near her is a little lad, with a cheese in his hand, which,
his mother tells him, he may give " to the poor soldiers." Just behind Governor
Trumbull is a young lady, with her head leaning, in the act of taking a ring from
her ear for contribution. Others of the congregation, in the gallery and else
where, are busy producing the various donations which they design to make, or
are gazing with a pleased and anxious interest on the scene — which is also over
looked, from his pulpit, with great satisfaction, by the clergyman of the parish.
They are all ready to contribute, each something, after the wife of the Governor
shall have placed her gift on the altar, and retired. The donations are received
by a Committee, of which a Deacon of the Church is supposed to be one, and the
Chairman of the Town Committee of Inspection and Correspondence is the other.
The whole forms a scene, which carries the beholder vividly back, in thought and
feeling, in fear, hope, and joy, to the great events and struggles of our American
Battle for Independence.

CHAPTER XLIII.
1781.
General view of the Campaign of 1781. Theatre of war chiefly at the
South. Again a starving army. Washington writes Trumbull of ita
distresses, and sends on Gen. Knox, and afterwards Gen Heath, to ex
plain them personally. A letter from Knox to "Washington describing
his interview with Trumbull. Trumbull's measures for supply. A
letter from Gen. Heath describing his interview with the Governor.
New supplies forwarded Some officers in the Connecticut Line dis
contented because of not receiving their full pay. They complain to
Washington, who writes Trumbull on the subject Trumbull re
sponds, explaining the circumstances, and vindicating his State. Tbe
officers continue their complaints Another letter from Trumbull, re
buking the malcontents, and again vindicating Connecticut. Great
dearth of money Trumbull, in conformity with instructions from
the General Assembly, strives, but in vain, to negotiate a loan in Hol
land. Great demand upon Connecticut for money. Notwithstanding
its exceeding scarcity, Trumbull continues hopeful — and at last pro
cures funds enough to pay the officers and soldiers of the Connecticut
Line. The year seventeen hundred eighty one — save that radi
ance from Morgan's deadly lire at the triumphant battle of
the Cowpens — opened upon the American cause with gloom.
The French Army were still blocked up at Newport. The
Main American Army, on and around the Hudson, were, as
usual, wretchedly weak in numbers, ill-fed, ill-clothed, almost
wholly destitute of pay, and alas too, most fearfully riven by
mutiny in its Pennsylvania and New Jersey lines. Lord
Cornwallis was in possession of South Carolina, and Georgia,
and overrunning North Carolina. Arnold and Phillips were
overrunning and ravaging Virginia. A union between these
three commanders, for a seemingly irresistible march of con
quest northward, was in near prospect. British hopes ran
extravagantly high — those of America low. Congress was
disposed to relax American claims, and — against the voice of
Connecticut, Massachusetts, and North Carolina alone out of

1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 517
all the Thirteen States — was even consenting, for the sake of
securing active cooperation from Spain, to relinquish a most
important part of the navigation of the Mississippi. Such is
the dark picture which American affairs at this time present,
almost until the year upon which we now enter, reached its
meridian. Then broke a light, almost from every quarter, auspicious
to the United States — save from those flames, which, in
September, left New London, much of it, a charred and
smoking ruin. The intrepid Greene had returned into South
Carolina, and to his victorious arms — to himself, and to his
country's Sumpter — to their Marion, their Lee, their Colo
nel "Washington, their "Watts, their "Williams, their Gaines —
post after post of the enemy, from tbe High Hills of Santee,
through the battle ground of Eutaw, down to the sea-coast,
had yielded — until the whole country between Cooper Eiver
and the Edisto was covered by the champion troops of free
dom — until at last the little Neck of Charleston, and a few
adjacent islands, held all that was left at tbe South, of Lord
Eawdon and British domination, from the Eoanoke to the
waters of the Savannah. Meanwhile La Fayette with his
phalanx of twelve hundred chosen men, joining the defence
in Virginia, had pressed Cornwallis, like Eawdon in Carolina,
down upon the sea-coast. And "Washington and Eocham-
beau, having united their arms on the banks of the Hudson,
had marched for the Chesapeake. Yorktown was invested.
Earth, sea, and air reverberated its doom. The last decisive
blow for American Independence was struck, and was
erowned with brilliant success. Cornwallis fell.
The theatre of bloody strife thus at this time, as in the
year 1780, lying chiefly at the South, Governor Trumbull
was, of course, again relieved somewhat from those superior
anxieties and cares which had pressed upon him in previous
years, when "War stood, as it were, by his own door. Troops,
however, were yet to be raised, supplies furnished, and the
frontiers and coasts of Connecticut to be defended — as
usual — for still a frowning British soldiery occupied New
York-Estill menacing British armaments rode upon the Sound.
The first matter which occupied Trumbull's attention, at

518 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL.

1781.

the outset of the year, was — as the Eeader will readily antici
pate — a starving army. Its " aggravated calamities and dis
tresses," wrote "Washington, January fifth, to him — as at this
time also to the Governors of the other New England
States — "that have resulted from the total want of pay for
nearly twelve months, the want of clothing at a very severe
season, and not unfrequently the want of provisions, are be
yond description." And the Commander-in-chief sent Briga
dier-General Knox to the Governor, personally to explain
the condition of the army, and enforce his application for relief.
" I have already," he wrote again, May tenth, to Trum
bull — as also again to each of the Governors of New Eng
land — " made representations to tbe States, of tbe want of
provisions, the distress of the army, and the innumerable
embarrassments we have suffered in consequence ; not merely
once or twice, but have reiterated them over and over again.
I have struggled to the utmost of my ability to keep the
army together, but all will be in vain without the effective as^
sistance of the States. I have now only to repeat the alterna
tive which hag been so often urged, that supplies, particu
larly of beef cattle, must be speedily and regularly provided,
or our posts cannot be maintained, nor the army kept in the
field much longer." And this time the Commander-in-chief
sent on General Heath to explain and enforce his dispatch.
Here is the old picture of suffering in the army repro
duced — in colors almost as dark as ever — and reproduced
too, as it happened, just upon the heel of the alarming revolt
of the Pennsylvania Line, and at a time when in the coun
try generally there was an extraordinary dearth of money,
and great and almost universal discontent among the people
at the new system of public contributions — impressments,
alas, having been but too frequently rendered necessary.
How now in this new, yet too painfully familiar exigency,
did Trumbull conduct? A letter, February seventh, from
General Knox to General "Washington, describing his inter
view with the Governor at Hartford,* upon the mission to
which we have referred, will explain it in part.
* 1781. " Jan. 81st. Sot from home— Gon. Knox overtook me at Whites [Bol
ton] — came together into Hartford.

1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 519
"The Legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Tsland," proceeds Knox,
after stating that he had visited all the New England States with his dis
patches — " unfortunately, were not sitting. The Governor of the former
State, by having the powers of the Assembly in the recess, respecting
the exigencies of the war, delegated to him, jointly with a certain Coun
cil, supposed that it would be unnecessary to call the Legislature on the
matter of my mission, and that his Council would be competent to do
everything necessary on the occasion ; for which purpose he proposed to
call them together the next day after I had the honor of conversing with
him, which was on the 11th ultimo. Governor Trumbull fully coincided
in sentiment with me, in respect to the gratuity of three half Johannes,
in preference to any pay in paper money, as a matter that would be more
efficacious to quiet the minds of the troops, and render them happ}^ ;
and also as a measure which the New England States could execute with
as much ease, under present circumstances, as the three months' real pay
in paper. He was clearly of opinion, that to attempt to obtain both the
gratuity and the three months' pay, would be to attempt more than could
be performed consistently with their present exertions in order to put
tbeir finances on a tolerable footing. The Governor pledged himself to
exert his utmost interest to have the gratuity and deficiency of clothing
given to the troops immediately ; and requested me to impress on the
Governors and official gentlemen in the other States, the necessity and
propriety of New England adopting similar measures. I believe the
Governor religiously performed his part, and I am happy to believe I
did not fail in mine. * * The Council of Connecticut determined
upon nothing final, but appeared to intend to follow the example of Massa
chusetts. They were to meet at Hartford the 5th instant, on this busi
ness. The Governor informed me he had but little doubt that they
would adopt similar measures to Massachusetts. But, if they should de
cline, he would immediately call the Legislature, when he presumed the
matter would be made certain.
" I have the pleasure to assure your Excellency, that all ranks of peo
ple, as well unofficial as official, from the private farmer up to the Gov
ernor, in the four States through which I passed, appear perfectly
well-principled in the contest, and fully determined to make every sacri
fice of property and personal ease to insure the happy termination of the
war. The universal sentiment was, that the army ought to be supported,
and should be supported, at every reasonable expense.''
Thus far Knox. Trumbull — redeeming the pledge of ef
fort which Knox represents him as having made — convened
"Feb. 1st. Entered on business with the Treasurer and Pay Table. Gen.
Knox left."— Trumbull's Diary.
This Diary — exceedingly succinct — extends over a few months only. We shall
have occasion to recur to it again— for some important facts. It is in the posses
sion of the Connecticut Historical Society.

520 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781.
his Council the very next day after bis interview with the
American General — and Knox was present, and fully ex
plained the object of his visit. An order was given there
upon, the succeeding day, for tbe sale of a large number of
the confiscated estates of tories, for the purpose of procuring
specie for the Connecticut Line of the army. These estates
were actually sold for this purpose. Twenty-one thousand
pounds, in State bills, were assigned to Colonel Champion for
the purchase of cattle. Ealph Pomeroy was appointed a
Deputy Quarter Master General for Connecticut, under Colo
nel Pickering, and there was renewed activity in forwarding
supplies of every kind to the North Eiver. The General
Assembly was specially convoked by tbe Governor to meet
in January — speedily — and it met and passed an Act for col
lecting a tax of two pence half-penny on the Grand List in
gold and silver. These facts — and an advance by the Gov
ernor, in April, on bis own responsibility, of seven hundred
and seventy -three pounds, twelve shillings, in hard money,
to those of tbe Connecticut officers who were then going
southward — prove that Trumbull — as General Knox says he
believed he would do in the crisis upon which he visited
him — "religiously performed his part" towards effectually
conciliating the minds of the soldiers, and making them quiet
and happy.
But look at him again in May, on the same matter when
visited as we have stated by General Heath.
"I arrived here yesterday afternoon,"* writes the General at this time,
in a letter from Hartford to General Washington, May fifteenth, and also
in his Memoirs — " found the General Assembly sitting, and presented
your letter to Governor Trumbull, together with a representation con
taining the spirit of my instructions. * * This venerable patriot gave
assurance of his immediate attention and exertions, and accordingly laid
the dispatches from General Washington before the Legislature, who also
discovered the same noble patriotism. They inquired into the state of
the Treasury, and finding it was destitute of money, except a sum ap
propriated to another purpose, they ordered this money to be taken, and
directed to Colonel Champion, one of their number, immediately to pur
chase and forward on to the army 160 head of cattle, and 1000 barrels
* May 14. M. Gen. Heath — brings Gen. Wash's letters de distress for provis
ions." — Trumbull's Diary.

1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 521
of salted provisions from their stores, and resolved to make every other
exertion in their power to comply with the requisitions of the Command
er-in-chief, as thej' respected both fresh and salted provisions, by ap
pointing a Committee for a general arrangement of supplies.''
The exertions made by Trumbull and the Legislature for
meeting the wants of tbe army, it is thus plain from the testi
mony of General Heath, were, zealous and unremitted. Yet
about this time there were officers in the Connecticut Line,
who — discontented, and even embittered by the fact that
full provision was not at once made for their own arrearages
of pay — gave the Governor on this point much anxiety, and
subjected him to the necessity of replying to their claims and
remonstrances in a manner which deserves particular men
tion here.
They had sent on a Committee of their number to settle
with the Legislature its accounts with the Connecticut Line.
Before, however, this settlement could be completed as re
gards the detained rations of the officers — but yet not until
their accounts for pay and wages, and for those also of the
soldiers, were adjusted — the Committee returned to their duty
in the army — whither they went — themselves somewhat
soured by disappointment — to sour also, by their news of a
mission not all quite fulfilled, the minds of others. Many
officers now complained in bitter terms of the negligence and
wrong, as they charged, of tbe Connecticut Assembly. "We
have no justice to hope for from the State, they said, unless
our accounts are at once closed, and our wages and subsist
ence secured before the period arrives when the country shall
have no farther occasion for the services of the army. Some
of them appealed to General "Washington on the subject, and
so aroused his sympathies in their own behalf, as that — to
wards tbe close of June — tbe Commander-in-chief himself
Wrote Governor Trumbull on the grievance — urged him to
remedy it — and, if necessary, to call the Legislature together
to effect it. To this letter, Trumbull, July ninth, made re
ply — one full of heartfelt sympathy for the sufferers — and
yet vindicatory of Connecticut.
"Your feelings of distress," he said to Washington — " excite a sympa-
44*

522 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781.
thy in my breast, and a readiness to do all in my power to remove the
occasion. That the Committee from the Connecticut line of the army
did not accomplish a full settlement, was to me a matter of sorrow, and
fear for its consequences. The veteran troops who faithfully served, and
bravely endured so many distresses in defence of their own and their
country's righteous cause, in the unhappy contest with the British King
and Ministry, and continue therein to the end, will be rewarded, ac
knowledged, and remembered with love and gratitude by this and future
generations. Surely, none will forsake it, or cause disturbances at this
time, when in near view of a happy home. Those who do, will meet
with reproach and regret.
" The country, universally," Trumbull goes on to say — extenuating
any apparent tardiness or negligence in satisfying any arrearages of pay
to the complainants — " has had many, very many embarrassments, and
great difficulties to encounter and struggle through ; enemies secret as
well as open ; no permanent army raised ; soldiers to be hired into the
service for short periods, at extravagantly high prices ; no magazines of
provisions ; an army to be fed from hand to mouth ; finances deranged ;
public credit abused and ruined; a rapid depreciation of the currency;
the army not paid or clothed ; the force and pernicious policy of a cruel
and inveterate enemy to be met and avoided ; heavy taxes ; unreason
able jealousies ; with a train of other grievances more easily conceived
than expressed.
" I do sincerely wish," he concludes — referring to that happy time
when America would have no farther need of an army — I do sincerely
wish for that period, and will then, and ever, exert myself to obtain jus
tice for the officers and soldiers of our line, as freely as I have done so to
bring the war to a happy close. A full settlement was agreed on for the
pay and wages of our line. The subsistence of the officers was the only
matter unsettled. It was proposed to give them eight pence half-penny
per ration, not from the first of April last, as mentioned in the letter, but
from the first of April 1780, the residue to lie open for the determination
of Congress.
" The Legislature of this State is not setting. To call it to meet at
this season, when every other business, public and domestic, calls for the
attention of the members, will cause discontent and uneasiness. You
may depend on my giving the subject as early a consideration as may be
found convenient, and consistent with other circumstances. A sum of
money for our line of the army, as much as can be collected, will be
forwarded soon."
This soothing letter of explanation must, we think, have
fully satisfied the mind of "Washington on the subject to
which it refers. Everything in fact had been done by Con
necticut, and was still doing, towards paying its own Line in

1781. CHAP. SLIII. — TRUMBULL. 528
the army, which under the circumstances was possible. Not
only had its Assembly made the settlement to which Trum
bull refers — not only assigned the eight pence halfpenny per
ration to the officers — but to meet the emergency, and for
procuring supplies generally, had laid a farther tax of two
pence on the Grand List of the State — had ordered the sale
of confiscated estates to the amount of no less than one
hundred thousand pounds — had kept Committees everywhere
incessantly active, Trumbull at their bead, to gather up all
the gold and silver that could be found — had even once form
ally entertained the project of recommending Congress to
require the coinage of family plate, through the country at
large, in order to satisfy the arrearages of army pay — and,
through its Chief Magistrate, to whom specially it confided
the important task, had laboriously striven to procure frorn
Holland a loan of no less than two hundred thousand
pounds. Notwithstanding all this, some of the Connecticut officers
remained still discontented, and both to "Washington and to
Trumbull renewed their complaints. To tbe latter, once in
July, they renewed them in a letter "filled," he says, "witb
severe remarks and reflections." To their complaints, there
fore, Trumbull again gave heed, in a letter to "Washington,
July seventeenth. And in this letter he again explains the
action of Connecticut, and to the discontented officers admin
isters such reproof as shows that he knew how — well and
pointedly — to vindicate his own and the honor of the State
over which he presided.
"I wish," he proceeds — "to do the things that make for peace with
both officers and men of the Connecticut line of the army, consisting of
our own people, raised for defending and securing the rights and liber
ties of the whole, embarked in the same common cause, and to return to
citizens again when the contest with the British King and Ministry ia
ended ; to prevent, if possible, discord and division, so very dangerous in
our situation, and hazardous to our present operations. Surely the offi
cers do not desire to inflame the soldiery with apprehensions that the
Assembly deny them that justice which was done them the last year,
with which they were satisfied, when the Committee from the line know
the whole accounts of pay and wages were gone through, and ready to
be closed on the same principles, and that nothing remained in question

524 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781.
but only the detained rations of the officers. This was not agitated, till
it became time for the Committee to return to their duty ; when there
was scarcely time for the members of so numerous a body to deliberate
on the subject. Eight pence half-penny per ration was offered from the
first of April, 1780. Many were of opinion, that by the time of pay
ment that rate would be more than sufficient for the same. Others pro
posed to secure a specific payment. As to what was done before that
1st of April, 1780, it naturally lay open for the direction of the Honor
able Congress.
" In the midst of these deliberations, the Committee left us unexpect
edly. I observed no design to deny justice to the officers ; to the sol
diery there could be none. The accounts were fully agreed, prepared,
and ready to be closed. I choose to forbear any recrimination. Yet
suffer me to inquire, why the Committee from the line did not bring on
the settlement for detained rations earlier. They knew it must require .
time for deliberation, when they well knew the principles for settlement
of pa}r and wages were agreed on the last year. Do they mean to press
.for more than justice, from the necessity of their present services, and
the fears of fatal consequences if denied ? The whole line know and
ought to consider their pay and wages are secured in full value, while
the depreciation operates as a heavy tax upon the rest of the people.
The officers may likewise consider, that their pay was raised by Con
gress, fifty per cent, above what the State agreed with them for. The
maxim adopted by the enemy is that old one of divide et impera. Shall
we suffer avarice to divide and ruin us and our cause, and give them op
portunity to exalt and triumph over us?
" Providence hath and doth smile propitiously upon us and our cause,
and calls aloud for union, vigorous exertions, patience, and perseverance,
and to endure hardship as good soldiers, that the end may be peace.
Justice and peace ride together in the same chariot It will be my con
stant endeavour that peace may be obtained on just and honorable terms,
and that justice be done to them that jeopard their lives in the high pla
ces of the field, in defence of, and to secure the blessings of freedom for
ourselves and posterity.
" I wrote yesterday to the Treasurer, to inform me this week, what
sum of hard money is and can be immediately collected for the army,
which shall be sent forward without delay. The measures directed, and
orders given for raising and marching our troops to the army, are now
diligently carrying into execution."
Thus at a critical period — just after revolt had actually and
most dangerously disorganized two Lines of the American
Army — and when its spirit, subjugated but yet not extirpa
ted, was still silently and almost imperceptibly working, to
some extent, in tbe heart of other Lines — did Trumbull labor

1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 525
to soothe, subdue, and sever this spirit from the bosoms of
that soldiery witb which he was himself most closely con
nected — the soldiery from Connecticut. What a hardship
that he bad to contend at such a time against such a dearth
of money ! What a pity that loan from Holland, to which
we have referred, was not then in his hands ! It had been
ordered by the General Assembly at the close of the pre
ceding year — to be negotiated by himself in Holland, or else
where — and he had at once sent on proper instructions to
effect it to his son Colonel John Trumbull. He had enclosed
these instructions under cover to his correspondents De Neuf-
ville and son at Amsterdam — gentlemen who, "from their
knowledge, connections, and real attachment" to America,
were "unquestionably" and peculiarly "worthy the confi
dence of the State" — whose "assistance and counsel" in tbe
-matter, as well as the aid also of Dr. Franklin in Paris, he
had earnestly solicited — and solicited too in a noble tone of
confidence both in the ability of Connecticut to redeem her
pecuniary obligations, and in the success of that great cause
for which the succor was sought.
" As our prospects [for a loan,] " he wrote his son upon the occasion —
" principally centre in Holland, I can wish this letter may find you there,
and that you will pay your first and most assiduous attention to that
quarter. Give me the earliest information of the way and probable ex
pense of getting the money in specie here, and of whatever else you
may judge needful for me to be advised. This loan is not sought on the
principles of despair, but to put our finances on a better footing. The
spirit of the country remains firm and steady ; men for three years or
during the war, will fill and complete the army. I hope to get the finan
ces of the State upon a sure and good footing."
But Trumbull's hopes of a loan abroad were destined to
disappointment. The public credit of the United States bad
been injured in every part of Europe. It was indeed sadly
low. St. Eustatia had been lately captured, and the loss to
America was supposed to be very great. Capitalists, there
fore, were "slow and fearful of advancing" funds to her aid.*
*" The public credit of the United States," wrote Col. John Trumbull to his
father, July 20th, 1781, " has been inj ured in every part of Europe by the misman
agement of her affairs in that department ; in so much that it is at this day very

526 CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 1781.
The loan consequently failed. And it failed too — be it
marked — at a period, for Trumbull, truly most inauspicious.
For just then — in addition to taxes for ordinary State pur
poses — he bad the weight upon his shoulders of one quota
for the army of no less than three hundred and fifty-one
thousand and twenty-two dollars, which Congress had de
manded from Connecticut within the first three months of the
present year — and of still another quota of nine thousand
eight hundred and fifty-five dollars, which the State was to
furnish, either in specie or in bills of exchange on New York,
for the use of American prisoners in that city, and upon
Long Island. Yet with all this depressing weight upon his
shoulders — and spite of the failure of the loan — still Trum
bull — more hopeful even than Washington himself at this
time, who deemed the United States incapable of extricating
themselves "by any interior exertions" from their then exist
ing difficulties* — persevered in his task of collecting funds,
until, as regards specie for the troops, success at last, beyond
expectation, crowned his efforts. "A sum of money for our
line in the army will be forwarded soon" — we have just
found him writing to Washington, July ninth. Hard money,
low even in France ; and consequently the people of this country, judging from
what they see there, are slow and fearful of advancing to our aid. The loan on
account of the United States, opened by Mr. Adams, at first promised great suc
cess, and nearly the whole sum was subscribed for, when the news of the cap
ture of St. Eustatia, partly by the alarm which it occasioned here, partly by tho
prevailing idea that the loss to America was very great, but more by the increased
demand for money to repair the losses sustained there, produced quite a stagna
tion, and put an entire stop to its success. It still rests in that state, and until
some change in the political system of this country, or the arrival of news of
great success on the part of America, it will remain impossible to succeed. So
long as the United States find so great difficulty in procuring credit, there is no
probability that any individual State can have better success. To make the afr-
tempt might prove injurious to the general interest, and by its failure, for it would
almost inevitably fail, would add to the difficulties in future."
* " The efforts," said Washington, in January, 1781, in his letter to Col. Lau
rens, when the latter was about starting on his mission to Europe to procure a
foreign loan for the United States — "the efforts unavoidably made in the prose
cution of the war had greatly exceeded the natural ability of the country, and it
had now become impossible for the United States, by any interior exertions, to
extricate themselves from their present difficulties, by restoring public credit, and
furnishing the funds required for the support of the war. According to the beet
estimates, any revouue which the States were capable of raising, would be found
inadequate to the expenses of the war, and would leave a large surplus to be
Bupplied by credit."

1781. CHAP. XLIII. — TRUMBULL. 527
we find him again writing, July seventeenth, "shall be for
warded without delay." — "Three thousand five hundred
pounds collected" — he enters in his Diary, August sixth.
"Norton and Brown prepared to carry the deficiency of the
month's pay to the army " — he enters August twenty -ninth.
So that light now broke from the clouds. That justice to
which, as regards military compensation at the period now un
der consideration, Trumbull had pledged himself — "freely,"
he said, as to everything which tended "to bring the war to
a happy close" — was at last obtained for the officers and sol
diers of tbe Connecticut Line.

C HAPT ER XLIV.
1781.
Gen. Washington, on bis "way to Newport, to meet Count Rochambeau,
stopa at Hartford, and consults with Gov. TrumbulL Id Hartford be or
ders a Court Martial for tbe trial of Alexander Mc Dowell, a deserter —
wbo is banged. A report that Washington, on bis way to Newport, would
be intercepted aud seized by tbe enemy. Trumbull's precautions in
consequence. Another meeting between Washington and Rocham
beau, Trumbull, and others, in regard to a plan for combined military
operations — held at the house of Joseph Webb, in Wethersfield. Ex
tracts from Trumbull's Diary illustrative of tbe event. A dinner given
the Generals at tbe public expense. Tbe plan of that campaign which
terminated in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorttown, and tbe fiDal
triumph of the American arms, was concerted at this interview in Con
necticut. This plan. Washington, to execute it. calls for more troops.
Trumbull responds to the call. He sends a pressing Message on the
subject to the General Assembly. Its favorable results. Tbe French
army marches through Connecticut to join Washington on the banks
of the Hudson, Tbe attention and entertainment it received on ita
way. Lauzun's Legion of Hussars leaves Lebanon, highly delighted
with the hospitality tbey had received. Trumbull's humane feelings
illustrated by tbe case of a deserter, who, at Lebanon, was condemned
to be shot. A French officer's reminiscence of Trumbull.
We turn now to Trumbull's otlier connections with the
War during the present year.
It was the middle of summer ere at the North any active
military operations commenced. But early in March, Wash
ington began to plan them — chiefly against New York — and
for this purpose, in company with his aids and Major Gen
eral Howe, left his Head Quarters at Windsor to visit Count
Rochambeau at Newport, Rhode Island. On his way he met
and consulted closely with Governor Trumbull, at Hartford,
where the latter was sitting with his Council, and contriving
for the public exigencies.
"March third — Saturday,'7 says the Governor in his Diary — "Warm.
Maj. Gen. Howe dined with me, Col. Wyllys, Col. Dyer, Col. Trumbull
[Jonathan Jr.] &c.
" March fourth. D. Dom. General Washington came with his aids
Col.  , Col. Tilgham. The Gen1 left an order for a General Court

1181. CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL. 529
Martial for the trial of Alexander Mc Dowell for desertion — set out for
Newport — M. Gen. Howe with him. Col. Trumbull accompanied them
to Lebanon.
" March seventeenth. Saturday — [at Hartford.] Dined at Mr. Piatt's
with Gen. Washington, and spent the afternoon — he came to my lodg
ings — communicated Mr. Southwick and Com. General's letters — con
versed on various subjects.
" Lord's Day — March eighteenth. General Washington came on Fri
day night [from Newport] — went out this morning.
"March twenty-first — Wednesday. Alexander Mc Dowell hanged.
Mr. Eels pr. a sermon in pres. of condemned and a large assembly.
Eom. 2: 2. But we are sure that the judgment of God is according to
truth against them who commit such things.''
An execution at Hartford — under the eye of Governor
Trumbull and of an immense crowd — on the top of Eocky
Hill, probably, just where the Farmington road winds over
its brow — made the visit of Washington to which Trumbull
refers, long memorable in Connecticut. But it was even
more memorable for a peril which, it was feared, would beset
the Commander-in-chief on his journey at this time, and
which gave to Trumbull himself no little anxiety.
"Intelligence had come from New York," says Sparks,
"that three hundred horsemen had crossed over to Long Is
land and proceeded eastward, and that boats at the same
time had been sent up the Sound. It was inferred, that the
party would pass from Long Island to Connecticut, and at
tempt to intercept General Washington on his way to New
port, as it was supposed his intended journey was known to
the enemy. La Fayette suggested that the Duke de Lau
zun should be informed of this movement as soon as possi
ble, that he might be prepared with his cavalry, then sta
tioned at Lebanon, to repel the invaders." The information,
as suggested by La Fayette, was transmitted, not only to the
.Duke de Lauzun, but to Trumbull also, and every suitable
preparation was made by each to ward off the catastrophe
supposed to be impending. Fortunately it did not occur.
And Washington — instead of finding himself in any melee
of danger, surrounded and protected by brave French Hus
sars and Connecticut militia — passed through the country in
perfect security — stopping on his way, March fifth, time
45

530 CHAP. XLIV. — TKUM.BULL. 1781.
enough — on the village green at Lebanon — with great satis
faction alike to himself, the French, and crowds of specta
tors — to bestow on Lauzun's imposing legion the compliment
of a stately review.*
At Newport, the Commander-in-chief made such arrange
ments with Kochambeau for the operations of the campaign
as the existing state of affairs would warrant. They resulted
in the departure of the French fleet, under Chevalier Des-
touches, with eleven hundred French troops, grenadiers, and
chasseurs, for the Chesapeake — there to cooperate with the
Marquis La Fayette for the dislodgment of the enemy from
Virginia. But this expedition — though it was marked by a
formidable naval combat, which was highly creditable to the
French Commander for "the gallantry and good conduct dis
played through the whole course of the engagement"— yet
failed in its principal object. Other operations, therefore, had
to be concerted. Another meeting between Washington and
Eochambeau became necessary. And this took place on the
twenty -first and twenty-second days of May, at the house of
Joseph Webb, Esquire, at Wethersfield, Connecticut — Wash
ington upon this occasion being attended by General Knox
and General Duportail, and Eochambeau by the Marquis de
Chastellux — De Barras, the French Admiral, on account of
the appearance of the British fleet, under Arbutbnot, off
Block Island, not being able to be present.
For this conference, as for that held the preceding year at
Hartford, Trumbull made every suitable provision. The
Commanders, with their respective suites, became as before
the guests of the State. Five hundred pounds were appro
priated by the General Assembly for their entertainment.
,The Quarter Master General of Connecticut — Ealph Pome
roy — was appointed to superintend the disbursement of this
hospitable reception-fund. Governor Trumbull welcomed
the illustrious guests with every mark of distinction — and
* Washington seems to have felt no alarm for himself upon the occasion . to
which reference is made in the text. " I do not think it very probablo," he wrote
to La Fayette at this time — " that three hundred dragoons will trust themselves
in the heart of Connecticut, with a superior regular corps and the force of the
country to oppose thom, but I have nevertheless given the intelligence to the
Duke do Lauzun."

1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TEUMBULL. 531
as on a former occasion, so now, was at once admitted, as of
course, into their confidence, and leaned upon for advice —
as the following interesting extracts from his own and the
Diary of General Washington at the time, show: —
"Had a good deal of private conversation with Governor Trumbull,"
writes Washington, May twentieth—" who gave it to me as his opinion,
that, if any important offensive operation should be undertaken, he ha'd
little doubt of obtaining men and provision adequate to our wants. In
this opinion Colonel Wadsworth and others concurred."
" Lord's Day, May twentieth," writes Trumbull — " Went with Capt.
Fred. Bull in a carriage to Wethersfield — attended divine service with
General Washington per tot diem. Mr. Marsh preached. Mat. 7 : 3 —
blessed are the poor of spirit, for their's is the Kingdom of Heaven.
"Monday, twenty-first. Fair — invited to Col. Chester's.
"Tuesday, twenty-second. Fair — dined with General Washington,
Rochambeau &c, at Stillmans.
" Wednesday, twenty-third. Fair — dined at Colyer's with the Gener
als — supra public expense. Guards. Artillery.''
Accurate observance, in each other's company, on a New
England Sabbath Day — "per tot diem" — of religious service,
on the part of two of the noblest of Eevolutionary patriots —
abundant and gracious hospitality from a sweet village on
the Connecticut Eiver — State entertainment at the Capital
City of the State — amid the parade of Governor Trumbull's
own Guards, and with the voice of artillery to speak the
toasts that at the entertainment may have been consecrated,
in the sentiments of those who uttered them, to Freedom —
such are the circumstances which — socially and ceremoni
ally — mark, in the extracts now given, Washington's visit in
May 1781 to Connecticut, and the handsome reception, by
Trumbull and the State, of the Father of his Country.
In a military view, however, this reception is marked by
other and grander results. It is marked by that plan of the
Southern Campaign, which, before the. bastions of Yorktown,
crowned America with immortal honor, and with liberty.
This plan, there is every reason to believe, was first concerted
in that mansion — the Webb House in Wethersfield — a pic
ture of which the Eeader here can see — Trumbull present
and rendering zealous aid — Trumbull, as Washington testi-

532'

CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL.

1781.

fies, firm in confidence that all "adequate provision" could
be made for "any important offensive operation" which su
perior generalship could devise. The web, in fact, which at
last caught and held inextricably that proudest and most dar
ing of British Generals in the field— Lord Cornwallis— and
which put an end to the American Eevolutionary War— was
here projected.

The Webh House in Wethersfield.

The French Army was to march soon as possible, and join
the American forces on the North Eiver. In order to divert
the enemy from the South — to force them to recall large de
tachments from that quarter — and thus afford immediate and
important aid to Virginia and the Carolinas — the City of
New York, in the first place, was to be seriously menaced,
and if circumstances should justify it, attacked. Should it
not be recovered — soon as the hot season, then coming on,
should have passed away, and the existing difficulty in trans
porting troops, artillery, and stores, for a southern operation
have ceased — the combined armies were to march upon
Cornwallis, and make a grand effort for his entire overthrow.
In pursuance of this plan, Washington, at Wethersfield,
at once prepared and forwarded dispatches to the Govern
ors of the four New England States— calling on them to

1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TEUMBULL. 533
complete their battalions, and provide means of transportation,
and full and prompt supplies — and on Connecticut and Mas
sachusetts particularly, he called for a fresh loan of powder.*
In Connecticut three regiments for the Continental Army
had already been ordered in March. Now fifteen hundred
men, for three months' service with Washington, were spe
cially demanded — while Sheldon's Eegiment of Dragoons, by
particular request of Congress, was to be remounted, and a
portion of the militia of the State was to be kept in constant
readiness to aid, if necessary, in the defence of Ehode Island
upon the departure of Eochambeau.
To these calls Trumbull, as usual, gave immediate atten
tion — as the following Special Message to the Legislature of
Connecticut, June eleventh— a good specimen alike of his
promptness, anxiety, ardor, and hope in the great cause in
which he was engaged — abundantly shows.
" The Governor," he proceeds, " presents his most respectful compli
ments, and takes leave to ask, that, considering this session is drawn
already to a great length, and the business of the public as well as the
particular concerns of gentlemen who constitute this Assembly require a
speedy close, and a return to our respective homes, that therefore your
attention be given to the great and important matters which respect our
preparations for the campaign now opening. It is necessary that our
troops to fill the army should be immediately forwarded — that clothing,
tents, &c, be provided and sent on — that money should be sent, so far as
is possible, to pay our soldiers, and prevent difficulties and murmuring
among them — as I perceive the Army Committee are generally without a
settlement of their accounts with the State, which may occasion uneasi
ness in our line. Every exertion in our great important cause is now of
the utmost necessity, and what remains for this Assembly to do lies be
fore you. I wish those things which promote such exertions as are pro
portionate to the truly critical situation of the affairs of the United States,
may be thoroughly pursued by this State.
"The plan of operations for the present campaign was concerted on
the principle of obliging the enemy to abandon their possessions in every
part of these States. The demand of Congress for provisions, men, and
money, is what at present we have to attend to. Every State's punctual
Compliance gives a pleasing prospect of putting a speedy and happy issue
* Washington set out from Wethersfield on the 24th of May for his Head
Quarters at New Windsor— which he reached on the 25th, " about sunset." Eo
chambeau started for Newport on the 23d of this month.
45*

534 CHAP. XLIV. — TEUMBULL. 1781.,
to the War, by driving the enemy from their present possessions in every
part of these States — but at all events to confine them to the sea-coasts.
Let us not be negligent or behind our sister States in making the most
vigorous exertions on our part, that so we may not hereafter blame our
selves, or be chargeable by them for any neglect. Let us, therefore, lay
ing aside all other business of lesser concern, apply ourselves to make
the most strenuous exertions to accomplish the great object before us —
the independence of these United States in all its parts — that in case a
negotiation for peace should be offered, we shall be found, by great and
timely exertion, to have sufficiently reduced the power of the enemy now
operating in our country. Should languor and inactivity, on the other
hand, subject us to the contempt of the Negotiators, all the consequences
will be chargeable on ourselves."
This appeal was not without its immediate fruit in in
creased vigor of preparation for the Campaign, throughout
Connecticut. " The measures directed, and orders given for
raising and marching our troops to the army, are now dili
gently carrying into execution," wrote Trumbull to Wash
ington, July seventeenth.
Meanwhile, in June, Eochambeau marched to join Wash
ington on the banks of the Hudson. His troops came, in
four divisions, from Providence to Connecticut — magnificent
in appearance — superb in discipline —
" A brave choice of fiery voluntaries,
Bearing their birthrights proudly on their backs,
To make a hazard of new fortunes here."
Eochambeau himself, with the sparkling regiment of Bour-
bonnois, into which he had recently incorporated four hun
dred fresh recruits from France, brought up their rear. On
they came, through Plainfield, Windham, and Bolton, to
Hartford — from whence — after having stopped awhile to re
pair broken wagons, and refresh artillery horses and oxen —
they started again in four divisions — a part by the way of
Newtown and Woodbury, and a part by the way of Middle-
town, Wallingford, and North Stratford — to unite, July sixth,
with the American Army, to the left of Dobb's Ferry, on
the hills reaching to the Brunx Eiver — there to receive for
the "unremitting zeal " with which they had prosecuted their
march, the public thanks of the Commander-in-chief, and

.1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TEUMBULL. 535
his own grateful acknowledgment of "the long-wished for
junction," as an event which afforded " the highest degree
of pleasure to every friend of his country," and from which
" the happiest consequences " were to be expected.
During the whole of their march through Connecticut
these troops, through the provident care of Trumbull, re
ceived every attention which their wants required, and more
over were warmly welcomed by the inhabitants generally
Barrack-masters, appointed by the Governor and Council
waited upon them at every important station. Some of these
masters, by especial direction of Trumbull, accompanied
them on their march — as did, particularly, Dr. Joshua Elder-
kin of Windham, with great satisfaction to Eochambeau, all
the way from the point where the troops first touched Con
necticut on the east to their encampment on the green mead
ows at Hartford. Eefreshments both for man and beast were
added, at frequent intervals, to the stores which they brought
along with them from Ehode Island. Eipe fruit from many
orchards and gardens often regaled their taste. The apple-
presses of the farmers yielded them hearty quaffs of cider —
the brown jugs and 'oaken casks of the farmers' wives, fre
quent libations of excellent home-brewed beer.
Were their slow ox-teams, as once or twice happened, late
in bringing to their encamping ground their tents and bag
gage — or at times, when wearied with a long day's march be
neath the broiling sun, or with severe labor in cutting away
trees, or removing stones for the passage through some defile
of their heavy trains, did the troops court repose ? Fresh
horses and oxen from neighboring farms, freely loaned, hur
ried up their missing equipage — while many a comfortable
bed in private dwellings was hospitably offered to those offi
cers — of whom there were many — who, thoughtful of the
spirits of their companies, encouragingly marched with
them on foot, sharing with them in all hardships by the
way — hardships, we are well assured, such as by the whole
army, alike men and officers, were "borne patiently, and
with perfect good humor."
Or, unwearied by the exertions of the day's march, and
witched with the beauty of damsels whom on the road they

536 CHAP. XLIV.— TEUMBULL. I78i.
saw either pressing around their tents on some village green,
or clustered near some mansion where they had their tempo
rary quarters — did some officers of the strange army — follow*
ing the impulse of natures proverbially and irresistibly gay —
seek to wake each active power to the brisk measures of the
dance? "Fair, charming Connecticut girls," as de Warville
describes them about this time — girls "adorned with com
plexions " whose brilliancy mocked those of the sunny
South — who were "dressed in elegant simplicity" — who
were safe under the protection of their own conscious inno
cence, and of high-toned public morals — who were " so com
plaisant and so good," as the French traveller expresses him
self* — tripped with them " the light fantastic toe."
" The Frenchman, easy, debonair, and brisk,
Found quick his lass, his fiddle, and his frisk" —
while many a hearty Connecticut lad, of strength sinewy
enough to handle a firelock — " fired with martial courage "
by the imposing Gallic display — volunteered at once for the
* De Warville travelled through the United States in 1788, and the following
passages taken from a manuscript translation of his work, by Joel Barlow, which
is now in the possession of the Connecticut Historical Society, fully justify the
text above, and will be found interesting to our Eeaders — the fair ones particu
larly. " Newhaven yields not to Wethersfield for the beauty of the fair sex. At their
balls during the winter it is not rare to see a hundred charming girls, adorned
with those brilliant complexions seldom met with in journeying to the South,
and dressed in elegant simplicity. The beauty of complexion is as striking in
Connecticut as its numerous population. You will not go into a tavern without
meeting with neatness, decency, and dignity. The tables are served by a young
girl, decent and pretty ; by an amiable mother, whose age has not effaced the
agreeableness of her features ; by men who have that air of dignity which the
idea of equality inspires, and who are not ignoble and base, like the greatest part
of our tavern keepers.
" On the road you often meet those fair Connecticut girls, either driving a car
riage, or alone on horseback, galloping boldly, with an elegant hat on the head, a
white apron, and a calico gown — usages which prove at once the early cultiva
tion of their reason, since they are trusted so young by themselves, the safety
of the roads, and the general innocence of manners. You will see them hazard
ing themselves alone, without protectors, in the public stages— I am wrong to say
hazarding ; who can offend them ? They are hero under the protection of publio
morals, and of their own innocence ; it is the consciousness of this innocence
which makes them so complaisant and so good, for a stranger takes them by the
liand, and laughs with them, and they are not offended at it" — Letter V., MA
Aug.,im.

.1781.

CHAP. XLIV— TEUMBULL. 537

wars — and, his steps right onward — erect his form and move
ment — thinking to wear the plumed helmet with a grace —
accompanied the regiments of Eochambeau on their march
to the grand American camp.*
Conspicuous in the French Army, as we have already had
occasion to state, was the Duke de Lauzun's Legion of Hus
sars, which now for seven months had been quartered in
Trumbull's native town — directly beneath his own provident
eye, and in the enjoyment, therefore, of comforts such as
rarely fell to the lot of the soldiers of the day. Their con
duct, during their stay in Lebanon, had in the main been
very exemplary. Save in the loss, now and then, of a few
trees, and a little fallen wood, and occasionally of a sheep, or
a goose, which some of their number — more careful than the
rest for their own warmth of body, and more disposed to the
luxury of an extra ration — took by stealth from Dr. Williams,
and from a few other inhabitants^ — the town was remark
ably free from those depredations in which troops at winter
-quarters are apt to indulge — for Lauzun himself was ever
active to preserve the strictest discipline and good order in
his corps.
He had occasion, however, once during his stay in Leb-
*Cothren, in his History of Woodbury, page 213, speaking of the French
Army in that town on their journey to join General Washington, says their en-
'campment there " extended all the way from Middle Quarter to White Oak, a dis
tance of nearly three miles." That part, he adds, which encamped " near the
house then occupied by David Sherman, and since by the late Gideon Sherman,
eat for him, with his consent, twelve bushels of apples, as is related, and drank
seven or eight barrels of new cider at his mill. During the evening they bad a
dance, in which some of tbe Woodbury damsels joined with the polite French
officers, in their gay uniforms, while others looked on. Multitudes of the inhab
itants pressed about the tents of those patriotic foreigners, who had eome so far
to fight the battle of freedom for a suffering people, and destined to act so dis
tinguished a part in bringing the long and bloody contest to a close. * * Fired
anew with martial courage by the fine display of the French troops, a considera
ble number of soldiers volunteered on the spot, and marched with them on the
following morning." An illustration— these facts— of the statements in the text.
t A letter, March 13th, 1781, from Wm. Williams to the Duke de Lauzun, com
plains that some of his Hussars stole "thirty or more trees," besides "fallen
wood," from Dr. T. Williams, and from some other inhabitants " fences, sheep,
and geese." "One sheep," says the letter, "they killed yesterday," in the lot
of Dr. Williams, " and skinned in his lot, and carried away the meat." Against
such maraudings the active interposition of the Duke was invoked — and it was
readily granted.

538 CHAP. XLIV. — TRUMBULL, 1781.
anon, to punish one of his soldiers for desertion. This pun
ishment was that sternest one known to military law — death
iby the murderous bullet. It is a striking illustration both of
Trumbull's well-known humanity, and of his influence, that
the facts in this case were sedulously concealed from his
knowledge, until all was over. The Court Martial which
tried the deserter, was held in the guard room after nine
o'clock at night, and the poor victim was executed before the
morning light — such was the apprehension that the Governor,
if aware of his condemnation, would interfere to save his life.
Lauzun left him, with his Legion, on the twenty-third of
June* — highly gratified with the never-failing hospitality he
had received at his hands — and looking forward with hope
to some propitious moment in the campaign now about to
open, when the Hussars who at Lebanon had so long been
happy guests, might win laurels that would allure the bless
ing of the venerable patriot of the " Charter Oak State." —
a moment which in due time arrived, when, with Sheldon's
Eegiment of Connecticut Dragoons — at the siege and sur
render of Yorktown — Lauzun triumphantly restrained the
enemy, and guarded the important passes around Gloucester
Point.f The provident courtesy with which Trumbull treated — not
only Lauzun and his Legion at Lebanon — but the officers of
the French Army generally, wherever he was thrown into
their society, or called upon to supply their wants — and his
intelligence, and patriotism — left an indelible impression on
their minds. They carried his name and his fame back with
them when they returned to Europe, and did not forget long
to sound his praises. A remarkable instance of this is re
lated by his son Colonel John Trumbull — who, late as 1794,
during the French Eevolution, when at Mulhausen on the
* " June 23d. Duke de Lauzun marched early — went to Pino Swamp— near
Col. Champion's." — Trumbull's Diary.
t The career of this distinguished nobleman, after he returned to Europe, was
stormy. He quarreled with the French Court — became a partisan of the Duke
of Orleans — was accused of favoring the Vendeans, and for this reason was con
demned and executed on the last day of the year 1793. Two brothers in his
corps of Hussars at Lebanon, the Dillons, one a major, the other a captain, and
both distinguished for their fine personal appearance, suffered death afterwards,
it is said, by the guillotine.

1781. CHAP. XLIV. — TEUMBULL. 539
Ehine, found this village, near sunset, full of French troops,
and the yard and entrance of its inn crowded with French
officers. Fearing that he should be obliged to pass the night
in his carriage, outside- the walls, he appealed to the inn
keeper for a bed, and thus describes the result : —
" ' I am afraid that will be impossible,' replied the innkeeper. ' Hos
tilities are about to be renewed ; the head quarters of the commanding
general are established at my house, and it is entirely occupied by him
and his suite; but come with me, and I will do as well as I can.' I fol
lowed through a crowd of young officers, and at the door met the old
general coming out. The veteran looked at me keenly, and asked blunt
ly — ' who are you — an Englishman ? ' — ' No, general, I am an American
of the United States.' — 'Ah! do you know Connecticut? ' — 'Yes, Sir,
it is my native State.' — 'You know then the good governor Trum
bull?' — 'Yes, general, he is my father.' — ' Oh, Mon Dieu, Que je suis
charmee; I am delighted to see a son of Governor Trumbull ; entrez, en-
trez ; you shall have supper, bed, everything in the house.' I soon
learned that the old man had been in America, an officer in the legion
of the Duke de Lauzun, who had been quartered in my native village,
during the winter which I passed in the prison in London, and had heard
me much spoken of there. Of course, I found myself in excellent
quarters. The old general kept me up almost all night, inquiring of
everybody, and everything in America, especially of the people in Leba
non, and above all the family of Huntington, with whom he had been
quartered."

CHAPTER XLV.
1781.
Trctmbull spends several days, with bis Council, at Danbury. Hints
from hia Diary of hia journey and occupation there. Ac Hartford he
hears of Arnold's memorable attack on New London. This attack. Ha
sends for careful statements of all its material circumstances. His let
ter communicating the event to GeQ, Washington. He atonce restores
the defences of New London — senda thither an additional force — writes
for a part of tbe FreDCb fleet to be stationed there for the winter — and
communicates witb Gov. Greene of Rhode Island, and with Washing
ton again, for the purpose of putting Connecticut, and the Northern
States generally, in a reliable posture of defence. '¦
The main American and French armies — now in July of
the year on which we dwell — have effected their combination,
and lie stretched along the North Eiver. For the purpose at
this time of being near the Grand Encampment, at the event
ful opening of a campaign which was destined to be the
most decisive of the American AVar — and for the purpose
also, particularly, of consulting more conveniently with the
officers of the American Line in regard to their own and the
comforts of their troops — Trumbull in August determined to
spend several days with his Council at Danbury. Previous
to his departure, however, for this quarter, he collected at
Hartford quite a sum of hard mone}' for the soldiers. He
took fresh measures to expedite its farther collection, and the
collection generally of State taxes. He wrote also to Dr.
Franklin at Paris, to his own sou, and other correspondents
at Amsterdam, urging again the supply of means from
abroad. Having done this, he started, attended by his body
guard, and by several members of his family, for the western
frontier. Of his journey, of a dangerous exposure by the way, and
of his occupations at Danbury, he gives us some hints in the
following passages in his Diary : —
"Thursday, 9th. Set out for Danbury— Mrs. Trumbull and Faith

1781. CHAP. XLV.— TEUMBULL. 541
with me. Step" Brown to wait on us — Capt. Norton, with Wild, two
Olmsteads, and Goodwin, Guards. Lodged at Esqr Hopkins at Waterbury.
"Friday 10th. Way bad. Dined at Col1 Mosely's, Southbury. Thence
P. M. to Col1 Chandlers — tarried there. The Guards at Baldwins.
"Saturday, 11th. Came to Danbury. Lodgings provided for me
at Rev. Dr. Rodgers'. Daughr and Grand Daughr lodge at Deac"
Enaps — Mrs. Ann Dibble there. Went to Col1 Cooks. Observed the ru
ins occasioned by Tryon's incursion there. At Newtown one said he
would hill me as quick as he would a Battle Snake.
"Dies Dom., 12th. Rev. Dr. Rodgers, Gal. 4: 4 & 5. Near Evens
Col1 Sheldon, Col1 Trumbull, Capt. Watson, came from Head Quarters.
Began to rain at evens, and continued a heavy rain in the night.
"Monday, 13th. Above Gentle" visit at the Doctors. Dined at
l Deac° Knaps. Col1 Davenport came in.
St' " Tuesday, 14th. Fair — cool — Guards set at night.
"Wednesday, Aug. 15th. Fair pleasant weather. Col1 Chandler, Mr.
trong came in — no council.
"Thursday, 16th. No Council. Col" dined at Dr. Rodgers'.
"Friday, 17th. Capt. Hillhouse came — P.M. Council — orders given,
for Gov" Guards &c. Capt. Cook came in.
"Saturday, 18th. A. M. Council. Col1 Trumbull returned. Mr.
Cook went with Orders, to officers of Gov" Guards, Hartford.
"Dies Dom, 19th. Dr. Rodgers. Ephe. 5 : 1, 2, 3. On duties of
Parents to Children, and of Children to Parents. P. M., eodem textu —
subject continued — reproof to Sunday whispering. In the evening much
rain — Countersign, Hartford.
" Monday, 20th. Mrs. Trumbull and daughter set out for Fairfield —
Brown accompanied them — to go to Hartford. No quorum. Col1 Cook,
Col1 Chandler, and Capt. Hillhouse, present. Judges of the Superior
Court did not come in till the Evening. Countersign, Cambridge.
'"Tuesday, 21st. Fair, pleasant. Judges of the Superior Court came
into Danbury — held a Council.
"Wednesday, 22nd. Held Council. Mr. Hopkins came to us — Col1
St John, Col1 Fitch, Capt. Job Bartram.
"Thursday, 23rd. Morning concluded to return. P. M. 3 o'clock,
left Dr. Rodgers' — came to Col1 Mosely's at Southbury. Gave Mrs. Rod
gers a dollar to give the servant.
" Friday, 24th. Dined at Esqr Hopkins — came to Farmington — lodged
at Capt. Cowles. Called on Mr. Robinson on my Return.
" Saturday, 25th. Set out at 8 o'clo. — came into Hartford at 10 o'clock
from Farmington. L' Bull of Gov» Guards and Brown came with me.
Capt. Jon1 h Bull met us on the way. — Capt. Norton escorted me out and
back. * * * * * ' *
"Thursday, 6th. Council intent on defence of N. Lon" & Sea
Co&'sts — orders given &c. 46

542 CHAP. XLV.— TEUMBULL. 1781.
" Friday, 7th. At sunrise Mr. Gay came express from Col1 Williams —
That N. London attacked by 2000 men, 3 ships, and in the whole 30 sail.
Mr. Mumford left us. M. Gen. Spencer sent. Orders given for one
Troop— Capt. Selah Norton &c, & Col1 Chapman & Terry to send 2 Co's
each &c. Lodged at Wethersfield. No farther intelligence.
"Saturday, 8th. Came from Wethersfield. Col1 Rodgers' letter re
ceived — the enemy withdrawn. At attack of Fort Griswold, 73 killed—-
Col1 Ledyard murdered, and other Officers; — 20 or 30 wounded — The in
famous Arnold commanded. N. Lond" burnt, and on Groton the build
ings by the water. Letters from Gen. Spencer. A letter wrote to Mr.
Mumford — and Gen. Spencer. A letter from B. Gen. Ward — in the
Evens from M. Gen. Heath — point from N. York. The French Fleet at
Chesapeake." Here then — in the passages last given from his Diary — we
strike the first intelligence which Trumbull received of the
memorable attack on New London in 1781, and the first
movements which, in consequence, he made. He was in
Hartford at the time — only a few days returned from his trip
to Danbury. But to make sure that the news should reach
him, the Commander at New London, early in the morning
of the fatal sixth of September, sent expresses also to Leb
anon* — and again in the evening of the same day the Gov
ernor received the news from Colchester. " This minute" —
wrote Levi Wells to him, from this last-mentioned town — at
just " six o'clock, P. M." — " I am informed that the Enemy,
with five hundred Lighthorse, are two and a half miles this
side of New London, and that the Town is in flames — which
is plain to be seen here by Large Quantities of Smoke. The cause
of our Country calls aloud for all Possible Exertions to op
pose the Enemy ! "
Startling news indeed — and from a quarter which proved
to be, alas, an aceldama — one of the most horrible of the
American Eevolution ! New London — in whose harbor the
navies of the world might securely ride — that from the out
break of the war, more than any other port in the Union,
had been menaced with destruction — and which more con-
* The Governor's son-in-law, upon the receipt of the intelligence — Wm. Wil
liams — " rodo from Lebanon to New London in three hours, (twenty-three miles,)
on horseback," says Miss Caulkins. " The enemy were just preparing to cm-
bark when he arrived."

1781. CHAP. XLV. — TEUMBULL. 543
stantly than any other had strained the anxiety, and tasked
the care of the Governor of Connecticut — now met the fate
so long dreaded by its inhabitants, and by the country at
large. - It was in the very gray of the morning that the apostate
Arnold, from his lurking-place on the Long Island shore —
with an armament of thirty-two sail and seventeen hundred
troops — appeared off the mouth of the harbor, prepared for
his work of blood and fire. His debarkation in two divis
ions, one upon the New London, and one on the Groton
side — the advance of- each upon a people wholly unprepared
for so formidable an invasion, yet in little groups, half-armed,
from behind fences and small redoubts, resisting as best they
could — the flight of inhabitants, of women and children
roused suddenly from their beds, and rushing, with such val
uables as they could snatch up, affrighted to the woods — the
imperilled escape of shipping up the Thames — the torch first
lighted at the printing office and mill of the town — applied
next to the Plumb House, and to every species of combfesti-
ble property on Winthrop's Neck — and then, on Main Street,
Water Street, Bank Street, and the Parade, to shops, stores,
warehouses, and dwellings, to the Court House and jail, to
the Episcopal Church, to the Custom House, and to piles of
lumber, wharves, vessels, boats, and rigging — these transac
tions are but too painfully familiar to the reader of History.
They made the noblest harbor of the Atlantic coast, and the
whole surrounding country, lurid with conflagration. One
hundred and forty-three buildings were consumed. Haifa
million of dollars' worth of property was destroyed. New
London, in. large part, was left a desolation.
And so too at the same time, on the opposite shore, Gro
ton was left — but in desolation of far more fearful aspect than
that which its neighbor wore — for human life here was the
chief sacrifice. Who, in this connection, does not at once
recall the furious advance of Major Montgomery upon that
immortal band of one hundred and fifty farmers and artisans,
who, sending to the British summons the reply that they
would not surrender, let the consequences be what they
might, defended Fort Griswold ? Who does not recall that

544 CHAP. XIV. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
final overpowering of the garrison, when the enemy, swing
ing their caps, and yelling like madmen, rushed within the
fort — that ceaseless bayoneting of the defenceless bodies of
the brave American yeomen, as they retreated for shelter to
the magazine and barrack-rooms, or crept beneath the para
pets, or attempted to leap the walls — that ferocious, dastard
plunging of the surrendered sword through the body of the
heroic, fallen Ledyard — that murderous rolling of the wound
ed in an ammunition wagon which was sent headlong to dash
upon a tree at the brink of the river — and that plundering
and burning of Groton which then ensued, while a ship on
fire, floating over from the New London side, bridged the two
towns with a mass of flame ! Who does not recall that rush
of citizens now from the surrounding country to the scene
of danger, armed with whatever they could seize, " from a
club and pitchfork to a musket and spontoon " — that hurried
embarkation then, at sunset, of the foe, while blood, the
blood of those they had foully slain, aided to quench that
train, which, for the purpose of signalizing their departure
by a grand explosion, they had lighted to the magazine of
the fort — and then at last, that wailing, torch-light march, by
widows and orphans, within the garrison, for the dead of
their families — who does not recall all these terrible features
of the Groton Massacee !
Immediately on hearing of the event Governor Trumbull
sent to New London for a careful, duly authenticated state
ment of all its material circumstances, in order that he might
adopt measures suited in every respect to the emergency*
While thus taking measures to procure full and accurate
information of the attack, Trumbull hastened to communi-
* "Having," he wrote, September eighth, to Thomas Mumford, who was on
the spot— "having this morning received by express from Col. Eogers a general
narrative of the proceedings of the enemy in their late wanton and barbarous
attack upon N. London and Groton, and of the unhappy fate of that gallant offi
cer Col. Ledyard, and other brave men who fell u sacrifice to more than savage
cruelty after their surrender to a superior force, as you are upon the ground where
the tragical scene happened, I desire you will carefully collect and state those
transactions and all material circumstances, more especially respecting the treat
ment of Col. Ledyard and of tho unfortunate garrison, and procure the same to
be properly authenticated, and forwarded to me for such improvement as may
hereafter be thought proper."

1781. CHAP. XLV. — TRUMBULL. 545
¦cate what he had already received to General Washington at
•Head Quarters — as the following letter, bearing date at Hart
ford, September fifteenth, shows : —
"Your letter of the 21st ultimo," he proceeds — "arrived on the 5th in
stant, whereupon my Council being convened, amidst various accounts
of the movements and designs of the enemy in New York, and some ap
prehensions of their hostile attack upon or invasion of this State, every
exertion was made and making for its defence, by ordering the militia to
be reviewed, and detachments to be sent to the sea-coasts, and valuable
effects there deposited to be removed to interior parts, &c.
"But unfortunately before these preparations could be completed,
namely, on the 6th instant, a party under the command of the infamous
Arnold, made wanton destruction both of lives and property in New
London and Groton near the harbour. Though many material circum
stances, relative to the tragical scene, are not yet obtainable with such a
degree of precision and certainty as might be wished, yet, according to
the best intelligence I have been able to collect, it seems a number ex
ceeding one and perhaps two thousand, chiefly of chosen British and
foreign troops, landed in the morning on both sides of the harbour's
mouth, whereof one division immediately marched up to, and soon took
"possession of the town and fortifications of New London, which were
evacuated on their approach, as being indefensible, whilst, on the oppo
site shore, the fort on Groton bank, being attacked by six or eight hund
red men, was nobly defended for a considerable time by about one hund
red and fifty men, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel William
Ledyard, who bravely repulsed the assailants until they suffered about
one-fourth part in killed and wounded. But, being overpowered by su
perior numbers, Colonel Ledyard, perceiving the enemy had gained pos
session of some part of the fort, and opened the gate, although he had
only three of his men killed, thought proper to surrender himself with
the garrison prisoners, and accordingly presented his sword to a British
officer on the parade, who received the same, and immediately thrust it
through that brave but unfortunate Commander ; whereupon the soldiery
also pierced his body in many places with bayonets, and proceeded to
massacre upwards of seventy of the officers and garrison, till, by the in
terposition of a British officer, who entered the fort too late to rescue the
gallant officers, &c, about forty of the defenceless survivors were made
prisoners, and carried off, exclusive of about the like number who were
wounded, and many of them dangerously.
" This heroic opposition on the part of the garrison, however, together
with the increasing appearance of the militia, and small skirmishes be
tween some scattering parties and advanced guards, prevented the enemy
from fully executing their savage plan, and occasioned them to retreat on
board in the evening with precipitation, after having knocked off the
46*

546 CHAP. XLV. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
trunnions of seven guns, and consumed by fire about seventy-one dwell
ing houses, sixty-five stores, twenty-two barns, a church, court-house,
and jail, together with a number of vessels, lying unrigged, by the
wharves. The rest of the shipping in the harbour was saved by running
up Norwich River, and several valuable buildings, on each shore, pre
served by quenching the flames.
" The loss of property by the conflagration was, however, very great,
and ruinous to many individuals, as also a sensible damage to the public.
Yet, what is more to be regretted, is the unhappy fate of that worthy
officer, Colonel Ledyard, and those brave men (many of whom sustained
respectable characters, and were esteemed the flower of that town,) who
so gallantly fought and unfortunately fell with him, victims to British
cruelty. I have given directions for procuring authenticated information
of those transactions, as soon as the situation of the wounded and pris
oners (some of whom are parolled,) will admit ; which will be forwarded
as soon as obtained.
" I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of esteem and con
sideration, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant,
Jonathan Trumbull."
Not a moment was lost by Trumbull in restoring to a
proper state of defence that quarter of Connecticut whose de
vastation, in this letter to Washington, he so feelingly de
scribes. To the three companies which he sent to New Lon
don instantly on hearing of the attack, he added five hund
red men more, and reordered the militia of the neighbor
hood to hold themselves constantly ready to serve. He pro
ceeded to repair the injury done to the fortifications in the
harbor. He sent to General Washington, and procured seven
hundred excellent French arms for use in case of any new
alarm — and warmly urged that a part of the French naval
force should be stationed for the winter in the port of New
London — to aid in its security — to protect the adjacent coasts
against armed vessels of the enemy — and to convey some
supplies of fresh beef which he was then about to send to
the General of Martinico, for the use of the garrisons and
hospitals upon that island.
" While the spirits of the people are agitated and exas
perated," he wrote to Mumford at this time — "will not the
Commanders of the three brigantines, and other vessels in
port at New London, attempt enterprises against the enemy?"
To Governor Greene, of Ehode Island, he wrote, urging

1781. CHAP. XLV. — TEUMBULL. 547
active cooperation in schemes for defending the Northern
States, now that, by the march of General Washington to
the southward, these States were peculiarly exposed to inva
sion by the enemy.
"As we cannot, I think, suppose that they will be idle in New York,"
he said, "while the General is carrying on operations of such vast im
portance in Virginia, your Excellency will therefore, I think, be with me
in opinion that we ought not only to exert every nerve to furnish for the
general defence all the regular and militia aid required, with the great
est possible dispatch, but that these Northern States ought to afford all
the mutual aid to each other which shall be in their power, in case any
pf them are attached. You may, Sir, in such circumstances, expect the
friendly aid of this State, and I doubt not but that it will be reciprocal,
if it shall be necessary — for which purpose I have conversed with my
Council of Safety, and am taking the necessary measures for putting this
State into a posture of defence."
"Your Excellency," he wrote to General Washington again, from Leba
non, November sixth — " has been made acquainted with the destruction
lately committed upon New London and Groton, by a considerable force
of the enemy under the infamous traitor, whose name and memory
should rot. A force much more considerable has been kept there since.
They have done much to repair the injury done to the fortifications; and
particularly that on Groton side, which entirely commands the town and
harbour, is already in much better condition than before, and the work
is still going on. And, as I take it for granted that part of the naval
force of his most Christian Majesty will remain on the station dur
ing the winter, I would take leave to offer to the consideration of your
Excellency, that they may be stationed at the port of New London,
which I conceive would be attended with advantages superior, with re
spect to themselves and the country, to any place they could choose.
The harbour is very sufficient to contain any number and size of ships ;
is peculiarly safe from the injuries of winds or storms. Its immediate
connection with the main renders it accessible by the militia in case of
need ; and, adjoining to a country, through the favor of Providence, at
present abounding with every kind of provision they can want, will
render their supplies much more easy and safe than at the Island where
they last wintered, and where they received great part of their supplies
by water from New London, exposed to loss and capture, and which act
ually djd, and must always, happen in some instances.
"I have very lately received a pressing request from his Excellency,
the General of Martinico, for large supplies of fresh beef from this State,
for the use of the garrisons and hospitals there. I purpose to permit and
encourage private- adventurers to furnish it, which must be shipped from
that port. The lying of a fleet there would greatly secure and protect

548 CHAP. XLV. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
the coasts, for a considerable distance, against the armed vessels of the
enemy, who will doubtless get knowledge of the design, and be engaged
to intercept vessels with such cargoes. And, for their more effectual
protection, I must also request a convoy of a frigate, armed sloop, or
something adequate for any number of vessels which may be ready to
sail, and ask your Excellency's direction in that respect also ; and on the
assurance of which, I doubt not, a full and speedy supply might and
would be afforded ; and without it I fear it will fall short.
" Permit me to add, in favor of the town which has so severely suf
fered, that a fleet stationed there would also afford relief and help to
many of the distressed inhabitants, who have lost their all ; and would
be a protection to as much property, taken from the enemy, as perhaps is
brought into any port standing in need of such protection.
"On the whole I submit these, and other reasons ¦which will readily
occur to your Excellency's wisdom and candor."
Washington, in response to this letter,* assured Trumbull
that he should be happy to promote his scheme of stationing
some of the allied ships at New London, if circumstances
would have permitted — but that Admiral De Grasse had
taken almost all his vessels of war with him, and "except a
frigate or two left in York River, for the security and aid of
the French troops," not a ship of force was left upon the
American station. The provident plan of Trumbull, there
fore, for the protection of the New England coast, could not
be carried into effect. * From Philadelphia, November 28,

CHAPTER XLVI.
1781.
Eorays upon Connecticut. Hostile ships in the Sound. Trumbull's con
tinued vigilance. An attack upon tories at Lloyd's Neck— and upon
other points of Long Island. Loss of the frigate Trumbull — and of the
Confederacy. Another crisis of want among the troops on the North
River — and relief afforded by Trumbull. He hears of the triumph at
Torktown. The joy it gives him. His letter to Washington on the
victory. Extract from Washington's reply. Trumbull, however, still
continues his preparations for another campaign. He proclaims a
Thanksgiving. On the last day of August the enemy made a marauding
expedition to Newhaven, West Side — and carried off sixteen
prisoners, besides a number of cattle and horses. In July, a
gang of refugees came over from Lloyd's Neck in seven
boats, and surprised and captured, at Darien, the Reverend
Moses Mather, together with forty of his congregation, while
they were in the very act of worshiping within the Meet
ing House.* But save these attacks, and the memorable one
*" They took also about forty horses belonging to the congregation," says
Barber — " mounted them, and marched their prisoners to the shore, and thence
conveyed them to Lloyd's Neck on Long Island. From this place they were
soon after conveyed to New York, and confined in prison. Some of them never
returned ; tliese probably perished in prison ; others were parolled, and some re
turned after having suffered severely by the small pox." In prison they were
treated most severely. Dr. Mather, particularly, was insulted almost daily by
the Provost Marshal, that execrated Cunningham, who "took a particular satis
faction in announcing to him, from time to time, that on that day, tho morrow,
or some other period at a little distance, he was to be executed." Tlie mother
of Washington Irving is said to have kindly ministered to his wants while he
was in prison. "Full forty of us were, confined" — writes Peter St. John, one of
the prisoners, who has given us a poetic version of the affair :—
" So cruelly they were inclined,
In a small room, six days complete,
Witb very little food to eat,
Full eighteen days, or something more,
We fairly were exchanged, before
Of the exchange they let us know,
Or from that place of bondage go,
That of the number twenty-five
But just nineteen were left alive,
Four days before December's gono,
In seventeen hundred eighty-one."

550 CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL.' 1781.
on New London already described, Connecticut remained
quite free from hostile ravages during the present year.
Trumbull, however, kept up carefully its defence. Besides
strengthening the New London quarter, after the assault there,
he also again strengthened the western frontier — sending
General Parsons there to take command, with directions to
call out the militia of the second, fourth, and fifth brigades,
or such part thereof as he should judge necessary, and em
ploy them both to repel invasion, and for enterprises against
the enemy either by sea or land.
Though, in the first part of the year, the British squadron,
which was employed in blockading the French fleet at New
port, lay near Connecticut — one ship of ninety guns, four of
seventy-four, three of sixty-four, one of fifty, and two or
three frigates, anchored along in a formidable line between
Gardiner's Island and Plum Island — yet this squadron ven
tured upon no enterprises against the Connecticut Main.
Trumbull, in February, had the satisfaction of hearing that
one of the ships composing it — the Culloden, a seventy-
four — was driven by a violent storm on a reef near Gardi
ner's Island, and lost — and at the same time that another sev
enty-four — the Bedford — her masts having been carried
away, and her whole upper tier of guns thrown overboard —
floated almost a wreck off New London.
He was not the man, of course, to have mourned had the
whole armament been swamped. As usual, however, he
kept close watch upon its movements — and the armed vessels
of the State, by his orders, continued busy cruising — busy
in checking illegal trade, and all unlawful correspondence
with the enemy. As usual, he commissioned privateers, and
some whaleboats* — and had the pleasure, during the year,
* "1781. Jan'y 25th. A whaleboat Commission, &c, dd' Capt. Joshua Grif
fiths. "Feb. 26th. Commissions granted for schooner Weasel, and Capt. Hale'B
Whale Boats, to cruise ags< the Enemy and Illicit trade, under direction of Capt,
Wm. Ledyard.
" March 24th. Granted liberty of Commission for Whale Boat to Abner Ely.
" April 4th. Common Commission for Whale Boat — given John Waterman-
sent by Mr. Torrey— p'd £3.
"May 10th. Gave commission to Capt. Elisha Hart — sloop Restoration— 10
guns." — TrumbuWs Diary.

1781. ,CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 551
of finding quite a number of valuable prizes brought into
New London — particularly, among others, about September,
two large victualing ships, taken by the Young Cromwell —
and the Hannah, an exceedingly rich merchant ship from
London bound to New York, which was captured a little
south of Long Island by Captain Dudley Saltonstall of the
Minerva privateer. It was the loss of this ship, which,
"more than any other single circumstance exasperating the
British, is thought to have led to the expedition against New
London." In June, the Governor planned an attack upon the tories on
Lloyd's Neck — a scheme which, in April, Major Tallmadge, of
Connecticut, had contemplated, but had not been able to accom
plish. For this purpose he wrote, by the Duke de Lauzun, to
Count de Barras, the Admiral of the French fleet, soliciting
the use of some armed frigates — which, aided by a force from
Connecticut, were to make the attack.* The frigates were
sent, together with two hundred and fifty land troops. They
were joined by several boats from Fairfield with American
volunteers and pilots— and the attack was made — but, from
ignorance, on the part of those engaged, of the true point to
be assailed, and the want of cannon, it was unsuccessful.
Fort Franklin, which was supposed to be without any heavy
guns, in fact had them, and with its grape shot from two
twelve pounders, compelled the French to retire.
A descent also on Long Island, in May, by several whale-
boats from Horseneck, was likewise unsuccessful. It was
intercepted by the British, and thirty-nine of the party were
made prisoners. So, unsuccessful also, was another descent
upon the same island, in September, by Captain Hart of the
sloop Restoration. Driven on shore on a point of land near
Hempstead by a hostile frigate, and there attacked by five
companies of soldiers, he was compelled to come to terms,
after a brave defence, and return home parolled. To the
losses now stated, is to be added, this year, that also of the
beautiful frigate named after the Governor himself, whose
*" June 6th. Wednesday, 12 o'clock, Duke de Lauzun at my lodging9 [at
Hartford.] Wrote by him to La Compte de Barras de sends a frigate to Lloyd's
Neck."— Trumbull's Diary.

552 CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
construction, at Chatham on the Connecticut River, it will be
remembered, he had with peculiar interest superintended.
The Trumbull — after having been placed by Congress under
the direction of the United States Superintendent of Fi
nance — Mr. Morris — for such service as he might judge neces
sary — August eleventh was " carried into New York by one
of the King's ships " — on the very same day that three thou
sand of the King's mercenary German troops arrived in that
city.* But the disappointments upon Long Island were more than
compensated by numerous successful descents upon that quar
ter. There was one in November, for example, by Lieuten
ant Hull, who boarded nine vessels which lay in Musquito
Cove, near Hempstead, and made prisoners of sixteen men.
There was another in December, when some Connecticut
whaleboats seized some valuable craft in Oyster Bay, and
running a vessel of the enemy on shore at Oak Neck, set her
on fire. There were many made at different times by Cap
tain John Fitch, who, in June, was specially commissioned by
the Governor to go over to Long Island, and " break up the
barbarous tory nests there."
* Off the capes of the Delaware — "in the midst of rain and squalls, in a tem
pestuous night, with most of the forward hamper of the ship over her bows, or
lying in the forecastle, with one of the arms of the foretopsail yard run through
her foresail, and the other jammed on deck, and with a disorganized crew," her
commander, Capt. Nicholson, was compelled to strike to two British cruisers of
Superior force — the Iris, and the General Monk. In this action, remarks Cooper
in his Naval History — " none but a man of the highest notions of military honor
would have thought resistance necessary. To say nothing of the ship, the Iris
[Hancock,] was one of the largest ships built by the Americans in the Eevolu
tion, and the Trumbull was one of the smallest. The Monk was a heavy sloop-
of-war for that day." The Iris, when known as the United States ship Hancock,
had been captured by Sir George Collier in the Bainbow of forty-four guns. In
the end she fell into the hands of the French in the West Indies. The Monk,
formerly the American privateer General Washington, having fallen into the
power of General Arbuthnot, had been taken into the King's service. It is a
pleasing fact that the Monk was recaptured, and restored to the American Ma
rine. Capt. Barney, in a brilliant action at the mouth of the Delaware, retook
hm\ Trumbull had also to regret, in 17S1, the loss of another ship belonging to the
Continental Marine. It was the Confederacy, whose construction at Norwich,
Conn., he had himself overlooked. While on her return from Cape Francois, in
June, with clothing, and other supplies on board, and a convoy in charge, sha
was compelled to strike to a superior force of tho enemy, consisting of a large
ship and frigate.

1781. CHAP. XLVI. — TRUMBULL. 553
The interval from the attack of New London down nearly
to the close of October, was passed by Trumbull in sessions
with his Council, or with the General Assembly — and, so far
as the war is concerned, in providing supplies for the army.
One more crisis of want occurred about this time, which, as
usual, called for his special exertions, and was promptly met.
It was upon the North River. They had not cattle enough
there, General Heath wrote him, to serve the troops more
than two days — and one of the large contractors for that
quarter — Mr. Phelps — on account of an alarm at the North
ward, was unable to furnish tbe troops on the Hudson with
his customary number. " Upon a punctual supply of beef
cattle," urged Governor Trumbull immediately in a Message
to the Legislature — " not only the army on the North River,
hut that under the immediate command of General Washing
ton, to whom General Heath forwards one hundred head per
week, depends." The four pence tax for providing live cat
tle, he informed them, was now nearly exhausted, and it
would be necessary to provide them on a two and sixpenny
tax which had been laid for furnishing barrelled beef. The
matter should be taken into consideration, he said, "soon
as possible." The cattle should be "most punctually sent
on." And so they were, under the stimulus thus given to
effort. On the very day on which this Message was sent to the
General Assembly— in a coincidence that is somewhat re
markable — in a contrast between past and present army sup
port, and that which would be required in the future, which
was most heart-cheering — on this day — October nineteenth —
Lord Cornwallis — his works in every quarter sunken under
the fire of the besiegers — the guns of his batteries, nearly
every one, silenced — his shells expended— the second parallel
of the assailants about to open again, from an immense artil
lery, a resistless weight of fire — in this situation — his catas
trophe inevitable — Cornwallis "submitted to a necessity no
longer to be avoided, and surrendered the posts of Yorktown
and Gloucester Point, with the garrisons which had defended
them, and the shipping in the harbor with their seamen, to
the land and naval officers of America and France."
47

554 CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
"Friday, October 26th," entered Trumbull in his Diary, commemora
ting his first reception of the news — " about 7 o'clo. in the evens recd
the hand Bill from D. Govr Bower, of the surrender of Ld Cornwallis &
his Army — 9000 men, seamen included — quantity of "Warlike Stores —
one 40 gun ship — 1 frigate^-about 100 Transports. Praised be the-
Lord of Hosts !
" Saturday, 27th," he adds — " sent Torrey* to Hartford with the news.
"Monday, 29th," he continues — "the surrender of Ld Cornwallis 17th
or 18th instant confirmed.
"Wednesday, 31st," he concludes — "night follows came Letters with
the Articles of Capitulation with Ld Cornwallis."
With what unbounded satisfaction— with what patriotic
exultation — must Trumbull have received this glorious news!
" Praised be the Lord of Hosts " — he exclaimed, in a thanks
giving to God that was doubtless spontaneous, exuberant, and
profound. His son, Colonel Jonathan — who was then at Yorktown,
as private Secretary to General Washington-)- — wrote him at
once confirming the accounts, and describing fully the con
cluding scenes of this eventful siege. He told him, particu
larly, of the completion, with indefatigable toil — in the face
of a tremendous- fire from the beleaguered garrison — through
embrasures which the enemy constantly opened out — of the
famous Second Parallel. He told him of that impetuous,
irresistible rush of parties under Baron Viomenil and Colo
nel Hamilton, upon the two British redoubts which flanked
this parallel — of the noble refusal by Hamilton upon the oc
casion — under all the deeply-seated irritation engendered by
the then recent carnage at Fort Griswold in Connecticut — to
retaliate this example of barbarity, and, as had been sug-
* Torrey was a farmer and a taverner in Lebanon, and lived at a place called
Liberty Hill, in the northern part of the town — on the road from Lebanon to
Hartford. file was appointed by Washington, April 16th, 17S1, as the successor to Col.
Hamilton. " The circle of my acquaintance," says Washington, writing him on
the subject — " does not furnish a character that would bo more pleasing to me as
a successor to him than yourself. I make you the first offer, therefore, of the
vacant office, and should be happy in your acceptance of it. The pay is one
hundred dollars a month ; the rations those of a Lieutenant-Colonel in the army,
which in fact are additional, as tho value thereof is received in money. No per
quisites apportain to the office. The secretary lives as I do, is at little expense
while ho is in my family, or when absent on my business, and is in the highest
confidence and estimation from the nature of his office."

1781. CHAP XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 555
gested, put every man in the redoubt which he had won, to
the sword. He told him of the repulse of Abercrombie in
his brave, yet forlorn sortie upon two American batteries—
and of the attempt of Cornwallis to retreat by the Gloucester
shore, which Lauzun and Sheldon guarded against, and
which the wind and the rain stormed upon in fury, and
thwarted. He delineated the preparation then which was
made to open, within three hundred yards of the Brit
ish foe, the whole terrific fire of a line of batteries that
must inevitably, if employed, have within but a few hours,
leveled Yorktown with the dust. He described that
parley then which the British Commander was compelled to
beat — his proposition next for a cessation of hostilities — his
terms for capitulation — their modification by Washington to
suit the patriot triumph — the surrender — that marching out
at last by the enemy from their once stronghold, witb their
colors cased — and that grounding of their arms, while Gener
al Lincoln received the sword of their commander, upon the
field in front of their own outworks, and near the quarters
of those French and American regiments of artillery that
had battered those outworks down. All these stirring facts
of the closing contest of the American Revolution, his son
described to the Governor of Connecticut — as did also his son-
in-law General Huntington and others— with graphic partic
ularity, from the very spot in which they transpired.
"The very interesting and important news of the surrender of General
Lord Cornwallis,'' wrote Trumbull then from Lebanon, November sixth,
to the Commander-in-chief of the American Armies — and he expressed
similar sentiments in a letter also to Rochambeau — "with the British
army, shipping, &c, &c, under his command, reached me on the 26th
ultimo by a vessel from the Chesapeake to Rhode Island ; and the full
confirmation a few days since by a letter from my son. My warmest and
most sincere congratulations await your Excellency on an event so hon
orable and glorious to yourself, so interesting and happy to the United
States; — an event, which cannot fail to strengthen the impressions of the
European powers in favor of the great and good cause, in which you
have so long and so successfully contended, and go far to convince the
haughty King of Great Britain, that it is in vain to persevere in his cruel
and infamous purpose of enslaving a people, who can boast of Generals
and armies that neither fear to meet his veterans in the high places of
the field, or pursue them to their strongholds of security, and for whose

556 CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 1781.
help the arm of the Almighty has been made bare, and his salvation ren
dered gloriously conspicuous ; — an event, which will hasten the wished-
for happy period, when your Excellency may retire to and securely pos
sess the sweets of domestic felicity and glorious rest from the toils of
war, surrounded by the universal applauses of a free, grateful, and happy
people. " The very important assistance and powerful cooperation afforded by
the fleet and army of our illustrious ally, the King of France, demand
the most grateful acknowledgments. The gallant and intrepid conduct
of the Commander and Officers of both has acquired them great glory,
and entitles them and their army to the warmest thanks of America.''
"I have the honor to acknowledge your favor of the 6th instant,"
wrote Washington to Trumbull in reply, November twenty-eighth—" and
to thank your Excellency with great sincerity for the very cordial and
affectionate congratulations, which you are pleased to express on our late
success in Virginia. I most earnestly hope that this event may be pro
ductive of the happy consequences you mention."
And the Commander-in-chief proceeded to express the
conviction, that its good effects could not fail to be very ex
tensive, unless, under a hope that the contest was now really
brought to a close, "a spirit of remissness should seize the
minds of the States." This hope, he thought, might, after
all, prove delusive. European negotiations — however to be
brightened in favor of America by the late victory — were
yet a precarious dependence. Still therefore, in his judg
ment, vigorous preparations were to be made for "another
active, glorious, and decisive campaign." Wisdom dictated
them. They would render the country "secure against any
event." So reasoned, and in conformity with such views so acted
Trumbull during the last two months of the year whose term
ination we now closely approach. To the future possible
demand for more men and stores he looked with prudent
forecast. He ordered new detachments of troops for the de
fence of New London and Groton. He sent for some Conti
nental companies to be stationed for the winter at Horseneck,
or near, for defence in that direction — and thoughtful of
those under his government who had sustained losses by the
wanton incursions, in past days, of the now humbled foe, he
superintended carefully the execution of estimates of dam
ages done at New London and Groton, at Newhaven, at Fair-

1781. CHAP. XLVI. — TEUMBULL. 557
field, at Norwalk, at Horseneck, and at Danbury. He caused
them to be duly authenticated* — that so the sufferers, all,
might be remunerated — as they in fact were — from time to
time in part, as funds could be improved for the purpose —
and finally in full, in 1792, by a magnificent grant from the
State of five hundred thousand acres of land in Ohio, on the
then untouched and fertile border of Lake Erie.
It must have been with a heart full of happiness, that — in
conformity with a recommendation from Congress — the ven
erable Governor of Connecticut rounded off his labors for
the year 1781 with a Proclamation for a Thanksgivingf — that
Almighty God might be acknowledged and worshiped for
the many signal interpositions of his Providence, the twelve
month past, in behalf of those engaged in the important
struggle for liberty — interpositions clearly perceived in his
preserving and securing the union of the States — in his keep
ing a powerful and generous European ally firm to their
side — in his causing an abundance of the fruits of the earth,
to supply their armies, and give comfort to their people — and
finally, and conspicuously, in his causing the counsels of the
great foes of freedom to be confounded, and a British gen
eral of the first rank, with his whole army, to be captured
by the Allied Forces under the direction of the American
Commander-in-chief. *" Enclosed," he wrote to Secretary George Wyllys, Nov. 11th— "are a num
ber of depositions relative to the behaviour and barbarities of the enemy at New
haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk, with an abstract of the buildings burnt in said
towns, and Sir George Collyer and General Tryon's declarations. You have in
your custody estimates of the damages done in each of the said towns. I have to
desire you to make out copies of such damages and of the enclosed affidavits,
abstract of buildings burnt, and the declarations, and fix the public seal of the
State, with your attestation, to which also I will set my hand. Wish you to have
it done soon as convenient. The Committee appointed to estimate the damages
at New London and Groton, and the affidavits relative to the cruelties and bar
barities there, are to be made up hereafter distinct. You will please to add the
estimate of the damages at Danbury and Horseneck — which you have in
custody." t On the thirteenth of December. 47*

CHAPTER XLVII.
1782.
Military events of the year. England inclined to peace. The United
States, however, continue their military preparations. Trumhull in
this connection again — and in connection "with war debts, confiscated
estates, refugees, and deserters. He superintends a new census of the
State — prepares the Susquehannah Case for trial — and arranges a cele
bration in honor of the "birth of a Dauphin of France. Prisoners, and
his negotiations for their exchange. He remonstrates against the
course taken by the enemy in this matter, and counsels retaliation-.
Naval matters and illicit trade. He is still active in Home Defence,
although this year there are no material depredations. His measures
for suppressing illicit trade bring upon him the slanderous charge, from
a few worthless traders and tories, of being himself engaged in it.
His Memorial to the General Assembly on the subject. He ie thor
oughly vindicated. Maritime prizes and losses this year. Not de
luded by any prospects of peace, he maintains the little navy of Con
necticut with unabated interest.
The Battle of Yorktown closed in fact the American War.
The period of 1782 carries with it hardly a trace of blood.
A few skirmishes around Savannah — a few with British for
aging parties in South Carolina — and that little, gallant fight
in New Jersey between Captain Huddy and a party of Brit
ish refugees, constitute the chief and almost the only armed
struggles of the year. The signal success of the American
troops at Yorktown satisfied Great Britain that the United
States could not be subdued by force of arms. Negotiations
for peace commenced. They were protracted through the
year. And they terminated in a Provisional Treaty, No
vember thirtieth.
But though hostilities, in consequence of the victory in
Virginia, were suspended, preparation as usual was made by
the United States for another campaign. Men and money,
in the judgment of those at the bead, of American affairs,
were still to be raised.
To all appearance at the beginning of the year, Great
Britain would persist in the war. The Speech from the

1182. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 559
Throne, in November, following the surrender of Cornwallis,
breathed hostility, and the answer of both Houses of Parlia
ment was in accord. True — soon after — the Commons re
solved that the contest ought no longer to be pursued for the
"impracticable purpose," they said, of reducing America to
obedience by force — and yet again they resolved — in terms
now more decided than before — that all who should advise,
or by any means attempt its continuation, should "be con
sidered as enemies to their king and country." But all
this was short of that vital concession without which it was
certain that America would fight to the last gasp. It did not
yield independence — nor had the King or Shelburne a
thought of yielding this.
"The point next my heart," said the former most earnest
ly — "and which I am determined, be the consequences what
they may, never to relinquish but with my crown and with
my life, is to prevent a total, unequivocal recognition of the
independence of America." Make such recognition, re
sponded Lord Shelburne, and "the sun of England's glory is
set forever." Let us have peace — if peace we must have —
said other leading British statesmen — but not on the footing
of equality. Let us profess pacific intentions, and if we can,
carry them out. And so the English Cabinet did. But were
these intentions sincere? Even though they were, thought
and reasoned the United States, with Washington, and as
Washington expressed it at the time — "it will undoubtedly
be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and circum
spection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our
hands, and, instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions,
rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that we may
take the advantages of every favorable opportunity, until
our wishes are fully obtained. No nation ever yet suffered
in treaty by preparing, even in the moment of negotiation,
most vigorously for the field."
These were the sentiments also of Governor Trumbull.
So again, for another year, he moved on in a round of war
measures — raising troops, raising supplies, paying troops,
quickening taxes, guarding Connecticut, and laboriously aid
ing to guard the Continent.

560 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 1182.
A new act for filling up the quota of Connecticut in the
Continental Army, passed the General Assembly early in
January, and large Committees were appointed in each
County to aid in carrying it into effect. A new regiment of
foot was ordered for the defence of Horseneck, and the whole
western frontier of the State. The Governor was to see it
raised, and to send three hundred men to Stamford. Nine
thousand one hundred and ninety pounds were appropriated
for the service of the several towns upon the Sound, to ena
ble them to support coast-guards for the year. The Govern
or was to look to the proper distribution of this fund.* In
May again, eighteen hundred and thirty-six men were to be
specially raised for the Continental Army. The Governor
labored to collect them. In the same month a new act was
passed for regulating and conducting the whole military force.
of the State. It was crowded with directions, and required
careful superintendence. The Governor was to see this act
also executed, and accordingly he addressed every Brigadier
General of the State on the matter. Let each one, he said,
in his own command, enforce the new arrangements — that
the militia of Connecticut "may be in readiness to act on
every necessary occasion."f
To support all these military measures, fresh taxes, of
course, were necessary. The United States Superintendent
of Finance wrote Trumbull for money — Congress wrote for
it — Washington sent repeated circulars for it. A quota from
the State of eight millions of dollars for the current year was
wanted. The Governor, therefore, by direction of his Coun
cil, was charged with the duty of stating the several taxes
that remained unpaid — particularly those for specific articles,
* Exhausted as Connecticut had been by the war, it was more difficult for her
now than formerly to support both her troops in the Continental line, and those
employed for home defence. Her expenses had been, she said, " an insupport
able burden." The Governor was therefore directed by the General Assembly
to ask Congress for payment often of the companies raised for the State, and "to
inforce his request with such farther reasons and observations as his Excellency
should think proper." Tho application was made, but did not avail.
t " You will hear," he added in his instructions to tho generals — " and grant
liberty to such officers whose circumstances may require a dismission from serv
ice, for reasons to be assigned in the orders for a new choice, in which the Gen
eral will be careful not to dismiss on slight grounds."

1782. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 561
and a three pence tax, and a twelve pence tax that had been
laid for the national service — the collection of which he was
to "invigorate," as the record expresses it, and the money,
when collected, to transmit to the Treasury of the Nation.
The gathering of these and other taxes — orders on towns for
their respective quotas of provisions — the making up, in nu
merous private instances, the depreciation in the wages of offi
cers and soldiers — the adjustment of old debts and of arrears
of debts — and measures with regard to refugees, confiscated es
tates, and to the apprehension of deserters from the army — fig
ure at this time in the Becords of the Council of Safety, as the
matters which chiefly and constantly occupied his attention.
. "Wednesday 9 Janr i 1782," he wrote in his Diary — making a few
succinct entries which will give the Reader some idea of his employment
at three important periods of the year — " set from home with Col. Wil
liams. At Alvords* met President Wheelock and Mr. Pomeroy — signed
the recommendation of Dartmouth College. Passed the ferry — got to
Mr. Caldwell's at 8 o'clock in the evening — exceedingly hard riding-
much worried.
" 11th. Opened the Assembly. Speech & Letters before dinner.
"12th. Attended Assembly.
" From Tuesday to Saturday had public hearings. Benjamin Payn,
Esq., at meeting last Sunday, died Wednesday 23rd about 9 o'clock in
the Evening. Funeral attended on Friday, 3 o'clock P. M. Rev. Mr.
Perry made a very pertinent prayer in the Meeting House, when the
Corpse was brought, on this Solemn and Melancholy Occasion.
" Friday, 10th. Dr. Stiles opened the Assembly by prayer.
"Tuesday, [June] 4th. Enemies fleet of 20 sail, including two Frig
ates, passed Fairfield — off N. Lond" Harbour — 6th joined by 4 Frigates —
7th went to the Eastward — from Block Island steered S. E. This occa
sioned an Alarm — Tyler's & Douglass's Brigade.
" Saturday, June 15th, 1782—6 o'clock P. M. The General Assembly
finished the Sessions.
"Monday, June 17th — 8 o'clock A. M. — came from Hartford.
" Wednesday, 26th. Sent Mr. Wm Lisk Express from hence to Stam
ford, to carry Proclamations and Letters, and gave an Order to Pay Table
to settle his ace", and draw on the Treasurer for payment.
" Saturday, July 13th. Mr. Jesse Brown went for Philadelphia. Sent
by him Letter to Office of Foreign Affairs — acc° of Losses — to Office of
Finance sundry inclosures — Delegates — Secret? Thompson, Bonds, and
for Blank Commissions &c. * Bolton Hill.

562 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 1182.
" Oct. 9th. Came with Col. Williams to Hartford.
"10th. Assembly opened. 10th & 12th appointed Committees &c
"Thursday 17th, and Friday 18th. Reports of Comm'«" de Taxes—
both negatived in 1. h. — approved in up. h. Mr. Law Comtee on diff.
" Friday & Saturday 19th. Col. Canfield here — finished for him.
"Friday, Oct. 25th. The Session of Assembly finished."
To the business to which reference has now been made as
occupying Governor Trumbull the present year, is to be
added that of superintending a new census of the State,
which he was to transmit to Congress. He had also to regu
late the export of surplus provisions, particularly to the Ha-
vanna. He had to prepare the Susquehannah Case for trial
before a Committee of Congress, and upon this he now cor
responded much both with National Delegates, with the
Counsel for the State,* and with gentlemen in England. He
had to adjust proceedings upon occasion of the birth of a
Dauphin of France. He had still to look after the exchange
of prisoners — regulate cruisers in the Sound — and prevent
illicit trade.
As regards the Dauphin— that son of whom " the queen,
our most dear spouse, is just now happily delivered," as Louis
of France, October twenty-second, wrote to Congress — that
child, as the Honorable the French Minister announced to
the same Body, who " will one day be the friend and ally of
the United States, and the guarantee of their freedom" —
Trumbull received notice of his birth in May, from Robert
R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs at Philadelphia—
with a request that the event should be duly celebrated in
Connecticut as elsewhere. By direction of the General As
sembly, therefore, he ordered his own Guards, and the Ma-
tross Company at Hartford, to parade on a stated day — which
was accordingly done — and, at five o'clock in the afternoon,
amid crowds of spectators, a rousing feu de joie emphasized
the annunciation that a Dauphin was born — while "the good
people of this State," says a record of the event, "partook
in the general joy which was diffused on receiving the happy
intelligence." France had not then become that whirlpool
* Tho Counsel for the State were Eliphalet Dyer, Wm S. Johnson, and Jesse
Eoot — whom his Excellency duly commissioned for the purpose.

1182. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 563
of revolution — that arena for bloody civil convulsions —
which soon afterwards she did become. Generosity towards
America, even though selfish, was in her disposition. She
had already given us blood and treasure. By all the ties of
consistency, as well as by her own mortal hate of England,
she was bound, if necessary, to give more. Courtesy, if not
gratitude, was her due. Well then might Trumbull — as did
the Congress of America — put up the prayer that the newly-
born son might, with the throne, "inherit the virtues" which
had acquired to his Majesty the father "so much glory, and
to his dominions so much prosperity " — and which would be
" the means of cementing and strengthening the union so
happily established between the two nations." The demon
stration of joy which he ordered was well-timed.
As regards prisoners the present year, there were no
additions to their number in Connecticut, for there were
no contests to win them — -but Trumbull, from time to time,
happily negotiated important exchanges with the British
at New York, and released many of his suffering country
men, to his own and their great joy, from cruel confinement.
The long negotiations at this period respecting captives, be
tween British and American Commissioners, attracted his
close attention, and when they failed, drew from him warm
remonstrances. That the enemy should deny, as they did,
that upon a general settlement of accounts for the mainte
nance of prisoners, in past times, any large balance was due
from themselves to America — or that they should strive, as
they did, in their plan of exchanging land prisoners for sea
men, to provide a constant source of reinforcement to their
own ranks — did not surprise or disturb the Governor of Con
necticut. But he felt pained particularly, that they refused
to comprehend the American captives in England within the
terms of a general cartel — and that the meeting of the Com
missioners, for this reason, more than for any other, should
have been dissolved, and thus one of the most benevolent of
purposes frustrated.
When Captain Huddy, therefore, of New Jersey — whose
case attracted universal attention — was summarily hung by
the enemy from a tree, he gave vent to his feelings in no

564 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. H82.
measured terms. The blood of that captive, he thought — ¦
barbarously murdered — called aloud for atonement. The
sorrowful case too of other Americans, who, refused a pas
sage home, were drearily wasting away their lives in a for
eign land, demanded requital. Trumbull, consequently,
wrote to Washington, and wrote to Congress, counselling re
taliation — that the enemy who to all appearance would not
be persuaded, might be forced into the practice of humanity.
" I had the honor," wrote Washington in reply, May eighth —
" to receive your Excellency's letter of the 24th of April,
enclosing a copy of your letter to Congress on the subject of
American prisoners confined in England, with your senti
ments on the necessity of retaliation. I have the honor to
concur in sentiment with your Excellency on the subject."
And the Commander-in-chief proceeded to inform the Gov
ernor that Captain Huddy's case would " bring that matter
to a point" — and that nothing but the surrender of the prin
cipal perpetrators of his horrid murder, would stay his own
resolution of carrying the retaliatory principle into full effect.
As regards naval matters and illicit trade, the present year,
Trumbull — relieved somewhat from that round of anxious
duty which he had traveled in former years — had yet some
thing to do. That hostile fleet — to which in his Diary he
refers as off the Connecticut coast in June — passed by, it 'will
have been, observed, without attempting to land, or in any
way annoy the Main. And so did all the British cruisers
this year, though occasionally they were very alert and
threatening. Connecticut, fortunately, was free from any
material depredations — but yet, at all times, from her prox
imity to New York, was greatly exposed to them, and in
consequence, as has been suggested, was compelled to main
tain carefully her coast defence. The system too of predatory
descents from Long Island was less active the present than in
any year before during the war. and by October — on the evac
uation at this time by the enemy of their frowning post on
Lloyd's Neck — was entirely abandoned. Intercourse be
tween the two shores in fact — soon after peace began to be
seriously contemplated, and Carlton and Digby, the British
Commissioners, commenced promulgating overtures for rec-

1182. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 565
onciliation — became so, pacific, as to induce many persons in
Connecticut — contrary to law — to renew traffic with the Brit
ish and tories upon Long Island — and consequently exacted
at the hands pf Governor Trumbull even more than ordinary
pains to check the unlawful intercourse.
His efforts in this particular direction— interfering as they
did with the private interests of gain-loving traders — brought
upon him the particular aversion of this class of persons —
some of whom — together with certain emissaries of the ene
my who availed themselves of the public odium in which
traders of this description stood — circulated against Trum
bull himself the slanderous charge, that he too was engaged
in the illicit traffic. The British foe, it was believed at the
time — failing to subjugate this country by force — resorted to
every species of artifice to effect their purpose, and particu
larly to the scheme of traducing — through secret incendia
ries, tories, and apostates — those Americans whose patriotism
and distinguished services have rendered their names im
mortal. Among these, especially, was the " Rebel Governor"
of Connecticut.
" They all know him,'' said a writer of the day* — "to be a fast friend
to the Liberties and Independence of these States. They consider him
as one of the Pillars of our new Constitution. They are well acquainted
with the peculiar enmity he bears the Illicit Trade — with his spirited and
unremitted exertions to prevent it. Their plan has evidently been to
ruin the character of so formidable an enemy, in order to promote the
interest of their unjust cause. To effect this they have been attempt
ing to.convince his countrymen, that he himself is concerned and bene
fits by the same Illicit Trade ; and with this view they have exposed
large trunks and packages of goods, in New York, addressed to him in
fair and legible characters — [with not the least design, however, that
they should ever reach him] — and they have been frequently seen to send
them publicly on board vessels bound eastward, in so much that our offi
cers in captivity among them have been induced to believe his Excellen
cy was actually concerned, and many were not undeceived, till they were
exchanged, and came out, and enquired into the truth of the matter. "t
* In the Hartford Courant of April 2nd, 1783. He signs himself " A BepubUo-

t" If facts are as they insinuate," continues the writer quoted in the text—
" why has there never a single instance been found out? Could these people
prove what they affirm, instead of sneaking privately about incog., and telling it
48

566 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 1182.
In pursuance of the scheme unfolded by the writer now
quoted — at Enfield once, in Connecticut — one day in Janu
ary — a stranger from Middletown, as he represented himself
to be, but whose name does not appear — while passing
through the town, reported to quite a large assemblage of
persons at a tavern there, that " a vessel which belonged to
his Excellency the Governor, and which was employed in
carrying on the illicit trade, had been lately taken coming
from the enemy loaded with goods, and that she was brought
into one of the ports ¦ of Connecticut for condemnation."
This account, added the stranger, " may be depended on as
undoubted truth " — and he passed on his way, journeying up
the Connecticut River.
The story which he told, becoming at once the general
topic of conversation among the people of Enfield, was list
ened to with amazement. The governor was soon informed
of it by letter — and nothing could have startled and pained
him more. It was a galling wound indeed to one to whom
his own character, his good name, and his country, in truth
were dearer than all the " wealth of Ormus or of Ind " — one
who, far more intensely than most men, felt that
" The purest treasure mortal times afford,
Is — spotless reputation — that away,
Men are but gilded loam, or painted clay."
And he felt also that the attack was not altogether aimed at
himself as an individual, but was " an intended injury to the
State, and indeed to all the United States through one of
their confidential servants." He immediately, therefore,
transmitted the letter containing the charge to the General
Assembly, accompanied by the following painfully eloquent
Address — and left it with this Bod)1- to take such action as it
might itself choose in vindication of the honor of the Chief
Magistrate of Connecticut, and of their own.
in small circles, they would publish it on the house-top, and thunder it through
the State in exultation. Only tell them that Burgoyne and Cornwallis are made
prisoners, and they will hang down their heads like the bulrush. There are a
set of people, whose mouths would not bo stopped, should Gabriel himself de
scend to administer the government among us."

1182. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 567
"To the Honorable General Assembly now sitting.
" A member of the honorable House of Representatives handed to me a
letter of the 21st instant, which is herewith offered for your Observation,
and opens the occasion of this address.
" Perhaps no person in the United States was earlier apprised than
myself of the origin and insidious design of our enemies to set on foot,
and carry on a trade and commerce with this and the other States for the
manufactures and merchandise of their country, or more deeply sensible
of its dangerous and pernicious effects — and I am persuaded no one has
been or could be more active and vigilant to prevent the execution of
that ensnaring and ruinous project ; and during my administration my
whole time has been devoted to and intent upon the Salvation of my
Country, and the defence of its inestimable rights against the open force
and more dangerous secret fraud of our restless and implacable enemy.
My character and conduct in these respects, I am happy to believe, meets
the approbation of all the true Friends in this State in proportion to their
knowledge and acquaintance with them, and are not unknown through
all these States, and in Europe. Pardon me, Gentlemen, I am far from
boasting ; I have not done more, but less than my duty, and it is my
highest temporal wish to do much more good to my State and Country,
and to see its Liberty and Independence established on a firm and immov
able basis.
" But who can stand against the secret and malignant whispers of envy
and falsehood, which like the pestilence walk in darkness. My Character
is dearer to me than all worldly instruments, or the remains of a life so
far spent and exhausted in the service of my country. For several years
past, accumulated and increasing slanders, similar to the present, have
been whispered and directly spread and propagated concerning me by
the radical Enemies of our Country's cause, by deceived or malicious
people, or all, as I must believe. Conscious innocence and integrity have
enabled me calmly to bear them ; — and in my circumstances I have not
thought it prudent to seek a legal redress, although in some instances, I
could easily have traced the Slanders to their Authors — and my neglect
ing to seek such redress has to my knowledge been construed as an ac
knowledgment of Guilt. If indeed I am guilty, or have any connections
with a conduct so contrary to the Laws and interests of my Country, and
which I profess from my heart to detest and abhor, is it not high time it
was known, and for me to be spurned from your confidence and trust ?
The author of the present report may be brought to your View — the
way is open for it.
"Permit me to ask, if I am and have been thus guilty, whether your
honor, wisdom, and integrity, or all are not also affected, while by your
suffrages I hold a station too important for even a suspected person to
fill — whether under all the circumstances, it may not become the Honor
and dignity of this Virtuous assembly to inquire into and investigate the
truth or falsehood of the facts alledged, and let my guilt, if it appears,

568 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 1182.
be fully exposed? It is my wish— but is cheerfully submitted to the
Wisdom and justice of the Honorable Assembly by their faithful, obedi
ent, humble servant, "Jonathan Tbumbull."
"Hartford, January 29th, 1782."
The desired investigation was immediately made. A Com
mittee was appointed for the purpose. General Silliman, Mr.
Canfield, Mr. Southworth, and Colonel Talcott, from the
House of Representatives, witb Oliver Wolcott as Chairman
from the Upper House, formed it. They found the facts with
regard to the origin and circulation of the charge as already
narrated, and reported that they could not discover the least
reason even to suspect "that ever his Excellency the Gov
ernor gave the least countenance whatever to illicit trade with
the Enemy, much less that he ever had any concern with it
himself. Your Committee are of opinion," they added,
"that all Reports of that kind respecting his Excellency are
false, slanderous, and altogether groundless; and that they
most probably originate from the Partisans and Emissaries
of the Enemy that are secretly among the people, and that
those kind of Reports, tho' intended to injure his Excellen
cy's private character, are designed principally to embarrass
Government, and sow the seeds of Jealousy and Distress in
the minds of the People, with a View to remove out of the
Way a Character so firmly opposed to every Measure that is
favorable to the enemy. And tho' we have not been able to
discover the author of this slanderous Report, we are inclined
to believe him to be an Emissary of the Enemy."
This Report — thus triumphantly vindicating Trumbull,
and placing him in the clear sunlight of innocence — was at
once accepted and approved by both branches of the Legis
lature, and ordered to be lodged on file in the office of the
Secretary of State. It was balm to his wounded heart. Not
the faintest stain of an attaint longer touched him. The con
temptible detraction had no effect but to rally friends enthu
siastically to his defence, and to make him in the general bo
som reign more loftily than ever. And he went on with his
labors in the naval department, heart-whole, and with in
creased efficiency — commissioning whaleboats, still to check

1»82. CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. 569
the unlawful trade — giving to the captors of craft engaged in
such trade all the booty they should take — as was at this
time allowed-— and continuing privateers and other armed
vessels in service, to attack the enemy, and make what prizes
they could.*
And he had the satisfaction of finding the naval affairs of
Connecticut, at the end of the year, relatively on as good a
footing as ever before. Quite a number of prizes rewarded
the seamen of the State — though not so numerous or so val
uable, of course, as in former years — for there was the calm,
most of the time, of an expected peace — while, on the other
hand, one brig from Norwich, f another small brig from 'New
London,:): and the privateer sloop Randolph, Captain Peck,
also from New London — which was captured and carried into
New York — were the only losses of much account which
Connecticut suffered in her Marine during the entire period
upon which we now dwell.
Trumbull, as ever before — deluded by no prospects of
peace, however flattering they seemed— anxious, up to the
moment until a treaty for this great object should seriously
commence, to present a bold aggressive front to the foe — and
win advantages, if he could, that might give a favorable
color to the position of his own beloved country — maintained
his little navy with unabated interest — until, in August, offi
cial assurances came that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, fully
empowered by Great Britain to confer with all the parties at
war, and that negotiations for a general peace had already
* When will talkers refrain from evil speaking? "Calumny will sear virtue
itself" — no greatness escapes it. It attacked Trumbull in 1783 again — in a man
ner somewhat similar to that described in the text, and by the General Assembly
was as promptly met. One Seymour, alledged that the Governor took a bribe of
one hundred guineas from one Eichard Smith, a petitioner for a confiscated es
tate— ou condition that he the Governor should give his influence and his vote in
favor of the said Smith. Whereupon Seymour was arrested, by order of the As
sembly, for "his false and contemptuous conduct." He at once prayed forgive
ness both of the Governor and the Assembly, most sincerely — stated that he was
old, infirm in memory, and that in his "cooler moments," he felt "fully con
vinced" that he "had not sufficient ground" for the declaration he had made.
So he was pardoned.
t She was commanded by Capt. Elisha Lathrop, and when captured was carried
into Bermuda.
t She was commanded by Capt. Latham, and was laid up by the enemy at St.
Thomas. 48*

570 CHAP. XLVII. — TEUMBULL. Hg2.
commenced. The British commander in America — Sir Guy
Carlton — confirmed the news — formally declared that he
could no longer discover any object of contest between Eng
land and America — and openly disapproved of any farther
hostilities either by land or sea. The curtain, therefore, fell
upon the Revolutionary naval warfare of Connecticut.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
1782.
Negotiations for peace. Trumbull's views of their "basis. Tliese views
shown particularly by a letter which he addressed to Silas Deane.
Explanation. of the circumstances under which this letter was written.
Deane in Europe at the. time — and has heard of nothing but disasters,
severely fatal to the American cause. He therefore sends over propo
sitions for a reconciliation with Great Britain. His letter falls into the
hands of foes to America, and is materially altered from its original
shape. The alterations. As changed, Trumbull receives the com
munication, -with a request that the plan it contained should be laid
before the General Assembly of Connecticut. Trumbull replies, as if
to propositions from an alien enemy, in a firm, patriotic, and indignant
Btrain. The sentiments he expresses are inwrought into all the nego
tiations for closing the war. The French Army marches from Virginia
for Boston, to embark for the West Indies Trumbull provides again
for their passage through Connecticut. The American Army goes into
winter quarters. Everything indicates a speedy end to the war.
TrumbuU proclaims a Thanksgiving.
.. The intelligence that negotiations for a general peace had
commenced, was indeed welcome to Trumbull. He had
watched all the preparations for putting an end to the war,
with intensest interest. No negotiations, with a tithe of his
approbation, could have taken place short of those which
were to recognize, as their unalterable basis, the entire free
dom and independence of the United States. And of this
he gave signal proof at this time, in a letter which he wrote'
to Silas Deane at. Ghent, in the spring of the year with which
we are now concerned — in reply to propositions from the lat
ter for a reconciliation with Great Britain. It is a letter,
which, under all the circumstances, is one of the most strik
ing memorials on record of a great and patriotic man.*
Rightly to understand it, these circumstances must be ex
plained. They will reward the Reader's attention.
At the time when Deane made his propositions — which
*The author is indebted for the letter to J. Deane Alden, Esq., of Hartford,
Connecticut— himself a descendant of the distinguished gentleman to whom it
was addressed.

572 CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 1782.
was in 1781 — the aspect of American affairs, both at home
and abroad, was most unpropitious. The whole State of
South Carolina had been overrun by the British, and in effect
conquered. Charleston, its capital city, had fallen. Three
out of four hundred American troops under the brave
Colonel Buford, had been hewn in pieces at the battle of the
Waxhaws. General Gates, with his four thousand troops, had
been overpowered near Camden by a force of but two thou
sand under Lord Cornwallis — and seven hundred and thirty-
two Americans killed or captured in this eventful struggle —
against only half that number lost by the British — told fear
fully in favor of the enemy — while Tarleton's surprise and
complete rout of Colonel Sumpter, which soon succeeded,
served vastly to deepen the gloom which events threw over
the American cause.
Nor were there any- American victories at the North, at
this period, of force enough to lift and counterbalance this
gloom. On the other hand, Arnold's devastating expedition
to Virginia — his horrible successes at New London — and the
plundering and burning of many villages in New Jersey, by
Knyphausen — these and other instances of British venge
ance — magnified a thousand-fold by British newspapers, and
British emissaries — reached the ears of Deane in his seclusion
at Ghent. With them came overwrought pictures of the
feebleness of the Americans, and false allegations of a pre
vailing disposition among them to accommodate their differ
ences with the Mother-Country — allegations which were
trumpeted far and wide, and were very widely credited.
Deane, from his residence abroad, knew well the deep dis*
credit into which the American cause, and American credit,
had fallen on the continent of Europe, and sincerely believed
the majority of his countrymen no longer desired to continue
the war. The opinion which he entertained at its outbreak,
that England could not long maintain it, had been changed.
" Six years' experience," as he wrote Trumbull — " in three of
which France and Spain had been engaged with us against
Great Britain — had convinced him of his mistake." He be
lieved too, as he adds — that " independence in the three great
articles of Legislation, Taxation, and Commerce, contained

1182. CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 573
all the essentials of liberty, and that the title and honors of
sovereignty can by no means balance the losses and the ex
penses of blood and treasure unavoidable in the acquisition
and support of them." He was satisfied too in his own mind
that self-interest was the ruling motive both of France and
Spain in their adoption of the American cause — and that by
binding this cause irrevocably, as the Treaty with France
was supposed to do, to this Power, we virtually became "the
military slaves and vassals of France and her allies." Under
all these circumstances — not having heard either of the battle
of Yorktown, or of the then recent brilliant achievements, in
the West Indies, of the French arms — Deane ventured to
recommend to Trumbull — and through him to the General
Assembly of Connecticut — a plan for reconciliation with the
Motherland. Let Great Britain, he proposed, "renounce all
¦claim or pretence to legislate for or to tax America, in any
case, or in any shape whatever." Let this power to legislate
and tax, " forever, and in the utmost extent of it, remain in
our own hands, and we still continue united to and a part of
the empire of Great Britain, under one common sovereign,
and let our commerce be placed on the same equal and free
regulations as the commerce of the other parts of the Em
pire, and under the common protection of the whole."
Unfortunately for Deane, his letter containing these prop
ositions fell into the hands of foes to America — probably
British foes — and was substantially and sadly changed from
its original shape. He was made to propose — in the letter as
received by Trumbull — a return on the part of America to
her allegiance upon the basis of the state of things as they
existed at the time of the Pacification of Paris in 1763 — a
basis which, however acceptable it might have been, and was
to the Colonies, almost if not quite down to the day when,
at Lexington, the first blood of the Revolution was shed, yet at
the period when Deane wrote was utterly out of question —
for it sacrificed everything for which the States, for six long
and distressing years, had struggled tirelessly and gloriously.*
* Of the alteration made in his letter, Deane subsequently wrote to Governor
Trumbull, and in the following terms : —
" You say that my sentiments appeared to you so very singular as to merit your

574 CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 1782.
Deane did not, in fact, offer this basis for consideration at
all. The enemy offered it for him. His letter, therefore,
having been materially altered by inimical hands — having
been made to express sentiments and opinions which he
never entertained — which he disavows — which by no impli
cation from his life can be made to appear as ever having
been his own* — so far as an entire return of America to her
old colonial state is concerned — is to be considered, in great
part, as the letter of an alien enemy to the American cause —
just as much so as the Proclamation from Howe, and the
Communication from Tryon, to which we have already given
Trumbull's replies. The reply we are now about to give —
longer than either of the preceding — tbe Reader will find
calm, yet firm in all its reasonings — inflexible and exalted in
its expression of love for country — and determined, and even
indignant in its defence of plighted faith, and plighted hopes.
It is as follows : — "Hartford, 16th May, 1782.
" Sir : I duly received your letter dated at Ghent the 21st of Octr last^
by Capt. Trowbridge, and have paid that attention to your sentiments
therein expressed, which their singularity appeared to me to merit
" At the time when you wrote, the Decisive Event of the last campaign
in this country was not known to you. You was unacquainted with the
noble part which France acted on this occasion, and you could not foresee
that this blow would reduce the British Parliament to confess themselves
attention. Permit me to say that yours appeared no less singular to me, nor can
I account for many of the expressions contained in your letter, but by presuming
that mine must have undergone some material alterations, in the hands of those
who took the liberty of opening and of copying it before they permitted it to be
sent on. I am the more induced to think that this must have been the case, as
several of my letters have suffered in the same manner in Philadelphia, and still
the more so, as the substance of yours is in reply to positions and principles
which I never either entertained or expressed in my letter to you, or in my letters
to any of my correspondents, nor even in conversation with my most intimate
friends. I know not indeed what Bivington may have published, but I know to
my cost that he is not the only printer on the Continent who is always ready to
publish everything which will serve his own, or the purposes of his party ; but
such have been the retirement and obscurity in which I have lived for the last
twelve months, that I have seen none of his publications. I never proposed. ws
should return to the state in which we were in 1763, but to one every way
preferable." * Deane, though in exile, and under a cloud, felt for his country still. Her
interest, he wrote at this time to Trumbull — "is, and ever will be my sole and
first object."

1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 575
unable to prosecute a future offensive war in this country. You could not
foresee that the trifling and indecisive campaigns in Europe were to be
soon followed by the most important successes in other quarters of the
world— that St. Eustatia, St. Martins, St. Kitts, Penobscot, Nevis, and
Minorca, were destined to crown the glories of Yorktown. Great Britain
is declining fast towards the evening of her glory, yet I view her decline
without feeling any fears of France or Spain. It should be the first ar
ticle of every man's political creed, that no Nation will ever assist an
other, but with a view of advancing her own interest. I am sensible
how important the humiliation of their ancient enemy is to France and
Spain, and I would not that any country should have received their fa
vors, unless she could propose to them at the same time an adequate re
ward. I am sensible that France will ever have just demands upon our
gratitude, and Heaven forbid we should ever so far forget the principles
of virtue and honor as to withhold our acknowledgments. Yet France,
if not too generous, is at least too politic to follow in those steps which
have led her rival to ruin. She knows our rapidly increasing importance
too well not to wish to cement our present friendship by a series of noble
and spirited actions.
" You observe that we shall be too deeply in debt to her for monies
actually borrowed, and supplies of different kinds — but shall we repay
those debts with perfidy and ingratitude ? Shall we basely desert her,
shall we unite with her enemies, and turn against her the resources
which we derive from her, in the very War which she has undertaken
for our service? France has a body of troops in our country — very
true — they have served us faithfully and effectually, but I extremely
doubt their having any idea of augmenting their number to thirty or
even twenty thousand men. The debility of our enemy does not leave
her a pretext for such an augmentation, even if she wished it ; and I
trust we have too much wisdom to admit the proposal, were one made
even in an hour of distress, to that purpose.
"As to the Treaty which guarantees our Independence, I do not sup
pose it will exist longer than it shall mutually appear to be the interest
of the parties that it should exist ; and I rely with more confidence on
the good sense, the bravery, and virtue of my countrymen for the pres
ervation of our liberties, than upon any foreign aid. It is we ourselves
who are interested in their preservation, and as long as we shall possess
virtue to merit, so long we shall undoubtedly enjoy the invaluable bless
ing. And whether Spain, Holland, or any other Power upon earth
formally acknowledge the Independence of the United States of America,
or not, is in my politics, a matter of indifference. They are independent
in fact, and the name is a bauble.
" Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived a few days ago at New York, has
made similar propositions for Peace, in the name of the King of Great
Britain, with those which you pointed out as attainable.
"You have painted the consequences of a continuation of the war — ¦

576 CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 1782.
permit me to view the consequences of such a Peace. The object pro
posed by the Treaty subsisting between France and America, is declared
to be the acknowledgment of the independence of the latter by Great
Britain, and in a subsequent resolution of Congress it is declared that
even this object being gained, neither Party is at liberty to conclude a
separate peace, without the express consent of the other in accepting the
terms now proposed by the King of Great Britain to his " revolted Colo
nies in North America.'' We must therefore break through every obli
gation of National Honor to dissolve this Treaty. If the offer were of
Independence, the words of the Treaty might furnish us with a slender
pretext for accepting it, though even then our own explanatory declara
tion would forbid the step. But should we basely stoop to return to the
state in which we were in the year 1763, which is the proposal of the
enemy, we have not even words to shelter us from the c'ontempt of man
kind — and surely nothing but madness can lead us to a breach of faith
as consummately infamous as it is important.
" Yet let us suppose that America possesses fortitude sufficient to brave
the insults of the world — in that moment the object of Great Britain is
accomplished. The present war will soon be terminated, and she will
then be at leisure to renew her oppressions in this country, without a
fear of the interposition of any foreign power — there is not a nation upon
the earth that would not exult in seeing a race of such perfidious, ungrate
ful, dastardly wretches, oppressed, harassed, extirpated. France would
for once forget her national enmity to Great Britain, and rejoice heartily
in the acceleration of our ruin.
" And let no one object to these ideas the generosity of the British na
tion. This war has given us full experience of what we are to expect
from their generosity. Grant that the continuance of the war for a few
years will add to our public debts and taxes ; but tell me what ease we
are to gain by a reunion with a People who are sinking under the press
ure of their own debts — and whose necessities will join with their re
sentments in the resolution to load us, not only with our own, but a
large share of their burdens.
" No. I will sooner consent to load myself, my constituents, my pos
terity, with a debt equal lo the whole property of the country, than con
sent to a measure so detestably infamous, and I doubt not but my coun
trymen in general will choose with me to preserve their liberties, with
the reputation and the consciousness of preserving virtue, even though
poverty be the consequence.
" That there have been injudicious expenditures of the public monies,
and that the same may happen again, is to be expected in this country,
as it has been evidenced in every other — for we are not perfect more than
all those who have gone before us ; but extravagance is not the predom
inant vice of republics, and we shall endeavour to guard against it
" That our public officers, at home and abroad, have in some instances
deviated from their duty, and while they have been expensive, proved

1782. CHAP. XLVIII.— TEUMBULL. 577
also useless or unfaithful servants, cannot be denied ; and yet we have
seen as little of treason and corruption as times of public convulsion
have commonly exhibited.
" From the information which I have of the politics of Europe, I ap
prehend nothing hostile at present from Russia. Letters from Peters-
burgh of as late date as November last, declare that "the temper of that
Court is not unfriendly to America," and Holland, if not our friend, will
at least not be our enemy. ;
" I shall lay your letter, together with the answer, before a General
Assembly of this State. You will therefore regard these sentiments on
the subject of Peace, not only as mine individually, but the general voice
of the Representatives of the People. They will afterwards remain in
my public files, as you request. I am Sir,
" Your most obedient servant,
"Jonth Trumbull."
The sentiments on the subject of peace which Trumbull so
warmly expresses in the letter just quoted, he had the satis
faction of seeing inwrought, indissolubly, into all the nego
tiations for putting an end to the war which now soon fol
lowed at Paris. In vain every attempt of Great Britain to
thrust America from the position and claims which he so
eloquently advances and defends. In vain her efforts to
treat with the American Negotiators under the title of "Com
missioners of Colonies or Plantations," instead of "Commis
sioners of Thirteen Independent States." Useless the labor
of Sir William Jones, with his celebrated " Fragment from
Polybius," to convince Dr. Franklin that the States of
America, like the Colonies of Athens, should treat their
Motherland — if not "as a parent whom they must obey" —
yet "as an elder sister whom they could not help but love,
and to whom they should give pre-eminence of honor and
equality of power." Yain the attempt,, with the aid too both
of France and Spain, to bereave our own eis- Atlantic Repub
lic of the country west of the ridges of the Alleghany, the
home for future millions of her population — or to deprive
her of her fisheries, as the price of peace — or to make her
pledge herself for the restoration of the confiscated estates of
American refugees.
With a perseverance that knew no check — with a courage
of purpose that was ready to brave another Seven-Years
4»

578 CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 1782.
War rather than make a single unworthy concession — the
American Commissioners stood their ground — and Peace — a
Provisional Peace, soon to be made definitive — spread light
and sunshine over the closing year. The tide of British op
pression was stayed by the iron barrier of American Inde
pendence — and King George the Third — forced at last to
put off the trappings of pride for the winding-sheet of hu-*
miliation — was, "with all convenient speed," to withdraw his
armies, his garrisons, his fleets, from every portion of that
magnificent domain which he had so long, with a death-clasp,
struggled to retain, and had so fearfully dyed with blood.
In anticipation of this result, the French Army, early as
July, had marched from their station as a Corps de reserve in
Viiginia, to join General Washington on the banks of the
Hudson. From hence, in October, after having aided awhile
to watch against the British forces in New York, they pro
ceeded on to Boston, thence to embark for the West Indies — "
the American Army meanwhile retiring to winter quarters at
New Windsor — Charleston and the whole South being evac
uated by the foe — and everything, the country through,
wearing the air of military repose, and indicating a speedy
end to the great War of the Ameriean Revolution.
Trumbull, therefore, with the closing months of the year,
had no armed struggles longer to exact his attention, and
vex his repose. It was a much more grateful duty for him
at this time to hail — as he had occasion to do, during the last
week of October — the returning corps of Rochambeau, as, on
its way to temporary barracks at Providence, it marched
again through the whole of Connecticut. By a public Proc
lamation then to his fellow-citizens — the injunction of which,
according to the testimony of the French Commander him
self, was "generously obeyed"* — he provided for "the cheap
*"The French corps passed through the whole of Connecticut. Governor
Trumbull and his Council issued a proclamation, urging their fellow citizens not
to raise a single cent the price of provisions during the passage of the French
troops. The inhabitants obeyed this injunction so generously, that each mesa
were able to add, every evening, to the common allowances, every kind of provis
ion at a very low price." — Memoirs of Rochambeau.
October twenty-ninth, the first division of the French Army arrived at Hart
ford — November fifth, the second. They encampod at East Hartford. Eocliam-
beau, writing to Washington from Hartford, Oct. 30th, says : " I have resolved to

1782. CHAP. XLVIII. — TEUMBULL. 579
and comfortable passage" through the State of the veteran
French Grenadiers, and the Chasseurs of Saintioge — again of
the regiments of Bourbonnois, Soissonnais, and Royal Deux
Ponts* — and to Rochambeau in person, doubtless, communi
cated the sense of Connecticut, then lately expressed by her
General Assembly, in favor of a strict adherence on the part
of the United States to all the obligations of their Treaty
with France.
Grateful also the duty to Trumbull at this time — in con
formity with another periodical recommendation from the
American Congress — to proclaim, as be did, to the inhabit
ants of Connecticut another Thursday! f°r solemn Thanks
giving to God, because of the existing " happy and promising
state of public affairs" — because of "the signal interposi
tions of his Providence " in behalf of the United States dur
ing the year that had passed — because of " the perfect union
and good understanding " which continued to exist with our
powerful allies, the French — and because of the acknowledg
ment of American Independence by another European Pow
er, whose friendship and correspondence would redound, it
was believed, to " the great and lasting advantage " of that
new Republic, upon which the westward-turning Star of Em
pire now for the first time began to shed a steady, though as
yet but an infant illumination.
stay here four days longer — then to go as far as Providence by very short jour
neys, where I shall stay until the fleet be ready."
• Lauzun's Legion; which had been so hospitably entertained at Lebanon, had
remained at Baltimore, and finally embarked from the Gapes of Delaware on the
twelfth of May.
t November thirtieth.

CHAPTER XLIX.
1783.
Arrival of tbe Preliminary Articles of Peace, and Proclamation for aCes-
ealion of Hostilities. Trumbull receives the Proclamation from Con
gress. Accompanying testimony of Eliphalet Dyer to his services.
Testimony also to tbe same point of President Stiles of Tale College,
in bia Anniversary Discourse before. the General Assembly of Connec
ticut. Trumbull directs tbe due publishment of the Proclamation.
The ceremonies at Hartford upon the occasion. Celebrations else
where in Connecticut. Trumbull relieved from further military prep
arations He secures the arms and military stores of the State, and
protects the public property generally. He attends to the liquidation
of war accounts. He receives intelligence of tbe Ratifications of a Gen
eral Peace, and of the contemplated discbarge, in November, of the
Army of tbe United States. His letter to Henry Laurens on the event
of peace. He writes letters congratulatory on the event to Edmund
Burke, Dr. Price, David HaTtley. Richard Jackson, Baron Capellan, and
others Tbe tone of these communications. Extract from his letter
to Dr. Price Now that the war is over, he advocates solid harmony
witb Great Britain. A remarkable letter from his pen to tbe Earl of
Dartmouth, in this connection — in which, particularly, he introduces
and pleads the case of the Hon. John Temple.
The Provisional Treaty of Peace between Great Britain
and the United States — that welcome harbinger of repose from
tlie storms of war which beautified the going down of the
year we have just left — was followed, in January of the new
year upon which we now enter, by those Preliminary Articles
of Peace — concluded and signed between England, France,
and Spain — without which its own vitality, as its consti
tution required, was to remain suspended for an unknown
time. Twelfth of March, in the morning, and Captain Barney, in
the Washington — packet of happy name — brought this news
to Philadelphia from L'Orient. Twenty-third of March, in
the afternoon, and the Chevalier de Quesne, in the Triumph,
another vessel happily baptized — a French armed corvette
that had been selected by the chivalric La Fayette himself

1183. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 581
" by way of compliment on the occasion " — brought the same
news up the Delaware from Cadiz. Official confirmation soon
followed. Congress at once recalled their armed cruisers from
the ocean — and prepared their Proclamation for a Cessation of
Hostilities, both by sea and land. And April Nineteenth —
just eight years from the day when the green sod at Lexing
ton drank the first blood of American martyrs to the Eevolu
tion — with the1 consecration of prayer* — with the outpouring
from multitudes of voices, and from instruments of music, of
the magnificent anthem of " Independence ,"f and with rending
huzzas— the Proclamation was announced by the Father of
his Country to the American Armies on the banks of the
Hudson, as " the morning-star, which promised the approach
of a brighter day than had ever hitherto illuminated the
western hemisphere.^:
April twentieth, and Jonathan Trumbull — in common with
the Governors of all the States — received this important docu
ment, in a letter from the national Secretary of Foreign Af
fairs — Eobert K. Livingston — with a request that he should
make it known. Within a few hours of the same time, he
also received it in another letter, long and admirable, from
the Honorable Eliphalet Dyer, then in Congress — who spe
cially congratulated the veteran Chief Executive of Connec
ticut on the grand result, and made noble mention of his past
services. "I heartily rejoice, Sir," wrote Dyer upon this occasion—" that in the
laborious part you have taken in your advanced years, in the important
station which Providence has assigned you — in which, with unwearied
application, you have exerted your utmost abilities, with patience, hope,
and perseverance, in the cause and service of your country, and in the
greatest trials and darkest hours of our conflict, with a firm and unshak
en reliance on Divine Providence — that God has supported and continued
your valuable life at length to see the joyful day of her Deliverance.
"Rewards you will not too much expect here, except in conscious rec
titude, but wait with patience for those superior, with which God will
abundantly reward bis faithful servants. I know your Country owe you
*heir esteem, their respect, and their gratitude — whether they make you
that remittance, or forbear the just tribute which is your due."
* By Eev. Mr. Ganno. + From Billings.
1 See his General Orders on the occasion.
49*

582 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
" Yours of the 3rd instant," wrote Trumbull in reply, April twenty-
first, from Lebanon — "is received — and yesterday morning I received
from R. R. Livingston, Esq., a letter of the 12th, inclosing a Proclama
tion for the cessation of hostilities, which I have this morning sent to
Hartford for publication.
" This event of divine Providence is truly marvelous in our eyes, and
demands our highest gratitude and praise to Almighty God. It relieves
us from the distresses of war, and affords the fairest prospect of the
future happiness and prosperity of the United States of America I do
most sincerely congratulate you on this great event
" I have the peculiar satisfaction to see the cessation of hostilities, and
to enjoy pleasing hopes of a good national character. May the supreme
Director of all Events give wisdom and prudence to all concerned in es
tablishing and building up this rising Nation. Union, and Harmony,
Justice to creditors, and the security of Public Credit, are objects worthy
the attention of all concerned in government."
"We account ourselves happy, most illustrious Sire" — said President
Stiles about this time, May eighth, in the usual Anniversary Discourse
before the Legislature — also congratulating his Excellency on the term
ination of the war, and commemorating his services — " we account our
selves happy that, by the free election and annual voice of citizens, God
hath for so many years past called you up to the supreme Magistracy in
this commonwealth. * *
" Endowed with a singular strength of the mental powers, with a vivid
and clear perception, with a penetrating and comprehensive judgment,
embellished with the acquisition of academical, theological, and political
erudition, your Excellency became qualified for a very singular variety of
usefulness in life. * *
"An early entrance into civil improvement, and fifty years' service of
our country, with an uncommon activity and dispatch in business, had
familiarized the whole rota of duty in every office and department, ante
cedent and preparatory to the great glory of your Excellency's life, tbe
last eight years' administration at the head of this commonwealth : an
administration which has rendered you the Pater Patrice, the Father of
your Country, and our dulce decus atque tutamen.
" We adore the God of our Fathers, the God and father of the spirits of
all flesh, that he hath raised you up for such a time as this ; and that he
hath put into your breast a wisdom which I cannot describe without
adulation — a patriotism and intrepid resolution, a noble and independent
spirit, an unconquerable love of Liberty, Eeligion, and our Country,
and that grace by which you have been carried through the arduous
labors of an high office, with a dignity and glory never before acquired
by an American Governor. Our enemies revere the names of Trumbull
and Washington. In honoring the State and councils of Connecticut,
you, illustrious Sire, have honored yourself to all the confederate Sister

1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 583
States, to the Congress, to the Gallic Empire, to Europe, and to the world,
to the present and distant ages. And should you now lay down your
office, and retire from public life, we trust you may take this people to
record, in the language in which that holy patriot, the pious Samuel, ad
dressed Israel, and say unto us — / am old, and gray-headed — and I have
vialked before you from my childhood unto this day. Behold here I am,
witness against me before the Lord : — whose ox have I taken ? or whose
ass have I taken ? or whom have I defrauded ? whom have I oppressed ?
or of whose hand heme 1 received any bribe, to blind mine eyes therewith?
and I will restore it to you again. And they said thou hast not de
frauded nor oppressed us, neither hast thou taken aught of any man's
hand. And he said unto them, the Lord is witness against you, and his
anointed is witness this day, that ye have not found ought in my hand.
And they answered, he is witness." *
The Proclamation for the Cessation of Hostilities to which
allusion has been made — according to one of its provisions,
and as requested by Secretary Livingston — was to be made
public by " all Governors and others, the Executive Powers
of these United States respectively, to the end that the same
might be duly observed within the respective jurisdictions."
Trumbull, therefore, early in May transmitted the document
to the Secretary of Connecticut, with directions to the Sheriff
of Hartford County duly to publish the same, with appropri
ate ceremonies, in the metropolis of the State — which accord
ingly was done.
On a Memorable "Wednesday — at ten o'clock in the morn
ing — his own Guards, and the Artillery Company of Hart
ford, fully armed and equipped — in uniform rendered spe
cially neat and glittering for the occasion — paraded in front
of the Capitol — and from the summit of a high platform
erected for the purpose — before a large crowd of spectators —
the Secretary of State, venerable George Wyllys, the Author-
*"May you receive a reward," he concludes, "from the supreme Governor of
the Universe ; which will be a reward of grace. For although your Excellency
might adopt the words of that illustrious governor, Nehemiah, and say, think
upon me, my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people, yet
your ultimate hope for immortality will be founded in a more glorious merit than
lliat achieved by mortals, in the most illustrious scenes of public usefulness.
May tho momentary remnant of your days be crowned with a placid tranquillity.
And, when you shall have finished your work on earth, may you be received to
the rewards of the just, and shine in the general assembly of the first born,
through eternal ages. Amen."

584 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
ities of Hartford, and very many of the clergy, figuring
among them — the Sheriff proclaimed the welcome tidings — ¦
while "every bosom," says a cotemporaneous account,
"glowed with joy, and uttered their expressive plaudit in
loud huzzas." The troops present then formed into pla
toons, and from the midst of their hollow squares poured out
tipon the whole surrounding region the voice of their cannon
and their musketry.
" May God Almighty," pronounced the Sheriff— " ever be
the guardian and protector of the just rights and liberties of
the United States of America ! "
" May good order and government," he pronounced again,
after an interval allowed for another discharge of guns and
field-pieces—" useful learning and true piety, by divine favor
be maintained and flourish throughout the United States of
America, until time shall be no more ! "
" May the great blessing of health," he pronounced in con
clusion, after another discharge from the troops — "plenty,
and peace, from the Father of mercies, be the happy portion
of the United States to the latest generation ! "
Again guns shook the air. Huzzas were repeated. And
then the whole assemblage, formed into an imposing proces
sion, marched to the Meeting House of the town — from
whence — after an appropriate Psalm and Anthem had been
sung, and an Oration, adapted to the occasion, had been
delivered by the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich — it filed off
to participate in a bounteous dinner — which, says the Hart
ford Courant of the day, " was served at two o'clock, and
the afternoon was spent with every demonstration of sociabil
ity, and a grateful remembrance of those who had, under the
divine auspices, wrought the happy deliverance of America.'
An illumination of the public buildings, and of many housas
in town, in the evening, and a display of fireworks', round,
ed off the proceedings of the day " to the perfect satisfaction of
all."* Celebrations in numerous other towns and villages in
* After tho celebration at night, an accident, of some importance, occurred,
which is thus narrated by th© Hartford Courant: —
" At about half after cloven the same night, the town was alarmed by the dis
covery of fire on the top of the State House near the Lanthorn, but by the favor

1183. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 585
Connecticut, similar in most respects to this in the metropo
lis, marked the general joy of the people upon the cessation
of arms. The charge in the Proclamation " to forbear all
acts of hostility, either by sea or land, against his Britannic
Majesty or his subjects," was nowhere received with greater
thankfulness, and nowhere better observed, than here in a
State whose blood and whose treasure — more it is believed,
in proportion to its population and its means, than those of
any other State in the Union — had been drained and expend
ed in the great American Battle for Freedom.
Trumbull, therefore, it is manifest from the state of things
now described, had nothing to do, the present period, which
wore the aspect of preparation for another military campaign.
Possibly, as it seemed at the beginning of the year — from the
extravagant demands of France and Spain — from a hope in
the one Power of securing greater acquisitions in the East,
and in the other of adding to her territorial strength in the
West Indies, and upon the Mediterranean — or from the insin
cerity, perhaps, of the English Cabinet — obstacles might
arise to a general peace. But the appearance of these soon
vanished. The Provisional Treaty of November did not
dazzle to lead astray, but proved itself a prelude to general
repose — and soon — early in January even — such was the uni
versal confidence that peace would be re-established between
all the belligerent Powers, that Congress resolved it would
be inexpedient to determine upon any plan, or to make any
expensive preparations, for another campaign. The federal
troops then in service, without any further additions from
of heaven, and the manly exertions of tho inhabitants, aided by gentlemen from
a distance, to whom many thanks are due, it was finally extinguished. Tho next
morning many public spirited gentlemen generously contributed, and by the ad
vice of tho Honorable County Court convened, directed an immediate repair of
the building for tho accommodation of the Honorable Assembly, soon to be con
vened, until their further direction may be had. Upon the strictest enquiry
made of this unhappy event, it appears that great caro was taken to prevent it —
that more than an hour after every exhibition had ceased and all had retired, Capt.
George Smith, the overseer, carefully examined every part of the house and se
cured the same. After all, every candid mind will admit that demonstrations of
joy and gratitude upon such great occasions, are practiced and approved by all
Christian people, though at the same time Providence may direct unforeseen
evonts contrary to human expectation and the most careful attempts to avoid
thom."

586 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 1733.
the States, were,: in their > opinion, ample for all existing pur
poses. So Trumbull had no more soldiers to bring into the field— *-
no fresh guards and garrisons to establish upon the searcoast
of the States— no more of the material of war to provide-
Just at the opening of the year, it is true-— to guard the
western frontier of Connecticut against any possible incur
sions from little wandering British parties from New York — ¦
it was ordered that a new blockhouse, " if expedient," should
be erected on Byram River. But no occasion seems to: have
arisen which required its construction.
And at the beginning of the year "too, trade withthe ene
my, still declared to be illicit, continued to call for Trum
bull's circumspection. But the zeal and activity of Major
Tallmadge of Connecticut — whom General Washington had
placed, with the infantry of Sheldon's legion, on the south
ern borders of Connecticut, " for the purpose of interrupting
on that side the trade with New York "—soon relieved the
Governor almost entirely of responsibility in this direc
tion — a responsibility which, so far as he was himself con
cerned, was still farther relieved by a Proclamation from his
pen, late in April, which terminated the restraints, between
Connecticut and the enemy, as regards the- passing of neat
cattle, and the transportation of beef and provisions of every
kind.* The acts of the General Assembly, and the proceed
ings of the Council of Safety, down to their close in the
month of October, no longer in fact breathe the notes of mili
tary preparation at all. On the other hand, they embrace
transactions, which, so far as the war with England is con
cerned, look exclusively to the termination of that contest.
These transactions, soon as the spring opened, gave Trum
bull occupation quite the reverse of that which in preced
ing years had monopolized his attention, and which was far
more grateful. In preparation to retread the flowery paths
* " The enemy's armed vessels in the Sound were carrying on and protect
ing an illicit trade with the inhabitants along the coast. A privateer of this
description, mounting eleven large carriage-guns and four swivels, was boarded
by a party sent by Major Tallmadge in a fast sailing vessel, and after a short but
sharp conflict was captured. Major Tallmadge represented tbe enterprise as con
ducted with great courage and gallantry on the part of the assailants." — Sparks.

1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 587
of peace, he had now to take off from Connecticut the helm
et, and unbend the bow of war. Through. various agents,
appointed either by the State, or by himself and his Council,
he had to secure her remaining military stores, her arms, her
ordnance, her camp equipage, her camp utensils, her. cloth
ing, her beef, pork, salt, flour, and other provisions, scattered
as they lay in the hands of numerous receivers in different
garrisons and towns. These he had to see stored at particu
lar points. For the disposition of many of them at private
sale, or at public vendue, he had also to provide.
Accordingly we find him— now in April preparing for the
evacuation and dismantling of the posts at and. about Stam^
ford, and appointing Lieutenant Colonel Canfield, with ten or
twelve men, to secure and guard the public property there
" until the confirmation of peace should arrive " — now order
ing the sale of broken cannon at New London — and now as
signing persons to protect from embezzlement, the ordnance
and munitions of war at Stonington. Now, in June, we find
him commissioning Ebenezer Ledyard "to take care of the
Guard House at Groton," with liberty to the supervisor —
strange dissimilitude of use indeed, in contrast with that
which but two years before had spattered and grained its
floor and walls with blood — to employ it "for a school-house" —
and " to hire out the Barracks on the Hill " for such rents as
could be obtained. In similar employment at other points —
in that also, almost constantly, of. settling the thousand ac
counts of the war, upon memorials, and otherwise — in urg
ing national measures for paying the national debt, and for
the restoration of public credit— and in quieting the popular
discontent which these measures occasioned — the Governor
of Connecticut spent his time until, in September, news of
the Eatifications at last of a General Peace reached our land —
and Gongress — announcing by a formal Proclamation that
this Peace would be "permanent and honorable," and that
"the glorious period " had indeed arrived, when "our national
sovereignty and independence were established " — gave to the
Army of the United States, which had been by furlough grad
ually disbanding through the summer, a final and absolute
discharge "from and after the third of November next!"

588 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. ]7S3.
"That superintending Wisdom, Sir," wrote Governor Trumbull at
this period from Lebanon, October fifth, to Henry Laurens — "which gov
erns human affairs, has brought to a happy termination tmr arduous con
test. It has brought these United States to be named among the nations
of the earth, as a free, independent, and sovereign people. The same in
dulgent Providence has given you and me the privilege of citizenship in
this newly rising empire. Suffer me to congratulate you on this great
event; — an event which, at the same time that it astonishes almost the
world, has been accomplished even beyond our own expectations. So
great a Revolution undoubtedly is the work of Heaven, and as such,
claims our utmost gratitude and love to the Supreme Disposer of all
events. "The conspicuous part you, Sir, have acted in this great Drama, witb
the peculiar sufferings you have experienced through the course of vari
ous scenes — the imprisonment of your person — and what in your situa
tion as a parent, is infinitely more trying, the loss of an invaluable son-
have justly drawn upon you the patriotic attention of your fellow citi
zens, and demand their deepest veneration and acknowledgments. I
offer you my thanks and condolence, Sir, with the warmth of a grateful
and tender heart, which has experienced feelings not very dissimilar to
yours — a heart big with gratitude and love for the glorious prospects now
before us.
" May the same kind hand which has been hitherto so propitious to our
country, establish her in the full enjoyment of that Peace, Independence,
and National Glory, the foundations of which have been so happily and
nobly laid ! "
" It is with heartfelt pleasure and satisfaction," wrote the Governor to
John Adams, on the same day with this letter to Laurens — "that I im
prove so good an opportunity as that of my son's going to London, to
congratulate you on the happy return of Peace, and the glorious estab
lishment of the Independence and Sovereignty of the United States of
America. The conspicuous part which you have acted in the procure
ment of this great event, justly endears you to all the virtuous citizens
of our rising empire, and demands the warmest acknowledgments of
every American. I offer you from the bottom of my heart, Sir, my best
thanks, and wish you to accept them with all that cordiality with which
my sincerest gratitude dictates them.
" So great a Revolution as ours, doubtless ranks high in the scale of
human events, and when we view it effected in so short a period com
pared with its magnitude, and consider the apparent incompetency of
American power to the great undertaking, and reflect on the many, very
many embarrassments and peculiarity of circumstances under which we
have struggled, it must be acknowledged the work of superior Agency,
and claims our utmost gratitude and love to the Supreme Disposer of all
events. May the same Almighty Wisdom which has hitherto so con
spicuously directed our councils, still continue its gracious superintend-

1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 589
ence, that we may be led to make a happy use of the precious opportu
nity committed to our improvement — that the superstructure committed
to our building,, may be reared with the same glory and splendor in
which its foundations have been laid. Some unhappy ruffles in the
minds of the people, with some other disagreeable circumstances, for the
present moment cast a shade on the bright aspect before us — but the
same confident faith which has supported me through various trying
scenes in the course of the War, still supports my mind, and gives me an
unfailing hope that we shall yet surmount the present unfavorable
prospects." Sentiments congratulatory on the Peace, similar to those
which he expresses to Laurens and to Adams, were addressed
by Trumbull to numerous other correspondents both at home
and abroad — and abroad particularly to Edmund Burke,*
and Dr. Price, David Hartley, Eichard Jackson, and Baron
Capellan. Few of his letters, however, on this subject, are
ia our hands — but we have no doubt that they all breathed
the same spirit of patriotic joy with those from which we
have already quoted — the same calm, yet profound sense of
deliverance from danger — the same grateful ascription of the
American triumph to the special guiding hand of Provi
dence — the same heartfelt yet anxious hope for the future
exalted welfare of his country, and the same unfaltering reli
ance on the gracious interposition of the Almighty hand to
mould its destinies for the best.
One trait of the Governor of Connecticut at the period
now under consideration, deserves special mention here — for
•it was one truly noble. We refer to the fact, that, though
America had every reason to indulge in the language of tri
umph—though, as a victor in the grand Olympic game for
Independence — her glory having taken root, and unfolded
itself— she would have been justified in putting on the trap
pings of pride — yet not an ostentatious word escaped the
lips of Trumbull, or betrayed itself in his correspondence.
While — more profoundly than most men did, or could— -he
felt the success of that cause to which he had so long and so
untiringly devoted himself, and justly gloried in the realiza
tion of his past prophecies with regard to the event of the
* " 1 had the honor to congratulate you upon the termination of the late war in
May last."— Trumbull to Burke, Oct. 1, 1783.
50

590 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 1183.
contest — yet no impassioned exultation marred the wise com
posure of his spirits — beaming though his country stood in
the full radiance of victory. Not a feeling of gratified re
venge, not one spark of malice, had a place in his bosom.
On the other hand, his was the exalted wish .and effort to
smother the angry passions which War had engendered — to
pour the oil of peace into all the wounds of the past — and
make the relations rietween the two long contesting coun
tries — though no longer united under a common sovereign —
amicable, intimate, and cordial. He no longer now knew
" that Englishman alive,
With whom his soul was any jot at odds."
And so he strove earnestly for reciprocal conciliation and
harmony — labored to reconstitute, and draw now more
closely than ever — on the footing of a mutual and manly in
dependence — -the bands of social, literary, and commercial
intercourse. "That superintending Providence," he wrote to Dr. Price, December
first — "which influences the affairs of men, has severed that intimate tie
which once, so happily for both, connected the people of this country
with those of your Island, under one common sovereign, and has given
to these United States an independent rank among the nations of the
earth. Shall this event produce a total disunion between us? I trust
not. Forbid it policy ! Forbid it wisdom ! Although the relation of
fellow subjects is dissolved, other bonds will unite us. Similarity of
manners, character, and disposition, natural consanguinity, mutual inter-
. ests and wants, supported and interchanged by commerce, must yet con
nect us. Resentments, however, and a sense of injuries, must have time
to subside — and the most conciliatory policy must be applied to heal tho
rvounds which have been too liberally given."
" The unhappy contest between your nation and the United States
Wing terminated," wrote Trumbull again to David Hartley, the same day
with his letter to Dr. Price — " and the die of separation being cast, it re
mains for both to study an accommodating spirit of conciliation ; that
the mutual affection and interests of the two people, cemented by other
ties than those which heretofore cemented us, may be secured on a hap
py and lasting foundation."
In such manner, now that war was over, did Trumbull
plead for solid harmony with Great Britain — and in no letter

1183. CHAP. XLIX.— TEUMBULL. 591
more strikingly than in one we are now about to introduce.
It is a letter which, October first, he addressed to his old cor
respondent and friend the Earl of Dartmouth, to whom, at
the outset of the Eevolution, as the Eeader has seen* — and
particularly in reply to Dartmouth's official admonition to
the Governors of America against sending deputies to a Gen
eral Congress — Trumbull had often written, pleading for his
country, and warning against the consequences of ministerial
measures. To this correspondence Trumbull refers in what
follows, and keenly yet courteously claims, that, had the
truths which he " frankly made known " at the beginning of
the contest been regarded, England and America would still
have remained "in a mutual happy connection." But the
die pf separation being cast, there ought now to be, he urges,
a return of cordial intercourse between the two countries —
and particularly on the part of England, honorable repara
tion for injuries, especially those which she has inflicted upon
any of her former officers in America, whom she dismissed
from lucrative employments because of their honest attach
ment to the American cause.
In this connection he dwells on the case of the Honorable
John Temple — a gentleman of high ability and reputation —
who to the posts of Lieutenant-Governor in one of the form
er Provinces of America, and of a Councillor at the Board
of five other Provinces, had added the office of Surveyor
General of the Eoyal Eevenue in America, and afterwards
of Surveyor General of the Customs in England — and who,
on account of his attachment to the United States, had been
thrown out from all employment under the Crown. For his
reinstatement in office, and compensation, Trumbull pleads
with all the warmth of private friendship, and with the sin
cerity of one who fully believes that his restoration to royal
favor would powerfully tend towards renewing that "good
humour " between the two countries, for which he expresses
himself so cordially solicitous.
"It may somewhat surprise your Lordship," he proceeds — " to receive
a letter from a Governor of one of the United States of America, and at
* See page 170.

592 CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
a time too when your Lordship has ceased to hold a ministerial office,
which formerly gave me occasion to write officially to you. I however
flatter myself that you will not take it amiss, my thus trespassing a few
minutes on your time.
"Your Lordship will recollect that I had the honor of writing fre
quently to you at the beginning of those troubles which brought on a
war between Great Britain and this country ; and that I took the liberty,
as I thought it my duty, to offer my sentiments with freedom upon the
occasion. " The letter of  in particular, I had great faith would have done
some good in setting aside the false representations which had from time
to time been made against this country. That letter, my Lord, was dic
tated by a faithful, honest heart, unless I am deceived in it. How far I
foretold what would be the event of Britain's persevering in her plan,
your Lordship is as well able to judge as any other person. Had the
truths I then frankly made known to your Lordship for the mutual good
of both countries, been attended to, what blood and treasure might have
been saved on both sides ! What friendship and affection have been
preserved ! — and the two countries have remained long in a mutual hap
py connection ! But the die is cast. It is therefore of no purpose to
look back further than to make past errors subservient, as they some
times may be made, to wiser and better conduct in the future.
" As it appears to be now the sincere wish and desire of the Ministry
and People of England to recover as far as may be the friendship and
commerce of this country, may I suggest to your Lordship, that every
act of justice and reparation for injuries, where they shall evidently ap
pear to have been done, will tend not a little to further those wishes ; and
in particular, suffer me to mention the singular case of Mr. Temple. He
and Dr. Franklin are the only Crown Officers of Rank who were dis
missed from any lucrative and honorable employment for their attach
ment to this their native country, or rather for their firmness in not fall
ing in with all the other Crown Officers in the misrepresentations which
so fatally deceived your nation. Dr. Franklin has been employed, and
amply honored and rewarded by his country, and would not accept, if
offered, any reparation. Mr. Temple is therefore, as I said, singular in
his sufferings. The British Ministry have repeatedly acknowledged that
he was, as a Crown Officer, both able and faithful in office, but that his
attachment to his country rendered it necessary to remove him from the
several employments he sustained. Experience dearly bought must have
convinced that same Ministry, Mr. Temple's sentiments and represent
ations concerning this country were founded in truth, while those of his
enemies, who sought his overthrow, were founded in fatal falsehood.
" Should Mr. Temple (who writes me he is about going to England,)
meet with honest and honorable reparation for his past sufferings, it
would be pleasing to his friends and connections, (who are neither few

1783. CHAP. XLIX. — TEUMBULL. 593
nor insignificant in these States,) and would no doubt tend to create
good humor between the countries. He was Lieutenant Governor of one
of these Provinces, had a seat at the Council Board in five other Prov
inces, was Surveyor General of the Royal Revenue in America, and af
terwards Surveyor General of the Customs in England. He was also a
Commissioner part of the time that incendiary, wicked Board acted in
this country — in all which stations he acquitted himself, as I have
always heard, with honor and reputation in the eyes of the Minis
try ; except that he was, as they are taught to think, improperly friendly
to this country. He could have had no views in being friendly to this
country but what he must have thought for the general good, for he
could have expected nothing, in emolument, from this country, equal to
what he enjoyed under the Crown — for it is not the intention of these
States that great emoluments shall accrue to any, be their stations what
they may.
"I have written this letter not more to serve Mr. Temple (if peradven-
ture it may be of service to him,) than to show your Lordship that I also
cordially wish for a sincere and lasting return of intercourse, friendship,
and commerce between the two countries, and therefore have taken the
liberty to suggest the line of conduct most likely to produce the same.
" My son, who, in the cool hour of reflection, I dare say, it will be
thought was cruelly imprisoned and ill-treated in England, will have the
honor of "delivering this letter to your Lordship. He goes to England to
improve his natural turn to the Pencil, which his countryman, the cele
brated artist Mr. West, considers as equal to any of the present day.
" I have not even the least pretension to ask any favors of your Lord
ship, but should my son meet with any degree of spontaneous counte
nance or protection from your Lordship, I should think myself very much
obliged, and should be happy to render your Lordship any services that
may possibly be in my power on this side the water. I am with great
respect &c.
"P. S. As through a multiplicity of business the letter I wrote your
Lordship on the  may be lost, I have taken the liberty to enclose
you a copy, only that you may see the sentiments I entertained at that
period, and how precisely affairs have turned out as I wrote your Lord
ship I was persuaded they would turn out."
60*

CHAPTER L.
1783.
The new policy of Congress for funding the national deot, and restoring
public credit. Commutation money for the officers of the army apart
of it Public opinion on this subject divided. Trumbull upon it
brought ioto collision with a majority of his constituents. The rea
soning of the opponents of this policy — particularly against commuta
tion. Their public action thereupon, and the public ferment Rea
soning of Gov. Trumbull and others in favor of this policy. He com
mends the whole national system to the General Assembly of Con-
necticut, and urges them, by taxation, to provide for the establish
ment of public credit, and do justice, to creditors. The People jealous
of a Federal Government with powers within itself competent for its
own support. Trumbull in favor of such agovernment. The National
Arm, in his view, ought to be strengthened.
Peace brought with it a new and eventful policy on the
part of the United States — which, strangely agitating the
country from one end to the other, and no part of it more
than New England, gave to the Governor of Connecticut,
during the present year, peculiar anxiety, and not a little per
sonal trouble. We refer to the policy of Congress for fund
ing the national debt, and for the restoration and support of
public credit. Forty-two millions of dollars, the amount of
this debt, with an annual interest of about two and a half
millions — about one-quarter of which was to be raised by a
duty on imports, and the residue in such manner as the
States themselves should judge most convenient — were to he
provided for out of the resources of the country. It was a
startling sum, as it seemed to the people generally — specially
burdensome now that they were just emerging, stricken and
impoverished in purse, from a long and painful war — and in
cluded an appropriation — that of five millions of dollars,
commutation money for the officers of the army — which to
great numbers appeared entirely unjust, unconstitutional, and
oppressive. Congress has no power to make such an appropriation,
under the Confederation, or otherwise — reasoned large num-

1783. CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 595
bers of the inhabitants of Connecticut. And we shall state
their reasoning somewhat fully, because Trumbull was
brought upon this matter — for the first time in his life, and
decidedly — in collision with the opinion of a majority of his
constituents — and with quiet courtesy, and profound good
sense, outfaced the public clamor.
The appropriation, continued its opponents, introduces that
evil system of pensions — European and monarchical — against
which the country has just fought and bled. It is entirely
inconsistent with that equality which ought to exist in free
and republican States — for it is calculated to exalt some citi
zens in wealth and grandeur, to the injury and oppression of
others. It is therefore subversive of the first principles of
liberty. We want no such badges of British tyranny in our
midst as these pensions. They are detestable. And how
would our officers look accepting a pay " contributed to by
the widows and orphans even of those soldiers who have bled
and died by their sides — voted in every House of Assembly
as the drones and incumbrances of society — pointed at by
boys and girls with the remark — there goes a man who every
year robs me of my pittance ! " Strange, when the infancy
and poverty of the country is taken into consideration — a
country loaded down already with taxes, and involved in
debt — strange that Congress should at this time assume obli
gations so novel and unnecessary as this commutation debt
of five millions of dollars ! *
And then the poor soldier is utterly neglected in the plan.
Who, pray, has performed the duty and drudgery of the
army ? Is it the officer or the soldier ? Who has been the
* Such was the aversion to half-pay in Connecticut, that the General Assembly,
the year preceding that with which we are now engaged, in 1782, even when it
vested Congress with power to levy certain duties in the State, clogged the grant
with the condition that the monies raised by impost should be applied to the
Revolutionary debt, and " not for half-pay, or the payment of any pensioner or
pensioners." Massachusetts, late as July eleventh, 1783, addressed Congress,
refusing to grant the power of* levying duties at all, because of the system of
half-pay and commutation. She entitled the grants and allowances which Con
gress had thought proper to make both to the civil and military officers, " extra
ordinary," and " extremely opposite and irritating," she said, " to the principles
and feelings which the people of some eastern States, and of this in particular,
inherit from their ancestry."

596 CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
gentleman and who the servant ? The plan neglects too the
militia of the States, which, as well as Continental troops,
has been called to face danger and death on the field of bat
tle. It pays no regard either to many thousands of citizens,
who, though not in the ranks of war, have yet suffered for
their country — great numbers of whom, in fact, have lost
their all in the contest, and escaped but with their lives. If
losses are to be indemnified, all ought to participate. Are
the revenues of the country to be heaped on officers alone ?
If they have obtained independence for their land, still the
soldier, the militia, and the citizen, have each obtained inde
pendence for the officer in return, and all will equally share
it. The stated wages of these officers are a full and adequate
reward for their services, and have been liquidated by Com
mittees appointed for the purpose. Why then give them
gratuities ? See how at ease they look — most of them — at
the present time ! Their countenances are "fairer and fatter"
now than before the war. Would that their hearts were so
too — then the dispute would be ended at once !
And they have not acted equitably in securing their com
mutation. They extorted the recommendation of it from
General Washington, in a season of infinite peril to the coun-
tryj ^y misrepresentations, craft, and tumults. Some Mem
bers of Congress — who too are feasting their imaginations
with the prospect of future pensions for themselves — and
many public creditors also — have conspired with them to
fasten the alarming measure on the country. Confederacies
are forming, we fear, which, unless immediately cheeked, will
prove the destruction of American liberty. Members of
Congress do not account as they should to their constituents.
There are individuals among us who have grown too lusty
by being fed on too much power. There are harpies in our
midst, " with whetted beaks and piercing eyes," who watch
incessantly to prey on the revenues of the country. The
country in fact seems about plunging into a gulf. The glory
of an eight years' war, in which we have faced death a thou
sand times, seems about " to sink into shame and ignominy."
Officers stand ready to tarnish the fame of all their exploits.
It is high time then now "for that patriotic fire which has

1783. CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. . 597
so often blazed forth, to the confusion of our adversaries, to
flash again with redoubled violence!" Let us have then
the speedy and effectual interposition of towns to avert the
impending catastrophe ! Can any one, they exclaimed, think
us "such dastards as tamely to submit to bear oppression
from individuals among ourselves — court favorites, pension
ers, and placemen that would be — tenfold greater than ever
was imposed by foreigners?" Let us remonstrate — let us
petition — let us work, day and night, against the insupport
able measure !
And so great portions of the people did — in Town Meet
ings, as at Hartford, Farmington, Southington, Canaan, and
Torrington — and in Conventions, as in September of twenty-
eight towns at Middletown. They sent forth volleys of re
solves. They petitioned. Essays on the great grievance filled
the papers of the day. Half-pay and commutation — togeth
er, to some extent, with the proposed duties on imports — -
which, on account of the supposed inequality of their opera
tion, and the fear that they might be applied towards the
payment of perpetual annuities, or exorbitant salaries to
civil officers, or render Congress too independent of the
people, were objectionable to some — formed the burden of
their conversation. Their minds were in a ferment the
whole year.
And to this ferment Governor Trumbull — aided by many
other leading men in Connecticut— gentlemen of ability and
of broad national views — opposed the whole weight of his
talents and his influence. He led the way in throwing
broadcast over the State, views of the policy adopted by
Congress — and especially of the Commutation Scheme — that
were widely different far from those which prevailed among
the people at large, and which had exasperated many of them
into the opposition we have described.
He was himself satisfied that the powers of the National
Council, under the Confederation, so far from deserving to be
the object of watchful jealousy and of restraint, were in fact
too feeble, and needed enlargement — and that without better
support than Congress was then receiving, the Federal Arm
would soon become paralyzed, and the country be disgraced.

CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
He was deeply convinced too, on every principle of justice
and of honor, that adequate and permanent means ought to
be established — nationally and not state-wise — for the pur
pose of paying all the expenses of the Eevolutionary Strug
gle, and satisfying every public creditor. And he became, in
consequence, a strenuous advocate for funding the whole
public debt on solid Continental Securities — admitted the
commutation money awarded to officers as a part of this
public debt — and cordially assented to impost duties for
the use of the United States. In short, in every respect
as regards the war — the army — the common defence and
general welfare — and the powers of Congress to make
ample provision for all these objects — he was a National^
and not a State politician. He looked to the Sovereignty
of the Union, and not to that of Thirteen Independent
Jurisdictions. As regards half-pay, or its equivalent, commutation, he
had no doubt of the power of Congress to grant it He
feared no untoward effect from it on the liberty of the coun
try — and considered the nation, now that it was granted, as
under the most solemn obligation to provide for it. With
Congress, he looked to the circumstances in which it origin
ated — to that critical period in 1778 when the finances of the
country were dreadfully embarrassed — the troops sadly dis
tressed — the officers discontented — and resignations so gen
eral as to threaten the dissolution of the army. To save a
corps on whose military experience the public safety then, in
the judgment of the Commander-in-chief "greatly depended,"
half-pay had been granted to the officers — and experience
had shown that it had most essentially "contributed to the
stability of the army, to its perfection in discipline, to the
vigor and decision of its operations, and to those brilliant
successes which hastened the blessings of a safe and honor
able peace."
For this half-pay now, commutation was the equivalent
It had been fixed on just and established principles — and a
breach of the national faith — now pledged to it completely
and irredeemably — would, in the judgment of Trumbull,
have been the grossest perfidy. The officers of the army

1783. CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 599
had fully complied with the conditions of the grant — had
performed the services required — and Congress had no right
to alter or repeal the contract without their consent. It was
not they, in fact, who had solicited for half-pay. Washing
ton had solicited for them — Washington, who — feeling as a
patriot and a general should feel who had an empire to
preserve with but a handful of men — had recommended it
as the only means of preventing a total dereliction of the
service. And were not these officers themselves a most meritorious
and illustrious band of citizens? Trumbull believed that
they certainly were. In his view, they had patiently borne
the privation of their stipends at a time when the public dis
tress disabled the country from furnishing them with support.
They had not as yet, in truth, received but one-fourth part
of their stipulations — while the common soldiers in the Con
tinental Line — through bounties, in multitudes of instances,
of seventy, eighty, and in some cases of one hundred and
twenty pounds, in specie, for three years' service, in addition
to the regular pay and clothing which they drew — and
through another bounty also of eighty dollars, to which they
had been declared entitled at the expiration of the war-— had
received far higher compensation than their officers. Com
mutation, in fact, only placed the latter on an equal footing,
as to emoluments, with the former. And then the whole
course of the war had scarce furnished an instance of deser
tion among the officers. They had shown an unwavering
attachment to the cause of liberty. They had fought most
bravely. Commutation, in truth, was not only a part of their
hire, but the price even of their blood, and of the independ
ence of America. And now they asked only for enough to
enable them to retire from the field of victory and glory,
with some show of decency and support, into the bosom of
peace and private citizenship.
The militia, and citizens of the States who had specially
suffered from the enemy, if entitled to remuneration, would
receive it from their own General Assemblies, to which, natu
rally and properly, they should look for the purpose. Not
so the Continental Officers. State commutation in their be-

600 CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
half — from the unwillingness in some jurisdictions to grant
it — and from the inequality with which it would be be
stowed — would breed discontents, it was justly feared, and
injuriously divert the resources of the States from the com
mon treasury of the nation. The officers must look to Con
gress, therefore, for their own relief.
And this relief — how much of a burthen was it, after all,
on the property of Connecticut ? But trifling indeed, in the
opinion of Trumbull. But twenty pence on the pound for
the proportion of this State — to be exacted after a short
time.* And but about half a farthing on the pound per
annum in the way of interest — and interest alone at present
was to be demanded ! How trivial then the tax ! And then
in a few years none of it — it might happen — would be re
quired from the State. The revenue from- commerce, in a
condition of peace, would naturally increase rapidly, and add
to the funds of the nation. Vacant territory belonging to
the country would gradually add largely to these funds.
Requisitions, therefore, upon States, for commutation, or
for any other portions of the public debt, would rapidly
grow less and less, and, in time, probably, wholly disappear.
How unreasonable, how unwise then, the opposition to
commutation I
Such were the views which Trumbull, in common with a
large number of influential citizens, entertained on the great
disputed public policy of the period on which we now
dwell. f
Accordingly we find him in May, in his Speech at that
time to the General Assembly, commending the whole
national system to their attention, and calling upon them to
take all suitable measures "for the establishment of public
* The amount of tbe commutation debt for Connecticut was calculated at $416,-
66(34 — its proportion of the entire national debt at $3,500,000.
t If Congress have a right to alter the contract for commutation with the
officers, says an earnest writer in tbe Hartford Courant of the day — August 26th,
17S3 — " adieu to all public faith. Holland and Prance have no security for their
money. Holland and France may go to Nova Zcmbla or Otaheite for the money
we owe them. The holders of Loan Office Certificates and otlier public securi
ties have nothing to depend on but tho whim of Congress and their constitu
ents — and the Lord have mercy on us all I "

1783. CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 601
credit" The sum called for by Congress at that period, he
stated, would require from Connecticut a tax of six and a
ihalf pence on the pound. "It is necessary," he added,
,"that our creditors should be treated with justice, and
for that end provision made to pay the annual interest on
the sums respectively due" — and for this justice, and
this provision of interest, at every opportunity, and wher
ever his influence could extend, Trumbull pleaded with
steady zeal.
It took a long time, however, to satisfy a majority of the
people fully on these points, and to eradicate the jealousy
which they entertained towards the Confederation. This
jealousy did not vanish in Connecticut — as was the case in
most of the States of the Union — until the Confederation,
falling in pieces from its own intrinsic weakness, totally failed
as an effectual instrument of government, and — " the steps of
its decline numbered and finished " — was supplanted by a new
• Constitution — that under which our country has risen to its
present glorious eminence. A Federal Government, with
powers within itself competent for its own support — acting
¦ independently of the States, and compulsively upon the
States, and upon individuals within the States — with reve
nues of its own — with officers of its own, scattered many of
them within each of the Thirteen Sovereignties, and irre
¦ sponsible save to Congress — and with numerous pensioners
of its own — was still, to the minds of many, an anomaly, and
a solecism in republican rule.
We shall see all this more particularly in the course of pro
ceedings to which we shall direct the Reader's attention in the
next chapter — proceedings that present Governor Trumbull
in the light in which the Father of his Country was presented,
when, at a later period, he issued his noble Valedictory Ad
dress* on declining to be considered any longer a candidate
for the Presidency — in the light of a patriot bidding adieu to
?Washington's admirable Circular, June eighth, 1783, to the Governors of aJl
the States, on disbanding the army, was of the same general character. Trum
bull replied to it, but the reply we have not at hand. By direction of his Coun
cil, he procured one hundred copies to be printed, together with the Address of
Congress to the States of April twenty-sixth.
51

602 CHAP. L. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
public life and to his friends — leaving " his affections and his
anxieties for their welfare behind him " — and making " a last
effort to impress on his countrymen those great political
truths which had been the guides of his administration, and
could alone, in his opinion, form a sure and solid basis for the
happiness, the independence, and the liberty of the United
States."

CHAPTER LI.
1783.
Goveknob Trumbull now an old man — has been in the public serv
ice over half a century — -and determines to retire. He gives notice of
hia intention to the General Assembly, in October, in a Farewell Ad-
dress which he entitles his " Last Advisory Legacy." The document
Comment. Eeport and Resolutions thereupon. Explanation of the
jealousy in Connecticut of the powers and engagements of Con
gress Extensive sympathy, both at home and abroad, in the senti
ments of Trumbull's Farewell Address. "Washington's opinion of
it, and his frienship for Trumbull. They harmonized in their po
litical creed.
Governoe Trumbull was now seventy-three years of
age — a venerable old man. He bad been in the public serv
ice nearly fifty-one years — over half a century. He had
been employed almost without interruption the whole time.
A war of eight years' duration had given him peculiar cares,
and the deepest anxieties. Compensated as these cares and
anxieties now were by peace, and by glorious prospects of
national tranquillity and independence, he felt it both as a de
sire and a duty to retire from the busy concerns of public
life — that he might spend the evening of his days in repose,
and in preparation for a future, happier state of existence.
He therefore formally signified to the General Assembly of
Connecticut, at its October Session, his purpose of declining
all further public service after May of the next ensuing
year — at which time his existing gubernatorial term would
expire. His Address at this time he well entitles his "Last Advis
ory Legacy" — for such in truth it is. After felicitating the
people on the existing "auspicious moment" of their coun
try's happiness — thanking them for the support they have
ever afforded to himself — and invoking the Divine Guidance
for their future counsels and government — he proceeds to
give them his parting advice.

604 CHAP. LI. — TEUMBULL.

1783.

He conjures them to maintain inviolate the happy Consti
tution of Connecticut, and to strengthen . and support the
Federal Union. He dwells on the great importance of a na
tional Congress, and does not hesitate to pronounce that, as
at present constituted, its powers are not adequate to the pur
poses of the general sovereignty. And he goes on to reason
most ably in favor of their proper enlargement, and against
that excessive, mistaken jealousy of a federal government
with competent authority, which was so prevalent in his day.
He counsels the strictest attention to all the sacred rules' of
justice and equity, by a faithful fulfillment of every public as
well as private engagement. He advises the practice of vir
tue in all its lovely forms, as the surest and best foundation
for national as well as private felicity. He pleads for the
dismissal of all prejudices — for the study of peace and har
mony — for an orderly regard for government and the laws —
for a due confidence in public officers — and for the careful
observance, under all circumstances, of the sure and faithful
axiom that "virtue exalteth a nation, but that sin and evil
workings are the destruction of a people." Again commend
ing the General Assembly, and the good people of Connecti
cut, with earnestness, to the blessing and protection of the
great Counsellor and Director on high, he concludes with
bidding them " a long and a happy adieu."
The Address, throughout, is indeed a specimen of deep
political sagacity, of independent judgment, of lofty reason
ing, and of high-toned, fervent, honest advice. As such — in
the language of an author who has given us, in the National
Portrait Gallery, a brief sketch of the subject of our Me
moir — "we commend it to the sons of Connecticut, that it
may be rescued from oblivion, and have its place among the
wise and patriotic counsel of the Fathers of the Common
wealth."* It proceeds as follows : —
" To the Honorable the Council and House of Eepresentatives in General
Court convened, Oct., 1783.
"Gentlemen: —
" A few days will bring me to the anniversary of my birth ; seventy-
* "It is a patriarchal document," adds the Author to whom reference is made
in the text — " worthy of the admiration of the lovers of their country."

1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 605
three years of my life will then be completed ; and next May, fifty-one
years will have passed since I was first honored with the confidence of
the people in a public character. During this period, in different capaci
ties, it has been my lot to be called to public service, almost without in
terruption. Fourteen years I have had the honor to fill the chief seat of
government With what carefulness, with what zeal and attention to
your welfare, I have discharged the duties of my several stations, some
few of you, of equal age with myself, can witness for me from the be
ginning. During the latter period, none of you are ignorant of the man
ner in which my public life has been occupied. The watchful cares and
solicitudes of an eight years' distressing and unusual war, have also fallen
to my share, and have employed many anxious moments of my latest
time ; which have been cheerfully devoted to the service of my country.
Happy am I to find, that all these cares, anxieties, and solicitudes, are
compensated by the noblest prospect which now opens to my fellow-citi
zens, of a happy establishment (if we are but wise to improve the precious
opportunity,) in peace, tranquillity, and national independence. With
sincere and lively gratitude to Almighty God, our Great Protector and
Deliverer, and witlrmost hearty congratulations to all our citizens, I fe
licitate you, gentlemen, the other freemen, and all the good people of the
State, in this glorious prospect.
"Impressed with these sentiments of gratitude and felicitation — re
viewing the long course of years, in which, through various events, I
have had the pleasure to serve the State — contemplating, with pleasing
wonder and satisfaction, at the close of an arduous contest, the noble and
enlarged, scenes which now present themselves to my country's view —
and reflecting at the same time on my advanced stage of life — a life worn
out almost in the constant cares of office — I think it my duty to retire
from the busy concerns of public affairs; that at the evening of my days,
I may sweeten their decline, by devoting myself with less avocation, and
more attention, to the duties of religion, the service of my God, and prep
aration for a future happier state of existence ; in which pleasing em
ployment I snaU not cease to remember my country, and to make it my
ardent prayer that heaven will not fail to bless her with its choicest
favors. " At this auspicious moment, therefore, of my country's happiness—
when she has just reached the goal of her wishes, and obtained the ob
ject for which she has so long contended, and so nobly struggled, I have
to request the favor from you, gentlemen, and through you, from all the
freemen of the State, that, after May next, I may be excused from any
further service in public life ; and that, from this time, I may no longer
be considered as an object of your suffrages for any public employment
in the State. The reasonableness of my request, I am persuaded, will
be questioned by no one. The length of time I have devoted to their
service, with my declining state of vigor and activity, will, I pleaso
51*

606 CHAP. LI.— TEUMBULL. 1783.
myself, form for me a sufficient and unfailing excuse with my fellow-'
citizens. "At this parting address, you will suffer me, gentlemen, to thank
you, and all the worthy members of preceding assemblies, with whom I
have had the honor to act, for all that assistance, counsel, aid, and sup
port, which I have ever experienced during my administration of gov
ernment; and in the warmth of gratitude to assure you, that, till my
latest moments, all your kindness to me shall be remembered ; — and that
my constant prayer shall be employed with Heaven, to invoke the Divine
Guidance and protection in your future councils and government.
"Age and experience dictate to me — and the zeal with which I have
been known to serve the public through a long course of years, will, I
trust, recommend to the attention of the people, some few thoughts
which I shall offer to their consideration on this occasion, as my last ad
visory legacy.
" I would in the first place entreat my countrymen, as they value their
own internal welfare, and the good of posterity, that they maintain invio
late, by a strict adherence to its original principles, the happy constitu
tion under which we have so long subsisted as a corporation ; that for
the purposes of national happiness and glory, they will support and
strengthen the federal union by every constitutional means in their power.
The existence of a Congress, vested with powers competent to the great
national purposes for which that body was instituted, is essential to our
national security, establishment, and independence. Whether Congress
is already vested with such powers, is a question, worthy, in my opinion,
of the most serious, candid, and dispassionate consideration of this legis
lature, and those of all the other confederated States. For my own part,
I do not hesitate to pronounce that, in my opinion, that body is not pos
sessed of those powers which are absolutely necessary to the best man
agement and direction of the general weal, or the fulfilment of our own
expectations. This defect in our federal constitution I have already la
mented as the cause of many inconveniences which we have experienced ;
and unless wisely remedied, will, I foresee, be productive of evils, disas
trous, if not fatal to our future union and confederation. In my idea, a
Congress invested with full and sufficient authorities, is as absolutely
necessary for the great purposes of our confederated union, as our legisla
ture is for the support of our internal order, regulation, and government in
the State. Both bodies should be intrusted with powers fully sufficient
to answer the designs of their several institutions. These powers should
be distinct, they should be clearly defined, ascertained, and understood.
They should be carefully adhered to ; they should be watched over with a
wakeful and distinguishing attention of the people. But this watchfulness
is far different from that excess of jealousy, which, from a mistaken fear of
abuse, withholds the necessary powers, and denies the means which are es
sential to the end expected. Just as ridiculous is this latter disposition, aa

1783. CHAP. LI. — TEUMBULL. 607
would be the practice of a farmer, who should deprive his laboring man of
the tools necessary for his business, lest he should hurt himself, or injure
his employer, and yet expects his work to be accomplished. This kind of
excessive jealousy is, in my view; too prevalent at this day ; and will, I
fear, if not abated, prove a principal means of preventing the enjoyment
of our national independence and glory, in that extent and perfection
which the aspect of our affairs (were we to be so wise,) so pleasingly
promises to us. My Countrymen ! suffer me to ask, who are the objects
of this jealousy ? Who, my fellow-citizens, are the men we have to fear?
Not strangers who have no connection with our welfare! — no, they are
men of our own choice, from among ourselves; — a choice (if we are
faithful to ourselves,) dictated by the most perfect freedom of election ;
and that election repeated as often as you could wish, or is consistent with
the good of the people. They are our brethren — aeting for themselves as
well as for us — and sharers with us in all the general burthens and bene
fits. They are men, who from interest, affection, and every social tie,
have the same attachment to our constitution and government as our
selves. Why therefore should we fear them with this unreasonable jeal
ousy? In our present temper of mind, are we not rather to fear our
selves? — to fear the propriety of our own elections? — or rather to fear,
that from this excess of jealousy and mistrust, each is cautious of his
neighbor's love of power, and fearing lest if he be trusted, he would
misuse it, we should lose all confidence and government, and everything
tend to anarchy and confusion ? — from whose horrid womb, should we
plunge into it, will spring a government that may justly make us all to
tremble. " I would also beg, that, for the support of national faith and honor, as
well as domestic tranquillity, they would pay the strictest attention to all
the sacred rules of justice and equity, by a faithful observance and ful
fillment of all public as well as private engagements. Public expenses
are unavoidable : — and those of the late war, although they fall far short
of what might have been expected, when compared with the magnitude
of the object for which we have contended, the length of the contest,
with our unprepared situation and peculiarity of circumstances, yet
could not fail to be great ; — but great as they may appear to be, when,
for the defence of our invaluable rights and liberties, the support of our
government, and our national existence, they have been incurred and al
lowed by those to whom, by your own choice, you have delegated the
power, and assigned the duty, of watching over the common weal, and
guarding your interests, their public engagements are as binding on the
people, as your own private contracts ; and are to be discharged with
the same good faith and punctuality.
" I most earnestly request my fellow-citizens, that they revere and
practice virtue in all its lovely forms — this being the surest and best es
tablishment of national, as well as private felicity and prosperity — That,

608 CHAP. LI. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
dismi.ssing as well all local and confined prejudices, as unreasonable and
excessive jealousies and suspicions, they study peace and harmony with
each other, and with the several parts of the confederated Republic —
That they pay an orderly and respectful regard to the laws and regula
tions of government ; and that, making a judicious use of that freedom
and frequency of election, which is the great security and palladium of
their rights, they will place confidence in the public officers, and submit
their public concerns, with cheerfulness and readiness, to the decisions
and determinations of Congress and their own Legislatures ; whose col
lected and united wisdom the people will find to be a much more sure
dependence than the uncertain voice of popular clamor, which most fre
quently, is excited and blown about by the artful and designing part of
the community, to effect particular and oftentimes sinister purposes. At
such times, the steady good sense of the virtuous public, wisely exercised
in a judicious choice of their representatives, and a punctual observance
of their collected counsels, is the surest guide to national interest, happi
ness, and security.
"Finally, my fellow-citizens, I exhort you to love one another: let
each one study the good of his neighbor and of the community, as his
own :- — hate strifes, contentions, jealousies, envy, avarice, and every evil
work, and ground yourselves in this faithful and sure axiom, that virtue
exalteth a nation, but that sin and evil workings are the destruction of a
people. " I commend you, gentlemen, and the good people of the State, with
earnestness and ardour, to the blessing, the protection, the counsel, and
direction of the great Counsellor aud Director ; whose wisdom and pow
er is sufficient to establish you as a great and happy people ; and wish
ing you the favour of this divine benediction, in my public character — I
bid you a long — a happy adieu.
" I am, gentlemen, " your most obedient, humble servant,
"Jon™ Trumbull."
Such was the Farewell Address, which — in contemplation
of soon leaving public life forever — the venerable Governor
of Connecticut, with grateful sensibility, and a profound de
sire of doing good, addressed to the Constituency he had so
long and ably served. On being read to the General Assem
bly, it was referred by this Body to a Committee, at the head
of which was placed Oliver Wolcott, And this Committee,
after due consideration, reported it as their opinion — " that
the long and faithful services of his Excellency Governor
Trumbull, and more especially his great attention and dili
gence during the late successful war," merited " the highest

1783. CHAP. LI.— TRUMBULL. 609
approbation and sincere gratitude" of Connecticut — that
"the sentiments" which the Address expressed "relative to
the great principles of virtue, and benevolence, and subor
dination to law " — constituting, as they did, " the only solid
basis upon which social happiness can be established" —
would " always deserve the constant attention and practice of
the people of this State " — and that they " therefore " recom
mended the adoption by the General Assembly of certain
Eesolutions which they had framed in consonance with their
Eeport. The Eeport and Resolutions were first brought before the
Lower House. This House — reflecting, as it did, that popu
lar sentiment of the State which was adverse, as has been
described, to the views of the Governor both with regard to
the necessity of enlarging the powers of Congress, and with
regard to the half-pay and commutation granted to the offi
cers of the army — hesitated upon the acceptance of the Re
port and Resolutions in the form in which they were at first
submitted. They hesitated — not because of the slightest un
willingness fully to endorse all that was said respecting the
public administration of his Excellency, and his exalted serv
ices in behalf of his State and country — but from fear lest
by adopting the Resolutions they " should seem to convey to
the people an idea of their concurring with the political sen
timents contained in the Address." As the easiest way,
therefore, of relieving themselves from such responsibility,
and at the same time of avoiding — what there is no doubt a
large majority of them wished to avoid — the rudeness of re
fusing absolutely to recognize and appreciate the merit of
their Chief Magistrate — they voted to refer the Report and
Eesolutions over to the next General Assembly.
But the Senate dissented — and a Committee of Conference
being appointed, it was agreed that the portion of the Reso
lutions which it was thought committed the Legislature to a
full endorsement of the Governor's views upon a National
Government, and its powers and duties, should be stricken
out* — which being done, the Resolutions, as amended, were
* The following is the passage which was stricken out : " And that the Secre
tary request of his Excellency a Copy of said Address, that it might be publishedj

610 CHAP. LI. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
passed with, great cordiality and unanimity — and here they
are! "Whereas his Excellency Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire, Governor and
Commander-in-chief in and over the State of Connecticut, has signified
in an address to the General Assembly, to be communicated to their con
stituents, his desire that he might not, considering his advanced Age, be
considered by the fi'eemen of this State as an object of their choice at
the next general election ; as the Governor has declared his wish to re
tire, after the expiration of his present appointment, from the cares and
business of government :
"Eesolved by this Assembly, That they consider it as their duty in
behalf of their constituents, to express in terms of the most sincere grati
tude, the highest respect for his Excellency Governor Trumbull, for the
great and eminent services he has rendered this State during his long
and prosperous administration ; more especially for that display of wis
dom, justice, fortitude, and magnanimity, joined with the most unremit
ting attention and perseverance, which he has manifested during the late
successful though distressing war ; which must place the chief magis
trate of this State in the rank of those great and worthy patriots, who
have eminently distinguished themselves as the defenders of the rights
of mankind.
" And that this Assembly consider it a most gracious dispensation of
Divine Providence, that a life of so much usefulness has been prolonged
to such an advanced age, with an unimpaired vigor and activity of mind.
"But if the freemen of this State shall think proper to comply with
his Excellency's request, it will be the wish of this Assembly, that his
successor in office may possess those eminent public and private virtues,
which give so much lustre to the character of him who has in the most
honorable manner so long presided over this State.
"It is further Eesolved — That the Secretary present to Governor
Trumbull an authentic copy of this act, as a testimonial of the respect
and esteem of the Legislature of this State. And the Secretary is further
directed, that, as soon as he shall be furnished with such copy, he cause
the same to be printed, together with this act."
Ample homage here — in these Resolutions — the Reader
will have observed, to tbe merits of the patriot whom we
commemorate — heartfelt congratulation upon his blooming
which tho Assembly are especially desirous of, as they consider those important
principles of Justice, Benevolence, and Subordination to law, therein inculcated,
as constituting the only solid basis upon which social happiness can bo estab
lished, and therefore deserving the serious attention of the good people of this
State."

1783. CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 611
old age — and warm hope that his mantle of lustre might fall
upon a worthy successor ! But the Assembly would not en
dorse his political views. This course, after all, will not ap
pear strange, when the Reader reflects — not only on the fact
of an existing difference of opinion with regard to the public
policy of the country, and the constitution of a National Gov
ernment — but that, as a general thing, this difference of opin
ion was honestly entertained, and pervaded every State of the
Union. Long — as Colonies — the provinces of America had been
engaged in struggles against the superintending, overbearing
authority of the Crown. Long— as States — they had poured
out blood and treasure in resisting this authority. Naturally,
therefore, they felt a dread of all external sway, and of any
legislation which did not originate exclusively in their own
domestic Assemblies. The Confederation itself, as is famil
iar to all, was tediously delayed more from this cause than
from any other. What would be the effects of a union of
the States, says Judge Story — "upon their domestic peace,
their territorial interests, their external commerce, their po
litical security, or their civil liberty, were points to them
wholly of a speculative character, in regard to which various
opinions might be entertained, and various, and even oppo
site conjectures formed upon grounds, apparently, of equal
plausibility. Honest and enlightened men," adds the Judge,
"might well divide on such matters."
Connecticut now, more peculiarly than most States of the
Union — from the comparative freedom of her primitive Con
stitution of 1639 — from that also of her Charter — itself, save
in the recognition of allegiance to the Crown, almost a per
fect instrument of independent self-government — from the
great equality and ample protection of the rights both of per
son and of property which had always prevailed within
her borders — and the absence of all invidious social dis
tinctions — was naturally jealous, perhaps excessively so, at
times, of the powers and engagements of Congress. A
few in her midst, it is probable, as in other States, may have
been "wicked enough" — as Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, in a
letter at the time, represented to General Washington — to

612 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783.
hope that, by means of a clamor against half-pay and commu
tation, they might "be able to rid themselves- of the whole
public debt, by introducing so much confusion and disorder
into public measures as should eventually produce a general
abolition of the whole " — and upon the basis of this clamor,
misleading some portions of tbe community, may have "rode
into confidence" — and into the Legislature — and there have
aided in that evisceration of the Resolutions relating to
Trumbull which we have already described.*
But in the main, the opposition of the people of Connec
ticut to the political views of his Excellency, was frank, sin
cere, and courteous. They remembered and loved their own
State liberty too well to be willing ever to part with it
rashly — never without premeditation that should be long and
careful, and reasons solid as the mountain ranges which
ribbed their territory. A little longer experience under the
Confederation — now that peace had eome to test in new forms
its capacity as an instrument of government — was needed to
dispel their cautious jealousy, and awaken and ripen their
convictions in favor of those changes which Trumbull had
so wisely suggested.
That experience soon came — and with it the corroboration
of all their Patriot- Adviser had said to them on the great
matter of National Sovereignty. And they turned back to
admire and reverence that wisdom, and that foresight, which,
in the delusion of the hour, they had mistaken for erroneous
judgment and baseless prophecy. As day by day the Con
federation betrayed its weakness — its utter want of all coerc
ive power — and as the delinquencies of the States, step by
step, were maturing " to an extreme which at length arrested
* " You will pardon me, Sir, for troubling you with this gloomy tale," wrote
Jonathan Trumbull, Junior, to General Washington, Nov. 10th, 1788, in the let
ter to which reference is made in the text. " For myself I have not lost my con
fidence in the final issue of our political establishment, and your Excellency's
firmness and resolution I know to be superior to any desponding ideas. I give it
to you as the present temper of the people only, which is for a time misled
by the artful, interested, and contracted views of the designing part of the com
munity, too many of whom, mounted upon the hobby-horse of tbe day, have rode
into confidence, yet must take a turn soon, overcome by the Biiperior good sense
of the virtuous part of the public, some of whom already begin to perceive the
delusion."

1183. CHAP. LI.— TRUMBULL. 613
all the wheels of the national government, and brought them
to an awful stand" — Connecticut perceived that the instru
ment which nominally bound the States together, was one
whose chief authority, designed for the operations of war,
lay quite dormant in time of peace. She perceived that it
had not in truth a single solid attribute of power — and that
Congress was in fact "but a delusive and shadowy sovereign
ty, with but little more than the empty pageantry of office."
Sbe began, therefore, at once to look about for a remedy —
and found it finally in that very augmentation of federal
power which her own Chief Magistrate had so anxiously in
culcated in his Farewell Address. As the cords of the Con
federation, one by one, snapped asunder, she heard the re
port — and note by note she missed the music of the Union —
until at last, to her infinite joy, it was restored, and firmly
re-established in the full, indissoluble harmonies of the Con
stitution. But Trumbull, the Reader should be informed— though he
met with the opposition we have now described — was yet not
without extensive and abundant sympathy in his political
sentiments, at the very time when he gave them circulation
in his Address — not only in his own State, but elsewhere, more
or less, throughout the United States, and in foreign lands.
Such men as Sherman, Dyer, the Wolcotts, the Huntingtons,
Eichard Law, Oliver Ellsworth,* Adams, Bowdoin, Jay,
Hamilton, the Morrises, the Livingstons, the Pinkneys, the
Eutledges, the Middletons — in short, all the distinguished
worthies who were afterwards the founders of our Constitu
tion — but more than all the immortal Washington — felt and
thought upon the Union and its organization just as Trum
bull did. So in Holland felt and thought also his noble
'friend Baron Capellan — and in England, among others, that
illustrious republican Tractarian, his own particular cor-
* Oliver Ellsworth, Eichard Law, Samuel Huntington, and Oliver Wolcott,
resigned their seats in Congress at the same session in which Trumbull resigned
the gubernatorial chair — and their resignations were accepted. The principal rea
son they assigned was, that, by the Articles of Confederation, after March next
ensuing, they could not sit in Congress, and that it would be a needless expense
and trouble for them to take their seats for a short space of time, and then have
their seats vacant at a time when the Legislature of Connecticut would not, in all
probability, be convened to fill them.
52

614 CHAP. LI. — TRUMBULL. 1783.
respondent — Dr. Price.* Let a single example of this sym
pathy — and this example the prominent one — here suffice.
" I sincerely thank you for the copy of the Address of Governor Trum
bull to the General Assembly and freemen of your State," wrote George
Washington from Mount Vernon, January fifth, 1784, to Jonathan Trum
bull, Junior, who had sent him this Address. " The sentiments contained
in it are such as would do honor to a patriot of any age or nation; at
least they are too coincident with my own, not to meet with my warmest
approbation. Be so good as to present my most cordial respects to the
Governor, and let him know that it is my wish, that the mutual friendship
and esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of public
life, may not wither and die in the serenity of retirement Tell him, that
we should rather amuse the evening hours of our life in cultivating the
tender plants, and bringing them to perfection, before they are trans
planted to a happier clime."
Sweet to the heart of Trumbull must have been such
approbation — from such a source ! Himself and the Father
of his Country harmonized in their political creed, as in their
mutual affection. So. true is it that
" Great minds by instinct to each other turn,
Demand alliance, and with friendship burn."
* Governor Trumbull, writing Dr. Price, April 29th, 1785, says: "I have re
ceived and return you my most sincere thanks for your most agreeable letter of
the 8th October last, with the tract that you did me the honor to send with it.
My farewell address to the General Assembly was done with sincere intentions to
promote the public good, and it gives satisfaction to the mind to meet with tbe
approbation of good men, and that you especially agree with my sentiments."
November twenty-fifth, 1783, writing bis son John, who was then in England,
the Governor says: "The addresses on my resignation you will make use of as
you think proper, taking care to present one to Mr. Adams. In one of them you
will find added a paragraph which was reported by a committee of the Assembly
as part of their reply — but which was rejected by the Lower House, lest by adopt
ing it, they should seem to convey to the people an idea of their concurring in the
political sentiments contained in the address — a specimen of that cautious jealousy
Which at present possesses the mind of the country."

CHAPTER L I I .
1783.
Trumbull receives a present, with an accompanying letter, from the
Patriotic Society of Enkhuyzen, in Holland, as a testimonial of respect
for his distinguished services. The letter — additional ones from San
Gahriel Teegelan, and Capellan — and Trumhull's reply. His son. Col.
John Trumbull, now, upon the restoration of peace, consults with his
father as to hia future occupation for life. The interview between
them on this matter as described by the son. The son goes abroad to
perfect himself as a painter. The father's efforts to promote his suc
cess He writes Burke, Dr, Price, and others in his behalf. His affec
tion for him. His friendship and correspondence with Dr. Price. He
receives from the latter his principal political pamphlets, aDd takes
pains to republish and circulate one important one among his country
men The susquehannah Case engages hia attention anew. It is adju
dicated at Trenton — against Connecticut. The disappointment to
Trumbull The Council of Safety ends its labors. American soldiers
return to their homes. "Washington resigns his commission. The last
military scene of the Revolution is closed. Trumbull proclaims his
last Thanksgiving.
Ode last Chapter recorded a testimonial of respect and
gratitude to Governor Trumbull, which, upon occasion of his
Besignation- Address, flowed to him, in his own home, from
the Sovereignty of the State over which he had so long pre
sided. We have now to record another, which, the present
year, he received from abroad — from no such lofty source,
however, as in the world's eye, might have rendered the tes
timonial resplendent — but from the remote, humble trading
mart of Enkhuyzen in Holland, on the shore of the Zuyder
Zee — there where a little nest of patient, industrious Dutch
men — on the farthest eastern promontory of that land, walled
in from Ocean's stormy power — pursued their laborious occu
pation as fishermen, and aided to stock the markets of the
world with the famous Dutch herring — pickled, smoked, and
dried. The inhabitants of this city — animated with the love of
liberty, and bent upon enjoying its sweets — had organized
an association — entitled tlie Patriotic Society of Enkhuyzen—

616 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
for the purpose of promoting their favorite object. To it
they had attached many Hollanders of note and influence,
and, among others — from his seat at Zwolle, just across the
Zuyder Zee — their own, and Trumbull's distinguished friend,
the Baron Van Capellan. They had watched with deepest
interest the origin and progress of the American Eevolution.
They knew the great men in America who stood at its head.
They were anxious at the same time to open a market for the
great staple of their city in the rising Eepublic of the New
World. Accordingly — upon the suggestion of Baron Capel
lan — to express at once their sj'mpathy with the cause for
which America had suffered — to testify, as they said, their
"great respect for the excellent Helpers and Edifiers of a
Eepublic so similar " to their own — and to inquire as to the
chances for a consumption of their celebrated commodity in
the United States— in November, 1782, they sent over to
General Washington, President Hancock, William Living
ston, Governor of New Jersey, and Jonathan Trumbull, Gov
ernor of Connecticut, several kegs of their Enkhuyzen her
ring. Those intended for Trumbull — six kegs — reached him,
through Messrs. Barclay, of Philadelphia, in the fall of
1783 — with the following accompanying letter from the do
nors in Holland.*
"High-Born Sir.
" We, with the other inhabitants of this heretofore independent de
clared Republic — at present more and more animated with the desires of
our old liberties — may glory in having contributed to the just independ
ence of long unjustly oppressed North America, by petitions to our Rep
resentatives the Regency of this city — an event [the independence
spoken of] at which the sincerest part of the Netherlands is rejoiced, and
[which] in our opinion [is] salutary for both the Republics, and in partic
ular for this our Herring City, where the consumption of that noble sea
produce is the capital branch of trade, which we flatter ourselves will be
enlarged by the new opening made by you.
" Out of these happy circumstances and flattering prospects, a Patri-
* The letter was translated for tho Governor by Mr. Erkelens — the same gentle
man of whom we have had occasion to speak before, in connection with his Ex
cellency, and with loans in Holland. The translation shows that Erkelens was
but poorly acquainted with English. We have therefore corrected a few of his
grammatical mistakes. Otherwise, tho letter, both in language and matter, is as
he rendered it.

1783. CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 617
otic Society has appeared within this City, among whose members we
may count the excellent, liberty-loving, and immortal Baron van der Ca
pellan tot den poll —and this Society wishes nothing more sincerely than
the welfare of both the Republics, and therefore has nothing in view but
to build on the liberty of North America (since long through the Voice
of Justice defended even in the consciences of its enemies,) a new hap
piness for our Country at large, and for our City in particular. Accord
ingly — on the proposition of the above-mentioned Baron — as a testimony
of our high respect for the excellent Helpers and Edifiers of a Republic
so similar to our own — we have taken the liberty to offer your Excellen
cy, also Messieurs Washington, Livingston,* and Hancock, a few kegs
of Enkhuyzen Herring, with prayer that the small present may be con
sidered as flowing from the pure intention and Hollandic sincerity of its
Senders, and may be used by your Excellency agreeably. At the same
time we take the liberty most respectfully to ask your Excellency to in
form us by the first opportunity, not only of the arrival of the present,
but also whether our herring would have consumption in your country,
which we wish — and if your Excellency should find no difficulty therein,
then we at the same time ask you to recommend us to a good House, to
which we may safely remit the same — when, in the next season if possi
ble, we will send a parcel.
"We' wish that the Governor of the World may give your Excellen
cy's precious person to taste the fruits of your love to your country till
the happiest age. Hoping that the blessing of liberty, of concord, and
prosperity, may be the lot of your Republic long as the new part of the
world and the old shall last,t and that our country, our city, and our So
ciety may never be deprived of your sincere affection,
" We are with true respect,
" Your Excellency's very humble
" And obedient servants,
" The Members, Commissaries, and
"Secretaries of the Patriotic Society,
" A. H. Duyvens, Peter Elbenhout, 1
"Bernardus Block, J. de Jough Soitgz, ^-Secretaries."
" Panecus de Witt, Brander Velden, J
" Rieward Runidsen."
* Livingston, like Trumbull, corresponded with Baron Capellan during the
War. " We are all in your debt," wrote Washington to the former, Dec. 7th,
1779—" for what you have done for us in Holland. I would flatter myself from
the receipt of your correspondence, and the superior advantages which our com
merce holds out to the Dutch, that we shall experience in a little time the most
favorable effects from this quarter."
t This clause, " long as the new part of the world and the old shall last," is
translated by Erkelens thus — " so long that the new part of the world with the old
will return to their origin " — tbe sense of which seems to be as we have given it
¦in the text. 52*

618 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
Accompanying the letter now quoted, was another to
Trumbull from Holland — from the gentleman who in behalf
of the Patriotic Society transmitted the present to Philadel
phia — San Gabriel Teegelan — who describes himself as
known at home, on account of his passionate attachment to
America, as " the American Teegelan." He informs the Gov
ernor that he has acted on the instigation, particularly, of
" the liberty-loving, and right noble, and dear Baron Van der
Capellan," as he styles the latter — and concludes with ex
pressing the earnest hope that God may bless the new Ee
public of America " to the end of ages " — that he may bless
the Governor and his people — that he may grant himself the
joy of witnessing " an unbroken connection " between the
two Eepublics of the United States and Holland, " founded
on religion, faith, and honor "- — and that he may cause his
Excellency, " and all defenders and protectors of true liber
ties," to taste for many years the fruit of the tree which they
have planted.
To both these communications — as also to another from
Capellan which came at the same time — Governor Trumbull
made appropriate replies. That to the Patriotic Society we
now quote. It was as follows : — "Lebanon, 1st Oct, 1783.
" Gentlemen. "I had lately the honor to receive, thro' Messrs. Barclay of Phil*, six
kegs of herring, with the very polite letter of your Patriotic Society, and
of your excellent member the Baron van der Capellan De Poll &c. Per
mit me, Gentlemen, to return you my most unfeigned thanks for this
honorable mark of your esteem.
" And while I congratulate you, Gentlemen, on the happy termination
of the late War, and the Establishment of the Freedom and Independ
ence of these United States, you will give me leave to assure you that we
are gratefully sensible how much we are indebted for this happy event
to the exertions of our friends in Holland in general — of your City, and
most particularly of your worthy member Baron Van der Capellan.
May the Almighty Disposer of events, who has caused this great Revo
lution, make its consequences glorious and happy for our two Republics,
and for the Universe.
" But while we anticipate the great mutual benefits which will be de
rived to both Countries from our unrestrained freedom of commerce, I
fear that your particular hopes of finding a new and considerable market

"83. CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 619
for your herring will not be entirely answered. The very extensive
coasts and numerous rivers of this country swarm with fish of this and
various kinds— and tho' we know not the method of curing them in the
excellent manner yours are, yet they answer principally the consumption
of this country. It is probable, however, that the great towns of Phil",
N. York, Boston, &c, &c, may afford you a market for some quantity,
though not at present such as you may wish.
" With earnest prayers for your personal happiness and the prosperity
of your City, I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c."
The Governor's letter to Capellan upon the occasion now
under consideration, of the same date with that just quoted,
again handsomely acknowledges the present he had received,
and in the following manner congratulates Capellan upon his
restoration to his seat in the Assembly of Overysell. The
writer speaks also of his own public life, age, and retirement.
"Give me leave," he proceeds — "to offer you my warmest congratula
tions on an event in which Americans have the best reason to rejoice,
since by this triumph of justice over oppression, you are not only restored
to your rights — a sufficient cause of joy to honest men — but we likewise
see new power placed in the hands of one, of whose friendly disposition
we have long had the fullest proofs. At the same time you will be pleased
to accept my sincerest thanks for the essential services you have rendered
to the cause of my country and of mankind.
* * * *
" I shall be most happy to see you in this country, but I have little
reason to expect it You are at that period of life when our abilities to
serve our country are at their height, and happily for yours, your inclin
ation coincides with your duty, while my years are far advanced, and
my public life is already very near its period. I see my country happily
established in liberty and peace, and the present year, which is the fifty-
first from my entrance into public offices, will close my administration,
and restore me likewise to the ease and peace of private life. But your
correspondence will not be less valued by me in retirement, than it was
while I supported a public character; and you must give me leave to
hope that I shall be honored with your further letters, not less frequently"
than I have been with your past.
" My son, Colonel John Trumbull, will be the bearer of this, at least to
London. I hope, for his sake, that he may see you before his return to
America, and you will permit me to say that I shall esteem every friendly
office rendered to him, as if it were to myself."
His son, the artist, to whom the Governor refers in the
closing paragraph of this letter to Capellan — after his return

620 CHAP. til. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
from Europe in January, 1782, had much of the time been
engaged, with his brother and a few other gentlemen, as con
fidential agent, in a contract for the supply of the army — and
was at New Windsor on the Hudson — near his "early master
and friend," as he styles General Washington — superintend
ing the faithful execution of the contract, when the news of
the signing of the Preliminary Articles of Peace put an end,
he says, "to all further desultory pursuits," and rendered it
necessary for him " to determine upon a future occupation for
life." Under these circumstances, as usual, he consulted with
his father. The gentlemen with whom he had been connect
ed in the army contract, urged him to engage in a commer
cial establishment. The father pressed him to pursue the
study of law. The son was irresistibly impelled to study
art. The two, therefore, had a long and affectionate debate
on the subject, which is thus pleasantly described by Colonel
John Trumbull himself.
"The gentlemen with whom I was connected in the military contract
proposed a commercial establishment, in which they would furnish funds,
information, and advice, while I should execute the business, and divide
with them the profits. The proposal was fascinating, but I reflected if
I entered upon regular commerce, I must come in competition with men
who had been educated in the counting-house, and my ignorance might
often leave me at their mercy, and therefore I declined this office. My
father again urged the law, as the profession which in a republic leads to
all emolument and distinction, and for which my early education had
well prepared me. My reply was, that so far as I understood the ques
tion, law was rendered necessary by the vices of mankind — that I had
already seen too much of them willingly to devote my life to a profession
which would keep me perpetually involved, either in the defence of inno
cence against fraud and injustice, or (which was much more revolting to
an ingenuous mind,) to the protection of guilt against just and merited
punishment. In short, I pined for the arts, again entered into an elaborate
defence of my predilection, and again dwelt upon the honors paid to art
ists in the glorious days of Greece and Athens. My father listened pa
tiently, and when I had finished, he complimented me upon the able
manner in which I had defended what to him still appeared to be a bad
cause. 'I had confirmed his opinion,' he said, 'that with proper study
I should make a respectable lawyer; but,' added he, 'you must give me
leave to say that you appear to have overlooked, or forgotten, one very
important point in your case.' 'Pray, Sir,' I rejoined, 'what was
that?' — 'You appear to forget, Sir, that Connecticut is not Athens ! '—

"83. CHAP. LII.— TEUMBULL. 621
and with this pithy remark, he bowed and withdrew, and never more
opened his lips upon the subject. How often have those few impressive
words recurred to my memory— 'Connecticut is not Athens!' The
decision was made in favor of the arts. I closed all other business, and
in December, 1783, embarked at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, for
London." It was in contemplation of this his son's departure, that
the Governor conciliated in his behalf the attention of Baron
Capellan. Nor did he stop here. Now that the decision of
the son was made in favor of art, he did everything in his
power, with all the warmth of parental solicitude, to pro
mote his success. To Edmund Burke also he penned a letter
in his behalf.
"I write this," he said to that illustrious man — "to be put into your
hands by my son, who owes so much to your benevolent interposition.
Give me leave, Sir, to repeat my acknowledgments of your goodness, and
to recommend him to your future protection, during his residence in
England, whither he returns to pursue his favorite study of the Pencil.
I shall be happy if his merit in that line shall prove such as to recom
mend him to the particular favor of so good a judge and patron of
genius." He addressed also John Adams and Henry Laurens, who
were then in Europe, on the same matter. "My son," he
wrote the former — "who will have the honor to deliver
this to you, is the same you saw in Europe two years ago,
and who, maugre all the sufferings and ill-treatment he then
experienced from the English nation, has still an unconquer
able passion to improve his pencil once more under the cele
brated artists in London." He addressed also Dr. Price, Da
vid Hartley, Eichard Jackson, and others, commending to
their civilities, their goodness, and their protection, that
youthful artist,* who, if he was not ordained, like Zeuxis, to
paint grapes which could deceive the birds — or like Parrka-
sius, curtains which could mislead even a Zeuxisf—or like
Pausias, Glyceras fit to adorn a theatre of Eome- — was yet des
tined, like Apelles, to depict Alexanders whose hands should
*Ho was then twenty-soven years old.
t "Remove your curtain," Baid Zeuxis to Parrhasius, his rival— "that I may
boo your pioturo " — this picture being only tho ourtaiu.

622 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
hold vividly the thunders of war, and battle-horses which
even in picture might extort neighs from living steeds.
Hardly had the parting words been spoken, and the son
departed, ere the heart of the parent yearned once more to
clasp his child, even before the latter embarked from Ports
mouth. "The solicitude of a parent," he wrote him Novem
ber twenty-fifth — "you will expect would make me anxious
to see you again before I part with mortal scenes — which
from my advanced age, you know, must not be far distant.
Whether I am to be gratified in my fond wishes, or not, I
hope you will study to secure to yourself that better part be
yond this life that may insure our meeting in a happier state."
Thus is it obvious, from everything that appears of Governor
Trumbull in his domestic relations, that the threads of his
affections were fine-spun, and that the "expedition" of his
love " Never outran the pauser Eeason."
With Dr. Price particularly, to whose attention he com
mended his son, and to whom he sent his Farewell Address,
the relations of Trumbull were extremely cordial, and his
correspondence long continued. His friendship with this
most able writer commenced in 1776, at the time when the
latter published his famous Tract entitled "Observations on
the nature of civil liberty, the principles of government, and
the justice and policy of the war with America"- — a work
which, among other flattering notices that it received, won for
its author, from the City of London, a letter of special com
pliment, accompanied with the present of a gold box.
It was indeed a most noble contribution to that cause for
which the United States were then struggling— aud Trum
bull — to whom Dr. Price sent it, as he did all his prin
cipal pamphlets — was delighted with the purity of purpose,
strength of reasoning, and lofty republican spirit, which it
manifested. It tried the American question by the funda
mental principles of liberty, and of the British Constitu
tion — in respect of justice, the honor of the kingdom, the
policy and humanity of the war, and the probability of its
success — and under all these aspects irrefutably decided the

1783. CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 623
case in favor of the Colonies.* Trumbull, therefore, took
great pains to circulate it among his friends. He caused it to
be published in the newspapers of Connecticut. It was in
fact published soon in nearly all the papers of the United
States, and being diffused everywhere, gloriously roused, en
couraged, and fortified the hope and effort of the whole
country. Tbe friendship between the Governor of Connecticut and
Dr. Price, was kept up down to the close of Trumbull's life.
But about six weeks only before his death, he received and
answered a new letter from the Doctor, with an accompanying
pamphlet — whose excellence he did not fail to appreciate and
commend. "Your Tract,"t he then wrote — "I have distributed to such as will I
trust make a good use of it. It hath been printed in our Newspapers,
and also reprinted at Hartford — and will undoubtedly prove very serv
iceable. I repeatedly perused it with pleasure, instruction, and profit.
Your observations and advice I think of the utmost importance, and need
no apology. Mr. Turgot's letter is very excellent, much to that good
minister's honor, and to be highly regarded.
" As the establishment of the independence of these United States
gives a new direction to the civil affairs of the world, so Dr. Seabury's
plan, whereof my son acquainted me in one of his letters, and of which
I conclude you are informed, may make a new era in the History of
Religion, to advance that liberality and wisdom which will promote the
happiness of mankind.
" In my retirement I heartily wish for the literary correspondence of
friends, among whom I have the happiness to reckon you one highly
esteemed." Thus much here concerning some of the Governor's do
mestic relations, his private correspondence, and his friend-
* See note at the end of this Chapter.
tThe Tract referred to here, was entitled, " Observations on the importance of
the American Eevolution, and the means of making it a benefit to the world."
It was printed in London in 1784, and was dedicated as a last testimony of the
good will of the author, to the free and United States of America. The letter of
Turgol, Comptroller General of the Finances of France, to which Trumbull in
the above letter refers, was printed with it. It was addressed from Paris to Dr.
Price, and contained observations in which the United States were deeply con
cerned. " The eminence of Mr. Turgot's name and character," said Dr. Price,
" will recommend it to their attention, and it will do honor to his memory among
all the friends of public liberty."

624 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
ships. Little else remained to engage his attention during
the two closing months of the present year, save the great
Susquehannah Case, which now at last — before a Board of
Commissioners appointed through the order of Congress —
was brought up for trial at Trenton, New Jersey.
We have seen that among the labors of Trumbull for the
year 1782, was that of preparing this case for the adjudica
tion to which we refer — he having been particularly request
ed by the General Assembly of Connecticut — in compliance
with a letter enclosing instructions from Congress on the sub
ject — to collect and transmit to the Secretary of Foreign Af
fairs all papers " evidencing " the title of the State to the
lands in dispute — and to accompany them with such observa
tions thereon as he " might think proper." The trial came
on the twelfth of November of the present year — before sev
en commissioners.* It occupied forty-one judicial days, and
resulted in the decision, strangely unanimous, that Connecti
cut " had no right to the lands in controversy " — a decision,
which, as Trumbull profoundly believed — and as was held
by the best lawyers both in America and in England — was
against both the law and the equities of the case.
For in defiance of the old Patent of Connecticut — in the
very teeth of its Charteri — in the face of valid prior pur
chases, by a large Company, from the native proprietors of
the soil in question — and in the face too of a right of posses
sion which was consummated by the actual settlements of nu
merous adventurers, with established government, and was
recognized, fully approved, and adopted by the Legislature
of this State — it surrendered to Pennsylvania a tract of coun
try to which she could plead no claim but a patent granted to
William Penn, nineteen years after the date of the Charter of
Connecticut, and purchases from the Indians, which — in her
own " Eepresentation " of her case before the Commission
ers — she does not assert were validated by any deeds until
nearly eighty-two years after the agents of the rival Susque-
* They wore Hon. William Whipple of New Hampshire, Hon. Welcome Ar
nold of Ehode Island, Hon. David Brearly and Wm. Churchill Houston of Now
Jersey, Esquires, Hon. Cyrus Griffin, Joseph Jones, Esquires, and Thomas Nel
son, of Virginia.

1783. CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 625
hannah Company had explored and bought the soil of its
aboriginal owners.
This decision was a severe disappointment to the expect
ation of Trumbull — for, just ten years previously, he had
been the pioneer in the legal explication and statement of the
Case, and his own views had been soundly endorsed by the
judgment of the most accomplished jurists in England — the
King's Attorney General, and the King's Solicitor General,
included. But the Articles of Confederation had referred all
disputes between two or more States concerning boundary
and jurisdiction, in the last resort, to the United States in
Congress assembled — and to Congress the appeal had been
made. Its fiat had gone forth, and to it Trumbull, as a good
citizen — not approving, not convinced — submitted.
But the third day only after the trial commenced at Tren
ton — in the assertion and maintenance of the rights and title
of Connecticut — he had renewedly issued a Proclamation,
strictly forbidding any settlement upon the Territory in ques
tion, without due license first obtained from Connecticut au
thority. It was the last of his tireless efforts in vindication
of the claim of his native State' to the sweet Vale of Wyo
ming. Mournfully dark, yet not unexpected to him, were
the days which followed the decision of the National Com
missioners — days, with the restless, rival settlers, of strife still
bitter, of pillage, and of bloodshed. He did not live, how
ever, to see the painful scene terminated by the compromis
ing and confirming laws of Pennsylvania — laws which, at
length, left to the adventurers from Connecticut a fair por
tion of the fields which both their bravery and their toil had
won, and restored to a country that had long been riven
with contentions, and crimsoned with blood, the blessings of
peace. This destiny of Wyoming — its adjudication into the hands
pf a rival claimant — was the only event, with Trumbull, to
sadden the closing of the year which we have now surveyed.
Everything else in public proceedings — softened by the hues
of established Peace — -wore a sunny aspect, and heralded the
approach of solid prosperity for the country. There was no
more of war, or of war's alarms. That Council of Safety, over
53

626 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783
which for so long and agitating a period the Governor had
presided — at whose sessions — memorable example of punc
tuality indeed — in sunshine or in storm — from June the
fourth, 1775, nearly to the beginning of November 1783 — he"
had himself been personally present, as appears from a mem
orandum in his own handwriting,* no less than nine hundred
and thirteen days — ended its toilsome, but most patriotic la
bors, in the City of Newhaven, when the sun of October the
twenty-eighth was declining to its setting, f
Everywhere over the State war-worn veterans, no more to
draw " the offensive blade," were now returning to the sweet
communion of their homes. Matrons and maidens were
there to welcome them whose hearts, bounded with joy at
thought that they were no longer to drive the spinning-wheel,
and ply the needle, for husbands and fathers, sons and broth
ers, who were to be again devoted to the blood-stained battle
field. And soon — November twenty-fifth — filing from their
last hold on the American seaboard — that hold which so per
ilously for Connecticut especially, they had so long main
tained — the British troops evacuated New York. " With a
heart full of love and gratitude," Washington took leave of
his comrades in arms — and Tuesday, December the twenty-
third — just when the sun, in glorious typification of the
event, had reached its zenith — the Father of his Country —
having finished the work assigned him — before the Eepre
sentatives of the Sovereignty of the Union at Annapolis, re
signed his Commission — and, "followed by the enthusiastic
love, esteem, and admiration of his countrymen," retired to
his quiet, beautiful home on the banks of the Potomac.
. The last military scene of the American Revolution was now
closed! Now the sword was to be turned to the pruning
* This memorandum shows that in 1775 he was present at tho Council twenty-
five times— in 1776, one hundred and twenty-eight — in 1777, two hundred and
nine — in 1778, one hundred and five — in 1770, eighty-four — in 17S0, one hundred
and thirty-four — in 1781, one hundred and two — in 17S2, eighty four— and in
i783, forty-two times.
t Its closing entries relate to the liquidation and settlement of military accounts, .
and the collection and disposition of military stores — the very last being a Reso
lution instructing Horatio Welles of Windham County to collect all the provis
ions, cloth, and materials of war in Windham County for the Continental Line,
and sell and dispose of the same to tho best advantage for the State.

1783.' CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 627
hook — iron to instruments of agriculture and manufactures,
to the plough, the spade, the weaving machine, the chisel, and
the axe — tent-cloth to the white sails of commerce — the ox to
the furrow — the horse to the wain loaded for quiet marts —
and man everywhere, in the virgin Eepublic of the New
World, to the occupations, the enjoyments, and the security
of peace.
With a more exalted sense than upon any occasion before,
of the blessings by which his country was surrounded, did
Trumbull, the present year — in view of its crowning suc
cess — in consideration that hostilities had entirely ceased, and
the citizens of America were left " in the undisputed posses
sion of their liberty, independence, and of the fruits of their
land, and in the free participation of the treasures of the
sea" — call upon the people of Connecticut, on the second
Thursday of December, to celebrate again, with grateful hearts
and united voices, the praises of the supreme and all-bounti
ful Benefactor ! It was the last of his Thanksgiving Procla
mations. How opportune!

NOTE REFERRED TO ON PAGE 623.
With Dr. Price there was not a word in the whole compass of language, as he
said, which expresses so much of what is important, excellent, sound, and inval
uable, as the word Liberty — and that State in which there was not a body of men
representing the people to constitute an essential part of the Legislature, was in
slavery — which he defied any one to express in stronger language than Great
Britain had expressed it in her claim to bind the Colonies "in all cases whatso
ever." No one community, in his view, could, in justice or in reason, have any
power over the property or legislation of any other community that was not in
corporated with it by a just and adequate representation.
The contest with America, he held, was a contest for power only, originating
in " the pride and lust of dominion, in blind resentment, and the desire of re
venge." He claimed that the Colonists, when asked as Freemen, had seldom
ever discovered any reluctance in giving to tbe parent country, but in obedience
to a demand with the bayonet at their breasts, would give nothing but blood —
that they were descendants of men who never would have emigrated on any such
condition as that the people from whom they withdrew should be forever masters
of their property, and have power to subject them to any modes of government they
pleased— that every mind would instinctively revolt at the idea that a vast continent
should hold all that was most valuable to it at the discretion of a handful of men
on the other side of the Atlantic— that it was a vital mistake to suppose the Colo
nists weak or without high moral and intellectual worth— that they had names
among them which would "not stoop to any names among the philosophers and
politicians " of England, and that the United States in time would become a
mighty empire, "equal or superior" to Great Britain " in all the arts and accom
plishments which give dignity and happiness to human life."

628 CHAP. LII. — TEUMBULL. 1783.
He affirmed that England was the aggressor in the. war, and so imperiled by it,
as that, if she persisted, ruin would be her inevitable lot — that there was no
chance of her succeeding in it — that for her to expect triumph was " a folly so
great that language does not afford a name for it " — that it ought to be her wish,
on the other hand, that at least one free country should be left on earth to which
even Britons might fly when venality, luxury, and vice, had completed, as they
then seemed to be doing, tbe ruin of liberty at home — and finally, that England
must retrace all her steps — meet the Colonies on the ground which the latter
had taken in their last Petition to tbe King — suspend hostilities — and repeal
every act which had distressed the new and struggling eis- Atlantic world.

CHAPTER LIII.
1784—1785.
Trumbull, superintends the collection and liquidation of military ac
counts. "Under instructions from the General Assembly, he urges Con
gress to add the expense of defending the sea-coast and western frontier
of Connecticut to the deht cf the Continent. Reasons for this appli
cation. The question of granting the Impost Power to Congress is
warmly agitated in Connecticut. Commutation, taxation, and the Or
der of the Cincinnati become mingled up with it. Excitement intense.
A Petition to Congress against Commutation, and the Impost Power,
emanates fiom the Lower House of the General Assembly, and a Con
vention at Middletown addresses the people on what it styles the pub
lic grievances. The reasoning of the objectors. A factious uneasiness,
consequently, among the people of the State. Trumbull's course at
this crisis. Testimony of Chief Justice Marshall respecting it. He dis-'
closes bis fears for the public order and safety in a letter to General
"Washington. The letter. Washington's reply. He labors assiduously
to allay the political storm. His arguments on the side of law,
order, good faith, and good government. By whom aided. Looked^
to as the only pilot, be is urged, notwithstanding his resignation, to
continue in his post as Chief Magistrate of the State. He persists,
"however, in his purpose of retirement from public life, and Matthew
Griswold is chosen in bis place. The Address to Trumbull from Dr.
Joseph Huntington's Election Sermon in May. The public policy for
which Trumbull has labored, achieves at last a signal triumph. The
popular ferment subsides. Commutation comes to be thought a.
harmless measure of justice. Connecticut grants Congress the Impost
Power. Trumbull's high satisfaction.
Nineteen months and a half more, ere the patriot we
commemorate was called to take
"His chamber in the silent halls of death I "
Months they were to him, all save the first four, of grateful
retirement from every public care, and of soothing medita
tion, in the quiet of his own home at Lebanon. Life no
longer disturbed him with the anxieties of war, or weari
somely strained upon his activities for the public service.

630 CHAP. LIII. — TEUMBULL. 1784^1185.
He had bidden a lasting "farewell to the plumed troop."
lie had left forever the field of civil labors. He had surrend
ered himself, chiefly — and in conformity with the wish which
in his Farewell Address he so anxiously expressed — to that
preparation of which his whole life in truth had been a glo
rious example, but which, in the declension of age, comes
beating at the heart with louder notes of warning than at all
other periods of human existence — the- solemn preparation
for eternity.
Such is the leading picture of Trumbull in his occupation
during that closing epoch of his life which we now have
reached — save, as we have suggested, during its few first
months. These were months in which he still bore the bur
den of civil rule — still, down to May, 1784, acted as Chief
Magistrate of Connecticut. The period was marked by some
important proceedings relating to the accounts of the war
that had just been terminated, and by a continuation of that
civil feud upon the subject of commutation, and the powers
of Congress, which we have already had occasion in part to
describe. With each of these matters, Trumbull — both by
virtue of his position, and the eminent interest he felt in se
curing harmony for his State, and for his country — was
closely counected.
As regards military accounts — besides continuing, as dur
ing much of the year which had just elapsed, carefully to
superintend their collection and verification — Trumbull, at a
session of the General Assembly in January — the last over
which he officially presided — was charged with the duty of
addressing Congress, in behalf of the State, for the important
purpose of inducing this Body to take a certain portion of
the debt of Connecticut, incurred during the Eevolutionary
Struggle, and add it to the debt of the Continent. This por
tion consisted of money that had been expended by this
State in supporting guards upon her sea-coast and western
frontier, and particularly in defending New London and
Horseneck. It was an expense, she claimed, which ought in
justice to be borne by the United States. There was the
same propriety that the defence of her southern line of terri
tory should be made a common charge against the Continent

1184 — 1185. CHAP. LIII. — TEUMBULL. 631
as there was that the defence of the western frontiers of the
united country should be made so. Other States had been
careful to procure Resolutions from Congress, which assumed
the expense of protecting their own respective territories.
Why should not Connecticut then — a State which had been
distressed by the enemy far more than most others — a State
with a long sweep of water and land frontier — in whose pres
ervation from the possession and power of the enemy the
whole country, almost as much as herself, was deeply inter
ested — why should she not receive the same consideration as
other portions of the Union ?
Such were the views and arguments, which, upon this
subject Trumbull, with his accustomed good sense and zeal,
pressed upon the attention of Congress. It was hard, he
added, that a State, which was actually in advance to the
Union on accounts existing and unsettled between them,
should yet be called upon — this fact unregarded — and ex
hausted and burthened too, as she then was, almost insup-
portably, by taxation — to furnish farther and full contribu
tions in money upon national requisitions.
• But the appeal was not — as in most cases urged on Con
gress 'by Trumbull — successful. The Grand Committee of
the Union observed in reply — first, that almost every State;
on the score of war expenses, thought itself in advance — and
secondly, that it was " the constant wish " of Congress to have
the accounts between the States and the Continent settled —
the contributions of each ascertained — and the balances, if
any should appear in favor of the States, credited to them in
requisitions to be thereafter made — and here the matter seems
to have ended. We can find no notice of any adjustment
subsequently, by which the large and disproportionate ex
pense of Connecticut in defending a long exposed line, whose
security was peculiarly the common interest of the Union,
was ever remunerated — at least in the manner it should have
been. The United States in fact, on this score, are, we think,
a debtor to Connecticut to this day.
The particular reason assigned at the time, by the people
at large, for the neglect of Congress to comply with the
request of Connecticut, was that this Body desired, by post-

632 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
poning the claim, to secure from this State a full and unre
stricted grant of the Impost Power — a power which for great
national purposes, it was then seeking to obtain from every
State in the Union — and which, withheld absolutely by some
portions of tbe Union, had been reconsidered and withdrawn
from Congress by others.
In the view of sound leading statesmen of the day — and
among these particularly of Trumbull — this Power was the
only expedient which could establish the credit and dignity
of the Federal Union — and as a tax, the impost was the
surest, most equitable, least expensive, and least burthensome
of any that could be applied. At two different sessions of
the General Assembly, the question of granting it had been
warmly agitated — and, through the votes, principally, of farm
ers and mechanics, who supposed the impost would throw a
disproportionate burthen on themselves, it had been rejected.
Commutation again became mingled with it — and with this the
question again concerning the powers and duties of Congress —
and with all these points a new one in reference to the existing
system of taxation in the State, which, it was now claimed, was
unequal and unjust — and still another new one in reference to
the Order of the Cincinnati — which, it was strongly asserted,
established a peerage in the land, and was entirely inconsistent
with that equality which ought to prevail in a republic.
These matters now shook the State, politically, from one
end to the other more fiercely than it had ever been shaken
before, and excitement was intense. That Middletown Con
vention, to which we have heretofore referred as having
originated in the popular aversion to commutation, continued
its sessions from time to time by adjournment — and though
burlesqued and attacked in every form* — yet it had strength
and influence enough so to affect the Lower House of the
* It made unwearied efforts, it was charged, to change tlie Legislature, and re
tard the impost aot, and breed faction and tumult all over the State. It was pro
duced, it was said, in a fit of passionate zeal for the publio good, which was en
kindled and inflamed by a few men who meant to ride into office upon the mo
mentary fury of the populace — men who, if they had tho power, would have
subverted that very Constitution to which they were themselves indebted for
the security of tlieir own persons and property, and would have even gibbeted
those who had directed the Councils of the Nation, and bled in defence of
American liberties

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 633
General Assembly as to procure from this Body — without,
however, the concurrence either of the Upper House, or of
the Governor — a Petition to Congress remonstrating against
the powers and policy of this Body — and particularly against
Commutation and the Impost — which petition met the fate it
justly merited— that of proving altogether fruitless.
About the same time — in March, 1784 — this convention
issued an address to the "good people" of Connecticut, as it
styled them — recapitulating their grievances, and stirring up
the public mind to discontent. Individuals — some of them
men of worth and sincerity, who labored under misappre
hensions with regard to the nature of a federal government —
but most of them, old tories and others, who were instinct
ively averse to all republican rule — these, aided by another
class of citizens still more numerous — those who uniformly
clamor against all taxes and public debts, and who, "from
motives of bankruptcy or avarice, are ready to oppose any
authority that should require them to act honestly" — second
ed the sentiments of the address.
The domestic debt of the State is now one million of dol
lars, they said. Much more than this amount is her share of
the national debt. Our State and Federal charges extend at
present to one dollar on the pound — an enormous sum —
which for two years past, it is true, Connecticut has paid —
but now her resources are not equal to the burthen. Our
method of taxation is most vicious. And here the objectors
were perfectly right. Lands, without reference to their qual
ity, they said, are all rated alike. Some are good — some are
poor — but they all alike are compelled to bear the same
tax — a fact which, in some instances, takes from the holder
of poor lands the whole value of his property* — oppressing
him, while at the same time the proprietor of good lands is
increased in wealth. This oppression is fast driving citizens
out from our borders. They are selling off their property,
and emigrating to other States, where real estate and polls
are not so heavily mortgaged — and many of our mechanics
and young men are forsaking former occupations, and taking
to the seas.
* Some lands in the State, at this time, sold as low as five shillings per acre.

634 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
And then as regards the impost — continued the objectors.
Giving this up into the hands of Congress leaves the State
creditors completely in the lurch — leaves the "darling col
lectors " of Congress amenable only to that Body — under or
dinances for carrying the impost into execution, just sugq as
it, in its own mere discretion, may choose to frame — author
izing among other things, against liberty, searches into pri
vate dwellings.
And then the impost, when collected, may all be applied
by the irresponsible authority of the Union towards paying
that dangerous claim of commutation. When half-pay was
first proposed, did not a Committee of the General Assembly
take up the matter of compensation with a Committee of the
officers of the Connecticut Line, and adjust it upon the basis
of their original contract — and so, to the satisfaction of all
the parties concerned, absorb all claim for half-pay, and con
sequently for commutation, its equivalent ? Congress is fast
becoming a usurper. Let us then withhold from this Body
all grants until justice is obtained by a redress of public
grievances !
Look too at the Members of this Body. See them stipu
lating to pay to one portion of their servants, annually,
eleven thousand dollars each — to another, six thousand — and
te many others in the same extravagant proportion — while
trains of secretaries, clerks, and attendants, figure around
them " in all the pomp and parade of European manners and
habits ! "
And see that new and strange order of the Cincinnati-
rising under the very eye of Congress — with its tacit con
sent — and consisting of men who claim to be the only Sav
iours of the Eepublic — who aspire to nobility — who are to
wear the badges of peerage — and be paid from the purse of
the people — a purse claimed to be at the exclusive disposal
of that very Body which has just made them the gratuity !
" Shall we," exclaimed the objectors here — " after vanquish
ing the old Lion, submit to a whelp of the same breed, and
give him the range of our dearly -purchased folds ? "
Much more in the same spirit, and with ceaseless activity,
did the opponents of Congress, of commutation, of the im-

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII.— TRUMBULL. 635
post, and provision for the public debt, urge upon the people
of Connecticut, to rouse, disturb, and sour them. And too
well for awhile — in the spring particularly of 1784 — did they
-succeed — as did similar disturbers in almost every other
State* It had been foretold by the foes of America, that,
after the war was over, and independence gained, the people
would be without order, law, and government — that they
would be split into parties — that jealousies would spring up
between the States — that the Confederation would be power
less for the management of their discordant interests— and
that taxes would produce factious uneasiness, and even insur
rections. All this, to an alarming extent, seemed to be real
izing now in Connecticut — or at least preparing rapidly for
development. In part deluded by their own ignorance of
principles, and in part by the arts of a few designing men,
* The following passages from Dr. Joseph Huntington's Election Sermon in
the spring of 1784, refer strikingly to the prevailing disturbances, and are worthy
of attention.
" But there is one abominable vice," he says, " that is so pernicious to us every
day, and so immediately threatens us with dissolution and anarchy, that I must
bear my testimony more largely against it.
" It is that unreasonable, raging spirit of jealousy pointed against all in power,
especially against those in the most burdensome and important trusts. Jealousy
is the rage and distraction of men, as well in civil as in domestic life. We ex
pend much to maintain authority, as indeed they ought to have an honorable
support ; and would we only let them do us all the good in their hearts, and in
then- power under God, they would repay us a thousand fold. But what can the
good patriots do ? First we must be jealous of them, next we certainly think
them wicked, and then we destroy their influence and their good names to
gether. Thus we lose our benefit and our cost of supporting them. We bind
them hand and foot, and are like a man who should hire a number of the best
workmen, at a great expense, to build him a house, and as soon as they began to
operate with all their skill and fidelity, should load them with chains — pay might
continue, but the work must miserably proceed.
"Let our rulers as well as others, be weighed in an even balance ; jealousy
makes the balance very uneven. Let us judge of those in power as well as of
other men, with all that charity which the Apostle describes, and which, with
out solid reason, " thinketh no evil."
" I am as much engaged for liberty, in the utmost extent of it, as any man on
earth. I would have all in power elective by, and accountable to the people ;
and if in any case criminal, on fair trial, let them not be spared, But this hy
dra of jealousy and evil surmise, is not liberty, it is tyranny, it is confusion, it is
death. Proud, selfish, wicked men take the advantage of it ; but they must first
remove those worthy men that hold them ; they make or propagate a thousand
lies, to stir up the jealousy of the people, inrage the multitude, and clear the seats
of honor for themselves. And when such brambles get in power, 'a fire soon
coincs out of the bramble, and devours the cedars of Lebanon.' "

636 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
the people " imputed the evils which they suffered to wrong
causes, and pursued measures for redress that served but to
aggravate their distress."
At this crisis, says Chief Justice Marshall — "the venera
ble Trumbull, who had been annually elected the Governor
of Connecticut from the commencement of hostilities, and
who in that capacity had rendered great service to the cause
of united America; who, like Washington, had supported
the burden of office throughout a hazardous contest, and like
Washington, had determined to withdraw from the cares of
-a public station when that contest should be terminated, in a
letter* communicating to his friend and compatriot the reso
lution he had taken, thus disclosed the fears which the dispo
sitions manifested by many of his countrymen inspired."
"The fruits of our peace and independence do not, at present, wear so
promising an appearance as I had fondly painted to my mind. The jeal
ousies, the prejudices, and turbulence of the people, at times, almost
stagger my confidence in our political establishment, and almost occasion
me to think that they will show themselves unworthy the noble prize for
which we have contended, and which, I had pleased myself, was so near
our enjoyment. But again, I check this rising impatience, and console
myself under the present prospect, with the consideration that the same
beneficent and wise Providence which has done so much for this country,
will not eventually leave us to ruin our own happiness, to become the
sport of chance, or the scoff of an admiring world ; but that great things
are still in store for this people, which time, and the wisdom of the
Great Director, will produce in its best season."
" It is indeed a pleasure," said General Washington in reply — " from
the walks of private life to view in retrospect the difficulties through
which we have waded and the happy haven into which our ship has been
brought. Is it possible that after this it should founder? Will not the
all-wise and all-powerful Director of human events preserve it? I think
he will. He may however, for some wise purpose of his own, suffer our
indiscretions and folly to place our national character low in the political
scale— and this, unless more wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in
our government, will most certainly happen."
Notwithstanding then an aspect of public affairs so un
promising as almost to "stagger" Trumbull's confidence in
the political establishment of his country— he yet, we see,
* Dated " Lebanon, 2Uth April, 1784."

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 637
trusted in God that America would not be suffered to ruin
her own happiness, and to become either " the sport of chance,
or the scoff" of the world — but that "great things" were still
in store for her, to be reaped all in the "best season."* With
the Upper House of the General Assembly, and with a large
number of influential citizens in Connecticut — previous to
the particular crisis on which we now dwell, and at times
when nearly two-thirds of the Lower House were opposed to
the federal policy — he remained firm in the views which we
have heretofore found him advocating, and did all in his
power to convince his fellow-citizens of the importance of
supporting national faith and national credit, according to
the measures prescribed by Congress. And now that the po
litical storm was up in its greatest wrath, he labored more
than ever to allay it — not only to save the State from its
alarming internal convulsions, but also to bring it out,
through its own convictions of reason and duty, and with
zeal, into a harmonious co-operation with other States for the
establishment and support of a competent, wise, and energetic
General Government.
To him the very idea of a supreme authority, vested with
powers to make peace jfnd war — to raise armies — appoint for
eign ministers — form alliances — make contracts — emit and
borrow monies — and transact all matters that relate to the
common defence and general welfare of a nation — without
power to determine what sums of money are necessary to
defray the charges, and without ability to enforce their pay
ment — was a "political absurdity that in practice would anni
hilate any government upon earth."
No such jealousies of this Body as prevailed, ought, in his
judgment, ever to exist. Congress concealed nothing from
the public eye. Its doors were always open. Its journals
were published to the world. Its measures were open to the ^
scrutiny of every individual. Iri account of the appropria- '
* " Though a transient gloom o'orcast his mind —
Yet still, on Providence reclined,
The patriot fond believed,
That Power benign too much had done,
To leavo an Empire's task — begun —
Imperfectly achieved."
54

638 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785
tion of public monies was transmitted every six months to
every State, for examination. It could not, by virtue of any
prerogative, encroach upon the rights, or curtail the privi
leges of a single State — and the people themselves, through
the frequent election of its members, and the collision of
contending interests and parties, enjoyed a perfect security
against any possible usurpations from that source, and a
guarantee that no scheme for the subversion of popular rights
could ever be accomplished — hardly even concocted. Why
then, urged Trumbull at every opportunity — amplifying and
fortifying the sentiments of his Farewell Address — why then
this unfounded fear, and captious abuse of the National As
sembly? "Within the limits prescribed by our Federal
Union, it must be sovereign — and until it is enabled to exert
its powers, we can never exist as a nation — we shall be a ship
without a helm — a machine without springs, and without
connection." To Trumbull's view also, unless the system proposed by
Congress in April, 1783 — which included the measures that
were now so much exciting the public mind — was adopted,
ruin awaited the States. National degradation would inevi
tably follow. The system, in his opinion, was in exact con
formity with the powers granted even in the Confedera
tion. Commutation stood not only on the broad basis of
this Instrument, but also on the particular confirmation
of every State in the Union — nay farther, on the particular
consent of every town in Connecticut, as well as on that
of towns elsewhere. And as for the Continental Impost,
that too, in his view, was a constitutional, sound, and just
measure. Here was Connecticut, he reasoned — consuming annually
about three hundred and fifty thousand pounds worth of
imported goods, one-seventh part only of which she imported
herself. The residue was all furnished through Massachu
setts, Ehode Island, and New York — the two former of
which States already had a local impost for the benefit of
their own respective treasuries, that was continually draining
Connecticut for the exclusive advantage of adjoining sover
eignties. New York might soon come into the same system.

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 639
She certainly would, unless the Impost Power was granted to
Congress. In such a case— upon the basis of the existing
consumption — Connecticut would then be paying no less a
sum than fifty thousand pounds, annually, to three surround
ing States, for importing in her stead. She would thus be
enriching her neighbors at her own expense. What folly —
thought Trumbull — what impoverishment of herself! A
Continental impost would prevent all this — would aid to
wards discharging the public debt in an equitable manner,
out of a treasury common to the nation — would equalize a
great public benefit to every State. Connecticut, therefore,
was every way interested to grant it to Congress. Her own
local creditors could not suffer by such a grant. It was a
point of accurate calculation, that, were she to employ the
power herself, for her own benefit, she would not receive by
it, at the utmost, more than three thousand pounds — a sum
that would not pay her creditors more than one-twentieth of
their annual interest.
As regards other objections, the Governor was prepared,
and took pains to meet all these. Those salaries — claimed to
be so enormous — of eleven thousand dollars — to whom, he
asked, were they paid ? To the Ambassadors of the country
at foreign Courts, he answered — most of whom had found
their pay in fact so insufficient that they had sought a recall
from their stations. That compensation of six thousand dol
lars to federal officers at home — upon whom was this be
stowed ? Upon but one public functionary in the land, he
replied — and this one that able and faithful Superintendent
of Finance — Mr. Morris — to whom the country had been in
debted for an annual saving in its expenses of two and a half
millions of dollars, and who, from the very nature of his po
sition, was subjected to extraordinary expense. The pay to
Secretaries, clerks, and attendants on Congress ! It was mod
erate, he urged, and bestowed upon men who aped no for
eign fashions, but who were at heart good republicans.
That Order of the Cincinnati, "wearing the badges of
peerage, and to be paid from the purse of the people ! " Was
it not formed merely for social and benevolent purposes —
asked Trumbull. It made no claims on the purse of the na-

640 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
tion, he proceeded to say — it never had any intention of do
ing so. Why envy a man a medal, and a riband, purchased
at his own expense? Why not as well envy "the trowel and
apron of the mason, the cockade of a soldier, or the gown of
a clergyman?" And what had Congress ever done towards
instituting this Order ? Nothing. On the other hand, one
of its earliest measures was to abolish and preclude every
title of nobility, as utterly repugnant to the genius of our
institutions. Had not the people lately seen this Body, by a
public resolve, refuse to nominate persons to be elected
Knights of the " Order of Divine Providence," as proposed
by Secretary Chevalier de Heintz — and for the reason that
such a course would be inconsistent with the principles of tlie
Confederation f They had.
That danger too, sometimes alleged, that Congress would
seize and appropriate for sectional uses — for the advantage
particularly of the Southern States — the confiscated and the
ceded land of the country ! There was not the least founda
tion, in Trumbull's opinion, for any such apprehension as
this. The confiscated lands would undoubtedly be left to
the States, for their own particular benefit. The ceded lands
would remain in the hands of Congress, for the common
benefit of the Union — to be disposed of in part to public
creditors, in exchange for their securities — to be improved
generally for sinking the public debt — and to prove thereaft
er a rich and productive fund to meet the growing expenses
of the country, and to alleviate, in every part of it, the
burden of taxation.
Such were the views — simple, solid, and unanswerable —
with which the Governor of Connecticut, in the political fer
ment at which we are now looking, strove to reclaim from
their errors those of his fellow-citizens who had wandered,
and to win them over to the side of law, order, good faith,
good government, and sound and honorable liberty. And in
this labor he was nobly aided by his Council — by all the
merchants of the State — by all those officers who had risked
their lives on the battle-fields of the Eevolution — and by a
large class of other citizens, the reflecting, the discerning, and
the prudent, who could see no way out of existing difficul-

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII.— TRUMBULL. 641
ties but by strengthening the Union, and steadily pursuing
the measures recommended by the National Congress:
' To Trumbull — in the very midst and height of the storm
we describe, all such persons — and many also even from
among those who -did not fully accord with his political
views — looked as to the only pilot who could smooth the
troubled waters, direct the Ship of State, and bring her to a
haven of rest. And to him, in this crisis — notwithstanding
the resignation he proposed, and was determined to carry
into effect — they appealed for a continuation of public service
in his old and honored post of Chief Magistrate of the State.
His name was freshly presented to the people, as that of one,
who — the most able, long-tried, and faithful Counsellor and
Guide of Connecticut, ought still to be kept steadfastly at
her helm.*
But he persisted in declining the proffered office — and the
people, therefore, found another candidate for the gubernato
rial chair in Honorable Matthew Griswold — a gentleman who
now for thirteen consecutive years — side by side with the
veteran Trumbull — of his political faith — like him of tried
conduct, high-minded, and patriotic — had occupied the post
of Lieutenant Governor of the State. Yet ere the latter was
elevated— by the choice of the General Assembly, as it hap
pened this year — to the post of Chief Executive — Trumbull
still presided over the public deliberations of Connecticut.
In this capacity, consequently, he went through the usual
Election parade, and listened to the usual Election Dis
course — a Discourse, which, so far as the personal Address
to his Excellency is concerned — as being the last ever di
rected to himself — as expressing truthfully the public hom
age to his character — as referring to the political troubles in
which he had then been recently involved — and as proceed
ing from Dr. Joseph Huntington, the eminent divine of
Coventry, and the preceptor of that illustrious Martyr-Spy
of the American Eevolution, Captain Nathan Hale — espe
cially deserves embodiment in this Memoir, f It was as
follows : —
*See Note at the end of this Chapter.
t The text of the discourse was from Deuteronomy, 82 : 8.—" When the Most
54*

642 CHAP. LIII.— TEUMBULL* 1784—1785.
" May it please tour Excellency,
" We doubt not but thoughts of the greatness and glory of God, and
his overruling hand in the kingdom of Providence, like those now of
fered, but much better suggested in your own mind, have been your sup
port and consolation from the days of youth — more especially when
your burdens and cares have been the greatest.
" Very few men, since the world was made, ever lived so much for the
public as you have done. After a liberal education, in early youth,
your Excellency was immediately called into public office, and the bur
then of complicated public offices has been your lot ever since. And
though it has ever been abundantly manifest, that your Excellency never
sought promotion or popular applause, but always made truth and right
eousness your guide, as well when you knew it to be unpopular, as at
other times ; yet he who gave all your rich endowments (and to his name
alone be the praise) knew what to do with you, in his great love to his
people. " When our late troubles began, your Excellency was very singular ;
when to avoid perpetual slavery, it became necessary to oppose the tyr
anny of Britain, your brethren in office, the other Governors, all forsook
you, but you did not forsake your God and the people you loved. Your
Excellency stood, alone, but you stood firm. ' The archers shot at you,
and you was sorely grieved by the enemies of our peace: but your bow
abode in strength, and your hands were made strong by the hands of the
mighty God of Israel.'
" It was not for want of the highest opinion of your Excellency's abili
ties and integrity, that self-seeking men and enemies to liberty have la
bored to make you trouble ; but that they knew you stood firm against
the measures of all such, and was the chief support of our righteous
cause, and the liberties of your country. I presume your Excellency has
often thought of those words of the great Roman patriot : ' Nemo his
viginti annis, reipublicse hostis fuerit, qui, non eodem tempore, mihi quo
que bellum indixerit.'*
" This is more or less the lot of all great and good men, in public
character. " In leading us out from a provincial into an independent state, your
Excellency had the path to beat. You walked before us in a rough and
rugged way ; but God remembered his promise, ' Thy shoes shall be iron
and brass, and as the day is so shall thy strength be.'
High divided to the Nations their inheritance, when he separated the sons of
Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children
of Israel" — and its design was to show "God ruling the Nations for the most
glorious end." " In all the great things," done for the American people of late,
he claims and elucidates, " God has remembered us the kindness of our youth,
and the love of our espousals, when we went after him in the wilderness, in a
land not sown.'
* Cicero.

*784— 1785. .CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 643
" When the wrath of a tyrant king warred against you as a lion, and
your Excellency, above all, was marked out for a victim, you endured,
not fearing the wrath of the king, choosing rather to suffer affliction with
the people of God, so dear to you, than to enjoy any emoluments how
great soever they might have been, had you, like many others, sought
the royal favour. So long as the storms beat, the thunder roared, the
lightnings glared around your head, all the while the tempest was so
black and dreadful, you sat steadfast at the helm without a covert. Your
Excellency then, desired no man to take that seat at peril. But now you
have rode out the storm and conducted us into the desired haven of
peace, your Excellency has requested you may retire, and another take
the more peaceful seat. On this I have no remark to make ; it is wholly
needless at present. The whole nation will speak ; posterity will not be
silent. " If we have disobeyed your Excellency this once, and have not re
leased you, we beg your pardon; and earnestly entreat your further
blessings, in the character you have so long sustained. If the people
have obeyed, and have granted your Excellency retirement, you retire,
Sir, with every possible honour. And may the residue of your days be
happy, and your immortality glorious !
" And when your Excellency shall be taken up from us, to shine as a
star of the first magnitude, in the kingdom of your Father, forever and
ever, your name shall live, historic pages will shine with your deeds, and
generations unborn shall know you well,
" In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae
Sustrabunt convexa, polus dum sidera paseent;
Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt."*
' It is obvious from the last paragraph but one of the Ad
dress now quoted, that the hope still lingered in the minds
of some that the General Assembly yet again, in spite of his
own frequently avowed purpose to the contrary, might place
Trumbull in his old seat. But, as already intimated, the
House of Eepresentatives made another choice — the Senate
concurred — and Matthew Griswold was duly installed Gov
ernor of Connecticut — Samuel Huntington — one of the for
mer Presidents of Congress— another tried and approved pub
lic servant, and of similar sentiments in regard to public
affairs — being placed in the seat which the elevation of Gris
wold left to be filled anew.
That cause now, for which we have described Trumbull as
* Virgil.

644 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
so long and so earnestly contending, achieved in these ap
pointments — as it did also in the election of members to both
branches of the Legislature — a signal triumph. The popu
lar rage against the policy of Congress had subsided. The
Middletown Convention had dwindled into insignificance*
Factious leaders had "sunk into contempt and hatred faster
than they emerged from obscurity." Eeason had resumed its
sway over the public mind. National authority ceased to
be a dread. Commutation — that stalking-horse so long for
political ambition — became to the now unblinded eye of the
people a harmless measure of justice.
And Wednesday, May the twentieth — after a full, candid,
and manly discussion, with open doors, in the presence of
a crowd of spectators — the House of Eepresentatives — •
through a vote of ninety-three yeas to forty-two nays — by
the large majority of fifty-one voices — conceded to the Con
gress of the United States the vital, but long-questioned
Power of Impost — that power, which — now for nearly three-
quarters of a century — relieving the people, save in but a
few rare instances, from the burden and vexation of direct
taxation — has filled the national exchequer by an easy and
almost imperceptible process of accumulation, and thrown
broadcast over the land benefits that are signally, and forever
interwoven with its prosperity, its happiness, and its glory, f
The Upper House, of course, at once concurred. Governor
Griswold approved. The people rejoiced. And no heart in
* "Yesterday sennight," says the Hartford Courant of date April 20th, 1784 —
and we quote the passage just to show the manner in which the Middletown as
semblage was ridiculed — " about five o'clock P. M., departed this life, in the
eighth month of his age, Mr. Hobby Convention, a person of great notoriety in
this State. His death was attended with violent spasms and convulsions, pro
duced no doubt by the vigour of a strong, fiery constitution, struggling with the
new wad. fatal disorder called Season. His remains will be decently interred in
May next, and his funeral eulogium will be pronounced by the Government."
t "Hartford, May 25, 1784. Last Wednesday the important question of grant
ing an impost agreeably to the recommendation of Congress, was brought for
ward in the House of Representatives. The debates were managed with manli
ness and candour suited to the magnitude of the subject — the doors were open to
tho anxious curiosity of the spectators, and after a full discussion, the yeas and
nays were required. Yeas 98 — nays 42 — majority for the impost 51. Never did
people in general feel more satisfaction at any publio measure, than in conse
quence of this act." — Hartford Courant.

1784—1785. CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 645
their midst — the heat and jealousies of a factious period dis
sipated — the Continental Policy, so far as Connecticut was
concerned, established, and unanimity, vigor, and harmony
imparted to federal operations — no heart beat more happily
than that of the venerable, wise, and Union-loving Jonathan
Trumbull. NOTE REFERRED TO ON PAGE 641.
The following from a cotemporaneous writer in a public Journal of the day—
the Hartford Courant of March twenty-third, 1788— eloquently illustrates the
text. "While on the subject of gratitude "—he proceeds— " suffer me to add, that
there are some few individuals, perhaps, in every State, peculiarly distinguished
for their eminent virtues and services to their country, and eminently deserving
gratitude and esteem, and in this State who can be placed on that list with more
propriety than his Excellency the Governor, versed in the principles of policy and
government in general, and formed on the plan of the great Locke, Sidney, &c.
He was a decided friend to republican governments, in opposition to high and
arbitrary ideas of power, and strongly attached to our happy constitution, was
early called upon to partake in its councils, and exhibit in practice the beauty and
excellency of its principles, which he executed with such success as soon entitled
him to one of the most honorable places in government — how he filled it let thoso
best acquainted and his co-partners determine. When the misguided policy of
the people had for a short time removed him from the place, one of his most emi
nent associates said — ' The people had better left out all the rest of us than
him ! '
" To his knowledge and instructions we are greatly indebted for the successful
issue of that long, perplexing, and expensive Mason, or Mohegan cause. His
firmness and patriotism — his leading legislative opposition had no contemptible
hand in relieving us from the plague of the Stamp Act. In the dawn of the late
perilous war, his penetration and foresight induced him to attempt, and happily
to effect the importation of large military stores, which, when all the other colo
nies were destitute, were of capital service to, if not the salvation of the army in
the first campaign. When hostilities were commenced in good earnest, and all
the other governments were deranged — when his only compeer, in a neighboring
State, shrank, in the perilous hour, deserted her cause, and betrayed his coun
try—when resolution almost forsook the stoutest heart, and trembling seized the
firmest arm — you cannot forget the day, my dear countrymen — in that peculiar
situation, and marked for chosen vengeance had we failed, his intrepidity and
fortitude hesitated not to declare decidedly for resistance, and determined him to
live and die for his country, which made and left this the only organized govern
ment in the union, and enabled it to be superlatively useful in the beginning and
progress of tho contest.
" The enemy feared him, and were base enough to set a price upon his head.
He has not escaped envy— and no wonder — it would be more than the lot of hu
manity—malicious and unfounded slander has attacked and pursued him. His
conscious integrity and other feelings have induced him to seek a dismission from
further public services. But certain it is that very many would lose them with
great reluctance ; yet if the rest can find a man of greater or equal merit, let them
join, and elect him ; if otherwise, will it not be more honorable and grateful,
with one voice to request the help of that faithful servant a little longer, in such

646 CHAP. LIII. — TRUMBULL. 1784^1785.-
a case ? It is but conjecture ; as he never was, on the most trying occasions, deaf
to the call, he would not resist the voice of his country."
"We venerate," said another writer, very soon,* in reply to the paragraphs
which we have now quoted — continuing their eulogium, but presuming, and cor
rectly, that his Excellency would not again accept the gubernatorial office, and
therefore that the voice of the people should centre upon some other firm and
decided character — "we venerate that illustrious character, the Governor of this
State. The wisdom, fidelity, and perseverance with which he has served the
cause of liberty for a length of years that rarely falls to the lot of one man — the
very critical and trying periods which have so often called him to the exercise of
every public virtue — together with the importance of the blessings he had so
great a share in conferring upon this extensive empire — these will place him in
the first rank of American patriots, and enroll him among the principal benefac
tors of mankind. * * Yet I beg you would attend a moment to the nature of
the request you would have us make.
" In giving him our suffrages, we suppose either that he would accept the ap
pointment, or that he would not. To suppose the former is charging him with
insincerity in the reasons he has given for his resignation, or a certain indecision
of sentiment on that subject; because he has excused himself in the most ample
manner, and assigned the most honorable motives. Shall we therefore conclude
that he concealed liis real feelings in his solemn and pathetic address, or that he
had not thoroughly weighed the matter, and will therefore change ? But to ap
point him with an idea that he will not accept, would be trifling with our most
sacred obligations to our country, our consciences, and our God ; and all for an
empty compliment — nay, it would not even amount to a compliment ; it is the
same as saying to a friend, since I know you will not accept of my invitation, I
invite you to dinner. Don't let us then mistake a pretended compliment for grat
itude, and rush upon the dangerous experiment of scattering and wasting our
votes. As an individual of a community preserved in great measure by the vir
tues of that great man, I feel all the obligations that you can feel ; yet I cannot
but think your proposed manner of expressing them would be ill-timed and
hazardous. * * Let us then express our gratitude in another way, and centre
our votes upon some other firm, decided character ; one who is respected abroad
and sufficiently tried at home, whose virtues place him above the arts of intrigue
and popularity ; one who seeks not the office, but who honors it by acceptance."
* In the Courant of April 6th, 1784. He addresses the writer first quoted.

CHAPTER LIV.
1784—17 85.
Trumbull, in a letter to Washington, expresses his own anticipations of
happiness in retirement from, public cares. Washington's reply.
Upon his withdrawal from office, the General Assembly appoint a Com.
mittee to devise some suitable testimonial of respect. They report
an Address to his Excellency, and an escort upon his leaving Hartford
for Lebanon. The Address. A reply His departure — escorted by
the Governor's Guards, a deputation from the Legislature, the High
Sheriff of Hartford County, and numerous gentlemen of distinction,
•His life in retirement. His business as a merchant — particularly his
English debts. He memorializes the Legislature upon the subject of
' remuneration for his past services, and presents some remarkable facts
in his own history. His patriotic sacrifices appear in a striking light.
Remuneration allowed.
The ferment through which Trumbull had now-passed — in
consequence partly of those infamous tales which emissaries of
the enemy and malcontents had circulated against him — but
chiefly in consequence of his advocacy of commutation and of
a strong national government — had for two years deprived him
of the popular vote in the choice for Governor, and thrown
his election into the hands of the General Assembly. Pre
viously — during all his long and toilsome Administration —
so " exceedingly apparent," says a cotemporaneous account,
had been the majority of voices in his favor — so unanimously
was he chosen to the Chief Magistracy of the State — that it
was " a rare thing to see a counting of votes."* But for a lit
tle while, of late, ignorance, "malice, envy, despair, and.
tories," had worked with some success against him. Now,
however, by the action of the General Assembly, he stood
before his constituents — vindicated. That vote which gave
the Impost Power to the United States, by so large a majori
ty, was an overwhelming vote of approbation which the
Freemen of Connecticut stamped upon his political views.
It was a heart-cheering endorsement of his life and public
administration. * Hartford Courant of April 2nd, 1782.

648 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
Soon, and the Legislature had another opportunity of
manifesting their confidence in their veteran Chief — for — the
days of his public life, by his own determination, now num
bered and finished — his labor done — he was to retire to the
shades of private life. Of this determination — as an unalter
able one — he renewedly made his friends aware at the time
when the State, as we have described, in the midst of its hot
political strife, was again anxiously looking up to him in the
hope that he would suffer himself to be continued at the helm
of Government. And to no one did he express himself on
this point more pleasantly — with more of affection, and with
fonder anticipation of happiness in his contemplated seclusion
from public cares — than to his old co-patriot and friend,
General Washington — as the following passages from his
letter to the latter, dated Lebanon, April twentieth, 1784,
manifest: —
"Having had the satisfaction," he proceeds, "to accord with you in
the sentiment of retiring from the busy cares of public life, to the tran
quil scenes of private enjoyment, I anticipate, with much pleasure, the
reflections which such a state will enable us to make upon the happy-
issue of those anxious and perplexing vicissitudes through which, in the
course of an eight years' unusual war, you and I have had the lot to pass,
and, in the cares and solicitudes of which, we have borne no ignoble part.
"I felicitate you, Sir, with great cordiality, on your having already
reached the goal of your wishes, and most devoutly invoke the Divine
benediction on your enjoyments and pursuits. A month more, I trust,
will bring me to the haven of retirement ; in the tranquillity of which I
hope to have leisure to attend to and cultivate those seeds of private
friendship, which have been planted during the tumults of war, and in
the cultivation of which I promise myself to reap much pleasure.
"Indulging these prospects, I am induced to wish, and even to hope,
that the correspondence between you and me, which commenced under
the pressure of disagreeable circumstances, may not wholly cease when
we find ourselves in a happier situation. Although enveloped in the
shades of retirement, the busy mind cannot suppress its activity, but will
be seeking some employment, which will indeed be necessary to dispel
that languor which a scene of inactivity would be apt to produce. Sub
jects will not be wanting ; far different, and more agreeable, I trust,
than those we have been accustomed to dwell upon ; and occasions may
present which will serve to beguile a lingering hour, and afford some
pleasing amusement, or instructive information. Let not the disparity
of age, or the idea of a correspondent seventy-three years advanced on

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 649
his journey through life, chill your expectations from this proposal. I
promise you my best endeavours ; and when you perceive, as too soon,
alas! you may, that your returns are not proportional to your dis
bursements, you have only to cease your correspondence ; I shall
submit." " It was with great pleasure and thankfulness,'' wrote Washington in
reply — " I received a recognisance of your friendship, in your letter of
the 20th of last month. * * Believe me, my dear Sir, there is no
disparity in our ways of thinking and acting, though there may happen
to be a little in the years we have lived, which places the advantage of
the correspondence on my side, as I shall benefit by your experience and
observations; and no correspondence can be more pleasing than that
which originates from similar sentiments and similar conduct through
(though not a long war, the importance of it and attainments consid
ered,) a painful contest, I pray you, therefore, to continue me among
the number of your friends, and to favor me with such observations and
sentiments as may occur."
That " one month more," to which Trumbull in his letter
to Washington last quoted, refers — that was to precede his
retirement — soon rolled away — and he was now ready to de
part from the Capital of the State to his seat at Lebanon.
At this time the General Assembly, aware of his purpose,
appointed a Committee to devise some suitable testimonial of
respect. Sovereign courtesy — the love and gratitude of a
whole State — it was designed, should wait upon him, in hom
age, to his home. The Committee reported an Address to
his Excellency — and farther that his own Company of Guards
should escort him when he left the town, and a deputation
from the Legislature, together with the Sheriff of Hartford
County, and such other gentlemen as might choose to join,
should accompany him to Lebanon. The Eeport was at once
adopted. An Address was prepared, and a number of Mem
bers were appointed to present it to the ex-Chief Magistrate.
It was chaste and pertinent throughout — as the Eeader shall
see. Here it is.
"Sir. Your having conducted us, under the smiles of a propitious
^Providence, through a long, perilous, and bloody war, to the wished-for
naven of rest, Independence, and peace, having completed the circle of
public duty marked out to you by heaven, and being wearied with the
fatigues of a long and arduous administration, in an advanced age, have
55

650 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
voluntarily taken your leave of public service and employment, and are
now about to retire to the peaceful walks of private life.
"Permit us, Sir, the Representatives of a grateful people, to assure
you that in your retirement from public office, we shall entertain the
most lively sense of your eminent services and distinguished merit — and
that our fervent prayer is that the Almighty would take you into his
holy keeping, make the residue of your days many and happy as your
services have been long, prolong to mankind the blessing of your wise
counsels and great' example, and make your exit out of time, whenever
it may happen, triumphant and peaceful, and your immortality glorious."
With what emotion this Address was received, the Eeader
must imagine — for we have no recorded picture of the scene
of presentation — no intimations of the Eeply, which from
lips that must have been tremulous with gratitude — from a
soul that must have been all alive and overflowing with the
memories of that gigantic and perilous Past in which it had
so long had its stormy yet ever-guided home — was poured
into the ardent ear of the Legislative Committee.
"I thank you most sincerely, Gentlemen," we can readily conceive
Trumbull as saying — "for the kind and flattering Address which you
have come to present me with from the General Assembly of our State.
It has ever been my aim, it is true, in that ' perilous and bloody war '
to which you so feelingly allude, to render to a cause which I have ever
believed to be most just and holy, my active services, my best hopes,
and my ardent prayers for its success. If in the discharge of my duty
to my State and country, I have merited that approbation, which, in be
half of the Representatives of the People, is expressed in a manner so
complimentary, I am sincerely gratified, and shall carry with me to the
' peaceful walks of private life,' and to my grave, a deep sense of your
favor, and of your good wishes for my happiness in this world — which
to me, silvered as I now am with years, can be but of short contin
uance — and in the world which is to come.
" Suffer me again, through you, Gentlemen, to felicitate the General
Assembly, and the good people of this State, upon the glorious termina
tion of that struggle, in which so long, and at such an unexampled expense
of blood and treasure, we have been engaged. Our noble cause at last
has triumphed. Our scoffing foe lies prostrate in the dust. Slowly and
painfully — through paths that have been crowded with perils — the sun
oft hidden entirely from our view — and wading, alas, at times through
pools of human gore — we have ascended the steep and toilsome hill of
Liberty and Independence, and now stand with exultation on its sum
mit. Heaven it is that has brought us to this l wished-for haven of rest.'

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 651
Let us not forget its aid! God grant that we so improve our freedom,
as that we may secure solid and perpetual prosperity, and glorify his
great name !
"This we shall do, Gentlemen, if, as I cannot too often urge, with
humble reliance on the Divine guidance in all out future counsels and
government, we maintain inviolate that happy Constitution under which
we have so ' long subsisted as a corporation — if by every constitutional
means we strengthen the Federal Union — if, by a faithful fulfillment of
all public as well as private engagements, we sacredly support national
faith and honor — if we avoid all local jealousies, and hate contentions,
envy, avarice, and every evil work — if we study peace and harmony with
each other, and with every part of this confederated Republic — if, re
vering and practising virtue in all its lovely forms, we ground ourselves
on that sure and faithful axiom, that righteousness exalteth a nation,
but that sin and evil workings are the destruction of a people.*
" I have, as your Address suggests, at an advanced stage of life — a
life worn out almost with the constant cares of office — at a moment most
auspicious for our country's happiness, taken my leave of public service.
It is my wish to sweeten the evening of my days with repose. I desire
to dedicate myself with more devotion than ever to the service of my
God, and to preparation for a future happier state — in which employ
ment I shall never cease to remember my country, and to make it my
ardent prayer that Heaven will not fail to shower upon her its choicest
favors. " I commend you, Gentlemen, and the General Assembly, and the in
habitants of this State, who have so long honored me with their confi
dence and support, to the protection and blessing of that exalted Guide,
whose is the wisdom, and whose the power, to make you a great, a pros
perous, and a joyful people. With this benediction — warm from a heart
which feels most sensibly, too sensibly almost for language to express, the
renewed testimonial of your respect to-day, I bid you, in my public char
acter, a long, a happy Adieu."
After this manner — in consonance with his habitual feel
ings, his sentiments, and his courtesy — we may, with but lit
tle tension of the imagination, conceive Trumbull to have
addressed the Legislative Deputation on the occasion we have
just described. Thus, naturally— mingling gratitude with
good advice, and piety with patriotism, would he season sage
remarks with sensibility — breathe out his fervid love of
country — and point his finger to the skies.
• The presentation over — on Friday, the twenty-first of May,
*The sentiments, and the language, much of it, of Trumbull's Farewell Ad
dress — which see, page 604.

652 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
in accordance with the arrangements of the General Assem
bly — waited upon by General Douglass and General Sage,
formally, in their behalf, and by a large number also of pri
vate gentlemen, all anxious to pay their last testimony of re
spect to his official character — accompanied also by the High
Sheriff of Hartford County, and escorted by the Guards —
the venerable Ex-Governor of Connecticut left Hartford for
his home at Lebanon. The pleasure which had been "uni
versally expressed in attending upon his excellency while in
office," says an eye-witness of the scene, in a cotemporaneous
account — "the deference paid to his opinion, and the reluct
ance visible at his retirement, are full proofs that this vener
able patriot still possesses the confidence of the State, and
that he will ever live in the hearts of the people. Long,
long may he enjoy the peaceful scenes of private life, and
feel that tranquillity and satisfaction which must flow from a
consciousness that he has faithfully discharged his duty to
his country and his God ! "
The curtain had now fallen forever, on the last scene in the
Drama of Jonathan Trumbull's public life ! The cares of
the war-manager — the law-maker — the negotiator — the mag
istrate — the judge — the statesman — were all over. He was
at home — "To husband out life's taper to its close,
And keep the flame from wasting, by repose."
Yet not the repose, in any degree, of inactivity — but that of
freedom from all sovereign, municipal, and exacting cares —
for his were energies that could not slumber, and were not
capable of torpor. Books, philosophy, science, religion, his
lands, still — more or less, in degrees suited to the tranquillity
of his inclinations — occupied by turns his attention, and
served agreeably to stimulate his spirits, and soothe his
retirement. His business as a merchant, in the form of a home and
country trade — to which form he had reduced it, as we have
seen, shortly after his oppressive losses in the sphere of navi
gation and foreign commerce — he continued to prosecute
down to the outbreak of the Eevolutionary War — when, in

1784—1785. CHAP. LIT. — TRUMBULL. 653
consequence of his pressing cares for the public, he suspend
ed it almost altogether.*
His business relations witb Europe, about ten years pre
vious to the Eevolution, as the Eeader is aware, left him
largely in debt to certain correspondents abroad — particular
ly to the Houses of Lane and Booth, and Champion and
Hay ley in London, and Stephen Apthorp in Bristol. This
indebtedness he never forgot. His efforts to meet it, very
shortly after it was incurred, as we have seen, were unwea-
ried.f But time rolled on, leaving no gold in its sands, or
7 ' " ~
* " Laying aside all private business, divesting himself of all secular concerns
but what pertained to his office and the public, besides attending on stated and
public assemblies, he sat one thousand [913] days in Council." — From his Fune
ral Sermon, by Bev. Z. My.
t In 1770, just after he had been chosen to the Chief Magistracy of the State,
we find him struggling with it, and industriously collecting produce — corn, rye,
beans, and pork — and shipping them to meet it. In 1771, still for the same pur
pose — by agreement with young John Lane, then in America — he is sending the
same articles, by ox teams, four, six, and eight at a time, from his store at Leb
anon to Norwich Landing — and, " on account and risque of Thomas Lane, Esq.,
merchant in London," delivering them on board " the sloop Endeavour, bound
for Goldsborough." — " I pray your very candid and favorable representation to
your very good father," he wrote at this time to Lane the son, transmitting him
an invoice of the merchandise — " when you shall be so happy as to see him.
Jfothing in my power shall be neglected to secure the continuance of his kind
ness. My misfortunes have been grievous, but one thing being set over against
another, I hope to find favor. Whenever you return to your desired homo, God
grant your voyage may be prosperous, and the meeting with your good friends
and family happy."
" I ever intended," he wrote one year later — in 1772, to Hugh Ledlie, Esq., the
attorney of Champion and Hayley — himself proposing at this time to secure his
indebtedness to this firm by an additional mortgage upon a farm on which his
son Jonathan then resided — " I ever intended to do justice, near as I could, to all
my creditors. I have now so far settled my affairs that I hope to be able in time
to do full justice to these Gentlemen, if they don't press me farther than it is pos-
.sihle for me to do for them. If they press me now, I must resign myself to it,
and they must take what I have, without future hopes. If they forbear, I think
I and my son can pay them as above proposed. I am willing to give them eve
rything without, that they can have by virtue of a suit."
" I thankfully acknowledge "—he wrote four years later— just before the Rev
olution broke out — to Lane and Booth, in August, 1774— still at this period
thoughtful of his indebtedness, and laboring to discharge it—" I thankfully ac
knowledge your patience, lenity, and tender disposition not to distress me, and
that from a regard to my particular situation, you have been induced to refrain
from any severe measures. I have a great concern to do you all the justice in my
power. For that end I have exerted myself for two years to make some supplies
to your estate at the eastward, and the next year had grain provided, which was
not called for. The estate is kept in as good condition as though no encum
brance lay on it. The whole is used and improved according to the rules of good
55*

654 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
but very little, for Trumbull's purse, beyond what was re
quired for the comfortable supply of his daily wants — and
the rupture with Great Britain, which soon ensued, found his
debts abroad, in large part, still unpaid* The War, upon
principles of national law, cancelled all obligation to pay
those due to his English creditors, and confiscated them in
favor of the sovereign State to which he belonged — in the
event that the State should, as a preliminary step, exercise
its legislative discretion, and pass a special act applicable to
the case. Such, in the absence of any treaty stipulations to
the contrary, was the admitted doctrine of the day, in regard
to private debts due to an alien enemy. It was the doctrine
of Grotius, Puffendorf, •Bynkershoeck, and of jurists gener
ally. It was the rule as settled by the highest judicial au-
thoritiesf — though, since the Eevolution, opinion has gradu
ally tended towards a modification of the rule, as impolitic; —
and, because of its supposed influence in impairing the gen
eral sense of the inviolability and sanctity of contracts, as
wrong. Trumbull, therefore — though reluctantly, we think, from
some scruples which he entertained as to the justice and pol
icy of the rule of confiscation — in April and May, 1779 —
first in behalf of himself and his deceased son Joseph,
and next in behalf of the firm of " Trumbull, Fitch and
Trumbull," applied for liberty to settle the debts in question
in conformity with public law and usage. They amounted
in all, at this time, interest included, to the sum of thirteen
thousand and twenty-three pounds twelve shillings — and
were secured by notes, bonds, and mortgages on lands. He
esteemed it his " duty," he said in his Memorial on the sub-
husbandry, and hath been as secure for your benefit as it would be by a deed of
absolute conveyance." — ".I have no apprehensions of any occasion for any Law
Litigation in the affair," wrote Trumbull at the same time to Hon. Eichard Lech-
mere, attorney for Lane and Booth." The estate is effectually secure for them.
I can truly say that I am, and at all times have been, desirous to do all in my
power for their interests."
* Some portions of them, in after years, were paid by Trumbull's Exeoutor.
f "Notwithstanding the weight of modern authority, and of argument against
this claim of right on tho part of the sovereign, to confiscate the debts and funds
of the subjects of his enemy during war, the judicial language in this country is
decidedly in support of the right." — Kent. Comm., Vol. I., p. 68.

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 655
ject — " to give information " concerning them to the Gener
al Assembly — " the same being the property of persons belonging
to that kingdom which hath levied a cruel and unnatural war
upon this and die rest of the United Stales of America." And
he therefore prayed that the Honorable Body which he ad
dressed would take the same into their wise consideration —
appoint a Committee to adjust the said several sums — receive
them from him in Loan Office Certificates, and Bills of Credit
of the United States — deliver the same to the Treasurer of
Connecticut for the use and benefit of the State — and thereupon
decree that his Honor the Deputy Governor, and Secretary
should execute to the Memorialist a discharge of his notes
and bonds, and a " deed of release under their hands and the
public seal of the State," of all the premises mortgaged in
the contracts — or that in some other way, as the wisdom of
the General Assembly might direct, this Body would give to
the Memorialist " directions and orders " in the case.
This Memorial, however, for reasons which do not clearly
appear, did not succeed. No complete action of the Legisla
ture was had upon it. It was arrested in the Lower House —
from an opinion, we think, both on the part of Trumbull,
upon reconsideration, and on the part of the State, that the
rule of confiscation, in the case of private debts, ought to be
mitigated — that it was a rule of rigor and retaliation which
a nice sense of honor ought rather to resist — and that nation
al differences ought not to impair private contracts, which, in
time of peace, had been made under the implied national
promise of protection and security.
Accordingly, when peace was declared, Trumbull was left
with his debts still on his hands — and by the terms of that
treaty which put an end to the war, creditors, upon either
side, were to meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery
of their dues, in sterling money. Our merchant patriot,
therefore, at once proceeded again to recognize his indebted
ness, and to provide for its discharge. He had no gold or
silver with which to meet it — but he had American securi
ties, which the good policy of the country in funding the na
tional debt was rendering every day more and more valua
ble — and these he freely proffered to his creditors abroad.

656 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
My property is wholly vested in the public funds of this
country, he wrote to Lane, Son and Frazier, and to Cham
pion and Hayley, early in April, 1783. Peace will fully es
tablish these funds in credit. Will you not take my securi
ties here ? They are all I have to offer you. " I am ready
to pay my debts in these. It is in your power to distress me,
but I trust your inclinations will rather lead you to a gener
ous and honorable settlement."
In addition to these securities, Trumbull had an unpaid
claim against the State of Connecticut for his salaries, extra
services, and for monies advanced to the public from his pri
vate purse, during the War of the Eevolution — a claim
which, in the almost constantly exhausted condition of the
provincial Treasury, his own patriotism had led him, from
period to period, to postpone. Now, however, that the
bloody straggle was past — heavily in debt that he was, and
poorly supplied, since his commercial misfortunes, with this
world's goods — it was time for him to look to his remunera
tion for the past.
He accordingly, therefore, at different periods after the
Peace, memorialized the Legislature on the subject — and for
the last time in May, 1785 — but about three months before
his death. His claim — as determined by the investigation of
Committees of the Legislature — amounted to the large sum
of three thousand seven hundred and eight pounds seven shil
lings and four-pence — a sum less than that which was actually
his due, upon a truly liberal estimate of those extra services and
advances to which we have alluded. The Committee which
reported this amount — and other Committees upon other oc
casions — found, that during the late war his Excellency had
devoted " his whole time and abilities to the service of the
Public" — that besides the stated Assemblies, he had attended
no less than fourteen adjourned and special sessions, many
of these "long and very expensive" — and that, among other
services, for which he had never received any compensation,
he had, " with great labor and much expense of time," stated
the case respecting the claims of Connecticut to the Western
Lands. They found also that a very considerable portion of
his Excellency's time in each year, had been taken up in at-

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV.— TRUMBULL. 657
tending the Council of Safety, for which, during most of the
period, he had himself, and at his own expense, provided an
office, firewood, lights, and other accommodations — that he
had sat in this Council, in all, nine hundred and thirteen
days, for which really no allowance had been made — that his
extra services during the war, had been " vastly greater than
any Governor's in any former war," while his perquisites did
not exceed what they were in peace — and that the exhausted
state of the Treasury furnished the reason why the sums due
had not been paid.*
Upon these facts — in May, 1785 — the General Assembly
of Connecticut directed the Treasurer of the State to issue
to Governor Trumbull — " in full of all arrears " due, and of
"all demands" on his part against the State "of every na
ture and kind whatsoever " — the sum of three thousand and
sixteen pounds, eleven shillings, and four-pence— the same to
be issued in three notes bearing interest — redeemable in five,
six, and seven years, or sooner if the General Assembly should
so elect — and to be payable from the Civil List Funds of the
State. The Memorial from Trumbull, which immediately preceded
this appropriation from the Connecticut Treasury in his
favor, is a document of great interest — and, as illustrating his
Revolutionary services, his anxieties, his exposures, and his
feelings, deserves particular notice here.
He is aware, he says at the outset, that the salaries and
allowances granted him, for several of the last years of his
administration, could not have been discharged without inter
fering with continual and pressing demands for tbe great pur
poses of the war — and that since the termination of the strug
gle, money had been so scarce as to render it impossible for
* Among the debts for extra services and advances reported by the Committee,
were the following — which will serve as a specimen of the rest.
" 1773. To searching ancient records and papers, and stating the case respect
ing the Western Lands, £100.
" 1775. To cash to Matt. Griswold, Esq., going to Cambridge, £25.
"1776. To do. advanced to Jed. Elderkin, Esq— going to Salisbury, &c,
£100. "To sundries in articles for furnace, £3, 8.
" To sundry postages, expenses, &c, from 1774 to 1780, about £105.
" To cash advanced Capt. Job Winslow, going to Ticonderoga, £50."

658 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
him to obtain his dues. Rather than have pressed for them
during the exigences of the war, he affirms, he would have
been satisfied to have " lost them forever." And now all he
desires for the present is, that the. General Assembly will
grant him interest thereon — -a, course which, the justice and
equity of the case, and precedent, convince him their "Hon^
ors will readily do."
He next states his claim for remuneration for preparing the
Susquehannah Case, and suggests that it was not the idea of
the Assembly to require that service without a fitting reward.
He next speaks of the money he has advanced from his own
purse for the service of the State — and then thus proceeds : —
" He begs leave also to represent to this Honorable Assembly, that he
humbly conceives the allowances which have been made him for extra
ordinary services during the late perilous war, have been short of what,
on mature consideration of their nature, extent, and circumstances,
would be thought adequate. Should it be conceived by any that the
Memorialist is disposed to overrate his services, they will be pleased to
advert to the peculiarly perilous position in which he was placed — to the
busy and distressing scenes which followed for a succession of about
eight years, the burden of which, iii this State, in a peculiar manner fell
and centered on him — a period during which, at home or abroad, he had
scarcely time to eat his necessary food, and [passed] many sleepless
nights. [Let them advert also] to the singularly obnoxious light in which
he stood with the enemy — to the price that was set upon his head — and
add to these the large expenses of attending, besides the stated, fourteen
special assemblies — and [add] other expenses abroad. But it is impossi
ble, without the experience, for any one to realize or form an adequate
idea of the multiplicity, weight, and burden [of cares] which lay upon
him during that trying scene.
" Should it be thought that his salary is large, and allowances already
made are considerable, a reference to the salaries and grants made to
Governors in the almost infant state of this Commonwealth — considering
the nature and extent of their services, and the number and abilities of
the people — will make them appear comparatively small. Nor will the
comparison suffer by a reference to the grants &c. to the late worthy
Gov. Fitch, in whose administration a war also happened, but very differ
ent from the last — and when the perquisites from navigation, and other
wise, were far greater than in the last. They may also be compared with
the salaries of almost every other Governor in the United States, equally
republican. " Your Memorialist is not insensible that evil reports and slander have

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 659
been spread concerning him — to escape them would be more than the lot
of humanity — and that they have been embraced by some low and envi
ous minds — but he has full confidence that, unsupported as they are, they
have no place in the candid breasts ot your Honors, which feel the im
pression of that interesting Christian maxim of doing to others whatever
ye would have they should do unto you.
" He [your Memorialist] would only further observe, that although he
is fully sensible of the burden of taxes as they affect your people, and is
and ever has been practically willing to bear his full proportion, yet he
must also be permitted to feel his own — having never received for his
services [what was] equal to the support of his family, and necessary ex
penses — and he appeals to the sense and feeling of your Honors, and asks
which of you does not wish and pursue the settling and payment of his
just and equitable dues?"
The facts mentioned in this Memorial are some of them
very striking — as the Eeader will have observed. That
Trumbull should have gone through the entire Eevolutionary
War — loaded down each hour almost with labor — labor that
snatched him often from repast, often snatched him from
sleep — without compensation, the while, to meet either his
ordinary or his extraordinary expenses — with nothing to de
pend upon for support except a little produce from lands,
which, weighed down with mortgages, were the property of
his creditors, and a little income perhaps at first, from a
country trade, which the war, taxes, and the general poverty
of the people, rendered soon comparatively insignificant, and
which he soon abandoned altogether — is truly surprising.
"I have received but two half-years' salaries since the beginning
of our contest with Great Britain "* — he wrote, April twenty-
ninth, 1785, to his son John in England. "I intend to go to
Hartford for settlement with the State. I hope to have
enough from that quarter to pay my debt in London — and
mean to have it applied for that purpose."
Does it not indeed speak well for the truthfulness of Trum
bull's patriotism— that, during the exigences of the Eevolu-
* A statement of grants and payments made to Gov. ^Trumbull, "for his yearly
salary and extraordinary services" — brought down from May, 1775, to January,
1784, inclusive— and prepared by John Lawrence, Treasurer of Connecticut—
corroborates, very nearly so, Trumbull's statement in the text. A little discrep
ancy appears— but this arose, doubtless, from the fact that the Treasurer, to some
extent, estimated as salary what the Governor estimated as extra-grant.

660 CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 1784—1785.
tionary Struggle — giving no thought to the present or the
morrow of his private purse — unwilling to diminish the
pecuniary ability of his State even by drawing his own three
hundred pounds a year as Chief Magistrate — he should have
forborne all claim upon its Treasury for his stated remunera
tion — that he should not have sought the money due him
from Connecticut, until the war was over — and then — not in
order to make the "Yellow Slave" knit rich garments for
his back, buy him estates, and give him " title, knee, and ap
probation " — but only that he might relieve stringent private
wants, and be aided in doing justice to his creditors!
Circumstances did not place it in his power — as they did
in that of the opulent Washington — to donate his services in
full to his country. No dwelling-house and fertile lands upon
any Eappahannock, awaited, by paternal testament, his pos
session, when he became of age — as they did that of his
great compeer. Nor afterwards was he able, like the latter,
to accumulate vast wealth — and dispense hospitalities that
were prodigal, and grant splendid boons, from the midst of
any manorial Mount Vernon of his own. That treacherous
sea, which, as we have seen, soon after the close of the old
French War, within a single year, whelmed his property —
gave him never anything back. From that time onward, it
was, alas, but too true— in a phrase long in use to tell the tale
of his pecuniary calamity — that " Trumbull money would not
swim!" And the deterioration of his landed estate at home
through the inviting fertility of superior lands open for settle
ment elsewhere* — through the disturbance to business caused
by the teeming public troubles which immediately preceded
the Eevolution — and the total interruption to trade which
followed upon the war — cut him off forever from the chance
of repairing his shattered fortunes. A debt of fourteen
- thousand four hundred and twenty pounds, against six thou-
- sand and eight hundred pounds only of assets — as found by
his executor after his decease — shows conclusively that pecu-
* " The price of lands in the old settled towns is lessened one-third, or nearly
one-half, by reason of tho great opening for new lands and settlements since the
[French] War, tho scarcity of money, and the want of purchasers." — Trumbull to
Messrs. Lane and Booth, Aug. 29iA, 1774.

1784—1785. CHAP. LIV. — TRUMBULL. 661
niary misfortune followed him down to the grave. Truly to
him, in his lifetime, his country alone was money — was
credit — and stood in the place of a mine whose riches — put
to nobler use than gold — more powerful, more propitious,
more glowing than all the shining ore which sleeps in the
heart of earth — were the glorious riches of Liberty and
Independence. 56

CHAPTER LV.
1785.
Trombull devotee himself to the duties of religion. Biblical literature,
divinity, and correspondence on theological subjects, employ a large
share of his attention. He composes sermons Some of his corres
pondence with President Stiles. He is attacked with malignant fever.
Hia sickness, and his death. His funeral, and extracts from a sermon
preached on the occasion. His tomb, and its occupants. Hia epitaph.
Besides a little private business, like that already de
scribed — study and meditation, we have said, occupied and
solaced that last interval of Trumbull's life on which we now
dwell. Philosophy, history, jurisprudence, literature — as in
past periods — still more or less, but in a subordinate degree,
employed his mind. He viewed them now, however, more
in reference to their great leading principles than to details — ¦
more to satisfy, by exercise, the craving energies of his mind,
than for any purpose of practical application. Sitter as he
now was at the foot of the hill of life — it was only the salient
points of the steep he had descended — the tallest projecting
summits, the hugest piles of rock — that arrested his gaze,
and fed and fortified his contemplation with thoughts pro
found and sublime.
But, true to the purpose he expressed in his Farewell Ad
dress, more than to aught else — he devoted himself to the du
ties of religion, and preparation for a future happier state of
existence. "What could it avail,"' exclaimed his worthy
pastor, the Eeverend Zebulon Ely, in commenting afterwards
on his character— " what could it avail that we view him as
one accomplished in human erudition, famous as a linguist, a
theologian, a politician, a historian and chronologist, could
we not also contemplate him as one who gloried in the cross
of Christ ! How attentively have these ears heard him dis
course on the sublime and mysterious truths of Christianity — ¦

ns5- CH.4P. LV.— TRUMBULL. 663
and have these eyes beheld his swim with tears, while his
mind dwelt, and his tongue uttered, on these charming and
heart-melting subjects ! "
To the study of the Gospel we have seen that he devoted
the early summer of his days — that with preaching it he
made his entrance upon public lift? — but that the death of his
brother, and other events, called him away from the sacred
profession into mercantile and civil life. To this "beloved
study" then, now at the close of his career, he recurred with
intense satisfaction. His recess from public employment af
forded him "a golden opportunity" for this purpose, which,
said his pastor, "he diligently and delightfully improved."
The Bible he now read more profoundly than ever — not in
any Latin Vulgates — nor often, when in his closet, even in
the sweet accents of his native tongue — but in its mother lan
guages — as the Hebrew in Jerusalem spoke the one, and the
Greek in Corinth uttered the other. He read it as a grand
English classic too, as well as "a light to his feet, and a lamp
to his path" — observed its philological niceties — extracted its
striking passages — collated their meanings — compared them
with those in the Common Version — and, as a bee from flow
ers, gathered spiritual honey for the daily food and suste
nance of his soul. To him emphatically — as to that Morning
Star of the Protestant Beformation, the venerable Wiclif —
the Bible was "the original Hebrew and Greek of the Ho'y
Ghost" — and he used it as did that devout son of science,
Eobert Bayle — " not as an arsenal to be resorted to only for
arms and weapons to defend this or that party, or to defeat
its enemies — but as a matchless Temple, where he delighted
to be, to contemplate the beauty, the symmetry, and the
magnificence of the structure, and to increase his awe,
and exdite his devotion to the Deity there preached and
adored." Works too on divinity — sermons and treatises on the prac
tical duties of Christianity — and extracts from all of them,
with accompanying comment — as, for example, from Dr.
Owen's work on Spiritual-Mindedness — a favorite volume
with him — and from another favorite religious work entitled
"Mornino- Exercises" — careful noting too of all the sermons

664 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
which he heard* — and conversation upon them before his
family, as was his invariable custom, and with his neighbors
'and friends — occupied much of his attention.
He corresponded, too, often on theological subjects with
learned and distinguished divines, and with some of these
concerted seasons of religious meditation and prayer — which
he never failed most punctually to observe. Often too, and
with a buoyant relish, he busied himself with selecting texts
of scripture, and composing, after the established style — with
due exordium, exegesis, logic, illustration, and appeal —
formal sermons upon them — which, at times, he was ac
customed to send to some of his learned ministerial friends,
for their perusal and criticism — both that he might gratify
his theological feelings with the testimony of their judgment,
and promote his own growth in grace.
With no one, in this exchange of religious views and sym
pathies, was he in closer correspondence than with the
Eeverend Doctor Ezra Stiles — a gentleman whose appoint-
* The following, out of a number of similar entries in his Diary, illustrate lus
habit in this respect : —
"Lord's Day, Oct. 15, 1780. Rev'd Mr. Strong [of Hartford] preached A. M.
Matt'w 6 : 11. Give us this day our daily bread. Teacheth us 1st our depend
ence — and where to look for the supply of all our wants — 2ndly. Contentment
with allotm'ts of his providence — 3rdly. Not to be anxious in our cares where we
have done our duty — to leave the event to God. Exhortation to acknowledge our
entire depend' ce on God — the gain of contentment — the necessity of freedom
from anxiety — Only Stewards and Usufructuary — to improve and employ all the
provisions of Goodness and grace for his Glory. — P. M. Per Bev. Wm. Kobinson.
Text Luke 18 : 22. The Euler a Pharisee — expected Sal : by the Works of the
Law. Our Saviour takes him off from them — and shows him how to lay up
treasure in heaven. 1st. 'Tis a practicable thing to lay up treasure in heaven.
2nd. 'Tis of the highest importance to do it. 3dly. Many who go a great way in
this work fall short, by some beloved Lusts, and forsake the way by Christ.
4th. 'Tis of the utmost danger thus to fall short. An exhortation to lay up treas
ure in heaven — to consider the importance of so doing — that may come short —
and their great misery and danger in so doing.
" Lord's Day 17th [Feb. 1782.] Rev. Mr. Marsh of Weathersfield. Text Heb.
6 : 19. 1st. J. C. is the anchor of the Soul. 2nd. He is sure and steadfast. 3d.
He is entered into that within the Vail — as our Mediator — in heaven, where he is
our forerunner — our High Priest. 1st. Taught where to place our hope. 2d.
Examine whether we have fixed our hope in J. C. 3rd. Such as have, ought to
be very thankful. 4th. Such as have not, ought to give themselves no rest, until
by faith they have laid a sure foundation for y'r hope.
"P. M. Per Dom, Marsh. Text, Eph. 5th, 11th. And have no fellowship
with tho unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them."

1785- CHAP. LV.— TRUMBULL. 665
ment to the Presidency of Yale College— at a period when
this Institution and the General Assembly of Connecticut
were widely at variance* — was zealously promoted, and
cordially hailed by Trumbull, not only as promising " imme
diate private satisfaction" to Doctor Stiles himself, but as the
means peculiarly of restoring harmony between the Govern
ment and the College, and of making this Seminary an "es
sential benefit to this country, and the world."f
" I return the Manuscript Sermons," wrote the Doctor to Trumbull,
July twenty-fourth, 1784: — "you was so obliging as to leave with me, after
a renewed pleasure in the perusal. I wish other Governors upon this
Continent were able to show such specimens of their religion. The doc
trines of grace and Salvation by the Cross are the glory of pulpit com
positions. Dr. Wales cheerfully and thankfully joins our Concert at the
throne of Grace. Nearness to heaven is the best life on earth. Oh,' how
do I long for retirement and leisure to live for a better world ! I almost
envy your Excellency the serene, quiet, tranquil moments of literary phil
osophic retirement, especially when I consider that the <ro<pta exivpavin, the
divine philosophy, the 'ixn riDjn.J employs your attention. * * May
you be happy in your very enviable otium cum dignitate; and by the
delightful considerations of divine Grace and Irradiation from the source
of eternal splendors, the Sun of Righteousness, may you be more and
more enriched with the resemblance of the divinity himself, and ripen
for the beatific vision of God ! "
"I rejoice," wrote Trumbull in reply, August nineteenth, 1784: — bor
rowing speech in part, as did President Stiles, from the Hebrew — " I re
joice that Dr. Wales joins our Concert. I hope and trust our Addresses
* On account of alleged mal-administration on the part of its Corporation, in
fraction of their Charter, and attributed overweening Congregational partialities,
and religious exclusiveness.
t In a letter from Stiles to Trumbull, dated Portsmouth, Jan. 20th, 1778, the
former says, after stating that he then had a call to settle at Portsmouth — "I greatly
distrust my abilities for the Presidency [of Yale College.] I am conscious of
many irremediable defects. Shall I exchange the prospects of happiness in the
ministry for an office full of weighty cares, in which it has been proved to be im
possible to give satisfaction ? Is there any prospect of a Restoration of harmony
between the Assembly and the College, &c?"
"I cannot omit repeating to you," wrote Trumbull among other things in reply,
from Lebanon, March 15th, 1778 — "how much pleasure it would afford me to see
you at the head of Yale College, not so much for the ideas I can entertain of tho
immediate and private satisfaction you will probably experience in that situation,
as from the prospects of your ability to render essential benefit to this country
and the world— the reflection on which will ever afford you internal peace and
satisfaction, and give you a happy prospect of future reward."
J Meaning — the knowledge of God.
56*

666 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
at the Throne of Grace have been performed with the 117113 T31D* of our
dear ascended Redeemer, and met a, gracious audience and answer, for
our mutual spiritual benefit. The divine wisdom, power, love, goodness,
mercy, and grace of God, manifested in our redemption in and by our
Lord Jesus Christ, and beheld by a lively operative faith wrought in us
by the Holy Spirit, is truly ravishing and delightful. How great, how
incomprehensible — what small portion thereof am I able to conceive ! "
And Trumbull goes on to suggest to the President that he has "much to
do for God in his generation," and to express his ardent hope that the
Seminary with whose interests he is charged " may send forth many that
may be able to take the people by the hand," he says, " and lead them in
the way to eternal life — such also as may be strong rods to bear rule — such
as may be eminent blessings in their various professions — and all such as
may be good and useful citizens."
Thus for the last year and a half of his life — giving heed
a little to business, just enough to yield him support — feeding
also his literary and philosophic tastes — but more particularly
widening his empire over religious truth — enriching him
self — as his friend President Stiles sublimely expresses it —
with "resemblance to Divinity, and ripening for the beatific
vision of God " — was Trumbull engaged, when the fatal arrow
sped that sent him to his grave.
It was at the beginning of August, 1785, that — sound in
health to all appearance as usual — in a comparatively vigor
ous state both of body and mind — he was seized with a fever
which soon assumed a bilious and malignant type. He had
been out, we hear from one of his descendants — a highly in
telligent and venerable lady,* who has seen and well remem
bers her illustrious grandsire — out upon one of his customary
errands of mercy — to minister to an old gentleman in his
neighborhood who was sick and expiring with that disease
which soon became his own. And, as is believed, upon this
occasion — no force of health now availing against the tenuous,
viewless shaft of the Dread Archer — no charm of myrrh now
potent enough to counteract the noxious miasm of the sick
room — caught the fatal contagion, and was laid upon his
couch to die.
¦ The disease attacked him violently. August seventh, Dr.
* Meaning — as the pure sacrifice.
tMrs. Abigail Lanman, of Norwich, Connecticut.

"85- CHAP. LV.— TRUMBULL. 667
John Clark was called to his bedside, and prescribed for him
assiduously day by day. August ninth, the distinguished
Dr. Lemuel Hopkins of Hartford came to attend him, and
remained with him eight days. But his malady made rapid
progress— staying for no art of the physician— allured from
its stronghold by no magnet of the nurse — yielding to no
medicament whatever. It soon so weakened him that he
could speak but little.
"The tongues of dying men," says the most eminent of
poets,* "enforce attention like deep harmony " — but his own,
under the fatal fever, sank parched and almost powerless.
His kindred and friends, therefore, listened in vain for words
from his lips — toned by death — that might in the dark hour
have "lent redress" to their oppressed spirits, and made
melancholy yet ever-soothing music for their memories and
their love in after days. Words, doubtless, he would have
spoken — if strength had been but given him — of solemn
monition, of melting tenderness — words of resignation the
most profound — words too loftily expressing the aspirations
of a spirit all purely sanctified, and panting for its home in
the skies — since reason, during the whole of his sickness, re
tained her seat in his soul. Dim though his earthly vision,
yet his intellectual eye, with photographic beauty, saw clearly
to the last. Not a murmur from his lips disclosed the least
resistance to the dispensation of Providence. He was calm
amid all the raging of the fever. Neither a fearfully acceler
ated pulse — or tossing disquietude of body — nor preternatur
al thirst — nor ebbing strength — nor one anxious thought of
earthy— nor one doubt of the Great Future — betrayed his soul
beating uneasily, the least, around the walls of its clay tene
ment. Such is the testimony of those who watched him in his
mortal illness. And when, but twelve days only after his
attack, each breath began to shut up his life within narrower
compass, and, "like the vanishing sound of bells," each pulse
grew less and less — " he was like one" — says the pastor who
watched and wept over his departure — "who had done his
* Shakespeare.

668 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
work — who stood waiting for the Lord — and when death
came was under circumstances so blessed, that lie had noMng
to do but die ! " Thus— upon Wednesday — on the seventeenth
of August, 1785— at five o'clock in the afternoon — "as one
would fall into a deep sleep" — Jonathan Trumbull passed
from Time into Eternity.
Two days after his decease — August nineteenth — amid a
large concourse of sorrow-stricken, relatives, neighbors, and
friends, both from his native town and the surrounding coun
try — his remains were borne to that temple within whose
walls, from infancy, the deceased one had sent' up his own
fervent orisons to God — the First Church of Lebanon — that
which in life, more than any other man, he had himself loved
and protected — there to receive the reverential homage of
prayer, psalmody, and a Funeral Discourse.
"Know ye not that there is a prince and a great man fallen
this day in Israel — Your fathers, where are they— And the proph
ets, do they live forever " — these are the emphatic passages from
Holy Writ imprinted on the title-page of the Discourse, from
the pen of Zebulon Ely,* as it lies now before us.
" *Sb Moses the servant of the Lord died there in the land of
Modb, according to the word of the Lord " — is the text from
which the reverend Divine proceeded to descant on the dead
Worthy, and pronounce his eulogium. As the first thing to
be particularly noticed, he observes — that the deceased, like
Moses, was endowed with great natural abilities, which —
improved by a happy culture — he was called upon to exer
cise in an elevated sphere of human life — and that as Su
preme Magistrate in the Eepublic of Connecticut — in ^jmes
peculiarly perilous — he had to take a leading part — to face
danger among the foremost — and guide for this Israel of
God. * The memoirs of this Divine were written by his son, Dr. E. S. Ely. The
following is the inscription on his tomb : —
"Rev. Zebulon Ely
Died Nov. 28, 1824, in the 66 year
of his age and the 43 of his ministry.
He was born in Lyme ; Grad. at Yale College ;
and on Nov. 13, 1782, ordained Pastor of the
first Church in Lebanon."

1*85. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 669
" Like Moses," he proceeds — in passages which we cull at intervals
from their context — " with wisdom, fidelity, and success did he discharge
the duties of his high office, so that it is hard to say whether he most
honored that, or that, him. Wisdom is the excellence of a counsellor,
fidelity the glory of one in high public trust, and success the crown of
enterprise. — Like Moses, the deceased united in his character the able
politician, and the sound divine. — His patriotic zeal and firmness were
conspicuous in the time of the Stamp Act, he being then one of the Hon
orable the Council. The Governor of the State at that time, with sev
eral of the Councillors, insisted on taking the Oath enjoined by his Brit
ish majesty on that occasion ; his Honor not only absolutely refused to
take it himself, but to administer it or be present when it was adminis
tered ; and he accordingly left the chamber.
"Another instance in which his fidelity shone with distinguished lus
tre was at the commencement of the late war. — Happily for this and the
United States, that for such a time the deceased was raised up and so
eminently qualified. — Among all the Governors of the thirteen States, his
Excellency Governor Trumbull alone was found a firm patriot, deter
mined to abide by the liberties of his country, whatever might be the
event. And he failed not to carry into execution what he had so deliber
ately and heartily resolved. During the whole controversy, amid the
darkest scenes, he remained steadfast in the glorious cause, invariably
pursuing the grand end in view, and trusting to God Almighty to carry
it into effect. Thus like Moses he was wise and faithful, and like him, I
may also add, he was indefatigable and laborious. He spared not him
self that he might save his country. Laying aside all private business,
divesting himself of all secular concerns but what pertained to his office
and the public, besides attending on stated and public assemblies, he sat
one thousand days in Council. — Those who have had the honor to sit
with him, and consult with him in extraordinary emergencies, can de
clare, how, in a measure, like that great leader of Israel, he seemed in
spired by the Father of Lights. — To sum up in a few words the public
character of his Excellency — He was a star of the first magnitude in this
western hemisphere, and by acquitting himself with wisdom and fideli
ty, dignity and glory, in the illustrious part assigned to him to act on the
grand theatre of human life, he hath acquired immortal renown, and
rendered himself conspicuously glorious, not only through the extens
ive empire of America, but the famed kingdoms of Europe.
"Another thing worthy of remark is the unusual health, activity, and
sprightliness which his Excellency enjoyed, till his last, and I might al
most say, his only sickness, which was but of short continuance. Con
sidering the vast burden devolved upon him, his great anxiety, and in
cessant, arduous labor for his harrassed, bleeding country, this is very
surprising. That his spirits should not be exhausted, and the brittle
clay vessel broken and rendered useless, before the work was completed,
and he arrived to such a good old age, must be owing to the merciful
support of Him who supported his servant Moses.

670 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
"As a man," continues the preacher, going on now to speak of Trum
bull's private character — " he wonderfully possessed the aimiable grace
of condescending with dignity — the characteristic of true greatness.
He knew how to adapt himself to persons of the greatest diversity of
circumstances and conditions of life, having learned to please all with
whom he conversed to their edification. There was nothing of that
magisterial loftiness and ostentatious parade, too often attendant on men
of rank and elevated stations in life. We may with good reason con
clude he became so eminent and aimiable in this respect by daily contem
plating the perfect deportment of his Divine Master, who hath, with sin
gular propriety, directed us to learn of him being meek and lowly.
" His temper was uncommonly mild, serene, and cheerful ; his words
weighty and instructive; his speech rather low, and his whole carriage
graceful and worthy. His constant seasonable attendance on divine wor
ship, and his unaffected devotion in the House of God, were most beau
tiful. "As a parent, he was affectionate, venerable, and endearing, by pre
cept and example carefully forming the minds and the manners of his
offspring. As a neighbor he was kind and obliging.
"As a student, he was exceedingly careful of precious time, diligent
and indefatigable in his researches after truth, till the close of his life.
His acquaintance with history was very extensive, and his accuracy in
chronology unparalleled.
" But his chief glory ariseth from his truly religious and pious charac
ter." — And the worthy Divine proceeds to comment on this point with
profound sensibility' — elucidating it as we have elsewhere sufficiently de
scribed — and next speaks of the death of the Governor, of which also a
sufficient account has already been given.
" Such being the character of the deceased," he exclaims, in the clos
ing part of his Discourse — "notwithstanding his advanced age, we may
truly say that in him his surviving children have lost a doubly dear and
venerable parent, his friends a cordial friend and wise counsellor, his
country a peculiarly distinguished patriot, the church a professor among
the mighty and noble, few of whom are chosen, and the world an illus
trious and shining example.
"If sympathy can afford relief," he says, addressing the surviving
children and near relatives of the deceased — " that you have in a very sin
gular manner. The solemn and mournful aspect of this great and re
spectable assembly, declares how sincerely they condole with you on
this occasion. Connecticut with her numerous sons and daughters
will mingle her tears ; the sister States will join in mournful concert.
European friendly Powers will sigh on hearing of the melancholy tidings.
And in a field so extensive, how many personal friends and acquaintance
of the greatest merit are to be found, whose generous and noble hearts
will deeply condole with you.
" Great is the occasion," he concludes, addressing the assembly'at large

I'85- CHAP. LV.— TRUMBULL. 671
within the church— " solemn and important the event which hath con
vened such a concourse at this time. Him whom the Father of Mercies
raised up and so eminently qualified for the defence of those liberties in
which we now rejoice, him whom the Almighty sustained amid swelling
seas of trouble, and carried through the arduous conflict of his country,
we now behold a breathless corpse. * * This instance loudly proclaims
the vanity of mortal men. Hence let us learn unto whom we are to ren
der praise for the eminent usefulness of this servant of the public, for
the manifold and rich blessings derived from the wise counsels, the faith
ful administrations, and heroic firmness, of this Father of his Country."
The services within the church at an end — the funeral pro
cession, being formed anew, moved to the ancient Burying-
Ground of Lebanon, bearing to its last resting-place on earth
the body of that venerated man to whom prayer and eulo-
gium had just rendered their warm and truthful tribute.
The mattock and the spade had done their work. A narrow,
single grave received his remains — a grave which is now
enclosed within a spacious, shapely mausoleum, that was
built by the mason's hand, of brick and well-hewn stones —
overarched by the green turf — and designed to hold the
ashes of a whole family, ooffin by coffin, as they should pass
to be grouped in one subterranean chamber, and laid up for
eternity.* There Jonathan Trumbull was now deposited — the Moses
to sleep with his fathers — the upright man, in the darkness
to rest as in a bed — his spirit — in the purview of his own
religious faith — as he believed and hoped — already borne by
angels to that city which hath no need of the sun, neither of
the moon to shine upon it — there to be fed by a Lamb in the
midst of a throne, and led unto living waters, until the body
it had left behind, wakened by the morning of the resurrec
tion, should burst its earthly cerements — until — the glory of
the Lord having arisen upon it — it should itself arise and
shine — be changed and fashioned into a new and radiant im
age — the corruptible putting on incorruption — the mortal,
immortality — and the whole man thenceforth, both soul, and
body, together glorified, should enter into perfect peace.f
*The mausoleum was erected by his three surviving sons— Jonathan, David,
and John — a short time after his decease.
t " Principally and first of all I bequeath my Soul to God the Creator and giver

672 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
By his side lay in death his beloved wife, Faith Eobin
son — daughter, in the line of direct descent, of that world-
renowned Divine who at Leyden gathered the choicest Pil
grim flock of the world, and wafted the incense of prayer
over their departure for Plymouth Eock. By his side also
lay the first Commissary General of the United States, his
eldest son Joseph. His second son Jonathan, a Paymaster
General in the Army of the Eevolution, who was subse
quently crowned with the highest public honors of his native
State, and who followed his father in the Gubernatorial Chair
of Connecticut, was also laid within the same mausoleum in
after days.* So too was his third son David, a Deputy Com
missary in the Eevolutionary War, and so the wife of David.
So too was that eminent friend to his country, the venerable
William Williams — son-in-law to our Eevolutionary Gov
ernor, and a Signer of the Declaration of Independence.-}- So
too was the wife of Williams.
thereof, and my body to the Earth, to be buried in a decent Christian burial, in
firm belief that I shall receive the same again at the general Eesurrection, through
the power of Almighty God, and hope of Eternal Life and happiness through the
merits of my dear Bedeemer Jesus Christ." — Extract from Trumbull's WUl.
* The following is his epitaph : " To the memory of Jonathan Trumbull, Esq.,
late Governor of the State of Connecticut. He was born March 26th, 1740, and
died Aug. 7th, 1809, aged 69 years. His remains are deposited with those of his
father." t The following inscription is on a marble monument, standing in front of the
tomb. " The remains of the Hon. William Williams are deposited in this tomb : bom
April 8th, 1731 : died the 2d of Aug., 1811, in theSlst year of his age, a man emi
nent for his virtues and his piety — for more than 50 years he was constantly em
ployed in Public Life, and served in many of the most important offices in the
gift of his fellow-citizens. During the whole period of the Eevolutionary War,
ho was a firm, steady, and ardent friend of his country, and in the darkest times
risked his life and wealth in her defence. In 1776 and 1777, he was a Member of
the American Congress, and as such signed the Declaration of Independence.
His public and private virtues, his piety and benevolence, will long endear his
memory to surviving friends — above all, he was a sincere Christian, and in his
last moments placed his hope with humble confidence in his Bedeemer. He had
the inexpressible satisfaction to look back upon a long, honorable, and well-spent
life." Mary Trumbull, the wife of William Williams, was born July 16th, 1745 — was
married in February 1771— and died Feb. 9th, 1881.
Colonel John Trumbull, the painter, who was born June 6th, 1756, died in New
York, Nov. 10, 1843, and wns buried in Newhaven, beneath the Gallery called
after himself. The following is his epitaph: —

1785. CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 673
What a remarkable tomb ! No single one in the country,
it is believed, contains so much illustrious human dust ! A
notable. one in Boston, we are aware, holds the ashes of the
Father of the Massachusetts Colony, Governor John Win
throp — of his son, the Father of the Connecticut Colony, as
he may be justly styled, Governor John Winthrop, Junior —
of his grandson, John Fitz Winthrop, Governor also of Con
necticut — and of a younger brother of the latter, that un
spotted patriot, Major-General Wait Winthrop. "And so 'tis
come to pass " — wrote Increase Mather, speaking of this sep
ulchre, at the time when General Winthrop was interred* —
"that the Grandfather, aud the Father, and the Son, are
Asleep in the same Tomb together, waiting for the Appearing
of Him who is our Life. Egyptian Pyramids cannot show a
collection of such dust as this Tomb is enriched withal I"
How appropriate, in nearly every respect, this passage from
Mather to the Tomb at Lebanon !
And may not events, we cannot here but think, render it
more appropriate still ! A grandson of the patriot we speci
ally commemorate — Honorable Joseph Trumbull, of Hart
ford — has crowned a long life of conspicuous public service
by filling the same exalted Chair of State which his uncle
and his grandsire filled before him. He still lives — long may
his days be lengthened — in the enjoyment of a serene old
age, that is garlanded with the respect and affection of his
"Cor,. John Trumbull,
Patriot and Artist,
Friend and Aid
of Washington,
Died in New-York, Nov. 10, 1843,
Ai. 88.
He reposes in a Sepulchre
Built by himself, beneath
This Monumental Gallery:
where, in Sept., 1834,
He deposited the remains of
Sarah his Wife,
who died in N. Y., Apr. 12, 1824, M. 51.

To his Country he gave his
Sword and his Pencil."

*He died Nov. 7th, 1717, aged seventy-six.
57

674 CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
fellow-men. When the silver cord of his life, however, shall
finally be loosed, and the golden bowl be broken at the
fountain — should not his ashes then — in fitting contiguity —
in seemliness of sepulture becoming nearness of blood and
similarity of honor — repose side by side with the ashes of his
illustrious relatives ! Three kinsmen Governors of Connec
ticut then — and the first Commissary General, and a Deputy
Commissary, of the United States in the War of the American
Eevolution— and a Signer of the Declaration of Independ
ence — and an heroic Eevolutionary wife and mother, closely
related to each — will all'be found "asleep in the same Tomb
together, waiting for the Appearance of Him who is our Life ! "
"Sta, Viator;
Tumulumque mirare ;
Et Lacrymis Publicis adde Tuas ;
Luge jacturam Publicam,
Si sis pars publici.
Palatium est hie Locus,
Non Tumulus!
Cinis tegitur hoc Marmore,
Dignus Lapide Philosophorum tegi.
Ignorat Historiam Nov-Anglicanam
Qui hanc nescit Familiam :
Parvi pendet virtutem Universam
Qui hanc non magni facit."*
"Sacred," says upon a pedestal on the Tomb that Inscrip
tion, which, with chaste simplicity, and with a modesty even
too retiring, commemorates the great and good man whom
* These lines are taken from Cotton Mather's Epitaph on Wait Winthrop,
Armiger. The following iB their sense in free translation : —
" Stay passenger, and contemplate this tomb,
And add thy sorrows to the common grief,
Mourn o'er the public loss if ever aught
Of patriotic feeling fired thy breast.
A Palace, this before theo, not a Tomb .'
The ashes here in marble closed 'twere fit
By the Philosopher's Stone should be enshrined.
Nought of New England's fathers' deeds to know,
Can he at all protend who knows not yours,
0 noble family ; and small account
Makes he of all that virtue holds most dear
Who doth not highly prize your honored name."

1785.

CHAP. LV. — TRUMBULL.

675

we have j ust seen laid in his grave — " Sacred to the memory of
Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., who, unaided by birth or power
ful connections, but blessed with a noble and virtuous mind,
arrived to the highest station in government. His patriotism
and firmness during 50 years' employment in public life, and
particularly in the very important part he acted in the Ameri
can Eevolution, as Governor of Connecticut, the faithful page
of History will record.

The Trumbull Tomb.*

"Full of years and honors, rich in benevolence and firm in
the faith and hopes of Christianity, he died August 17th,
1785, JStatis 75."f
* The Tomb is upon the eastern slope of the Burying-Ground. The cemetery
itself is " a circular plain of limited extent in its centre with a gentle declivity to
the south, and then slopes somewhat abruptly on all its sides to the level of the
valley below."
tThe following entry, in the family Bible of the first Governor Trumbull, was
made by the hand of his son, the second Governor Trumbull : —
" Gov. Trumbull died 17th Aug'st 1785, 5 o'clock, P. M., of a hard fever— death
easy, quiet, and calm, in possession of Reason to the last, as far as could be dis
covered."

C HAPTE R LVI.
1785.
The general and profound grief upon the death of Governor Trumbull.
Obituary and other notices of the event. One from the Hartford
Courant. A letter .of condolence addressed by Washington to Jona
than Trumbull, Junior. Extract from an Election Sermon delivered
a. few months after his decease, by Rev. Levi Hart, of Preston. Sum
mary of hia life and character. His patriotism. His industry and toil.
His character as a son — as a husband — as a father — as a friend, compan
ion, neighbor, and philanthropist — and as a Christian, and a scholar.
His prudence and wisdom. The American nation was baptized, in his
name, "Brother Jonathan." The harmony of his moral, intellectual,
and sensitive faculties Conclusion.
Grief, upon occasion of the sad event with which our
last chapter closed, was everywhere unaffectedly intense. It
sat upon the lid of the public eye of Connecticut particular
ly — charged with tears. The sister States of America, as
the worthy Divine truthfully predicted at the funeral of the
Eevolutionary Governor, joined in "a mournful concert"
of sorrow with the near relatives and friends of the deceased.
Thousands among "European friendly Powers" who had
heard of his good name and fame, now sighed on hear
ing the tidings of his death. Generous and noble hearts
wherever found, that knew his "gracious parts," most
feelingly condoled. His was a great spirit that had shot
from its mortal sphere. It had struck on earth, how
ever, an everlasting root. It had made the whole world
of Liberty its debtor. And its disappearance, therefore,
attracted extraordinary attention, and occasioned extraordi
nary regret.
Obituary notices, letters of condolence, Sabbath-Day dis
courses, Election Sermons, and other addresses, made frequent
and touching references to the public loss, and vied in ex
pressing the public sorrow. Undoubtedly the Elegiac Muse
upon the occasion, took her harp from the willows, and wailed
in communion with the Soul of mourning — though we have

"85. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 677
not been so fortunate as to catch, for reproduction now, any
of the lays she uttered. But in the forms first mentioned
we have numerous notices of Governor Trumbull— many of
them eloquent and grateful. As they are all, however, ani
mated by the same spirit, and, from the nature of the occa
sion, glide on in strains nearly accordant, we shall forbear to
present but three — and these, each in a different mold — each
short — but each a most pleasing tribute to departed worth.
The first we shall introduce is an Obituary Notice from the
Hartford Courant — bearing date August twenty-second,
1785 — and is a follows : —
"Died at Lebanon, last Wednesday, his Excellency Jonathan Trum
bull, Esq., late Governor of Connecticut. In his character were united
all the advantages which arise from natural genius assisted by education
and experience. The variety and extent of knowledge which he acquired
during a long application to several important and useful occupations,
qualified him for the distinguished station which he held during the lat
ter-part of his life. Pew men have ever rendered more essential service
to mankind, and none can claim in equal degree with him the gratitude
of the people of Connecticut. In times of peace he was revered as an
upright judge, a wise legislator, and a shining example of manners and
virtue. During the late war, his inflexible integrity and unwearied per
severance rendered him an able patron of our doubtful though interesting
cause, and an important instrument in effecting the late glorious revolution.
During the course of a long life he was uniformly distinguished as a Chris
tian, a scholar, and a statesman — and the public expect as their only con
solation for their irreparable loss, that his character will be remembered
with veneration, and his example be imitated by succeeding rulers."
The second notice of Trumbull, at the period of his death,
to which we shall call the Eeader's attention, is in the form
of a Letter of Condolence addressed to his son Jonathan
Trumbull, Junior, and is from the pen of the man "first in
peace, first in war, and first in the hearts of his country
men " — the immortal Washington. Though proceeding from
a warm personal friend of the deceased, it will yet be perused
with deepest interest and confidence, as conveying the senti
ments of one whose judgment was never biased by his feel
ings — whose discrimination was almost unerring — and whose
praise, on whomsoever it fell, cast the sure, pure lustre of the
diamond. It is as follows : —
57*

678 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
" Mount Vernon, Oct. 1st, 1785.
" Mv Dear Sir. It has so happened that your letter of the first of
last month did not reach me until Saturday's post.
"You know too well the sincere respect and regard I entertained for
your venerable father's public and private character, to require assurance
of the concern I felt for his death ; or of that sympathy in your feelings,
for the loss of him, which is prompted by friendship. Under this loss,
however, great as your feelings must have been at the first shock, you
have everything to console you.
" A long and well-spent life in the service of his country places Gov
ernor Trumbull among the first of patriots. In the social duties he
yielded to ho one ; and his lamp, from the common course of nature, be
ing nearly extinguished, worn down with age and cares, yet retaining his
mental faculties in perfection, are blessings which rarely attend advanced
life. All these combined, have secured to his memory unusual respect
and love here, and, no doubt, unmeasurable happiness hereafter.
" I am sensible that none of these observations can have escaped you,
that I can offer nothing which your own reason has not already suggested
upon the occasion ; and being of Sterne's opinion, that ' before an affliction
is digested, consolation comes too soon, and after it is digested it comes
too late, there is but a mark between these two, almost as fine as a hair,
for a comforter to take aim at,' I rarely attempt it, nor should I add
more on this subject to you, as it will be a renewal of sorrow, by calling
afresh to your remembrance things that had better be forgotten.
"My principal pursuits are of a rural nature, in which I have great
delight, especially as I am blessed with the enjoyment of good health.
Mrs. Washington, on the contrary, is hardly ever well ; but, thankful for
your kind remembrance of her, joins me in every good wish for you,
Mrs. Trumbull, and your family.
" Be assured that with sentiments of the purest esteem,
" I am, Dear Sir,
" Your affectionate friend
" and obedient servant,
" Geo. Washington.''
The third and last notice of Trumbull from a cotempora
neous source which we shall now cite, is from an Election
Sermon delivered a few months after his decease, before the
Governor and General Assembly of Connecticut, at the May
session in 1786 — by the Eeverend Levi Hart, of Preston.
On this imposing occasion, the selected preacher for the State,
in formally addressing his incoming Excellency, Samuel
Huntington — the old President of Congress, and a Signer
of the Declaration of Independence — thus proceeds : —

1'85. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 679
"It is no trifling honor to stand on the list of fame, and exist in the
historic page, as the first Magistrate of Connecticut— on the same col
umn with that distinguished catalogue of worthies who have filled the
chair— down from the venerable first Winthrop, to his Excellency Gov
ernor Trumbull — who, after having conducted us through the dangers
and distresses of the war, with great honor to himself, and usefulness to
the public, preferred an honourable quietus from public service, that he
might be at leisure to improve his acquaintance with that world, where the
honors conferred by mortals fade away, but the man who has faithfully
served his generation 'shall receive an unfading crown of immortal glory.'
" Alas ! that such a treasure of wisdom and virtue is removed from
our world ! — too soon, by far too soon for us, and for mankind. But, for
himself, the most proper season ; his hoary head being crowned with
glory, as a man of letters, a statesman, and a Christian. Blessed be the
Father of Spirits, that notwithstanding the breach occasioned by his
death, we are still happy in a train of worthy characters, possessed of
like accomplishments, who catched his mantle as it fell, and whose pa
triot virtues will bless mankind."*
******
And now, Eeader, that, with all the materials for biogra-
* In Election Sermons, both before and subsequent to that quoted in the text,
frequent and most honorable mention is made of Governor Trumbull. It would
seem, in his case, as if the language of commendation could not be exhausted.
Take the following passages as examples : —
In 1785, Dr. Samuel Wales, Professor of Divinity in Yale College, in address
ing Gov. Griswold, upon Election Day, at Hartford, and speaking of his office,
says : —
" It has been rendered honorable by a long succession of worthy and eminent
characters, who have filled it from one time to another, and particularly by that
very illustrious and important character, your immediate predecessor in office.
Great is the honor of having a place in such a succession as this."
In an Election Sermon at Hartford, in May, 1800, by Rev. John Smalley, A. M.,
of Berlin, the preacher, speaking of "the retrospect within the compass of the
last five and twenty years," Bays : —
"In this period we have passed through the Red Sea of a Revolutionary War.
Here, quite contrary to what usually happens on such occasions, we had guides
eminent for prudence, stability, coolnesB, and unconquerable perseverance— and
one snpereminent for all those ; by the integrity of whose heart, and the skillful-
ness of whoso hands, we were led like a flock, in safety, far surpassing all rational
expectation." In an Election Sermon at Hartford, in May, 1810, by Eev. John Elliott, of Guil
ford, the preacher, in connection with a reference to the death of the second
Governor Trumbull, says : —
" Who that admired true greatness did not admire Governor Trumbull' Who
that loved real excellence did not love him ? Who that delights to weep over the
grave of a pious and good man, will not weep over his ? He was the son of Him
who presided over the State during the revolutionary war ; into whose bosom the
immortal Washington poured out his soul in all its anguish, in ' times which
tried men's souls,' and a son worthy of such a father "

/
680 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
phy it was in our power to obtain — scantier far than in nu
merous instances we have desired — now that we have fol
lowed Jonathan Trumbull throughout " a long and well-spent
life " — now that we have seen him — full of years, full of
honors, and while securely enjoying that Liberty, Independ
ence, and Peace which he had himself so vitally contributed
to establish — called to his long home — what more remains
for us to do ? Something, if but only to comport with the
established method of biography. The history of such a
man as it has been our purpose to portray, seems to exact a
closing summary. Let us linger then awhile to make it. As
one who stops to garner up from some eminence the great
leading points of a landscape, let us pause to gather from the
expanse of Trumbull's life its salient features — perchance,
and probably, to find some new views — and enjoy, if we can,
a grateful retrospect.
The leading feature in his character — that which here first
and irresistibly attracts observation — which commands the
foremost glance of the eye, and absorbs its sprightliest vis
ion — is his patriotism. With him this virtue was ever in ex
ercise, and was steadfast and warming as the sun.
Yet — thus it usually develops itself in all who have a
country and a home. So the Switzer manifests it in his love
for his native mountains — and the Norwegian towards his
own barren summits. So the Islander of Malta, insulated on
a rock, displays it, when he calls his home " the Flower of
the World " — so the American Indian, when he idolizes his
wilderness because it contains the bones of his fathers — and
so the Arabs of Oudelia, when they believe that the sun,
moon, and stars, rise only for their own native wastes. The
spirit of patriotism everywhere in man spontaneously loves
and enkindles, dreams and hopes, over the home of his birth,
his parents, his ancestry, his nurture, his language, his occu
pations — over indigenous skies, climate, and soil — and over
forms, colors, and sounds, which have impressed his infancy,
and which steadfastly accompany him from the cradle to the
grave. Nothing, therefore, in this view of the virtue — as an
ardent and constant natural impulse — distinguishes its devel
opment in Trumbull more than in other men.

i'85- CHAP. LVI.— TRUMBULL. 681
But it was distinguishable. It was signally pure — it was
enlightened — it was heroic.
Signally pure, we say— for there did not rest upon it a single
stain of self-interest. In all that he did, he toiled for others,
not for himself— for the advancement of his country, not for
his own — and not alone for the America of the Eevolution,
but for the America of all time. Foreseeing clearly the ris
ing greatness of this land, under the fostering embrace of
Liberty and Union, and under the sunshine of Peace — know
ing well its inexhaustible resources, and the laws which
ought to govern its social, moral, political, aud industrial
progress — for the sake of this progress — and for this alone —
he took an interest in public affairs, which was most pro
found. For this reason he labored to combine in one great
whole of harmony all sectional interests — instilled, as a
primordial and exalted principle, a love for the States in
Union — propagated everywhere the tenets of a sound and
liberal conservatism as regards government — and in behalf
of labor, and its coveted treasures of wealth and content
ment, spread the truths of an enlightened public economy —
courting from the Old World, in this connection, all the influ
ence which Societies organized for the purpose of promoting
art and science, could lend in aid of the infant Eepublic of
the New World.
Patriotism often has its counterfeits — in national vanity, or
conceitedness, or in a contented self-sufficiency. In Trum
bull, it bore no one of these false stamps. It was not that he
might be able to plume himself upon the superior military
strength and skill of his countrymen, that he entered upon
the bloody arena of the American Eevolution. He did not
labor for the triumphs at Bunker Hill, at Trenton, at Prince
ton, at Saratoga, and at Yorktown, merely that he might
compare these triumphs advantageously with those of other
nations of the world — simply that he might open the Book
of History, and show America, in feats of arms, belligerent
as Athens — brave as Sparta — resolute as Eome — hardy as
Germany — indefatigable as Holland — chivalric as Spain —
gallant as Gaul — and mightier far than her English mother-
foe. But he took these steps solely that he might aid

682 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
to vindicate the honor of his native land, and to plant
for her — set beyond even the tornado's power — that Tree
of Liberty, whose and whose fruitage only — his soul from
its inmost depths, his observation, and his study, taught
him — were national civilization, prosperity, happiness, and
glory. His patriotism, therefore, as we have affirmed, was signally
pure. Like the chaste passion of the poet for his Muse — like
the holy love of the scholar for learning — like the zeal of the
painter for glorious forms of art — it worked within him by
virtue of an intrinsic and lofty moral energy, and because of
an intense and irresistible yearning in his nature for the sub
lime and beautiful in human government and human im
provement. But the patriotism of Trumbull, we have also said, was
highly enlightened. It was that kind which springs from a
calm, well-weighed view of the relations of man to himself,
to his fellow-man, and to his Maker — which is evolved from
a union with reason — which is the fruit too of piety, and is
inspired by that fear of God which is the best security against
every other fear. It comprehended a rich throng of associa
tions derived from an extensive acquaintance with the his
tory, institutions, customs, legends, literature, channels of
thought, and phases of opinion, of his native land. These
all, like so many charms, imparted potency to Trumbull's
love of country.
Accustomed to reflection, his mind grasped with more than
ordinary power the grand idea of that greatest of all socie
ties — the State — and he felt the excellence of its mechanism
almost as a living thing, whose disruption or injury would
bring death to all the valuable interests of his countrymen.
In his native province, particularly, the freedom, creative
energy, and elastic protective power of its singularly liberal
Constitution of Government, filled and dilated his soul with
great ideas, and with reverential gratitude towards those,
who, far back in the infancy of our land — amid the perils of
the wilderness, and in the face of a haughty Sovereignty
across the seas — had contrived to found and rear it. To him
therefore, the celebrated Charter of Connecticut was, pecu-

ms- CHAP. LVI.— TRUMBULL. 683
liarly, a grand patriotic Missive*— which made him acute to
perceive the first secret invasions of American rights— quick
ened him to trace them down, through their whole sad series
of consequences, into an oppressor's final errands of blo6d
and rapine— and rendered him swift, therefore, to organize
resistance. And he knew well too — student and administrator of juris
prudence as he long had been — the surpassing importance to
life, liberty, and property, of a wholesome frame-work of
laws — such as in his own State particularly — so simple, so
just, so equalizing, so vivifying — was found — and he could,
therefore, feel most forcibly the peril to all the civil, social,
and domestic relations which an extraneous claim to review
and modify or repeal these laws, like that set up by England,
would occasion.
In this view — seasoned by knowledge — guided by a sagac
ity on which nothing could impose — and uniting all the vir
tues which render private life useful, amiable, and respect
able — the patriotism of Trumbull was the exact counterpart
in America of that in England, which, in the days of the old
Commonwealth, shone in the spirit of one whom even Clar
endon places in the foremost rank of men — the immortal
Hampden — and of that spirit also, which, in Italy, beamed
from the life of one whose enlightened republican effort, vir
tuous eagerness, and noble modesty, have stamped him as
the saviour of Genoa — the ronowned Andrea Doria.
The patriotism of Trumbull, we have also said, was heroic.
Look at him just after the Peace of Paris — when the Stamp
Act was about obtaining official endorsement at the hands of
*In his spoech to the General Assembly in 1778, he refers to this instrument
as being "the Amiable and Salutary Constitution of Government made and rati
fied" in Connecticut from the beginning of the State. " I wish to see," ho adds,
" or rather hope, similar constitutions may be established in all the United States
of America. Its true grandonr and solid Glory do not, consist in high Titles,
aplcndor, pomp, and magnificence, nor in reverence and exterior honor, hut in
the real and solid advantages derived therefrom, to each State, whose support,
defence, security, and asylum, ita nature and institution forms— and at the same
time, that it is the fruitful source of decency, decorum, good order, and every
terrestrial blessing, especially to tho poor and weak who ought to find beneath
its shade and protection, a sweet peaco and tranquillity not to bo intcrruplud or
disturbed."

684 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
Governor Fitch ! How then — at the very threshold of Colo
nial resistance to British authority — in the first faint twilight
of a star dawning upon American rights — did his eye per
ceive approaching danger, and his lips utter loud and indig
nant notes of warning, and his heart hail the blessed vision
of freedom ! Look at him, at the outset of the Eevolutionary
War, voluntarily constituting himself the only rebel Execu
tive among thirteen Governors in the Colonies ! Before him
was one of the mightiest of human monarchs — master to all
appearance not only of his office, but of his fortune, and his
life — and claiming, under every sanction of precedent, and
by every virtue of sovereignty, his allegiance, and his duty
to the Crown. Yet, how instantaneously did Trumbull spurn
the claim, with its adjunct of servitude — spurn it in the face
too of rewards, princely and profuse, which doubtless would
have been heaped upon him had he remained a loyal serv
ant — and, magnanimously and at once, espouse the side of
his native land ! How adhere to this side with Suliot ardor —
in defiance of a price set upon his head, cling to it with all
the devotion of a martyr — devotion the more intense, as the
Eeader of this Memoir must have repeatedly remarked, in
proportion as this cause seemed desperate !
His spirit of patriotism knew in fact no difficulty — it con
temned all danger. It was inventive of enterprise — it was
ever fertile in resources. Like that of Scotland's "Guardian
Genius" in this respect — the ever-memorable Wallace — it
flew through the people, rousing activity, and enkindling
intrepidity. It infused patience. It bore up all fainting
hearts.* Said his son Colonel John, in 1775, of one who invidiously
remarked that the Trumbull family at this time — through
offices at the hands of the public of profit and of trust — were
"well provided for" — "he is right; my fatJier and his three
* It exclaimed to Connecticut, and to every sister State in the Union — in the
language of the great Frederic- to his gallant little army before the battle of Ros-
bach— "my brave countrymen, the hour is come in which all that is, and all that
ought to be dear, to us, depends upon tho swords that arc now drawn for battle.
You see mo ready tolay down my life with yon, and for you. All I ask of you
is the same plcdgo of fidelity and affection that I give. Acquit yourselves like
men, and put your confidence in God 1 "

1185. CHAP. LVI.— TRUMBULL. 685
sons are doubtless well provided for; we are secure of four
halters, if we do not succeed ! " The spirit, that with all
other ventures, could thus defy too a gibbet, was indeed he
roic — was more than the spirit of Sccevola, in face of the
legions of Sylla, scorning to save "a little superanuated
flesh," as he styled himself, by pronouncing Marius an enemy
to the State — was the spirit rather of the Fabii and Decii of
the Eternal City — those illustrious patrician families that gen
erously sacrificing their all for the public good — solemnly de
voting themselves to die for the service of the State — have
left an example of domestic and hereditary patriotism that
has been in all ages the admiration and the boast of the
world. The spirit of Trumbull we have now described would, un
der any circumstances, have kept him active for the public
good — but fed as it was in the latter part of his career by
extraordinary events, it produced an amount of toil far be
yond what falls to the lot of public men generally, and truly
astonishing. / The General Assemblies, stated and other
wise, upon which he attended, and whose proceedings he
ever watched with punctual care — the days, close upon one
thousand, that he sat in the Council of Safety — in numerous
instances intensely occupied during all the watches of the
night, as rider after rider galloped to the old War Office in Leb
anon, bringing fresh news, and rousing to fresh solicitudes —
the perpetual executive duties, in the channels of orders,
commissions, correspondence, personal consultations with
military and naval officers and agents, personal visits to vari
ous posts and stations, and business interviews at the Pay
Table, that occupied his attention at other intervals — these,
together with his private family interests, the claims of de
votion, and the claims of neighborhood — which in his case
were never, save from stern necessity, pretermitted — pressed
upon him with a weight that would have overpowered any
man, not like himself, endowed with a physical constitution
of rarest vigor, and with a spirit of industry that craved, aud
that consumed, constant aliment.
From his birth down to the illness which terminated his
life, he seems to have enjoyed an almost uninterrupted sound-
G8

686 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
ness of body as well as of mind. No wearisome maladies
exacted regimen either at his own, or at the hands of the
physician. No languid eye, or cheek deserted of its bloom,
or shrunk and flaccid muscles, betokened routed strength,
until the last mortal exhaustion. Simple and temperate in
his diet — regular in his habits — never lured into any bodily
excess — systematic in exercise — fond of the open air — often
himself taking part in the labors of the garden or the farm —
it was his fortune to lay up a bounteous stock of
" that chiefest good
Bestowed by heaven, but seldom understood,''
unpurchased health — from which, as the war demonstrated,
he could draw almost exhaustlessly.
In the domestic and social relations of life, praise of Trum
bull cannot outdo its office — for here he was truly an exem
plar. As a son — he was ever dutiful. Thoughtful at all times
of the tender cares his parents had lavished upon his own in
fancy — of the watchfulness with which they had protected
the careless vigor of his boyhood — and of the warm ambi
tion, and free expenditure with which they had conferred
upon him the rich boon of education — he returned their
affectionate offices with kindest ministrations of his own —
and like a gentle spirit, hovered over their waning age.
As a husband, he was ever devoted. Having entered into
the matrimonial alliance from judgment as well as from
love — with careful reference to those mental and moral graces,
which, more than all the charms of person, embellish wed
lock, and fortify its course — he was able to maintain tbe
flame of conjugal attachment steady to the close of life. No
demonstrations of mere sentiment, such as often stamp mar
ried life with folly, ever marked his love, we are confident —
no lavish caresses and trembling ecstacies — no heart-sore
sighs and tears — but he manifested this love as a decorous
and dignified, as well as a sincere and vigilant affection. He,
therefore, had no ulcers upon the family heart to encounter —
no blasting of his wedded days with strife — no strangling of
dear vows — no repentant steps for his soul, mourning at past

1185. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 687
precipitation and infatuation, to take, back from the altar —
but, enchaining the confidence of his wife —
" she o'er his life presiding,
Doubling his pleasure, and his cares dividing,"
his home was a scene of constant quiet and happiness. And,
when the partner of his bosom left it for her long home in
the grave, no one so sensibly felt the loss, no one mourned so
profoundly as himself. "One year from my wife's death" —
he entered in his Diary, Tuesday, May twenty-ninth, 1781,
affectionately memorializing her decease — "Prepare for my
own " — he added, thoughtful of the time when he was him
self to join her society above.
As a father, he discharged the ordinary duties of this rela
tionship, not simply because they are duties prompted by na
ture — but because also they are established by the highest
ethical laws, and spring out of the soul of religious obliga
tion. To fit his children "not to live merely, but to live
well" — not for circumstances of earthly splendor, but for the
simple, grave realities of existence — to train them " to those
affections which suit the filial nature, and which are the chief
elements of every other affection that adorns in after days
the friend, the citizen, and the lover of mankind" — such
were the great objects which Trumbull as a parent kept
steadily in view, and prosecuted with happy zeal. With far
more than ordinary considerateness he felt that Heaven had
consigned immortal beings to his charge — and with far more
than ordinary attention, therefore, he labored to discipline
their minds to habits of reflection — to store them with help
ful knowledge — to warn against vices — to inculcate the eleva
ted lessons of virtue and piety — and to educe their ambition,
their hopes, and their efforts, for the benefit of their race, to
their own happiness, and for the glory of their Maker.*
* Upon each of his sons, save one, he bestowed a liberal education — and this
one failed to graduate at Harvard University only because, at the period when
otherwise he would have taken this course, the sea had wrecked his father's for
tune. His daughters, in addition to all the intellectual advantages which the
country could afford them, were sent to gather accomplishments, both substan
tial and graceful, in the Metropolis of New England. " Yon will always re
member," he wrote his son John while the latter was in the army of the North—

688 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
And while thus implanting rules for moral felicity, and in
culcating the thirst for knowledge and usefulness, neither
moroseness, or rigor, or melancholy tinged his discourse, nor
was it ever allowed to surfeit. He taught "with gentle
means, and easy tasks." In the infancy of his children, he
could relax, at home, into their own softness and glee, and be
himself "a boy again" — could watch for the dawn of their
young joys, and make the hours of the little prattlers run
along winged with gladness. In their adult years, he punc
tually sought their society as a refreshment both to their hap
piness and his own.
Deep was the grief of the manly sire when he lost two of
them by death. " The tenderness and affection of my daugh
ter Faith," he was wont to say, "I am apt to think are with
out a parallel." " Would that my dear son John could have
taken a last parting look at his dear mother," was his excla
mation when he lost the partner of his bosom. "It takes
long to the autumn come twelve months for your return," he
wrote this son — at the time in England— craving with new
ardor his society just before his own decease — "but I acqui
esce in what may be for your advantage. I am much re
joiced at your happy progress in your profession. Your
long silence occasioned anxiety for your welfare." Truly the
heart of Trumbull was a fountain of love towards his chil
dren. His anxiety clasped them at almost every hour. His
bounty in his last Testament was spread equally on all.
As a friend — -companion — neighbor — and philanthropist —
the character of Trumbull shines as in the relationships just
described — with calm lustre. No man more than himself de
sired the happiness of those around him, or labored more dili
gently to promote it. He lived in an atmosphere of good
will, and his services were ever at the command of modest
worth.* His intercourse with others was tempered with affa
bility and politeness.
and the monition indicates truly his own guiding principles in educating his off
spring — "you will always remember that the business of religion ought to be the
daily concern of our lives. Virtue ought to be the daily object of all govern
ment, and especially that of ourselves."
* Take the following letter from his hands, April 11th, 1785— recommending
Major Roger Aldcn, the friend and correspondent of Captain Nathan Hale, to an

1185. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 689
Dressing, as he did, in the costume of the early part of the
eighteenth century— which he retained down to the close of
his life — his personal appearance, in his single-breasted,
broad-flapped coat of richest cloth — his low, silk-embroidered
vest — and wristbands ruffled with fastidious care, and studded
with sleeve buttons of costly gold — was dignified and impos
ing — while his discourse, serious or cheerful as the occasion
demanded, but always mild, was set off by manners, which,
as has been justly remarked,* "won the admiration and re
gard of those who were familiar with courts and courtiers,
as well as of his own unsophisticated countrymen." He
never in conversation plunged into controversies for the sake
either of victory or excitement. Sarcasm had no place in
his bosom, save for the enemies of his country — seldom rail
lery, however good-humored. He was above envy, and nei
ther injured others by malice, or himself by folly.
On the other hand, he had that complaisance — the result
of good sense and good breeding — which in society " smoothes
distinctions, sweetens conversation, encourages the timorous,
soothes the turbulent, and makes every one pleased with
himself." His house was the stranger's home, and the favor
ite resort of friendship. To all, the welcome of his hospital
ity was most cordial.
He zealously promoted neighborhood harmony, both by
office under Congress — as a specimen both of his zeal for others, and of his man
ner when aiming to conciliate interest in their favor.
"Being informed," he writes, addressing Dr. W. S. Johnson — " that the office
of Deputy Secretary to Congress is about to be filled up upon a new arrangement
of that Department— and that Congress is easting about to find some suitable
person for the appointment — I take the liberty to mention to you Major Roger
Alden as a person well qualified to sustain the duties of such an office. Born in
my neighborhood, and educated in a manner under my eye, I have had opportu
nity of knowing him from his youth to the present time, and can therefore say
that I look upon him as a young gentleman possessed of natural good abilities,
enlarged by a liberal education, and improved by several years' knowledge of
mankind in the public service of his country, in which he acquitted himself with
honor and reputation. I esteem him also possessed of integrity and attention to
business, two very necessary requisites in the discharge of the office in question.
Should Congress be pleased to appoint Major Alden, I shall find myself exceed
ingly mistaken in my opinion if he does not sustain the office with propriety and
reputation, and discharge the duties of it to their acceptance and good satisfac
tion. I am, <fec."
* In the National Portrait Gallery.
58*

690 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
his own example, and by his counsel and professional aid.
Was there a controversy in reference to property or business
which arbitrament could settle? To Trumbull, especially,
appeal was made. Were there wounds of feeling to be
healed ? Trumbull was the physician there. Confidence in
his personal character was universal and unlimited. The
plant of friendship, both for the sake of his own happiness
and that of others, he cultivated with care — seeking ever to
engraft it on the stock of merit, and to keep it green and
budding. In reproof gentle, in commendation discreel; — dis
countenancing and condemning all anger and uncharitable-
ness — never listening to the recitals of prejudice, or to the
whispers of detraction — he treated the infirmities of others
with parental solicitude, allured to gentleness, and led to
peace. His own too, peculiarly, was that spirit of genuine benev
olence which is not only alive to all human suffering, but
which — springing from the simple love of doing good, and
not from the motive of ostentation — was never therefore
squandered in loose prodigalities, and was always consistent
in its display.
None could be sick in his neighborhood that he did not
visit and relieve. His attention in this respect was proverb
ial.* Numerous medicines, and other appliances for relief in
illness — some of them quite costly, and which in his day it
was difficult to procure — he kept for use whenever wanted. f
Like another illustrious Governor of Connecticut in the olden
time — John Winthrop — though not like him a professed phy
sician — Trumbull too possessed much knowledge in the heal
ing art, and went about with it reading often the true diag
nosis of disease, and administering healing prescriptions.
And whether bestowing alms within the humble cottage, or
the poor-house — on the widow, the orphan, or the wayside
mendicant — whether contriving for the comfortable subsist-
* He habitually, as we have had occasion heretofore to suggest, carried a piece
of myrrh in the pocket of his waistcoat, both as a guard for himself against the
miasm of the sick room, and for the benefit of invalids.
t A costly silver spout-cup, for example, and a, warming-pan of shining brass-
in his time rarities— were in request wherever almost, around him, the bed of a
sufferer could be found.

1785. CHAP. LVI.— TRUMBULL. 691
ence of the soldier in the field, or upon his return weary,
wounded, and pennyless to his home — whether sending gen
erous presents from the produce of his farm to the teachers
of his sons, or golden guineas " in token of his affection " to
the needy among his relatives — whether subscribing liberally
to the church, the school, to public charities, to private asso
ciations for the relief of want, or to some material improve
ment in his own town, county, or State — in all the forms in
which the benevolent spirit can display itself, he labored to
chase sad shadows off from the face of life, and to extend, in
every direction, the sphere of human enjoyment.
As a Christian, Governor Trumbull led a life of singular
godliness. The religious spirit in him, as the Eeader of this
Memoir must have repeatedly remarked, was uncommonly
fervid. Profoundly impressed with the truths of the Bible —
believing them to be the basis both of civil society, and of
the society of .the blest in heaven — feeling in his inmost heart
that they formed that connecting link between man and his
Creator which binds humanity to the Eternal Throne, and
which, once sundered, man " floats away a worthless atom in
the universe, out of his proper being, out of the circle of all
his duties, out of the circle of all his happiness " — he there
fore clung to their investigation with tireless devotion —
labored to exemplify them in all his conduct — and toiled and
thirsted for their extension.
Spiritual meditation, prayer, and praise, were his daily
food — not as forms of godliness alone, but as " the power " —
both that he might sublimate his own thoughts and affec
tions for heaven, and strengthen them for the duties of earth.
There was no occasion hardly, it is worthy of remark, on
which he did not recognize the superintending Providence of
God, and speak of it in terms of awe. Many of lighter relig
ious sense than himself might think that he carried this rec
ognition too far, at times, into the common affairs of life, and
too constantly indulged in phrases of devotional formality —
that a bulletin, for example, announcing the hand of man in
battle need not, so often as it did, have given him occasion to
note the hand of God — that small circumstantial changes in
the course of events ought not, so much as they did in his

692 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
mind, to have instigated the idea of divine guidance — nor
occasions of public proclamations or correspondence on civil
affairs have provoked so frequently from his pen strains of
pious reflection.
But to the profoundly religious mind, that sees God in
everything — that feels that He has numbered the hairs of our
heads, and that not a sparrow can fall to the ground without
his notice — this seeming excess of spiritual zeal will appear
but as the natural effusion of a soul whose conception of the
Supreme Disposer of all events was such — so pervaded with
" pious awe and trembling solicitude " — that everywhere in
the world of nature and of man it sought with eagerness to
trace the manifestations of his power. Certain it is that his
zeal never degenerated into fanaticism — for he entertained no
crude or extravagant notions concerning religion, unless the
best doctrines of Calvin can be so regarded. Nor did he ex
hibit any wild enthusiasm in maintaining them. Nor, on the
other hand, did he ever so mix material philosophy with re
ligious sentiment as to translate the teachings of the Bible
either into any wayward doctrines of Transcendentalism, or
into any cold or fashionable system of Formalism. But calm
in his reasonings upon points of doctrine — free from all en
venomed sectarian taint — he adopted his creed with consider-
ateness — and then allowed his soul to warm over it with such
mingled gravity and cheerfulness — so wisely and so well — as
to commend his Christian virtues signally to the respect and
attachment of all his cotemporaries. He was emphatically a
model of Christian charity, forbearance, and well doing. His
name, during his lifetime, is " spread all over the records of
the Church " in his native town, as its chief pillar, counsellor,
and friend.
As a scholar, his life was distinguished for addiction to
study whenever the cares of business allowed him the oppor
tunity. In his youth — and during much of his career down
to the Eevolution — and for a little while after the Peace — he
enjoyed this opportunity quite abundantly. And he im
proved it with that devotion which showed a radical desire
for self-culture, and which prizes knowledge, not only for
its own intrinsic worth, but for the beneficial power also

1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 693
with which it arms its possessor over the happiness of
mankind. Characteristically, he sought instruction for solid use— for
practical adaptation — seldom for ornament merely, and never
for parade. So strong indeed in him was the preference of fact
to fancy — of the useful to the merely pleasant or ornamental —
that, were it not for the sensibility he ultimately exhibited
to his youngest son's success as a painter, we should doubt
whether the fine arts, for example, would have ever received
from his understanding any homage. Were it not, again,
that we perceive in public documents, and other compositions
from his pen, great simplicity and neatness — a style often
highly refined — words aptly chosen — and sentences happily
¦collocated — we should hardly believe that the graces of com
position, as such, had ever in study commanded his attention.
As the case with him in fact was, he loved the heroes of Ther
mopylae and Marathon, in classic reading, much more than the
heroes of Homer. The Hill of Mars, where Demosthenes thun
dered, and roused his countrymen to glorious deeds of arms, at
tracted him far more than the top of Hymettus, where the bees
¦ distilled honey either for paeans to Apollo, or dythyrambics to
Bacchus. The groves of the Academy, and the banks of the
¦ Ilyssus — where Plato taught wisdom to the youth of Athens,
and Socrates drew down philosophy from heaven — were infi
nitely more grateful to his contemplation than the fountains
of Helicon or Pindus, where Terpsichore held her seven-
stringed lyre, and Thalia her comic staff, and the mild Mel
pomene her tragic mask.
But dearer far to the ear of his scholarship than all the
narratives, philosophy, eloquence, or song of classic Greece
and Eome, was God's own great anthem of revelation in Holy
Writ. With a satisfaction such as his mind experienced
from no other source, he read in the sublime Hebrew the in
genuous recitals of Moses, the sparkling aphorisms of the
Proverbs, the " sententious and royal " wisdom of Solomon, and
the lofty strains of Isaiah. The dew of Hermon on his brow —
Bozrah's red wine upon his lips — he sat down at Siloah's
fount, fast by the oracles of God — there by turns, with relish
that was unsurpassed, to melt over the dirges of Jeremiah —

694 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
imbibe " the tender freshness of pastoral hymns " — or glow
with " the purple tumult " of David's triumphal Psalms.
Together with a knowledge of Greek and Latin, and of
Hebrew, with its cognate dialects to some extent — of which
last language, as we have noticed, he compiled a Grammar —
history, chronology, and jurisprudence also, as we have seen,
were favorite studies with Trumbull. And they were all
pursued by him with reference, constantly, to their practical
application — and with such good success as to establish for
himself a literary and civil fame, which won for him honor
ary degrees, of the highest grade, from the Universities of
Yale in America, and of Edinborough in Scotland.
But though his scholarship took chiefly the directions now
mentioned, yet he was by no means inattentive to acquisi
tions in other departments of learning. The sterling Eng
lish Classics were familiar to him. He had a good acquaint
ance with astronomy — as the frequent notings upon the pages
of his almanacs clearly show. He knew much of mathemat
ics, natural philosophy, and the laws of mechanics. To the
exact sciences generally, he attached high value — not only
on account of their own peculiar results, but because espe
cially of the" training which they afford — particularly in the art
of reasoning — for the higher ethical, religious, jural, and polit
ical speculations. One might almost, in this respect, have
written over the door of his mind the inscription which Plato
placed over the door of his Philosophical School at Athens —
" Let no one unacquainted with geometry enter here ! " He
was not unfamiliar with natural history, and the Materia
Medica. He had more than ordinary information upon agri
culture as a science as well as a practical art. In short,
Trumbull had carefully stored away from the stock of human
knowledge such treasures as became a gentleman of accom
plished education in his day — and used them with happy in
dustry, and flattering success.
Eminent again among his characteristics, and shining
through every part of his life, was that leader among the vir
tues, as Plato entitles it — Prudence. He deliberated with
caution upon the means suited to effect the ends he had in
view, and with singular natural sagacity detected and select-

1735. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 695
ed from among them all those which, under the circum
stances, were the best. Nor was his prudence confined with
in this the ordinary sphere which moralists assign to this vir
tue. It took with him a far higher range. It not only in
volved the exercise of a sound judgment in selecting means,
but itself struck out important and laudable ends to which
these means should be applied — was itself, in fact, not only a
culler and chooser among plans, like a wise inspector among
goods, but was also often their originator. Here then, in
this double combination, was prudence in its most exalted
sense — that of wisdom applied to practice — that of knowl
edge brought with judicious skill to bear both on the creation
and on the accomplishment of measures for good. This was
the prudence contemplated by the philosophic Plato when he
called it, as we have stated, the "Leader among the vir
tues " — and this was the peculiar alchemy in Trumbull which
turned his guidance of affairs into gold.
We stop not to contemplate it in its exhibitions in his pri
vate life — but as regards its development in his public career,
what Eeader of this Memoir will not at once, in this connec
tion, recall the facts, that during the emergencies of the old
French War, Trumbull was repeatedly selected by Connecti
cut to sit in Council with the Chief Executives and leading
minds of other States — and with British commanders-in-chief,
and other officers of distinguished rank — for the purpose of
devising measures to carry on the great struggle against
French power in the New World — and that twice also, at
about this period, he was chosen by his native Colony to
represent her at the imperial Court of Great Britain ! Here
were striking compliments to his prudence in his earlier years.
As time advanced, and he reached the highest executive
post in Connecticut, we find him in times of peace charged — ¦
often alone — with the management of civil affairs of vital in
terest to the State — often with controversies, as those respect
ing the Mohegan and Susquehannah lands, of transcendent
importance to Connecticut, and most delicate and difficult in
the guidance they required. Here are other proofs of the
public confidence in his prudence.
But more than all, we have seen him during a war of seven

696 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
years, that not only " tried men's souls " on the field pf battle,
but tasked to the utmost their wisdom in counsel — that in
fact called imperiously for all the foresight, and all the cir
cumspection of which human nature is capable — we have
seen him under these circumstances, not only kept steadily at
the helm of Connecticut, but guiding her Ship of State — him
self often the only pilot — with a success so admirable as not
only to keep her off from the breakers which maddened for
her destruction, but to preserve her staunch and sound, and
take her at last, in beauty and in triumph, into the port of
peace. Here again was demonstration the most signal of the
confidence in Trumbull's prudence.
But this confidence was not confined to the bosoms of his
own immediate constituents. It extended over the Union.
It was specially manifested by Congress, whose consultations
with him, in one form and another — either as a Body, or
through correspondence by Members — was almost habitual.
It was manifested by Executive Magistrates, and Councils,
and Committees of surrounding States, that sought steadily
his advice. But more than all, it was shown by the Father
of his Country — the immortal Washington — who never
failed — -it may almost with exactness be said — upon every
occasion of emergency during the entire War of the Eevolu
tion, to lean for counsel upon Trumbull's sagacious mind as
strongly as he leaned for material co-operation upon Trum
bull's stalwart arm.
So frequently did the Commander-in-chief appeal to the
latter for his deliberation and judgment, that — not only when
any conjuncture of difficulty or peril arose, but even often
when matters not involving peril, but simply facts and cir
cumstances hard of solution, were under his consideration —
he was in the habit of remarking — " We must consult Brother
Jonathan " — a phrase which his intimate relations of friend
ship with the Governor of Connecticut fully warranted, as
well as the fact — probably well known to Washington — that
"Brother Jonathan" was the title of familiar but respectful
endearment by which Trumbull was often designated in his
own neighborhood and home, among a large circle of rela
tives, friends, and acquaintances generally.

1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 697
From the marquee and council-rooms of the Commander-
in-chief, the phrase "we must consult Brother Jonatlian"
passed out to the soldiery. And gradually spreading from
mouth to mouth, as occasions of doubt and perplexity, and
finally even of slight embarrassments, arose — soon became a
popular and universal phrase in the whole American army —
in use to unravel the threads of almost every entanglement —
solve every scruple — unriddle every enigma — settle every
confusion — smooth every anxiety — and untie even — as a kind
of pis-aller, as a catch-phrase of wand-like power — every little
Gordian knot of social converse.
From the camp the expression passed to adjacent neighbor
hoods — from adjacent neighborhoods to States — and both in
this way, and through the medium of returning soldiery, be
came propagated through the country at large — until finally,
syncopated in part, it was universally appropriated, through
its two emphatic closing words " Brother Jonathan," as a
sobriquet, current to the present day — and which will con
tinue current, probably, through ages yet to come — for that
mightiest of all Eepublics that ever flung its standard to the
breezes of heaven — the United States of America !
So it happens, that a Governor of Connecticut — and this
the one we commemorate — by force of an exalted virtue, sig
nally developed in hims.elf, has enstamped his own name
upon half the Continent of the New World ! In his name a
colossal nation has been baptized.* The Kingdoms of the
* "Brother Jonathan. — The origin of this term as applied to the United States, is
given in a recent number of the Norwich Courier. The editor says it was com
municated by one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling Whigs in Con
necticut, now upwards of eighty years of age, who was an active participator in
the scenes of the Revolution. The story is as follows : —
" When General Washington, after being appointed commander of the army of
the Revolutionary War, came to Massachusetts to organize it, and make prepara
tions for the defence of the country, he found a great destitution of ammunition
and other means necessary to meet the powerful foe he had to contend with ; and
great difficulty to obtain them. If attacked in such condition, the cause at onca
might be hopeless. On one occasion, at that anxious period, a consultation of the
officers and others was had, when it seemed no way could be devised to make
Buch preparation as was necessary. His Excellency, Jonathan Trumbull the
elder, was then Governor of the State of Connecticut, on whose judgment and
aid the General placed the greatest reliance, and remarked, " We must consult
'Brother Jonathan' on the subject." The General did so, and the Governor was
successful in supplying many of the wants of the army. When difficulties after-
59

698 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785-
world — Principalities and Powers — now consult Brother
Jonathan 1
The virtue of which we have now spoken is peculiarly the
product of a well-balanced mind — of intellectual and moral
powers, and sensitive faculties, that act in unison — and
which — free from vehemence, contortion, or wildness — blend
ing in harmony like colors that form the enriching light —
operate with regularity, and with noiseless, etherial force
upon the great fabric of human society.
Such, characteristically, was the mind of Trumbull, viewed
as a whole. In him there was no disordered saliency of one
power or faculty above another — no disproportioned predom
inance of the reason, the will, or the imagination — no such
distinctive structure of intellect, no such idiosyncracy of tem
perament, as constitutes genius in its peculiar sense. He
made no bold and daring flights into the region of invention.
He had no fancies to indulge whose force, meteoric and elec
tric, burst from a central spirit like lava from a volcano.
There was no overruling aptitude in his nature for any spe
cial sphere of mental effort, within which, and within which
alone, his soul — conscious of a power which no precepts
could control, and no industry could acquire — felt irresist-
ably compelled to expend its energies, and to create excellen
cies beyond the reach of the ordinary rules of art and bounds
of human knowledge.
On the other hand, his mind — naturally quick, as we have
seen, in its perceptive power, and highly retentive — gathered
its materials from observation, rather than originated them
from reflection — from the world, from mankind, from books,
from all the various repositories of knowledge which fell under
its eye, sought and appropriated the stores which fed its opera
tions. It put everything in place. It did not mistake ad
juncts for essentials. It was restrained by no conventional
isms that shut out inquiry. It was deluded neither by forms
wards arose, and the army was spread over the country, it became a by-word,
" We must consult Brother Jonathan." The term Yankee is still applied to a por
tion, but "Brother Jonathan" has now become a designation of the whole
onnntry, as John Bull has for England." — Supplement to the Courant, Hartford,
December 12, 1846— page 199.

1785. CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 699
nor phrases. Making "a naked circle" around the subjects
it examined, that it might have a lucid view of them, and
reach their core— rendering its arguments "as guarded and
complete, as if its only hope lay in diligence and logic" — it
in this manner — aided by a temperament whose natural calm
ness was deepened by the habit of deliberation— worked out
the results to which it arrived — practical eminently so, as we
have found them — beautiful in their variety — and bountiful,
many of them boundless, in their utility.
This, in our view, is the true aspect of Trumbull's mind.
It produced by ratiocination rather than by intuition. The
fabrics it wove were of materials gathered almost entirely
from without, but were the result of skillful intertexture, and
were ever tissued with the gold and silver of common sense.
Like Washington, he had talent rather than genius — the gift
of a sound understanding more than the gift of imagination —
a dowry of solid, durable good sense, in union with superior
natural sagacity, a deep-seated love for truth, and a regard
for justice that was ardent, pure, invincible, and exhaustless.
Such in his life, public and private — in the characteristics
of his mind and temper — in himself, and in his relations to
society, the world, and to God — such, so far as the materials
in our hands have enabled us to view him, was Jonathan
Trumbull, the Eevolutionary Governor of Connecticut.
If strong intellect, and extensive knowledge, fixed indus
try, the conception of great ends, and perseverance and suc
cess in their execution — if an exalted sense of honor, incor
ruptible integrity, energy of purpose, consummate prudence,
impregnable fortitude, a broad, generous, and quenchless
patriotism, charities ever active, wise, and fervent — if all
these qualities- — in union with a most amiable temper, and
the gentlest manners — and in affiliation too with all the no
ble graces of the Christian faith — if these constitute a great
and a good man, that man was Trumbull. In the noblest
sense in which noble results fling radiance back upon their
author — the radiance of love, gratitude, and admiration, for
suffering alleviated — for happiness conferred — for liberty
rendered a blessing, religion a stay and staff, and civilization,
in all its aspects, a rich diffusive boon — under all this felici

700 CHAP. LVI. — TRUMBULL. 1785.
tous and sumptuous significance given to the phrase, it may
be said of Trumbull emphatically — his works do follow him !
Connecticut contained his hearth-stone — America was the
campaigning-ground of his patriotism — the whole world of
humanity his field of benevolence — God his unfailing hope —
and Heaven his final home.