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LIFE AND TIMES
OF
GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA.

L0BBN7,0 DIPIETBO^^^s^ E ME DICI
DETTO FEB LE^ Cj^'^\Y^^ J'lJVGOLABI,
E GBANDI FrBT(f\^^hL MAGNIFICO.
CL liiv/do Uimniuii'ffi'o .Jiifria'ci ^t^Jaii^miui • yIar^r^/lfu^ C '/,riy.,mi.
. .i^,/u,,'//i' C fii/ii.r J^ijfjiuva :Pii/dujiI//jxmo.

„¦!, .-fj,.

Elfe ani) %imts

#irolamo ^aljonarola

PROFESSOR PASQUALE VILLARI

TRANSLATED BY
LINDA VILLARI

WITH
PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOLUME IL

Eonlion:
T. FISHER UNWIN
Paternoster Square
MDCCCXC

CONTENTS.

BOOK III.
CHAPTER I .
1495-1496. PAGE
Charles VIII. returns to France. The allies aid Piero de'
Medici's attempt to re-enter Florence. Savonarola preaches
against tyranny and against the Medici. The latter are repulsed i
CHAPTER II.
1495-1496.
The Pope issues a brief summoning Savonarola to Rome. His reply.
-Another brief prohibits him from preaching, but the Ten procure
its tacit revocation. A Cardinal's hat is otlered to Savonarola,
but he refuses to accept it  21

CHAPTER III.
Savonarola returns to the pulpit as Lenten Preacher in 1496 . , 50
CHAPTER IV
1496.
Various writings concerning the works of Savonarola. Letters
addressed to him by different potentates, and his replies. The
Florentine Ambassador's interview with the Pope. Savonarola
returns to the pulpit and preaches on festival days on texts from
Ruth and Micah  71

vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
1496. PAGE
The straits of the Republic and the disastrous course of the Pisan
War. The death of Piero Capponi. The threats of the allies,
who summon the Emperor Maximilian to Italy. The new brief
issued by the Pope against Savonarola, and the latter's reply.
The Republic is besieged in Leghorn by the forces of the
Emperor and of the League. Savonarola returns to the pulpit,
and the Florentines are miraculously rescued from every danger 102
CHAPTER VI.
1497-
Francesco Valori is made Gonfalonier, and proposes several new
laws. Carnival celebrated by a burning of the Vanities.
Purchase ofthe Medici Library by the Monastery of St. Mark.
Savonarola's ideas on the beautiful ; his defence of poetry ; his
compositions in verse . .  129

BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
1497-

Savonarola's sermons on Ezekiel during Lent, 1497. Piero de'
Medici's career in Rome. A fresh attempt to re-establish him
in Florence ; and complete failure of the scheme . . .163
CHAPTER II.
1497.
Savonarola's sermon on Ascension Day, and the popular riot. The
excommunication launched against him, and his reply. The
raging of the pestilence, and its decline  17^
CHAPTER in.
'497-
The arrest of Lamberto dell' Amelia. His revelations concerning
the Medici plot. The trial and condemnation of all the
accused . . , . . . 205

CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER IV. PAGE
Savonarola's minor works, both published and unpublished. His
" Triumph of the Cross."  224
CHAPTER V.
1497-1498.
Savonarola resumes his sermons on Septuagesima Sunday. A second
" Burning of the Vanities." More papal briefs. Continuation
of his sermons ....  243
CHAPTER VI.
March, 1498.
Colloquy of the Florentine Ambassador with the Pope. More briefs
and fresh threats. The Signory calls new meetings, and Savona
rola is inhibited from preaching. His last Lenten sermon and
farewell address to the people. His letter to the Pope, and other
letters to the Princes .  272
CHAPTER VII.
April 7, i 98.
The ordeal by fire . . ...... 298
CHAPTER VIIT.
April 8, 9, 1498.
The attack and defence of the convent ; Savonarola and his two
companions are led to prison  323
CHAPTER IX.
April 9-25, 1498.
Savonarola is examined and put to the question. The magistrates
ofthe Republic concoct two falsified reports of his avowals, but
still fail to prove his guilt . .... 343
CHAPTER X.
April 26— May 18, 1498.
Frk Domenico, Frk Silvestro, and many other friars and friends of
the convent are brought to trial. Savonarola writes his last
compositions while in solitary confinement  367

viii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
May 19-23, 1498. PAGE
Savonarola is put to fresh torture by the Apostolic Commissioners.
His third trial again proves him innocent. The condemnation
and e.xecution of the three friars ....•• 39°

Conclusion  413
Appendi.k  423
Index  429

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

LORENZO de' MEDICI .
MARSILIO FICINO ....
sandro BOTIICELLI ....
MICHELANGIOLO BUONAROTTI .
SAVONAROLA VISITING A CONVENT .
S.WONAROLA PREACHING TO THE NUNS
MICHELOZZO MICHELOZZI .
FRA BARTOLOM.MEO ....
S.WONAROLA'S EMPTY CELL AT ST. MARK"!
SAVONAROLA WRITING IN HIS CELL
THE EXECUTION 
PORTRAIT OF SAVONAROLA {From a Medal)
FACSIMILE OF AN AUTOGRAPH OF SAVONAROL
I a

. Frontispiece
To face petite 93
118
To face pai^e 1 43
To face pa^e 227
To face page 286
334 336
To face page 339
To face page 344
To face page 402
To face page 408
To face page 423

BOOK III.
CHAPTERS I.~VL
(1495-1497.)

CHAPTER I
CHa^RLES VIIL RETURNS TO FRAtT^CE —THE oALLIFS
Am PIETRO DE' ME-DICrS ATTEmPT TO REGESTER
ARE-^E%ULS^q) ^^^^^ ^"^ ^/£'Z)/C/-T//i? Lq4TTER
(1495-I496.)
C^^fc-v^l IS7=^d HE altered aspect of Italian aflfairs was
now causing a serious change in the
position of Savonarola and the Re
public. During the early part of the
year the French expedition had been
attended by marvellous prosperity ; King
Charles had reached Naples without encountering obstacles
of any kind by the way ; the Aragonese had fled ; the new
kingdom been established as by a stroke of magic. But soon
the king's fortunes began to decline as rapidly as they had
risen. In a very short time the French had contrived to
make themselves equally obnoxious to all the governments
and peoples of Italy. Their conduct towards the Floren
tines cannot be too severely condemned ; and everywhere
they did nothing but demand money and hold out pro
mises which they never fulfilled. ' The Neapolitans
were so disgusted by their insolence that they were
already longing for the return of the Aragonese. The
Italian governments felt terror-struck by the might of
this foreign bost that had traversed all Italy in triumph ;
but the most troubled of all was Ludovico the Moor,
who had first summoned it across the Alps. He was
' Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xx.
VOL. II. 2

2 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
deeply disquieted by seeing so many Lombard and
Genoese exiles accompany the French, was terrified to find
his personal enemy, Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, among the
king's best and most valued commanders ; and now his
irritations and suspicions were increased by the refiisal of
Charles to fulfil the pledge made at the beginning of the
war, of granting him the principality of Taranto. There
fore, again a prey to alarm, he was absorbed in weav
ing fresh schemes. After having summoned Francei
to wreak destruction on Italy, he now resolved to put|
himself at the head of an Italian league to drive away the
barbarians. And he succeeded in the attempt ! '
On the 31st of March, 1495, a League was concluded
in Venice between that Republic, the Pope, the Emperor,
and the King of Spain. Its ostensible purpose was to
defend Christendom against the Turks, maintain the in
tegrity of Italy and the allied States, and gather an army
of 34,000 horse and 20,000 foot. But in fact the Sultan
was one of the Powers most favourable to the League,
and had promised to send men and money to its aid, in
asmuch as its real object was to expel the French from
Italy .2 For there were secret clauses to the effect that
Spain was to send a fleet to aid King Ferdinand to recon
quer Naples ; the Venetians were to attack the Adriatic
coast ; the Duke to seize Asti and bar the way against
reinforcements from France ; while the Emperor and
Spain were to attack the French frontiers by land.
Thus, with lightning speed, the Moor had on all sides
raised up foes against France. King Charles was not
ignorant of this. The shrewd French ambassador, Messer
Philippe de Commines, instantly divined the object of the
League, and on the very day that it was signed sent off a
' Nardi, Guicciardiani, Sismondi, Leo, Commines, &c.
' Sismondi, " Hist, des Repub. Ital.," vol. vi. chap, xiii., and the above-
mentioned authors,

COMMINES' ADMIRATION OF THE FRIAR. 3
despatch from Venice to Naples. He then hastened his
departure, in order to join the king, whose only means of
safety consisted in leaving strong garrisons in Naples, and
trying to cut his way back to France with the remainder
of his army.
The ambassador made his journey through Tuscany,
the only Italian State that, regardless of the promises and
threats of the allies, still remained faithful to Charles.
As soon as he reached Florence, Commines hastened to
St. Mark's. He was anxious to be personally acquainted
with Savonarola, and gain an exact idea of the prophet
whose fame seemed to fill the whole world. And this
skilled judge of human nature came forth from the
Friar's cell fired with an intense reverence and admira
tion to which he frequently recurs in his Memoirs. He
had expected to find a remarkable man, but found a
marvel instead. His wonder was aroused from the first
moment, on hearing the Friar treat of politics with an
extraordinary knowledge of men and things. " He spoke
of the Great Assembly ^ going on in Venice far better than
myself, who was just come from it. Then, as every one
can see, he has led the purest of lives ; his sermons
against vice have established good morals in Florence. I
have no desire to pass judgment on his revelations, but
he certainly predicted to me and to the king things which
no one believed at the time, and which have been all ful
filled since. As to his having made use of the confessional,
as was asserted by his enemies, for the discovery of State
secrets, 1 declare that I believe him to be an honest man,
and that the things he has revealed could never have been
told him by any Florentine."
Commines, indeed, felt such complete confidence in
Savonarola, that he most urgently pressed him to say
' This is the term given by Commines to the gathering of people
engaged in the League.

4 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
whether or no the king could escape from the dangers by
which he was beset. Thereupon the Friar took a solemn
tone and began to recapitulate the king's broken vows and
unredeemed pledges, his disobedience to God's commands,
and his abandonment of the great task of reforming Italy
and the Church. " These new dangers," he said in con
clusion, " are forerunners of the still more severe chastise
ment by which the king will be scourged, if he return
not to obedience to the Lord, and to the way of truth.
As regards the present, he will have to fight hard, but
will come out victorious in the end." After this strange
interview, Commines at once continued his journey to the
Neapolitan kingdom. i
¦ We subjoin some of the many passages devoted to Savonarola by
Commines, since the testimony of a foreign contemporary, and of so
keen-witted a man, with a personal knowledge of Savonarola, is specially
valuable. " J'ay dit en quelque endroit de cette matiere d'ltalie, comme
il y avoit un frere prescheiir . . . renomme dc fort saincte vie . . . ap-
pellc Fr^re Hieronyme, qui a dit beaucoup de choses avant qu'elles
fussent advenues, comme j'ay desja dit cy-dessus, et tousjours avoit
soustenu que le Roy passeroit les monts, . . . ct disoit que le Roy estoit
cslcu de JJieii pour reformer I'Eglise par force, et chastier Ics iyrans.
. . . Sa vie estoit la plus belle du monde ainsi qu'il se pouvait voir, et ses
sermons preschant contre les vices, et a reduit en icelle citd maintes gens
kbien vivre, comme j'ay dit." . . . And in allusion to what was alleged by
some against Savonarola's prophecies, namely, that he gave out as divine
revelations intelligence secretly acquired from the citizens, Commines
remarks : — "Je ne les veux (the enemies of the Friar) point accuser ny
excuser. . . . Mais il a dit maintes choses vrayes, que ceux de Florence
n'eussent seeu luy avoir dites. Mais touchant le Roy et des maux qu'il
dist luy devoir advenir, luy est advenu, ce que vous voyez ; qui sceut
premier la mort de son filz ; puis la sienne, et ay des lettres qu'il escri-
voit audit Seigneur" (Commines, " Memoires," ed. cit., bk. viii. chap.
xxvi. pp. 593 and 595). Here is another important passage referring to
the author's interview with Savonarola : " J'ay oublie de dire, que moy
estant arrive k Florence, allant au devant du Roy, allay visiter un fr^re
prescheur, appell^ frfere Hieronyme, demeurant en un convent reforme
homme de saincte vie, comme on disoit, qui quinze ans avoit demeur^
audit lieu ; et estoit avec moy un Maistre d'hostel du Roy, appelld Jehan
Frangois, sage homme. La cause de Taller voir, fut parce qu'il avoit
toujours preschd en grande faveur du Roy, et sa parole avoit gardd les
Florentius de tourner contre nous ; car jamais prescheur n'eut tant de
credit en cit^. 11 avoit tousjours asseur^ la venue du Roy (quelque chose

BORGIA FEARS TO MEET CHARLES VIIL 5
Meanwhile Charles VIII. had started from Naples,
leaving strong garrisons throughout the kingdom, and
taking the rest of the army with him under the com
mand of Trivulzio, in order to fight his way back to
France. Reaching Rome on the ist of June, he hoped
to have speech with the Pope ; but the latter had fled
towards Orvieto the previous day. Alexander Borgia
had much reason to fear the anger of the French. He
had first of all invited them to Italy ; then, being bribed
by the Aragonese, had changed sides ; when the for- '
tunes of the French were at their height, he had again

qu'on dit ne qu'on escrivit, au contraire) ; disant qu'il estoit envoye de
Dieu pour chastier les tyrans d'ltalie, et que rien ne pouvoit resistor, ne
se defendre contre luy. Avoit dit aussi qu'il viendroit k Pise et qu'il y
entreroit, et que ce jour mourroit I'Estat de Florence ; et ainsi advint,
car Pierre de Medicis fut chasse ce jour. Et maintes autres choses
avoit presch^es avant qu'elles advinssent, comme la mort de Laurens
de Medicis ; et aussi disoit publiquement I'avoir par revelation, et
preschoit que I'Estat de I'Eglise scroti refcrme a I'espce. Cela n'est pas
encore advenu ^ mais en fut bien pres, et encore le mainliciit. Plusieurs
le blasmoient de ce qu'il disoit que Dieu luy avoit revele, autres y ajous-
tdrent foy : de ma part je le repute bon homme. Aussi luy demanday si
le Roy pourroit passer sans peril de sa personne, veu la grande assemblife
que faisoient les Venitiens, de laquelle il sgavoit mieux parler que moy qui
en venois. II me respondit qu'il auroit affaire en chemin, mais que
I'honneur luy en demeureroit, et n'eut il que cent hommes en sa com
pagnie ; et que Dieu qui I'avoit conduit au venir, le conduiroit encores k
son retour : mais pour ne s'cslre bien acquitte de la reformation de
PEglise, comme il devoit, et pour avoir souffert que ses gens pillassent
et desrobasscnt ainsi le peuple, aussi bien ceux de son party, et qui lui
ouvroient les portes sans contrainte, comme les ennemis, que Dieu avoit
donne tine sentence contre luy, et en bref, auroit un coup de foiiet. Mais
que je luy disse, que s'il vouloit avoir pitid du peuple, et deliberer en soy
de garder ses gens de malfaire, et les punir quand iis le feroient, comme
son office le requiert, que Dieu revoqueroit sa sentence ou la diminueroit ;
et qu'il ne pensast point estre excuse pour dire, je ne fais nul mal.
Et me dit que luy mesme iroit au devant du Roy, et luy diroit ; et
ainsi le fit, et paria de la restitution des places des Florentius. ll me
cheut en pensee la mort de Monseigneur le Dauphin, quand il paria de
ceste sentence de Dieu, car je ne veis autre chose que le Roy peust
prendre k coeur ; mais dis encores cecy afiu que mieux on entende
que tout cedit voyage fust vray mystere de Dieu " (Bk. viii. chap- iii.
pp. 499-501)-

6 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
joined them ; and now he was once more not only their
foe, but one of the main contrivers of the League.
Besides all this a singular fact had occurred, thoroughly
characteristic of the Borgia and his tinies. On the first
passage of the French through Rome, Prince Djem,
brother of the Grand Turk Bajazet II. , was a prisoner
in the city. He was a spirited youth, thoroughly
Eastern in appearance and temperament, was devoted to
music and poetry, was very popular, and had contested
his brother's throne with some chance of success. But
being driven by adversity to take refuge in the Isle of
Rhodes, he had there been captured by the Grand Master
of the Order, and consigned by him to Pope Inno
cent VIII. On the latter's death he had fallen into
the power of Alexander Borgia, who retained him as a
very precious hostage. The Sultan, in fact, so greatly
dreaded his brother's release, that he allowed the Pope
40,000 ducats yearly for his maintenance, and frequently
offered still larger sums for his murder. Accordinglv.
when passing through Rome, King Charles immediately
asked the Pope's permission to carry ofi^ Prince Djem,
saying that he would be usefial to him In the campaign
against the Sultan. Alexander reluctantly consented,
and was also obliged to yield him his son Cesare
(later Duke of Valentinois), and although the latter was
nominally sent as an ambassador, and treated with
suitable respect, in reality both he and the prince
v\ere hostages in the king's hands against the fickleness
of the Pope. Suddenly, however, Cesare made his escape
from the camp, and a few days later the youthful
Djem unexpectedly expired. Some said that the Popel
had given the latter a dose of slow poison before con
signing him to the king ; but others declared that Cesare
had administered the drug by his orders. However this
may have been, it is certain that the Sultan had written to

FLORENCE IN DANGER. 7
the Pope a short time before, promising him 300,000
ducats and his permanent alliance on receipt of his
brother's corpse. ^
But although Charles had so much cause for resent
ment, this was no moment to halt in Rome, nor to think
of revenge. He therefore continued his journey, and
entered Siena on the 13th of June. The news of this
event roused incredible excitement among the Florentines,
who now held Charles in detestation. They still adhered
to the terms of their treaty, but could not forgive him for
having broken faith with them, violated his engagements,
and encouraged the revolt of Pisa. The king had done
nothing but make repeated demands for money, always
promising to give up the fortresses, and compel the
Pisans to surrender, but leaving both pledges unfulfilled.
Accordingly, despite all their eflForts, the Florentines were
in a state of increasing peril. They had sent their most
courageous young citizens to the field under the command
-of Piero Capponi ; they had engaged Ercole Bentivoglio
and other captains ; but the Pisans were constantly receiv
ing reinforcements from Genoa, Siena, Milan, and even
" The letters of the Pope and the Sultan are given in Burchart's
Diary, and have been published in French by Mons. De Cherrier, vol. i.
p. 416 and fol. They are also reproduced in Sanuto's Chronicles " La
Spedizione di Carlo VIII." p. 45 and fol. De Cherrier gives the Pope's
letter to the ambassador, and Sanuto a very short one addressed to the
Sultan, while both give a veiy explicit epistle from the latter con
ceived in the following terms : " It were well that the said Djem our
brother, vvho in any case is exposed to death, and in danger of being
removed from the hands of your Greatness, should be speedily put to
death, the which would oe life to him, bringprofit and tranquillity to your
Potency, and be of great satisfaction to ourselves. . . . Wherefore if
your Potency will compass the same and send his (Djem's) body to
any place on our coasts, I, the forementioned Sultan Bajazeth Khan,
promise to despatch to any spot named by your Greatness three hundred
thousand gold ducats, so that your Potency may use them to purchase
lands for your sons." . . . This is the translation given by Sanuto
(p. 46), and differing very little from the Latin epistle given in
Burchart.

8 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
from Charles himself When the Florentine ambassadors
reminded the latter of his pledges, he replied : " But what
can I do if your Signory discontent all their subjects ? "
And he afterwards sent the Pisans over six hundred Swiss
and Gascon foot soldiers, who were of great assistance to
them in the war.' In this way rebellion was encouraged.
throughout the territories of the Republic. At the same
time, on the 26th of May, Montepulciano gave itself to
the Sienese, who immediately occupied its fortress. And
now, with things in this state, the king was drawing near,
and, what was still more alarming, with Piero de' Medici
in his train !
No sooner was this known in Florence than all flew to
arms. And, as the historian, Jacopo Nardi, relates, it was
marvellous to see how rapidly men and boys took up arms,
and how private citizens competed with the Commissioners
of the Signory in stocking the city with weapons and
supplies. In a surprisingly short time eleven thousand
foot cuirassiers were collected from the outlying villages ;
every householder in Florence had gathered together his
friends and domestics ; all the towers were furnished with
missiles, all the gates barred, many of the streets barri
caded, and the Gonfaloniers of the Companies kept
guard over the city by night, no foreign soldiers being
allowed admittance at this time.2
And all these preparations were the work of the Piag-
noni, whom the Arrabbiati declared to be only fit to
mumble Paters and Aves. It is true that they never
neglected the services of the church ; that they held
' Sismondi, " Histoire des Rdpubliques Italiennes " ; Michelet
"Renaissance"; Leo; Guicciardini, "Storia d'ltalia"; Nardi &c!
French historians are no less severe than Italian in condemning the
conduct of Charles VIII to the Florentine Republic.
° The city was in a state of great suspense, " with much fortifying of
houses and supplying of arms." So Luca Landucci tells us in his
"Diario Fiorentino," p. 106. See also Nardi, and other contemporary
Florentine historians ofthe period.

FRESH TROUBLE WITH KING CHARLES 9
public prayers, gave large sums in charity, and carried the
Madonna dell' Impruneta in solemn procession ; but
those most zealous in devotion were also the readiest to
bear arms. And Savonarola, who was then continuing his
course of sermons on the Psalms, always cried from the
pulpit, " Be instant in prayer, but neglect no human
precaution ; help yourselves in all ways and by all means,
and then the Lord will be with ye. Have courage, my
brethren, and above all preserve union ! If ye will all
be united and agreed in one purpose, victory shall be
yours, even if all the world be against ye. Be not terri
fied by present events, for we are hardly at the beginning
of the game. Ye will pass through terrible times, ye will
see enemies on all sides, ye will hear that they are in
Rome, in this or that quarter, and here close upon ye.
And then alas for Florence ! Alas for Italy ! Be united,
therefore, among yourselves, united in the Lord, for thci
righteous shall conquer." '
Meanwhile the first ambassadors 2 sent by the Republic
to King Charles in Siena obtained nothing but rough
replies from him. They begged to know by which road
he intended to march, in order to flirnish it with the
necessary supplies ; and his answer was, " Furnish your
whole territory." He was highly indignant to find that
Florence had flown to arms, as at the approach of a foe.
And the ambassadors, on their side, finding Piero de'
Medici in the camp, and fearing that the king purposed
to reinstate him in Florence, expressed themselves with
more daring than diplomacy, so that both parties were
increasingly irritated, and there was no hope of coming
to a friendly arrangement, unless some one of great weight
and firmness could be persuaded to Intervene. Again, with
' Predica xviii., "sopra i Salmi."
' These ambassadors were Domenico Bonsi, Giuliano Salviati, Andrea
dei Pazzi. Vide Desjardins, " Negociations," &c., vol. i. p. 613 and fol.

IO SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
one accord, all turned to Savonarola for help. He alone
was capable of taking a firm, imperative tone with the
king without exciting his wrath; for Charles had an
almost superstitious respect for him, and had kept up a
continual correspondence with him, by letters, of which the
tenour was known to all. In fact, one of these epistles
had been intercepted and published by Savonarola's
enemies, in order to stir the wrath of the League against -^
him ; but It had produced the contrary result of increas
ing his popularity, inasmuch as its terms were to this
effect : " Most Christian Sire, — It is the Lord's will that
the Florentines should remain allied with your Majesty ;
but He wills that your protection should serve to extend
their freedom, not the power of any individual citizen ;
forasmuch as the Divine Providence hath ordained and
decided the overthrow of all tyrants. The Lord will
Inflict terrible chastisements on those private citizens who
should seek to usurp, as in the past, the rule of this
flourishing Republic ; forasmuch as the present new popu
lar government of the State hath been constituted by
God, and not by man ; and He hath chosen this city in
order to magnify it, and hath filled it with His servants,
and he that would touch It would touch the pupil of His
eye. Wherefore, O Sire, if you will not obey Him by
maintaining your pledges to the Florentines, and restoring
their fortresses, many adversities shall come upon you, and
the nations shall rise against you."'
¦ This was dated 2ist May, 1496, and was published with many blun
ders and alterations, of which Savonarola himself complained in his
sermon of the 28th of July of the same year : " This letter that I wrote
to the King of France hath been printed without understanding, and is
full of eirors." A copy of the printed version (undated) is comprised in
the Guicciardini collection, now preserved in the National Library of
Florence. There is a less incorrect copy in the Riccardi Library, codex
2,033. Vide Appendix (to the Italian edition), doc. xxi. As still
better evidence of the general belief that the descent of Charles VIII.
was predestined by heaven, we may give a few passages of an oration

SAVONAROLA OVERAWES THE KING. ii
Certainly, he who was capable of writing to the king in
these terms was the man best fitted to address him at this
juncture and save the Republic from its pressing dangers.
Accordingly, at Pogglbonsi, in June, 1496, Charles VIII.
was again confronted by Savonarola. The latter assumed
his commanding, prophetic tone, and repeated by word of
mouth all that he had already expressed in writing. The
king was reminded that he -was now returning to his own
country almost as a fligitive, that the new perils in which
he was involved had been already foretold to him in
Florence, and repeated by letter : " Most Christian
Prince," continued Savonarola, " thou hast provoked the
Lord to anger by breaking faith with the Florentines, by
forsaking the task of reforming the Church, that the Lord
had so often announced to thee by my lips, and for which
He had chosen thee by such manifest signs. Thou wilt
escape from the present dangers ; but shouldst thou fail to
resume thy abandoned task, shouldst thou fail to obey
the commands which the Lord once more repeateth to
thee by the voice of His poor servant, I tell thee that still
heavier woes shall be poured on thee by His wrath, and
that another shall be chosen in thy stead." '
addressed to the king in 1494 by Marsilio Ficino : " Veri namque
simile est et Christianissimum Gallorum Regem a Christi mitti, et Caro
lum, prae ceteris insignem pietate Regem, Christiana pietate duci ;
praesertim cum iter opusque tantum ea mente sis agressus, ut sanctam
Jerusalem Scevissimis barbaris occupatam, summo humani generis Re-
demptori denique redimas. . . . Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini,
Carolus charus nobis, excelsus, rex pacificus. Haec est dies quam fecit
Dominus, exultemus et tetemur in ea." . . . Ficino goes on in a still
more exaggerated strain of eulogy, reprehensible enough from any man's
lips. And in the case of one who might be said to be a creature of the
Medici, and who, after extolling Savonarola in this fashion, subsequently
turned against him, it excites particular disgust. I'itic " Oratio Marsilii
Ficini ad Carolum Magnum Gallorum Regem, Ficini Opera," the fore-
mentioned edition, vol. i. pp. 960-961.
" This legation is mentioned by Nardi and all the other historians ;
also in the " Vita Latina," sheet 20 ; in Burlamacchi, p. 73 and fol. Vide
Appendix (to the Italian edition), doc. xxii. De Cherrier (ii. 199)
says that Savonarola was escorted on this embassy by fifty citizens, but

12 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
The king appeared almost terror-struck by this language,
and instantly continuing his journey towards Pisa, begged
Savonarola to bear him company thither. But the latter,
after having held a second interview with him at Castel
Fiorentino, decided to turn back, for fear of being captured
by the enemies of Florence. On the 2 ist of June he
announced from his pulpit that the threatened danger was
once more averted, and made this the text for fresh exhor
tations in favour of godly living, concord, and free
government.' Meanwhile the king had entered Pisa in triumph. The
citizens placed all their finest mansions at his disposal, the
ladles stripped themselves of all their jewels to present
( them to Charles and his Barons, in order, by thus satiating
his avarice, to keep him on their side. All this formed
a strong contrast with the surly behaviour of the Floren
tines. Charles was already well disposed towards the
Pisans in consequence of these signs of affection, when, one
day, as he issued from church after mass, he was met by a
procession of all the fairest women of Pisa, robed in black,
with loosened hair, bare feet, and ropes about their necks,
this is a blunder, and quotes the Register 471 (instead of 47) of class iii
(instead of class iii.), which, however, makes no mention of so numerous
a following. Commines also speaks of Savonarola's different missions,
and frequently repeats the gist of the Friar's letters and speeches to the
king. Seeing the real weight of the chronicler's testimony, we may be
allowed to quote some other passages from his Memoirs. " II a tousjours
presche publiquement que le Roy retourneroit de rechef en Italic poicr
accomplir cette commission que Dieu luy atwit donnee, qui estoit de
reformer I'Eglise par l'cspce,et de chasser les tyrans d'ltalie, et que au
cas qu'il ne le fit, Dieu lc ptiniroii cruellcment et tous ses sermons
premiers et ceux de present, il les a fait imprimer, et se vendent.
Cette menace qu'il faisoit au Roy . . . luy a plusieurs fois escrite le dit
Hieronyme, peu de temps avont son trespas, et ainsi le ma dit de bouche
ledict Hieronyme, quand je parlay k luy (que fut au retour d'ltalie) en me
disant que la sentence estoit donnde contre le Roy au ciel, au cas qu'il n'
acconiplit ce que Dieu luy avoit ordonni^ " (Commines, " Memoires "
ed. cit., bk viii. chap. xxvi. pp. 593, 594).
' Predica xxv., " sopra i Salmi."

THE BATTLE OF FORNOVO. 13
in token of their detested subjection to Florence, who all
cried aloud to him to restore their freedom. The whole
population gathered round and joined in their supplications,
and Charles and his captains seemed much moved by the
scene. The Barons were assembled in council, and for a
moment it was seriously proposed to assist the Pisans ; but
this plan, like all the rest, was afterwards abandoned. The
king neither gave liberty to the Pisans, nor yielded up the
fortresses of the Florentines, and, regardless of his recent
promises to Savonarola, continued his march with his army
by way of Lucca and Pontremoli. At Fornovo, on the river
Taro, he encountered the allied troops, who considerably
outnumbered his force of 1,000 men. A pitched battle
took place on the 6th of July, and there was afterwards
much dispute as to which side had won the victory. It is
certain that the French succeeded in their purpose of for
cing a passage, and that the allies tried in vain to drive
them back. Charles VIII. halted at Asti on his march,
again indulged there in pleasure, and then slowly pursued
his way to France. On the 7th of July Ferdinand II. of
Aragon made his entry into Naples, and after re-establish
ing his fallen government met with no further opposition
excepting from the few garrisons scattered through the
kingdom, which were still holding out without any hope
of reinforcement or support. Thus, in less than the space
of one year, the French had twice traversed the length
and breadth of Italy, easily conquering and easily con
quered, disgusting friends and enemies alike, and leaving
behind them sad memorials of their falsity and greed.i
Their attitude towards Florence remained unaltered.
Whether it was that their captain in command of the
castle of Pisa had secret orders from the king, differing
from those openly sent, or whether, as was said by some,
¦ Guicciardini, Nardi, Cerretani, Parenti, Commines, Sismondi, Leo,
Michelet.

14 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
he had fallen in love with a Pisan lady, it is certain that
he never surrendered the fortresses. And on one occasion,
when the Florentines, after a skirmish, pursued the Pisan
troops almost to St. Mark's Gate, he actually opened
fire on them from the walls, and killed several of their
men. The Republic made this the subject of repeated
remonstrance, despatched successive embassies and more
money to the king, and even promised to succour his
scattered garrisons in the kingdom of Naples ; but all was
In vain. Yet, in the month of September, Messer Niccolo
Alamanni at last returned from France with special orders
from the king to his ofiicers and men, eniolning them to
yield the fortresses and relinquish the subsidies furnished
by Pisa. Instead of obeying this decree the French com
mandants sold the fortress of Pisa to the citizens for
14,000 florins In January, 1496, and received 10,000 more
in payment of the artillery they left behind. The fortresses
of Sarzana and Sarzanello were sold to the Genoese for
20,000 florins ; that of Pietrasanta to the Lucchese for
30,000 ; and that of Leghorn was the only one restored
to the Florentines.'

' Vide the above-mentioned writers. How deeply these insults were
resented by the people of Florence is proved by the following extract
from Rinuccini's " Ricordi Storici," p. clix. : " On the 2nd of January
{Florentine style) news was received in Florence that the French com
mandant, who held the new citadel for that barbarous traitor and
assassin, Charles VIIL, the unworthy King of France, had given up and
consigned the said citadel to the Pisan citizens, who were then governing
independently, although he (the king) had repeatedly sworn by oaths
and double treaties with his hand on the sacred stone and before the altar
of Santa Maria del Fiore, to restore the said citadel to the Florentines,
. . . the which was an act of treason of a barbarian, who was a worse
traitor than Judas and Ganellone di Pontieri, inasmuch as we were
leagued and confederated with him, and although by holding out false
hopes and frequently promising to give it up, he and his murdering
ministers together had cheated us out of more than three hundred thou
sand florins, and we trusted in his disloyalty and perfidy, the which was
more like unto treason than was ever heard before, and similar to that
related of Gano (Jehan) of Mainz, who at least was not a king."

PIERO PREPARES TO ATTACK FLORENCE. 15
Nevertheless, the departure of the French from Italy
greatly increased the insecurity of Florence. The allies
being no longer threatened from other quarters were now
free to turn their arms against that Republic. Entertaining
a mortal hatred for the new government, they determined
to punish its fidelity to France and its refusal to join
the League which, as they pretended, had been formed on
purpose to free Italy from the barbarians. Accordingly
Florence was now in the gravest danger, and, with so
many powerful enemies arrayed against her, placed her
only hope in the discord prevailing amongst them. For
whereas the Pope and Venice desired the reinstatement of
Piero de' Medici, Duke Ludovico, while ostensibly favour
ing the plan, had a personal dislike for Piero, and having
come to an understanding with the Arrabbiati, and
nourishing some distant hope of one day subjecting the
Republic to his own rule, was trying meanwhile to ensnare
it by secret and deceptive advances. i However the allies
concurred for the moment in encouraging Piero de' Medici
to collect men and money for an attempt upon Florence,
and, as may well be imagined, he promptly began his pre
parations. Although already bankrupt in purse and credit,
yet he contrived by a desperate effbrt to scrape together
10,000 ducats and gave them to Virginio Orsini for the
hire of his former troops. Orsini, who had Ignominiously
fled from the French camp at the battle of the Taro,
threw himself heartily into the undertaking for the sake
of retrieving his military reputation. It was arranged
that when he and Piero advanced upon Florence, Gio
vanni Bentivoglio, the hired general of Ludovico and
Venice, was to simultaneously invade the Republic from
the Bolognese frontier ; while Caterina Sforza, the ruler of
Imola and Forli, was to despatch troops from another
' FzV^ Desjardins, vol. i. pp. 657-658, letter and notes dated the 17th of
May. De Cherrier, vol. ii. p. 345-

1 6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
point. Siena and Perugia had also promised to send
strong contingents. Accordingly the fallen tyrant's ex
pedition seemed to have every chance of success. But once
begun, the aspect of affairs quickly changed. Piero and
Orsini approached the confines of the Republic by easy
stages, always expecting to be overtaken by promised
contingents which never arrived, and thus both time and
money were wasted.
While the Mediceans were taking things so coolly, the
citizens of Florence had been stirred by Savonarola to
the most energetic efforts. The Friar had kept silence
for some time, on account of the growing ill-feeling
against him in Rome, of which more will be said in thc
ensuing chapter. But on withdrawing from the pulpit,
he had announced that grave dangers were overhanging
the city, and had caused the law against Parliaments to
be carried, that was to be the safeguard of its freedom.
Now that the dangers foretold by him had really come
to pass, his name Instantly rose into new favour, and his
daring was increased. Throwing aside all personal con
siderations, he reappeared In the pulpit on the nth of
October, to encourage the citizens and rouse them to
the defence of their country. The first part of his
sermon was entirely on religion ; " The life of man,
O my brethren," he said, " is a continual struggle upon
earth ; especially for the true Christian, inasmuch as he
hath to fight against all hindrances to the spirit. He wars
against the world, the flesh, and the devil, and is con
tinually fighting. Thus it was with the apostles and
martyrs, thus will it ever be with good Christians. God
willeth it for their greater glory in the life to come.
Wherefore marvel ye not if in announcing new things we
meet with so many contradictions. To me it is a marvel
that they be no greater. And inasmuch as it behooves us
to fight, we have now returned to the camp, to put a little

HE URGES THE CITIZENS TO DEFENCE. i'j
order in our disarrayed forces and equip them for a new
campaign. We have two things to do : first, to fight
and that unceasingly and to the death ; and secondly, to
ponquer, for the cause of Christ is bound to have victory.
Fear not, for in the end the victory will be ours ; and
if I were to die, this cause would still be even as the Hydra
of the poet, the which, when one of its heads is cut
ofi^ shooteth forth seven others." Continuing in the same
strain, the Friar then turned his discourse from religion
to politics, and began with ironical remarks on those
who spoke ill of the new government. " Magnificent
Signori, whenever ye have some difficult business on
hand, I would have ye call one of these chatterers and
say to him: — Tell me now, what is to be done concerning
this matter ? And if that man should know what to say,
I would forfeit my mantle. You will see that either he
will know not what to reply, or will speak some gross
folly. And then take ye a peck of birdseed and say to
that man : Come, take this and go feed the fowls, but
leave State business alone." '
The sermon went on a little longer in this tone of
burlesque ; but when Savonarola at last broached the
grave and important question of the day, his language
changed and became terribly earnest. He will have no
half measures when the country is in danger. In church,
in the pulpit, crucifix in hand, he openly and loudly r
counsels the citizens to put to death all who seek to
re-establish tyranny and reinstate the Medici in Florence '
" One must treat these men as the Romans treated those
who sought the recall of Tarquinius. Thou that respecteth
not Christ, wilt thou respect private citizens ? Do justice,
I tell thee. Cut off his head, were he even the chief and
' This passage occurs in the last but three of the "Prediche sui Salmi"
collected by Violi, who dated it nth of October. It was also printed
separately with the date ofthe loth.
VOL. II. 3

5 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
head front of thy house ; cut off his head I Remember the
law that hath been made against Parliaments ! Teach it
to thy children, write it in all places. Thou must trust
Iin nought but in this Great Council of ours, which is
the work of God and not of men ; and let all who would
/change it, or play the tyrant, or establish a government
of private citizens, be accursed of the Lord for ever and
ever." He then exhorted his hearers to show energy,
courage, and determination in adopting necessary measures ;
since " he that hopeth for help from Heaven without
helping himself, tempteth his Lord." He repeated this
advice with similar energy on the i8th and 25th of the
same month ; and only when assured that the courage
of the people had revived did he again lapse into the
silence now imposed upon him by causes which will
presently be described.
It was not long before the effect of these sermons was
seen. Four days after the delivery of the first an enact
ment was passed, again setting a price on the Medici's
heads, and that was virtually an almost general summons
to arms. It ran pretty much as follows : " Seeing that
Piero de' Medici, in his tyrannic.il greed, hath made many
attempts against the liberty of Florence, the Eight of
Guardia e Balia do now declare him a rebel ; wherefore,
in virtue of the statutes, he may be killed with impunity.
And inasmuch as he is seen to persevere In his evil intent,
by stirring against this city not only many Roman Barons,
but the Supreme Pontiff, and almost all the potentates
of Italy, hoping by their favour to crush your liberty,
usurp your revenues, violate your women and maidens,
and resume the course of tyranny with which he and his
ancestors so long oppressed your city, it hath been decreed
by the said Signori, Otto di Guardia e BaPia, that whoever
kills the said Piero de' Medici, who seeks to destroy our
liberty, shall receive a reward of 4,000 broad florins of '

THE FAILURE OF PIERO'S ATTEMPT. 19
gold." I Later a reward of 2,000 florins was likewise
offered for the head of Giuliano de' Medici ; 2 and officials
were appointed to administer their property in the interests
of the Republic.3
But this was not enough, nor did the Florentine people
stop here. Savonarola's sermons had roused both Arrab
biati and Piagnoni to arms, in their common hatred to
the Medici, and Piero's approach excited either party.'
to equal fear and indignation. Prompt and efficacious
measures were accordingly taken. The war with Pisa
was at once suspended, barely 2,000 foot and 300 men-
at-arms being left in the camp. And 1,000 foot soldiers
and 200 men-at-arms were despatched to the neighbour
hood of Cortona as a check upon the enemy supposed
to be advancing on that side. At the same time a body
of 1,500 foot and 300 men-at-arms was encamped near
the Sienese border, to prevent the forces of that State
from joining the Mediceans. Thus Piero found himself
practically surrounded on all sides. He lingered Inactively
between Tavernelle and Panlcale, awaiting promised con
tingents which never arrived. His purse being exhausted
by this delay, his army dispersed, and even Virginio Orsini
marched away. Thus Piero's expedition ended in smoke.
He was left in the field with a mere handful of men, '
had reaped nothing but failure and mortification, and
given the last blow to his exhausted credit. Accordingly
he was compelled to take flight, and, groaning over the
broken faith and false promises of the allies, strayed back
to Rome to seek refuge at the Court or with his friends, 4

' Provision of the Greater Council passed on the 15th of October,
1495 ; in the Florence Archives, " Provvisioni," Registro 187, at sheet 120.
= "Provvisione" ofthe 26th of November, 1495. Ibid., sheet 142.
3 "Provvisione" ofthe 19th of December, 1495. Ibid., sheet 157.
¦• Besides contemporary historians, see also Varchi, i. 94-95 ; Ammirato
bk. xxvi. (at the close).

20

SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.

Meanwhile the Florentines, rejoicing at the dispersal of
the threatened storm, again despatched their forces to
Pisa, and felt growing distrust in the League, which, as
was now clearly seen, under pretence of saving Italy,
only sought to crush the Republic.

CHAPTER II.

THE POPE ISSUES A "BRIEF SUMMONING SoiiVONAROLA
TO RO.ME. HIS REPLY. ANOTHER BRIEF PROHIBITS
HIM FROM PREACHING, BUT THE TEN PROCURE ITS
TACIT REVOCATION. oM CARDINAL'S HAT IS OFFERED
TO SAVONAROLA, BUT HE REFUSES TO QdCCEPT IT.

^=^^nf^^^

(1495-I496.)

)HE hatred of the Arrabbiati and Fra-
tescjii against Piero de' Medici was the
real cause of the failure of his expedi
tion ; for had the allies been really
determined to help him, the city of
Florence could scarcely have withstood
their attack. Hence the ill-success of the enterprise may
be chiefly attributed to the lack of harmony between the
members of the League. Duke Ludovico had never for
gotten the insults he had received from Piero de' Medici ;
and although the latter was now lavish in protestations of
friendship and respect, had resolved to prevent his rein
statement in Florence. Besides, he was now reconciled
with the Arrabbiati who had succeeded in rousing his
violent irritation against Savonarola by giving him to
understand that the Friar made direct allusion to him, and
actually mentioned him by name in his sermons against the
vices of Italian potentates and in his descriptions of tyrants.
Accordingly, Ludovico had long joined in their schemes for

2 2 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Savonarola's overthrow. i In this way the Arrabbiati were
able to carry out their purpose of covertly attacking the
popular government, while Ludovico, by persecuting a
Friar who was opposed to him, made fresh friends in
Florence, and improved his chances of gaining a foothold
there in the future. To this end his orator, Paolo
Somenzi, sojourned In the city, and, as we shall see, almost
acted the part of a spy and provocative agent (^agente pro-
vocatore), receiving efficacious assistance from his colleague,
Francesco Tranchedino, the Milanese orator at Bologna. -
As regarded the rest ofthe allies, the Venetians objected
' Pitti, in his " Storia di Firenze,'' says : " For the which reason his
(Savonarola's) enemies were more submissive than ever to the Duke of
Milan, who, being desirous of restricting the power of the Government,
with their help, had alreadj', in the year 1495, at their instance, obt.ained
briefs from Rome, through his brother, the Cardinal, to prohibit the
Friar from preaching " (" Arch. Stor. Ital.," vol. i. p. 50). Xardi fre
quently dwells on the intrigues of the Arrabbiati. At p. 88 of vol. i. he
says : " Nevertheless many of the leading citizens being ill-content vvith
this form of government, they, while dissimulating their real motive,
cunningly opposed the above-mentioned Frk Girolamo, since he had
helped to establish it, and at the same time the Pope, incited thereunto by
certain citizens and ecclesiastics, once more summoned the Friar to Rome,
&c." Almost identical statements are to be found in Guicciardini's
" Storia d'ltalia " and " Storia di Firenze." But one of Savonarola's
letters to the Moor, and those of the latter's envoys and spies, throw a
still stronger light on the fact, that the persecutions directed against the
Friar originated in political rather than religious causes.
' The letters of Somenzi and Tranchedino were often quoted and some
published in the first (Italian) edition of this work. Many others were
subsequently published by Prof. Del Lungo in the "Arch. Storico Ital."
New Series, vol. xviii. part i. p. 2 and foh Nevertheless much of th'e
correspondence is still inedited, and some of the letters will be men
tioned and others given in extenso farther on. On the 27th of January
1495, Somenzi wrote that the Friar was persisting "in his abominable
tendencies and deeds. For the which reason I am making some efforts
to rouse this people to enmity against him." And on the 8th of February
he added : " So far the practices against the Friar have gone well and I
hope they will have the good result that is desired." But on the '18th of
March he was obliged to write: " It is thought that these Florentines
will end by coming to blows amongst themselves ; but in that case I
believe the Friar's party will have the best of it, inasmuch as two-
thirds of the people are on the Friar's side" (Del Lungo, loc. cit. doc.

THE POPE'S ANGER IS STIRRED. 23
to these secret arrangements and machinations on the part
of the Milanese Duke, and continued favourable to Piero
de' Medici ; but they were the only power decidedly in
clined to reinstate him in Florence. Even the Pope himself
was very cold upon this point, since his chief purpose was
the aggrandisement of his own offspring ; hence he too
secretly yearned to fix his rapacious claws on the Floren
tine Republic, and had no sympathy to spare for any other
object. It was therefore easy for the Arrabbiati and the
Duke of Milan to obtain his co-operation In the deadly
war they had planned against Savonarola ; and having
once kindled the ire of so tenacious a hater, their designs
advanced rapidly to fulfilment.
At first, as we have said before, Alexander had no
special reason to hate Savonarola ; but when, early in
1495, he began to receive letters from Florence and
Milan, describing the Friar as an audacious denouncer of
the clergy and the Pope ; when altered, exaggerated, and
falsified versions ofthe Friar's discourses — already daring
enough in their genuine form — were placed before his eyes ;
and when he was told that the Prior of St. Mark's was the
sole support of the popular party, sole author of the
popular hatred to the Medici and the League, Alexander's
anger was roused and soon burst into flame. Cardinal
Ascanio Sforza, brother to Ludovico, and his chief agent
in Rome,! vvas he who blew most dexterously on this flame,
from the moment that it was first kindled. Another of
Savonarola's worst enemies was now in Rome, i.e., the
preaching Friar, Mariano da Genazzano, who had never '
forijlven the shameful defeat he had endured in Florence.
He was one of the most active conspirators in favour of
the Medici and against Savonarola, whom he assailed with
the foulest calumnies. He always spoke of him as " Tkc
' Vide at doc. vii. of Prof. Del Lungo's work (above quoted) the letter
from Ascanio Sforza, dated 15th of April, 1496.

24 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Devil's Instrument,'"^ and maliciously harped upon all his
invectives against the evil life of the clergy, and all his
declarations of intending to go farther and speak more
frankly at any risk. The Borgia dissimulated his anger on
this head ; but in reality it wrought him to fury. Rumours
were already afloat concerning scandals of a kind that
history often shrinks from recording, and it was openly
asserted that another son had been, or was just about
to be born to the already aged Pope, and that this would
be his sixth or seventh chlld.^ Accordingly we may
imagine with what feelings he must have regarded the
monk who inculcated morality from the pulpit, and fear
lessly thundered against all transgressors.
The Borgia now set to work with characteristic astute
ness. On the 25 th of July, 1495, he addressed Savonarola
in a brief of the mildest description, conceived in these
terms : "To our well-beloved son, greeting and the apos
tolic benediction. We have heard that of all the workers
in the Lord's vineyard, thou art the most zealous ; at the
which we deeply rejoice, and give thanks to the Almighty
God.3 We have likewise heard that thou dost assert
that thy predictions of the future proceed not from thee
but from God ; wherefore we desire, as behooves our
pastoral office, to have speech with thee concerning these
things ; so that being, by thy means, better informed of
God's will, we may be the better able to fulfil It.4 Where
fore, by thy vow of holy obedience, we enjoin thee to wait
' Further on we shall have to speak in detail of Frk Mariano's
intrigues. " Even the " Civilta Cattolica " (the renowned Papal organ) is forced
to acknowledge — in its issue ofthe 15th of March, 1S73— that this sixth or
seventh child (Giovanni) really existed during the reign of Alexander VI. ,
between 1494 and 1499.
^ " Inter ceteros vineae Domini Sabaoth operarios te plurimum
laborare, multorum relatu percipimus. De quo valde laetamur," &c.
¦• " Ut quod placitum est Deo, melius perte cognoscentes, per.agamus ''
&c.

THE POPE TRIES TO ENTICE HIM TO ROME. 25
on us without delay, and shall welcome thee with loving-
kindness." I
The subtle craft dictating this brief is shown by the way
in which it appeals to Savonarola's sincerity, which was in
truth of the greatest. But the character of the Borgian
Pope was too well known to all men, and the Florentines
were too keenly awake to the plots of the Arrabbiati, who
had already attempted Savonarola's life by steel and poison,
and now openly boasted of their friendship with Rome.
Hence no one was deceived as to the purport of this
extraordinarily gentle summons. All saw that the Pope
designed either to have him murdered by the way, or,
should that plan fail, to seize him and put him to death
in the dungeons of Castle St. Angelo.^ Consequently his
friends hastened to beseech him not to stir from Florence,
where his presence was more indispensable than ever, now
that the departure of the French had brought so many
fresh dangers on the Republic. The dilemma was one of
serious difficulty for Savonarola ; he had either to disobey
the Pope's mandate, or risk falling a prey to his wrath and
that of the Arrabbiati, who hoped to destroy the popular
government by its preacher's death. At this moment he
was only just recovering from a serious intestinal disturb
ance, by which his strength had been so much exhausted
that, according to the physician's dictura, his life was in
danger unless he would abstain from all preaching and
study. A {t^ days before he had already announced this
to the people, saying that illness compelled him to suspend

' Both this brief and Savonarola's reply to the same were very incor
rectly printed. We have restored them to their true reading. Vide
Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxiii. and xxiv.
" As, at a later period Clement VII. treated Benedetto da Foiano, a
brother of St. Mark's, who, by preaching Savonarola's doctrines during
the siege of Florence (1529-30), had roused the people to fight for their
freedom. On going to Rome this Friar was starved to death in one of
the subterranean dungeons of Castle St. Angelo.

26 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
his sermons. I And indeed his exhaustion was written in
his face, and all saw that he was barely able to mount the
pulpit stairs. It is true that, on facing the people and be
ginning to speak, his vigour revived and made him appear
even stronger and more impassioned than before. But
this was merely a passing and almost fictitious excitement,
frequently followed by a reaction costing him many days of
utter prostration. He therefore decided to entirely abandon
the pulpit and at the same time to submit tothe Pope the
just and well-founded reasons compelling him to delay his
departure. But first of all he determined to bid his hearers
farewell and give them the advice required in the present
state of affairs. He foresaw the dangers overhanging thei
Republic, perceiving that It was not only imperative to
be on the alert against the Arrabbiati, but likewise against
the Medici, who were all the more dangerous because they
were less feared.
Accordingly, on the 28th of July, he delivered one of
his terrible sermons. The Signory and all the magistrates
attended mass in the Duomo that day, and Savonarola
mounted the pulpit in a mood of profound sadness. He
had to forsake his flock at a monient when the departure
and treachery of King Charles had brought new perils on
Florence ; when his enemies were making war upon him,
so that his overthrow might lead to that of the Re
public, and had dexterously contrived to convert the
Pope into an instrument of their party strife. But if the
Republic was to be assailed in his person, Savonarola saw
very plainly that in defending himself he defended the
whole people. Therefore, although almost too feeble to
drag himself into the pulpit, once in sight of his flock, he
looked on the expectant throng and felt braced to renewed
effort. '"Prediche sopra i Salmi." Sermon xxiii. (delivered on the -'4th
of June), xxiv. (5th of July), xxv. (12th of July).

HE DENOUNCES THE CRIMES IN FLORENCE. 27
He began by speaking of the corrupt habits and
scandals still prevailing in Florence. Gamblers, blas
phemers, loose women, and other persons dedicated to
unmentionable vices, still polluted the city by their
presence. They had grown more reckless since thej
persecution of the Friar had begun, what might they not
become when he was reduced to silence ? Hence
Savonarola did not spare them on this occasion. He
urged the authorities to chastise them severely, even by
death, if their practices could be checked in no other way.
He reminded his hearers how, in consequence of Achan's
sin, the wrath of God had been poured out on the whole
Hebrew people, and could only be appeased by the death
of the culprit. " Take heed, therefore, Florence, thou
that wouldst be so pitiful, see in what way the Lord
wrought ! Art thou wiser than God i" Art thou more
merciful than God ? Art thou more than God, thou }
O Florence I thou wouldst be more clement than God ;
but thy clemency is madness, thy pity is cruel ; do justice,
I tell thee, on these nefarious crimes.' I tell thee, the
Almighty God demands justice ; it behooves thee to arise
and seize one of these men and lead him forth and cry :
this man deserves death. Otherwise, ye and your city
will be endangered. Renounce dancing, renounce gam- (
bling, close the taverns. I tell thee, O Florence, now is
the time to weep, not to make merry." These threats,
however, were only uttered in order to terrify the people,
since, in spite of his profound hatred for every form of
vice, Savonarola never practically forsook his natural
moderation, although often indulging in undue vehemence
of speech. He next turned tothe subject of prophecy, declaring it
¦ Both in this and other sermons Savonarola alludes to unnatural
vices, then very prevalent in Florence, where philosophers and literati
were accustomed to speak of them with cynical mirth, and quote the
example of the ancient Greeks.

28 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
to be needful to the salvation of the people and the Church,
" the which is now made desolate by the corruption of its
rulers and the lack of good preachers. The honest preacher
should be ready to give his life for truth's sake, and to
save his people ; but where now are such preachers to be
found } I tell thee that so long as matters proceed in this
fashion, the Church will sink to lower depths of ruin, and
Italy will have no respite. As I have already said unto
ye, O clergy, ye have given birth to this tempest."
Again changing his theme, he then turned to politics.
" To four things have I exhorted ye : To the fear of God,
to peace, to the public welfare, and to the reform of the
government, i.e., to the Greater Council ; now I have only
to insist on these same." And thus, examining all
subjects in turn, he drove them home by new arguments.
Above all he urged the necessity of union, and suggested
the appointment of officers of peace, " who should put an
end to these names of Bigi, Bianchi, and Arrabbiati,
which are the ruin of the city, . . At all events, let the
construction of the Council-hall be hurried forward,
employing on it, if needful, the artificers of the Duomo,
since their labour will be the most pleasing to the Lord.
Let the council remain steadfast, and, becoming better
and purer, be the sole hope, the sole strength of the
people." It was on the same day and at this very moment
that Savonarola proposed the law for the abolition of
Parliaments to which we have already alluded, and pro
nounced his famous diatribe against all who still favoured
those gatherings, saying : " They refuse to understand
that the council is the supreme power, and must com
mand in all things." He found no threats nor punish
ments severe enough for those men, knowing that the
Parliament was the means to which the Arrabbiati in
general, and the Mediceans in particular, intended shortly
to recur, in order to overthrow the present form of

HE BIDS THE PEOPLE FAREWELL. 29
government. Having thus impressed the people with
the necessity of guarding against the coming danger,
he offered a few other brief counsels and then hastened
to conclude. He exhorted the Signory not to waste
time continually on petty matters, as was too much the
custom in Florence ; but to limit their attention to
afiairs of importance and leave the rest to the minor
authorities. He recommended them to encourage labour
in all possible ways, " even should It be necessary to levy
a tax on the guild of silk and wool." And finally he
pronounced his farewell, saying : " My people, when I
stand here, I am always strong ; and if, when out of the
pulpit, I could feel as when in it, I should always be well.
But after descending these stairs I believe that my
pains will return, and for this reason some time v/ill pass
before I see ye again, for I must needs wait a little to re
cover. Then, if still living, I will again begin to preach.
But probably a month may elapse, unless your prayers
should recall me sooner. During this time Fra Domenico
will preach in my stead ; then will I return, if still alive.
But the welfare of Florence will be cared for in any
case. However much the wicked may labour at their
work, this seed shall bear fruit, for It is God's will. I
might this day tell ye who be the authors of your perils ;
but I would do harm to no man, and ye will know their
names when they are brought to punishment. I must
now conclude, for I have preached so often, and laboured
so hard, as to have shortened my life by many years,
and am fallen very weak. Well, brother, what reward
wouldst thou have .? I would have martyrdom ; I am
content to endure it ; I pray for it each day, O Lord, for
love of this city." '
After delivering this sermon, Savonarola immediately
sent his reply to the Pope on the last day of July, and
' Predica ofthe 28th of July, "sopra i Salmi."

30 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
his letter isa remarkable combination of dignified humility
and noble frankness. Acknowledging that a monk's first
duty was certainly to yield obedience to his superiors, he
said that it was likewise permissible to bring forward such
reasonable excuses as might sometimes retard his obedience,
and quoted, on this head, the words addressed by Pope
Alexander III. to the Bishop of Ravenna. He then
continued as follows : " Most Blessed Father ! My most
ardent desire is to behold the shrine of the Apostles Peter
and Paul in order to worship the relics of those great
saints ; ar.1 still more willingly would I have gone thither
now that the Holy Father deigneth to summon to him his
humble servant. But I am barely issued from a very
serious malady, the which hath forced me to suspend both
preaching and study, and still threateneth my life.
" Furthermore, I am bound rather to obey the benign
purpose ofthe command than the mere words in which it is
framed. Now, inasmuch as the Lord, by my means, hath
saved this city from much bloodshed, and subjected it to
good and holy laws,' there be many adversaries, both
within and without the city, who, having sought to en
slave it, and having been confounded instead, now seek my
blood, and have frequently attempted my life by steel
and poison. Wherefore I could not depart without
manifest risk, nor can I even walk through the city with
out an armed escort. ^ Also, this newly reformed govern
ment, that the Lord hath been pleased, by my means, to
give to Florence, is not yet firmly rooted, and is visibly in
danger without continued assistance ; wherefore, in the
' " Quum Civitatem a non mediocri sanguinis effusione et a multis
aliis noxiis, mea opera, Dominus liberaverit, et ad concordiam legesque
sanctas revocaverit, infesti facti sunt mihi, tam in civitate quam extra,
iniqui homines."
° Luca Landucci, "Diario," p. io6 : " And on the 24th of May, 1495,
an attempt was made on Frk Giiolamo's life in the street of the
Cocomero, after he had been preaching."

Ins LETTER TO THE POPE. 31
judgment of all good and experienced citizens, my depar
ture would be of great hurt to the city, while of scant
profit to Rome. I I cannot suppose that my superior
would desire the ruin of a whole city, and therefore
trust that your Holiness will graciously accede to this
delay, so that the reform begun by the Lord's will may
be brought to perfection, since I am certain that it is for
the good of the same that He hath now raised up these
hindrances to my journey. ^
"And should your Holiness desire greater certitude on
the matters publicly foretold by me concerning the chas
tisement of Italy and the renovation of the Church, you
will find them set forth in a book of mine that is now
being made publlc.3 I was anxious to have these predic
tions put in print, so that, should they be not fulfilled,
the world may know me to be a false prophet. But there
are other things of a more hidden nature that must still
remain veiled, and which I may not as yet reveal to any
mortal. " Accordingly I beseech your Holiness to graciously
accept my very true and plain excuses, and to believe that
it is my ardent desire to come to Rome ; wherefore, as
soon as possible, I shall spur myself to set forth." 4-
To, this letter the Pope made no reply; but, perceiving
that it would be useless to insist any farther at present, sent
an express message to Savonarola 5 to state that he accepted
his excuses. So the Friar, having retired to his convent,
' " Discessus meus maximas iacturae huic populo, et modicae isthie
utilitatis foret."
" " Dum hoc coeptum perficiatur opus, cuius gratia haec impedimenta,
ne proficiscar, nutu divino accidisse, equidem certus sum."
3 He here alludes to the " Compendium Revelationum."
* Vide Appendix (to the Italian edition), doc. xxiv.
5 In his sermon of the i8th of February, 1498, Savonarola related the
history of all the briefs received from Rome. And in mentioning his
reply he says : "He {the Pope) accepted my excuses very graciously."
lide sheet 20-22 of Venetian edition, 1540.

32 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
studied his health, and only addressed occasional, short
discourses to the brotherhood. He was replaced in the
Duomo by Fra Domenico of Pescia, who did his best
to expound his master's doctrines and imitate his style
and mode of delivery, although unable to approach him
in originality, energy, or eloquence.' Nevertheless the
people went very gladly to hear him, for all loved the
straightforward sincerity of his character, and knew that
he acted as Savonarola's mouthpiece.
But while everything was going on in this quiet and
peacefiil manner, suddenly, on the 8th of September, a new
and unexpected brief arrived from Rome, addressed to
the brethren of Santa Croce, the foes of St. Mark's, desig
nating Savonarola as " a certain Fra Girolamo, a seeker
after novelty, and disseminator of false doctrines." -
" This man's wits have been so perturbed by the changes
in Italian affairs," the brief continued, " that he seeketh to
make the people believe that he hath a mission from God
and holdeth discourse with God, although unable to prove
this, either by miracles or the direct evidence of the Holy
Scriptures, as the canonical law would prescribe. We
have shown great patience towards him, in the hope that
" One of Frk Domenico's sermons is to be found at the end of
Savonarola's "Prediche sopra i Salmi," and bears the date ofthe 29th oi
September. ' " And then, after some days had passed, i.e., about the whole of one
month and half of another, the before-mentioned brief having been
issued towards the end of July, there came another brief dated about the
8th of September, full of vituperations, and including no less than eighteen
blunders. And the first of these was, that the brief was addressed to the
Monastery of Sta. Croce, and therefore went to Sta. Croce, whereas it was
intended for St. Mark's. And it was further said in that brief: Quemdam
Hieronymum Savotiarolam, i.e., a certain Jeronimo Savonarola, even as
though he (the Pope) knew nothing of me, and had not written to me so
affectionately less than a month and a half before ! Then there were many
other trifling errors, which honour forbids me to mention here ; but by
the many blunders in his briefs after so short an interval thou mayest
see that the Pope has been misled" (Sermon of the i8th of February,
1498).

ANOTHER BRIEF FROM THE POPE. 33
he would repent and retrieve his transgressions by making
submission to us and desisting from that scandalous sever
ance from the Lombard Congregation, to which our con
sent was extorted by the specious devices of certain
monks." The brief wound up by referring the whole
affair to Fra Sebastiano de Madiis, Vicar-General of the
Lombard Congregation, ordering Savonarola to recog
nize the latter's authority, to go without delay to any
place to which he might be summoned, and meanwhile
to refrain from every description of preaching, whether
public or private. The Convent of St. Mark was
declared to be joined to the Lombard Congregation,
and Fra Domenico, Fra Silvestro, and Fra Tommaso
Busini were instructed to repair to Bologna within nine
days. All this under pain of excommunication, lata
sententice.^ Why should the Pope have been so suddenly stirred to
hostility after accepting the Friar's excuses ? Why should
a brief, solely concerning Savonarola and his brethren,
have been addressed to the friars of Sta. Croce, the foes of
St. Mark's.'' Undoubtedly for the purpose of increasing
its publicity, and preventing its concealment. But the
cause of the Pope's sudden change was only understood
later. The dangers predicted in Savonarola's last sermon
in July all came to pass, and the wisdom of his invectives
against tyrants and Parliaments was clearly justified by
Piero de' Medici's attempt. This indeed took place
shortly afterwards, although its connection with other
events compelled us to relate it in the preceding chapter.
' Mons. Qudtif, in publishing this brief, gave it the date of the i6th of
October, 1497. We knew this to be wrong, and believed that it should
be changed to the 8th of September, 1496. But since then, the fresh
documents brought to light by Signor Gherardi have enabled us to ascer
tain the real date to be 8th of September, 1495, as given in Codex 2053
ofthe Riccardi Library, sheet cix. Vide Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti,"
&c., p. 256 and fol.
VOL. II. 4

34 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Hence it was highly important to the Pope that Savon
arola should be reduced to silence ; but in order to prevent
the discovery that his chief purpose was to aim a blow at
the Republic, he gave the question the air of a dispute as
to the junction or severance of certain convents, and left
it to be decided by others. The Congregation of St.
Mark's once dissolved, Savonarola's authority would be at
an end, and should he leave Tuscany, in obedience to the
commands of the Lombard Superior, he would speedily
fall into Alexander's hands. '
Savonarola had understood all this from the first, and
was deeply Incensed bv it ; but his position was one of
extreme difficulty. He was reluctant to com^^llcate the
matter by openly rebelling against the authority of the
Pope, but was determined not to allow the Republic to
be crushed without exciting the Florentines to resistance.
He freely expressed these sentiments In a letter ofthe 15th
of September of this year addressed to a brother of his
Order in Rome, saying : " It is known to all the world
that the charges made against me are false, and will bring
great infamy on those prelates and the whole of Rome.
I well know that my accusers have no just cause of attack,
for verily they are stoning me for a good deed ; but I
dread them not, neither fear I their power, for the grace
of God and a pure conscience suffice me. I know the
root of all these plots, and know them to be the work of
evil minded citizens who would fain re-establish tyranny
in Florence, and are agreed with certain Italian potentates.
All these men seek my death ; thus I can no longer go
' "It was the Pope's desire to re-unite the said Congregation of Tuscany
with the old and general Congregation of Lombardy, in order to remove
this Friar from the city of Florence, and annul the Congregation of his
followers and adherents ; and all this had been brought about by the
adversaries of the present government, and more especially by those who
hoped that the city would turn in favour of the Holy League and the
Medici House" (Nardi, vol. i. p. 124).

SA V0NAR0L.4'S REPLY. 35
abroad without a guard of armed men. Nevertheless, it
there be no other way of saving my conscience, I am re
solved to make submission, so as to avoid even a venial sin.
For the present I suspend judgment and take no hasty
decision, following In this the precepts of the Fathers." '
In pursuance of this intent he forwarded a detailed
reply to the Pope on the 29th of September.- In this he
lamented that his enemies should have succeeded in
deceiving the Holy Father regarding events witnessed by
the whole people. " As to my doctrines," he continued,
"I have always been submissive to the Church ; as regards
prophecy, I have never absolutely declared myself a
prophet, although this would be no heresy ; but I have
undoubtedly foretold various things, of which some have
already been fulfilled, and others that will be verified at
some future time. Moreover, It Is known to all Italy that
the chastisement hath already begun, and how solely by
means of my words there hath been peace in Florence,
the which failing all would have suffered greater woes."
And hereupon he reminded the Pope that the brief
ordaining the separation (of the convents) had not been
extorted by a few friars, but at the request of all, and
' Tliis letter was published by Mons. Perrens, to whom it had been
given by Abate Bernardi, vvho had discovered it in a codex of the Marcian
Library of Venice (class ix. 41), with the date 15th of September, 1496.
But this date was changed by Mons. Perrens to that of 15th of Septeniber,
1495, and Gherardi has proved that he was right in so doing. It is true
that in the old Codex 2053 ofthe Riccardi Library (sheet cxvi') the letter
is dated 1496 ; but there is an added note to the eflect that the letter
should be placed directly after the brief of the 8th of September, 1495,
and that its original date of 1495 had been afterwards erroneously altered
to 1496.
' " Responsio Fratris Hieronymi Savonarolae ad Alexandrum Papam
sextum." This was wrongly dated 29th of September, 1497, by Mons,
Qut^tif. We judged it to be a blunder, and supposed that it should be
changed to 29th of September, 1496. But Gherardi (in his before-men
tioned work) proved that the real date to be assigned to it was that of
29th of September, 1495, as given in an anthentic copy of the brief itself.
Other Codices bear different dates, but the real one is that now given.

35 SJ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
that it was only granted after long debate. " Then, as to
leaving our case to the decision of the Lombard Vicar,
this implies making our adversary our judge, since the
quarrels between the two congregations are publicly
known. What can have given birth to all this. Most
Blessed Father, save the false accusations and lying re
ports of the enemies of this Republic, the which I
have delivered from many dangers and restored to true
religion and freedoni, by destroying factions, reforming
manners, and establishing peace ? And besides," con
cluded Savonarola, citing the authority of many Fathers
of the Church, " it is lawfial for all to pass from one rule
to another that Is stricter and more severe. Our reunion
with the Lombard friars at this moment would only
deepen the rancour already, unhappily, existing between
the two congregations, and give rise to fresh dispute and
fresh scandal. And finally, inasmuch as your Holiness
declares that you desire this union so as to prevent others
from lapsing into my errors, and inasmuch as it is now
most plain that I have not lapsed into error, the cause
being non-existent, neither should its effect remain.
Having therefore proved the falsity of all the charges
brought against me, I pray your Holiness to vouchsafe a
reply to my defence, and to grant me absolution. I preach
the doctrine of the Holy Fathers, have departed In nothing
from their precepts, and am ready, if I should be in error,
not only to correct myself, but to avow it publicly, and
make amends before the whole people. And now again
I repeat that which I have always said, i.e., that I submit
myself and all my writings to the correction of the
Holy Roman Church." At the same time Savonarola
addressed many other letters to friends of some influence
In Rome, repeating the arguments he had adduced to the
Pope In kis own favour, and most earnestly recommending
his cause to all.

THE POPE'S DECEITFUL REJOINDER. 37
With his usual acuteness and sagacity, Alexander Vf.
grasped the difficulty of the case, and hastened to
proceed with an astuteness truly worthy of a whilom
law student of Barcelona. Seeing that the Friar was re
solved neither to dissolve his congregation nor depart from
Florence ; seeing that Piero de' Medici's preparations were
going on, and that this was a most critical moment for
the Republic, and considering that the sole object of any
real importance to himself, at this juncture, was to
exclude the Friar from the pulpit, he desisted from
threats and recurred to flattery. Accordingly on the
1 6th of October another brief' was despatched, in which
the Pope replied to Savonarola's letter as though rejoicing
over the recovery of a strayed sheep. " In other letters,"
so he said, " we have manifested our grief to thee,
regarding these disturbances in Florence, of which thy
sermons have been the chief cause ; forasmuch as instead
of preaching against vice and In favour of union, thou
dost predict the future, the which thing might give
birth to discord even among a pacific people, much more
therefore among the Florentines, in whom there be so
many seeds of discontent and party spirit. These were
the reasons for which we bade thee to our presence ; but
now that, by thy letters and the testimony of many
cardinals, we find thee prepared to yield obedience to the
Roman Church, we do greatly rejoice, feeling assured that
thou hast erred rather from overmuch simplicity than
from badness of heart. Wherefore we again reply to thy
letters, and in virtue of thy vow of holy obedience
command thee to abstain from all sermons not only in
public, but in private, so that no man may say that after
preaching in the pulpit thou hast been reduced to con-
' To this brief also Quetif has assigned the date of i6th of October,
1497. We believed it to be wrong, and Signor Gherardi (p. 259) repro
duces the original brief, discovered by himself, and dated i6th of
October, 1495.

38 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
venticles. And thou wilt persevere in this course until
such time as thou mayest be able to seek our presence
with greater safety and with honour — when we will
receive thee in a joyful and fatherly spirit — or until we
shall have come to a riper decision as to the course to be
prescribed for thee, and appointed a suitable person to
settle these matters. And If, as we doubt not, thou wilt
obey, we shall then revoke all our preceding briefs, so that
thou mayest tranquilly attend to thy spiritual welfare." "
By good fortune this brief of the i6th of October was
a long time on the way,^ and thus Savonarola, while
awaiting the reply to his letter, was enabled to occupy
the pulpit during that month and deliver the three
sermons to which we have referred, and which contributed
so much towards the failure of the Medici expedition.
But on receiving the ostensibly affectionate brief that
wound up by condemning him to silence, his position
became more difiicult than before. He thoroughly com
prehended that all this paternal suavity was a mere
device to seal his lips at the moment when the Re
public had most need of his words : it was a stroke of
the Borgia's usual craft that was now understood by all.
In fact the letters of the Florentine ambassador in Rome
gave Information that the Pope's anger was growing daily
more violent, and that he was absolutely determined to
seize the Friar's person. But, as we have seen, Piero de'
Medici's expedition speedily failed, and there being no
longer any pressing need for Savonarola to raise his voice
in defence of the Republic, he held his peace so as to
' " Later came another brief, saying that I had propagated doctrines
fitted to sow discord among the most pacific people, and many other
false things, and he therefore suspended me from preaching " (Sermon of
the i8th of February, 149S).
= This is proved by the letters of the Ferrarese ambassador in Flor
ence (Cappelli, Frk Girolamo Savonarola, &c.). Vide Prof. Cosci's work
in the "Archivio Storico Italiano," Series IV., vol. iv. p. 306.

SAVONAROLA'S ANXIETIES. 39
give his foes no fresh pretext for attack. In fact, during j
Advent in 1495 ^^ never once ascended the pulpit, andj
Fra Domenico continued to take his place in Sta. Maria
del Fiore.
The mind of Savonarola must have been deeply agitated
during those months of silence, and when still so enfeebled
by disease. He saw that he was being forced into a
struggle with Rome, to defend his doctrines against
obviously calumnious accusations, and his life from the
snares laid for him by party hatred. If he took thought
for his own safety, he would have to neglect the political
reforms already making such satisfactory progress, and
the moral crusade that had already led to such happy
results. This was precisely the end desired by his foes.
As to the charges of being a heretic, a disseminator of
scandal, a seducer of the people, and so on, they were not
believed, even by those who brought them forward. The
Pope, as we shall soon see even more plainly, had no
fault to find with the Friar's teachings ; but, together with
the Arrabbiati and Duke Ludovico, attacked him on /
entirely personal and political grounds, in order to exter-/
minate his party by his downfall. So long as the struggle
wore its true aspect of a purely political conflict,
Savonarola had always faced it with a bold front ; but
now the ground was being shifted, the political question
cunningly veiled in the guise of a religious dispute, and
he realized all the dangers and difficulties of his position.
Had it been really a question of dogma, he would have
submitted to the authority of the Church ; but the Pope
merely taxed him in general terms with the dissemination
of false doctrines, and commanded him to hold his peace.
Therefore he must either forsake the people, in order to
obey commands, solely aimed at the destruction of
Florentine liberty, or he must rebel against the papal
authority, bring his own cause before the public, and thus

40 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
breed scandal and dissension in the Church. He was
deeply saddened by this, but unhesitatingly accepted
silence, in the hope that a fresh attempt would be made
by well-disposed magistrates and cardinals to bring the
Borgia to a milder frame of mind. Indeed, Savonarola's
letters at this period prove that he was then most firmly
resolved never to return to the pulpit without permission
from Rome.' But, notwithstanding his silence, he had no
doubts regarding the justice of his cause. He wished to
avoid rousing scandal in the Church, but could not re
cognize the validity of orders sent for political ends
and inspired by his enemies' calumnious reports. The
increasing iniquities of the Pope and his children, who
were openly accused of incestuous intrigues, and of murders
by poison, struck terror into all, and stirred Savonarola to
irrepressible indignation. Accordingly, it was at this time
that his theories as to the best mode of checking the
evils oppressing the Church first took a definite shape.
Many good and experienced Catholics maintained the
opinion that Alexander's election was null and void, having
been obtained, as all knew, by simony, and that the only
way to put an end to the numerous scandals of which he
was the cause, would be to summon a council to depose
him. The leader of this party was the pugnacious Car
dinal of St. Piero in Vincoli, afterwards Pope Julius II. 2
' Vide Savonarola's letter to Frk Antonio of Holland, to wliich -vve
shall allude farther on. It is included in the Appendix to the Italian
edition. ° Padre Marchese, " Storia di San Marco," p. 225 and fol. : " Julianus
Robureus, Card. S. Petri ad Vincula, in Gallias aufugit, iram Alexandri
veritus, cum celebrandum Concilium oecumenicum diceret, nimirum ad
erigendam Ecclesiam a simoniacis conculcatam." Rainaldo ad an., 1492.
The said Cardinal, on being made Pope, issued a Bull (14th of January,
1505) in confirmation of the Lateran Council, declaring Alexander's
election null, and incapable of convalidation, even by the subsequent
homage of the Cardinals. Vide Padre Marchese, p. 226, note i. The
same writer remarks on this subject (p. 231), that since Alexander's
election has had the continued approval of the Church, no Catholics can

SA VONAROLA'S APPEAL TO KING CHARLES. 41
He styled the Borgia an infidel and a heretic, and was
constantly in waiting on King Charles, doing his utmost
to induce him to assemble a council, and achieve the
reform of the Church. Nor was the monarch opposed to
the idea, for his ambassador, De Commines, frequently
repeats : " A little more and this reform would have been
carried out."' The first time the French passed through
Rome, no less than eighteen cardinals joined Della Rovere
in pressing the king to procure the desired reform.
And on two occasions the French guns were pointed on
Castle St. Angelo, for the purpose of seizing Alexander's
person, and summoning the council by force ; 2 but then,
Charles, being always most hesitating when on the brink of
a resolve, ended by taking the advice of Brissonet, who
had great influence over him, and had received much
favour and many bribes from the Pope.
None could be more anxious than Savonarola to urge
on the council and procure the desired reform ; and
although he had sometimes hesitated to push the matter,
for fear of raising scandal in the Church whose unity was
his most cherished aim, the fresh infamies perpetrated
by the Pope now put an end to his hesitation. Knowing
that he might count on the sure support of the Cardinal
of San Piero in Vincoli, 3 so long as he abstained from
treating the subject in the pulpit, he continued to write
pressing letters to King Charles, beseeching him to carry
out the promised reforms.
concur in the opinion of Julius II. But, he adds, although this opinion
did not bar Cardinal della Rovere's path to the Papal Chair, it led the
way to Savonarola's martyrdom.
' " Preschoit (Savonarola) que I'estat de I'Eglise seroit reform^ k
I'espde. Cela n'est pas encore advenu, mais en fut bien pres, et encore le
maintient " (Commines, " Memoires," &c., bk. viii. chap. ii.).
° Marchese, p. 227 ; Guicciardini " Storia d'ltalia," bk. i. chap. iv. ;
Rainaldo, ad an., 1495, No. i.
3 We learn from the documents of Savonarola's trial that the Cardinal
had occasionally sent him words of encouragenient and incentive.

42 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Three of the letters, in fact, which we find addressed
to the \img,post amissionem regni neapolitani,^ were written
this year, and lead us to suppose the existence of others.
In these, as in the previously quoted missive of the
'26th of May, Savonarola always speaks as a prophet of
the Lord : " Remember," he says, " that I repeatedly
announced your descent into Italy, when it was expected
by none ; I have predicted your success, predicted your
perils. The Lord hath punished ye, because, deviating
from His commands, ye have abandoned His work. And
still heavier punishments await ye if ye return not to
the right path. I tell ye, in the name of the Lord, that
if your ways be not changed, if ye maintain not your
sworn promises, if ye fail to perform that which hath
been commanded ye through my lips, the Lord will
revoke your election as the chosen minister of His will,
and elect another in your stead." The death of the
Dauphin,2 a few months after this time, confirmed the
bereaved monarch's faith in the truth of Savonarola's
prophecies. But even this was not enough to put an
end to the eternal hesitancy by which he seemed fated to
disgust all the world.
Meanwhile Savonarola kept silence, devoted himself
to study, and corresponded with his kinsmen who were
then suffering from poverty and domestic trouble.
These letters show that, like all men of true greatness,
he was constant and unchanging in his family affections.
He urged upon his brothers the necessity of aiding one
another, since, for his part, having renounced the world,
he could only help them by his words. Nevertheless
' These, hitherto unknown, letters to which we have before alluded
are undated They were discovered by us in the above-mentioned
Codex 2053 of the Riccardi Library, together with the letter dated 26th
of May, 1495. J'ide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxv.
' Charles Orlande, who died in childhood, at the beginning of 1496.

SA VONAROLA'S WORDS TO HIS MOTHER. 43
he heartily shared in their joys and their sufferings.' On
the death of his brother Borso he wrote a letter to his
mother in which he pours out his tenderness for her who
was the object of his dearest earthly love, and the con
fidant of his most secret thoughts.- This is a truly
remarkable letter, not only on account of the delicate
feelings expressed in it, but as a proof of the identity
of this affectionate son with the impassioned preacher
we have seen launching thunderbolts from the pulpit,
in the presence of an excited throng. We find the same
ideas, the same words ; he is always mindful of his lofty
prophetic mission ; he addresses exhortations even to his
mother on the godly life and the vanity of the flesh,
and concludes by announcing the approach of his death.
" I would that your faith were as that of the holy Jewish
woman of the Old Testament, so that ye might be able,
without shedding a tear, to see your children martyred
before your eyes. Dearest mother, I say not this in order
to comfort ye ; but to prepare ye, lest I should have
to die."
About this time his health began to mend, and his
need of activity revived with increased strength. But
what was he to do ? He would not return to the pulpit
without permission from Rome, and Fra Domenico's
sermons, although directed by himself, could scarcely
obtain the same great results as his own. Nevertheless
Savonarola always found some way of doing good, and,
when unable to achieve much, contented himself with
little. The Carnival of 1496 was now at hand, and the
¦ Vide the letter to his brother Alberto, dated 28th of October 1495,
included in the correspondence edited by Padre Marchese.
" We discovered this letter in the Magliabecchian Library, and com
municated it to Padre Marchese, by whom it was published in the
"Archivio Storico Italiano," Appendix viii., with the remark, that "even
were all the writings of Fra Girolamo Savonarola perished or destroyed,
this letter would be sufficient proof of the sincere and steadfast piety of
his soul."

44 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Friar being silenced, the Arrabbiati were preparing to
celebrate It in the old Medicean style, in order to vent
the unbridled passions and filthy lusts which, as they
thought, had too long been repressed. And thereupon
the Friar determined to thwart them even in this matter.
But it proved a harder task than might have been
expected. The Florentines had always been much given
to carnival festivities, and under the Medici, had indulged
in these pleasures to an unlimited and almost incredible
extent. During this holiday period the whole city was
a scene of wild revelry ; drunkenness and debauchery
prevailed, and public decorum was cast to the winds.
Savonarola's sermons had undoubtedly wrought a great
change ; but certain carnival customs were so deeply
rooted, that neither new doctrines, altered laws, nor the
severe prohibitions of the magistrates, had availed to
extirpate them. And, as was only natural, the boys of
Florence took special delight in these revels. They
were accustomed, during those days, to continually stop
people in the streets by barring the road with long poles,
and refiising to remove them until they had extorted
enough money to pay for their mad feastings by night.
After these carousals they made bonfires In the squares,
round which they danced and sang, and finally pelted one
another with stones In so brutal a fashion that no year
passed without some of the combatants being left dead
on the ground. This mad and bestial game of stones,
as the chroniclers style it, was frequently forbidden and
the players threatened with the severest penalties ; but
none of these measures had the slightest effect. All the
leading citizens, the Eight, even the Signory itself, had
exhausted their efforts in vain. By nightfall the boys
were so excited with the revels of the day that no penalty
availed to keep them in check. At last Savonarola
undertook the task. After the brilliant results achieved

THE REFORM OF THE CHILDREN. 45
during the past years, in the reformation of politics and
morals, and being prevented by the changed condition
of affairs from continuing those important crusades, he
planned a third and simpler reform, that he styled the
reform of the children.
Foreseeing that it would be extremely difiicult to
entirely abolish the old customs, he decided to transform
them by substituting religious for carnival gaieties.
Accordingly, at the same street corners wheie the children
formerly assembled to demand money for their banquets,
he caused small altars to be erected, before which they
were to take their stand and beg contributions, not, how
ever, for purposes of self Indulgence, but for alms to the
poor. Sing as much as ye will, he said to the boys, but
sing hymns and sacred lauds instead of indecent songs.
He wrote some hymns for them himself, thus returning
to the poetical pursuits which he had so long forsaken ;
and commissioned the poet Girolamo Benivieni to com
pose other verses of the same sort. Then, that all might
be conducted with due decorum, he charged Fra Domenico
to collect all the children and choose some leaders from
among them, and several of the latter waited on the
Signory to explain the proposed reform. Having obtained
the sanction of the government, the boys of Florence,
exulting in their novel importance, eagerly undertook
their appointed work. The city was by no means
quiet even in this carnival, nor was it possible to
walk the streets without molestation ; but although
the children were as importunate as of old, it was now
for the charitable aim prescribed by Savonarola. And
thus, in the year 1496, the game of stones was suppressed
for the first time ; there was no more gluttonous feasting,
and three hundred ducats were collected for the poor.
Then, on the last day of carnival, a grand procession was
arranged, in which, attracted by the novelty of the thing,

46

SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES

the whole population took part. The children went
through the city singing hymns and entering all the
principal churches, after which they handed over the
sums collected to the " good men of St. Martin," for dis
tribution among the "modest poor" {poveri vergognosi).^
Some objections were raised by those who always mur
mured against every good work that proceeded from
Savonarola ; but the greater part of the citizens, and all
worthy men, declared that the Friar had again achieved
a task in which every one else in Florence had failed.^
By this time the Ten of War, or, as they were now
entitled, the Ten of Liberty and Peace, being still com
posed of Savonarola's adherents, had succeeded in obtaining
' This carnival procession, the first organized by Savonarola, is left
unmentioned by the biographers ; but Paolo Somenzi gives a minute
description of it in one of his letters to the Duke of Milan, saying that
the children were 10,000 in number ! This letter is dated l6th of
February, and we give it in the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc.
xxvi. Landucci spe.'iks of the procession at page 125 of his " Diario,"
saying that on the i6th of February it was calculated that there were
more than six thousand children of from five or six to sixteen years of
age. At page 128 he mentions another procession on the 27th of March
(Palm Sunday), in which five thousand boys and a great number of girls
took part.
° The biographers have much to say of these recreations and the
reform ofthe children. Nardi tells us : '' Among other things it seemed
specially remarkable how at this time was ceased and willingly dropped
that foolish and bestial game of stones which used to be carried on
during carnival, and was so inveterate and ancient a custom, that even the
severe and terrifying edicts of the magistrates had never been able to
repress, much less root it out " (" Istorie di Firenze," vol. i. p. 96).
Savonarola himself considered that he had achieved great results in that
carnival : " Thou knowest how in past times, neither the power of the
magistrates, nor prohibitions and penalties, ever succeeded in putting
down the e\il custom of throwing stones during carnival, and how every
year some were killed by it ; but now a poor Friar, by a few words and
prayers, hath put an end to it. Secondly, thou knowest that many sins
were committed in carnival, and now even children go to confession, and
this carnival hath been like unto Lent, thc whicii must surely be the work
of heaven. Thirdly, these children used to go about begging in order
to buy staves and burn brooms, and feast and drink ; but now they have
collected more money for the poor, than thou with all thy wisdom
wouldst ever be able to obtain" (First Lenten Sermon, I4v6).

HE IS ALLOWED TO PESUME HIS SERMONS. 47
(rom Rome his nomination as Lenten preacher.' They
had repeatedly addressed the Pope on the subject, and
solicited many of the cardinals, and particularly the
Cardinal of Naples, to induce him to revoke, were it only
by word of mouth {viva vocis oraculo), the decree for
Savonarola's suspension. And they had also written to
Niccolo Pandolfini, Bishop of Pistoia,^ and to Messer
Ricclardo Becchi, the Florentine ambassador, saying :
" You could do nothing that would be more grateful and
welcome to all your fellow-citizens, or better appreciated
by the good sense of this whole population." 3 Indeed
it was apparently owed to the efforts of the Cardinal of
Naples and others that the Pope's mood was somewhat
softened ; since, although no fresh brief revoking the
decree of suspension was issued, these intercessors ob
tained leave for Savonarola to preach, in the hope that
he would now adopt a more temperate tone towards
Rome.4 And so great was the anxiety of the Florentines
to welcome him back to the pulpit, that on the nth of
February, 1496, the Signory unanimously decreed that he
was to preach during the ensuing Lent.5
That the Pope was bent at this moment on conciliating
Savonarola is indubitably proved by the fact that, precisely
in the month of January, 1496, the Dominican convent of
Prato, having fallen into a shamefully corrupt state, was
annexed to the Tuscan Congregation, under the Prior of
'St. Mark's, who sent some of his monks to accomplish
' Appendix (to the Italian edition), doc. xxvii.
" These letters are comprised in Gherardi's " Nuovi Documenti," p. 63
and fol.
3 Letter of the 26th of January, 1496, included in the " Documenti "
published by Padre Marchese.
¦• This is mentioned by Burlamacchi, and in the "Vita Latina ;" and
additional proof of it is also to be found in one of Pandolfini's letters to
the Ten (24th of March, 1496), published by Padre Marchese, " Docu
menti," p. 149.
5 The debate is givenin Gherardi's " Nuovi Documenti," p. 65.

48 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
its reform. The affair was directed and carried out by
the general of the Dominicans, Gioacchino Turriano, who
was aided, or rather spurred to the task by the Signory.'
A new prior was chosen for the Prato convent in the
person of Fra Antonio d'Olanda, who Immediately be
sought Savonarola to send him a preacher, and received
the reply : " If permission be granted me to preach, I will
send ye Fra Domenico of Pescia. Wherefore offer up
prayers, and I trust we shall succeed." ~ Another
event deserving public mention seems to have occurred
just at this time, although no exact date is given by the
many historians who relate it. The Pope had handed
Savonarola's sermons to a learned Dominican bishop,
hoping that the latter might discover them to contain
some matter deserving condemnation; but after careful
perusal the prelate returned the volume with the words:
" Most Holy Father, this Friar says nothing that is not
wise and honest ; he speaks against simony and against
/ the corruption of the priesthood, which in truth is very
great ; he i espects the dogmas and the authority of the
Church : wherefore I would rather seek to make him my
friend, even, were it needful, by offering him the cardi
nal's purple." Whether the Pope was now beginning to
fear this Friar who was not to be silenced, and conse
quently desired to conciliate him, or whether he was trying
to set some new snare for him, it is undoubted that, by
means of a Dominican, expressly sent from Rome for the
purpose, a cardinal's hat was offered to Savonarola on con
dition that he would henceforth change the tone of his
sermons. His astonishment on receiving, just at this
moment, so unexpected an offer, and the indignation it
' The whole story of this junction of the Prato convent with that of St.
Mark is explained by Comm. Cesare Guasti in Gherardi's "Nuovi
Documenti," pp. 29-61.
" Vii/tj Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. x.wiii.

HIS INDIGNANT REJECTION OF THE PURPLE.

49

aroused in him, are scarcely to be described. He now
possessed evident proofs that Rome made a trafiic of the
holiest of things, and in the fulness of his wrath refused
any reply at the time, merely saying to the bearer of the
scandalous proposal : " Come to my next sermon, and you
shall hear my reply to Rome." ' Such were the auspices
under which Savonarola began his Lenten course of 1496,
the most daring that he had hitherto delivered. Accord
ingly a minute account will be given of them in the
following chapter.
' This fact is not only corroborated by the testimony of the " Vita
Latina," sheet 28', and Burlamacchi, page 85, but is also narrated by
Bzovio ("Annales," an. 1494), by Fontana and Souvcges, and declared
to be beyond doubt by Padre Marchese, Meier, Perrens, &c. Savonarola
himself made several allusions to it in his sermons and writings. " I
desire neither hats nor mitres, be they great or small ; I desire nought
save that which thou hast given to thy saints ; it is death ; a crimson
hat, a hat of blood that I desire." Vide his "Prediche delle Feste," 1496,
Predica xix. And in other sermons he frequently said : " Had I cared to
accept dignities, thou knowest well that I should not now wear a ragged
cloak;" and in his dialogue, " De veritate prophetica," chap. 5, he
clearly confirms the fact that he had been frequently tempted not only
by threats, but by numerous promises. The authenticityofthe fact is there
fore beyond dispute, nor is it contradicted by any of the biographers.
There is merely some uncertainty as to the date. It seemed best to
mention it at this point, because the Lenten discourses immediately
following seem to us to contain the reply indirectly given to Rome ; not
is it possible to assign any other date to the affair.

VOL. n.

CHAPTER III.

SciVONAIlOIA RETURC^CS TO THE TULPIT c^S LENTEN
PREACHER IN U96.
HE 17th of February, 1496, was a
memorable day in Savonarola's life.
He reappeared in the pulpit over
flowing with grief and indignation.
After having battled through an in
creasingly hard struggle with the Court
of Rome, he was now granted, as it were, a covert per
mission to preach, and at the same time an endeavour had
been made to seduce him by the offer of a cardinal's
hat. He clearly saw that his contest with the Pope
was daily becoming fiercer, and that the latter sought
fo have his blood. Doubtless, had he alone been con
cerned, he would have willingly given his life for the
peace of the Church ; but, in destroying him, it was also
intended to destroy the Republic, of which he was the
universally recognized and principal support. Conse
quently he must defend himself in order to defend the
religion and freedom of an entire people, who by his
means had expelled their oppressors and restored Chris
tian faith and morality. Certainly, none could doubt the
truth of his religious doctrines; neither the Pope who
dangled the cardinal's crimson before his eyes, nor the
Arrabbiati who hated him as an uncompromising reformer

A MEMORABLE SERMON. 51
of morals, and could not brook the excessive rigour of his
piety. Nevertheless they had joined, as we have seen, in
veiling the political question under the guise of a religious
dispute, in the hope of thus being able to vanquish him
with greater facility. They were determined to silence at
all costs the voice that had dared, in the midst of corrupt
and Pagan Italy, in face of a Pope whose crimes and lusts
inspired terror in all, to uphold political freedom and
Christian virtue. And now, strong in his own good
conscience, Savonarola came prepared to make a daring
defence, and to champion his cause before the whole world.
The crowd flocked with redoubled eagerness to hear
again the voice that the thunderbolts of Rome had for
long months kept silent. As the floor of the Duomo
was insufficient for the multitude, a lofty amphitheatre
with seventeen rows of seats was erected against the wall
of the nave. It rose to the level of the lower windows,
and was occupied by the children of Florence, now
prominent members of Savonarola's congregation, and to
whom his words were frequently addressed. The Signory
had been obliged to adopt many precautions to prevent
the disturbances planned by the Friar's opponents. His
life, in fact, was perpetually in danger, for the Arrabbiati
were evidently determined to kill him the first time they
could take him by surprise in the streets. It was also
known that Duke Ludovico had sent hired assassins to
attack him ; accordingly the guards of the Eight and
some of the Gonfaloniers of the Guilds patrolled the city
to maintain order.
No sooner had the Friar issued from his convent than
the shouts and joyful cries of the expectant people rose
to the sky, and he was immediately surrounded by a
large body of well-armed friends to protect him from
insult on his way to the Duomo. On that day all men's
passions were strung to a high pitch. It was the most

52 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
solemn moment of Savonarola's life; he had never seen
an audience so thirsting for his words ; he was about to
touch on a most serious theme, and knew that his sermon
would be Instantly reported to the Pontifi^, to whose
tempting baits he had this day promised a reply. On
appearing in the pulpit, he stood erect and cast a firm
glance round the church, while his eyes flashed like
burning coals. The crowd was packed so closely that
no man could stir, the silence so great that one could
almost hear the preacher's hurried breathing as he
laboured to control his agitation. Presently, calming
himself with an effort, he quietly began his discourse in
the shape ofa dialogue.
" How is it, O Friar, that thou hast tarried so long in
idleness, without coming to the camp to thy soldiers' aid .''
— My children, I have not been in idleness ; on the con
trary, I come from the camp, and have been defending a
stronghold, the which, had It been captured, you also
might have been destroyed ; but now, by God's grace and
through your prayers, we have saved it. . . . Come,
brother, didst thou perhaps fear to be killed ? — No, my
children, certainly not ; for had I been afeared, I should
not have come here, where I am now in greater peril than
before. — Then, dost thou not scruple to preach ^ — Not I.
— But why not ? We hear that an excommunication hath
been sent, and that thou hast been forbidden to preach. —
Hast thou read this excommunication ? Who hath sent
it ? But even if it were so, rememberest thou not how
I told thee that even if it came, it would be useless and of
no avail to these wicked men fiall of deceit ? . . . What
then hath happened ? Friar, thou keepest us overmuch
in suspense. Now I will tell ye all, if ye will hearken
with patience.
" I have said and bethought me : before proceeding, cus
todiam vias meas ; that is, I will look to my ways, if they

HIS DECLARATION OF ORTHODOXY. 53
be pure of all contamination. Beholding so much oppo
sition from so many parts against a poor man who is not
worth three farthings, I have said in my heart : peradven
ture thou hast not looked well to thy ways, and therefore
thy tongue hath betrayed thee ; and I have looked to my
ways one by one. 1 have chiefly examined them as to
faith, for with grammar and logic have I no more con
cern ; and certes, as regards faith my ways are wholly
pure ; for I have ever believed and do believe all that is
believed by the Holy Roman Church, and have ever sub
mitted and do submit myself to Her.' . . . I have written
to Rome, that if peradventure I may have preached or
written any heretical thing, ... I am willing to amend me
and to retract my words here in public. I am ever pre
pared to yield obedience to the Roman Church, and declare
that whosoever obeyeth her not shall be damned. ... I
declare and confess that the Catholic Church will surely
endure to the day of judgment ; . . . and inasmuch as
there be divers opinions as to the real definition of this
Catholic Church, I rely only on Christ and on the decision
ofthe Church of Rome." 2
After this explicit declaration, by which the orthodoxy!
of his belief is placed beyond doubt, he touched on the
more daring part of his doctrines. He then said that
' Sermon ofthe 17 th of February. Vide " Prediche di Frate Hieronymo
da Ferrara. Impresso nella Ciptk di Firenze ad instantia di Ser Lorenzo
Vivuoli I'anno MCCCCLXXXXVI (1497) a di octo di Febbraio." Other
editions were published in Venice in 1514, 1519, 1539, and 1543, but con
tain many mutilations, as, for example, that of 15 14.
' The two latter passages, i.e., that beginning with the words, " I have
written," and the other with '' I declare and confess," occur in the last of
these Lenten sermons, delivered in Easter week [ottava di Pasqua). We
give them at this point, in pursuance of our usual method of arranging as
much as possible in their proper categories the ideas scattered through
the sermons, to prevent over-frequent recurrence to the same topics. In
the first and last of these sermons on Amos and Zechariah, Savonarola
repeated several times his submission to Rome, always referring to the
subject in almost identical words.

54 SJ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
although the Church be infallible as to points of dogma,
that by no means implies that we are bound to obey every
command of our superiors or even of the Pope himself
" The superior may not give me any command contrary
to the rules of my order ; the Pope may not give me any
command opposed to charity, or contrary to the Gospel.
I do not believe that the Pope would ever seek to do so;
but were he so to do, I should say to him, Now thou^art
no pastor, thou art not the Church of.J{ome,-thon art i.n
error.' For I would even say. Whenever it be clearly seen
that the commands of superiors are contrary to God's
commandments, and especially when contrary to the
precept of charity, no one is in such case bound to
obedience, for it is written, Oportet obedire magis Deo
quam hominibus. . . . But if the case were not clear, or
there were the slightest doubt, then we must always
obey." These premises established, he proceeds to
touch on his own case, saying that he cannot hold him
self bound to obey any one who would remove him
from Florence, inasmuch as all the inhabitants, even
the women, know that his removal is desired solely
from motives of political hatred, and that it would bring
injury, not only to liberty, but to religion. "Were I to
clearly see that my departure from a city would be
the spiritual and temporal ruin of the people, I would
obey no living man that commanded me to depart,
. . . forasmuch as in obeying him I should disobey
jJie commands of the Lord ; and likewise because I
should presume that my superior had no intention to do
evil, but had been misled by false reports. O thou that
writeth so many lies to Rome, what wilt thou write now ?
I know well what thou wilt write. — What, O Friar.? —
' These ideas are not only expressed in the sermon of the 17th of
February and that given in Easter Week, but throughout all the Lenten
series, of which, indeed, they are, as it were, the basis and foundation.

HE JUSTIFIES HIS RETURN TO THE PULPIT. 55
Thou wilt write that I have said that one need not obey
the Pope, and that I will not obey him. I say not so:
write that which I have said, and thou shalt see that it
will not be suited to thy purpose." ' In fact, the doctrine
expounded by Savonarola was entirely Catholic, and differ
ing in no respect from that laid down by St. Thomas
Aquinas and many doctors and fathers of the Church ;
nevertheless it was of a kind that, by a few verbal altera
tions, might easily be made to appear heretical ; and this
was precisely what his enemies attempted.
Resuming the thread of his discourse, he proceeded to
say that, having examined his ways and found them to be
clean, since his doctrine had always been in conformity
with the Church ; and although convinced that the briefs
sent from Rome were invalid, inasmuch as they were solely
inspired by lying reports, and opposed to the law of
charity, he had nevertheless resolved to be prudent, and
had therefore held his tongue so far, and had intended to
remain silent. " But, when I perceived that many of the
righteous were growing lukewarm, the wicked gaining
strength, and the work of the Lord being overthrown, I
boldly decided to return to the pulpit. First of all, how
ever, I sought the Lord, saying : I was rejoicing in my
peace and tranquillity, and Thou drew me forth, by show
ing me Thy light ; and thereupon I became even as the
moth that, tempted by the light, doth burn Its wings. O
Lord, my wings of contemplation are consumed ; I have
embarked on a stormy flood, assailed on all sides by con
trary winds. I would fain reach the port, yet can find
no track ; would fain repose, yet find no resting-place ;
would fain remain still and silent, but may not, for
the word of God is as a fire in my heart, and unless I give
it vent, will consume the marrow of my bones. Come,
¦ Sermon i., " sopra Amos e Zaccaria."

56 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
O Lord, since Thou wouldst have me steer through these
deep waters, let Thy will be done."
Savonarola ended his sermon by first addressing a few
words to the young, whom he believed to be nearly all
good, and then to the old, in whom he had much less
confidence. " In ye, O young men, is my hope and the
hope of the Lord. The city of Florence will be well
governed by ye, because ye have not the evil tendencies
of your fathers, who know not how to free themselves
from tyrannical rule, nor understand the greatness of
this gift of liberty that the Lord hath bestowed on the
people. " But as for ye, old men, ye pass your days in evil
speaking at clubs and in workshops, and in your letters ye
send forth many lies from Florence. Wherefore many
say that I have thrown Italy into disorder ; and this hath
been charged against me In writing, even in official docu
ments. Oh, ye fools ! ^is vos fascinavit non obedire
veritati ? Where are my hosts and my treasure with
which to disturb Italy ? Not by me is Italy disturbed,
but I foretell that she will be disturbed.
" I foretell that the scourge will be hastened by your
sins. Thou unbelieving one, a mighty war shall strip thee
of thy pomp and thy pride. A mighty pestilence shall
make ye cast aside your vanities, O women ; as for thee,
thou murmuring populace, thy tongue shall be stilled by
a great famine. Citizens ! unless ye live in the fear of
Gcd, and love of free government, the Lord shall bring
sorrow on ye, and only fulfil to your children His
promises of happiness to Florence." '
Thus finished the sermon In which Savonarola had
given an epitome of all that he wished to express
throughout Lent. His doctrines are daring, his charges
' Sermon i., "sopra Amos e Zaccaria."

HIS LOFTY COURAGE. S7
against Rome are audacious, the words in which he de
scribes the coming scourge are words of fire ; but he says
nothing that can be accused of heresy. We ought rather
to admire the prudence with which he always refrained
in the pulpit from any mention of Borgia's simoniacal
election, or of the hope of a council, and avoided all
open allusion to the offers received from the Pope, to
which he only indirectly replied. The magnanimity of
his nature forbade his taking advantage of a fact,
that, however useful to himself, would have spread
scandal in the Church. During the whole of Lent we
find Savonarola constantly worthy of himself; essentially
catholic, but at the same time with an amount of moral
courage and independence such as few have possessed
either before or after his time, fearing nothing in the
world, allowing nought to check his progress. He is the
sole defender of the people's freedom, of the freedom of
his own reason and his own conscience ; nevertheless he
holds his standard aloft in the pulplt,and firmly confronts all
the princes of Italy and the ill-advised thunders of Rome.
Neither does he fear the poison and steel of the Arrabbiati,
who are threatening his life on all sides — inthe highways,
in Church, and even in the pulpit.
During the whole of Lent he was unceasing in his
terrible denunciations against the vices of Rome, and the
false, hypocritical religion of the day. The second Sunday
he delivered a sermon on this subject that has become
famous, less for its audacity, which was not unusual,
than because it was one of those interdicted by the Roman
Court.' He began by giving a strange interpretation of
the following text : "Audlte verbum hoc, v;icca; pingues,
quas estis in Monte Samaria;." " Well, then : who be
' This sermon was excised from nearly evcry copy of these Lenten
discourses, but it is to be found in one or two copies in the Magliabec
chian Library, and in one belonging to the Convent of St. Mark.

58 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
those which say that I should preach the Holy Scripture ?
... I preach nothing else. If thou knewest what is the
Holy Scripture thou wouldst not speak thus. Rather
thou shouldst have said : preach Tullius or Virgil, and
then I should not have tested thee; but the Holy Scrip
ture will test thee at all points. Well ! I will preach the
Scripture, I will obey thee. Tell me, how wouldst thou
interpret these words ? — O vaccas pingues. . . . For me
these fat kine signify the harlots of Italy and Rome. . . .
Are there none in Italy and Rome .'' One thousand,
ten thousand, fourteen thousand are few for Rome ;
for there both men and women are made harlots."
And pursuing this strain, he describes the vices of
Rome in terms scarcely to be repeated at the present
day. He then turns to the people, accusing them of a
false and hypocritical religion, only taking satisfaction
in material things. " Ye are corrupt In all things, in your
speech and your silence, in that which ye do and that
which ye leave undone, in your belief and your unbelief
Ye speak against prophecy ; and behold there cometh
one to tell ye a strange dream, and ye have faith in it.
He telleth ye : fast on a certain Saturday, at a certain
hour, and ye fast, and believe ye are saved. I tell
ye that the Lord willeth not that ye fast on such a day
or at such an hour, but willeth that ye avoid sin
throughout all the days of your life. Instead, ye are good
for one hour of the day, in order to be bad all your life.
Observe the ways of these men during the last three days of
Holy Week. See how they go about seeking indulgences
and pardons ! Come here, go there, kiss St. Peter, St. Paul,
this Saint and that I Come, come, ring bells, dress altars,
deck the churches, come all of ye, for three days before
Easter, and then no more. God mocketh your doings,
heedeth not your ceremonies, . . „ for, Easter passed, ye will
be worse than before. All is vanity, all hypocrisy in our

HIS INVECTIVES AGAINST HYPOCRISY. 59
times ; true religion is dead."' And elsewhere : " How
is it that if I were to say : give me ten ducats for one in
need, thou wouldst not give them, but if I tell thee: spend
a hundred for a chapel here in St. Mark, wouldst thou do
it ? Yes ! in order to have thy coat of arms placed
there, for thine own glory, but not for the glory of God.
. . . Look through all convent buildings, and thou
wilt find them full of their founders' armorial bearings.
I raise my head to look above a door, thinking to see a
crucifix, and behold there is a shield ; I raise my head
again a little fiirther on, and behold there is another
shield — armorial bearings everywhere. I don a vest
ment, thinking that a crucifix is painted on it ; but arms
have been painted even there, the better to be seen by the
people. These, then, are your idols, to which ye make
sacrifice ? " 2 Then, after describing and condemning the
corruption of the times, and especially of the clergy, he
always repeats his predictions of the coming chastisement
of Rome and of Italy.
" Prepare thee, I say, for heavy shall be thy chastise
ment, O Rome ! Thou shalt be girdled with steel, put to
the sword, to fire and flames. . . . Wretched Italy I how
I see thee struck down ; wretched people ! how I see ye all
oppressed ! 3 . . . Italy, thou art stricken with a grave
disease. . . . Thou, Rome, art stricken with a mortal
malady, usque ad mortem. Thou hast lost thy health, and
hast forsaken the Lord; thou art sick with sins and tribu
lations. ... If thou wouldst be healed, forsake feasting;
forsake thy pride, thy ambition, thy lusts, and thy greed :
these be the food that have caused thy sickness, these that
bring ye to death. . . . Italy laugheth at this, Italy
maketh mock of it, refliseth medicine, say eth that the
' Sermon of the second Sunday in Lent.
" Sermon of the Saturday following the second Sunday in Lent.
3 Sermon of Easter Week.

6o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
physician raveth. ... O ye unbelieving ones, since ye
will neither hearken nor be converted, thus saith the Lord:
Inasmuch as Italy is all full of sanguinary deeds, . . .
full of iniquities, harlots, and miserable panders, I will
overwhelm her with the scum of the earth ; will abase
her princes, and trample the pride of Rome. These in
vaders shall capture her sanctuaries, and defile her churches ;
and inasmuch as these have been made dens of vice, I
will make them stables for horses and swine, the which
will be less displeasing to God than seeing them made
haunts of prostitutes. When trouble and tribulation draw
nigh, men will have no peace ; they will seek to be converted,
without being able; they will be confused and bewildered.
. . . Then, O Italy! trouble after trouble shall befall thee ;
troubles of war after famine, troubles of pestilence after
war ; trouble from this side and from that. There will
be rumours upon rumours, now rumours of barbarians on
this side ; then rumours of barbarians on that. Rumours
from the east, from the west ; from all sides rumour after
rumour. Then men will yearn for the visions of the
prophets, and will have them not, for the Lord saith, 'Now
do I prophesy in my turn.' Men will lean on astrology,
and it will profit them nothing. The law ofthe priesthood
shall perish, and priests be stripped of their rank ; princes
shall wear haircloth ; the people be crushed by tribulation.
All men will lose courage, and as they have judged, so
shall themselves be judged."'
In another sermon we find the following description of
the plague that was to come upon Italy i " Believe ye this
Friar, that there will not be enough men left to bury the
dead ; nor means to dig enough graves. So many will lie
dead in the houses, that men will go through the streets
crying, ' Send forth your dead ! ' And the dead will be
heaped in carts and on horses ; they will be piled up and
' Sermon of the fourth Sunday in Lent.

HIS PREDICTIONS OF PESTILENCE. 6i
burnt. Men will pass through the streets crying aloud,
* Are there any dead ? Are there any dead .'' ' Then some
persons will come forth and say, ' Here is my son, here is
my brother, here is my husband I ' . . . Again will they
go through the streets crying, ' Be there no more dead
here.'' ' And the people shall be so thinned that few shall
remain." '
Savonarola continued throughout Lent to preach in this
strain. He first described the sins of Rome and of Italy,
then announced the scourge, and always ended by calling
the people to repentance. " Heu ! Heu ! fuge de terra
Aquilonis. Fly from the land of Aquilon (the north) —
i.e., from vice, and return to Christ. . . . Behold, the
sky shall be darkened ; behold, it will rain fire and flames,
stones and rocks ; it will be wild weather. ... I have
placed ye between four winds, saith the Lord — namely,
between prelates, princes, priests, and bad citizens. Fly
from their vices, gather ye together in charity. Fuge, O
Sion, quae habitas apud fiiiam Babilonis. . . . That is, fly
from Rome, for Babylon signifies confusion, and Rome
hath confused all the Scriptures, confused all vices together,
confiised everything. Fly, then, from Rome, and come to
repentance." 2
This continued description of the woes of Italy is, in
truth, so graphic and vivid, that Savonarola seems almost
transported into the fiiture by his own fancy, and to see
all these things with his own eyes. No less extraordinary
is his persistency in announcing the approach of his own
end, and in always reiterating : " Not yet hath the day
come for ye to wreak your will on me, sed adhuc modicum
tempus vobiscum sum.'i , . . I have said unto the Lord :
' Sermon of the Tuesday after the third Sunday.
' Sermon of Wednesday after the fifth Sunday in Lent. In all these
extracts we have faithfully given Savonarola's exact words, but have
omitted some of his many repetitions and plainer grammatical blunders.
3 Vide the sermons of the Wednesday after the third Sunday in Lent,
of Easter Tuesday, and many others of the series.

62 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
I leave Thee to take thought of this deed ; I am
but as a tool in Thy hand. And He hath answered :
Leave all to Me. It will be with them even as it was
with the Jews, who thought to destroy Me by nailing Me
on the cross, and instead did make My name known
throughout the earth. Therefore," concluded Savonarola,
" like unto a good captain, I will fight even unto the
death."' IBut although still in an attitude of resistance, although
till refusing to bow to the Pope's will, the latter had suc-
eeded in putting him on his defence. Up to this moment
le had spent his life in directing and spurring the multi-
ude, infusing into it his Ideas and his will, and continually
enlarging his field of action ; but now, to the serious hurt
3f the people, his circle of activity was narrowed : he
ivas obliged to think of defending his own doctrines and
lis own life. His enemies were multiplying on all sides,
and had resolved that even if the Republic remained
standing, its founder at least should perish ; and they
were already closing In round the poor Friar. He was
defending himself against their attacks with increased
energy ; was proclaiming to Italy and the whole world
that they were trying to destroy the Republic by his death,
to overthrow the inviolable rights of the human reason
and human conscience ; but meanwhile he was gradually
being forced to relinquish the reformation of morals and
politics. His position was essentially changed, daily
becoming more difficult, and encompassed by greater
dangers. Nevertheless he did not leave politics entirely aside this
Lent, since an opportunity occurred of recurring to the
subject for several days. The new hall of the Greater
Council was just completed at this moment. Its con
struction had been entrusted, in the first days of the new
' Sermon of the Monday after the fourth Sunday in Lent.

HE GIVES TWO SERMONS ON POLLTICS. 63
Government, to the famous architect, Cronaca, but the
work was very slackly carried on until Savonarola began
to urge him to haste in his sermons. He then brought it
on with so much speed that the people declared that
angels must have had a hand in it. On the 25th of
February a new Signory was elected by a great meeting
of the councillors.' Gladdened by this solemn event,
Savonarola devoted two of his Lenten sermons to political
topics.2 He dwelt upon the mode of conducting elections,
and sternly condemned the party spirit always influencing
them in Florence. " There be many that go about th
city scattering notices to the effect that this or that ma
should not be elected. I tell ye : Never obey the sug
gestions of those papers. If those whom ye would no
have elected be bad, ye may openly proclaim it in council,!
now that there is no tyrant to oppress ye. Wherefon
come forth, and say frankly. Such an one is not fit for thi:
office. But if he be a good man, let him be chosen."3i
Elsewhere he says : " I am told there be some in tKe
council who, when one is about to be balloted, say of him.
Let us give him the black or white bean, because he is of
this or that party. Et quad peius est, I am told there be
many that say. He is one of the Friar's men, let us give
him the black beans.4- What ! have I taught you thus ?
' Rinuccini states, in his " Ricordi Storici," p. clix., that 1,723 mem
bers were present, although many failed to attend. But there must be
some mistake here. Just before it (p. civi.) he had stated that there were
3,200 citizens eligible to the council, of which number only one-third
were elected for a term of six months at a time. It is true that many
magistrates were admitted to the council in right of their office, and that
a few young men were also admitted before attaining the age prescribed
by law. But even including these, the number could not have amounted
to 1,723.
° The 24th and 25th of February.
3 Sermon of the 25th of February.
* In Florentine elections, as we have already explained, the black bean
signified a favourable, the white an unfavourable vote ; accordingly, to
whiten a candidate {partito) signified to vote against and reject him ;
and even at the present day the same phrase is in general use.

64 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
I have no friend save Christ and the righteous. Act no
more in this wise, for this is no purpose of mine, and ye
would soon cause dissensions. Let electors give their
beans to those they conscientiously hold to be good and
sagacious men, as I have frequently told ye before." ' And
we would here remark that Savonarola, as he is seen in his
sermons, his writings, and in the real history of events. Is
a very different man from the Savonarola depicted by many
of his biographers, both ancient and modern. Where do
we find the party spirit that, according to some, was the
-sole motor of his actions .'' Where the desire to exalt his
own friends at others' expense ? Where the narrowness,
where the lack of magnanimity attributed to him ? We
find him, on the contrary, to be a man of lofty ideas, most
noble principles, purely disinterested, and desirous of
liberty and justice for all, even including those who were
seeking his death.
On this important occasion, after having insisted at
length on the necessity of conducting the elections with
out party spirit, he urged the citizens to be steadfast to
their Greater Council, their new Government, and their
liberty. And, in order to heighten the attachment of the
people to the present state of things, he gave in either
j sermon a long description of tyrants, and the evils brought
by them on cities subject to their yoke. " The term of
tyrant," he said, " signifieth a man of the worst kind, who
'would grasp all for himself, give nothing to others, an
enemy to God and to man. The tyrant is proud, lustful,
' and avaricious ; and as these three vices contain the germs
of all others, it follows that he hath the germ of every
vice of which man is capable. Likewise all his senses are
"perverted : his eyes by looking on wantonness ; his ears
by hearing flattery of himself and censure of other men ;
his palate by the vice of gluttony, and so forth. He
' Sermon of the second Sunday in Lent.

ON THE EVILS OF TYRANNY. 65
corrupts magistrates, robs widows and orphans, oppresses
the people, and favours those that incite him to defraud the
Commune. He is devoured by suspicion, and has spies
everywhere ; he desires all to seem bashful in his presence,
and be his slaves ; hence, where there Is a tyrant, no
man may act or speak freely. In this wise the people
become pusillanimous, all virtue is extinguished, all vice
exalted. Behold, O Florence, thy fate, if thou wouldst
have a tyrant. He is the cause cf all the sins committed
by the people ; wherefore he will be called to render
account of them to God, and will bear the penalty of his
misdeeds. Thou, O citizen, that followeth the tyrant,
thou art no less miserable than he. Thy tongue is
enslaved when addressing him, thy eyes when regarding
him, thy person is subject to him, thy goods at his dis
posal ; thou art beaten with rods, and must yet give him
thanks ! Thou art debased in all ways. And such," he
said in conclusion, " are the miseries of the tyrant and
his followers, the which miseries weigh them down in this
life, and bring them to eternal perdition in the next." '
This description was repeated by the preacher in the
minutest detail,^ with a complete exposition of the life and
passions of a tyrant and of his various acts of oppression.
It was an appalling and terrible picture, not only painted
in vivid colours, but often with truly artistic skill. And
Savonarola persistently displayed it to the eyes of the
people, and always concluded with these words : " Behold,
O Florence, that which thou seekest." Nor was he speaking
at random. On the 27th of April a plot was discovered, |
by which it had been designed to tamper with the votes
and procure the election of the enemies of the Republic.
Accordingly, three of the ringleaders were sentenced to
' Sermon of the 2Sth of February, 1496.
" He had already given an equally eloquent description of the same
kind in his treatise " Sui Governo di Firenze."
VOL. II. 6

66 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
perpetual imprisonment, and many citizens publicly repri
manded {ammoniti).'^
During this Lent, Savonarola also addressed the chil
dren, a great number of whom occupied seats in the great
amphitheatre raised in the Duomo. He exhorted them
to charity and to diligence in study ; he was anxious that
all should know at least the elements of grammar,
and charged their parents to grudge neither expense nor
labour to that effect. He also urged them to avoid
assuming the ecclesiastical robe at too early an age, and
gave them other good advice. 2 Then, Palm Sunday
being at hand, he arranged a very edifying and solemn
procession for the children. The election of the officials
of the Monte di Pleta had just then taken place, and
being an earnest promoter of that institution, Savonarola
desired that its Inauguration should be celebrated by the
children. 3 Accordingly, early in the morning of Palm
Sunday, a tabernacle was erected in church, decorated
with a painting representing Jesus Christ riding into
Jerusalem on an ass. Savonarola then preached a sermon
full of wise counsel to the assembled children, ending

' Those sentenced to imprisonment in the Stinche, as leaders of the
plot, were Filippo Corbizzi (the man who had called the meeting of
theologians in the Palace for the purpose of accusing Savonarola),
Giovanni Benizi, and Giovanni da Tignano. According to Rinuccini,
page clx., the Signory, after hearing the verdict of the Colleges, of the
Eight of Balia, and the Ten of Liberty, sentenced them to ten years'
confinement and perpetual exclusion from all public offices. According
to Landucci, however, page 130, the three ringleaders were condemned
to confinement for hfe, and twenty-five others reprimanded {ammoniti).
° Sermons of Saturday following the first Sunday, and Monday after
the third Sunday in Lent.
' " I hear that the officers of the Monte di Pieta have been elected :
should be well pleased that this undertaking should begin well. The
children shall march in procession in honour of this, , . . and it shall be
arranged at what point a collection of nioney should be made" (Sermon
of thc Wednesday before Palm Sunday). He repeated the announce
ment in other sermons during this week, and throughout Lent fre
quently spoke in favour of the Monte di Pietk.

CHILDRENS PROCESSION ON PALM SUNDAY. 67
with these words : " O Lord, from the mouths of these
little ones shall thy true praises proceed. Philosophers
praise thee according to the light of the world, these
little ones according to the light of heaven ; philosophers
praise thee from self-love, and these from simplicity ;
philosophers praise thee with their lips, and these with
their works." Then turning to the multitude, and raising
the crucifix in his hand, he said : " Florence, behold !
this is the lord of the universe, and would fain be thine.
Wilt thou have him for thy king ? " Thereupon all
assented in a loud voice, and many with tears, crying :
" Long live Christ our King ! " ' Savonarola then left
the pulpit amid the enthusiastic cries of the people and
the murmurs of the Arrabbiati, who, although standing
aloof at some distance, carefully kept him in view. In
the afternoon the children, all in white robes with olive
wreaths on their heads, and red crosses or palm branches
in their hands, carried the tabernacle in procession through
the town, and having visited all the churches, halted on
the Piazza to sing a song composed by Girolamo Beni
vieni on the future felicity of Florence.^ Then, having
gleaned a good harvest of coin, they gave it to the Monte
di Pieta. Thus the institution was brilliantly inaugurated
by the urchins, who, under Savonarola's guidance, had
forsaken carnival gaieties and devoted themselves to good
works. 3
But with the exception of the two sermons respectively
given on the days of the opening of the Greater Council
and of the Monte di Pieta, no political nor social
' Vide the Sermon given on Palm Sunday.
° " Viva ne nostri cor, viva, O Fiorenza." It is printed among Savona
rola's poems in the Florence edition of 1847, pp. 17-20. It is also given,
with a commentary, in the " Poesie " of G. Benivieni : Florence, 1500.
3 Burlamacchi, p. no and fol. ; "Vita Latina," &c. Vide the sermon
given on the Wednesday before Palm Sunday, and on that Sunday itself.
This event is also mentioned by the chroniclers, among others, by
Landucci, at p. 128.

68 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
questions were treated in the rest of this Lenten series.
Savonarola continued to preach in the same strain in which
he had begun, and on the eighth day after Easter, gave
a last discourse, recapitulating and winding up all the sub
jects announced in the first of these Lenten sermons. In
fact these two sermons contain all the principal ideas
that he purposed to expound at that time, and, on the
last day of Lent, Savonarola again declared his entire
submission to the authority of the Roman Church, saying
that the Church would stand firm for ever, and that who
ever should leave her fold would be eternally lost. He
acknowledged the authority of the Pope in the words of
the New Testament : " Thou art Peter, and on that rock
will I build my church ; and that which thou bindest on
earth shall be bound in heaven." But after this he again
repeated : " Nevertheless we are not compelled to obey
all commands. When given in consequence of lying
reports, they are invalid ; when in evident contradiction
with the law of charity laid down by the Gospel, it is
our duty to resist them, even as St. Paul resisted St.
Peter. We are bound to presume that no such commands
will be imposed on us, but in case they were imposed, we
must then reply to our superior, saying : Thou dost err,
thou art not the Roman Church, thou art a man and a
sinner." These were the identical words he had used in
the first sermon. And in repeating them he now quoted
many authorities in support of his ideas, and elucidated
them by many examples. " If my superior command me
to forsake poverty, I resist ; if thy confessor give thee a
command that is contrary to God's will, thou must resist
and condemn him : for when the matter is quite plain,
we should fear nothing, and persevere in the right path."
But although justified by the verdict of the Fathers,
these ideas were held to be very audacious, and in fact
they were equivalent to a war cry. Even Savonarola

THE VISION OF THE CRUCIFIX. 69
might have hesitated to proclaim them from the pulpit,
had he not been convinced that Pope Alexander's election
was null, and had not cherished a strong hope that a
council would soon be called to remedy the woes of the
Church, and put an end to the abominable scandals,
infamies, and crimes by which she had so long been pro
faned. Then, as to the individual case of his dispute with
Rome, he again said on that day : " Do not all know that
the brief was sent to favour those enemies of the Republic
and myself who spread lies and calumnies concerning
me ? Do not all know that my departure hence would
not only place my life in the utmost jeopardy, but also be
very injurious to this people and tihe cause of freedom ?
For would not good morals be cast aside, and religion
overthrown ? This and none other is our enemies' desire.
Thus I can only suppose that the Pontiff hath been deceived
by my detractors' lying reports ; and therefore I prefer to
obey that which I hold to be his real intent : I cannot
suppose that he seeketh the ruin of an entire people."
And he again repeated the prophecy of his own doom :
" What will be the end of the war thou art carrying on?
If thou wouldst know the general result, I tell thee it will
end in victory ; but if thou wouldst know what will be
its result as regards myself in particular, I tell thee it will
end in death and being cut to pieces. Rest assured, how
ever, that all this will serve to spread abroad this doctrine,
the which proceedeth not from me, but from God. I am
but a tool in His hands ; wherefore I am resolved to fight
to the death." He then related how, on the preceding
night, he had beheld a vision in which he seemed to see
a crucifix arise betwixt Rome and Jerusalem. From this
poured a river of blood, in which unbelievers appeared
very eager to plunge, while Christians entered it almost
reluctantly. Then darkness covered the earth, and there

70 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
was a rain of fire and lightning accompanied by a terrible
uproar. Hereupon the orator made this vision the text
for another of the eloquent and vivid descriptions of the
scourges of Italy, in which these Lenten discourses abound,
and thus brought the series to an end.'
Many pages of these sermons afford excellent proofs
'that, under different circumstances and with a diffierent
course of study, Savonarola would have been the greatest
of Italian orators. His impetuous utterances burn with a
fire of new and genuine eloquence. His language is
thoroughly original, for even in the very manner in which
his ideas are conceived he has a special style of his own ;
his forcible imagery seizes the fancy, and almost takes it
by storm. And If we remember his singular vigour of
gesture and accent, we shall be able to understand the
enormous enthusiasm he aroused in the people of Florence.
In fact, the impression produced by him this Lent far
exceeded that of the preceding years. The fame of
these sermons on Amos and Zechariah was noised through
out Italy, and even beyond the Alps. On the one hand
the enthusiasm of his followers was increasing to fanaticism,
while on the other the hate of his adversaries was nearing
its climax. The potentates of Italy raised cries of pro
test ; the Pope was burning with fury, and it seemed as
though the Vatican itself were shaken by the thunders
of the Friar's eloquence. His courage In daring to assert
the irresistible might of charity, of liberty, of justice, of
faith, and of reason, and still more to cry it aloud in
defiance of the threats of a Pope stained with infamy and
bloodshed, was truly unprecedented, and, by awakening
an echo wherever the sentiment of goodness still survived,
threw men's minds in a turmoil. But of the different
passions raging on all sides we must speak in the follow
ing chapter. ' Last sermon of the Lenten course on Amos and Zechariah.

CHAPTER IV.

Va4 RIOUS WRITINGS CONCERNING THE '^ORKS OF SAVON
AROLA . LETTERS A DDRESSErD TO HIM B Y 'DIFFERENT
POTENTaiTES, o^NTi HIS REPLIES. THE FLORENTINE
oiMBASSADOR'S INTERVIEW WITH THE POPE. SAVON-
AROLoA RETURNS TO THE PULPIT oiND PREACHES
ON FESTIVaiL DAYS ON TEXTS FROM RUTH ciND
MICq,JH.

(1496.)

\OR the due comprehension of the effect of
Savonarola's sermons it would be neces
sary to read the letters written in Florence
at that period.' The Florentines seem
to have been positively unable to think .
of anything excepting the Friar, and
equally unable to confine themselves to truth. Some
write that he (the Friar) scofi's at the bull of excommunica
tion that has just arrived ; ~ that he speaks of the Pope
as worse than a Turk ; the princes of Italy as worse than
heretics : others assert that he intends to reveal from the
pulpit all the crimes of his persecutors, and that he is
about to prophesy still more marvellous things. Some
' Many of these letters are in the Manuscript Miscellanies of the
National Library of Florence. See, among others. Class xxxvii.,
Cod. 288.
° " I can tell thee that Frk Girolamo says many bold things. Among
the rest, he has received a decree of excommunication, yet makes a
mock of it, as thou knowest he has often done. " Lettera di Roberto
Giugni a Lorenzo Strozzi alle Selve," i8th of March, 1495 (Florentine
style). See the above-mentioned " Miscellanea," at sheet 108.

72 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
say that he has become the tyrant of Florence ; others, on
the contrary, that he will soon reduce the enemies of the
Republic to sad straits, even if he does not destroy them
altogether in some miraculous way. And thus with the
exaggerations of hatred and deceit on the one hand, and
of admiration and fanaticism on the other, men's minds
became more and more disturbed, and they had continual
fresh food for their passions.
At the same time the press was deluged by such a
swarm of strange pamphlets as to threaten the land with
a new and fantastic literature. And here, too, while some
of these publications exalted the Friar's name to the skies,
others found no words, accusations, nor insults strong
enough to assail him. Although, as regards literary merit,
these compositions are almost unworthy of notice, they
so vividly pourtray the circumstances and men of the
time, that it is necessary to devote a few words to them.
One of the most noted of these pamphlets, entitled the
"Oraculum de novo sasculo,"' by Giovanni Nesi, a some
what celebrated disciple of Marsilio Ficino, was full of
Neo-Platonic ideas. The mere title of the work proved the
author to be a follower of Savonarola. It contained an
account of a remarkable vision he had beheld. In which,
finding himself transported to the other world, he carries
on a long conversation with the shades of Eneas and
Plato, and describes the latter as the precursor of Chris
tianity. He then meets the celebrated Pico della Miran
dola, who, guiding him through the heavenly spheres,
shows him how Savonarola's doctrines are verified therein.
During this celestial excursion Pico extols the Friar's

' This pamphlet was dedicated to Pico della Mirandola the younger.
It was written in September, 1496, and published ex archetypo ser
Laurentius de Morgianis anno salutis, 1497. One copy of it is in the
National Library of Florence. Nesi was the author of several sermons,
tractates, and devotional essays.

PAMPHLETS ON SA VONAROLA'S DOCTRINES. 73
intellect, character, and heart, and concludes by saying :
Sed quid -plura ? Christi est in omnibus emulator egregius.
A preacher in the church of Santi Spirito now assailed
the new doctrine, daily hurling insults at Savonarola and
challenging him to the ordeal by fire.' Savonarola de
spised the man and paid no attention to his attacks ; but
Messer Filippo Cioni, a Florentine notary, replied to him
with an " Epistle," and Maestro Paolo da Fucecchio
published a pamphlet in defence of the Prior of St.
Mark's.2 Another adversary, in order to inflict a deeper
wound on Savonarola, feigned to be one of his supporters,
and published a letter repeating in the form of doubts all
the usual accusations, namely : of disseminating scandal in
the Church, disobeying Rome, assuming to be a pro
phet, and so on. 3 Domenico Benivieni, brother to the
poet of the same name, and author of a great number of
religious compositions, immediately wrote an " Epistle "
unmasking the coarse hypocrisy of this anonymous
assailant, and afterwards produced numerous dialogues and
tractates in defence of his master's doctrines and prophe-
' This was Frk Leonardo, an Augustine monk. " Here is what the
preacher of Santo Spirito told us yesterday morning : that we were de
ceived in Frk Girolamo ; and that if he would enter the fire for one
quarter of an hour, he himself would undertake to stay in it for two.
And he likewise exhorted all present that they should pray and beseech
God, that in case anything said by the above Frk Girolamo be true, the
Lord send a judgment on him (Frk Leonardo), and strike him dead."
Another of Giugni's letters, dated 12th of March, 1495 (Florentine style).
See the before-quoted " Miscellanea," sheet 109.
"^ This pamphlet was reprinted by Quetif in his " Aggiunte " to the
"Life of Savonarola." It contains all the accusations made by the hos
tile preacher, the replies of Maestro Paolo da Fucecchio, and has Cioni's
"Epistola" as a preface. There is nothing in it of any importance, ex
cepting the curious point that Maestro Paolo, relying on the Council of
Constance, maintains that the authority of councils is superior to that of
the Popes. But he does not pause to discuss the subject.
3 " Epistola responsiva a Frate Hieronimo da Ferrara dell' ordine dei
frati predicatori da I'amico suo." It was printed in the fifteenth century,
but without any date. There is a copy of it in the National Librai-y of
Florence.

74 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
cles.' He gave In these a complete history of the Friar's
career as a preacher; described the state of corruption and
unbelief, from which the Florentines had been rescued by
means of the new doctrine ; showed that the truth ofthis
doctrine was proved by the righteousness of all its
followers and by its perfect accordance with the precepts of
Scripture ; and, enumerating the Friar's numerous predic
tions, wound up by noting those which were already ful
filled or in course of fulfilment.
During the heat of this discussion a certain Fra^ Angelo,
an anchorite, began to send forth from his hermitage in
Vallombrosa a series of printed epistles to the diffierent
Italian States. In one addressed " Ai Signori e popolo
di Firenze," he repeatedly confirmed the promises Savona
rola had made, and claiming to have been specially in-
' "Tractato in defensione et probatione della doctrina e prophetic
predicate da Frk Girolamo." Florence, May 28, 1496. This tractate
is in fifteen chapters ; it contains a full account of Savonarola's preach
ings, and many of his visions and prophecies. " Dialogo di M. Domenico
Benivieni, canonico di San Lorenzo, della veritk della dottrina di Frk
Hieronymo," undated. This dialogue enumerates many printed and
manuscript pamphlets concerning the Friar and his works ; among others
one by Bartolommeo Scala : "Contro i vituperatori del nuovo governo
(a Latin copy dated Florence, 11 Kal. Octobris, 1496, is in the National
Library). A lengthy "Trattato, con lettere ai principi," by Frk Paolo
Nolano ; an " Epistola invettiva a proposito della lettera a Carlo VIIL,"
&c. Benivieni's reply to the feigned disciple is entitled, " Epistola di
Al. Domenico Benivieni a uno amico, responsiva a certe obiectioni et
calumnie contro a Frate Hieronymo da Ferrara."
Benivieni also wrote a great number of other epistles, sermons, dia
logues, and religious tracts, one of which deserves mention on the
score of its singularity. The " Scala spirituale sopra il nome di Alaria."
The five letters forming the name are used as the initials of five
mottoes, representing the five steps of *his Stairway {Scala), of which
the author speaks. Thus Benivieni wasted his time ! Not to swell
the list of these productions ad infinitum, we need only include one by
Pico the younger: "Defensio Hiero: Savonarolse adversus Samuelem
Cassincnsem," per Jo. Franc. Picum Mirandulanum, ad Hieron. Torni-
eluni. Anno, i6i5,in Metropoli quk Francia mixta Suevis. This pam
phlet, whicii is not identical with the later Apologia by the same author
is in the Guicciardini Collection, together with an older and undated
edition.

POLITICAL EPISTLES OF FRA ANGELO. 75
spired by the Holy Scripture, declared that he had dis
covered in the Apocalypse a prediction of the descent of
Charles VIII. into Italy and of his expedition to the East
to re-establish the Christian Empire ; and stated that he
had written to announce these coming events to the
Churches of Asia and Africa. In another epistle addressed
"Al Senato e Doge di Venezia" he said that he disap
proved of their policy and that of the League, since the
latter in opposing Charles opposed the will of the Lord,
who had appointed the monarch to this new enterprise.''-
This anchorite, inditing from his hermitage calcula
tions of the respective forces of Turkey and France, and
discussing the probabilities and consequences of war in the
East, was a truly singular phenomenon ! All Florence
was now absorbed in politics ; every one full of designs
for the future ; men of all parties had now taken up the
pen. In fact, political pamphlets were beginning to
multiply faster than ever, for in this way the Arrabbiati
vented their passions and their irrepressible hatred for
Savonarola, whom, they sought to injure by every possible.
means. The Eight daily discovered fresh plots against
the Friar's life, and were frequently obliged to put some of
the conspirators to the question ; while more than once, it
is said, the crime was so close on accomplishment that its
would-be perpetrators had to be sentenced to death. 2 But
even this failed to cow the Arrabbiati ; on the contrary,
their courage was unabated, and when foiled in their
' One of the letters addressed to the Signory of Florence was wriUen
in June, 1496 ; another in January, 1497, was in reply to some who had
said, " Have we not enough of friars without also being tormented by
anchorites ? " The epistle to the " Senate and Doge of Venice " was also
written in January, 1497. The greater part of the pamphlets mentioned
in this chapter are contained in the National Library, and registered in
the last catalogue of the fifteenth century writers, drawn up by Alorolini.
Some are also included in the Guicciardini and Capponi collections
in the same library.
" Vide Giugni's letter of the iSth of March, to which wc have already
referred.

76 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
murderous attempts they had recourse to the pen. This
Indeed was their only weapon, now that, in consequence
of the briefs from Rome, the Friar had withdrawn to his
cloister. Accordingly numerous epistles in verse and
prose, sonnets, songs, ballads, and compositions of all
kinds, were employed to heap contumely on his head.
A certain Girolamo Muzi wrote a ballad beginning
with these lines : O popolo ingrato,
Tu ne vai preso alle grida,
E drieto a una guida
Plena d'ipocrisia.'
Not content with attacking Savonarola, these men also
turned against the magistrates, and censured their con
duct. Che i ducati e i marroni,
Le some dei capponi,
Giovenchi, han si gran forza,
Che rompono ogni scorza
Ch' e innanzi alia giustizia.=
And he continued in so insolent a strain, that the Eight
prohibited him from holding any office for five years, and
fined him sixty gold florins.3
" O ungrateful people,
Thou art caught iby a cry.
And follow a guide
All full of hypocrisy.
" For ducats or chestnuts, oxen or loads of capons, have strength to
burst the rind of justice.
3 This indecetit ballad {frottola inoncsta), as it was styled by the Eight,
was never published ; but the author gave several copies to a friend,
charging him to send one to Savonarola, affix one on the door of the
Duomo, another on the Palace of the Signoria, and others in various
places. A copy of the ballad, together with the sentence of the Eight,
dated i6th of January, 1496 (Florentine style), is in the Florence Archives.
It has been published in the " Giornale storico degli Archivi Toscani,"
vol. ii. p. 81.

ATTACKS MADE BY THE ARRABBIATI 77
But the best idea of the scurrilities employed by the
Arrabbiati is to be gained from the " Defensione contro
air Area di Fra Girolamo" of Francesco Altovlti.' The
author claims to have suffered exile and every kind of
persecution from tyrants, to be specially devoted to liberty,
and now moved to attack Savonarola in defence of its
cause. " It would seem," writes Altovlti, " that this man
is so blinded and inflamed by vice, so dominated by
pride, that even as he has falsely asserted to have dis
coursed with the Almighty, so he believes that he is to
have the power of a dictator over the State and its forces,
in order to give laws to the city and even to the whole
world, like unto Moses, and to compel the pontifical
power to accept them by force of threats." He laments
that the Friar should have abolished the festivities of St.
John's Day, destroyed the carnival, and put an end to all
gaiety in Florence ; and then, being at a loss what to say
next, adds, " He wishes to play the tyrant, and though Pie
has sometimes spoken against tyranny, has now lowered
his tone, because Piero has become his friend." "And
now there is no doubt but where Fra Girolamo is, there too
is Piero de' Medici, and those who desire Fra Girolamo
desire Piero de' Medici likewise. Wherefore, in order to
extinguish thoroughly the name ofthe tyrant, it is needful
to extinguish the name of the Friar, for he is the father of
the tyrant, and the officer of the tyrant," and so on.
What greater absurdity could be imagined ? Yet, this
was the language daily used by the Arrabbiati.
It must be acknowledged that neither were the Frateschi
uniformly pacific ; they, too, occasionally vented their bile,
as may be seen by the following verses :
Voi ridete, e con sonetti
Dispregiate il divin verbo ;
Ma, spectate il duro nerbo
Che le spalle vi rassetti.
' A fifteenth century copy, undated, is in the National Library.

78 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Su, mosconi, a scompigliare ;
Scarafaggi, a vostra stalla ;
Calabron che siete a galla,
Fate i vizii un po' svcgliare
IVIa sappiate che mai lalla
La iustizia col supplicio.' . . .
These compositions were sometimes Issued in the shape
of pamphlets, sometimes as fly sheets, circulated among
the people from hand to hand, or afiixed to street corners.
More often, however, they were In the form of verses
which were sung about the city and shouted by the
Piagnoni and Arrabbiati at one another whenever they
met in the streets. But the political character of
Savonarola's adherents is not to be learned from the
^ writings in which they returned insult for insult. It
will be best ascertained from the still greater number of
compositions in prose and verse in praise of the name and
grandeur of the Florentine nation, and In which new laws
and reforms are proposed, and the nature of those al
ready established Is discussed.
Mention may here be made of a few short tracts
addressed to Savonarola and his community by Fra Santi
Rucellal. They are entitled " Sui Cambio," " Sui Monte
Comune," and " Sui Monte delle FanciuUe," = and, in
treating of some of the chief institutions of the Florentine
Republic, also afford much valuable information on the
financial condition of the city at that time. 3 But the
' With laughter and verse ye mock .at the divine word, but wait till
the hard lash straightens your backs. Buzz then, ye bluebottle flies ;
crawl, ye blackbeetles ; whirling hornets, use your venomous stings !
But rememberthat justice and chastisement, will never fail ye. . . .These
verses were printed, and are in the National Library. See the fifteenth
century writers, "Custodia" G., No. 14.
" "On Exchange," "On the Communal Bank," "On the Maidens'
Bank." 3 These unpublished tracts are in the National Library, Cl. xxix., Cod.
207. That on Exchange is the least important ; the iccond explains the
institution of the Communal Bank, which, as all know, was a bank for the

TRACTS BY ADHERENTS OF THE FRIAR. 79
writings of greatest value, as giving life-portraits of the
Friar's adherents, were produced by men of the people,
voluntary or forced loans contracted by the Republic in case of war or
other emergencies under promise of repayment. " Very soon, however,"
says Frk Santi Rucellai, "the government ceased to refund the capital,
paying instead 5 per cent, interest. Then the interest was reduced to 3
per cent., and now this 3 per cent, is sometimes paid, sometimes not."
Things went from bad to worse. At first a bank-bond {luogo di Monte)
of 100 florins could be realized for 80, then for only 66 or 50 ; I have
seen its value sink to 30, to 25, and to 20 florins, and now since this last
war, it is only wortli 10 per cent. Incredible though it seem, this was
the state of the Florentine Republic during the war, of which we shall
have to speak in the ensuing chapter.
The third treatise is on the Alaidens' Bank, a very ingenious institution
of the Republic, and one that was highly valued by the Florentines. It
was founded in the following manner. When the Republic found itself
unable to redeem its debts to the citizens, it endeavoured to find a way
of reconciling public with private interests, and accordingly founded
this Monte delle Fanciulle. This was the point of view taken : If a
bank-bond of 100 florins can only realize 16, evidently its holder's capital
is only 16 and not 100 florins. Now, any person depositing one of these
bonds in the Maidens' Bank, and leaving it there without interest for
sixteen years, shall receive at the end of the sixteenth year the sum of
100 florins in full. Thus, by the deposit of ten bank-bonds, a dowry of
1,000 florins could be forraed, and so on in proportion. In order to ob
tain a dowry of 100 florins at the end of twelve years it was necessary to
deposit bonds to the effective amount of twenty-four instead of sixteen
florins. The Commune appointed special officers to determine the market
value of the bonds, for this underwent daily variations, and, on learning
in how many years the dowry would be required, fixed the amount to be
paid. This arrangement was advantageous to private individuals, and
very profitable to the government, since, if the maiden for whom the
dowry was constituted chanced to die, the bank retained the deposit,
and, if the girl took the veil, the bank was only bound to pay the real
value of the deposit.
The bonds issued by the Maidens' Bank were always held sacred, and
were scrupulously redeemed by the Communal Bank. Nevertheless, in
the course of the last war (1496) the finances of the Republic were in so
exhausted a state, that when a dowry fell due, only one-fourth of the
promised capital was paid in cash, and even from this the expenses of
the contract were deducted ; while the rest of the sum was retained at an
interest of 7 per cent. By-this measure even the bonds ofthe Maidens'
Bank were reduced in value, and were then sold for the first time at 75
per cent. The continual variations in the value of the bonds of the
Communal Bank gave rise to a speculative mania similar to modern
speculations on the stock exchange, and its fatal consequences are
frequently lamented by the historians.

8o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
who, regardless of grammar, only wrote from spontaneous
impulse and for their own satisfaction. One of these
works, which may serve to give us a notion of the rest,
was entitled " Riforma santa et pretiosa ha fatta Domenico
Cecchi, per chonservazlone della citta di Firenze." The
author begins in this way : " By the great love I bear to
this people, I have taken it into my head to write this
work, and can do nothing else ; for day and night I feel
impelled to the task, and could tell of such miracles
wrought on me by it, that I myself am amazed thereat."
Cecchi is a true type of the fanaticism that Savonarola's
sermons had roused in the people : politics and religion
are strangely jumbled in his brain ; he reasons as one
constrained by a superior power to offer advice to the
Republic, and is overfiowing with enthusiasm, natural
talent, and devotion to freedom. His pamphlet shows
complete ignorance of the first rudiments of literary art,
joined to remarkable political sagacity; his suggestions
give evidence of rare common sense, and we might
suppose them to be based on a consummate experience
of public affairs. He proposes that the Greater Council
should be relieved from the duty of attending to numerous
minor details, inasmuch as these not only take time owed
to things of greater moment, but serve to prevent many
from attending the meetings.' He writes on the
" Decima," and shows the enormous advantage of a
single tax of this sort, severely condemns arbitrary
imposts,^ since, as he justly says, "our city is being
' This mode of burdening the council and the Signory with petty
afiairs was noted and censured by all the Florentine historians of the
period. We find, for instance, that in the month of March, 1495, the
Gieater Council was twice summoned to vote a bill, in order that two
citizens might be granted permission to change their abode from one
quarter of the town to another. Florence Archives "e Provvisioni,"
Register 187, sheets 10 and 11.
' As before noted, the "arbitrio," was levied, almost hap-hazard on
the supposed profits of the difterent trades and professions, and, con
sequently, to the injury of all. The clergy were exempt from this tax.

FIRST SUGGESTION 01 THE MILITIA. 81
crushed by them." He approves of the tax on church
property,' and would like to see a limit imposed upon
dowries, " since then no gentleman nor artizan would be
prevented from marrying his daughter." - In this book
we find the first suggestion of the citizen militia, after
wards founded by Machiavelli, and which so heroically
aided in the defence of the Republic. Cecchi argues, in
fact, that certain officers should be elected to give a military
training to all able-bodied men within and without the
walls. " For thus, besides the advantage of the pay-money
circulating among the citizens, be assured that one thou
sand of our own men will do better work than three
thousand foreigners. By these laws," he says in conclu
sion, " bad men will be made good, and all Florence dwell
in happiness. Likewise, in a short space of time, these
(citizen soldiers) will give reform, peace, and unity to all
Italy, since all will come to learn here, this city being the
centre and core of Italy." 3
' With his usual regard for justice, Savonarola was in favour of the
taxation of church property. The " Provvisione " of the 8th of December,
1495, entitled " Ofiicialium Presbiterorum Ordinatio," imposed a minimum.
tax of 50,000 florins on all those exempted from ordinary burdens, that
is to say on the clergy. See also Landucci's " Diario," p. 119.
'' The author fixes a maximum for marriage portions. " At the highest,
no one should give a dowry of more than 500 broad florins ; artizans, of
300 ; peasants, of 50 ; those exempt from taxation, of 100."
3 The National Library has no copy of this very rare pamphlet, and
we first heard of it from the learned Englishman, Mr. Seymour Kirkup,
who had a valuable library of Italian books and manuscripts. It consists
of twenty-eight sheets, and in the last of these is a note to the effect that ,
the pamphlet was completed on the 24th of February, 1496 (Florentine
style). It was "printed by Francesco di Dino, and most diligently cor
rected by Domenico, son of Ruberto, son of Ser Mainardo Cecchi." The
title of the work is also noteworthy as bearing the true Piagnone stamp :
"Jesu, a holy and precious Reform proposed by Domenico, son of Ru
berto, son of Ser Mainardo Cecchi, for the preservation of the city of
Florence and the common weal : and this is the good and true light and
treasure of every one and of the city, and will cause justice to be ob
served and virtuous government. And take good note of everything, for
this is the true and right path, by which all may attain to great happiness,
and afterwards in a brief space all Italy and the whole universe likewise,
VOL. II, 7

82 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
We may conclude this review of popular literature by
ranking with Cecchl's prose the verses of an author
signing himself : /, Giovanni, neither noble nor gentle, but
a Tailor of Florence.'' He is as enthusiastic as Cecchi for
the Republic, is inspired by the same patriotic zeal, and,
although a man of small learning, writes less ungrammati
cally and with fewer orthographical blunders. In one of
his sonnets he attacks those who, although always seeking
office, refuse to serve their country in moments of danger,
and extols others who have joined in the campaign against
Pisa. In another sonnet his reproofs are directed against
the Bigi, who hypocritically feign themselves Piagnoni ; and
he warns them that they will not succeed in their intent :
O prete, o frate, o secolare strano,
Sia chi vuol, che non terra la bocca
Al popolo fiorentino alto e sovrano.
Che chi al popol vorra porre il freno,
Gadere lo vedro in un baleno.^
He wrote some octaves in praise of patriotism and obedi
ence to the Greater Council, several terzine to the future
glory of Florence, and others censuring the policy of
Duke Ludovico, the Venetians and the rest of the League,
and threatening the Pisans with speedy defeat :
Pero bisogna che il Pisano call
Co' ferri a' piedi giii nella sentina,
Po' cWh stato cagion di tanti maii.
E la famosa patria fiorentina

as they may learn from this book." The Kirkup Library vvas dispersed
some years ago. Another copy of the Cecchi pamphlet is in the posses
sion of Signor O. Tommasini of Rome, and is quoted by him in his " Liis
tory of Machiavelli."
• " To. Giovanni non sere nh messere, ma sarto fiorentino." We dis
covered these verses-in the National Library, and have published tliem
in the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxix.
' Neither priest, nor friar, nor stranger layman, be he who he vvill,
shall curb the jaws of the high and sovereign people of Florence. Foi
were one to try to bridle the people, he would surely be overthrown in aflasb.

WRITINGS OF ARRABBIATI AND PIAGNONI 83
In alia stae come bel falcone,
E la Lega niente la domina ;
Pero non creda nessun sottoposto
Uscire delle branche al gran lione.
E chi lo ingannera, tornerk tosto,
A suo dispetto, sotto il suo artiglio,
Come Cristo superno ha ben disposto."
On examination of these and many other writings
which were then in general circulation we are instantly
struck by the immense difference between Arrabbiati and
Piagnoni. Whereas the Friar's adherents are entirely
honest and sincere, his adversaries are full of exaggera
tion, calumny, and deceit, and have no belief in their own
words. Also, if setting aside the writings of the Arrab
biati, we turn our attention to those of the Piagnoni, we
shall find them to be divided into two distinct classes —
the poUtical and the rehgious. There is an immense
distance between the one and the other, not only on
account of difference of subject, but in their tone
and manner of diction. Men of the people discu.'^s
politics, men of learning religion ; the former are quite
unlettered ; the latter know Latin and Greek, Aristo
telian and Platonic philosophy. Nevertheless, as re
gards intrinsic worth, the writings of the people are
decidedly the best. In fact, all these different pamphlets
were the outcome of either political or religious energy.
Whereas the first flourished in Florence, like a tree grown
" Wherefore the Pisan must be loaded with chains and cast into the
pit, since he has caused us such mighty ills. And the famous land of
Florence shall soar on high like unto a beauteous falcon, and the League
shall have no power over it. . . . Yet let no subject (land) think to escape
from the lion's jaws. And he who would trick the lion will soon, despite
his struggles, feel again the grip of his talons, even as Christ above hath
wisely ordained. At the end of the ottave is written : finis the i8th day
of July, 1496 ; " and at the end of the following terzine ; "finis the 30th
day of November, 1496." They treat of the war with Pisa, the withdrawal
ofthe Emperor, and so on,

84 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
in rich and congenial soil which quickly sends forth
luxuriant shoots, the other, fostered by Savonarola with
the greatest tenderness, resembled a plant set in barren
ground, and only kept alive by unremitting care and
attention. The Florentines were an essentially political race, and,
after the expulsion of the Medici, immediately resumed
their old habits of thought ; so that it now seemed as
though the Republic had never ceased to exist. Accord
ingly, while we see that the popular writers, from a sense
of incapacity or perhaps of reverence, always abstain from
religious topics, we find them continually occupied in
discussing and writing on politics. Their spelling and
grammar may be feeble, but their very blunders assist
the ingenuous manifestation of their individuality : they
are always full of life and ardour, full of spontaneous
originality. But if it be asked whether, in this re
awakening of the old Florentine spirit, there were any
learned men devoted to politics, and if so, what were the
merits of their writings, we should have to reply that
the genius of Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and Giannotti
began to bud under this Republic, and flowered in
the sun of its freedom : all three were the undoubted
offspring of the revolution of 1494, the revolution
initiated by the Friar. For during that period we find
political life active and flourishing in all directions.
New laws and reforms are discussed with marvellous
vJ skill, and carried out with the utmost prudence ; a
new generation, full of vigour, is springing up, and men
of riper age show experience in the business of the
State. Even military affairs were conducted with success.
Piero Capponi, as the leading spirit of the war, in
creased his reputation in the Pisan campaign ; and the
name of the valiant Antonio Giacomini had already
become famous. All undertakings, in fact, were con-

POLITICAL GENIUS OF THF FLORENTINES. 85
ducted in a way that would have done honour to the
most warlike of republics, and was especially admirable
in the case of Florence, which had barely shaken off the
yoke of its sixty years' slavery. And although the chief
merit of this energetic and zealous exercise of freedom
is due to Savonarola, the founder of the new Republic,
the germs which, fostered by his care, so soon flowered
and bore good and lasting fruit, must have been already
latent in the Florentine people. Their freedom, in fact,'
outlived the Friar's death : after being crushed by the
blows of many enemies, it revived with increased glory :'
again assailed by powerful hosts, it was finally over
thrown, but its fall was heroic, and its glory has lasted
for ever.
But, on turning our glance to the religious life of this
same people, things wear a very different aspect. We
always find something forced and ephemeral in it, some
thing that defies definition, but is patent to all acquainted
with the chronicles of the time and the religious works
of Savonarola's disciples. The latter, indeed, can only
faintly reproduce their master's ideas, and give feeble
echoes of his words. No original thought ever issues
from their mind, no vigorous line from their pen.'
In spite of its boasted new birth in religion, this people
has left posterity no record of its faith. Savonarola's is
the sole figure that is truly and supremely religious ;
he seems to be the only real human being in the midst of
a dream-world, where all is changing and evanescent.
It must not, however, be implied that there was no great
religious reform, no universal moral improvement; but
this multitude that spontaneously reconquered its freedom,
could only be kept steadfast in its faith by the daily
' Frk Benedetto might be cited as an exception ; but he is only
original and eloquent in the narration of real events : when touchmg on
religious questions he never rises above the level of commonplace.

86 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Stimulus of the Friar's sermons. His voice once hushed,j
vice and unbelief instantly reared their heads. All can;
see that if the Republic of the Florentines survived their
leader, not so their religion.
Although Savonarola tried to hide it from himself
he must have frequently foreseen this result. At these
moments he hurled bitter reproofs on his much-beloved
people, threatened them with the awful wrath of the
Lord, and announced that their promised felicity would
be replaced by terrible chastisements. But he had an
intense need of trust and hope ; the natural course of
events was no longer to be checked, and it was fatally
whirling him along. When he first spoke to them of
religion and morals, the Florentines were roused to love
of liberty ; he had then favoured their desires by coun
selling and promoting the foundation of a new Republic,
and immediately became the idol of the multitude. But
he sought to make politics and free institutions serve the
cause of religion, whereas the Florentines wished to
subordinate religion to freedom. Whenever the Friar
lost sight of politics, he could no longer command his
earers' attention. Hence he was obliged to proclaim
[esus Christ King of Florence ; to represent himself as
the mouthpiece of the Virgin, when he counselled from the
pulpit the formation of the new government, and declared
that the Almighty Himself had ordained the abolition of
Parliaments. He was continually obliged to compare the
new order of government with the hierarchy of the
langels, and the successive days of the Florentine rebellion
with the seven days of the Creation ! In point of fact,
even while Savonarola seemed omnipotent over the
Florentines, their religious indifference proved an in- •
superable obstacle ; it was the only result achieved by the
Medici that he could never entirely destroy. The people
leapt from doubt to fanaticism, and from fanaticism back

THE SECRET OF SA VONAROLA'S PO WER. 87
to doubt, and his best efforts notwithstanding he never
succeeded in making them truly devout.
This is a very important fact, and one deserving
of serious attention, since only by its aid can we com
prehend the unexpected catastrophe of the strange drama
of Savonarola's life. His aim was to be the regenerator
of religion ; but the Florentines adored him as the
founder of the Repubhc. If they showed so much ardour
in defending him against the Pope, it was because the latter
sought to reinstate the Medici in Florence, and therefore
they upheld their own freedom in defending the Friar.,
But If Alexander Borgia, whose interest in religion was
of the slightest, had succeeded in separating the one
cause from the other, Savonarola could have no longer
counted on the same zeal ; the ground would have yielded
beneath his feet.
Meanwhile — to resume our interrupted narrative — in
consequence of Savonarola's sermons on Amos and
Zechariah, the fame of the new doctrine was noised
throughout the world. It excited much attention even
in the East, where the Sultan caused the sermons to be
translated into Turkish for his own reading.' From
France, Germany, and England Savonarola received letters
from new followers whom these sermons had converted
to his views.2 And at the same time the Italian princes
addressed him sometimes in terms of flattery and then
of reproach, inasmuch as all these potentates, being more
or less uneasy In their conscience, considered themselves
personally touched by his invectives against tyranny and
vice. The Duke of Ferrara, however, who was his true
' Burlamacchi, p. 71.
= Savonarola often alluded to this in his sermons. "Even from
Germany letters come to us from men having faith in these things."
Vide " Prediche sopra I'Esodo," sheet 39. Florence, 1498.

88 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
friend, maintained a constant and affectionate correspon
dence with him, through his ambassador In Florence.
Savonarola gave him good advice and sent him his
works in return.' On the other hand, Paolo Somenzi,
rhe Milanese envoy, who had always been a pertinacious
opponent, was now using his best efforts to persuade
Savonarola to second the designs of Duke Ludovico, also,
as we are well aware, a declared enemy of the Friar.
On the 1 2th of April, 1496, this man, Somenzi, sent
his master a letter from Savonarola, earnestly begging him
to give it a gracious reply, because "this Friar is now
master of the people, and has the power to make it submit
to your Highness." Savonarola's letter has not been
preserved, but we see by the reply that he must have
expostulated with the Duke for giving ear to his
detractors, and urged him to do penance for his sins.
Ludovlco's answer is so excessively gracious as to be
almost ironical. He excuses himself on the score of
having heard that the Friar spoke ill of him, and incul
cated, from the pulpit, the duty of disobeying the Pope ;
nevertheless he promises to believe no more of these
calumnies. As to his own sins, says the ingenuous Duke,
he Is not conscious of having committed any, having
always led the life of a good Christian. Would Savona
rola kindly inform him what penance he should perform 1
By the Duke's order, Somenzi brought this letter to
St. Mark's, repeated his visit on several occasions, and
tried by soft words to induce Savonarola to make the
Florentines join the League. He also promised that his
master would gain him the favour of his brother. Cardinal
Ascanio, who was very powerful in Rome, and hitherto
one of the most zealous in spurring the Pope to excom-
' I'ide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxx., some of Savonarola's
letters to the Duke of Ferrara. Others, including those of the Duke,
are given in A. Cappelli's " Frk Girolamo Savonarola," &c.

SA VONAROLA'S LETTERS. 89
municate him. But Savonarola was neither to be con
quered by threats nor by blandishments, and on the
25th of April sent Ludovico a very dignified reply. " It
is not true that I have ever absolutely asserted that the
Pope should be disobeyed. This would be reprehensible,
as being contrary to the precepts of our faith, from which
I have never swerved and never intend to swerve. The
same calumniators have told you that I speak ill of your
Lordship, but I allude to no special person when urging
repentance upon all. And if your Highness be in the
spiritual mind you give me to understand, you have only
to persevere in it, and can need no better judge than
your own conscience." He also told the orator, Somenzi,
that he was by no means hostile to the Duke, and was
ready to do all he could for his welfare ; but at the same
time " was no fitting instrument for that which was now
asked of him." And he added that " the Florentines
refused to enter the League, for fear lest the Duke,
together with the other powers, should aim at destroying
the popular government, and playing the despot in
Florence." '
In the same way, and for the same reasons, Savonarola
was obliged to write to Galeotto Pico, prince of Mirandola,
who was then oppressing his States with cruel tyranny,
and therefore deemed that he too had been attacked in
the preacher's sermons. The Friar again denied having
made any personal attacks, repeated that his mission was
only to announce the scourge, and urge all to repentance.^
The prince, who was brother to the famous Giovanni
Pico della Mirandola, and father of Giovanni Francesco
Pico, the biographer of Savonarola, had a very different
nature from that of his kinsmen. His life was a series of
' Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxxi., the letters of
Somenzi, Savonarola, and the Duke.
= This letter has no date. It was published by Padre Alarchese in the
" Archivio Storico Italiano," Letter iv.

90 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
atrocious acts of cruelty, and he had long kept his mother
and another brother confined in a dungeon. Accordingly
Savonarola now changed his tone,and on the 26th of March,
1496, sent him a very menacing letter : " I counsel you
to return to God, to live after the manner of a good
Christian, to repent the past, and recur to piety. Other
wise, I make known to you that severe chastisement
awaits you, and that you shall be scourged In your sub
stance, your flesh, and your kindred. Likewise I announce
to you that your life Is near its end ; that if you obey
not my words, you will go to hell, and this letter will be
brought up against you before the judgment-seat of God,
and leave you no way of escape."' And Gio. Francesco
remarks on this head : " My father was then in the
prime of health and strength, and seemed likely to have a
long life ; nevertheless he only survived two years after
this truly prophetic letter, and from that moment our
family history has been a long and sanguinary tragedy
that still seems far from its end." 2 The unhappy youth
certainly did not foresee that he was to be one of the
saddest victims of the disasters Savonarola had foretold.
On the night ofthe 5 th of February, 1533, he was mur
dered by the hand of his own nephew 1
But of all these enraged potentates the Pope was by far
the most incensed, inasmuch as he had only given Savon
arola a verbal permission to resume his sermons, and
hoped that the Friar would lower his tone. The Signojy,
on the other hand, had expressly commanded him to re
enter the pulpit, and he had shown himself more violent
and aggressive than ever. Alexander, therefore, continued
to address threatening reproofs to the Florentine orator,
Messer Riccardo Becchi, not only complaining of the Friar,
but still more of the Signory for upholding him and
' This letter also was published by Padre Marchese, Letter v.
° To. Franc. Pici, " Vita Hier. Savonarote," chap. xxi.

VIRULENCE OF THE POPE'S WRATH. 91
basely truckling to his will by refusing to join the League.
Consequently on the loth of March, 1496, a Pratica was
held to consult on what should be done, but no conclusion
was reached. No one wished to desert the French alliance ;
all distrusted Ludovico and the Pope, and all considered
that Savonarola's sermons were indispensably required.
Nevertheless, dreading lest Borgia should proceed to
violence, they made an effort to pacify him. Even Piero
Capponi, although one of Savonarola's adherents, re
marked, with soldierly good sense, that they must
remember what great harm Papal edicts had often
wrought on the city, " and especially on our merchants
in divers parts of Christendom."' The Ten wrote re
peatedly to the orator and the cardinals in Savonarola's
defence ; 2 but the Pope was only the more enraged, and
curtly refused to grant any spiritual indulgences asked by
the Florentines at that time. It was decided to try to
soften his anger by sending him, as had been proposed at
the Pratica, an ambassador-extraordinary in the person of
Messer Niccolo Pandolfini, Archbishop of Pistoia. But
directly the prelate entered the Pope's presence, the latter
greeted him with harsh complaints against the Florentines
for remaining faithful to France, refusing to join the
Holy League for the expulsion of the barbarians, and thus
by their obstinacy bringing Italy to ruin. He then spoke
of the Friar, and though his words were few, they dis
played the depth and virulence of his Ill-repressed wrath
and hatred. The Archbishop tried to exculpate the
Republic in the best way he could.' As regarded the
French alliance, he alleged the binding nature of treaties,
and the constant hatred shown to the Republic by the
Venetians and the Duke. Then, as to the Friar, he
reminded His Holiness how he had himself, through the
' Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," pp. 67-68.
" Ibid. pp. 63-74.

92 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
lips of a Cardinal, authorized him to resume his sermons ;
so that neither the Friar nor the Signory could believe
themselves guilty of disobedience. But at this point he
was roughly Interrupted by the Pope, who said: "Well,
well ! we need not speak of Fra Girolamo just now ; a
time will perhaps come when we can speak of him to
better purpose. As to the rest, you give me nothing but
words, and are trying to keep your foot in both stirrups
at once." ' Thus the first Interview was brought to an
end. Meanwhile the Pope summoned a consistory of four
teen Dominican theologians, charging them to hold
an inquiry on Savonarola's conduct and doctrines, so as
to discover some mode of condemning and inflicting
severe punishment on his followers as well as on himself.
But it was strange to see how the principal charge brought
against Savonarola by this assembly of theologians was
that of having been the cause of all Piero de' Medici's mis
fortunes.^ What other proof can be needed that the
whole question was one of political, not of religious strife.''
The Ambassador Becchi did not remain idle while this was
going on ; but profiting by the favour and assistance of
certain of the Cardinals, went round to all the others,
trying to win them over to the side of the Republic, and
endeavouring to gain time, since nothing else could be
done at the moment. 3
Meanwhile Savonarola, his sermons being ended, had
gone after Easter to Prato, where he had preached on the
" In a letter of the 24th of March, 1496, addressed to the Ten, Pandol
fini gives a minute report of this dialogue. Vide the " Documenti"
published by Padre Marchese in the " Archivio Storico Italiano," pp.
149-151. " This at least is the only accusation mentioned by the Ambassador,
Messer Riccardo Becchi, who gives a full account ofthis consistory in his
letter ofthe 5th of April, 1496. "Documenti" published by Padre Mar
chese, Ibidem, p. 152.
5 Vide the same " Documenti."

MARSILI' 1 FICl.M

SA VONAROLA'S SUCCESS IN PRATO. 93
prophet Joel from the steps of the chapter house, and
afterwards delivered, in the refectory, a sermon on faith
before all the Professors of the Pisan University, which,
by reason of the war, had been transferred to this town.
His success was immense ; great numbers of people had
journeyed from Florence to hear him, and " all the land of
Prato," says an old biographer, "seemed turned into a
church." ' Several learned doctors were converted on this
occasion. A certain Messer Olivieri, a canon of the
Duomo of Florence and a skilled Aristotelian, said to his
pupils : " Let us cast away our books and follow this man,
for we are scarcely worthy of him." Marsilio Ficino,
then considered the first philosopher of his age, expressed
himself almost ecstatically regarding the excellence of
Savonarola's doctrines. It was then, too, that the famous
Niccolo Schomberg was converted, who afterwards assumed
the robe of St. Mark, became Archbishop of Capua,
and finally a Cardinal. 2
' "Biografia Latina," sheet 21', where there is also mention of some
sermons given in Lucca.
" This journey is noticed in a letter of the Ten to Becchi. Padre Mar
chese records this letter in a note at page 172 of his " Documenti," but
wrongly dates it 1498, instead of the i6th of April, 1496. It runs thus :
" At this present we hear that he (Savonarola) has gone to Prato and
Pistoia ; and we cannot refrain from laughing at what you tell us people
are there saying about the government of the city depending on him,
for he has never meddled in it, nor has any of our citizens ever confided
the least thing to him concerning it." And in another letter of the
30th of March, 1496, the Ten wrote : " We marvel that so many things
should have been said there about the Friar, as you write to us ; for
they are all fables and fictions invented by some one that seeks to accuse
him for some evil end." Vide "Archivio Fiorentino," cl. x. series I.,
file 96, sheet 192. This second letter is also included by Padre Mar
chese at page 105 of his " Documenti."
We cannot ascertain whether Savonarola went as far as Pistoia ; but
there is no doubt about his visit to Prato. Burlamacchi mentions it at
page 75, and adds that he also went to Pisa. This, however, is a mistake,
since, as was noted by Guasti at page 43 of Gherardi's " Nuovi Docu
menti," Pisa was then at war with Florence. The mistake arose in this
way : Burlamacchi always faithfully followed the " Biografia Latina," and
in this work, at sheet 21, mention is made of Savonarola's sermons to

94 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
After these new triumphs Savonarola returned at once
to Florence. He there hastened to revise and publish his
treatise " On the Simplicity of the Christian Life" (Della
semplicita della vita cristiana), intended as a serious reply
to the Court of Rome, and in v;hlch, by a complete ex
position of the whole Catholic doctrine, the author refuted
the charges of heresy and schism his enemies were trying
to bring against him. The chief merit of this treatise
consists in its giving an exact and easily-understood com
pendium of the leading dogmas of Catholicism. And
although this only demanded clearness of form and style,
none the less it does signal honour to Savonarola's In
tellect that he should have been the first to attempt to
free theology from the burdensome scholastic intricacies
with which — even to this day — many writers still keep
It encumbered, and thus begun to make it intelligible to
the people. Later, we shall have occasion to note the
presence of the same qualities In another work of far
greater extent and importance, of which the present
treatise, being merely, as it were, a rough sketch, may be
passed over with hasty mention.
The author brought it out in the original Latin, almost
simultaneously with an Italian translation, by Girolamo
Benivieni,' to which he had written a preface, again
the whole of the Pisan University {studio) " qui tunc ibi {et Prato) flore
bat pulcherimum," and Burlamacchi, forgetting that the Pisan University
had, on account of the war, been transferred bythe Florentines to Prato,
makes Savonarola go to Pisa instead, and gives that city as the scene
of the events whicii took place at Prato. Landucci speaks of these
sermons at Prato, and says ; " There were so many people from Florence
and all the country round, that there was a perfect rain of them."
' This treatise must have been written in January, 1496, since on the
loth of that month Savonarola sent it, "still imperiect," to the Duke of
Ferrara, begging him to keep it secret, because he wished to revise and
correct it before giving it to the world. In fact, the letter sent to the
Duke with the manuscript is dated loth of January, 1496. When Count
Carlo Capponi published it in his collection of "Alcune Lettere di Frk
Girolamo Savonarola,". &c., he considered the date to be given according

TREATISE ON THE CHRISTIAN LIFE. 95
declaring his submission to the authority of the Roman
Church, and explaining that he only wrote and preached
in order " to combat the unbelief of these times, in which
charity hath grown cold, and no gleam of good works is
anywhere seen." The first book of this treatise is the
only part of it devoted to the Catholic doctrines. He
begins by insisting on the necessity of good^jmrks, then
proceeds to describe the Christian life, and says that its
root and foundation entirely consist in the grace of God.
He defines grace, and concludes that every Chrlifian should
seek after it with his whole soul, inasmuch as without
grace good works are of no avail. In the same book he
discourses at length on the subject of the Divine ecstasy, /
that product of the Neo-Platonic beliefs to which Savona
rola was so keenly sensitive. He concludes by saying
that, although, in the state of ecstasy, good works are of
little use, no Christian can ever attain to the vision of
God, save after having long abounded in charity. He
then treats of ceremonials and sacrifices, regarding which
he merely repeats the doctrines of Aquinas. He pauses
to note the difference between the sacrifices of the Mosaic
and the Christian law, remarking that whereas the former
only acted as means, and according to the disposition of
him that offered them up, the latter infuse grace even by
their own intrinsic value. This forms the conclusion of
the first and principal part of the work. Its other books
mainly consist of moral precepts ; long dissertations on
inward simplicity oT heart ; on external simplicity in
conduct, dress, and all else ; and they conclude by describ-

to the old Florentine style, and that it should therefore be changed,
according to the new style, to 1497. But this is a mistake, for one edition
ofthe "Trattato della semplicitk della vita cristiana" vvas printed in
September, 1496, and another in October, 1496. As we have already
explained, Savonarola being a Ferrarese, seldom dated letters to be
sent out of Tuscany, according to the Florentine style.

96 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Ing the supreme bliss of the true Christian life.' The
work was most eagerly read, was frequently republished,
and must have been of great service in refuting the
accusations of heresy under which Pope Alexander tried
to disguise his personal and political attacks.
In the course of the same year Savonarola brought out
an exposition of the Psalm " Qui regis Israel," in which
he besought the Lord to come to rescue the world from
its present depth of degradation. " For now all religion
is extinguished," he said, " and it is the general practice to
be one day in the theatre, and the next in the episcopal
chair ; to be in the theatre to-day, and to-morrow a canon
In the choir ; to-day a soldier, and to-morrow a priest."
Meeting with the word aper in the course of the Psalm, he
dwells on the instincts of that animal, and finds vices
corresponding to every one of them in the priesthood of
the day. He then again addresses the Lord, exclaiming,
" Show to us at last Thy face. Thy light, and Thy truth." -
' This was printed in Latin at Florence, anno domini 1496, quinio
kalendas septembris, by Ser Piero Pacini. The same printer published
an Italian translation of it on the last day of October, 1496. It vvas
again reprinted during the fifteenth century, without any indication of
time or place ; and in the sixteenth century many fresh editions appeared
in Florence, Venice, Paris, and Cologne, also one at Leyden in 1633, and
another at Grenoble in 1677. Father Philippe Chant, ofthe Company of
Jesus, translated it into French and published it in Paris in 1672. In
exposition of almost the same theme, Savonarola afterwards produced
two dialogues entitled, " Solatium itineris mei." He began the first in
the shape of a discussion between Sense and Reason ; but finding it was
growing too long and full of quotations, he left it unfinished and rewrote
it in a simpler form, better adapted for popular use. Soul and In
telligence are now the interlocutors ; they speak of Jesus Christ and
the future life, attack the errors of the Jews, and finally discourse of
" the road to the heavenly land " that is indicated by the title. Both
these little works appeared in Venice subsequently to the author's death
— in Itahan in 1535, and in Latin in 1536. As the chief object of all
Savonarola's writings was the good ofthe people, he expounded the same
ideas in many different shapes, the better to impress them on his readers'
minds, and to diffuse them in all ranks of society.
° " Expositio Fratris Hieronymi Savonarola;, psalmi Ixxix., Qui regis
Israel," &c. Florentise anno salutis, 1496, iv. Kalendas Maii. On the

SERMONS ON RUTH AND MICAH.

97

This was truly characteristic of Savonarola ! Submissive
as to dogma, he was daring to the pitch of audacity as
regarded points of discipline, and to the last hour of
his life always remained the same.
In the month of May he returned to the pulpit to
preach Sunday sermons on the Book of Ruth and on
Micah. This time also his discourses were few and ex
tremely long; frequently, after remaining silent two or three
weeks, or even a month, he would preach in the Duomo
for many hours at a stretch. He hoped by this course to
avoid giving the Pope continual cause of complaint, and at
the same time to keep alive the people's enthusiasm for his
teachings and their own freedom. " We are still here,"
he told them, " instead of having fled, as some have
declared. The first motive that urged us to come was the
calumnies of these foes. We also discerned that for lack
of dew from the pulpit, everything was becoming withered
and our numbers diminished. I will even confess to
ye that I cannot live without preaching ; and, finally, I
am here in obedience to Him that Is the Prelate of
prelates and the Pope of popes." Savonarola explained
in these sermons how the Lord's spirit descended on the
priesthood through the medium of the saints, and was
then diffused among the whole people. " But now," he
added, "the corruption ofthe clergy and the corruption
of the Church prevent the spirit from being dlffiased
among believers. Therefore we must needs beseech God
to help us, and send down the scourge that, by correcting
the Church, will re-open the way for an abundant diffusion
of grace and of the spirit."
On the 23rd of May he invoked the descent of the
8th of June two new Italian editions of it appeared in Florence, a third
at Modena in the same year, and another one (undated) in Florence. In
1509 it was again reprinted in Florence, at Lugano in 1540, at Tubingen
in 1 62 1, and also in other places.
VOL. II. 8

98 .S^ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Holy Spirit with such ardent and impassioned words, that
his hearers were moved to torrents of tears. And the
following day. In resuming the same subject, he said,
" Even as the conjunction of the planets produces divers
effects on the earth, so the prelates, who should be the
planets of the Church, produce vices or virtues in the
people, according as their qualities be evil or good. When
they are corrupt, the whole Church and all Christianity
are corrupt. Then the righteous are exposed to terrible
warfare ; inasmuch as they are bound to obedience, because
all superior power emanates from God ; but they are not
bound to yield to commands opposed to the law of God.
Wherefore there is great tribulation, great warfare when
Christian princes are bad, and greater still when to the
temporal power the spiritual also Is united. Thereupon
the anguish becomes unbearable ; nevertheless we have to
remain submissive, for // is not the Lord's will that the
keys be changed. They (the wicked princes) have a double
power, the spiritual and temporal conjoined, and use both
in defence of evil. How then, can we live the good hfe ?
All seem to have fear of goodness. It was far happier In
the days of the apostles ; for they at least were not bound
to respect an authority with which they were at war. What,
therefore, can be done at present ? We must await the
coming of the scourge." Then, addressing himself to the
clergy, he said, " I am the gate, crieth the Lord to ye, and
he that enters not by this gate is a thief. Thou, prelate,
that buyest benefices, art a thief ; thou, father, that buyest
them for thy children, art a thief. Traffic not, I say, in
spiritual things ; ye have them gratis, therefore give them
gratis to others. Who, then, will follow the Lord's sum
mons ? who will be clothed in simplicity and forsake all
things for the Church ^ O prelates ! O lords of Italy !
come forward ! Will ye take this woman .? Behold,
this is their reply : ' Cedo jura propinquitatis.' They

THE SERMON TO THE SIGNORY.

99

yield their rights, and will have none of them. Be ye,
therefore witnesses unto me, that I have called on them'
without cease for the last six years ; or rather Christ hath;
called on them through me, yet they have refused to come
and they renounce their rights. Wherefore strip their
benefices from them, O Lord, and deprive them of all;
things. The sword, the sword, that Is the sole remedy !
I warn thee, O Italy! I warn thee, O Rome, that by Christ
alone canst thou be saved ! The time hath not yet come
to send the Holy Spirit ; but the time will come, and then,
O Lord, Thou shalt be praised in all eternity." '
Thus this sermon ended, and nearly all the rest con
tinued in the same strain to the 20th of August, 1496. On
that day we find him preaching in the Hall of the Greater
Council, by request of the Signory. Inspired by his
surroundings, he now recurred to politics, and in rendering
a general account of his past life, seized the opportunity
to rebut the numerous charges which were being spread
against him. " The clergy wrongfully complain of me.
If I have attacked vice, I have attacked no individual in
particular. But still greater wrong is done me by the
citizens, who go about crying that I meddle in all the
business of the State. I have never Intervened in your
affairs ; both in public and in private I have said, and now
repeat in this place, that such is not my office; and evea
did I seek to interfere in those things, no one ought to give
ear to me. What if I have suggested good laws for the
well-being of the people and its liberty ? what If I have
checked discord and pacified men's minds.? All that hath
been to the glory of God ; and those men would stone me
for a good work. They go about crying : The Friar
would have money, the Friar hath secret intelligences, the
' " Prediche sopra Rut e Michea," delivered on the festival days ofthe
year 1496, after the end of Lent: Florence, 1497; Venice, 1513 ;
Sermon i.

IOO SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
Friar would play the tyrant, the Friar would have a
Cardinal's hat. And I tell ye that had I desired such
things, I should not be wearing a tattered robe at_ this
hour. I would be glorified only in Thee, my God ! Neither
mitres nor Cardinals' hats would I have, but only the gift
Thou hast conferred on Thy saints— death, a crimson hat,
a hat reddened with blood ; that is my desire. But I tell
ye that unless ye provide against these murmurings,
great hurt will befall your city." After this introductory,
Savonarola proceeded to offer suggestions for the security
of the new government. He advised that the council
should be allowed full liberty of discussion and authorized
to express its opinions, but that a law should be passed
at the same time for the severe punishment of all persons
spreading slander in the city. " When the citizens are
gathered together, no man can speak to the purpose un
less he may speak his whole mind. Therefore let all have
faculty to say what they will. O Father, there be many
in whom one can put no faith. Have no care for that.
Let them speak, for by their deeds shall they be known.
But see ye that heavy penalties be inflicted on such as go
about speaking evil of that which hath been said in the
council. If thou art ill content with that which thy
neighbour saith, do not speak ill of him, but come forth
and declare to him : I like not your reasons, and then
give him better ones in return. But if ye be distrustful
the one of the other, and do nought but slander one
another, then shall ye reap nought save dissension and
discord." '
The delivery ofthis sermon in the Hall of the Greater
Council, In the presence of all the magistrates and leading
' Sermon ofthe 20th of August, " sopra Rut e Michea.'' This sermon is
also mentioned by Marin Sanudo, who records in his " Diarii," vol i.
pp. 284-285) \'enice, 1879), that this sermon was givenin the Hall of the
Great Council for the purpose, as he says, of keeping the Florentines
firm to their alliance with the Frencli.

FLORENCE AGAIN APPEALS TO HIM FOR AID. loi
citizens of Florence, seems almost to carry us back a
couple of years to the brilliant and successful days when
the Friar was engaged on the foundation of the new Re
public. How could the Florentines find courage for this
open defiance of the Borgia's wrath, this disregard for his
threats and his briefs ? We are forced to conclude that
some great change must have taken place in the position
of the State. In fact the new events occurring in Italy,
had evoked so many new dangers on all sides, that
men turned in their alarm to the Friar, who alone had
been able to steer them safely through their worst diffi
culties. And although his former efforts had been so
ungratefully repaid, he again devoted himself to the
defence of the Republic, and met, as we shall presently
see, with a still baser and more cruel reward.

CHAPTER V.

THE STR.UTS OF THE "REPUBLIC oAND THE DISASTROUS
COURSE OF THE PISAN WAR. THE DEATH OF PIERO
CalPPONI. THE THREqATS OF THE &1LLIES, WHO
SUMMON THE EMPEROR MdXIMILIc^N TO IT&ILY.
THE NEW BRIEF ISSUED BY THE POPE c/lGAINST
SAVONAROLA oAND THE LATTER'S REPLY. THE RE
PUBLIC IS BESIEGED /,V LEGHORN BY THE FORCES OF
THE EMPEROR eIND OF THE LEAGUE. SAVONAROLA
RETURNS TO THE PULPIT, AND THE FLORENTINES
CiRE MIRACULOUSL Y RESCUED FROM EVERY DANGER.

(1496.)
HE turbulent vicissitudes of the past
years had paralyzed the commerce and
industry of Florence ; the exorbitant
sums paid to the French king and
spent on the war had been a continual
strain on its resources, and the public
credit was lowered to such an extent that a bond of 100
florins on the Communal Bank was only worth ten florins
in the market.' For the last two years the Signory had
summoned a meeting of the council almost every month,
to demand fresh supplies and impose fresh taxes ; - but by
¦ A luogo of the Communal Bank corresponded, as we have before
explained, with what would now be called a share in the funds.
= Although by the l.iw of 1495 the citizens were only bound to pay one-
tenth {Decima) of tlieir yearly income, the books of the Decrees (in the
Florence Archives) are full of successive new tithes {Dciime) levied by
the Signory and the councils.

WAR, PESTILENCE AND FAMINE. 103
this time both public and private funds were equally
exhausted. To these troubles famine was added ; for the
rural districts were cruelly pinched by hunger, and the
peasantry flocking to Florence in troops. According to
the old law they would have been expelled as foreigners ;
but the new rule of charity accorded them a brotherly
welcome. There was much discussion on the point, it Is
true, but the Friar's adherents carried the day, and gave
shelter in their own houses to as many persons as possible.'
Then, however, all poured into Florence, and misery in
creased. The sight of those haggard rustics augmented
the general depression, and there were already a few cases
of death from the plague. 2
Nor did any better luck attend the campaign against
Pisa, where the besieging forces were daily dwindling away
from lack of provisions and money. On several occasions
Florence had the pain of seeing some of her mercenary
leaders desert to the enemy for higher pay ; since the
Pisans were always receiving fresh supplies now that Duke
Ludovico and the Venetian Republic were trying to
gain a foothold in that city. Thus, while the Florentines
saw the enemies they faced daily growing in strength and
numbers, other foes were attacking them in the rear.
The peasants whose fields had been for two years ravaged
by the war, were now suffering from famine, and, maddened
by hunger, often broke out in revolt and attacked the camp

' Nardi, vol. i. p. 104.
" Nardi, vol. i. p. 104 and fol. See, too, the "Biografia Latina " and
Burlamacchi. In Landucci's "Diario," p. 127, we read : "Just at this
time the plague assailed us worse ;" and at pages 132 and 134, that the
disease known under the name of French boils {bolle franciose) was
spreading very rapidly that year. As we see by a debate of the 3rd of
March, 1496, measures were already being taken to check the pestilence,
and Savonarola wrote to his brother Alberto on the 24th of July, 1497,
that " More people are dying of certain malignant fevers than of real
plague.'

104 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
in such great numbers and with so much fiary that it was
necessary to repulse them by force.'
Profiting by this state of things, the Pisans sallied forth
under the command of Gian Paolo Manfroni, and gave
battle to the whole of the besieging army. Both sides
fought well ; but the Florentines were compelled to
abandon all their strongholds in the plain and withdraw
to the hllls.2 Towards the middle of September they were
again attacked, and forced to surrender their position on
the hills, thus forfeiting all their previous advantages.
Thereupon the enemy, pushing forward with increased
daring, endeavoured to cut the communications between
Leghorn and Florence. 3 Had the attempt succeeded, the
Florentines would have been utterly ruined, as by no
other road could necessary supplies of corn be obtained.
But of all their disasters, the greatest and most depres
sing to men's minds was the death of that brave and
generous citizen, Piero Capponi, on the 25th of Sep
tember, 1496. He was laying siege to the castle of
Soiana, in the hope of recapturing It from the enemy, and,
according to his usual habit of doing the work of a
common soldier as well as of commander, was engaged in
planting his guns against the walls, when a shot from the
Pisans struck him down.4 His biggest gun had burst on
the previous day, and this had seemed to him so evil an
omen, that he had predicted his own death, and written
to his confessor, Fra Salvestro Maruffi, asking him to
commend his soul to God.5 The news of this event
spread incredible terror both in the camp and the city.
» Nardi and Guicciardini.
° Soiana, Terriccinola, Cigoli, and others.
3 Guicciardini, Nardi, Sismondi.
* See Acciajoli's "Vita del Capponi," published in the "Archivio
Storico Italiano," vol. iv. part ii.
5 Machiavelli, " Frammenti Storici: Opere'' (Italy, 1813), vol. ii.
p. 308.

DEATH OF PIERO CAPPONL 105
His soldiers fled in dismay from Soiana and refused to
continue the siege.' In Florence the Government imme
diately decreed splendid obsequies to Capponi at the
expense of the State ; and no other citizen was ever so
universally mourned. His corpse was conveyed up the
Arno to Florence in a funeral barge, exhibited to the
public in his house by the Trinita bridge, and then borne
to Santo Spirito, followed by all the magistrates and a
countless multitude of people. The church was illumined
by quantities of huge torches, and the walls were draped
with four rows of banners, in which the arms ofthe magis
trates alternated with those of the Capponi. Eulogistic
speeches were pronounced over his bier, extolling the
deeds and lamenting the loss of this valiant soldier and
eminent citizen. His remains were then laid to rest in the
tomb prepared by his grandfather Neri, for his illustrious
great-grandfather Gino Capponi.^
But fate had fresh adversities in store for Florence.
Taking advantage of the perils by which she was
threatened, the allies pressed her from all sides, to induce
her to break with France and join in the so-called Holy
Alliance. Aware of the great detestation in which Piero
de' Medici was held, they said no more about him, but
promised to maintain the free government of Florence,
and assist it to conquer Pisa, provided it would enter the
League ; otherwise they threatened instant war to the
Republic. The Arrabbiati favoured the pretences of the
allies, but the people unanimously opposed them, knowing
well that these were merely intended to pave the way for
a change of Government,3 and also because no reliance
' Acciajoli, " Vita di P. Capponi."
' In the same church of Santo Spirito. Vide Acciajoli's " Vita di
Piero Capponi," Giovanni Cainbi, " Cronica " of the 25th of September
1496. ' " The which caused much trouble and murmuring among the people,
who were universally agreed not to break with his Majesty the King,

io6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
could be felt in the promises of allies who were too ill-
agreed among themselves to be able to achieve anything.
On the other hand. King Charles was again talking of a
second descent into Italy, and seemed to be already pre
paring for the enterprise, so it was accordingly decided to
remain firm to the alliance with France.
But this rumoured return of the French filled the soul
of Duke Ludovico with fresh alarms. He who boasted of
being the umpire of Italy, and was the chief author of all
her disturbances, now trembled at every change of the
wind, in continual fear of losing the power he had
usurped. We find him at once planning new treaties and
alliances, summoning fresh strangers. For some time past
he had been on good terms with the Emperor Maximilian,'
who had taken one of his nieces to wife, and granted him
the Investiture of the Milanese duchy as a fief of the
Empire. He therefore conceived the idea of inviting
Maximilian to come to Italy to possess himself of the iron
crown, re-establish the diminished authority of the
Empire, and act as arbiter in the many dissensions of the
different States. The presence and authority of the
Emperor would suffice, he thought, to prevent the
coming of the French ; and fiarthermore, Maximilian
being entirely unprovided with men and money, would be
necessarily dependent on those who could furnish him
with both. And Ludovico manoeuvred so dexterously
that he was authorized to invite him in the name of the
League and promise him 40,000 ducats monthly, for
three months ; of which sum 16,000 were to be supplied
by the Venetians, as much by Ludovico himself, and 8,000
especially because of their doubts that certain evil-disposed citizens
were secretly plotting, by this means of the League, to alter the present
government of the Republic " (Nardi, vol. i. p. 90). The same is to be
inferred from the letters of the Italian ambassadors in Florence
¦ At that time he was only King of the Romans, although called
Emperor by the Italians.

EFFECTS OF THE DAUPHIN'S DEATH. 107
by the Pope, on condition, however, that the Emperor
brought an army strong enough to achieve some effect.'
But at this juncture it was learnt that King Charles had
renounced all idea of returning to Italy. That monarch
was once more expecting to become a father, and was too
much absorbed by this joyful hope to think of other
things. In fact a son was born to him in September ;
but It died the following month, leaving the king so over
whelmed by grief, that he took no measures to relieve the
scanty remains of his army, left In the kingdom of Naples,
who, without supplies, and hard pressed on all sides, were
on the point of falling into the enemy's hands. The news
of the Dauphin's death produced various effects in Italy.
It was regarded in Florence as a fresh verification of
Savonarola's prophecies. Then the intelligence that
Charles had abandoned all thoughts of Italy slackened the
eagerness of the allies for the Emperor's arrival, and made
them almost retract their offers. But Ludovico, although
now unsupported, firmly adhered to his purpose, and pressed
him to come even more eagerly than before, in the hope
that being now his sole ally, he would be able to lead
him as he chose. While Maximilian was marching
towards the frontier, the Pope was encouraged by the new
aspect of affairs to put an end to delay and come to open
war with the Florentines. His forces and those of the
Sienese stationed at the bridge of Vallano, attempted to
invade the territory of the Republic. After repeated
repulses, however, they were driven to flight and com
pelled to seek refuge at Montepulciano. But although
' Sismondi, " Histoire des Rdpubliques Itahennes," vol. vi. p. 460.
In Guicciardini's " Storia d'ltalia,'*' vol. ii. p. 69, vve find it stated that the
Emperor was promised 60,000 ducats, and that Ludovico the Moor
undertook to give him 30,000 more. But so deep was the distrust of the
Florentines for the League, that, as Nardi writes, " It vvas publicly stated
that their (the Florentine) dominions had been amicably divided and
apportioned among the said members of the League " (" Istorie," vol. i.
P- 97)-

io8 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
the Florentines were victorious, this event had forced them
to weaken the army before Pisa, while it was in the sad
straits we have recently described, and at a moment when
the movements of Ludovico and the Emperor kept them
in dread of fresh attacks from the north.'
The Emperor, in fact, had already crossed the Alps,
but with so small a force, that, as if from a sense of shame,
he avoided passing through Milan, where the Duke had
made grand preparations to receive him. Taking the route
by Genoa Instead, he sailed from that city on the Sth of
October, with six Venetian galleys and a few Genoese
ships. Disembarking at Spezia, he marched inland to
Pisa, with only i,ooo foot soldiers, who were soon joined
by a second thousand, and five hundred horse. The Pisans
gave him the heartiest welcome, lodged him sumptuously,
and, rushing to the bridge over the Arno, cast into the
river the statue of King Charles, and set up the Emperor's
in Its place. They were full of hope, well supplied with
men and money, good leaders, and abundant provisions.
Reinforcements, too, were pouring in from all sides, and
now, as a piece of additional good luck, came this oppor
tunity of gaining the prestige and power of the Empire
In favour of their cause.^
With the Florentines, on the other hand, all things
fared badly, fate and mankind being equally adverse, but
nevertheless they faced their ill-fortune with admirable
energy. Their courage never failed ; they went on col
lecting men, money, and all obtainable provisions, and sent
everything to the camp. They appealed to the patriotism of
Florentine merchants settled in France for contributions in
aid of their native land, urging them to hire soldiers, send
corn, and do everything in their power as behoved good
• Nardi, Guicciardini, Sismondi.
" Nardi, vol. i. p. 103 and fol.; Guicciardini, "Storia d'ltalia," vol. ii.
p. 81 : Sismondi, vol. vi. p. 465.

THE IMPLACABLE ENMITY OP THE POPE. 109
citizens. Nor did their efforts stop here ; for on perceiv
ing that at this moment Leghorn was the key of the
Tuscan territories, and about to be attacked by the foe,
they instantly furnished it with abundant supplies, and
set to work so vigorously to strengthen its defences, that
it seemed well-nigh incredible how in their straitened
condition they could accomplish so much.' And, as we
have already seen, the Signory's first thought was to secure
Savonarola's help, and induce him to rouse the courage of
the masses, who disheartened by the many dangers and
enemies arrayed against them, were apparently incapable
of effort without the stimulus of his voice. Savonarola
had promptly and readily undertaken the task of encou
raging the more influential citizens. But he had not yet
returned to the pulpit, foreseeing that if he began to
preach, the Roman Court would instantly make him the
object of fiercer and more threatening attacks, such as he
felt reluctant to provoke.
For, of all the Republic's foes, Alexander was un
doubtedly the most virulent. The Duke of Milan would
have been satisfied for the present by seeing the Arrab
biati gain the upper hand In Florence, and the Venetians
by acquiring some influence in Pisa ; but the Pope aimed
at the total destruction of the Republic, and the tempo
rary reinstatement of the Medici, to pave the way for
his own sons. Unlike all the other allies, who were
content to await the coming of the Emperor, he could
not restrain his eagerness, and began the attack with
his own troops. His ruling motive was hatred for
Savonarola, whose return to the pulpit he greatly feared,
knowing that the Florentines, if again guided by their
Friar and cheered by his voice, would probably be
capable of heroic resistance. And In that case all the
hopes Inspired by the Emperor's descent might speedily be
' Nardi, Sismondi, and Guicciardini.

( id SA VONAROLA 'S LIFE AND TIMES.
crushed. He therefore began to weave fresh Intrigues ;
waiting, nevertheless, to see the Issue of the war, for the
Friar was not preaching at this moment, and the affairs of
the Republic were rapidly going from bad to worse.
The Imperial troops, increased to 4,000 strong by the
Venetian and Milanese contingents, were already pushing
on the siege of Leghorn. The Venetian fleet held the sea
and blockaded the port, while a company of their soldiers
was stationed at the Sacco bridge to cut the communica
tions between Leghorn and the army encamped before
Pisa. Nevertheless the Florentines provided for the
emergency with a courage worthy of the old days of their
Republic. First of all they despatched Antonio Canigiani to restore
discipline In the camp where there had been much disorder
since Capponi's death, and he was also Instructed to con
centrate the army at Montopoll, In readiness to march on
whatever point circumstances or the movements of the
enemy might dictate. Bettino da RIcasolI, the governor of
Leghorn, was noted for his energy and military talents, and
now the Ten sent him a reinforcement of three hundred
men, under the command of Count Cecco, who, profiting
by a daik stormy night and heavy rain, contrived to slip
through the enemies' lines and make his way Into the city.
Thus strengthened, the garrison made several brilliant
sallies, in which the Imperialists were defeated. Also,
even in the midst of their adversities, it was a great
advantage to the Florentines that the Emperor should not
only be so incapable of directing the war, but likewise be
hampered rather than helped by the Venetians and the
Duke. For these latter, while quite willing to oppress
Florence, had no desire to create another power In Italy ;
therefore they first urged the Emperor forward, and then
pulled him back : thus allowing him to harass the enemy,
but never to satisfy his ambition of marking his arrival by

FLORENCE ALMOST IN DESPAIR. 1 1 1
some notable feat of arms. Besides, Venice and Milan
were already at odds, neither wishing the other to occupy
Leghorn when the war should be ended.
For these reasons the Florentines had been so far enabled
not only to hold their own against numerous and more
powerful opponents, but to gain an occasional advantage
over them. Their resistance, however, could not be much
longer maintained, since famine was beginning to accom
plish what the attacks of their enemies had failed to effect.
And now their last hope was destroyed by the news that
all the efforts of the Florentine merchants in France to
come to their aid had entirely failed. These merchants
had engaged the Count of Alblgeon and his troops, had
purchased many vessels and loaded them with wheat at
their own expense, but, at the last moment, the Count
had refused to fight in Italy, and the ships being
caught in a tremendous gale on first leaving port, some of
them had returned to Marseilles, and others had put out
to sea in difterent directions, in the hope of making larger
profits. Besides, even had they sighted Leghorn, how
were they to enter the harbour when it was so strictly
blockaded by the Venetians ? '
Accordingly the general misery in Florence had in
creased to a pitch that is hardly to be described In words.
Dread of the future was depicted on all countenances,
while the faces of the poor were haggard with famine.
The hospitals were all full. Peasants often sank down
exhausted by the roadside, and perished for lack of food.
The plague was making daily progress. 2 Yet, to such an
' Sismondi, vol. vi. p. 467 ; Nardi, vol. i. p. 105 ; Guicciardini, "Storia
d'ltaha," vol. ii. p. 78.
' Nardi, vol. i. pp. 104, 105, 115. In a Codex of the Magliabechian
Library, cl. xxv. 23, we find the following hst of prices during the famine
of 1497 : Wheat, 5 lire and 10 soldi the staioj^ barley, 2 lire and lo
soldi the staio; oil, 24 lire the soma;* wine, 7 lire the soma; fowls, 3 lire
3 Staio, bushel. * Soma, an ass-load.

112 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
extent may men be blinded by party spirit, that the
Arrabbiati seemed positively to rejoice in the general
distress. They went about crying aloud : " At last we
can all see how the Friar has deceived us. This is the
happiness he predicted for Florence ! " And they
already began to speak of surrender, dared to publicly
censure the new government, and declared that now was
the time to overthrow it.
The Signory, uncertain what course to adopt, resorted
to religious services, and ordained that the miracle-
working image of the Madonna dell' Impruneta, whose
help the people always implored in adversity, should
be brought to Florence and solemnly borne in proces
sion. But the only thing, all thought, that could really
comfort the people at this terrible pass, was the voice of
their Friar, and all were grieved and disappointed by his
silence. Therefore the Signory once more appealed to him,
beseeching and almost commanding him not to shrink from
his duty to the Republic, and at least, not to leave those
whose greatest trust was in him, deprived of the consola
tion of his words in the midst of this dire peril and misery.
I Having long been deeply moved by the general suffer
ing and despair, Savonarola could not refuse the Signory's
request, and on the 28th of October at last re-entered the
pulpit. But how different was now the aspect worn by
his fiock ! Present distress and dread of the future were
printed on every face. All believed that the popular
government was nearing its end, the triumph of the
Arrabbiati at hand, and that famine and war would be
followed by exile and death. All eyes were accordingly
fixed upon him with looks of uncertainty and doubt.
According to his frequent method he began his sermon In
the pair. At that time, 6 lire and 14 soldi made one broad gold florin ;
the florin answered to a niodern zecchino, but the value of gold was
much higher than at the present day. Vide Vettori " II fiorino antico
illustrato" : Florence, 1738.

HIS WORDS OF COMFORT TO THE PEOPLE. 113
the form of a dialogue. " I was not to speak to ye ; but
I am here in obedience to the Signory, and to exhort ye
once more to repentance. Are ye convinced ? I tell ye
that I am convinced, and that everything we have said
will be verified to the last iota. I am convinced that God
is turning the brains of Italy, and that many will be
deceived. This scourge seemeth to be one thing and
will prove to be another. Art thou convinced ? Of
what ? That tribulations are at hand ? That thou art
v/restling with Christ ? Know that the good promised to
Florence will come, and that evildoers will suffer hell in
this life and the next. Be assured, therefore, that unless
ye change your life ye will suffer calamity .'' Thou still
cllngest to thy vices, O Florence ; there Is gambling and
blasphemy ; and thus ye draw down the scourge upon ye.
Come, then ! form this procession, it will be a goodly
thing ; and if ye implore God in a right spirit, I believe that
some great grace will be vouchsafed to ye, and that we
need stand in fear of none.
" But thou still puttest thy hope in men ; thou still
waiteth for aid from the king that cometh not, and hath
already been chastised even as we foretold to him ; ' but 1
rather say unto thee : Maledictus homo qui confidit in
homine.- — ^Well, then, O father, what must we do .'' First
of all it is needful to return to God ; and then to lay
aside the idea thou hadst already conceived of changing the
government and making surrender ; to use every human
precaution to aid thyself; to lend money to the city to
the full extent of thy means, and lend it without usury.
Finally, I tell ye : be ye all united together, casting aside
all dissension. And if ye form a true union, hearken
well to these words : May my very robe be forfeited if/
we now drive not off our enemies. I say that if ye do
this, I will be the first to go forth against them, crucifix
' Charles VIIL, who had lost his last and then only son.
VOL. II. 9

114 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
in hand, and our enemies shall fly before us even to Pisa
and beyond. Have faith In my words, O Florence !
Remember the many tears thou didst shed in this church
on the sixth of November,' and how then the revolution
took place the same day, and thou wert made free !
Remember how I prevailed on King Charles to depart
from Florence, and when he returned from Naples, how I
went, almost at full speed, to his camp, and threatened
him ; wherefore he left us unharmed. Have faith, then,
in my words, and trust In the Lord. Happen what may,
I fear nothing, if ye return to the Lord, and remain
united, and do all that Is humanly possible."
Then, once more addressing those who murmured
iigainst the new government, he said : " Now I will
say another word to ye. Ye citizens are of three kinds.
First come those who were exiles under the old govern
ment and yearned in vain for their country. Now ye
have It ; therefore be quiet. Secondly, those who had the
halter already round their neck. Now ye have both
safety and liberty ; therefore be quiet. I stir not, father.
That is not true ; ye are all plotting, and I well know
what ye would have. Lastly come the citizens who hold
ofiice in this present Republic, and yet fail to enforce
justice, for the city is full of gambling, blasphemy, lust,
fornication, and disunion. To these I say : If ye do not
maintain justice, the scourge will come upon ye. Finally
I say to all — and I say it in verbo Domini — he that desireth
a tyrant shall come to an evil end. Be ye united, there
fore, arrange this procession, and trust in the Lord." ^
I In the text : "At nine days from this.'' He said this on the 28th
of October, and the expulsion of the Medici had taken place precisely on
the 6th of November, 1494.
' " Predica del Reverendo Padre Frate Hieronymo da Ferrara, facta
ildi di sancto Simone et Juda. Adi 28 d'Octobre, 1496, per commissione
della Sygnoria di Firenze, essendo la ciptk in timore grandissimo per la
venuta dello Imperadore." Without indication of time or place. This
sermon is one of the series on Ruth and Micah, delivered in 1496.

GOOD NEWS FROM LEGHORN. 115
Thus spoke Savonarola that day ; but while danger was
still imminent, the blind confidence expressed in his words
supplied the Arrabbiati with fresh reasons for ridiculing
the Friar and his adherents. Nevertheless the people
derived great comfort from his sermons, and so long as
his voice was heard in the pulpit no fresh misfortunes,
they thought, could possibly befall Florence.
On the 30th of October the miraculous image of the
Madonna deli' Impruneta was brought into the city
escorted by a vast multitude, and so great a fervour of
devotion had never before been shown by the Florentines.
They paced the town slowly in contrite silence ; large
sums were given in alms ; every face was sad, and
the aspect of the populace testified to their half-starved
condition and their dread of greater privations to come.
The procession had reached the street of Por Santa Maria,
when a messenger rode in by the San Frediano Gate, and,
crossing the Carrara bridge, came galloping down the
Lung' Arno towards the Palace of the Signoria, bearing
an olive-branch in his hand. But meeting the crowd by
the way, he was instantly surrounded ; men seized his
horse by the bridle and anxiously asked for news from
Leghorn. It was good news, for suddenly, and as if by a
miracle, the ships from Marseilles had arrived with the
long expected reinforcements and supplies of corn. They
had been driven on their course by so fierce a wind that
they had hardly been sighted at sea before they were
skimming full sail into the port ; while the Venetians
could make no attempt to cut them out, having been
compelled by the same wind to anchor off Meloria. No
words can describe the frantic joy of the people. They
pressed round the messenger with mighty shouts, and
his words flew from mouth to mouth with many changes
and exaggerations. Almost in an instant the city rang
with the glad tidings, the bells pealed gaily, and in all

II 6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
the churches solemn thanksgivings were offered up for the
miraculous succour received. Even to the Arrabbiati it
seemed as though the Lord had come to rescue the
Republic from imminent ruin, and that this time Savon
arola had proved a true prophet. His fame and influence
were a thousandfold Increased, and the populace went
about crying : " The Friar's sermons have saved us again." '
After all, neither the supplies nor reinforcements were
of much account. Only six hundred of the men en
gaged by the merchants had consented to join the expe
dition, and, as we have said, some of the vessels chartered
parted from the rest directly they were out of port, sailed
elsewhere in the hope of swelling their gains, and were
all wrecked. Accordingly, a rumour had spread that no
chance of succour remained. Even now only five ships
and two galleons had come in with corn and men. But
their unexpected mode of arrival and at so opportune a
moment produced the most encouraging effect, not only on
Florence, but Leghorn. In the latter city the inhabitants
were stirred to new hope, and firing all their guns in token
of joy, they sallied forth against the Pisans, and at the
same time hastened to strengthen the bastion of Ponte a
Stagno, just as it was on the point of being seized by the
enemy. The imperial troops, panic-stricken by the
tremendous cannonade from the walls, and exaggerated
rumours of the reinforcements from France, were easily
put to flight with great slaughter, and left many horses
and prisoners in the hands of the Livornese.
Meanwhile, on the ist of November, Savonarola again
appeared in the pulpit, and, referring to this unlooked-for
good fortune, extolled the loving-kindness of God, incul-
' Nardi, vol. i. p. 105. Landucci also records the event in his "Diario,"
p. 139, and concludes by saying: " That it was granted by God, in answer
to our earnest prayers to the Virgin. The news arrived vvhen She
entered Florence."

THE SERMON ON DEA TH. 117
cated the necessity of faith, of abandoning vice, of being
constant in prayer, and of trusting in none save the Lord.
He next sought to moderate the excessive gladness of the
people. " It is not meet to let yourselves be so easily
overcome whether by joy or by grief: ye must neglect no
human precautions, but prepare more than ever for war."
On the 2nd of November, being All Souls' Day, he made
another and most successful sermon on "The Art of Dying
a Good Death." ' He said that the true Christian ought
to keep the idea of death always before his eyes, and that by
duly reflecting thereon, all might be led to righteousness.
He depicted in very vivid colours the state of the soul at
that supreme moment, giving a minute and ingenious
analysis of all the passions and regrets by which man is
then assailed. " Death," he exclaimed, " Is the most solemn
moment of our life : it is then that the evil one makes
his last attack upon us. It is as though he were always
playing chess with man, and waiting the approach of death

' These two sermons are included among those upon Ruth, Micah, and
David, but the second has been often published separately. Audin
mentions three fifteenth century editions, and the Guicciardini Cata
logue four, and all are illustrated with fine engravings. With regard to
these and many fifteenth and sixteenth century engravings in Savon
arola's works, see the interesting study by Jilons. A. Gruyer, " Les
illustrations des Merits de Jerome Savonarole." Paris : Firmin Didot,
1879. Mons. Gruyer maintains that these illustrations are all by unknown
engravers, and does not admit th.at Botticelli may have been one of them,
since, contrary to other art critics, he fails to discover any traces of that
artist's manner. Nevertheless Vasari asserts that Botticelli printed
many of his designs, " though in a bad style, owing to faulty blocks,''
and he mentions, as one of the best, Savonarola's Triumph of Faith, add
ing that Botticelli became so fanatic an adherent of the Friar, as to
forsake painting on that account. In the " Giornate " of Lorenzo Violi
we find it more than once repeated that Sandro's workshop vvas the
meeting-place of many good-for-nothings, many of whom were Arrab
biati — Doffo Spini among them — who all spoke ill of the Friar. Simone
Botticelli, the artist's brother, was often present at these meetings and
noted down their conversations in his " Cronica," a work often cited in
terms of praise by the followers of Savonarola, but which has hitherto
eluded our research.

II 8 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
to give him checkmate. He who wins at that moment
wins the battle of life. O my brethren, for what do we
live in this world, save to learn to die a good death ! "
He suggested that every one should keep some picture
over his bed to remind him constantly of the peril of
death. He minutely described some pictures ofthis kind
imagined by himself, and the people listened to him with

SANDRO BOTTICELLI.

the deepest attention. These suggested designs were
afterwards executed and engraved in many editions of
this sermon, by some of the best artists of the age, and
Sandro Botticelli is said to have been one of the nuniber.
Savonarola also gave fresh encouragement to the people
that day, urging them to remain united and to labour for
the defence of their country. After this sermon he again

THE DUKE OF FERRARA SENDS WARNINGS. 119
ceased preaching, and regretted having given the Pope a
pretext for fresh complaints. For this time, the Borgia
no longer confined himself to complaints.
Throughout the year Savonarola had been encompassed
by snares. Even in April the Duke Ludovico, while
zealously feigning to be his friend, had contrived, by
means of his agents, to intercept the Friar's correspondence
with the King of France, had noised the matter abroad,
and sent copies of the letters In various directions in order
to prejudice the allies against Savonarola. He even com
municated them to the Duke of Ferrara in the hope of
destroying the great friendship the latter was known to
entertain for Savonarola.' But he failed in this intent,
for the Friar told the Ferrarese orator that it was long
since he had written to the king, and that these letters
were undoubtedly forged. Accordingly the Duke con
tinued to correspond with him, writing that he, too, was
endeavouring to purge his city " of its vices as much as
possible, and restore it to Christian living." 2 And also,
through the same ambassador, he warned the Friar to be
well on his guard against the snares which were laid for
him, because " nets are cast far out to drag the fish in
shore." 3 Savonarola was very grateful to him for this,
and continually sent him good advice. Their correspon
dence was not only friendly, but carried on In a species
of cypher, whenever it turned upon politics. Four
months later Ludovico repeated the same stratagem by
publishing other forged letters which he pretended
to have intercepted. One of these, forwarded to the
ambassador of France, teemed with abuse of that person
age. The Frenchman was furious, demanded satisfaction
from the Signory, and threatened to leave Florence ; but
It all came to nothing. Nor was Ludovico more success-
' A. Cappelli, " Frk Girolamo Savonarola,'' p 73, doc. c.
' Ibid. p. 75, doc. cii. ' Ibid. p. TJ, doc. cv.

I20 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
ful with the forgeries he had sent to Bologna, Ferrara,
and elsewhere.'
The Pope, however, did not condescend to such
childish measures. On hearing the news of the help
received by Leghorn and of the Friar's first sermon, he
immediately Issued another brief, dated the 7th of No
vember, and addressed to all the Dominicans of Tuscany.-
In this he no longer insisted on the reunion of St. Mark's
with the Lombard Congregation ; but on its entire separa
tion from the latter, and its junction withall the other con
vents in Tuscany and Rome, in a new Tusco-Roman
Congregation, with a special vicar of its own, who was,
however, to be subject to the authority of the Vicar-
General in Rome. The Pope entrusted the nomination
of a vicar for the first two years to the Vicar-General and
the Cardinal of Naples, who, though hitherto favourable
to Savonarola and his community, was now their declared
foe. The execution of this project was entrusted to
Francesco Mei, an enemy of the Friar, but he was soon
given a coadjutor in the person of Padre Giacomo di
Sicllia, who was, on the contrary, very well disposed
towards him,3 and was appointed vicar of the new con
gregation. These subtleties were devised the better to
entrap Savonarola, to which end the Pope was now
' Vide Professor Del Lungo's previously quoted work ("Archivio
Storico Italiano," new series, vol. xviii. part ii.), documents xi.-xiv.
Landucci alludes to these events at page 137 of his " Diario," and con
cludes by exclaiming : " The poor Friar had so many enemies ! " Vide
also the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxxii.
" This brief is still unpublished, and is preserved in the Riccardi
Library, Cod. 2053, sheet cxviii. It is a very iniportant document,
since Savonarola's failure to obey it was the principal cause, or rather
pretext for his excomiiiunication, as may be seen by the terms of the
brief. Ignorance of the existence of this brief has caused confusion
as to the chronological order of the others, and consequently of Savon
arola's replies. A copy of it is given in the Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. x.xxiii.
¦^ Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," p. 75 and fol.

REAL PURPOSE OF THE POPE. 121
devoting all his craft. But as he wished to achieve it
without betraying his personal hostility to the Friar, he
had purposely re-opened the question of the convents,
while dexterously avoiding the objections Savonarola had
already raised to the plan in September, 1495. Thus, he
neither referred the Friar's case to the Lombard vicar,
nor ordained the junction of the two hostile congregations,
but, on the contrary, caused a man who had been most
friendly to Savonarola's community to be appointed as
vicar ; and finally, as was set forth in the brief, gave an
opportunity for the application of the new reform to all
Tuscany and the Roman States.' But these were mere
feints, his real purpose being totally different. For
once Savonarola became subject to the authority of
the new vicar, who was only a subordinate of the General
of the Order in Rome, he would be deprived of the
independence for which he had sought separation from
the Lombard Order, would likewise lose the command
over his own community giving him so much power in
Florence, and, best of all, could then be relegated to any
other monastery at a moment's notice. This had always
been the Pope's purpose at bottom. Moreover, it was
plainly evident that, when joined to the new congregation,
and subjected to the pressure of a host of other convents,
more or less jealous and hostile, St. Mark's, instead of
being able to introduce its reforms among them, might
easily fall into backsliding.
' " Then came a brief ordaining that all the convents of Tuscany
should be united in a single congregation including St. Mark's and all
convents subject to St. Mark's. At first, in his other brief, he (the
Pope) commanded us to rejoin the Lombard Congregation, from which
he had previously divided us ; it is now desired that we are to form part
of the "Tuscan Congregation, and now here, now there. This seems to
me to resemble the defence of the king in a game of chess, the which
king, when in check, moves to the next square and then back again :
verily the tricks of the wicked are manifest " (Sermon of the i8fh of
February 1498).

122 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
For all these reasons Savonarola, instead of obeying,
resumed his pen and wrote his " Apology for the Con
gregation of St. Mark's." But now addressing the
public instead of replying to the Pope, he adopted a
very frank and daring tone. " I will not pause," he said,
" to refute the charges brought against me as to my
doctrines, since I have frequently replied to these, and am
preparing to disprove them entirely in my work on the
Triumph of the Cross, that will speedily be given to the
light. But I reply to the command now Imposed on me
to join the new congregation. First of all, I have no
right to do this solely on my own authority, but need
the consent of 250 other monks, who have all
written to the Pope to the contrary effect ; and I am
neither able nor willing to oppose their decision since I
hold it to be honest and just." He then went on to
adduce his reasons for believing that this junction would
have a relaxing and corrupting influence on the severe
discipline of St. Mark's, and thus prove specially hurtful
to the youthful brethren now forming the majority In
the convent. " If the other communities are in no need
of reform, why should they desire to join us ? And if
they join us In order that Ave may reform them, we have
already so many untrained youths among us that we have
hard work to instruct them. Therefore, union with
other convents would bring nought but disorder and con
fusion to all, and more particularly to ourselves." He
then referred to the deplorable enmity existing between
the various convents, and the mortal danger he had in
curred from that cause both at Siena and Pisa. And he
concluded by saying : " This union is therefore im
possible, unreasonable, and hurtful, nor can the brethren of
St. Mark's be bound to agree to it, insomuch as superiors
may not Issue commands contrary to the rules of the
Order, nor contrary to the law of charity and the welfare

PROVIDENCE FAVOURS THE FLOREMlNES. 123
of our souls. We must therefore take it for granted that
our superiors have been misled by false reports, and resist
meanwhile a command that is contrary to charity.
Neither must we allow ourselves to be cowed by threats
nor excommunications, but be ready to face death rather
than submit to that which would be poison and perdition
to our souls. When our conscience revolts from some
command received from our superiors, we must first resist
and humbly make protest, the which we have already done
but should this means fail, we must then follow the ex
ample of St. Paul, qui coram omnihus restitit in faciem
Petri," ' Thus, after a very brief truce, Savonarola was
again at open war with the Pope.
Meanwhile, after the one stroke of luck in the unex
pected succour from France, the fortunes of the war again
declined, especially at Leghorn ; and but for the jealous
disputes between Ludovico and the Venetians, the siege
would long since have been brought to a successful end.
But, for the second time Providence seemed determined
to intervene in favour of the Florentines. The same
libeccio (south-easterly wind) that at the end of October
had wafted the Marseilles ships safely into port, now,
towards the 1 5th of November, began to blow with so
much fury, that the whole of the Venetian fleet was driven
aground. The Admiral's galley, with the Emperor on
board, was cast broadside against the Rocca Nuova, all its
crew and armament wrecked, and Maximilian himself barely
saved. Two other vessels suffered the same fate, and
the others were too severely injured to be of any use.
The shipwrecked men all surrendered to the enemy in
order to save their lives, so that great numbers of
¦ " Apologeticum Fratrum Congregationis S. Marci de Florentia." It
was printed in Florence in 1497, and then reprinted in 1674 by Quetif in
his "Additiones " to G. F. Pico's biography of Savonarola. In this pam
phlet all the arguments for and against the union are minutely analyzed
and weighed.

124 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
prisoners were taken that day at Leghorn, and sufficient
booty to enrich many of the citizens. And now Maxi
milian, weary of fighting, as he said, " against God and
man," withdrew ingloriously from the enterprise that he
had begun and conducted with so little prudence. Nor
would he give any explanation of this hasty resolve, nor
make any mention of it, until after his arrival in Lom
bardy, when he complained bitterly of the conduct of the
Venetians and the Moor. Fortune seemed to be against
him to the last ; for when, during his retreat, a consider
able band of his Germans joined a number of Pisans in
attacking the castle of Lari, Alessandro degli Alessandri,
the Florentine commissary, reserved his fire until they
were all in the moat, and then shot down the greater
part of them. Thus between October and Noveniber
the fortunes of the Florentines took a prosperous turn ;
and again, as if by a miracle, they were delivered from
the most imminent danger.
Returning to the pulpit on the 26th of November,
Savonarola reminded his hearers of their past trials, of
the discouragement in which they had been plunged,
of the divine mercy that had come to their aid, and
exhorted all to give the most heartfelt and grateful
thanks to the Lord. He then went on to recapitulate
the history and merits of the popular government, again
compared the different stages of its formation with the
seven days of the Creation, reasserted his own prophetic
mission, and promised to preach during the coming
Advent. On the next day, in fact, he began the first eight of
those sermons on Ezekiel, which show that he had now
relinquished all hope of truce or reconciliation with the
Pope. " O Lord, teach me the way of adversity ! I come
to preach this morning solely to repeat that which I have
before said, and I herewith confirm it afresh, and will gi"e

SERMONS ON EZEKIEL. 125
my life for it. . . . Should I retract," he continued, turning
to the people, " thou mayest say that this Friar con-
tradlcteth God, that I speak lies, and thou mayest
stone me and cast me from the pulpit." He recurred
to his gift of prophecy ; again predicted that the
scourge was at hand, " the which will be all the
greater, the less the people remain faithful to religion
and liberty." '
The most important of these eight sermons was the
sixth, delivered in the Duomo on the 13th of December
by special request and in the presence of the Signory.
Beginning, as was then almost his daily wont, with intro
ductory remarks on the goodness and mercy of the Lord,
Savonarola went on to enumerate all the blessings which
had been poured upon Florence. " This is Thine own
city, O Lord; Thou hast chosen and blessed it ; Thou
hast enlightened it with virtuous living : hast infused Thy
faith and Thy light In the soul of this people. In addi
tion to spiritual gifts Thou hast likewise vouchsafed it
temporal blessings. And the first and greatest of these
Is the freedom Thou hast restored to it. For this is one
of the highest of blessings ; quia non bene pro toto libertas
'"Prediche sopra Ezechiele," Venice, 1520. The first eight were
delivered in Advent, 1496 ; the others in Lent, 1497. Vide the first
sermon. These discourses although collected by Violi, were, like the
series on the Psalms, given to the world in a very incomplete form. Violi
himself explains this in his "Giornate," sheet 19. He collected the
series on the Psalms in 1494, when little practised in the art of making
verbatim reports, and first indeed noting them down for his own use,
being as yet little concerned in Savonarola's affairs. But being en
couraged by many friends to pursue the task, he employed greater care
in reporting' the rest of the sermons. And in 1496, being then engaged
in publishing the series on Amos, he had only time for a very brief com
pendium of that upon Ezechiel. These, moreover, were originally much
shorter than the others, as Savonarola himself stated in Sermon ix.
Violi afterwards gave both this series and that on the Psalms to Luca
Bettini, who was very urgent in the matter, and who then published them
without Violi's permission, and much to his annoyance. Bettini makes
some allusion to this in his own preface.

126 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
venditur auro. Before, the city was subject to the will
of one man ; now it is no longer ¦ fettered thus. If
that man said : Do evil, then evil had to be done. If
another tyrant said : Marry thy daughter to that man,
thou wert constrained to obey ; or : break off that connec
tion, and thou wert constrained to break it off; or : give
me that gold, and thou hadst to give it. In those days,
this Thy people was beaten with rods, and yet had to
suffer patiently." In this fashion the preacher went
through the whole history of the liberation of Florence,
from the expulsion of Piero de' Medici to the departure
of Maximilian, in order to demonstrate the goodness of the
Lord to the Florentines. He then exhorted them to virtue,
and reproved their coldness in corning dally to his sermons,
without practising what he taught them. "Preach to
these men as one may, they have taken the habit of listen
ing well and yet acting ill. This habit hath become a
second nature, and they continue to listen without obeying.
And It Is as hard to change this course of things as
to change the course of the waters. Thou hast made a
habit of always hearing the command : do justice, do
justice. Thou wilt become like unto a rook on a steeple,
that, at the first stroke of the church bell, taketh alarm
and hath fear, but then, when accustomed to the sound,
percheth quietly on the bell, however loudly it be rung."
He also reproved the people for their ingratitude to
wards God, " for the freedom He hath given, ye are
doing your best to destroy by continual murmurs and
slanderings, and by the continual plots being hatched within
and without the walls. Ungrateful people ! God hath
granted thee this Great Council, and thou seekest to over
throw it by admitting the enemies of the country. Such
was by no means my intent. In the beginning, it is true
ihat I allowed all to enter therein, because liberty was
then fresh, and It was needful to put it to trial ; but I by

SERMONS ON EZEKIEL. 1 27
no means intended to find room for the bad, as is now the
practice. Magnificent Signori, I tell ye that ye must keep
your eye on this council, prune it and polish it, and see
whether it be well that all its members should be granted
admittance. Of necessity it must be a numerous council,
but some limits should be put to it, if only to expel
from its midst the enemies of the country. Never
theless I hold not with those who would abstain from
voting until this new reform be accomplished, and still
less am I agreed with those who would have the magistrates
chosen by lot. This is contrary to freedom, I tell ye.
Thou art a bad Christian ! go, read the history written
by Lionardo d' Arezzo, where he sayeth that all went well
with the city until its rulers were elected by lot, the
which practice was devised by ambitious men. And there
be always wicked ones of this sort, who go whispering
these suggestions in men's ears. Such be they that plot
against thy city, holding secret meetings within and with
out the walls together with priests and friars, and giving
fine suppers and feasts. And all their speech is against
the Friar : if they eat bread, they talk of the Friar ;
meat, and still of the Friar ; if drinking wine, again
of the Friar." "Take heed, O Florence, of these
gatherings the sole purport of which is to ruin thy
liberty. This poor Friar here hath to fight the whole
world single-handed. Well, as to myself, I tell ye:
Summon doctors, prelates, whomsoever ye will ; I am
ready to fight against all. I can tell ye that in the Order
of St. Dominic there hath never been a heretic ; but, on
the contrary, many of its members have wrought great
reforms in Italy. Ye cannot fail to remember Cardinal
Latino, Angelo Accialoli, and Sant' Antonino ! Even so
will it be now ; but first of all it is needful to enforce
justice and show severity. 'Tis your part, O Signori, to
look to these things ! Order an escort of armed men.

128 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TLAIES.
and go sword in hand ; should this not suffice, appeal to
the people and make yourselves feared. Let all magis
trates who leave crime unpunished, suffer the penalty of
^uilt. Do justice, therefore, magnificent Signori ; justice,
Signori of the Eight ; justice, magistrates of Florence ;
justice, men and women ; let all cry for justice 1 " '
In this way the year 1496 was brought to a close. The
Florentine Republic had marvellously escaped an infinite
numberof perils; Savonarola's name and authority were again
In the ascendant, and the popular party was again absolute
master of the situation. But at the same time the struggle
with Rome now wore an increasingly threatening aspect ;
and the Pope's hatred for the Friar and the Government
created by him, burnt with inextinguishable fury. More
over, so many enemies had been detected in the very
bosom of the Republic, so many plots on the part of the
Arrabbiati and the Bigi, that Savonarola perceived that
not only were severe measures unavoidable, but that it
would likewise be necessary to modify the form of the
Greater Council, in order to save the Government from
filling into the hands of men whose sole purpose was to
destroy it, and who had merely profited by the indulgence
hitherto shown them, to conspire with impunity against
the freedom of their land.
' " Prediche sopra Ezechiele." Vide Sermon vi.

CHAPTER VI.

FRaiNCESCO VaiLORI IS SMADE GO^FALOVX.IER, AND
PlipPOSES SEVERAL NEW LAWS. CaiRNIVAL CELE
BRATED BY A BURNING OF THE Z> ANI TIES. PUR
CHASE OF THE MEDICI LIBRARY BY THE MONASTERY
OF ST. qMARK. S.iVONc/l ROLA'S IDEoAS ON THE BEAU
TIFUL; HIS DEFEd^CE OF TOETRY ; HIS CO£MPOSI-
TIOU'^S IN 'VERSE.

(I497-)

r^^^ HE events of the past year having again
^op\o brought the popular party into favour,

Francesco Valori was elected Gonfalo
nier of Justice for January and Feb
ruary, 1497, with a Signory altogether
devoted to him. For a man of mildei
temper and less ardent passions, this would have been
the moment to impose a check upon the Arrabbiati
and the Bigi. But Valori, being always carried away
by his impetuosity, now refused to listen to Savonarola's
words, when the latter suggested that the Greater Council
should be somewhat restricted in order to exclude from it
all those who were conspiring against the Republic. On
the contrary, he determined to increase its numbers by
getting a new law passed, qualifying citizens to become
members of the council at the age of twenty-four instead
oi thirty years. He thought to strengthen the Republic
by admitting the people to a larger and more absolute
VOL. II. 10

ijo SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
share in its government; but results proved contrary to
his wishes, inasmuch as the new law gave admittance to
the corrupt and turbulent youth of the Arrabbiati, who
were specially incensed against Savonarola, his new
government, and the new mode of life he had introduced.
Balls and festivities being forbidden, and the Carnival
destroyed, they had no longer any purpose in life, and
were therefore the ringleaders of every plot laid against
ihe Friar. For the better execution of their plans, they
had banded together under the command of Doffb (Ridolfo)
Spini ; went about armed, provoked quarrels, committed
acts of violence, and had accordingly won from the people
the title of Compagnaeci, or Bad Fellows. The new law,
by qualifying them to enter the council, furnished them
with a powerful weapon which they did not hesitate to
use for the injury of the Republic.'
Valori, however, seemed blind to these perils, and in
fact, about the same time, we find the Signory proposing
another and equally Improvident measure. This was the
law of the Decima scdlata, or graduated tithes, correspond
ing with what would now be termed a progressive tax.
It naturally encountered great opposition from all men of
fortune, but was strenuously pushed by the popular party.
Hence passions became heated, one side in urging on, the
other in combating the Bill ; and it is strange to find
the same arguments alleged, the same speeches made,
which we have heard repeated in our own tlme.^
' Jacopo Nardi, vol. i. pp. 1 19-120.
' " La Decima scalata in Firenze nel, 1497 ; da manoscritti inediti
di Messer Francesco di Guicciardini." Florence, 1849. These are tvvo
long and excellent speeches, supposed by the author to have been
delivered before the Greater Council by a supporter and an opponent of
the new law. The chaiacter of the Florentine man of the people and
the nature of his eloquence are vividly pourtrayed iu them. "They could
not have been delivered in the council, where, as we have already noted,
no free discussion of a Bill vvas aUowed ; and therefore, like many of
Guicciardini's speeches, must be entirely fictitious ; but nevertheless

DEBATES ON TAXATION. 131
On the popular side it was averred — " That equality of
taxation consists in Imposing equal burdens upon all, and
that even the new law failed to provide for this. Inasmuch
as while one tithe burdens the poor by taxing the necessities
of life, two or three more only tax the superfluities of the
rich.' This country of ours," the speech went on to say,
" is like unto a piece of cloth of sufficient length to provide
reasonable mantles for all ; but that has been so unequally
divided, that whereas one man has a mantle he may fold
about him three times, and trail on the ground more than
a yard at his heels, another has too short a measure for
even a beggar's cloak." It then concluded with a burst of
invective against the rich and the injury they wrought on
the poor by their superfluous expenses. On the other
side, it was urged by men of greater moderation, that —
" Equality demands that no citizen should be able to
oppress another, and that all should be equally subject to
the laws ; but to say that all must be equal in every
thing would be a blind interpretation of the word,
very much like making a house with all the rooms on the
same floor, and would lead to a state of chaos fit to over
whelm a whole world, much less a single city. Do ye not
see that by these improvident laws ye sow discord, give
rise to discussion, and throw open the doors to Piero de'
Medici ? " Whether the Signory was persuaded by
these arguments to withdraw the law, or whether it was
repulsed by the majority, it is certain that the Decima
scalata was never passed, and that after this, things went
more smoothly.
have a right to be considered historical, as faithful versions of the
opinions of either party. They were afterwards republished in Guic
ciardini's "Opere Inedite."
' The new law vvas to the effect that citizens should pay one-tenth only
on an income of five florins, and that for every additional five florins a
quarter of a tenth should be exacted in addition to the ordinary tax, but
that the maximum to be paid should in no case e-xceed three-tenths.

132 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
During this period Savonarola was living in silent
seclusion, employed in revising his " Triumph of the
Cross," and writing a number of pamphlets, which he
desired to publish quickly in order to extend the diffusion
of his doctrines, and gain fresh champions in the violent
struggle with Rome that, as he well knew by letters fi-om
that city, was not only inevitable, but imminent. On this
account he had entrusted the direction of spiritual con
cerns to Fra Domenico of Pescia, whose fervour and
energy in religious affairs equalled those of Valori in
politics. This monk had so blind an admiration for his
master, that he not only felt the most implicit faith in his
prophecies, but believed him capable of working the
greatest miracles, and would have joyfully laid down his
life In support of any one of Savonarola's utterances.
But unfortunately his extravagant zeal and unbounded
credulity made him equally ready to go to perilous
lengths. While men's minds and public aff'airs were in this state,
carnival time was drawing near, and the Arrabbiati were
preparing to attempt a revival of the old orgies, of the
scandalous Medicean festivities, and, above all, of that
game of stones to which they well knew the populace to
be specially addicted. Thereupon Fra Domenico, being
stirred to great wrath, determined to do his best to thwart
their intent. He preached daily sermons, addressed epistles
to the children,' and caused new regulations to be passed
¦ Burlamacchi (at page 105) expressly states that Savonarola had first
given a good turn to the children's minds, and then, "seeing the great
change in those children, thought it well to furnish them vvith some rules,
so that they might persevere in righteous living ; and being unable to
attend to the matter himself by reason of his weighty occupations, com
mitted the care of it to Frk Domenico of Pescia ; and the said Friar,
frequently gathering the children together, continued to nourish their
souls by short sermons of a devout and spiritual kind. I'ide " Epistola
di Frate Domenico mandata a' fanciuUi Fiorentini," dated " Florentie in
Sancto Marco die iii. Septembris MCCCCLXXXXVll.," and also a printed
copy without indication of time or place.

THE ''BURNING OF THE VANITIES." 133
by the Signory enforcing the reforms initiated by
Savonarola during the past year.'
We have already described the grand procession of the
preceding Lent, when the children marched through the
streets singing Girolamo Benivieni's hymn, and collecting
considerable sums for the Monte di Pieta. But now,
guided by their chiefs, they went about the city in bands,
and, knocking at the doors of rich and poor, demanded the
surrender of everything they styled vanities or anathema.
These comprised all books or pictures of an indecent
nature, carnival masks and costumes. On receipt of any
thing of this kind, they repeated a special prayer of
Savonarola's composition, and passed on to the next house.
In tills way quantities of different objects were collected,
intended to serve for a new festivity devised by Fra
Domenico and Savonarola. In fact, on the last day of
carnival (7th of February) there was no longer any
thought of pagan orgies, and all were prepared for a
religious solemnity. In the morning, men, women, and
children attended a grand Mass celebrated by Savonarola,
and all received the communion from his hands. After
returning to their homes and taking a frugal meal, they all
joined, at a later hour, in a grand procession through the
town. First came, borne by four angels, a beautiful figure
of the Infant Jesus, carved by Donatello, its left hand
pointing to a crown of thorns, Its right raised in the act
of benediction. Close behind marched a prodigious train,
some clothed In white, many bearing red crosses and
chanting religious hymns andlauds. Alms-collectors went
round with silver trays asking contributions for St.
Martin s good men, who obtained more gold on that day
than throughout the whole year. At last the procession
' On the 25th of January, 1496 (common style), a provision was passed
by the Consiglio Maggiore, laying down certain rules as to children's
attire. Florence Archives, " Provvisioni, Registro," cl. ii. dist. ii. cod.
187, sheet 32'.

134) SAVONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES.
reached the Piazza, where a great octangular pyramid
had been built up, measuring about 60 feet in height,
and 240 in circumference at the base. It was formed
of seven stages,' on which all the different vanities
collected during the carnival were arranged ; the apex
of the pile was crowned by a monstrous figure, sup
posed to personify the old King Carnival, and the interior
of the structure was packed with combustibles. The Piazza
was soon thronged with people, and the children being
arranged on the RInghiera outside the Palace and under
the Loggia de' Lanzi, were continually employed in singing
devotional songs and Invectives against the carnival. 2 At
a given signal the four guardians of the pile fired it at
four points ; smoke and flames instantly burst forth ; the
trumpeters of the Signory sounded a charge ; the bells of
the Palace pealed forth ; and the multitude vented their joy
In as mighty a shout as though the arch enemy of mankind
were finally vanquished. Thus ended the procession and
carnival of 1497.3
Of course, those who blamed all that was done by the
direction or advice of Savonarola and the monks of St.
Mark's did not refrain from inveighing against the
destruction of the vanities, and declared that it would
have been far better to have sold them for the benefit
of the poor .4 Strangely enough, the old historians barely
allude to these accusations, and even in the almost
numberless writings in favour or abuse of the Friar, in
which every subject and fact was discussed lending itself
to his attack or defence, this event was almost entirely
' Burlamacchi says there were fifteen, but Benivieni tells us they were
seven in number, corresponding vvith the seven mortal sins.
= One of these, beginning, " Da che tu ci hai, Signore," was by G.
Benivieni. 3 Both the " Vita Latina," at sheet 32 and fol., and Burlamacchi, at p.
113 and fol., give a detailed account ofthis bonfire, which is also
mentioned by contemporary biographers and historians.
¦• Nardi, vol. i. p. 114.

THE "BURNING OF THE VANITIES." 135
passed over. But this has not been the case with modern
writers. When the love for antiquities first began to revive, and
then developed into so absorbing a passion, as almost
to make it seem that men were born for the sole pur
pose of editing ancient manuscripts and restoring old
pictures and monuments • — ¦ the Burning of the Vanities
became a theme of rhetorical display for all who treated
of those times. Savonarola's name was loaded with abuse
as that of a superstitious barbarian, the wilful destroyer of
our ancient grandeur, and he was accordingly pourtrayed
as a fanatic monk who sought to overwhelm the Renais
sance with the gloom of the Middle Ages. If some
old manuscript went astray, it was at once declared to
have been burnt by Savonarola ! If some edition of
Boccaccio became specially scarce, every one was per
suaded that the Friar had destroyed it ! ' If an ancient
statue chanced to be lost, of course the Piagnoni had
reduced it to ashes at the Burning of the Vanities.
But what fire could have totally consumed marble
statues ; and was It credible that the children should have
collected a whole edition of Boccaccio ? Nevertheless,
the subject was so excellent a peg for bursts of rhetoric,
and so admirably in sympathy with the public feeling,
that few could withstand the temptation of assuming the
defence of our great monuments of antiquity, and
making long speeches on the fatal effects of fanaticism.
It should also be noted that the first, though innocent,
author of these excesses was no other than Burlamacchi,^
' This was generally believed to be the fate of the Valdarfer edition
of which only three copies are now known to exist. One of the three
was sold in Paris in 1812 for the sum of 52,000 francs. Vide note to
Nardi, vol. i. p. 140, Arbib. edition.
=¦ It is needless to repeat that the same remarks apply to the " Vita
Latina," of which Burlamacchi's Chronicle is an almost literal translation.
I will only add that in the Latin original, after the words, "libri poetanim
in utraque lingua," a marginal note is given, as if in correction — " et

136 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
who, with a na'ivetd peculiar to himself, gave a lengthy,
highly-coloured, and exaggerated account of the Burning,
describing it as a thoroughly religious and Christian deed.
Neither he nor any other of the old biographers seem able
to say enough in praise of their hero's holy zeal. Never
theless, Burlamacchi's words by no means serve to j'ustify
the extremes modern writers have indulged in, since among
the many objects of more or less value described by the
chronicler, there is not one of any definite or intrinsic
worth.' But, at the end of his narrative, after having
exultingly dilated on the number of works of art and
volumes of the old poets comprised among the vanities,
he finally says that a Venetian merchant having offered to
buy them for the sum of 20,000 crowns, the man's
portrait was put on top of the pile beside the image of
the carnival, and burnt with all the rest. It was only
natural that the offer of so large and, in those days, almost
fabulous an amount, should have given free scope to men's
fancy and led them to suppose that things of the most
precious kind had been destroyed in the fire.
Savonarola's friends and foes having shown — although
from opposite motives — equal exaggeration on this point, it
became very difficult to ascertain the exact truth. It was
necessary to keep in mind that Burlamacchi, although
very careful in the narration of events seen by himself or
described to him by eye-witnesses, is always inaccurate and
exaggerated in his figures. In speaking of the procession
of the children, he makes their number almost equal
that of the whole population of Florence ; and esti-
omnia impudica ad legendum " (sheet 40). The same exaggerated tone
is maintained throughout the account, and always for the purpose of
marking approval.
' In fact, the "Vita Latina" and Burlamacchi both name many objects,
but always in general terms. It would seem that these were either clothes
and masks, or portraits of notorious women, gold-decorated books, and
similar thines.

EXAGGERATED VALUE OF THE PILE. 137
mates the sums of money collected by them at an
altogether incredible amount. Then, too, his very inac
curate calculation of years and dates has been the principal
cause of the confusion as to the events of Savonarola's
life, and compelled us to refer to original documents for
all chronological details. What value can then be
assigned to judgments based on the calculations of
so faulty a writer? By what process of logic can we
blindly credit Burlamacchi's figures in this instance, when
obliged to distrust him on so many other points ? And is
it at all probable that Savonarola would have been allowed,
not only without opposition, but with general consent, to
burn ancient statues, or valuable manuscripts, at a time when
his fellow-countrymen were making long and hazardous
journeys in quest of these treasures and devoting life and
substance to their acquisition ? How are we to believe
that in the days of Marsilio Ficino and Angelo Poliziano, no
voice should have been raised in his condemnation .'' For,
were not the leading artists and scholars of the time still
counted among the most fervent of his admirers ? Is it
in the least credible that Girolamo Benivieni, the poet and
man of learning, would then have extolled the Burning,
and written songs for the occasion ; that Nardi, the trans
lator of Livy and most ardent admirer of the ancients,
should have made such slighting and contemptuous allusion
to all who objected to it ; or that a man of Guicciardini's
stamp would have written so eulogistic an account of it ? '
' Guicciardini says : " His efibrts for the enforcement of morality were
most holy and admirable ; nor was there ever so much goodness and
religion in Florence as in his day ; and after his death it was seen
that every good thing that was done had been introduced and supported
by him." And he adds, further on, that the children " went about
during Carnival collecting cards, dice, cosmetics, paintings, and indecent
books, and burnt them publicly on the Piazza of the Signoria, having first
celebrated the precise day that was formerly one of numberless iniquities,
by a very holy and pious procession " ("Storia Fiorentina," in the "Opere
inedite," vol. iii. p. 179). Was Guicciardini ever known to be fanatically
opposed to art and letters ?

138 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
But, in stripping off the wild exaggerations with which
it is overlaid, we have no Intention of contesting the
reality of the fact, and only seek to determine its precise
value. We cannot exactly ascertain what were the vanities
burnt on this occasion ; but they undoubtedly consisted for
the most part of fancy dresses, masks, and other carnival
accessories. Inasmuch as the sole object of the bonfire was
to suppress immorality, and abolish the game of stones
and other festivities formerly carried on in Carnival. We
are justified in thinking that, to mark his disapprobation
of corrupt manners, Savonarola may have burnt a few
volumes with indecent illustrations ; some copies of the
Decameron, then the favourite reading, even of cloistered
nuns ; and some of the more obscene poetical works then
freely circulated among women and children, and against
which he had energetically thundered from the pulpit.
We cannot completely exonerate him on this head : but
although the learned may lament the loss of some precious
It should also be specially remarked that Girolamo Benivieni, an eye
witness of the Burning, makes no allusion, in his description of it, to the
destruction of any manuscript or printed book. He speaks in general
terms of " lewd, vain, and detestable things, ... of various panels and
canvases covered with precious but indecent paintings ; of some casts
and sculptures of considerable beauty." He adds, in a tone of great
satisfaction, that these pictures and statues were calculated to be worth
" several thousand ducats," and that he had held in his own hand
" a painted head," for vvhich ten ducats had been offered, and a chess
board, said to be worth forty ducats, without its men ; but he mentions
no manuscripts. Finally, he says that, should any one regard this
Burning as a childish affair, " let him, if a Christian, put off the spectacles
of Satan's pride, and assume those of Christ's humility, before passing
judgment " (" Comento di Hierony. B. sopra a piii sue canzone e sonetti
dello Amore et deUa Bellezza Divina," at sheet cxv. and fol. Printed in
Florence, on the viii. day of September, MCCCc).
A reprint of the " Canzona d'un Piagnone pel Bruciamento delle
vanitk, nel carnevale del 1498" (Florence, Grazzini, 1864), has been
brought out by Professor del Lungo, who, in his preface, alludes to my
words, agrees in my opinion on the subject, and remarks that this
Canzone affords another proof that "the Piagnoni had no intention
of destroying artistic marvels, some of which they themselves had
helped to produce."

RELIGIOUS FANATICISM. 139
volumes, and the philosopher deplore the human weakness
that often combats wrong by wrong, and old fanaticism
by new, history reminds us that such has ever been the
characteristic of men inspired by a great and excessive zeal
for religion. Can we estimate the destruction wrought
by the iconoclasts in the East, or the early Christians
in Rome ? Nor must the consideration of the highly-
civilized times in which he lived make us judge Savonarola
too harshly, when we see that in the following century
neither churches nor pictures were spared by the far more
relentless zeal ofthe image-breakers of Germany and Hol
land. Did not John Calvin live in the age of Leo X. and
Francis I., and was he not a man of considerable culture,
lofty genius, and iron strength of will .'' He too became
the head of a republic, without, however, the merit of
being its founder ; and yet, while the declared champion
of freedom and tolerance, he not only inflicted the
severest punishments on all who committed blasphemy or
worked on Sunday, but even cast women into prison for
arranging their hair in an immodest fashion I ' Was it
not he who, in the year 1553, had the innocent and ill-
starred Servetus burnt to death at Geneva .'' It is no part
of true historic criticism to put aside, when judging Savo
narola, all remembrance of human passion and religious
excitement. But why stir sad memories of the past, all equally
humiliating to humanity.'' It is needless to recall these
instances of religious fanaticism in Savonarola's de
fence. Should the arguments we have alleged fail
to show how unjustly he was accused of barbarous de
struction, there is the evidence of facts in his favour ;
and one special fact occurring at the very time of the
' In the Geneva Archives the Decree is still preserved by which a
woman was sentenced to imprisonment, parce qu'elle n'avait pas les
cheveux abattus.

140 SAVONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES.
Burning of the Vanities, will suffice to set the question
at rest.
We have seen the financial straits to which the Re
public had been lately reduced. It was totally unable to
settle the numerous debts on the Medici's confiscated
possessions. Accordingly it was first compelled to bor
row heavily on them and then put them up to sale.
Among these possessions was the celebrated library, a
rare treasure of learning, which, after being deposited
in the convent of St. Mark and subsequently In the
Palace, was now exposed to the same fate. Even had
any citizen of Florence been rich enough to buy it, he
certainly would not have thrown it open to the public.
And as private individuals were no less embarrassed than
the State, there was imminent danger of this splendid
collection being dispersed, and even of passing into foreign
hands ; since one of the numerous creditors of the Re
public chanced to be no other than the French diplomat,
Philippe de Commines, who was now pressingly de
manding the payment of his claim for i,ooo florins.
This danger was painfully appreciated by all men of
culture. Who was then prayed to avert it ^ Who
willingly came forward ? No other than Savonarola,
the notoriously barbaric destroyer of ancient manu
scripts !
The convent of St. Mark was poor at this time, the
friars having stripped themselves, by their superior's
advice, of nearly all their possessions ; nevertheless they
contracted a loan, sold their remaining lands at Plan di
Mugnone, and by the payment In October, 1495, of
2,000 florins — an enormous sum for those days — received
the famous library in deposit for a year. By the terms of
the contract, if the money were not repaid in the course
of that period the friars would be authorized to reimburse
themselves by selling part of the collection. In reality

THE PURCHASE OF THE MEDICI LIBRARY. 141
this was their first step towards buying it outright, and
meanwhile they set to work to recover all the scattered
manuscripts, some of which had been lent or otherwise
dispersed.' Savonarola considered that the credit of the
convent and its remaining property could be devoted
to no better use. By the purchase of this precious
collection he saved it from dispersion and from the
danger of falling into alien hands ; and by placing
it in the convent library — the only one then open to the
public — he could not only render a service to Florence,
but at the same time help to tide the State over its finan
cial embarrassments. And when, as he had foreseen, the
government proved unable to restore the money at the end
of the year, he began to negotiate for the purchase of the
library by offering another thousand florins to Philippe de
Commines, for the payment of which Bernardo Nasi be
came guarantee.2 A contract to this effect was signed
in January, 1498. This affair was accordingly going
on during the years in which the Medicean carnival
gaieties were suppressed and the first (1497) and second
(1498) burning of the Vanities performed. Here, then,
is historical proof that the supposed enemy of the ancients,
the barbarous destroyer of manuscripts and works of art,
not only devoted the last remnant of his convent's pro
perty, but likewise burdened the community with a very
heavy debt, in order to preserve to art and science the
marvellous collection of Greek and Latin codices and the
' Vide Professor Piccolomini's work, quoted elsewhere. At the end
of the Inventory given in his book, there was a list of the Codices re-
cup er ati per jr aires.
' Vide Ubaldini, " Cronica di San Marco," sheet 18 : "Fratres etiam
nostri, considerantes quod ordo pradicatorum decore fulgeret si rema-
nerent in domibus nostris libri prsedicti ; videntes augustiam Dominorum,
qui quserebant unde pecuniam comparare sibi pro publicis necessitatibus
Civitatis, et quomodo cogerentur illos tradere pro modica quantitate . . .
cum fratribus tunc pecunise deessent, decretum ... est ut eas mutuarent
et libros penes se retinerent."

144 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
unrivalled treasure of miniatures still contained in the
Laurentian Library.'
But the strength of our Friar's interest in ancient
' The following notices may be added to what we have said elsewhere
concerning the Library of St. Mark's. Niccolo Niccoli having bequeathed
to the public his famous collection of about six hundred ancient codices,
Cosimo de' Medici paid the debts by which it was burdened, and retaining
two hundred volumes for his own use, consigned the rest to St. Mark's. He
and Lorenzo afterwards enlarged their collection ; and their efforts in this
direction are so generally known that it would be idle to recapitulate
them. The friars of St. Mark's were no less energetic ; for, as may be
seen by a public document, formerly preserved among the convent I\ISS.
(now nearly all removed to the Laurentian Library), they paid, on the
loth of December, 1445, the sum of 250 florins for the purchase of MSS.,
and continued to make fresh acquisitions down to Savonarola's day,
when they became possessed of the Medici Library in the manner
described. All particulars of the sale of the Library are derived from
the numerous documents in the Florence Archives. We also referred
to the " Cronica di San Marco," and the depositions made at Savo
narola's trial by the librarian, Frk Roberto degli Ubaldini da Gagliano,
and added the latter to the other docuinents concerning the purchase
of MSS. Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxxiv.
In 1872 Dr. N. Anziani, theu vice-librarian of the Laurentian Library,
published a work entitled " Delia Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana."
Florence : Tofani, 1872, containing many useful particulars. Finally
Professor Piccolomini produced a work, first appearing in the "Archivio
Storico Italiano, S. T., 1874-75, and then in a separate form, that may be
said to be exhaustive, and is entitled "Intorno alle condizioni ed alle
vicende della libreria Medicea privata." Florence : Cellini, 1875. This
work comprised aU the documents given in our Appendix (tothe Italian
edition), together with others we had left aside, and with the addition of
many discovered by himself, some of which are of so valuable a nature
that it would be difficult to add any fresh information.
It may not be superfluous to remind the reader that after Savonarola's
death one of the numerous acts of persecution directed against the con
vent consisted in depriving it under false pretences of all the books
belonging to the Medici collection. In October, 1500, they were restored
under fresh conditions, and at last, in 1508, the community beino- burdened
with debts, and Savonarola, the careful preserver of the books, being no
longer alive, the collection was sold to Galeotto Franciosi, the aoent of
Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X. Thus it went to Rome
and again returned thence to Florence. Bandini, " Lettera sopra i
collettori di codici orientali, esistenti nella insigne Basilica Laurenziana •
Annales conventus S. Marci " (frequently quoted by us under the title of
"Cronica di San Marco," and also under that of Ubaldini'i at sheets 18
22, 23, 26, 28 ; Padre Marchese, " Storia del convento di"san Marco ''
p. 46 and fol. ; Piccolomini, op. cit. '

MICHELANGIOLO linONAHOTTJ,

SA VONAROLA'S LO VE OF ART. 143
manuscripts in no way lessened his admiration for the fine
arts. Did he not found the school of design in St.
Mark's, and insist that his novices should practise the
arts in order to provide for the necessities of the convent
without having recourse to charity? Was he not con
tinually surrounded by a chosen band of the best artists
of his age ? All the world knows the ardent affection he
had inspired in Fra Bartolommeo della Porta, who, for
four years after his master's death, was unable to resume
the brush.' All the Delia Robbia were devoted to Savon
arola, two of them received the monastic robe from his
hands, and the family long preserved a traditional rever
ence for his name. Concerning Lorenzo di Credi, Vasari
tells us that " he was a partisan of Fra Girolamo's sect,"
and relates of Cronaca, " that he had conceived so great
a frenzy for Savonarola's teachings, that he could talk of
nothing else ; " and he says the same of Sandro Botticelli,
whom he numbers among those who illustrated the
Friar's works with beautiful engravings. But it is enough
to mention the name of Michelangiolo Buonarotti, known
to be one of his most constant hearers, and who, in his old
age, constantly read and re-read the Friar's sermons, and
never forgot the potent charm of that orator's gestures and
voice.2 When labouring on the ramparts of San Miniato
al Monte in defence of the resuscitated Republic in
1529-30, the sculptor proved how well he had profited
by the master's teachings.
In fact, the manifest injustice of the charges of hostility
to the fine arts alleged against Savonarola, moved an
' Vasari records that Frk Bartolommeo added several of his own
sketches from the nude to the pile of the " Vanities." If this be true, the
blame ofthe deed must fall on the painter ; but we must not forget that
Vasari lived a century after Savonarola, always wrote of him in a hostile
spirit, and was not very favourable to the memory of Frk Bartolommeo.
^ See, too, Harford's " Life of Michael Angelo Buonarotti," already
quoted by us, and in which special attention is given to the relations
between Buonarotti and Savonarola.

144 -S^ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
eloquent French writer to assume his defence. But un
fortunately he, too, was led by an excessive admiration
for his hero, undue love of system and religious zeal, to
exceed the bounds of truth, and thus neutralize the effect
of his earnest vindication. He persisted in regarding
Savonarola almost as a leader of Italian painting, a reviver
of that which he styled Christian art, as distinguished
from pagan or naturalistic art.^ In this way he trans
formed all the artists who had been admirers of the Friar
¦ Rio, Art Chretien. The latter school, according to Rio, is merely a
degraded form of the only true art : the Christian art. Taking it for
granted that in the fifteenth century both schools were equally flourish
ing, he attributed the progress oi naturalism to the Medici through their
encouragement of classical and pagan ideas ; and to Savonarola the
revival of Christian art. But although he is quite right in thinking that
Savonarola promoted Christian ideas in opposition to the Medici, by
whom classical learning was used as an instrument of intellectual
advance and moral corruption, it is equally certain that Rio's theories
cannot withstand the test of facts. On turning to the painters who
flocked round Savonarola, we shall find that none of them was an ex
clusive follower of Mons. Rio's so-called Christian art. Frk Bartolommeo
vvas the foremost of these painters. Yet, was he not one of the first, if not
the first of all, to lead painting into a decidedly classicel groove, and
to inaugurate the Cinquecento school of art ? And did not Michelangiolo
Buonarotti push this school to its farthest extreme .'' It is true that we
find the Delia Robbia among Savonarola's admirers ; but Luca della
Robbia, the immortal sculptor of so many Virgin Mothers, was already
dead, and had lived with Frk Beato Angelico, in the days of Cosimo de'
Medici. Another follower of Savonarola, Cronaca, was one of the first
to start the school of classic architecture, and of this we have a good
proof in the Hall of the Conciglio Maggiore. Lorenzo di Credi is known
to all as the disciple and even imitator of Leonardo da Vinci ; while as
to Sandro Botticelli, Mons. Rio tells us that he was " infected vvith the
pagan spirit." What, therefore, becomes ofthe school of Christian art,
founded by Savonarola, when all his followers are seen to have taken the
opposite path in art, designated by Mons. Rio as the naturalistic school,
and vvhen it is proved beyond doubt that the writer's so-called Christian
art vvas far more flourishing in the time of Cosimo de' Medici ?
Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that Mons. Rio was one of
the first to appreciate the moral contrast between Savonarola and the
Medici, and to give a vivid and even eloquent account of it. His
blunders, though neither few nor slight, proceed from his superficial
knowledge of history, and his resolve to attribute every progress in art
to exclusively religious causes. Thus his work has a polemical rather
than an historical character.

rffi? CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF ART. 145
into so many disciples of a supposed school, that, even
had he possessed the necessary aptitude, Savonarola could
neither have had the opportunity nor the leisure to
establish, seeing that, as he himself so often declared, the
absorbing agitations of his political and religious life
compelled him to neglect all other studies and occupa
tions. In point of fact the Christian ideal of art, as con
ceived by Beato Angelico and his contemporaries, was in
its decline in Savonarola's day. The artist-friends who
best loved him studied from nature and the antique,
tended towards classicism, and were in danger of losing
sight of the sacred ideal so fervently urged by their master
as essential to the new art. And the need of this ideal
being more widely recognized than is generally thought,
by the Italian scholars and artists of the period, they were
all fired with enthusiasm for the preacher who taught
them that the Renaissance neither might nor could sup
press Christianity. Thus, while regarded by sceptics and
pedants as one bent on reviving the past, Savonarola was
held by great souls of Michelangiolo's stamp to be, as
he truly was, the precursor of a new era, in which the
power of Christianity would again be revived, without
prejudice to nature or antiquity.
But at this point the nature of our subject leads us
to an inquiry into Savonarola's ideas on the beautiful,
which indeed constituted neither a small nor insignificant
part of his doctrines. The Friar's mind ranged over a vast
domain of thought ; his philosophy embraced the entire
scibile, and everything cn which he turned his glance
inspired him with new and original conceptions. We
will first give a few ideas culled from his sermons. " In
what does beauty consist ? In colour } No. In form ?
No ! Beauty is born of the correspondence of parts and
colours ; . . . this as regards composite things : the
VOL. II. II

146 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
beauty of simple things is in their light. Behold the sun
and the stars, their beauty is in the light they shed ;
behold the spirits of the blessed, their beauty consists of
light; behold God is light! He is beauty itself! . . .'
Thus the beauty of man and woman is the greater and
more perfect the more resemblance it hath to primary
beauty. What, then, is this beauty .? It is a quality
resulting from the proportion and correspondence of the
members and parts of the body. Thou dost not call a
woman beautiful on account of her beautiful nose and
beautiful hands, but when all is in harmony. What is
the source of this beauty ^ On investigation thou wilt
see that it emanates from the soul. . . -^ Now take two
women of equal beauty ; let one be good, modest, and
pure ; the other a prostitute : thou wilt see the good one
shine with an almost angelic beauty, and that the other,
however handsome she may be, is in no way comparable
with the good and virtuous woman. . . .3 Thou wilt
see that this holy one will be dearer to every one, and
that all eyes, even those of carnal-minded men, will be
attracted to her." 4
" And the reason of this is because the untainted soul
shares the beauty of God, and lends its Divine charm
to the body. We read concerning the Virgin, that her
great beauty struck all who looked on her with amaze
ment, but that she was so encircled by a halo of sanctity,
as to excite impure desire in no man, all, on the contrary,
holding her in reverence." This gave Savonarola an
opportunity to address his female hearers, and censure
their attention to outward and material beauty while
neglecting the spiritual beauty that alone had any value
' " Prediche sopra Amos e Zaccaria." Sermon of Friday after the
third Sunday in Lent.
= Sermon xxviii., on Ezekiel. 3 Sermon iii., on Haggai.
" "Prediche sopra Amos e Zaccaria." Sermon of Friday after the
third Sunday in Lent-

HIS IDEAS ON THE BEAUTIFUL. 147
in his eyes. "Ye women that glory in your finery,
in your hair and your hands, I tell ye that ye are all
hideous ! Would ye behold true beauty .''... Note some
devout person, either male or female, that hath the
Divine spirit ; note him, I say, when engaged In prayer,
and in the flush of Divine beauty and on his return from
prayer ; then will ye see the beauty of God refiected in
his face, and his countenance almost as that of an angel." '
He then turned to the artists, who in painting the Virgin
and the saints, not only delighted in representing varied
fashions of attire, but Instead of seeking to express
the nobility and holiness of some elevated and sublime
type, frequently gave portraits of persons notorious for
their evil life and indecent and scandalous habits. " And
these young men go about saying of this woman and
that — Here is a Magdalen, here a Virgin, there a St.
John ; and then ye paint their faces in the churches, the
which is a great profanation of Divine things. Ye
painters do very ill ; and did ye know, as I know, the
scandal ye cause, ye would certainly act differently. . . .
Ye fill the churches with vain things ; think ye that
the Virgin should be painted, as ye paint her ? I tell
ye that she went clothed as a beggar." 2
These ideas, which are frequently met with In Savona
rola's sermons, form an integral part of his system. His
great aim was to ensure the triumph of Christianity and
religion ; and therefore, in art and morals, in politics and
everything else, he steadily kept this purpose in view.
But for a deeper knowledge of his assthetlc principles,
we must turn to a little work of his upon poetry. The
idea of it was conceived in the following way. Carried
away by the heat of his eloquence Savonarola often
' Sermon xxviii., on Ezekiel.
" " Prediche sopra Amos e Zaccaria." Vide that of Saturday following
the second Sunday in Lent

148 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
indulged in severe and perhaps excessive condemnation
of licentious poets and the use made of their works by
contemporary preachers, who filled their sermons with
quotations from writers of this kind, and especially from
those of the heathen world. This gave rise to many
murmurs, and although his own poems were well known
to all, his adversaries proclaimed him hostile to poets
and poetry in general. Thereupon the famous scholar,
Ugolino Verino, then a great admirer of Savonarola
(although afterwards his betrayer) sent him a Latin
epistle, accompanied by some verses in praise of religion.
He spoke of poetry in his letter, declaring that he
agreed with Savonarola as to the benefit to be derived
from true poets, and the evil caused by obscene writers
and undue admiration of Paganism.' He seemed to wish
to lead the Friar to a clearer explanation of his own ideas,
and thus refute the calumnies of his opponents. And it
was then that Savonarola published his little work on the
" Division and Utility of all the Sciences," one portion
' Verino is known as the author of a poem in three books : " De
lUustratione Urbis Florentine." His Latin letter and verses mentioned
above, have been published in Gherardi's "Nuovi Documenti," p. 184
and fol. After citing various instances and authorities in favour of true
poetry, Verino adds : " Ut ad Poeticem redeam, non opinor te a nostra
sententia discrepare : egregios poetas gravibus plurimum prodesse sen-
tentiis, et elegantia et structura verborum valde delectare lectores ; malos
vero ac lascivos ut pestem esse vitandos, quod male abutantur tam
elara dicendi facultate. . . . O impudentiam singularem, lovem quam
Christum, thyrsum quam Crucem, lunonem et Bacchum quam Mariam
et Johannem malunt nominare . . . Da veniam temeritati : haec non
ideo scripsi, ut Poeticse exhibeam patrocinium, sed illos pariter incre-
parem qui ea male abutuntur, et tus detrahunt sanctitati : posse etiam
salva stili dignitate, deserte et ornate poema confingi de Christiana
felicitate. Vale." "This letter clearly proves the nature of Savonarola's
real opinions on the subject. Signor Gherardi believes it to have been
written in 1491, since the author mentions having witnessed three years
before the performance in Florence of the Menechmi of Plautus, and
one of these performances is known to have been given in 1488. It is
impossible to discover the exact date of the work Savonarola wrote in
reply ; but we believe it was written before the year 1494.

ON THE ART OF POETRY. 149
of which is entitled ; " In Apology of the Art of Poetry." '
The aim of the author was to prove that he despised
no element of human knowledge, but sought to give each
its due rank. But having spoken elsewhere of the
division of the sciences adopted by the Friar,2 we need
only here explain the portion of the work devoted to
poetry, in order to settle the point in discussion by
means of the author's own words.
Accordingly Savonarola begins with a letter to Verino,
in which he says : " I have never been minded to
condemn the art of verse, but only the abuse made of
it by niany,3 although not a few have sought to calumniate
me in their speech and their writings. For, in truth,
it was my purpose to pay no heed to these things, in
pursuance of the precept : never to answer a fool accord
ing to his folly ; but now thy words force me to take
up the pen. But thou must not expect me to write
elegantly, since for the last twenty years I have neglected
all the humanities for other and graver pursuits." After
this short preamble, he enters into the main question,
by first drawing a distinction between the form and
substance of poetry. " By some it is held to consist
solely of form ; but in this they are greatly deceived :
the essence of poetry consists in philosophy and thought,
since without these no man can be a true poet. And
should any one believe that the art of poetry only teaches
dactyles and spondees, long or short syllables, and verbal
flourishes, he is undoubtedly in great error. " 4 He then
' " Opus perutile de divisione ac utilitate omnium scientiarum : in
poeticea apologeticus." Venetiis, 1542. There is also a fifteenth-century
edition without indication of time and place.
' Vide bk. i. chap. vi.
3 " Nee ego alicjuando artem poeticam damnandam putavi sed quo
rumdam abusum " ("Epistola ad Verinum," at the beginning of the
treatise : "Apologeticus de ratione poeticK artis," p. 4. Venetiis, 1542).
* " Si quis credit artem poeticam solum docere dactylos et spondjeos,
syllabas longas, et breves, ornatumque verborum, magno profecto errore
tenetur" ("Apologeticus," &;c., p. 39).

ISO SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
proceeds to give a definition of poetry on thoroughly
scholastic principles, but quickly changing his tone,
enounces more original ideas : " The purpose of poetry,"
he says, " is to persuade by means of the syllogism called
an example, expressed in elegant language, in order to
convince and delight at the same time. And inasmuch
as our soul finds sovereign pleasure in songs and
harmonies, so the ancients contrived the art of metrical
arrangement, the better by this means to urge men
to virtue. But this metre is purely conventional, and
the poet can deal with his theme without the aid of
metre or rhyme.' This Is proved by the Holy Scriptures,
to which the Lord hath given the true poetry of wisdom,
the genuine eloquence of the spirit of truth ; thus instead
of feeding men's minds with the husk of words, they
instantly Imbue them with the spirit, show them the
essence of truth, and give marvellous nourishment to all
that are free from earthly vanities. For verily what
serveth an eloquence that never achieveth its proposed
end ? What serveth a painted and decorated bark,
that is always struggling with the waves, never bearing
its passengers nearer the port, but always moving farther
away from it ? What profiteth it to the soul, merely
to tickle the ears of the multitude, praise oneself as a
divinity, mouth lauds of the philosophers, and sing poets'
verses out of tune, while forsaking or barely remember
ing the gospel of Jesus Christ ! " 2
After speaking in this way of poetry in general, he
next treats of the poets of his own day. " There is," he
says, " a false race of pretended poets, who can do nought
but run after the Greeks and Romans, repeating their
ideas, copying their style and their metre ; and even
• "Potest enim poeta uti argumento suo, et per decentes similitudines
discurrere sine versu " ('' Apologeticus,'' &c., p. 38).
" Ibid. pp. 45-48.

INVECTIVES AGAINST FALSE POETS 151
invoking the same deities, almost as though we were not
men as much as they, with reason and religion of our own.'
Now this is not only false poetry, but likewise a most
hurtful snare to our youth. Were this not already as
clear as sunlight, I would labour to prove it : experience,
the only teacher of all things, having so plainly mani
fested to all eyes the evils born of this false kind of poetry,
that it is needless to pause to condemn it.2 And what
shall we say, on finding that even the Pagans condemned
poets such as these ? Did not Plato himself, whom nowa
days all extol to the skies, declare the necessity of making
a law for the expulsion from the city of all poets, who
by the example and authority of most iniquitous deities,
and the allurements of most shameful verse, filled the
world with ignominious lust and moral destruction ?
Why do our Christian rulers make no sign ? Why do
they dissemble these ills ? Why do they not pass a law
banishing from the city not these false poets only, but even
their works, and those of the ancient writers treating of
vicious subjects, and in praise of false gods ? It would
be an excellent thing were such books destroyed, and only
those inciting to virtue preserved." 3
These were the utterances, some of which are certainly
unduly severe, serving as the basis of many of the charges
alleged against Savonarola. We have given them in full,
the better and more clearly to show how, after all that
had passed, even after the proofs he had given of his
regard for the treasures of ancient and modern art, what
¦ Having given this passage word for word in an earlier chapter, vve
only give a summary of it here.
° " Modus autem artis, quem nunc nostri poetae servant, . . . hoc esc
metrorum ac fabularum, laudumque Deorum, adolescentibus pestis est
perniciosissima. Et certe ad hoc probandum laborarem, nisi sole clarius
appareret. Experientia ipsa, rerum magistra, ita nostris oculis mala
qua; ex perverse usu poeticas artis eveniunt manifestat, ut non oporteat in
probatione sudare" ("Apologeticus," &c., p 53).
3 " Apologeticus," &c., p. 54.

152 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
a handle these expressions gave to his enemies, and how he
was betrayed into them by his indignation against those
who profaned the beautiful, while feigning to be its
ministers. The intemperance of his language was justi
fied at the moment by the corruption of a time, in which
the true, vigorous and noble poetry of Dante Allghieri,
was neglected in the general craving for and delight
in obscenities. " Nevertheless," continued Savonarola,
" even among the ancients, there be some that condemned
vicious things, and extolled the generous deeds of great
men : by these, poetry was turned to good use, and I have
neither the right nor the wish to condemn them." ' But
then he adds with fresh excitement, " even the best of these
heathen poets should only be studied after a strong and
healthy Christian training. Let them accordingly be kept
from the eyes of the young until the latter have been first
nourished on evangelical doctrines, and had them firmly
Impressed on their tender minds. It is a matter of no
slight importance to give a good direction to their first
training ; but rather of great, and the greatest importance,
since the beginning is more than half of the work. For
my part, I hold it better to see Christians adorned with
good morals but scanty eloquence, rather than see them
rendered unworthy of the name of Christ by the bril
liancy of their eloquence." 2
In conclusion, he speaks of the benefit that poetry may
confer on religion, and says : Were a poet only to sing
the praises of religion, he might certainly do it honour,
but would be of no real service to it. Unless vivified by
¦ " Verum quidam, non amatoria, non laudes idolorum, non turpia, sed
virorum fortium gesta atque moralia versibus descripserunt, et bene usi
sunt arte poetica et modo eius : hos igitur damnare nee possum nee
debeo'' (" Apologeticus," &c., p. 55).
" " Ego melius puto Christianos, moribus ornatos. minore ful^ere
eloquentia, quam propter eloquentiam Christi nomen perdere " (" Apolo
geticus," &c., p. 55).

ART VERSUS MORALITY.

iia

the spirit, the letter kills ; the honour and glory sought
by the poet always consist in the art he employs, rather
than in the subject treated by him. How, then, can he
serve religion, before which all other human interests
are as nought ? The example of a poor, simple, ignorant
woman kneeling in earnest prayer doeth more good to
mankind than all the poets and philosophers who celebrate
the Lord's praise with pompous declamation ; for whereas
the woman's heart is warmed by faith, these men's minds
are full of worldly vanity." '
Undoubtedly, this will be regarded by many as too
exclusive a mode of investigating the subject ; nevertheless
it appertains to a sounder method of criticism than might
be supposed at first sight. Art, it is true, lives in a world
of its own, in which it finds its own end, and is sufficient
to itself. Those who in seeking to elevate it, have
tried to use it as an instrument for some moral, political,
or religious end, have always reduced it to the level of
prose. No picture, poem, or musical work has ever be
come immortal through being composed for a purpose, no
matter how noble or generous that purpose may have
been, whereas numerous works, conceived for no very
laudable aim, have lasted through many centuries. Hence
Savonarola showed no inadequacy in his conception of
art, when distinguishing it so clearly from morality and
religion ; but, on the contrary, proved that he had grasped
its true nature. Where he erred, was in allowing too little
for the ennobling effect of mental culture on the soul,
and the refinement of mind acquired in the realms of art.
Being at that time solely dominated by religious ideas, he
was over jealous in his attacks on the philosophical studies
in which he was himself so well versed, and on the
poetical art once so dear to him. But in deploring his
' This idea is not only enounced in the above-mentioned work, but
continually reiterated in the sermons.

154 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
intemperance on this point, we must not forget that there
were many celebrated scholars and philosophers in those
days, who seriously looked forward to the revival of
Paganism, and others who believed themselves to have
attained the summit of art by the shameless indecencies
they had strung together in VIrgllian verse or Ciceronian
prose. On the other hand, it was a great mistake to
believe Savonarola Insensible to the sublime symphonies
of true art, or to the secret harmony of the beauti
ful. Was it not philosophy that had given him strength
and courage to bear the cruel trials of his youth ? Had
not music and poetry served as a solace and vent to his
earliest griefs ? His verses prove him to have been no
unworthy disciple of the arts which he was now held
to despise. For, although his compositions may not
always rise to the rank of true poetry, they all show a
special originality and elevation of thought, and are
therefore valuable proofs of the nobility of their author's
mind. Some space must accordingly be given to their
examination. Although exclusively on religious themes, these verses
are to be divided into two distinct classes, and they
strangely confirm Savonarola's declared views on the
nature of poetry and its various forms. Most of the
Canzoni were written in his youth, before he had fied from
the world, while he was still ardently devoted to letters,
and only wrote to give vent to his innermost feelings.
But his more numerous Laudi Spirituali were composed
at a riper age, with the exclusively religious purpose of
overthrowing the Canti Carnascialeschi which were then
so popular in Florence. These Lauds are altogether
outside the field of genuine art ; for their metre, form
and even almost their ideas are suggested and determined
by the very species of poetry they were meant to super
sede. The author set them to the same music as the

SPIRITUAL SONGS. 155
Carnival Songs, and followed the same arrangement, while
trying to substitute a word of faith or religion for every
one of their lewd expressions. Hence, having volun
tarily stretched himself on this bed of Procustes, he is
forced by his very antagonism to imitate lines which are
often poor in idea and full of artificial conceits, and is
driven to unworthy verbal devices and subterfuges. Ac
cordingly we cannot be surprised at the absence of true
poetry in these Lauds, but rather that they should often
show a certain amount of temperance, decorum, and good
sense. When Girolamo Benivieni, a famous poet in his
own day, attempted the same style, he frequently passed
the limits, not only of art, but of conimon sense ; and in
singing the joy and delight of growing mad for love of
Christ,' ventured to apply the name of poetry to the
following lines : —
To' tre once almen di speme,
Tre di fede e sei d'amore,
Due di pianto, e poni insieme
Tutto al foco del timore :
Fa' dipoi bollir tre ore ;
Fremi in fine, e aggiungi tanto
D'umiltate e dolor, quanto
Basta a far questa pazzia.^
Compared with efflisions such as these, Savonarola's
Lauds seem resplendently good, for at least they are more
simply conceived, have more spontaneity of feehng, and a
more practical, moral, ani loftier aim. We subjoin the
' Vide "Poesie" by Girolamo Benivieni. Florence, 1500.
Ognun gridi, com' io grido :
Sempre pazzo, pazzo, pazzo.
(" Let all cry, as I cry ; mad, mad, for ever mad.")
' "Poesie" of Girolamo Benivieni : — "Take of hope at least three ounces,
three of faith, and six of love, then two of hope, and set all to boil on
the fire of fear : Let them boil three hours, and lastly squeeze and add
enough humility and grief to create this madness."

156 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
first verses of one composed in the same year in which the
new government was formed.
Viva, viva in nostro core
Cristo re, duce e signore.
Ciascun purghi I'intelletto,
La memoria e volontade,
Del terrestre e vano aifetto ;
Arda tutto in caritade,
Contemplando la bontade
Di lesii re di Fiorenza ;
Con digiuni e penitenza
Si riformi dentro e fore.
Se volete, lesk regni,
Per sua grazia in vostro core,
Tutti gli odii e pravi sdegni
Commutate in dolce amore ;
Discacciando ogni rancore,
Ciascun prenda in se la pace :
Questo e quel che a Icsu piac",
Su nel cielo e qui nel core.'
Of the many Lauds composed by Savonarola, some
have remained unpublished to the present day ; but these
latter add nothing to his reputation as a poet, since
besides having all the defects common to the rest, they
were never revised by their author, and have been pre-
' This Laud is the fifth in the collection of Savonarola's poems pub
lished by Audin, and is entitled " Canzona ai Fiorentini." Literally
translated, it runs thus : " Live, O live in our heart, Christ our king and
chief and lord. Let each one purge his mind and memory and vvill, of
earthly and vain afiTcctions ; let him burn with charity, in contemplating
the loving kindness of Jesus, king of Florence ; Let each one purify him
self within and without by fasting and penitence. If ye would have
Jesus reign by His grace in your hearts, change all your hate and evil
wrath into tender love ; casting forth all rancour, let each dwell in
peace. This is that vvhich is pleasing to Jesus, in heaven above and here
in our hearts."

HIS EARLY POEMS. 157
served in their original rough, fragmentary, and extremely
incorrect form.'
But whenever Savonarola shakes off the fetters and bonds
imposed by the theme of the Lauds ; whenever his verses
are no longer m.ade to serve an aim with which poetry has
no concern, and whenever his words flow freely and
spontaneously from his heart, then he, too, has the right to
say : I also am a poet. We find many proofs of this in
the Canzoni, which, as we have said, were nearly all
written in early youth, while he was still wrestling with
earthly passions, and as yet unabsorbed in the spiritual
delights, which inspired him with so excessive a contenipt
for the world. In the two Canzoni, " De ruina Ecciesias "
and "De ruina Mundi," we already find much rough
vigour and an energetic, though careless style of versifi
cation. In others, on the contrary, we meet with great
delicacy of feeling, expressed with a certain amount of
elegance, as may be seen by certain portions of the
Canzone, beginning thus :
Quando il soave e mio fido conforto,
Per la pieta della mia stanca vita.
Con la sua dolce citara fornita
Mi trae da I'onde al suo beato porto,
Io sento al core un ragionare accorto.'-'
The same may be said of the Canzone addressed to
' Some of these Lauds were published for the first time in the first
edition of these works. We derived them from the original manuscript
possessed by Count Giberto Borromeo of Genoa, and explained that they
were rough, unrevised drafts. They are reprinted in the Appendix to the
present (Itahan) edition (doc. xxxv.), but we must remind the reader that
they were republished, together with the rest of the Lauds in 1862, by
Commendatore C. Guasti and Count C. Capponi. " Poesie di Frk
Girolamo Savonarola tratte dall' autografo.'' Florence : Cecchi, 1862.
' " VVhen my gentle and faithful comforter, in pity of my weary life, fur
nished with his sweet citara (lute), draws me from the flood dt his blessed
port, I feel a subtle reasoning in my heart." '

158 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Mary Magdalen,' in which he describes with much feeling
how the saint was borne to heaven by Jesus Christ :
E tutto il suo cor arde
E neir amor di Dio non si rafFrena.^
But to give a good idea of these compositions, we sub
join in full a Canzone written in praise of Caterina de'
Vegri, who was born in 1463, and afterwards canonized
as a saint by the Roman Cuna in 1724.
I.
Anima bella, che le membra sante,
Salendo al ciel, abbandonasti in terra.
Per far fede fra noi dell- altra vita ;
Or ch' h fornita pur la lunga guerra,
Ove giammai non fusti isbigottita,
Ni mai voltasti al Sposo tuo le piante,
Sei gita a lui davante
Col cor pudico e con la mente pura,
Per trionfar della tua gran vittoria,
In sempiterna gloria,
Fuor di quest' aspra e cieca vita dura,
La dove ormai con Cristo sei secura.
II.
II sacro corpo ben dimostra quanto
Esaltata t'ha Iddio nell' alto cielo,
E la virtude che fra noi si vede,
Spirto gentil, esempio al mondo felo,
Fiamma celeste alle coscienze frede,
E degli afflitti, o refrigerio santo I
Chi con devoto pianto
A te s'inchina, Vcrgine beata,
Sciolto riman da mille pensier frali ;
Perche quanto tu vali
Dinanzi a Cristo, o sposa coronata,
II ciel il vede, e '1 mondo ove sei nata.

' This is No. xiii. of Audin's collection ; No. xii. is also addressed to the
same saint, but is a very inferior work.
' "And all her heart is on fire, and she freely pours out her love of
God."

CANZONE TO STA CATERINA. 159
III.
Da mille parti, sol per fama core
Diverse genti a rimirar le membra,
Che, essendo spente, par che viva ancora,
E del suo spirto par che si rimembra.'
Ogn' uomo il vede, quivi ogn' uom I'adora,
E pien di maraviglia gli fa onore.
Deh I qual selvaggio core
Non lacrimasse forte di dolcezza,
Vedendo I'opre sante e I'umil viso ?
Se adunque e un paradiso
II corpo al mondo, e tanto qui si prezza,
Che fia a veder di spirto la bellezza?
O felice alma, che giammai non torse
II santo pi^ dal dritto suo cammino,
Sempre sprezzando quel che '1 mondo brama I "
Unless we are mistaken this Canzone shows an ex
quisite refinement and delicacy of feeling. But in general,
it must be confessed, that v/ere we to regard the Friar's
' It would be an arduous task to correct the grammatical errors of this
strophe, although it is not without merit.
" " Fair soul, whose holy limbs have soared to heaven and fled the earth,
to teach us faith in the future life ; novv the long combat is done, in
which thy courage never failed, nor didst thou ever turn thy back on thy
Bridegroom, thou art now gone to His presence, to rejoice with modest
heart and pure mind in the triumph of thy victory, in everlasting glory ;
removed from this blind, harsh, and unkind world, and art now safe with
the Lord on high. Thy holy body well showeth how the Lord had chosen
thee for His own, and the virtue thou didst manifest here below. O
gentle spirit, wast an example to the wicked world, a celestial fire to luke
warm hearts, and a holy refuge to the afflicted 1 He that bows before
thee, O sainted virgin, with pious tears, is delivered from all frail thoughts ;
for heaven sees thee, and the world that gave thee birth, in thy true place,
a crowned bride in the company of Christ Jesus. From a thousand
parts, drawn by thy fame, the peoples flock to gaze on the form that,
dead though it be, seems still to hve and be renewed by the spirit within.
All men see this, all men therefore adore it, and full of marvel come to
do it homage. "What heart, howsoever fierce, could fail to shed rivers of
sweet tears on beholding thy holy works and humble countenance ? If,
therefore, even thy body seemeth a paradise in this world, and is so valued
here, what were it not to see the beauty of thy spirit ? "Thou happy soul,
that never turned thy holy steps from the true path, but ever despised all
that is cherished of the world ! " This Canzone, No. iii. of the Audin
edition, seems to have been left unfinished.

i6o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
poetical compositions solely from the artistic point of view,
we should often be compelled to judge them most severely,
since nearly all are very defective in style, and their
motive seldom reaches the height of real poetic creation.
Nevertheless we cannot read these works without an
Increased esteem for their author, since we are impressed
by the true poetry of his nature even when he fails to
express it in his verse ; for in his case, this is an integral
portion of the soul rather than a product of the mind.
It is true that this poetic spirit is only seen In occasional
flashes ; but is all the more luminous owing to the
author's apparent unconsciousness.
Some other Latin compositions of Savonarola's pen may
also be classed as poetry, for although devoid of metrical
form, they are modelled on the Psalms. One of these,
celebrating the praises of the Lord, runs as follows : " I
sought Thee everywhere, but found Thee not. I asked of
the earth : Art thou my God ? And the earth answered :
Thales Is deceived ; I am not thy God. I questioned the
air, and the air replied : Thou must go higher. I ques
tioned the heavens, the stars, and the sun, and all made
reply : He that created us from nothing He is thy God ; He
filleth heaven and earth. He dwelleth in thy heart. Thus,
O Lord, I had sought Thee afar, and Thou wert near. I
asked of my eyes whether Thou hadst entered in through
them, but they answered that they only knew colours. I
asked my ear, and it answered that it only knew sound.
Wherefore the senses know Thee not, O Lord ; Thou hast
entered into my soul. Thou dwellest in my heart, and
workest in me when I do deeds of charity." ' Thus In all
that Savonarola wrote we find a spiritual tendency ; some
noble and holy aspiration piercing the often rebellious husk
of form to show us his moral greatness, and prove that,
if seldom a poet, he was ever a fit theme for poetry of the
highest kind.
' FiV/i? " Alcuni devotissimi trattati," &c. Venice, 1537.

BOOK IV.
CHAPTERS I.— XL
(1497-1498.)

VOL. II. 12

CHAPTER I.

S24'VONaiT{OLcii'S SE%MOOX.S O^ EZEKIEL 'DURING
LEZ^T, 1497. TIERO T)E' SMEDICVS CAREEIl IN ^ROME.
A F'RES H ATTESMPT TO 'RE-ESTA'BLISH Him. /JTV
FLOIiEXHCE; AV^'D CO^MPLETE FAILURE OF THE
SCHESME. (I497-)
I URING Lent, 1497, Savonarola con
tinued his course of sermons on Ezekiel,
touching upon various important points
connected with the struggle with Rome,
now becoming daily more virulent.
Consequently these discourses were very
imperfectly reported by Violi, who only made short and
arid summaries of them, and often omitted to record topics
of real interest in favour of revelations and prophecies.
We will therefore confine our attention to certain of the
more noteworthy fragments.
One of the most remarkable points in these sermons is
the question of the temporal possessions of the Church,
upon which Savonarola had hitherto refrained from ex-
pressing his full views, probably in the hope that a better
opportunity would be afforded him at the assembling of
the Council. Nevertheless, in this Lenten course on
Ezekiel, he plainly declared that the Church was entitled
to temporal wealth, and that the possession of it had been

1 64 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
sometimes necessary as well as useful, although now appa
rently degenerated into a mischievous burden. " The
Church," he exclaimed, " hath been ruined by wealth.
Wouldst thou say then, O Friar, that the Church should
have no temporal wealth ? Nay, It were heresy to say
this, for we cannot believe that St. Sylvester would have
accepted riches for the Church, or St. Gregory confirmed
her in possession of them, had it been unlawful so to do ;
and for this reason we submit ourselves to the Church of
Rome. Oh, but which is best, that she have riches or
have them not ? This is a serious question, for we all see
that for the sake of wealth she hath been led to do evil,
and of this I need give ye no proof We will therefore
reply, but in no absolute sense, even as the mariner who
doth not absolutely wish to cast his riches Into the sea, but
only seeketh to escape danger, and will say that the Church
would be better without riches, since she could thus be
drawn nearer to God. Wherefore I say to my friars,
Seek to adhere to poverty, for when riches enter among
ye, death too comes in." ' Pursuing the same theme,
he inveighed against all laymen and priests who usurped
ecclesiastical property and made a bad use of it. " Who
ever hath usurped any ecclesiastical property, let him restore
it to the Church of Christ, if there be any good pastors ;
if not, let him give it to the poor without regard to the
canonical law. Thou, O canonist ! mayst say what thou
wilt, but my chief canon shall ever be that of charity. I
bid ye take this for your rule, that no canon can be
opposed to charity and conscience, for. If so, it is a false
canon." 2
" " Prediche Sopra Ezechiele," &c., already quoted. It should be
noted that this volume includes both the Lenten and Advent series; the
Advent course ends with viii., the Lenten begins with ix.
' Sermons xiii. and xiv. He alludes more particularly to the holders
of family benefices, who made an unworthy use of them, either by selling
them or causing men to enter the Church without any true vocation.

DENUNCIATIONS AGAINST ROME. 165
To Savonarola, indeed, charity was the universal law,
conscience the supreme guide. He desired to make no
changes of dogma, but did not believe that a purely
ecclesiastical reform could suffice to cure the universal cor
ruption of the Christian world ; it was necessary to revive
men's faith and regenerate their hearts. " What is all this
war stirred against me ? What is its cause ? Only
because I have discovered the corruption of the
wicked.' . . . But I will do, even as Fra Jacopone in
Concistory, who on being bidden to preach in a certain
way, looked round and repeated three times : I marvel
that the earth doth not split and engulf ye on account
of your sins." 2
During this Lent, also, many sermons were filled with
accusations against Rome, which were rendered the more
impressive by the general presentiment of an approaching
crisis in the prolonged struggle, and of the speedy revolt
of all Christendom against the abominations of Rome.
And Savonarola no longer hesitated to declare, that he
would take the lead in any movement for the purification
and reform of the Church. " The earth teems with blood
shed," he said, " yet the priests take no heed, rather by
their evil example they bring spiritual death upon all.
They have withdrawn from God, and their piety consists
In spending their nights with harlots, and all their days
in chattering in choirs ; and the altar is made a place of
traffic for the clergy. They say that God hath no care of
the world, that all cometh by chance, neither believe they
that Christ is present in the sacrament. 3 . . . Come here
thou ribald Church. The Lord saith : I gave thee beauti-
' Sermon xix. ^ Sermon xvii.
3 Sermon xxii., afterwards suppressed by the Congregation of the
Index. One of the charges Savonarola frequently brought against the
clergy was that they had no belief in Transubstantiation. This proves
how far he was from sharing the Reformed doctrines of vvhich some
have declared him to be the initiator.

1 66 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
ful vestments, but thou hast made idols of them. Thou
hast dedicated the sacred vessels to vainglory, the sacra
ments to simony ; thou hast become a shameless harlot in
thy lusts ; thou art lower than a beast, thou art a monster
of abomination. Once, thou felt shame for thy sins, but
now thou art shameless. Once, anointed priests called
their sons nephews ; but now they speak no more of
their nephews, but always and everywhere of their sons.'
Everywhere hast thou made a public place and raised a
house of ill-fame. And what doeth the harlot } She sitteth
on the throne of Solomon, and soliciteth all the world : he
that hath gold is made welcome and may do as he will ; but
he that seeketh to do good is driven forth. O Lord, my
Lord, they will allow no good to be done ! And thus,
O prostitute Church, thou hast displayed thy foulness to
the whole world, and stinkest unto Heaven. Thou hast
multiplied thy fornications in Italy, in France, in Spain,
and all other parts. Behold, I will put forth My hand,
saith the Lord, I will smite thee, thou infamous wretch;
my sword shall fall on thy children, on thy house of
shame, on thy harlots, on thy palaces, and my justice
shall be made known. Earth and heaven, the angels,
the good and the wicked, all shall accuse thee, and no
man shall be with thee ; I will give thee into thy enemy's
hand.- . . . O priests and friars, ye, whose evil example
hath entombed this people in the sepulchre of ceremonial.
I tell ye this sepulchre shall be burst asunder, for Christ
v/Ill revive His Church In His spirit. Think ye that St.
Francis, St. Dominic, and the other saints have forgotten
their creed, and no longer intercede for it ? We must all
pray for its renovation. Write to France and to Germany ;
write everywhere to this effect : That Friar ye wot of
' Here, he plainly alludes to Alexander VI. who wrote and spoke of
his " children " without the least shame.
° Sermon xxii., afterwards suppressed.

PROPHETICAL WARNINGS. 167
bids ye all seek the Lord and implore His coming.
Haste ye at full speed, O ye messengers ! Think ye that
we alone are good ? That there be no servants of God
in other places ? Jesus Christ hath many servants, and
great numbers of them, concealed in Germany, France and
Spain, are now bewailing this evil. In all cities and strong
places, in all manors and convents, there be some inspired
with this fire of zeal. They send to whisper somewhat
in my ear, and I reply : Remain concealed until ye hear
the summons — Lazare, veni foras ! I am here, because
the Lord appointed me to this place, and I await His call,
but then will I send forth a mighty cry that shall resound
throughout Christendom, and make the corpse of the
Church to tremble even as trembled the body of Lazarus
at the voice of our Lord.
" Many of ye say that excommunications will be decreed;
but I repeat to ye that more than excommunication is
intended. For my part, I beseech Thee, O Lord, that it
may come quickly. What, hast thou no fear .-' Not I, for
they seek to excommunicate me, because I do no evil.
Bear this excommunication aloft on a lance and open
the gates to it. I will reply unto it, and if I do not
amaze thee, then thou mayst say what thou wilt. I shall
make so many faces turn pale, that they will seem to thee
a multitude ; and I will send forth a shout that will cause
the world to tremble and shake. I know well that there
be one in Rome that striveth against me without cease.
But that man is not moved by religious zeal, but only
hateth me because he is ever crawling after great lords
and potentates.' Others say : The Friar hath yielded,
he hath sent one of his friends to Rome. I can tell
' This is an allusion to Frk Mariano da Genazzano, whose secret
intrigues will soon come to light. But Savonarola was so reluctant
to make personal attacks, that he afterwards asked the people's pardon
for having, in this almost solitary instance, made too plain an allusion to
a person, whom he had nevertheless left un-named.

i68 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
thee that folks there hold not these views ; and that if I
wished to play the part of a flatterer, I should not now be
in Florence, nor clad in a tattered robe, and would be
able to escape my present danger.' But I seek none of
these things, O Lord, I seek only Thy cross : let me be
persecuted, I ask this grace of Thee. Let me not die in
my bed, but let me give my blood for Thee, even as Thou
gavest Thine for nie.^ . . . Meanwhile doubt not, my
children, for the Lord will certainly lend us His aid."
Thus ended the course of Lenten sermons that had
excited so much sensation as to attract many hearers from
distant parts, and among others Ercole d'Este, son of the
Duke of Ferrara, who came expressly to Florence in dis
guise. 3 Savonarola was now engaged In preparing both
himself and the people for a decisive struggle, being
resolved to defy excommunication, and placing his only
hope in the Council, which he hoped to see speedily
assembled. He was aware that his refusal to agree to the
junction of the Tuscan and Roman Convents, a measure
that even the Cardinal of Naples was now seeking to pro
mote, had caused this prelate also to join the ranks of his
enemies, and had irritated the Pope to the highest pitch.
Hence, all hope of further truce was at an end. Alex
ander VI., nevertheless, instead of venting his rage,
devised a final expedient of truly diabolical ingenuity. He
caused the Florentines to be informed in strict confidence
that in case of their joining the Holy League and separating
from France, he was empowered to negotiate with them
for the surrender of Pisa. The Ten instantly despatched
' This would seem to allude to the offer of the cardinal's hat.
' Sermon xxviii., another of those afterwards suppressed.
3 On the 5th of March, 1497, the orator Somenzi wrote to Ludovico from
Florence to the following effect : " "yesterday evening, Messer Hercule,
son of the Lord Sigismund of Este, arrived here, and has come solum
and in disguise with six horses. ... He informed me he had come to
hear this Friar Hieronymo of Ferrara preach." This letter is not
included in Prof. Del Lungo's published collection.

BRACCI S INTERVIEW WITH THE POPE. 169
Ser Alessandro Bracci as special envoy to Rome, and he sent
a report, in two letters dated the 14th and 15th of March,
of his interview with the Pope. First of all, the Holy
Father had emphatically deplored the craft of the French,
saying : " May God pardon the author of that expe
dition, which has been the cause of all the woes of Italy, as
your State, having been dismembered by the loss of. Pisa,
must be well aware. It would be worse still if the French
came again. Wherefore we are using our best efforts, as
our Lord God knows, to weld the whole of Italy into one
body. To effect this we count chiefly on your sagacious
wits. After great difficulty we have induced the League
to bestow Pisa on you, but only on condition that you join
with us, and act as good Italians, by leaving the French
in France. And for this we must have stronger guaran
tees than mere words."
The Florentines however declined to fall into the trap.
They knew that the Venetians were aiding Pisa, and that
Ludovico was at odds both with them and the Pope.
Bracci accordingly kept to generalities and only replied :
that ab antiquo and always, the Florentines had been
held to be not only good, but excellent Italians, and
that their simple word was the best security that could
possibly be found. Nor could their alliance with
France, to whom they owed so many obligations, be
held to imply that they wished to do injury to any of
the Italian potentates. " But at this point he was
Interrupted by the Pope, who roughly exclaimed : ' Mr.
Secretary, you are as fat as Ourself, but pardon me,
you have come on a lean mission, and if you have
nought else to say to me, you may go back at once
to your post.' And after adding that the Florentines
¦ would be driven by force to that which they would
not do of their own accord, and would repent when
it was too late, he lost all self-control and cried :

170 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
' We well know that all this comes of your faith in the
prophecies of that parable- monger of yours, and allowing
him to lacerate us. Insult us, threaten us, and trample
upon us, who licet immeriti, now occupy the Holy Chair
of St. Peter.' " The envoy tried to explain that His Holi
ness had been misinformed, that Savonarola was full of
goodness and modesty, thus " endeavouring," as he wrote
" to calm the rage with which I saw him so inflamed."
But all was in vain, for " he continued to ride the high
horse, declaring that the League would do this and say
that." ' Messer Riccardo Becchi, the orator in ordinary,
repeated the same information, also adding "that the offer
to surrender Pisa was futile and quodammodo hurtful,
without the consent of the Venetians who were opposed
to it. " The rage against Savonarola," he said. In con
clusion, " Is increasing on all sides In Rome, so that it is no
more possible to say a word in his defence. And we must
be on our guard against the Intrigues of Piero de' Medici
who will certainly try to profit by the present serious
aspect of affairs, which is decidedly favourable to him." 2
In fact, the Bigi faction in Florence was now showing
an unusual activity that caused no little anxiety to the
friends of the free government, who saw that, in the
present state of things, any attempt on the part of the
enemy might lead to the gravest danger. The scarcity,
and consequently dearness, of food, was continually in
creasing, the demand for labour had diminished, and no
day passed without the city being invaded by fresh bands
of famine-stricken rustics, who went begging about the
streets the very incarnations of misery. And in the midst
of the famine many diseases had broken out, worst of all
the plague, which now began to spread with alarming
rapidity. The hospitals and all public buildings were full
' Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," pp. 79-Sj.
' Ibid. pp. 84-86.

PLOTS FOR THE RESTORATION OF TIIE AI EDICT 171
of sick and starving people, and the Piagnoni generously
threw open their private abodes to all. Notwith
standing this aid, Jacopo Nardi calculates that several
thousand persons perished of hunger in those days, and
tells us that he himself saw many dying of exhaustion by
the roadside and on doorsteps.' This was undoubtedly
a most opportune moment for Medicean plots, and, in fact,
while the Piagnoni were devoting all their energies to the
relief of the poor, the Bigi were secretly conspiring for
Piero's return. One of the most active of their accom
plices was the Friar, Mariano da Genazzano, whose hatred
for Savonarola was still red-hot ; and who, after continually
inflaming the Pope's rage against him, now suddenly re
appeared in Florence. But before narrating these party
intrigues, and the means employed by Piero de' Medici to
execute his purpose, it is necessary to give an account of
the latter's proceedings and ideas at this period. For
tunately we have a very minute report of all these things,
compiled by Lamberto dell' Antella,^ who had taken an
active share in all Piero's plots, and was well acquainted
with the manners and customs of his confederates.
After the failure of his last year's attempt to enter
Florence by force of arms, Piero had fled to Rome, a
ruined, hopeless, and almost friendless man, and there led
a most degraded and scandalous life. On rising for the
day, shortly before dinner, his first thought was to send
to the kitchen to see whether the chosen dishes suited
his taste, and if not, he repaired to the San Severino
Palace, where a sumptuous banquet was daily held, and
where he accordingly passed the greater part of his time.
The meal over, it was his habit, so Antella informs us, to
remain closeted with some courtezan until supper-time, or
" Nardi, "Storia di Fiienze," vol. i. p. 115.
" We shall have occasion to refer again to Lamberto and his narrative,
which is given in the appendix to the Italian edition, doc. 1.

172 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
even later, and then to go forth with loose and feather-
headed companions into the streets of Rome, and after
passing most ofthe night in debauch, to return to his wife
about daybreak. Thus, he consumed his time and strength
in gluttony, gambling, lewdness, and every description of
unnatural vice ; but of all his passions pride and love of
oppression were the two strongest. He considered that
all about him were bound to yield him implicit obedience,
and allow him to tyrannize over them in any way he
pleased. He never felt the least gratitude or mercy
for those who served him ; no amount of fidelity nor
devotion availed to save them from brutal and arbitrary
treatment. By way of rewarding a certain Francesco del
Nero, who had traversed all Italy, by his command, bring
ing him large sums of nioney and serving him with the
utmost zeal, Piero took a sudden dislike to the man, and
positively begged Lamberto dell' Antella to contrive his
assassination. Among the oldest and most devoted
servants of his house there were always some to whom
he showed the greatest affection whenever he was in
need of their services ; but directly they ceased to be of
use he treated them worse than dogs, and even despatched
some of them by poison. Nor were his retainers the only
victims of his brutality ; for he vented it upon all. To
his brother the Cardinal ' he often behaved with such
excessive insolence, even in public, that more than once
they came almost to an open rupture. Nevertheless,
whenever the Cardinal received any money, Piero exacted
a share, and in two or three days had squandered or lost
it all at play.
By this mode of life the two brothers were reduced to
such extremities as to be driven to pledge their plate,
jewels, and tapestries. Being loaded with debts, they
borrowed money at 20 per cent. ; and, to use an expression
' Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Pope Leo X.

PIERO'S ANTICIPATIONS OF SUCCESS. 173
ofthe period, every florin they spent cost them eight lire.'
Meanwhile Piero continually cherished the hope of being
some day reinstated in Florence, and revelled in the anti
cipation of the bloody revenge he would then wreak on
his foes. He kept a memorandum of the families he in
tended to crush ; their houses were to be razed to the
ground and their property confiscated. In fact, when the
Emperor's arrival at Pisa had again revived the hopes of
the Medici, Cardinal Giovanni was one day heard to
declare at Bolsena, while discussing the chances of their
being recalled to power, that the number of those sen
tenced to exile and confiscation in '34,2 and put to death
in '78,3 would be a mere joke compared with what they
meant to do this time, inasmuch as they would take
measures to prevent all risk of again being driven away.
To this effect it was Piero's intention to devote nearly the
whole revenue of the State to the hire of two large
mercenary armies, under the command of Orsini and
Alviano, and thus be able to ensure his revenge by force
of arms. He also made continued applications to the
Italian potentates, praying them to come to the aid of his
house, it being his ardent wish to return to Florence by
means of foreign assistance, in order to owe no obliga
tion to any of his fellow-citizens, and be able to reign
independently of their favour and advice, from which
he shrank with the utmost abhorrence. One day, in
fact, while conversing privately with some friends, of his
longed-for return to Florence, and when, as frequently
happens in these cases, all spoke as though everything must
come about as they wished, Messer Ludovico da San
Miniato turned to him and said, " You will be able to
¦ The gold florin. The relative value of florins and lire was constantly
changing, but just then a florin was worth between five and six lire.
° The year of Cosimo's reinstatement.
3 After the conspiracy of the Pazzi.

174 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
form a grand State, and, by means of a good and wise
council of twenty-five or thirty citizens, to constitute a
Pratica and govern your dominions as you choose."
Whereupon Piero made a very unseemly gesture, and
replied, " You ought to know by this time that I don't
mean to ask any one's advice, and prefer rather to manage
badly on my own account than well by others' help." ' Such
were the manners and designs of the man whom the
Italian princes were seeking to re-establish in Florence,
and to whom fortune now seemed disposed to give a
helping hand.
In the course of the violent struggle now going on
between the Arrabbiati and Piagnoni in Florence, the Bigi
had gained fresh strength ; and by remaining united and
compact, and throwing their whole weight now on this
side, now on that, often succeeded in getting their
nominees elected by the council. Thus, when the new
Signory for March and April was chosen, they procured
the post of Gonfalonier for Bernardo del Nero, who,
though undoubtedly possessed of much influence and
sagacity, had always been a creature of the Medici, and
desired either their restoration or the establishment of a
restricted government in Florence. 2
When his election was made known, the Bigi tried in
vain to conceal their joy. An express messenger in
stantly set off at full speed for Rome to carry the news
to Piero de' Medici. Thereupon the latter, awaking
' Vide in the Appendix (to the Italian edition) the report by Lamberto
d' Antella, to which we have previously referred, and from vvhich we have
drawn this description of Piero's life and manners.
' So Guicciardini asserts inthe " Storia Fiorentina," chap. xv. p. 153,
but in his " Storia Italia," vol. ii. p. 105, he merely says that Del Nero vvas
a Medicean ; so, too, Nardi, vol. i. p. 118, and other writers. On the day
of his election (February 26th), the orator Somenzi wrote to Ludovico as
follows : " No Gonfalonier could be better suited to our friend's views ;
hence it is thought that all will go as we wish." Vide Appendix to the
Italian edition, doc. ii.

PIERO MARCHES ON FLORENCE. 175
from his lethargy, hastentd to write to friends, relations,
and allies to beg men and money. The Pope and
Venetians were very favourable to his cause ; but the Duke
of Milan was cold by reason of his old rancour against
him.' He had many warm friends among the Florentine
youth, who continually sent him cheering letters and
messages, promising that as soon as he appeared the whole
city should rise in his favour. Accordingly, being thus
spurred and encouraged, he succeeded in collecting 1,300
men under the command of Bartolommeo d'Alviano, at
that time a young Italian captain of great promise. But
when the fallen tyrant was ready to take the field, and the
new Signory favourable to him already nearing the end of
their term, Bernardo del Nero sent to advise him to sus
pend operations, considering that the enterprise would
have little chance of success at the moment. But Piero was
not disposed to wait, after the sacrifices made and hopes
excited, and on receiving more letters of encouragement
from other friends, decided, at all risks, to make the
attempt. About the 20th of April he began his march to Siena,
and found Pandolfo Petrucci, who was almost supreme in
that State, well disposed to assist him. Accordingly, after
resting and re-organizing his men, he took the road
towards Florence on the 27th of the month. His move
ments were so rapid that two hours before daybreak on
the 28th he was already at the monastery of San Gaggio,^
and expected that at sunrise the people would throw open
the San Pier Gattolini Gate 3 and welcome him back to
the city. During the night a violent storm of rain had
' " For the which cause Piero took courage and asked help from the
League, but the Duke unexpectedly failed him " (Guicciardini, " Storia
Fiorentina," chap. xvi.).
° Less than a mile from Florence.
3 Now known as the Roman Gate.

176 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
compelled him to halt near Tavarnelle, at about sixteen
miles from Florence, and w-hile his horses and men were
resting, he had had the sagacity to arrest or drive back all
persons on their way to the city. But among these was
a peasant, who, on finding himself suddenly ordered back
by mounted troops at that point, divined that Piero de'
Medici was concerned in the matter ; and hurriedly making
his way across country, reached the gate just as it was
being opened, and gave warning to the guards. He was
immediately taken to the Signory, and before he reached
the Palace the whole town was ringing with the news.
The excited populace flew to arms, and the Signory were
immediately compelled to close the gates and mount the
few pieces of cannon which were ready for use. Bernardo
del Nero did his best to conceal his real sentiments by
showing great zeal in preparing for the defence ; but as
many suspicions were already afloat about him, the citizens
refused to hoist their banners to summon the mob, and
only supplied weapons to well-known and trusted friends
of freedoni, who instantly proceeded to man the gates.'
Just when the general alarm and disorder were at their
height, Messer Filippo Arrlgucci, one of the Signory, and
a great friend of Savonarola, sent Girolamo Benivieni to
ask the latter what he thought would become of the
city. Benivieni relates that directly the Friar saw him
enter the cell, he exclaimed, without giving him time to
speak : " Modica fidei, quare dubitasti ? " " Go, tell the
Signory that Piero de' Medici will ride up to the gates and
ride off again without obtaining any success." 2
In fact, day had scarcely dawned before Piero rode up
to the gate ; but, to his great amazement, it was still
closed. And when he saw that the few culverins mounted
¦ For all these particulars, vide Nardi, Guicciardini, Cerretani, Parenti,
and Pitti, whose accounts are almost identical.
- Vide Benivieni's previously quoted letter to Clement VII.

PIERO'S IGNOAIINIO US RETREA T. 177
on it were about to open fire on him, he took refuge
behind a wall, vainly expecting that the people would
presently rise in his favour. He remained waiting the
whole day; and although at the head of 1,300 well-
equipped soldiers,' had not the courage to make any use
of them, preferring to expose himself to the scoffs of the
inhabitants of the suburb, who were watching him and
mocking at his fears. Being finally persuaded that no
one in the city would stir a finger in his cause, and
alarmed by the idea that the Florentine troops before
Pisa might cut off his retreat, he decided to withdraw, or
rather to fly, inasmuch as, before dawn the following day,
he was already across the Sienese border.
After this event he could no longer entertain any hope
of returning to Florence. His fortunes were now irretriev
ably ruined ; his attempt of the previous year had shown
him how little reliance could be placed in the pledges and
promises of the allies ; and now, even with one of his
own friends at the head of the government, he saw the
falseness of the hopes held out to him by his adherents.
Nevertheless Florence was far from tranquil, and much
turmoil and disorder prevailed. The suspicion felt by
many that even the members of the Signory had intrigued
in favour of the Medici, fostered a state of general excite
ment and distrust, exasperated party hatred, and aroused
new dissensions. Accordingly it was most sagaciously
resolved to keep the affair quiet until sufficient proofs
of guilt could be established to justify some sanguinary
act of retribution. A new Signory was chosen on the very
day of the attempt ; the Council of Eight was charged to
' Nardi says they comprised 500 light horse and as many or more
foot, " fine and well-disciphned troops." Guicciardini (" Storia d'ltalia ")
numbers them at 600 horse and 400 foot; Parenti, at 120 men-at-arms,
300 horse, and 1,500 foot ; Ammirato and Sismondi, at 800 horse and
3,000 foot. I have preferred to follow the particulars given by Antella,
who vvas in the best position for knowing the truth.
VOL. II. I -\

'73

SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.

watch Piero's movements ; while Francesco Valori, who
was one of the Eight, and Tommaso Tosinghi, of the
Ten, were commissioned to discover what threads of the
conspiracy had been woven within the city. So for a time
the affair was hushed up, but with imminent danger of
some violent political crisis.

CHAPTER II.
.Sc^ VOVTAROLA'S SERiMON OC^C ASCEZ^SIOCT^ 'DAY, AU'^'D
THE 'PO'PULAR RIOT. THE EXCOMMUNICoATIOU'^i
LAUCN'CHE'D oiGAIV^ST HI^M, A^'D HIS REPLY.
THE R<2AGIU^G OF THE PESTILEU^CE, oAZNi'D ITS
DECLIU^E. (H97-)
iN the failure of Piero de' Medici's
attempt, the fortunes of the Bigi in
stantly began to decline, and their most
bitter enemies, the Arrabbiati, gained
ascendency. The new Signory was
composed almost entirely of Arrabbiati,
and one of their chiefs, Piero degli Alberti, was created
Gonfalonier of Justice. No sooner was this party master
of the field than it strained every nerve to obtain reinforce
ments and thin the ranks of Its adversaries. But as the
Bigi, being terribly weakened, tried to keep in the back
ground, all hostilities were directed against Savonarola and
the popular party. The Arrabbiati were therefore regarded
with high favour by the Duke of Milan, and with still
higher by the Pope, who now denied all complicity with
Piero de' Medici,' and promised them his best aid and
¦ Borgia declared that the affair had taken place " without his consent
or knowledge." Vide " Lettera a Lorenzo di Filippo Strozzi," written by
a certain Antonio servo tuo, and dated 20th May, 1497. In the Maglia-
becchi Library, Codex ii., ii. 437, at sheet iii.

i8o SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
support In destroying the Friar. Upon this they set
vigorously to work, and foremost of all were the Com
pagnaeci, whose leader, the depraved Doffo Spini, was a
youth of noted audacity. The band met together at
nightly banquets, and amid the cheerful clinking of wine
cups, laid fresh plots against Savonarola. But as he had
now withdrawn to his cloister, and abstained from appear
ing in the pulpit, all they could do was to affix Insulting
placards on the convent walls, disturb the services and
prayers in St. Mark's by riotous behaviour, insult his con
gregation, and await the first opportunity for more serious
attacks.' Their chance soon came. On the 3rd of May, 1497,
the approach of summer heats and the continuance of the
plague gave the Signory a pretext for prohibiting all
sermons In the churches after the 5th of the month. ^
But on Ascension Day, the 4th, It was still lawful to
preach, and Savonarola resolved to show himself in the
pulpit. Both friends and foes were equally excited by the
announcement. The Arrabbiati declared that the Friar
would not be heard ; the Piagnoni that he would. Not
only were many wagers laid on the subject, but the one
side prepared for defence, the other for attack. Upon
this the Signory issued a decree, annulling the wagers and
forbidding any attempt to prevent the Ascension sermon
from being given. 3 But their commands had no effect.
The Compagnaeci were bent on either killing Savonarola
outright that day or at least doing him some grievous
bodily hurt. First of all, ten of the band arranged with
a firework-maker, named Bala, to blow up the pulpit
during the sermon. This idea, however, was soon put
¦ At sheet 53' of the before-mentioned Code.x, \'ioli gives a minute
account of Doffo Spini.
" Vide the Decree in the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. iiL
3 Vide Ibid.

THE RIOT IN THE DUOMO. i8i
aside, on account of the terrible havoc it would make
among the assembled congregation, and the infinite hatred
it would arouse against the authors of the deed. So they
decided on another plan. After defiling the pulpit with
unmentionable filth, they draped it with the skin of an ass
three days dead, and then nailed iron spikes into the ledge
on which the Friar was accustomed to strike his fist in the
heat of his eloquence. All this was a base and futile
mode of attack; but Spini and his band hoped that it
might lead to a riot, and thus give them an opportunity
of effecting their real purpose.'
Meanwhile a thousand rumours, true and false, were!
afloat in the city as to the Compagnacci's designs. Some
said that the pulpit had been poisoned by an Invisible
powder ; others declared that the Friar would be murdered
in the church, in the midst of his sermon ; some repeated
one story, some another. A few of Savonarola's friends
came to his cell to implore him not to risk his life by
preaching on Ascension Day. But he replied with noble
indignation : " No fear of man shall induce me to deprive
the people of their sermon on the day appointed by the
Lord to His disciples for going to spread His doctrine
through the world." Accordingly the only thing to be
done was to sharpen their weapons for his defence.
At early dawn the first Piagnoni who entered the
church cleansed the pulpit of every scrap of filth, planed
Its surface, and restored everything to order. Savonarola
issued from the convent a little before mid-day, and
entered the church with an escort of some of his best-
trusted friends. Behind the multitude of people squeezed
into the nave, the Compagnaeci were descried standing
apart and quite undismayed. They were all richly dressed
and perfumed, and their airs of defiance and insolent
' This is related bythe old chroniclers and biographers. Vide Nardi ;
Parenti ; " Vita Latina," at sheet 31' ; Burlamacchi, p. 95 ; Violi, &c.

1 82 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
smiles formed a marked contrast with the sober simplicity
and reverential demeanour of the Piagnoni.' At the
fitting monient the Friar ascended the pulpit, and began
his sermon with a discourse on the power of faith : " Faith
Is all-powerful," he said, " can overcome every obstacle,
and lead us to contemn earthly things by assuring us of
the heavenly life. The times predicted are now at hand ;
the hour of danger hath come ; and now it shall be mani
fest who is truly with the Lord. The wicked thought to
prevent this sermon to-day ; but they should know that I
have never shirked my duty through fear of man. No
mortal upon earth, be he great or small, can boast of
having hindered me from fulfilling my office. I am even
ready to lay down my life for it. O Lord ! deliver me
from these foes who brand me as a seducer ; deliver my
soul, since for my body I fear not. I call the Lord, the
Virgin, the angels, and the saints to witness that all things
predicted by me are revelations from God, revelations
granted me by Divine Inspiration during the vigils
endured for the sake of this people that now plotteth
against me."
After a long and general introductory on faith, Savona
rola made a special address to the faithful : " Ye lose
heart too easily, and are sad when ye should rejoice ; now
your tribulations are at hand ; ye will be warred against
by excommunications, by the sword, and by martyrdom :
the days of trial are come. God grant that I be the first
to endure them ; I have already announced that I shall
have to support great ingratitude, and that the lukewarm
will do unto me even as Joseph's brethren did unto him,
when they sold him to the merchants of Egypt. They
(the lukewarm) cry that I am no prophet ; yet they do
all things to fulfil my prophecies. I tell ye again that
¦ These particulars are minutely described by Violi, Burlamacchi, and
other biographers.

THE ASCENSION SERMON. 183
Italy will be devastated by barbarian hordes ; and when
these shall make peace among themselves, destruction
after destruction will befall this perverted land. But ye
that are righteous offer your prayers, and the Lord shall
give ye succour."
" Now as to the wicked." At this point loud murmurs
were heard in the church. " Lord, be Thou not angered
with them ; forgive them, convert them, for they know
not what they do. Ye wicked ones, ye think to combat
the Friar, and ye thereby make war on the Lord ; for I
fight ye not from hatred to yourselves, but for the love 01
God. Ye say that I sow discord ; but the Lord Christ!
Himself came to bring strife among men. Why return ye
not to virtue, for then peace shall be with ye .? — O Friar,
thou shouldst not have preached when forbidden by the
Signory. — That is not true ; nor may I refrain from
preaching from fear or by the command of man. I shall
keep silent only when my preaching may do hurt, or I
may fear that scandal come of it."
At this moment, as though it were intended to take
him at his word, a tremendous crash resounded through
the church ; the doors were burst open, the crowd
took to flight ; and the noise, confusion, and disorder
seemed enough to shake down the building. The tumult
had been raised by the Compagnaeci. Francesco Cei, one
of their number, had seized the alms box and hurled it
on the pavement, thus giving the signal for the disturb
ance. Some yelled and beat on the benches, while others
banged open the doors. The conspirators were afraid to
ring the bells, as had been arranged ; but the panic-
stricken crowd sought to escape, and while some of the
more faithful pressed round the pulpit to protect Savona
rola, others had already hastened to the Via del Cocomero '
to fetch the weapons stored in the houses of Piero Fran-
' Now Via Ricasoli.

1 84 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
cesco Tosinghi and Cambi the Rich.' These friends,
about sixty in number, quickly reappeared in the church
armed with lances and swords. At first sight of the
fl.ishing steel the alarm of the multitude was increased, by
mistaking the armed men for Arrabbiati, and the confusion
became so tremendous that no one could' move either
backwards or forwards. Thereupon Bartolommeo Giugni
and Giuliano Mazzlnghi, who, as members of the
Eight, thought their ofiicial dignity would preserve them
from attack, advanced towards the pulpit with the inten
tion of despatching Savonarola. But they found him
well guarded, and Giugni received a severe blow in the
face from Corbizzo da Castrocaro — an unprecedented
experience for one of the Eight.
Savonarola vainly strove to make himself heard in all
this demoniacal uproar and confusion by crying out :
" Ah ! the wicked refuse to hear their fate. . . . Wait !
have patience ! " Then raising the crucifix on high, he
exclaimed : " Trust in this and fear nothing." But find
ing that no one heeded his words, he knelt in prayer, and,
as soon as the tumult was somewhat abated, left the pulpit
surrounded by his friends, who welcomed him with loud
shouts of joy ; some brandishing their swords and spears,
others the crosses they held in their hands, and with cries
of " Viva Cristo ! " all then escorted him to St. Mark's.
There, in the convent garden, in the midst of his brethren,
Savonarola pronounced the following words by way of
concluding his interrupted discourse : " The longer the
Lord stayeth His hand, the more heavily and severely
will He smite each one according to his works. The
wicked refuse to believe, refuse to hearken ; but they will
fall into the pit they have dug for others ; they are under
mining the foundations of a wall that will crush them as
' Surnamed the Rich to distinguish him from many others of the
name of Cambi in Florence,

A NEW EPISTLE TO THE FAITHFUL. 1S5
it breaks. Now I will sing praises unto the Lord and
joyfiilly depart from this life." ' His " Ascension Sermon,"
as it was called, was speedily difflised throughout Italy.
Girolamo Cinozzi had the courage to make a report
of it in the midst of the riot, and this he published
together with a faithful account of the scene that had
passed under his eyes, and the concluding words
delivered by Savonarola at St. Mark's.^ In Florence,
Rome, and all over Italy the attempt in the Duomo was
the sole talk of the day, and every one feared the worst
consequences from the event.
Meanwhile Savonarola brought out a new epistle, dated
8th of May, addressed : " To all God's chosen and faith
ful Christians." 3 In this he said: " We have resolved to
imitate the Lord, who on many occasions bent before the
rage of the Scribes and Pharisees ; and will therefore
abstain from preaching. But in order that the Lord's
work may not be overthrown, nor the wicked made to
rejoice, we will express in writing that which we may not
say by word of mouth. Be not troubled, but rather
' The narrative of this event is not only derived from the biographers
("Vita Latina," sheet 31 and fol.; Burlamacchi, p. 93 and fol.), and
other historians from whom we have quoted, but also from G. Cinozzi's
pamphlets, mentioned below, and private manscuript letters in the
Magliabecchi Librai-y. One of these is addressed by Alessandro Giugni
to Lorenzo, son of Filippo Strozzi, and dated 4th of May, 1497 (Codex ii.,
ii- 437, at sheet 113) ; another, addressed to the same person on the same
day, is from the pen of Jo. de Borromeis (same Codex at sheet 106).
Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. iv.
' This pamphlet, of which there are many contemporary editions, un
dated, supplies us with an authentic and detailed account of the event
from the pen of an eyewitness. It is entitled : "Predica del venerando
P. F. Hieronymo da Ferrara, facta la mattina dell' Ascensione, 1497.''
There is a "Prohemio" affixed to it, beginning thus: "Hieronymus
Cinoctius Barnabe Rodiano suo salute." This Cinozzi must not be con
founded with the other of the same name, author of the " Epistola," or
Short Life of Savonarola, preserved in manuscript in the Riccardi
Library, and to vvhich vve have had to make frequent reference.
^ " A tutti gli eletti di Dio e fedeli Cristiani." It was repeatedly re
printed in 1498, and is also given in Quetif's work, roi. ii. p. 170.

i86 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TLMES
rejoice in persecutions. All our prophecies are being ful-
filled : first of all they (the wicked) have slandered us,
then by crooked paths they have sought our excommuni
cation, and having failed to achieve this as yet, now strike
at our life. Hitherto no drop of blood hath been spilt,
for the Lord, knowing our frailty, hath not permitted us
to be tempted beyond our strength ; but increasing our
weight of tribulation step by step, will likewise raise our
faith, virtue, and courage to a higher pitch. Thus He
prepareth us for heavier persecutions, so that men being
amazed by our constancy may begin to know that we are
sustained by the certainty of a better life than this, and
Imay begin to hope in it themselves. Our tribulations,
despite the will of those that provoke them, will serve to
difixise this light. We give thanks to the Lord for having,
in these utterly faithless tinies, chosen us to suffer for the
faith. And as ye are deprived of the word of God by
the sin of those who raised a scandal on the day appointed
by the Lord to His disciples for going forth and preaching
in the world, pray ye the Almighty that He once more
deign to unseal the lips of His preachers, inasmuch as that
which He ordaineth no strength may prevail against."
During this time the power of the Arrabbiati was daily
increasing in Florence, and the Frateschi were more and
more oppressed. The authors of the riot remained un
punished, while many men of the people were put to the
question by the Eight, the which council had positively
provoked the disorders it was its mission to prevent. The
Signory sent an edict to all the churches, forbidding
monks or friars of any Order to preach.' And on the 20th
of May, a long and noisy Pratica was held, in which,
while proposing measures for the re-establishment of the
¦ Burlamacchi, p. 96 ; Nardi, Parenti, Barsanti, Cinozzi, Violi. Vide
Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. iii., the " Deliberations of the
Signory."

FRA MARIANO INFLAMES THE POPES WRATH. 187
public peace, an effort was also made to obtain an edict
for Savonarola's banishment. But this attempt had no
chance of success, since all soon perceived that it would
rouse too much hatred and scandal among the Florentine
people.' The Arrabbiati, however, were by no means dis
couraged by this check, having other and far greater
hopes in view. The Papal excommunication, that had
only been delayed pending the result of Piero de'
Medici's attempt, was now daily expected. The Pope
also had probably counted on great results from the
Ascension Day plot, the preparations for which must have
been brought to his knowledge by Fra Mariano. This man
had fled to Rome directly after the failure of the Medicean
expedition, and never relaxed his efforts to urge the Pope
to destroy Savonarola, whom he styled " an Instrument of
the devil, and the perdition of \}cie Florentine people,"
After the Ascension Day riot the Pope, although increas
ingly enraged at the Friar's daring, was rejoiced to see
that at this moment the latter's friends were as weak as
his enemies were strong. In fact the Arrabbiati now wrote
pressingly to the effect that the times were ripe for
Savonarola's excommunication, and that further delay
would be useless. " Thus, finding the matter prepared,"
so wrote the orator Becchi to the Ten, " the medicine
took instant effect ; " ^ that is to say, the bull of excom
munication was despatched.
' Some information relating to this affair is also to be found in the
" Lettera a Messer Lorenzo de Filippo Strozzi," ofthe 20th of May, 1497,
from which we have already quoted ; " Throughout the territory, as thou
knowest, there has 'oeen great noise concerning the Friar ; and it seemed
as if things were coming to a point that would have relieved some of our
souls. And to avoid ill results, a great Pratica was held on the afi'air
this morning ; and the Signory and others, as I hear, are labouring to
establish real peace among the citizens, and sweep away these parties for
and against the Friar, whicii are a hurt and dishonour to the public in
general and every citizen in particular. And for the sake of peace it is
proposed to exile 'he Friar."
° Letter to the Ten, dated i8th of May, 1497, given in Gherardi's
"Nuovi Documenli," at pp. 91-92.

1 88 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Foreseeing the storm that was about to break over
his head, Savonarola tried to avert it by addressing a
letter to the Pope, dated the 22nd of May. Assuming a
conciliatory but also dignified tone, he began with these
words : " Wherefore is my Lord angered with his
servant .'' " And continuing in the same strain, he com
plained that the Pope had always refused to listen to him,
while giving a ready ear to the false charges alleged
against him by his enemies, although these were trium
phantly refuted by the evidence of his public and printed
sermons. He likewise complained bitterly of the shame
less audacity of Fra Mariano, who, after having per
sonally attacked the Pope in his sermons, using language
unfit for the pulpit, and being consequently reproved by
Savonarola himself before the whole congregation,'
now perfidiously brought the same charge against him
who had never made personal attacks on any one, far
less on the ruler of the faithful, the vicar of Christ.
He again declared his submission to the authority of
the Church, asserting that he preached no doctrine save
that of the Holy Fathers, as would speedily be made
apparent to the whole world by means of his " Triumph
of the Cross." He then concluded the letter as follows :
" For if all human aid fail me, I will put my trust in
God, and make manifest to all the world the Iniquity
of those who may perhaps be driven to repent the work
they have in hand."
But at the date of this letter,^ the excommunicatory
' Savonarola frequently alludes to the violence of Frk Mariano's
sermons, which was indeed a matter of general notoriety.
" It was dated May 22, 1497, and was wrongly believed by all to be a
reply to the brief of excommunication. But the brief, written on the
3rd of the month, and, as we shall see, delayed by the way, had not yet
reached Florence. The exact date of its arrival is not mentioned by all
the historians ; but all agree that it came towards the end of the month ;
and before that time no manuscript letters examined by us contain any
allusion to the excommunication. Parenti (vol. ii. of the original MS.

THE BRIEF OF EXCOMMUNICATION. 189
brief of the 1 3th of May was already despatched. Only
by a strange, and, as regarded Savonarola, fortunate
chance, circumstances contributed to lessen its efficacy.
It had been indited in the very unusual form of a circular
letter to the Friars of the Santissima Annunzlata _ and
other convents,' almost as though the Pope were afraid to
couch it in the more solemn form of an address to
believers in general. It was entrusted to the care of
Gian Vittorlo da Camerino, but on reaching Siena this
theologian feared to proceed, lest he should be seized and
torn to pieces by the followers of the Frlar.2 Accordingly,
he retraced his steps, and the brief being consigned to
other hands, only reached Florence towards the end of
May. Even then, many of the clergy hesitated to publish
it, on account of its unusual form, and in the absence of
the Apostolic Commission customarily charged with that
duty.3 The terms of this brief, or circular letter, were no less
strange than its form.
" We have heard from many persons worthy of belief,"
so wrote the Pope, " that a certain Fra Girolamo Savona
rola, at this present, said to be vicar of St. Mark's in
Florence, hath disseminated pernicious doctrines to the
scandal and great grief of simple souls. We had already
at sheet 11') and Landucci (p. 153) fix the date of pubUcation on the
I Sth of June. If the letter of Savonarola, recapitulated above, had
been written in reply to the excommunication, it would have had no sense.
Even Herr Meier seems to have perceived this, but could not discover
how to rectify the error, since, like many others, he considered that the
brief of the 13th must have certainly reached Florence by the i6th
or 17th of May. Savonarola's letter is given by Qudtif, vol. ii. p. 125.
' I.e., Santa Maria Novella, Santa Croce, and Santo Spirito.
Landucci, "Diario," p. 153. See, too, Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. vi.
' He had already suffered imprisonment as one of the most turbulent
of Savonarola's foes, and been declared a rebel, as may also be seen by
a letter of the Ten, published in Gherardi's " Nuovi Documenti," and
by one from Gian Vittorio himself at p. 96 of the same.
3 Burlamacchi, Pico, Barsanti, Marchese, Nardi, Parenti, &c.

190 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
commanded him, by his vows of holy obedience, to sus
pend his sermons, and come to us to seek pardon for his
errors; but he refused to obey, and alleged various
excuses, which we too graciously accepted,' hoping to
convert him by our clemency. But, on the contrary, he
persisted still more in his obstinacy ; wherefore, by a second
brief (7th of November, 1496) ^ we commanded him,
under pain of excommunication, to unite the Convent of
St. Mark to the Tusco-Roman Congregation recently
created by us. But even then he still persisted In his
stubbornness, thus, ipso facto, incurring censure. There
fore we now command ye, on all festivals, and in the
presence of the people, to declare the said Fra Girolamo
excommunicate, and to be held as such by all men, for
his failure to obey our apostolic admonitions and commands.
And, under pain of the same penalty, all are forbidden to
assist him, hold intercourse with him, or approve him
either by word or deed. Inasmuch as he is an excommuni
cated person, and suspected of heresy. — Given in Rome
this 13th day of May, 1497." 3
Thus, notwithstanding the many accusations brought
against the doctrines of the Friar, the Pope only desig
nates him as suspected of heresy, and even this only on
¦ This proves the truth of Savonarola's assertion ; i.e., that the Pope
had accepted his excuses for refusing to go to Rome.
" " Quod cum eo, in sua duritie persistente, secus eveniret, aliis nostris
literis in forma Brevis, sub data septimi novembris, &c." This shows
that the proposed Tusco-Roman union had been iniposed as a punish
ment. 3 Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. v. Padre Marchese was
rather doubtful whether this was the real brief of excommunication,
because of its irregular form ; but from Savonarola's letters and sermons
there does not seem to have been any other, and we shall return to the
question elsewhere. Professor Del Lungo has since discovered the original
of the copy sent from Rome to the Friars of the Badia, and has published
it in the " Archivio Storico Italiano," new series, vol. xviii. parti, p. 17,
It is dated 13th of May, whereas certain old copies of it are dated on
the 1 2th. As separate copies were sent from Rome to the different
convents, possibly all were not written on the same day.

TER AIS OF THE EXCOMMUNICATION 191
hearsay, and therefore implicitly avows that he had never
examined Into the charges himself The sentence of ex
communication, accordingly, was only inflicted on account
of the Friar's disobedience in declining to unite St.
Mark's to the new Tusco-Roman Congregation. As we
have already said, and as is proved by the terms of the
brief this junction was iniposed as a punishment, or
rather as a pretext for compelling Savonarola to silence.
The latter had opposed it, with the best of reasons,
showing the Pope that it was not only his right, but his
duty to reject a measure that would have such grievous
results for his convent ; and likewise that the matter did
not depend on the Pope alone, but required the consent
of all the brethren of St. Mark's. However this may
have been, the terms of the excommunication proved to
the world that the Church could not tax Savonarola's
doctrines with heresy ; while as regarded his refusal to go
to Rome, the Pope having accepted his excuses at the
time, had no right now to accuse him of disobedience,
save on certain points of little importance, regarding
which Alexander himself had frequently sent contradictory
orders, and used merely as pretexts.
This event, as may well be imagined, threw all
Florence in confusion. The Arrabbiati were triumphant,
and wrote continual letters to Rome in order to neutralize
the effect of every argument Bracci and Becchi were
then urging in the Friar's defence. These orators wrote,
in fact, that the Pope was much pacified by Savonarola's
epistle, and seemed to repent of having despatched the
excommunication.' But they added that the hostile car-
' On the 17th of June Bracci wrote to the Ten, that he had found the
Pope well disposed to revoke the brief, but for the arrival from Florence
of private letters and intelligence to the contrary eft'ect. The Pope told
the Cardinal of Perugia that " this publication " (of the brief), " hoc
tempore facta, was displeasing to him, and was onuiino preter mentem
suam." Afterwards his mood entirely changed. (Gherardi, " Nuovi
Documenti," p. 98.)

192 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
dinals, Fra Mariano and the Arrabbiati were spitting fire
and flame, and that the matter had been accordingly
handed over to the six cardinals charged to reform the
Church. The real point, they wrote in conclusion, is that
the Pope is most anxious for the Florentines to break
their treaty with France and join in the League. This is
why he always promises the surrender of Pisa, and this
explains his hatred for Savonarola, who keeps you firm to
the French alliance.'
Nevertheless the excommunication was launched, and
and on the i8th of June finally proclaimed with great
solemnity in the churches of Santa Croce, Santa Maria
Novella, Santo Spirito, the Annunzlata, and the Badia, to
all of which it was addressed. It was impressively read
by torchlight, in the presence of a considerable nuniber of
friars and amid the tolling of small bells. And at the
concluding word the lights were extinguished, and each
church plunged in silence and gloom.^
It would be difficult to give an adequate idea of the out
cry, disorder, and lamentation prevailing in the city. A few
days afterwards, on the 24th of June, the festival of St. John,
the patron of Florence, the friars of St. Augustine and St.
Francis refused to take part in It if the monks of St. Mark's
were allowed to do so. Accordingly the latter, and also
the brethren of St. Dominic at Fiesole, were ordered to
remain in their cloisters that day. The Insolence of the
Compagnaeci, being encouraged by the Eight and the
' Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," p. 95 and fol. This is clearly proved
by letters of Bracci, Becchi, and the Ten, given in this work.
" The "Vita Latina," at sheet 30', and Burlamacchi, at p. 92, give a
diff'erent account of the ceremony. According to them the friars of all
these different churches were collected m the Duomo, and it vvas there
thatthe excommunication was solemnly proclaimed. But Luca Landucci
("Diario," p. 153), vvho was present in the church of Santo Spirito, and
Parenti (vol. ii. original MS., sheet 11') recount the affair as it really
occurred. Also, seeing that Savonarola soon resumed his sermons in
the Duomo, it would be difficult to believe that the sentence of excom
munication could have been proclaimed in that church.

FIRST RESULTS OF THE BRIEF. 193
majority of the Signory, now passed all limits, so that
great licence, both of speech and action, prevailed.
Savonarola was slandered on all sides, and swarms of
sonnets, anonymous ballads, indecent tracts, and monkish
diatribes were published against his doctrines. At night,
when the brethren were attending service in the choir, the
mob gathered round the convent shouting and singing,
and committing much damage by showers of stones.
And, being allowed full impunity, the audacity of the
rabble increased. Immoral practices returned as if by
magic ; the churches were deserted, the taverns filled ;
women resumed the immodest mode of dress and the
jewels they had discarded, and again paraded the streets
attired with dazzling luxury. Scented gallants again sang
indecent songs under the windows of their mistresses
without exciting the latters' blushes. In less than a month
Florence seemed to have gone back to the days of
Lorenzo the Magnificent ; all thoughts of patriotism and
freedom were forgotten. Such were the first results of the
brief of excommunication ! '
Nevertheless Savonarola preserved his composure, and,
without precipitating matters, began to take nieasures of
defence. On the 19th of June, 1497, he wrote an
" Epistle against surreptitious excommunication, addressed
to all Christians beloved of God." This, after recapitulating
all that he had so often before said concerning his doctrines,
concluded as follows : " The lukewarm need have no fear,^
for this excommunication is invalid both in the sight of
God and man, inasmuch as it Is based on the false reasons
and accusations devised by our enemies. I have always
submitted and even still submit to the authority of the
Church, nor will ever fail in my obedience ; but no one
' All this is minutely described in the "Vita Latina," Burlamacchi,
Nardi, Violi, &c.
' This epistle is also given by Quetif, vol. ii. p. 185. The fifteenth
century edition is undated.
VOL. II. 14

194 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
is bound to yield to commands opposed to charity and the
law of God, since in such case our superiors are no longer
the representatives of the Lord. Meanwhile, seek by
prayer to make ready for that which may befall ye ;
for, should the matter proceed, we will make the truth
known to all the world." Then, in a second letter,
undated. Contra sententiam excommunicatonis contra se
nuper iniuste latam, he set himself to prove, by long quo
tations from Gerson, that no one should be cowed by
unjust condemnations, and that to meekly submit to every
sentence pronounced " est asinina patientia, timor lepoj'inus
et fatuus." Still citing Gerson's words, he went on to
speak, although only in general terms, of making appeal
to the council, declaring that it was not merely allowable,
but obligatory to resist the Pope in cases where the Pontiff
tried to enforce his authority to the detriment of the
Church. " Nor does the Christian commit sin," the quo
tation concluded, " in accepting the aid of the secular
power, in order to escape from unjust excommunication ;
for unjust sentences of this description are mere violence,
and the law of nature prescribes that we should repulse
.force by force. And we are specially justified in so
doing in cases where care has been taken to avoid scandal,
and to enlighten the faint-hearted, who believe the
Sovereign Pontiff to be almost as God, having power over
both heaven and earth. It is needful to show humility
and meekness to him, but, when humility fails, then
accipienda est animosa libertas." And to these words from
Gerson, Savonarola added : "All this speaks admirably in
our favour ; nevertheless so great is the ignorance of man
kind at this day, that many would hold not only ourselves
to be excommunicate, but all who frequent the convent ;
while others, being still more ignorant, wou2d add that it
were even necessary to shun all intercourse with those who
attend our church. They do not know what was Sa:d by

EFFORTS OFTHE NEW SIGNORY IN HIS CAUSE. 195
Martin V. at the Council of Constance, the which was
afterwards confirmed by that of Basle — i.e., that we are
no wise bound to shun the excommunicated, unless
expressly and personally commanded so to do." '
Savonarola's enemies lost no time in communicating
these letters to the Pope, who could scarcely be expected
to feel gratified by their contents. But happily for the
Friar, amid the continual changes of government in Flo
rence, the new Signory for July and August was composed
of his friends ; hence, instead of leaving his defence to the
Ten, he was able to write in his own name to Bracci
and Becchi, hotly urging them to press the revocation of
the interdict.2 And to give greater weight to his demand,
he had previously called a meeting of all the leading
citizens on the 5th of July, in order to hear their advice.
They all spoke in Savonarola's favour, enumerated the
benefits he had conferred on the city, and counselled him to
make an energetic appeal for the withdrawal of the ex-
communicatory brief. Many pointed out that this was
not a religious, but a political question, and that it was
entirely owed to the efforts of the foes to popular govern
ment in Florence. Francesco Gualterotti, speaking in the
name of the Ten of War, expressed himself even more
clearly than the rest. " My honourable fathers and col
leagues are anxious that peace and order should be main
tained in the city since the safety of the Friar will thus be
assured. It is their opinion that had the censure of the
Church emanated directly and solely from the Pope, it
would have behooved us to let it follow its due course.
But seeing that it really emanated from this city, they
hold that some way must be found to quiet and extinguish
it here, so that the Pope (whom I now venture to name)
' This Latin epistle is given in Quetif, vol. ii. p. 191. The fifteenth
century edition is undated.
= These letters are included among the " Documenti," published by
Padre Marchese.

196 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
may not hear of our follies, nor our city be injured by his
censure. And they likewise believe that, at our request,
the revocation of the brief may easily be obtained."'
After this meeting the Signory not only wrote to the
orators afresh, but on the 8th of July despatched a letter to
the Pope himself in the following terms : " Most Holy
Father, we are deeply afflicted to have incurred the ban of
the Church, not only because of the respect always enter
tained by our Republic for the Holy Keys, but because
we see that, a most innocent man has been wrongfully and
maliciously accused to your Holiness. We deem this
Friar to be a good and pious man, and thoroughly versed
in the Christian faith. He has laboured many years
for the welfare of our people, and no fault has ever been
detected either in his life or his doctrine. But, as virtue
is never free from the attacks of envy, so there be many
of our people who invert the name of honesty and think
to rise to greatness by attacking the good. Wherefore
we fervently implore your Holiness, in your paternal and
divine charity, to use your own judgment in this matter,
and remove the weight of your ban not only from Father
Girolamo Savonarola, but from all those who may have
incurred it. Your Holiness could do no greater kindness
to the Republic, especially in this time of pestilence, in
which bans are of grave peril to men's souls." 2
Throughout the remainder of the year the Republic
carried on an energetic correspondence in Savonarola's
' Florence Archives, " Consulte e Pratiche," Registro, 65, at sheet 43.
1 have reason to believe that no other modern writer has hitherto made
use of these " Pratiche," which were discovered by myself in the Florence
Archives. Since my discovery of them, however, Signor Lupi, of the
Fisa Archives, has published the "Pratica" ofthe' 5th of July, together
with most of those concerning Savonarola, in the "Archivio Storico
Italiano," series iii. vol. i. part i.
= This letter, which is in Latin, is given by Qudtif, vol. ii. p. 127, and is
included in Padre Marchese's "Documenti," &c. "Archivio Storico,
Itahano, Appendice," vol. viii. p. 155.

STRANGE OFFER MADE TO THE FRIAR. 197
defence, since, fortunately for him, the various Signorles
elected were all favourable to his cause, and the Council
of Ten was always devoted to him.' The orator Becchi,
a weak and credulous man, proved of little use ;2
but Ser Alessandro Bracci achieved good results by his
energy and goodwill. He won over the Cardinals of
Perugia, Benevento, and Capaccio, solicited and conciliated
the Cardinal of Naples, who was no longer well Inclined to
St. Mark's ; and availed himself of the aid of Giorgio
Benigno and Giovanni Nasi, who were then resident in
Rome, and had always laboured in the Friar's defence.
And, while all these efforts were being used, with some
hope of success, not only to soothe the Pope's wrath, but
to win his favour, a very singular offer was made to
Savonarola. It is declared that the Cardinal of Siena 3 sent
him word that if the sum of 5 ,000 crowns were paid to a
certain creditor of his, he would undertake to obtain the
removal of the ban. This impudent offer was not without
precedent, since anything could then be had for money in
' Many other letters were despatched by the government. One dated
2ist of July praises Ser Alessandro and Messer Ricciardo for their eff'orts
to gain Savonarola the goodwill of the cardinals ; urges them to still greater
zeal, and inquires the names of those hostile to the measure. The Sig
nory again wrote to Bracci on the ist of August, praising and congratu
lating him on the fact of " His Holiness seeming kind and well disposed
to us," and they also forwarded two letters of thanks for Cardinals
Capaccio and di Perugia, who had used their influence in the Friar's
favour. On the I ith of August they wrote that every possible effort must
be made to gain over the six cardinals entrusted vvith the reform of the
Church, and on whom Savonarola's fate then seemed to depend. Onthe
26th of September they wrote to Cardinal Caraffa, urging him to do his
best vvith the Pope ; wrote again to the same effect on the 13th of
October ; and on the 7th of November despatched two letters which will
be mentioned farther on. Vide Padre Marchese's " Documenti," &c.,
"Archivio Stor. Ital. Appendice," vol viii. p. 157 and fol.
' As will be seen by his letters, he vvas actually persuaded that the
Medici were friendly to Savonarola. This was one of the reasons that
had compelled the Signory to despatch Bracci as orator extraordinary to
Rome. 3 Afterwards Pius III.

198 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Rome ; but Savonarola, as may well be imagined, indig
nantly rejected it, and said, when writing to a friend : " I
should deem myself far more deeply banned were I to
accept absolution at such a price." ' But at all events the
affair was another proof that the Holy Father was then
showing a disposition to yield, and the Friar might have
been justified in thinking that all would go well.
Just at this time one of those atrocious tragedies
occurred with which the Borgia family were accustomed
to stir the horror of the world, even In an age that was
among the most scandalous ever recorded in history. The
Duke of Gandia, the Pope's eldest son, was killed by a
dagger-thrust on the night of the 14th of June, and his
corpse thrown into the Tiber. His brother, Cesare Borgia,
Cardinal of Valencia, was the murderer, having been
impelled, it was said, to the crinie by unnatural jealousy on
his sister Lucrezia's account, and also by an unbounded
ambition that could tolerate no equals in power. This
monstrous deed stirred even the heart of Alexander
Borgia to agonies of paternal grief. For the first time in
his life he seemed to repent of his numerous sins, and
determined to renounce them. He had accordingly with
drawn Into strict solitude, and appointed six cardinals to
reform the Church and thus remedy the many evils to
which it was a prey.- This was the commission charged,
as we have said, to decide on Savonarola's case.
The latter, rejoiced at any suggestion of reform or
signs of true penitence in the Pope, determined to profit
by the opportunity, and addressed an epistle to Alexander
' Letter to Lodovico Pittorio, Chancellor to Duke Ercole 1. of Ferrara.
r/ffi? Padre Marchese's " Documenti," c&c, loc. cit., p. 129. The offer
made by the Cardinal of Siena is also related in the" Vita Latina," at
sheet 31 ; in Burlamacchi, p. 92 ; and is confirmed by Padre Marchese
in a note to the letter quoted above.
" "Vide Guicciardini, "Storia d'ltalia," and other contemporary his
torians.

ADDRESSES CONSOLING WORDS TO THE POPE, igg
towards the close of the month. In this, after dexter
ously trying to comfort him in his present affliction, he
encouraged him to persevere in his Christian purpose, and
concluded by pleading his own cause in the following
terms : " Most Blessed Father, the faith that worketh
miracles, inspireth all noble deeds, and is sealed by the
blood of the martyrs, can alone give peace and true con
solation to the heart of man. Faith surpasseth sense and
reason, lifteth us above this world, transporteth us to the un
seen, and expandeth our spirit. Faith giveth us strength
to bear adversity and rejoice in tribulation ; wherefore it Is
written, that the just man shall never be cast down, and
the just man is he that liveth in the Lord by faith.
Blessed is he that is called to this gift of faith. Let
your Holiness therefore reply to the blissful summons, so
that your mourning be turned to joy. The Lord in His
mercy passeth over all our sins. 1 announce things of the
which I am assured, and for these things I am willing to
endure all persecutions. But let your Beatitude turn a
favouring eye on this work of faith, for which I labour
without cease, and give ear no longer to the impious.
Thus the Lord will bestow on you the essence of joy,
instead of the spirit of grief ; inasmuch as all my predic
tions are true, and none that resisteth the Lord can ever
know peace. Charity moveth me to write these things,
Most Blessed Father, and the hope that your Beatitude
may recive true consolation from God ; for the thunders
of His wrath will ere long be heard, and blessed will be
those that have put their trust in Him.. May the Lord of
all mercy console your Holiness in your tribulation ! " '
It was undoubtedly strange that the excommunicated
Prior of St. Mark's should write to the Pope and try to
'This letter, taken from the Marcian Library, in Venice, was published
by Perrens in the Appendix to vol. i. of his work, at page 476. Both in
the Venetian MS. and that of the Riccardi Library 2053 it bears date
vii. Kal. Julii.

200 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
console him for the death of his son by exhortations to a
godly life and repentance. But, at the monient, Alexan
der seemed in no wise offended ; on the contrary, he
showed a disposition to be gracious to the Friar — an
evident sign that he was still under the influence of
genuine grief and remorse. But this was a brief and
fugitive mood. He soon returned to his usual scandalous
mode of life, with Increased zest, and then made loud
complaints against Savonarola for having dared to insult
his fatherly sorrow.'
What Is certain Is, that while Savonarola and the Sig
nory were working in one direction, many were using their
best efforts In another. The Arrabbiati had already for
warded a circular to Rome signed by most of their party,
in which all the old accusations against the Friar were
once more repeated. On this being made known in Flor
ence, by means of the ambassador, t a^o other circulars were
immediately prepared In support of the Friar. The first
of these bore the signatures of all the two hundred and
fifty brethren in the convent, who, extolling their Prior's
life and doctrines, besought the Pope to remove the ban
and gain favour in the sight of the Lord by aiding in the
sacred enterprise. The second, reiterating all the same
things, was signed by a great number of the leading citi
zens. When first started in July, three hundred and
sixty-three signatures were quickly collected, and more
would have been added, had not the alarming Increase of
the plague Interrupted almost every kind of business. 2
' The Roman ambassador speaks ofthis in his letters. Vide in Padre
Marchese, doc. xx., Bonsi's letter to the Ten. It is stated in this that
the I'ope complained, among other things, that Savonarola " had reproved
hini for the death of his son."
° In the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. vii., these two declarations
or letters to the Pope will be found. Among thc names inscribed on the
second is that of one Niccolo, son of Alessandro Machiavelli, erro
neously believed by Mons. Perrens to be the famous secretary of the
Republic. But the latter vvas the son of Bernardo Machiavelli. Onithe

THE PLAGUE SPREADS IN FLORENCE. 201
There were already from fifty to sixty deaths daily, and
although this was not considered a great number, it was
sadly ominous of a still worse state of things, particularly
when all Florence ' was so densely overcrowded with
strangers. The citizens now fled to their country houses,
and a general panic set in. But while all were deserting
the city and forsaking the business of life, Savonarola,
as every one may conceive, undertook new and arduous
labours. It was his duty, he felt, in this public emer
gency, to bring succour and comfort to the afflicted.
Although precluded by his excommunication from going
about among the people as a minister of the Church,^
it will be seen that he had no light task to perform, when
we remember that he had the care of 250 monks, many
of whom were novices, all shut up in one convent, where
the most stringent precautions were required to prevent
contagion. In fact, before long, one of the community
sickened, and both the plague and its terrors had gained
foothold in St. Mark's. The more timid brethren wished
to take flight, others besought their Prior to provide for
his own safety, and several citizens placed their villas at his
disposal. But Savonarola was not likely to shrink from
his duty at a moment such as this. He profited by his
friends' offers of hospitality to send all the novices and
younger monks, including his own brother Maurelio, into
the country. Thus the numbers in the convent were
thinned, and he quietly remained there with a few of his
more tried and devoted followers. He read to them, with

9th of July a Pratica was held {%iide Florence Archives, cod. cit., at sheet
46), to decide if anything should be done with regard to these circulars ;
but no decision was arrived at.
' See Savonarola's letter to his brother Alberto, dated 21st of July. In
Padre Marchese's "Documenti," &c.,loc. cit., p. 128.
" By forgetting the consequences of excommunication, Mons. Perrens
was led to make the erroneous statement that Savonarola had shown
timidity and indifference during the plague.

202 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
comments, the Lamentations of Jeremiah,' Jonah's pro
phecies, and the history of Samson, and did his best to
sustain their courage.
Meanwhile he sent frequent and affectionate letters to the
distant niembers of his flock, exhorting them to face the
danger with courage, and reproving the more timid for their
fears. " I am using every effort," he wrote to Fra Paolo
del Beccuto, who wished to leave his own convent, " to
preserve our brethren from danger ; but I find some of
them more timid than laymen, which is a pusillanimity
unworthy of ministers of religion, who should rather seek
death than fear it. We must trust in the Lord, not in
flight. Wherefore I hold that you ought not to absent
yourself from your convent at present. The friars here
meet death joyfully, as though they were going to a
festival. All those tending the sick keep their health.
To-day, after conversing with me, Frate Antonio da San
Quintino was suddenly taken ill." ^ All Savonarola's letters
at this period show much tenderness for his brethren and
his family ; singular firmness and serenity of spirit in
the midst of these numerous perils. On the 24th of July
he wrote to his brother. Maestro Alberto, at Ferrara,
giving him news of their other brother, Maurelio, one of
the community of St. Mark's. " Fra Maurelio is away
from Florence on account of the pestilence, which, though
not very severe as yet, is beginning to look serious. We
^ These are probably the discourses of vvhich the rough, unfinished
draft is contained in the little volume entitled "Alcuni sermoni devoti di
F. Jeronimo Savonarola, sopra il principio della Cantica ed altri luoghi."
Venice, 1556. These sermons on the Song of Solomon are only in out
line ; but there are some less imperfect fragments of them in Italian.
The original autograph is in the Codex at St. Mark's, to vvhich we have
previously referred.
' It is dated iSth of August, 1497, and a Latin copy of it is to be
found in Codex 2053 of the Riccardi Library. An incorrect Italian
version was published at Venice in 1537 and 1547. It is also included in
Mansi's " Addizioni " to Baluzio, and among the letters edited by
Qudtif, although wrongly dated in the latter, Sth of August.

IIIS ENERGY DURING TIIE PLAGUE. 203
have fifty or sixty deaths a day in the city — some
say as many as one hundred — and nothing is seen save
crosses and corpses. We are well, thanks to God ; nor
have I left the convent, although I have sent away more
than seventy of the monks ; for, as to myself, I am not
afraid, and only desire to comfort the afflicted." ' Later,
on the 14th of August, he again wrote to the same brother :
" Have no fear for me in the midst of the plague, for
God will aid me. Although friends have invited me to
many places, I could not forsake my flock, and therefore
remain to console the afflicted. Likewise It is marvellous
to behold the cheerfulness of those called away : friars
and laity, men and women die, praising the Lord with
their last breath." 2
Throughout this trying period Savonarola's energy was
unwearied. He wrote a great nuniber of letters, exhort-
tlng men to bear their tribulations in a quiet spirit and
without fear of the excommunication ; but it was in
fighting the plague that he worked hardest of all. Nor
did he think only of his monks, but also did his best by
word and pen, by publishing pamphlets, and every other
means, to encourage the laity, for whose benefit he com
posed an " Epistle to all the Chosen," sub-entitled " A
Medicinal Treatise against the Plague." 3 This contained
seven rules — for preserving body and mind by temperance
and tranquillity, recommending moderation in food, gaiety
of spirit, and charity to the sick. " Succour ye the sick,"
he said, " serve them and minister unto them in all ways,
even if they be your enemies." 4
' Among the " Documenti " brought out by Padre Marchese, letter x.
° Padre Marchese, " Documenti," &c., letter xi.
3 'Written on the 15th of July, 1497 ; afterwards published with another
epistle and a few tractates in Florence, but undated ; and then in 1538 at
Venice, in the little volume entitled " Alcuni devotissimi trattati di F
Jeronimo Sa>vonarola," &c.
•• During these months Savonarola addressed numerous letters to his
principal friends and adherents in different parts of Italy to inculcate
virtuous and religious precepcs.

204 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
Fortunately the plague did less havoc than was feared,
for at the beginning of August it had already diminished,
and towards the end of the month almost disappeared.'
The citizens returned from the country and resumed their
affairs ; the convent of St. Mark was again opened to the
people, and on the 15 th of the month the festival of the
Madonna was celebrated in the inner cloister by a public
and solemn thanksgiving for deliverance from peril. The
city resumed its ordinary aspect, and all hoped at last
for peace and tranquillity after the agitations and dangers
of the year.
' Its violence only lasted two months and a half, and the mortality
from it was never very high.

CHAPTER III.

THE ARREST OF LgA<SMBERTO 'DELL' AU^TELLoA. HIS
REUELaiTIOtNiS COC^CERU\Ct^G THE SME'DICI PLOT.
THE TRIqAL AV^Ti COV^DESMNATIOU^ OF C^LL THE
ACCUSE'D. (I497-)
UT the truce hoped for by the Florentines
on the cessation of the plague was broken
before it began, by an event causing more
commotion in the city than anything else
that had occurred since the year 1494.
While Valori and Tosinghi were engaged
in unravelling the threads of Piero's conspiracy, they sur
prised a certain Lamberto dell' Antella, one ofthe proscribed,
on a clandestine journey to his villa, with a letter to his
brother-in-law, Francesco Gualterotti, at that time a
member of the Ten. This letter promised minute
revelations of all Piero's schemes, and the discovery of
certain matters of the highest importance to the
Republic' As an old and faithful adherent of the Medici, Antella
was certainly qualified to give full information of their
' Nardi, Machiavelli, and many other historians speak of the capture
of this Antella ; and the Milanese orator in Florence also makes frequent
reference to the affair. Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, where the
letter brought by Antella is given in doc. i., and those written on the
subject by the Milanese orator in doc. ii.

2o6 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
designs. During the revolution of 1494 he and his brother
Alessandro were prisoners in the Stinche, and while there
received many cheering promises and encouragements from
Piero, who was then in Rome. Accordingly, on making
their escape, they hastened to his presence, but he received
them with marked coldness, and speedily behaved to them
with his usual brutality. " He kept us continually on the
move," writes Lamberto dell' Antella, "in order to satisfy
his mad wish of returning to Florence, and then treated
us worse than dogs." Piero de' Medici, in fact, seemed
unable to live without having some one to maltreat and
oppress. Nevertheless the two Antella submitted to all this,
and accompanied the tyrant on his expedition to the walls
of Florence and his flight back to Siena; but in the latter
city they chanced to incur his suspicions, and were
immediately imprisoned by his command. So great was
Piero's cruelty, so furious his animosity against these old
and faithful adherents, that, after leaving Siena, he sent
several express messengers back to Pandolfo Petrucci, the
virtual lord of that Republic, begging him to cast the two
brothers into the Carnaio, a dungeon so terrible that none
ever left it alive. But Petrucci, notwithstanding his
friendship for Piero, had no mind to commit murder for
his sake, and liberated the prisoners on condition that they
were to be fined 2,000 florins if they attempted to quit
the Sienese territories. But they were too anxious to
revenge themselves on Piero to submit to delay, and fled
towards Florence at the first opportunity. Lamberto con
sidered it a delightful stroke of luck, when about the ist
of August he was seized and taken before the magistrates
with his letter on his person, in the manner we have
described.' ' These particulars are derived from the letter found on Antella's
person, and from the confession he aftervvards wrote. According to the
information given by the Ferrarese orator (Cappelli, p. 86, doc. 119),
the capture occurred on the 4th of August. In a letter of the loth of

REVELATIONS CONCERNING FRESH PLOTS 207
But the Eight, on finding and reading this letter,
followed the barbarous custom of the time by immediately
putting poor Lamberto to torture; and after giving him at
least four turns of the rack, interrogated him closely on
every point, so that he should confess the pure truth. On
noting down his replies, and finding that several citizens
of great influence and high reputation were Implicated In
the plot,' they carried the affair before the Signory,
declaring that they must decline to give judgment in so
weighty a case. The Signory, however, made answer that,
according to the statutes, the Eight alone were empowered
to judge political offences.^ Nevertheless, in view of the
importance of the case, five Arroti 3 and seven officers of
the Ten were chosen to assist them in carrying on the
trial. Thereupon the business was more closely investi
gated, and Lamberto dell' Antella, being offered free
pardon, penned a lengthy report of all Piero de' Medici's
schemes and of the names of his adherents in Florence.4
He even revealed certain preliminaries of a fresh plot, by
which Piero was to be secretly brought into Florence on
the night of the approaching 1 5th of August. Many of
the citizens being away in the country — some to enjoy
the summer season, and others to escape the plague — Piero
August, addressed by the Signory to their ambassador in Rome, the
affair is mentioned as having already taken place. Florence Archives,
" Signori," " Carteggio," " Missive," " Minutari," 16, at sheet 400.
" The above-quoted despatch of the Signory states that Antella's arrest
has led " to the discovery of the root of certain malignant humours in
persons vvho cannot be prosecuted," but tries to attenuate the importance
ofthe affair by adding that " these be all z<ai7i attempts, inasmuch as no
republic could be more united in its intent to destroy tyranny than our
own." ' For the whole narrative of this trial we have always referred to
authentic documents, and among the historians have preferred to rely on
the authority of Pitti's " Istoria Fiorentina," in the "Archivio Storico
Italiano," vol. i. pp. 42-50, which furnishes a most minute account of these
events, and one clearly based upon documentary evidence.
5 Citizens qualified to give advice in emergencies.
* This is the narrative to vvhich we have frequently referred.

2o8 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
de' Medici hoped to be able to rouse a general revolt in
his favour by distributing bread and money to the hungry
populace, and allowing them to sack the houses of the rich,
and, having once gained possession of the Palace, to assume
the government of the city.' It was a mad design and
too audacious for Piero to venture to carry out ; never
theless the preliminary intrigues which had been woven
served to show his Intent, and proved that the Republic
was still exposed to great danger.
In the midst of these agitations the twenty citizens
charged to try the case met in council after a careful
examination of the evidence, and took their oath to
administer justice with strict impartiality, regardless of
the rank or influence of the persons implicated in the plot.
They then ordained that the Piazza should be guarded by
armed men ; that the condottieri (mercenary captains) should
hold their troops ready for action at a moment's notice ;
and that no one should leave the city. They also called
out the guards of the Signory, and, to avoid exciting sus
picion, sent them to summon, in the Signory's name, all
the citizens most deeply compromised by Antella's revela
tions. Many instantly fled ; others, on the contrary,
obeyed the summons ; and the final result of the trial was
that five of the persons in the magistrates' hands were
found guilty of high treason, and, according to the law,
deserving of capital punishment.
Bernardo del Nero, aged seventy-five years, was the
most iniportant of these criminals on account of his great
influence and sagacity. In point of fact the only real
charge proved against him was that of having known
of the plot and yet failed to denounce it ; the which crinie
was held to be all the more heinous, since he was
Gonfalonier of the Republic at that time. Next in
order of guilt were Giannozzo Pucci, a youth of great
' Nardi speaks of this in his " Istoria di Firenze,'' vol. i. p. 133.

TRIAL OF THE CONSPLRATORS. 209
talent, and Lorenzo Tornabuoni, who was the general ad
miration of Florence as a model of grace and fashion. The
popular hatred burnt most fiercely against these men, who,
after being acknowledged partlsins of Piero, to whom
indeed Tornabuoni was related,' had, by their constant
attendance on Savonarola's sermons, long contrived to
make every one believe them to be his most zealous
adherents. The other two persons inculpated were
Giovanni Cambi, 2 a wealthy merchant, and Niccolo
Ridolfi, head of the family of that name, and who was
also connected with the Medici. 3
The trial being concluded, the twelve additional citizens
withdrew, leaving the Eight alone to pronounce the
verdict. But being decidedly unwilling to face the
hatred of so many powerful families, these again
appealed to the Signory, who again declined to assume
an office that was not legally incumbent on them.
At last the Gonfalonier, Messer Domenico Bartoli,
seeing the culpable weakness of the magistrates in
refusing to fulfil their duty from fear of the great,
proposed to submit the case to the decision of the
Greater Council, which, according to the new law,
constituted the supreme court of appeal. But the
counsel for the defence resolutely opposed this suggestion
on the score " that it were unwise to communicate secrets
of the State to so great a multitude, or to run the risk of
many different opinions when the verdict of the principal
magistrates should suffice." 4 The gist of the matter was
' Piero's grandmother was a Tornabuoni.
° Not to be confused with Giovanni Cambi, the historian, who was
entirely devoted to the popular party; nor with the ^^ rich Cambi" of
Via del Cocomero, mentioned elsewhere. The prisoner was one of the
Cambi of Santa Trinitk.
3 His son had married one of Piero de' Medici's sisters. For all these
particulars, j//(/tf Nardi, " Istorie di Firenze," i. p. 130; Cerretani; Parenti j
Guicciardini, " Storia Fiorentina," chap. xv. ; and Pitti.
* Pitti, " Storia Fiorentina," p. 43 and fol.
VOL. II. 15

2 10 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
that, whereas on the one hand the magistrates shrank from
doing their duty, the accused, on the other, being equally
afraid of the laws and the fury of the people, were anxious
for delay, in the hope that on the election of a new Signory
things might take a decided turn in their favour. Three
of the present Signory were already on their side, and
having now succeeded in winning over a fourth in the
person of Michele Beiti, a kinsman of Bernardo del Nero,
these four votes enabled them to prevent any decision
hostile to their purpose.' Thus they gained their end, and
the final sentence was referred to the judgment of a fresh
Pratica, to be held on the 17th of August. This was a
signal advantage ; every day brought them nearer to the
new election ; urgent recommendations to mercy were
momentarily expected from the allies,^ to whom many
pressing appeals had been sent ; and Piero de' Medici was
already collecting a large force in Romagna. Moreover,
being manifestly guilty in the eyes of the law, the only
hope of the accused was in delay. But their adversaries
were perfectly aware of all this, on their side were using
every effort to bring the affair to a speedy conclusion ;
and it was accordingly foreseen that the adjourned debate
would be a pitched battle.
The Signory had requested the presence of some two
hundred of the principal citizens of Florence, and although
they did not all obey the summons, the meeting was at
tended by the sixteen Gonfaloniers of the Conipanies, the
Twelve Worthies, the Ten of War, the Eight of Guard
and Custody, the officers of the Monte, the Conservators
' The Signory being composed of nine members, no measure could be
carried by less than six votes ; the same number was required in the
Light, since two-thirds constituted the legal majority. When a decision
was passed by a majority of votes, it was said to be voted by the greater
number of beans.
' Vide Somenzi's letters to Ludovico the Moor, in doc. ii. of Appendix
(0 the Italian edition.

SENTENCE OF DEATH 2ii
of the Law, the captains ofthe Guelf party, many Arroti,
and finally the Senate, a Council of Eighty, and the
Signory — in all an assembly of 136 persons. The counsel
for the accused were full of hope that day, trusting, should
all other means fall, that with so numerous a tribunal
there would be little difficulty in obtaining a fresh
postponement of the verdict. But, as soon as the de
positions had been read, the Signory ordered all present to
withdraw to their respective benches to consult on the
verdict, after which each bench was to freely report its
opinion, regardless of the old usage forbidding the expres
sion of any view opposed to that of the Signory. The
votes were quickly given to the effect that the five accused
should be beheaded and their property confiscated to the
State.' The counsel for the defence were so thunderstruck
and dismayed by this verdict that they were completely
paralyzed. 2 Nevertheless, remembering that four members
of the Signory were in their favour, they began to protest
that 'the words of a few Individuals could not represent
the opinions of all, and that every one should be allowed
to vote separately. They hoped by means of so new and
unprecedented a measure to throw the assembly Into dis
order, since many who were unaccustomed to speak in the
presence of the Signory might be confused, and afford an
opportunity for calling their votes in question, and ob
taining fresh delays. But this design was thwarted by
Francesco Valori, who promptly took his post by the
Signory's table, and summoning the notary to publicly
record his words, cried in a loud voice : that he judged
those citizens to be deserving of death and confiscation.
His example was followed by the rest, who almost all
concurred in the sentence he had pronounced. In this
" Pitti, " Istoria Fiorentina," loc. cit.
" Pitti considers that the notary must have neglected to record the
few contrary votes, being unable to credit that none should have been
given.

2X2 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
way the Signory were compelled to charge the Eight with
the execution of the verdict ; and when these magistrates
came to record their own votes, they were found to have
confirmed the sentence by a niajority of six against two.'
The defenders of the accused then felt that all was lost,
but as a last resource asked the advice of Messer Guidan-
tonio Vespucci, a celebrated jurisconsult, and one of the
most powerful of the Arrabbiati. He immediately sug
gested an appeal to the Greater Council from the verdict
of the Eight, in the manner authorized by the new law of
the Six Beans. Right of appeal was immediately demanded,
and when the votes of the assembly were taken, it was
found that four of the Signory were in favour of it. This
led to so much disagreement and disorder, that the Pratica
had to be adjourned to the 2 ist of August. Thus, after
all, the counsel for the defence had once more gained an
advantage. Meanwhile the discord in the Palace had spread through
the town, and people went about everywhere crying :
that justice must be done ; that the country was In danger ;
and that the postponement of the affair from one Pratica to
another might prove fatal to the Republic. At the same
time anonymous letters were being circulated in Florence,
fiercely denouncing the weakness of the magistrates.
Public feeling was still in this state when the second
Pratica met on the 2ist of August, to decide whether or
no the right of appeal should be granted; and it is by no
means surprising that the strife should have been of the
hottest. It was declared on the one side, in the exaggerated
and decidedly democratic phraseology that the Mediceans
were so apt in employing whenever it suited their purpose,
that : " Right of appeal against the sentence of the Eight
was sanctioned by the law ; that the people was absolute
lord of the Republic ; hence that everything must be
' Pitti, loc. cit.

EXCITING DEBATE ON RIGHT OF APPEAL. 213
referred to the people ; that the people had power of life
and death over the citizens." But these words from the
lips of those who had conspired for the restoration of the
Medici in Florence naturally excited the indignation of
the opposite party, who hotly replied : " That from the
outset, as every one knew, the accused had been allowed
the option of being judged bythe people, but had declined
to profit by it. That the law of appeal had been made
solely to deprive the tribunal of the Six Beans of the
power to pass sentence of death or confiscation on the
citizens ; and that in this case the accused had not only
been condemned by the Eight and the Signory, but by the
joint verdict of all the magistrates and principal citizens.
Likewise that no law could grant right of appeal from a
tribunal-extraordinary such as this ; and that no one
demanding it could have any other object in view than
that of gaining time while the Republic v/as disturbed,
the country in danger, its enemies in expectation of aid
from without, and even certain members of the Signory
engaged in conspiring against freedoni. Can you be
ignorant," they concluded, " that the tyrant is again col
lecting an army ? Do you not see that you are opening
your gates to Piero de' Medici ,'' " ' At this point the
Collegi - were Inflamed by so great a fury, that, starting to
their feet, they threatened to display their banners and lead
the people to demolish the houses of all who should
oppose the execution of so just and unavoidable a sen
tence. Upon this there was a great uproar and confusion
in the hall, but, in the midst of the din, the voice of Messer
Francesco degli Alblzzi could be heard repeatedly shouting
in tones of thunder : " Let justice be done, let justice be
done ! " Meanwhile the defenders of the accused were
' Vide Pitti, who gives exact reports of the speeches delivered in the
Pratica. Vide also Cerretani and Parenti.
= I.e., the Gonfaloniers of the Companies and the Twelve Worthies..
but in this instance mainly the former.

214 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
doing their best to increase the tumult. In the hope that
this day also would come to an end without any decision
being pronounced. In fact, evening was already at hand,
and the contest still going on without any result ; for the
popular partv were so maddened by fury that they too
Impeded the regular course of the debate, and thus uncon
sciously played Into their adversaries' hands.
But at this juncture some ambassadorial despatches
and private letters arrived, and, being read aloud to
the meeting by the Signory, roused all to new fury. For
their contents proved that the Republic was unquestion
ably in the greatest danger ; that the enemies of Florence
were intriguing on all sides, encouraged by the Duke of
Milan ' and actively aided by the Pope, and that the latter
was only feigning moderation and friendship towards the
Republic the better to accomplish its overthrow. Upon
this a second reading of all the depositions made at the
trial was demanded, in order to compare them with the
evidence contained In the letters ; after which the citizens
withdrew to their benches to deliberate afresh ; and
according to usage each bench deputed a single member
to express its vlews.^
The general opinion was that the capital sentence should
be executed without delay ; nevertheless the knowledge
that the Signory were decidedly in favour of the accused
caused many to hesitate and fear to speak freely. Even
Gugllelmo Altovlti, as the mouthpiece of the same Gon-
' This is confirmed by the letters of the Milanese orator, given in doc.
ii. of the Appendix to the Italian edition. Vide also doc. ix.
° Nardi, Pitti, and others describe the effect produced by the arrival of
these despatches. A " Frammento di Pratica," discovered by me in the
" Archivio delle Riformagioni," begins a summary of the discussion in
the following terms: "Our high and magnificent Signory, having read
aloud several letters received from Ser Alessandro in Rome and Messer
Francesco Pepi in INIilan, and several more, unsigned, from other citizens
resident in Rome, . . . and having demanded advice thereon, &c." (Florence
Archives, " Consulte e Pratiche," Registro 65, at sheet 81 and fol.)

CONTINUANCE OF THE DEBATE. 215
faloniers of the Companies, who, shortly before, had
threatened to put to the sack the abodes of all persons
opposed to the execution of the sentence, now declared :
" That even in his bench some were disposed to con
cede right of appeal." But Messer Francesco Gualterotti,
in the name of the Ten of Liberty, spoke more frankly,
and said : "The greater disturbance you make in the
city, the better will you assist our enemies' designs. It is
clear that all the potentates of Italy have plotted against
Florence, and that Rome is the centre of every intrigue
woven against us. The object of the desired appeal is
not to learn the will of the people, which has been
decidedly expressed more than once, but merely to gain
time, and invoke foreign aid. Nevertheless, if your Ex
cellencies are resolved at all costs to grant right of appeal,
it were best to make sure of the council first of all, and
to lose no time in assembling It, since delay can lead to
nought but trouble both within and without the walls.
And It likewise behooves us to keep the troops in readiness
to defend the Republic from all the enemies by which it
is surrounded." The next to be heard were the doctors of
the law, whose opinion on the question had naturally
great weight ; and their representative candidly declared :
"that the present danger would justify their refusal to
grant an appeal,' and that even were it granted, it must be
fixed for the morrow, since the least delay might be fatal."
The Eight, who were the ordinary tribunal for State
offences, expressed the opinion "that right of appeal
should be decidedly refused , since the city would be
ruined If the defence succeeded in obtaining from the
council a reversal of the sentence already pronounced."
Lastly came the twelve benches of private citizens, who
' " According to the statutes, whenever public disturbance is feared,
it is customary to refuse right of appeal." So, too, says Guicciardini in
his " Storia Fiorentina," p. i5o.

2i6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
were almost unanimously of opinion that "the sentence
should be executed, and without delay." But even this
declaration concluded with the usual formula : " Never
theless our approval will be accorded to any decision that
your Excellencies may be pleased to take." ' Such was
the influence of bygone customs, not only under the new
liberal rdgime, but even In the midst of this tremendous
popular excitement 1
It was now ten o'clock at night ; so the Signory, en
couraged by this moderation of tone, and noting manifest
signs of weariness in the assembly, again tried to spin
out the debate, in the hope of being able to dissolve the
meeting without coming to any decision. But the pre
vailing calm suddenly changed to a tempest of fury ; for
Valori, divining the intention of the government, sprang
to his feet like a raging lion, and with flaming eyes
rushed towards the Signory, and, seizing the ballot-box,
rapped it violently on the table, crying in a threatening
voice : " Let justice be done, or there will be a revolt 1 "
Luca Martini, the president for the day, was cowed by
his words, and instantly put the question to the vote.
Five of the Signory voted for death, but the other four
being still in favour of the accused, voted for the appeal.
Thereupon Valori, throwing etiquette to the winds, and
without any show of respect for the Signory, shouted in a
voice hoarse with rage : " Why then have your Excel
lencies summoned all these citizens, who every one of
them, as recorded by the notary, had already voted
against these plotters of novelties, these subverters of our
country and destroyers of freedom ? Have not all here
present confirmed their vote ? Do you not hear the uni
versal cry of all who care for the public safety .'' Do you
not feel the imminence of our danger ? Your Excel-
' All this part of the discussion is a faithful report of the " Frammento
di Pratica," before quoted.

VALORI S SPEECH AND ITS EFFECT. 217
lencies should remember that you are placed here by the
people of Florence on purpose to defend the liberty of
Florence, and if you betray your duty in order to favour
traitorous citizens, you may be sure there will be plenty
to defend so just and holy a cause, to the peril of all who
are opposed to it." Then, extending his arm with a
resolute gesture, he again offered the ballot-box to Martini,
and the latter, being either conquered or convinced, put
the sentence to the vote in the following terms : " Seeing
that the counsels and reports of the magistrates, Senate,
and other citizens are all in favour of execution ; and
seeing that delay would lead to great peril and disturb
ance, it is hereby ordained that without delay, this same
night, the Council of Eight shall put to death the five
citizens upon whom they have already pronounced
sentence in this meeting." The suddenness of Martini's
motion, and above all the ferocious air of Valori and the
threatening gesture with which he passed round the
ballot-box, had so intimidating an effect upon the four
dissentient members of the Signory that they also voted
for death. After which the order, already drawn up, was
formally consigned to the Eight, who Immediately re
paired to the palace of the Captain of Justice to make
arrangements for the execution.'
Meanwhile the defenders of the condemned men led
their clients, barefooted and chained, through the as
sembly, hoping that their appearance and supplications
might stir the pity of the crowd ; but all was in vain, for
the citizens could scarcely contain their rage at the sight
of the criminals. The latter were then taken to the
Bargello's palace 2 and left for a short space with their
' As we have already said, the whole of this narrative and all these
speeches are faithfully compiled from Pitti, pp. 42-50. and the before-
quoted " Frammento di Pratica." Ki(/^ Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. X.
' Pitti, loc. cit., Cerretani, and Nat di. According to Pitti the prisoners

2x8 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
confessors to prepare their souls for death. During this
time Valori, who seemed to have beconie almost absolute
master of the city, placed 300 foot-soldiers to guard the
palace against any attack from the criminals' kinsmen or
friends. All was already arranged in the courtyard of the
Bargello, and so dense and motley a crowd poured into
it from hour to hour, that, as a contemporary writer has
said, " it seemed a pit of hell." There were bands of
savage-looking men with weapons in their hands and
vengeance in their hearts, and groups of nobles here and
there, who appeared to shrink from view for fear of com
promising their safety, and to be trying to hide their grief
and dismay for the friends or kinsmen whose death they
were about to witness. We may imagine what cruel
insults and pangs of bitterness these men must have en
dured that night ! Meanwhile the tumult of clashing
weapons, curses, and yells went on increasing until two
o'clock in the morning, when a funereal silence fell on the
throng. For now the condemned prisoners were brought
out one by one, accompanied by a criminal judge and a
confessor, and led to the place of execution, where each of
them in turn calmly laid his head on the block. All
submitted to their fate with the utmost fortitude. Their
bodies were afterwards delivered up to their kindred.
The same night, the Signory sent a despatch to Rome
giving an account of the event in the following terms :
" The whole city has been united against these traitorous
and parricidal citizens, whose execution was desired even
were conducted to the palace of the Bargello ; according to Cerretani, to
that of the Captain of Justice. Both these officials long held residence
in the palace adjoining the old Custom House, and near that of the
Signory with vvhich it communicated. At the time of this trial there was
only a Bargello, but shortly afler, as vve shall see, his post was abolished,
and that of the Captain of Justice re-established in its stead. It was
only at a much later period that there was again a Bargello, vvho vvas
then established in the palace now designated by his name, and pre
viously known as the palace of the Podestk.

EXECUTION OF THE CONDEMNED. 219
by their own kin. And It is now hoped that the State
may be sound and healthy for a time, since all are bent
on extirpating every other evil growth of the same kind.
God have mercy on the souls of those men, for as traitors
to their country, they are verily in sore need of His
aid." '
Such was the end of five citizens, who by birth,
influence, and long experience of public and private affairs
had ranked among the first in the Republic. Slight
punishments were inflicted upon a few others who had
been privy to the attempt ; but Fra Mariano da Genaz
zano, having made good his escape to Rome, could only
be sentenced to exile, although ascertained to have been
one of the most guilty. The two brothers Antella not
only had their lives spared, but also their fines remitted,
were allowed to bear arms, freed from the ban formerly
pronounced on them, and made the recipients of other
favours.2 All the depositions and documents of this
State trial were scrupulously kept secret, so that all
memory of it might be as far as possible effaced 3 now
the authors of the plot had expiated their crime.
An important point should next be noted ; namely, that
throughout this time of public ferment Savonarola had
remained secluded in his convent, without taking any
share In the excitement, and wholly absorbed in revising
the proofs of his " Triumph of the Cross." Neither in
the histories, memoirs, correspondence, or biographies of
the period do we find a single word to indicate whether
Savonarola was favourable or unfavourable to any of the
accused. During his own trial he only alluded to the
' Florence Archives, " Registro di Minute di Lettere ad Ambasciatori,"
1496-97. Vide Appendix to the Italian edition in doc. xi., the letter
dated August 21st.
= Nevertheless the decree freeing them from the ban of outlawry is of
a later date.
3 Nardi, Cerretani, Pitti, Parenti, Guicciardini, &c.

2 20 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
affair twice : the first time, when, in speaking of Bernardo
del Nero, he said : " His death gave me no satisfaction,
I should have been well pleased had he been banished ; '
on the second occasion, he added : " That regarding those
five citizens he had taken no special concern ; save
that he had slightly recommended Lorenzo Tornabumi
to Valori's mercy." ^ This plainly shows that the sole
object of his interference was to try to moderate the
general fury against the accused. Yet, no sooner had
men begun to calumniate Savonarola's memory, than
all declared that it was chiefly owing to him that right
of appeal had been denied to the prisoners, although he
himself had been the most energetic promoter of the law
conferring that right. No one chose to remember that
Vespucci and not Savonarola had been the proposer of
that law in the form in which it was ultimately carried,
or that the Friar had not only been dissatisfied with it,
but caused his followers to oppose it, since his own object
was to establish the right of appeal to a limited council
instead of to the Consiglio Maggiore. 3 And, on the other
' Vide, in Appendix to the Italian edition, the printed version of the
trial published during the fifteenth century. The reader should bear
in mind that all the alterations then made in the documents were always
and entirely to Savonarola's disadvantage ; therefore every statement
they allege in his favour may be fully relied upon.
' During his trial by the Papal Commissioners. Fz'^/i? Appendix to the
Italian edition.
3 Vide bk. ii. chap. v. of this work. Machiavelli and Guicciardini
(" Storia d'ltalia ") were among the first to bring these charges against
Savonarola, and almost all the other writers followed their lead.
Although both of these most influential historians had been acquainted
vvith Savonarola in their youth, they only wrote about him at a much
later period, and vvhen his memory was already loaded with a thousand
false accusations. Hence, they did not always steer clear of the many
calumnies then afloat to the injury of the republican Friar. But even
the authority of a Guicciardini and a Machiavelli cannot prevail against
the truth, the which truth is clearly established by documents of indis
putable weight. Moreover, even Guicciardini is most favourable to the
Friar, and avoids all erroneous statements concerning him, in his " Storia
d'ltalin," written at a period less remote from Savonarola's day. In the

HIS SECLUSION DURING THE TRIAL. 221
hand, the history of this period proves beyond doubt that
during the trial of the conspirators, it was impossible fon
him to exercise any influence over the people or judges!
Being under the ban of excommunication and with
negotiations for its removal still pending, it would have
been not only a grave blunder, but sheer madness tc
return to the pulpit just then, and he was never knowil
to resort to indirect or clandestine means. As to Valoril
who undoubtedly did his utmost to secure the prisoners'
condemnation, it must be confessed that he seems to have
been unduly influenced by jealous hatred towards his
political opponent Bernardo del Nero.' Although a
generous and loyal man, his actions invariably proceeded
from impulse rather than reason ; and he showed himself
so incapable of self-control during the heated discussions
at the trial, that It is quite improbable that he would
have yielded to the authority of Savonarola who was
secluded in his cloister at the other end of Florence.
second edition of his "Nuovi Documenti" (Florence, Sansoni, 1888) Signor
Gherardi has added (pp. 112-124) a long extract from Parenti regarding
right of appeal from the Six Beans. According to this authority, the
Ottimati opposed this right of appeal in the first instance from fear of
diminishing the power of the Council of Eight, of which they frequently
formed part. The Popolani also opposed the measure, fearing that it
might lessen the power of the Signory. Thereupon the Ottimati, being
hostile to the Signory at the time, changed their minds and joined the
advanced party, which not only favoured right of appeal, but proposed
appeal to the Greater Council, a measure that naturally met with the
popular approbation. Thus, as often occurs when the public mind is
confused, the least cautious and most extreme measure was that which
gained the day. According to the same chronicler, the general confusion
was brought to a climax by the sermons of Frk Domenico da Ponzo, vvho,
at the express command of Savonarola's foes, was daily inveighing
against him from the pulpit, though no one could exactly understand the
real drift of these attacks. Parenti, who had no liking for the Prior of
St. Mark's, declares that the latter not only favoured but first proposed
this law of appeal, without, however, asserting that Savonarola either
favoured, or much less proposed, an appeal to the Greater Council, a
measure that, as we have already proved by his own sermons, was carried
against his vvill.
' Guicciardini alludes to this enmity in his "Storia di Firenze," p. 159.

222 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
Finally, It should be remembered that, but for the
receipt of the ambassadorial despatches ' at the very
moment when all present at the Pratica were burning
with indignation against the lukewarmness of the magis
trates and their too evident partiality, it Is probable that,
even then, the accused might have succeeded in obtaining
a postponement ofthe verdict.
Thus, many and totally unforeseen events combined to
bring sentence of death on these five citizens ; and it
must be acknowledged that not only in the eyes oi the
law, but by the general opinion of the people, according
to all ideas of justice at that period, they thoroughly
deserved their fate. It is true that the trial was not
conducted with all the usual judicial fornis ; but although
the first irregularity was caused by the excessive timidity
of the magistrates, who, after finding the accused
guilty of high treason, shrank from condemning theni
to death, in order to give them a chance of appeal, the
worst and more criminal irregularity was committed by the
counsel for the defence. After having first refused to
submit the case to the Greater Council, and then requested
and obtained the favour of being judged by a special
tribunal composed of all the principal magistrates and
citizens of Florence, they had forfeited all right to demand
an appeal. They had nothing to urge in favour of this
demand, save their very evident motive of wishing to
proceed from one irregularity to another, in order to gain
time and await the election of a fresh Signory. How
could the magistrates again lend themselves to these
designs, or the assembly condone so great an outrage
on legality ? Besides, the popular verdict was most
¦ From Somenzi's letters (in Ap|iendix to the Italian edition, doc. ii.1,
it is plainly evident, that even when the accused were in prison and
undergoing trial, the Mediceans still entertained great hopes of being
able to overthrow the popular government, with the help of the allies,
and were actively labouring to that end.

BY VOICE OF THE PEOPLE.

223

decisive, and was additionally confirmed a few days after
the execution, when Ridolfi's son appeared before the
Greater Council to implore the remission of the decree
confiscating his father's property. His demand was thrice
put to the vote and thrice rejected.' Accordingly,
neither by the laws of the State, nor the votes of the
Greater Council could the five prisoners have been
acquitted." As to Savonarola he had neither the will nor
the power to influence a sentence, decreed in the heat, or
rather fury, of a whirlwind, of debate.
' Pitti and Cerretani.
' It has been justly observed by Guicciardini, " Storia Fiorentina," p.
164, that in no case could they have been acquitted, that accordingly it
would have been far better from the beginning to have steadily adhered
to the forms prescribed by the law.

CHAPTER IV-
.SaiTJOCr^AROLA'S SMINOR WORKS, 'BOTH 'PU'BLISHE'D
oANTi UU^'FU'BLISHE'D. HIS " TRIUzM'PH OF THE
CROSS."

FTER the death of Bernardo del Nero
and his confederates the Piagnoni be
came all powerful ; and during the
following six months three Signorles of
the popular party were elected in suc
cession, whose sole difficulty in govern
ing was that of carrying on the business of the State with
an absolutely exhausted exchequer.' But the Pope's
enmity to Savonarola became fiercer than ever and was
a continual source of affliction to the Government and
people. It was not only grievous to them to witness the
unjust treatment ofa man who had rendered such eminent
service to his country and religion, but it was also painful
to be compelled in the Friar's defence, to place themselves
and the Republic in an attitude of continual and growing
disaccord with Rome. Nevertheless, they daily despatched
pressing instructions to their orator, Alessandro Bracci, to
do his utmost to obtain absolution for Savonarola. "It
is our desire," wrote the Signory, " that ye should knock
at every door, and shout aloud, and make every possible
' The Milanese orator wrote to the Duke as follows : " It may now be
said, Illustrissimo Signore, that the Friar's party have the government
entirely in their grasp" (Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. ii.).

"LAMENTATIO SPONSOR CHRIST/." 225
effbrt, and neither cease nor spare your labour until this
purpose has been achieved." '
The Pope deigned no reply, but waited a favourable
monient to fulfil his designs ; while Savonarola, profiting
by the truce, remained shut up in his convent, and, with
an energy that was truly marvellous, devoted his whole
time to the composition of new tractates and the publica
tion of those he had already written. Passing these briefly
in review, we will bestow our chief attention on his
great work, " The Triumph of the Cross," which was
given to the world at this time.
But, first of all, we should mention a short pamphlet,
entitled " Lamentatio Sponsas Christi." Inthis the author
deplores the disgrace brought on the whole of the Christian
flock by the clergy of his day.2 He would also seem to
' Letter of the Signory, dated 7th of November, 1497. Vide Padre
Marchese, doc. xvii. p. 163.
° " Lamentatio Sponsse Christi, et Exhortatio ad fideles," Anno Domini
1497. This edition is undated, and without the author's name. It only
comprises two sheets, and the pamphlet concludes at the third page and
is followed by a poem in nineteen strophes, beginning thus : Voi toccate
la chiavetta, &c. It has never been ascertained by whom those verses
were written. The whole pamphlet was afterwards prohibited in Rome.
Another little work must be mentioned that has been attributed to
Savonarola both by Meier and Audin de Rians, but that we cannot
believe to be his. It is entitled, " Loqui prohibeor et tacere non pos
sum," and is undated. Meier saw it in MS. in the Boutourlin Library ;
and Audin quotes from the printed fifteenth-century edition, of which
there is a copy in the Riccardi Library, that we, too, have examined. It
is a pamphlet of six sheets, unsigned and undated. As regards title,
style, and ideas, it differs little from Savonarola's works, although its
more studied Latinity at once made us doubt that it could be from his
pen. It begins as follows : " The shepherds let the Iambs stray at their
will, drive away those that remain in the right path, and threaten vvith
most severe punishment those that seek the fount of pure water ; hence
speech is forbidden me {loqui prohibeor)). But I see these bad shepherds
shut out their flocks from the pastures, and the lean, starving lambs left
a prey to wild beasts ; wherefore I cannot hold my peace {tacere ?ion
possum). The judges and elders to whom judgment pertains sit on the
seat of perdition and subvert all order. Arbitrary power replaces law,
and wickedness stifles the faint utterances of the just ; wherefore speech
is forbidden me {loqui prohibeor)." Continuing in the same strain, the
VOL. II. 16

2 26 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
have published simultaneously another pamphlet, entitled
" A Treatise on the Seven Steps of the Spiritual Life of St.
Buonaventura," ' which, as the name indicates, is merely a
brief summary of the work of that ancient Father of the
Church. Savonarola also addressed many printed epistles
first part of this composition concludes with these words: "Ideo loqui
cogor et exclamare compdlor." And then, full of hope, the author ex
claims : " Behold, now let every servant give praise unto his Lord. My
mouth is filled, O Lord, vvith Thv love, and I will sing Thy glory ; already
the night endeth, and the dawn of a better day is at hand ; our redemp
tion is near." It goes on in this vvay for six or seven pages to the end.
The whole pamphlet consists of six sheets.
All this might well be ascribed to Savonarola, were it not that in two
or three places vve find him distinctly alluded to as being already dead.
Take the following instance : " Fratres et discipuli carissimi qui, ab
ipso fonte uberrimo, prasdulcissima eloquia, magno oblectamento,frequen-
tius auserunt ; qui lanquam exanimes et velut stupidi altiora doctrinas
niirabantur ; qui virum omni quavis scientia, prseclarissimum magnaque
sanctitate veneranduin firmissime asserebant, instanter praedicabant,
omnique demonstrationum genere id animis hominum inserere niteban-
tur. Nunc, ac si lethasi fluminis unda deinersi, in silentio trahunt dies
suos et ad uniuscuiusque rei pavent occursum. Nonnulli ex eis, timore
perterriti, digito labris imposito silentium indicunt, si quos noverent ilari
vultu loquentes magnalia Dei. Nee desunt qui asperior obedientice
malleo simplicium dorsum incurvent, quin et obliquis oculis intuentur
quos pristinas fidei quippiam servasse crediderint." At this point we
find noted in ancient characters on the margin of the copy in the Ric
cardi Library (No. 123 of the fifteenth-century editions) the words :
faith in the Friar {fede nel Frate); and at another point where
the author names the " Martyres Dei inclytos," the same hand has
written on the margin : " the Friar and his three compajiions " ; an
evident sign that the pamphlet vvas even at that time known to be the
work, not of Savonarola, but one of his disciples after his death. In fact,
the Riccardi copy is bound up vvith many other pamphlets by Savonarola
and his disciples, and the volume begins wilh an epistle by Gio. Franc.
Pico della Mirandola, " A li electi di Dio abitanti nella citta di Firenze "
and dated The Day of Resurrection, 1498. In this epistle Pico exhorts
his readers to have faith in the doctrines of Savonarola, whose prophe
cies are all certain to be fulfilled. Possibly, the above quoted pamphlet
may also be from the pen of Pico the younger.
¦ "Trattato sopra i sette gradi della vita spirituale di San Buenaven
tura.'' An edition of this, dated 1496, is quoted in the bibliography
prefixed to Burlamacchi. The greater part of these Savon.irolian pam
phlets were reprinted in various Venetian editions, three of which
appeared in 1535, 1537, and 1538, under the title of, " Molti devotissimi
trattati," &c.

SAVONAROLA VIS! I ING A CO.NVENT.

VARIOUS DEVOTIONAL PAAIPHLETS 227
to the friars of St. Mark's.' In one, " On the Exercise
of Charity," he showed how charity may be practised
in all places and conditions, hence, that every true
Christian should say like the philosopher of old — omnia
mea mecum porto. In another, written in 1497, on the
Eve of the Assumption, he congratulates them on their
steadfastness ; and treats, in a third, " On the fitting mode
of offering prayer." 2 Also, being daily besieged from all
sides by requests for letters, he determined to put an end
to these demands by his beautiful " Epistle to the Sisters
of the Third Order of St. Dominic," 3 commonly known as
the Sisters of Annalena. In this he said : " Continual
writing is useless, if those who read take no profit by it.
I have already written so much as to include every point
of the Christian life ; wherefore I cannot again take up
my pen, for the fruitless multiplication of tracts. It may
be useful in sermons to repeat the same things over and
over again, inasmuch as spoken words fly and do not
remain firmly impressed ; whereas written words should
be read again and again. The Holy Gospel was neither
written on paper, nor on tables of stone ; but was im
pressed on the hearts of the apostles and thus worked
great miracles. Ye that are always craving new exhorta
tions and new epistles, are of those that by reading
much to little profit never learn anything. It was more
profitable to Saint Antonio to have hearkened to the
words : Go, sell all that thou hath, give it to the poor, and
follow me, than it profits many great theologians to turn
over and over the whole mass of theology. Wherefore,
my beloved, there being already enough works in the
Vulgate for the salvation of the whole world, we must not
' " Dello adoperarsi in caritk.''
' " Del discreto modo di fare orazione." This was printed in Florence
in 1479 ; and in the above-mentioned Venetian collection : " MoUi de
votissimi trattati," &c.
3 " Epistola alle suore del terzo Ordine di San Domenico ea."

228 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
needlessly swell the numbers of tractates and epistles ; but
rather con those already written and put their precepts
into practice." '

' Given in Florence, in the Convent of St. Mark, on the 17th day of
October, 1497 ; printed in Florence without date. We will here mention
some other pamphlets written by Savonarola either this year or earlier.
First of all, there was the " Esposizione dei dieci Comandamenti," ad
dressed to the Abbess of the Murate convent, and printed in Florence in
1495. It is a minute and careful guide to self-examination. His "Epistle
to the Countess della Mirandola," on her intention of becoming a nun,
was also printed in 1495, and then repeatedly republished. It turns on
the end to be kept in view vvhen assuming the conventual garb, and of
the method of achieving this end ; and on the perfect union with Christ
that the faithful should seek to attain, by causing him to live in their
souls. " The Ten Rules of Prayer in Times of Great Tribulation " were
printed in 1497, together with the Epistle to the Sisters of Annalena. Of
the former work, Meier quotes an edition of 1495. The rules are these :
(i) To pray God to send us good shepherds ; (2) To be taught to dis
tinguish between true prophets and false ; (3) To be made to learn that
outward ceremonies are of no avail, unless they be informed by the in
ward spirit (of faith) ; (4) To be taught to love simplicity and despise
earthly things ; (5) That God may confirm our enlightenment by the gifts
of the Holy Spirit. These rules are to enable us to avoid tribulations ;
the other five to strengthen us to bear tribulations vvhen they come. They
are as follows : (i) To frequently receive the sacrament ; (2) Tobe instant
in prayer ; (3) To implore the Lord to keep the power of evil in check ;
(4) To speedily make an end of it ; (5) To grant perfection to the good,
and bring sinners to repentance.
" Tractate on the Mystery of the Cross." This is a representation of
the cross, vvith a few mottoes and a brief explanation.
" Tractate on the Sacrament and Mystery of the Mass." It is only of
tvvo pages, recapitulating things already said.
" Rules for all vowed to religion, composed by Frk Jeronimo, and
given by him to his brethren." (i) Poverty ; (2) Chastity ; (3) Obedience;
(4) Towards the renunciation of all vain amusements ; (5) For the avoid
ance of evil conversation ; (6) Continual prayer. The pamphlet ends
with a picture of the ladder of life, each rung being inscribed with the
above-mentioned virtues.
"Exposition ofthe Ave Maria, at the request of certain pious women."
This is merely a literal explanation ofthe prayer.
" Epistle to a devout woman of Bologna." This gives a few rules for
taking Communion.
" Frater Hieronymus dilectis fratribus suis.'' This is an inquiry why
nearly all his friars should be tormented by pains in the head ; he ends by
attributing them to excessive meditation and recommends moderation.

" EXPOSITIO IN HABAKKUK" 229
Among the crowd of Savonarola's minor works, his
" Expositio in Habakkuk " must not be forgotten. It is
written in Latin, and has remained not only unpublished, but
without examination on account of its almost undecipher
able writing. It is Impossible to discover the precise date
at which it was composed ; but It seems to have preceded
the writer's excommunication. Savonarola merely used the
prophet's words as a text for a discourse on Divine justice,
and the development ofthe same arguments so frequently
enlarged upon In his sermons. " The story of the Old
Testament should serve," he says, " to convince us of the
necessity of the coming scourge ; hence it behooves us to
make ready to endure it by means of prayer, good works,
and the aid of Holy Writ. The prophet Habakkuk
makes lamentation to the Lord on the persecutions he had
borne ; and we have undertaken to expound his words,
that his audacity may be a lesson to us, and increase our
humility. The Lord is all-peri'ect ; but none may inquire
into His judgments, save in a spirit of deep humility ;
hence, even the prophet Habakkuk came to confusion
through his boldness. He complains of beholding the
triumph of the wicked and the oppression of the just,
without perceiving that all is expressly ordained in punish
ment of men's sins and to call believers to repentance. It
has always been the case, and we now see it repeated under
our eyes In the persecutions we ourselves have to bear.
But if we humble ourselves before God, we shall instantly
comprehend the signification of this triumph of the wicked
and in what their felicity consists." At this point Savona
rola breaks into terrible invectives against riches and
worldly wealth, and also against the ecclesiastics who seek
"A Chapter held at St. Mark's on Holy Cross Day" (September
26th). In this he recommends fasting and abstinence.
" A short letter to a familiar friend." This consists of tvvo pages only,
deploring that Italy should have refused to listen to his words, and thus
brought such heavy woes on her head.

230 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
after these things, and concludes by declaring that, even
in the midst of tribulation, the good know far greater
happiness than the wicked in the midst of their triumph ;
that accordingly they should give thanks to the Lord who
draws them nearer to Him by the scourge. Although
there is nothing very original in this little work, it deserves
special mention, not only because it is still unpublished,
but also as an example ofthe brief tractates in Savonarola's
hand inscribed at the beginning and end of his annotated
Bible in the National Library, of which I have aheady
spoken, and which no one save myself, has hitherto ex
amined.' But at last the moment has come to speak of "The
Triumph of the Cross." Savonarola gives in this book vvith
great analytical power and by a scientific process that was
entirely new at the period, a complete exposition of the
Catholic faith, stripped of the scholastic that had hitherto
been essential to every theological work. In his desire to
bring the subject as much as possible within the compre
hension of the people, this monk of the fifteenth century
had the glory of inaugurating the noble school afterwards
made illustrious by the names of Bossuet and Leibnitz,^
and that subsequently fell Into decay. For at a later day,
the scholastic method once more prevailed, and in our
¦ The autograph of this " Expositio " is among the notes and addenda
ill the Bible preserved at the National Library. An old copy of it is to
be found in the Marcian Library at Venice, Cod. xli. chap. ix. ofthe Latin
MSS. We would call attention to certain words at Sheet 5oof the Alarcian
MS.: " Non cogitant nisi praesentia, de fuluris nialis aut non habent fidem
firmam, aut, tanquam prcesumptuosi, putant misericordiam Dei iam mao--
nam, lit SINE OPERIBUS salvet homines" The idea is throughout
opposed to that constituting the foundation of Luther's doctrines. As
regards the other autograph and unedited writings contained in the same
Bible, sce bk. i. chap. \ ii. of this work.
- We here allude to the method employed by both these authors, and
also to their purpose of re-constituting the unity of the Church, but not
to their theological doctrines, inasmuch as the one was Catholic and the
other Protest, mt.

" THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS." 231
country theological science remained the exclusive posses
sion of the clergy. Then, the simpler, more scientific, and
popular method introduced by the Friar four centuries
before, was entirely put aside, to the serious injury, not
only of religious feeling and theological inquiry, but like
wise of every branch of our national culture.
The object proposed by Savonarola in his " Triumph ot
the Cross" was to investigate and expound the truths
of religion by means of natural reason : " Not that faith,
the spontaneous gift of God, can be acquired through
reason, but because reason is a useful weapon with which
to combat unbelievers or open to them the way of salva
tion ; to arouse the lukewarm and give strength to the
faithful." " We will accordingly rely upon no authority,
and proceed as though we could have no belief in any
man in the world, whatever his wisdom, but solely in
natural reason." ' This language from the lips of a friar,
and In the fifteenth century, an age when, with regard to
religion and theology, men's minds were divided between
total indifference and blind submission to authority, must,
as we have already noted, be held as a sign of the highest
courage and originality. What is still more remarkable,
is that Savonarola remained unfailingly true to his flag
and conducted the whole work on the same principle.
" Reason," he tells us, " proceeds from the seen to the un
seen ; inasmuch as all our knowledge is derived from the
¦ Proem. "The Triumph of the Cross" went through numerous
editions, both in the fifteenth century and at later periods. Savonarola
first published it in Latin, and then speedily produced an Italian transla
tion, or rather paraphrase, for the use of the universality of the faithful.
We have preferred to follow the Italian edition, as being far simpler and
easier in style : the scholastic formuhc occasionally used in the Latin
edition are laid aside in the Italian version in order to make the work
better adapted to the popular mind. " De veritate fidei in dominicae
Crucis triumphum," undated ; " Libro di Frate Hieronymo da Ferrara
dello ordine dei Frati predicatori ; della veritk della Fede Christiana ;
sopra el Glorioso Triompho della Croce di Christo," with a preface by
Domenico Benivieni. This edition also was undated.

232 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
senses, which are only cognizant of outer things ; intellect,
on the contrary, pierces to the substance of things, and
from the knowledge of matter rises to the knowledge of
the unseen and of God. Now, even as the philosophers
seek God in x!re marvellous and visible works of nature,
so we seek and find in the visible Church the invisible
Church, and her supreme head, Jesus Christ."
" The philosophers made a tabulated arrangement of
all created works and beings, the better to study them
as a whole and appreciate their Divine origin. In the
same way, we would gather up all the visible works of
Christ and His Church into a single image; so that the
splendour of their divinity might be more easily apparent."
This image is the same scene so often described by Savo
narola In his sermons. There is a mystic chariot traversing
the world in triumph. It bears Christ the conqueror,
crowned with thorns, with bleeding wounds, and illumined
by a celestial light from on high. His right hand grasps
the Old and New Testaments, His left the Cross and the
other emblems of the Passion ; at His feet lie the chalice,
the Host, and all the sacramental symbols ; the Virgin
Mary Is seated beside Him, and near her stand the urns
containing the ashes of martyrs. The car is drawn by
the apostles, preachers, and prophets, and followed by the
multitude of the faithful and the martyrs ; while behind
these, are infidels, unbelievers, and enemies of Christ, with
their idols shattered, their books burnt, and their altars
overthrown. Thus the car of Christ passes through the
world, ever victorious, and crushing every obstacle in its
path.' "This car," said Savonarola, "shall be as a new
world, and shall endow us with a new philosophy. But as
in every science, it is requisite to take certain first principles
as a basis from which to start, so we, too, must admit as
indisputable, certain facts, from which to proceed : Thus,
' Bk. i. chap. ii.

" THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS." 233
for instance, that Christ was crucified, was worshipped,
and hath converted the world ; that Christians worship the
Virgin, the Holy Trinity, the martyrs, and so on. These
are facts that none of sound mind can deny; and if some
Pagan writers left them unmentioned, the conversion
of thousands of the heathen has served to confirm their
truth." I
Here the author at last enters on his main theme,
and brings forward entirely rational arguments in discuss
ing the existence and attributes of God. He considers
God as the prime mover and primal cause, and then going
through all the well-known arguments of the school,
dwells more particularly on the following : " No natural
inclination is false ; therefore, since the whole human race
has a natural faith and belief in the existence of a God, we
are forced to infer that He truly exists, otherwise we
should have to declare that one of our natural inclinations
is false, the which is opposed to universal experience. In
inanimate things in the animal world, and above all in
mankind, we find that nothing In nature is purposeless,
but that all is ordained to some end." He then treats of
the Divine attributes, saying that God is incorporate and
without corporeal form or any compound substance ; but
is one, immutable and eternal, is supreme goodness and
infinite power. He then declares that the true end of
man is the contemplation of things Divine, the which is
only to be attained in the future life ; wherefore it follows
that if the soul were not immortal, man could never fulfil
his true destiny.^
The second book of "The Triumph of the Cross"
treats of those things which are beyond the grasp of
reason, and yet only to be known by its aid, and by
admitting, or assuming as the point of departure, the
' 13k. i. chaps, iii. and iv.
" Bk. i. from chap. v. to chap. xiv.

234 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
necessary and supernatural works of Christ and Hu
Church. " By reason alone we may attain to the know
ledge of God's existence ; but never to that of the Trinity,
save by first assuming the truth of its marvellous and
supernatural operations. The knowledge of the existence
of God appertains more peculiarly to the philosopher ; but
the knowledge of the existence of the Trinity is the main
object of this work. In which, by the aid of reason, we
would endeavour to soar beyond the supernatural and
visible operations of the Church, to the Church Invisible
and to Christ Himself' First of all we would say that,
even as the existence of God is confirmed by the faith
naturally felt In it by all men, so the existence of a true
religion may be equally taken for granted ; inasmuch as
every man has a natural tendency to worship and do
homage to his God" ^
These propositions laid down, Savonarola continues : In
every religion there are two forms of worship — the out
ward and the Inward ; and of these the latter is infinitely
the nobler of the two, for it Is manifested by righteousness
of living, which is the grandest homage and truest worship
that the creature can render to his Creator.3 Wherefore
we proclaim that of all religions the only true one Is that
which teaches us to lead a better life. And what religion
can rival the Christian faith by which we are led to
forsake all that is of this world, to seek after spiritual
things ; and that leads us to the contemplation of God
Himself, the only end that can satisfy both our heart and
our intellect, and the which the more it comprehends, the
greater becomes its power of comprehension ? In fact,
no finite thing can satisfy its infinite desire ; it finds no
rest, save in God alone. But since God is infinite, and
intellect finite, it is needful to have grace, the which, by
means of virtuous living, will lead us to true bliss." 4-
• Proem to bk. ii. Vide also bk. i. chap v. ° Bk. ii. chap i.
3 Bk. ii. chap. ii. * Bk. ii. chap. iii. to chap. vii.

" THE TRIUAIFH OF TIIE CROSS." 235
" Likewise, were other proofs required in favour of the
Christian religion, an infinite number might be found.
The Scriptures, and more particularly the prophecies, the
greater part of which have already been fulfilled, would
suffice to convert the most incredulous.' We have all
seen the marvellous and supernatural effects wrought on
the spirit and life of the faithful who habitually take the
Sacrament ; we have all seen how their inward joy and
peace of mind are reflected in the light of their counte
nances." He then gives minute details of this spiritual
beauty and inward tranquility of mind ; and extols its
nobleness and Influence. " The mere sight of Pope Leo
sufficed to curb Attila, the king of the Huns ; and that
of St. Benedict brought Totila to repentance. There is
nothing more imposing than the aspect of a good and true
Christian ; nothing more sublime than his inward peace :
it was thus that the martyrs were enabled to meet death
joyfully in the midst of their torments." ^
After showing the necessity of a true religion, and that
Christianity is the only true one, he proceeds to examine
the works of its Founder. What could Jesus Christ have
been, if not the true God ^. How otherwise could He
have overthrown all other religions and all idols, made
men believe Him to be One with God ; believe in the
Eucharist and in the Virgin Mother — in what fame would
these things be held, had they been achieved by fraud ?
Would it have been possible to convert almost the whole
world to belief in a lie ; to overturn the Empire ; to give
Rome into the hands of a fisherman ; and to achieve all
this in despite of the priests of the old faith, despite the
potency of the Empire and the combined forces of nearly
all the world, without weapons, without gold, without
even the aid of natural reason ? For how may the force
of reason avail against things beyond the reach of reason.''
' Bk. ii. chap. viii. ' Bk. ii. chap. viii. to chap. xii.

236 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
The philosophers, with their endless array of logical argu
ments, only succeeded in creating schools with a limited
number of followers ; and hardly one was able to bring
his precepts to bear on the realities of life. Christianity,
on the contrary, spread throughout the earth, and by in
culcating a doctrine intangible to reason, and holding out
a reward beyond the reach of imagination, converted the
world, not only to belief, but to action. No one can
contemplate this work without singing a song of praise to
the Lord ; and without acknowledging that, by it, man has
been raised to God, that Christ is our ultimate end, and
that only through Him can we attain salvation.'
The third book is devoted to minuter details, dealing
with the articles of faith, the precepts of morality, the
laws and ceremonies of the Church. " But these things,"
says Savonarola, " have been already expounded by many
Doctors, we therefore need only gather them together.
And, first of all, we would note, that there Is no cause for
marvel, if certain dogmas of religion transcend the bounds
of human reason. Is It not often seen that no man can
penetrate the thoughts of another ? Need we, then,
wonder if the creature cannot rise to the height of the
Creator ^ " And with this, he proceeds to enumerate the
articles of our faith.
This part of the work may be passed over, for it is only
a repetition of what Is to be found in all Savonarola's
tractates ; nevertheless even this plain exposition serves to
reveal his originality of mind. In speaking of the Trinity,
for instance, he observes that although the unity of the
three persons be a mystery, we may nevertheless find it
mirrored to some degree in all nature, and that as we
mount the various steps in the scale of creation, we
find the symbol of the Trinity increase in perfection. In
the vegetable kingdom, for example, we find the fruit of
' Bk. ii. chap. xv.

" THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS." 237
the tree only connected externally with the parent stem ;
while in the animal kingdom we see that the progeny lies
many months in the mother's womb ; and If we ascend to
the generation of thought, we shall find that it is yet more
intrinsic to the mind that has given it birth, almost indeed
inseparable from it. Here then, we may say, is a true
image of the Trinity : there is the mind that thinks, the
conception it has generated, and the love that concep
tion inspires in it : truly these are even as the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost. But even this is too faint an
image. When man rises to the contemplation of God,
then the image is far more perfect, for the mind becomes
rapt and merged in the object of its contemplation.
Nevertheless we are always clogged by the senses ; where
fore we cannot, while here below, soar to the height that
is only to be reached In the sphere above. There, con
templation will be made perfect and merged, as it were, in
God, and the image of the Trinity will clearly shine forth
in ourselves. And if man may soar to so great a height,
how of the Lord Himself ? In Him the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost are truly blended into one ; His
substance. His being Is triune and one at the same time.
Thus the Trinity becomes as it were, the universal law of
nature, which, by that law, tends irresistibly towards God ;
and the nearer it draws unto Him, the better does it
represent the image of the Holy Trinity. We should
therefore be convinced that, if we fail to fiilly comprehend
this mystery, it is only because it is beyond, but not in
opposition to reason." '
The author then goes on to say that " the same ideas
point out the way to a better understanding and exposi
tion of the mystery of the Incarnation. The Lord was
made man, not that He should be abased, but the creature
raised ; for although finite, the creature may hope to be
• Bk. iii. chap. iii.

238 SA VONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIAIES.
raised to infinite bliss, precisely because the mystery of
the Incarnation has been vouchsafed almost as a sure
pledge and example. In those days men were inflamed
and almost Intoxicated with joy ; they forsook the things
of this world ; became conversant with celestial things,
and defied death In their cause." ' Then, discoursing on
original sin, he declares that man should not complain of
bearing the penalty of Adam's guilt, Inasmuch as justice
was a free gift, granted to us in our first father, and lost to
us through him. 2
Descending still more to the concrete, he then discusses
the institutions and canons of the Church, remarking
that : " Even as there is an Immutable law of nature
among men, from which are derived all the so-called
positive laws, peculiar to every people, and changing
according to time and place ; so there is likewise a
Divine law, or rather an eternal moral law, in which, only
by grace, can we fully share, and bearing not only on
the actions, but on the thoughts and even on the most
intimate and secret aspirations of our hearts. This is the
only source from which the special laws of the Church
are derived, and upon which ail her canons and consti
tutions should be founded ; even as positive, must be
founded upon natural right. Thess two primary rights of
our nature, namely, moral and natural right, are reciprocally
related to each other ; but the first alone Is a complete
and universal law bearing on the whole life of man ; the
second bears on external actions only, for It cannot
penetrate to the inner spirits wherein Is the true seat of
good and evil. Hence natural laws might be considered
as a lesser part of the moral law, with which it neither
may nor can be brought into opposition. " For the which
reason, we despise no good works nor rational laws,
albeit they proceed from the people, from philosophers,
• Bk. Jii. chap. vii. ^ Bk. iii. chap. ix.

" THE TRIUAIFH OF THE CROSS." 239
or from Pagan emperors ; but glean everything that is good
and true from all doctrines and all books, assured that all
truth and goodness proceed from God, and are especially
created for the use of His elect." '
Savonarola concludes by speaking of the Sacraments,
styling them the secondary causes of spiritual salvation,
of which Jesus Christ is the primary cause. The
Sacraments, he says, may be truly regarded as the instru
ments used by the Lord for the bestowal and increase of
His grace ; as visible signs marvellously representing the
invisible object for which they are decreed. It is needless
to give any detailed explanation of his doctrine of the
Sacraments, as it is in complete accordance with that of
the Doctors of the Church ; and it would be equally
superfluous to repeat his minute description of the
Sacraments, and the strange allegories they suggest to his
mind. He considers them to be all complementary, as it
were, to the sacrament of the Eucharist, and forming in
their entirety a marvellous world of spiritual harmony
and loveliness.2
Thus, after having proved the existence of God, and
the necessity of a religion ; and shown the excellence of
the Christian faith in its every part, Savonarola devotes
the fourth and concluding book to confuting all other
doctrines and creeds, and proving their fallacy when com
pared with the Christian faith. He begins with the
philosophers, and exposes the strange variety of their
opinions upon all the more important problems of life,
showing how it naturally follows that whoever forsakes
religion, instantly falls into a bottomless and measureless
abyss, from which there is no escape. 3 Continuing in
this strain, he next assails judicial astrology, against which
' Bk. iii. chap. xiii.
'¦ Bk. iii. chaps, xiv. to xvi. Vzde also bk. i. chap. x.
' Bk. iv., Proem, chaps, i. and ii.

240 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
he had, as we know, already produced a short tractate ;
combats various Idolatrous sects, and confutes the Jewish
faith on the evidence of the Bible. He then attacks
heretics or schismatics, and deals his heaviest blows at the
Mahometans.' And this gives him an opportunity for a
concluding definition and defence of the Church militant.
" This Church is one, under one head, in the likeness and
as the image of the Church triumphant in heaven under
the rule of Jesus Christ." At this point Savonarola
quotes all the passages of Scripture In which the unity of
the Church and the authority of the Pope are most plainly
inculcated. According to St. John there must be only
one fold and one shepherd ; yet although Christ in
heaven is the true and sole head of the Church, He hath
left St. Peter as His representative upon earth, saying :
" Thou art Peter, and upon this rock (pietra) I will build
My Church, and I will give unto thee the keys of heaven ;
and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound
in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall
be loosed in heaven." Nor can these words apply to
Peter alone, for inasmuch as God hath promised that the
Church shall endure to the end of the world, so they
must be held to apply to Peter and the successors of
Peter. Wherefore it is manifest that all the faithful
should be united under the Pope, as the supreme head of
the Roman Church, the mother of all other churches ;
and that whoever departs from the unity and doctrines of the
Roman Church, unquestionably departs from Christ.'' ^
•r So ended a work that, while written as an exposition
rind defence of Catholicism also served as an ample and
?fooble apology for its author. Not even Pope Alexander
' Bk. iv. chaps, iv. and v.
' Bk. iv. chap. vi. We have here quoted nearly verbatim from the
author's text, but his words are still more prolix, and accordingly even
still more explicit.

•' THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS." 241
himself could have exacted a more explicit profession of
faith, or a more absolute submission to Papal authority.
In fact, Savonarola's attacks were never directed in the
slightest degree against the dogmas of the Roman
Church, but solely against those who corrupted them. He
had an enthusiastic respect and reverence for religion ;
but fiercely combated the papal and clerical abominations
by which its safety was Imperilled, and steadily refused to
bend to threats or oppression. Numerous editions of
" The Triumph of the Cross " appeared both in Italian
and Latin, and it was even reprinted by the Office of the
Propaganda Fide,' whose publications are intended for
missionary use ; while by expert theologians it has
always been estimated as one of the best of religious
tractates as regards its matter, and of the most original in
its manner of exposition,^ it can scarcely, however, be
said to give a complete idea of Savonarola's mind, since
he always rose to his greatest height in the heat of
combat, and only showed in the pulpit the full extent of
his powers. Nevertheless, the finer qualities of his in
tellect are all displayed in this work, and we are enabled
to appreciate the extent of his learning, embra'cing nearly
the whole philosophic and religious knowledge of his
time ; for in this work scholastic and mystic theology,
Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic philosophy are all handled
with equal mastery, and without any of the extravagances
by which they were afterwards debased.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in fact,
these elements of knowledge were disunited; and each
becoming dominant in its turn easily transgressed its due
limits. Thus, the Aristotelians inclined to materialism ;
the Platonists to pantheism and frequent flights into the
' It was printed without any date, and together vvith his " Meditazione
sui Miserere." There is one copy of it in the Guicciardini Collection.
' It was highly praised even by Pfere Lacordaire.
VOL. II. 17

242 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
wildest and most arbitrary allegories ; while the mystics
paved the way for the Reformation, by breaking up the
religious unity, that it was the supreme desire of Savonarola
to maintain. In his writings all these diverse creeds were
fused in one synthesis and show the need felt in that age
for a general transformation of thought. The Friar's
early training in Aristotelian philosophy aided him to
expound theology ; and the Neo-Platonic doctrines gave a
certain scientific basis to the mystic beliefs which were
so satisfactory to his ardent soul. These stores of learn
ing fed the fiery zeal of a religious spirit, whose days
were spent In the contemplation of heavenly things and in
fervent admiration of the Holy Fathers and Holy Writ.
He sought a faith in accord with reason, a religion in
accord with liberty ; a Church that should never be
hostile to the nation, nor opposed to the voice of con
science and virtue, the true keystones, as he deemed, of
the Church and the State. These various and manifold
doctrines gave wings to his free and original mind,
that instinctively flew towards the truth and, ever soaring
to lofty planes of thought, unconsciously expressed the
general needs of the political, philosophic, and religious life
of an entire epoch. The component elements of this
almost superhuman inspiration and universal grasp of
thought were afterwards scattered and the progress of
mankind could only be carried on in separate grooves.
Therefore any one who, dominated by exclusive or pre
conceived ideas and consequently incapable of fully appre
ciating Savonarola's mind and spirit, should consider only
one side of his character, would gain a very incomplete
notion of the nature of his ideas or value of his deeds ;
and would limit to a short period, the influence of
the man who agitated and stirred an entire century, by
acting as the representative of all its loftiest and most noble
aspirations.

CHAPTER V.

SoA'VOUX.^i^ROL&l 'RESU<£MES HIS SE^RMOC^S ON SEPTUoA-
GESlzMc-I SU^'DAY. oA SECOVHfD '"BUIiOyiUYG OF
THE 'VAZN^ITIES." £MORE 'PA'PAL 'BRIEFS. COVV'
TI^UATIOUS: OF HIS SER<iMOaX.S-

(1497-I498.)

c^r^JU ^

^^HE

J. J, ^-^ year 1497 was now coming to a
'W^o'qJ^ close, and the Republic much wearied
j^^Sj) by the slow progress of Its negotiations
rtr^^X-, with the Pope. A second ambassador,
-i.(f^|[_ U^e^yii^ Messer Domenico Bonsi, was sent to
t_;i<^'CJi:i£ci Rome to assist Bracci in pleading
Savonarola's cause, seek permission to Impose a tithe
on ecclesiastical property, and try to obtain the fulfil
ment of the Pope's promise of restoring Pisa to the
Florentines. But all was in vain. The Holy Father
refused to settle any other question, until that of the Friar
was decided ; but he now insisted that Savonarola should
be delivered Into his hands, and to this the Republic was
neither able nor willing to accede. If the magistrates
were weary of all this empty manoeuvring, Savonarola was
still wearier and more impatient of it, and his long silence
was now becoming unbearable to him. For more than six
months he had remained shut up in his cell, solely occupied
in expounding his doctrines by the pen, and defending
them against attacks from all quarters. He had proved
the excommunication to be Invalid, shown that a sound
Catholic could withstand the unjust commands of an ill-

244 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
informed and corrupt Pope ; and had finally, in his
" Triumph of the Cross," built up an enduring memorial
of his innocence and fame. It was no longer possible for
any to believe that one who had so explicitly recognized
the authority of the Papal keys, and merely protested
against the indecent and scandalous uses to which they
were turned by wicked men, had the slightest intention
of raising a schism in the Church.
The quarrel with Rome was now very widely discussed.
Numerous publications appeared in defence of Savona
rola's orthodoxy, and even more to declare the excommu
nication invalid. Most of these pamphlets were mere
repetitions of things already said by Savonarola himself in
his different sermons and epistles. But G. F. Pico della
Mirandola brought out an "Apology," dedicated to Duke
Ercole of Este, in which he treated the question, if not
with any striking originality, at all events with much
learning, and after careful study of the Fathers and papal
decrees in general.' He begins by proclaiming his con-
' " Apologia R. P, F. Hieronymi Savonarolas," per G. F. Picum de
Mirandula Comitem ad Herculem Estensem I. Ferrarrice et Mutinae
Ducem. Libri duo. This is the first of Quetif's "Additiones" to
Pico's Life of Savonarola. Paris, 1674.
In the Proem, addressed to Ercole I., Pico states that he wrote the
work in consequence of a conversation he had held with the Duke, and
almost in fulfilment of a promise made at that time. But the Duke,
notwithstanding the warm admiration he had hitherto shown for Savona
rola, and the great encouragement he had afforded him, now took
alarm, and tried to deprecate the wrath of the Pope by sending him a
letter dated the 26th of March, 1498, that does little honour to the vvriter.
For he absolutely denies having spoken to Pico on the matter, or made
any request of him. On the contrary, he shows great indignation against
the author of the " Apologia," and charges him with falsehood {in hoc
aut finxisse aut mcntitum esse), and professes his submission to the Papal
authority, of which, he declares, he has never had any doubt [cum de
Summi Pontificis aucloritdte ac potestate nunquam dubitaverim).
Cappelli, Girolamo Savonarola ec, doc. cxlvi. p. 104. The Duke's con
duct resembles that of many other of the Friar's adherents, and is an
additional proof, that no genuine religious movement vvas possible in
Italy at a time vvhen there was an almost total absence of any earnest
religious spirit.

PICO'S APOLOGY. 2 45
stant and entire submission to the dogmas of the Church.
For the Church, he says, is under the care of Jesus
Christ ; and hence can neither be in error as regards the
substance of faith, nor in all needful rules for the godly
life by which we attain to salvation.' On other points,
however, the Church is not infallible. And if this may
bc said of the universal Church, how much more may not
be affirmed of Popes and of Councils, who according to
the Doctors and Fathers, have frequently lapsed into
error ? No sentence of excommunication that has been
justly appealed against, or that contains manifest errors of
fact, and particularly if based on such errors, can be held
valid or worthy of obedience. The apostle enjoins
obedience to our superiors ; but he also adds that we
must render obedience to God rather than to men.
(Romans xiii. i ; Acts v. 29). For our superiors may
be urged by their own malice or by false suggestions from
others.2 We are bound, it Is true, to submit even to an
unjust sentence, but only in cases where refusal to obey
might give birth to scandal. And when excommunica
tion commands things contrary to faith and morality,
no one will consider that we are bound to submission.
Undoubtedly, no true shepherd would ever Issue any such
command ; but there might be a wolf In the guise of
a shepherd. Excommunication derives Its force from
justice, and without justice can take no effect. 3 Where
fore, according to the Doctors, many excommunications
have been invalid.
Pico then proceeds to say that false doctrine is one
of the charges brought against Savonarola in the Papal
'".... de fidei substantia et moribus ad salutem consequendam
necessariis " (at page 8).
° " . . . . vel malitia propria, vel falsis suggestionibus moti " (at
page 22).
3 " Porro excommunicationis sententia vires ex iustitia ^umit, qua
destituta, languet et moritur " (at page 25).

246 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
decree ; but that this charge could only have been alleged
through enmity or error, ' since it is known to all that
Savonarola only teaches the word of Christ. ^ The Pope
was moved to this by perfidious men in their wrath
against one who was innocent ; and he gave them credence
without first putting their statements to the test. Wherefore
his sentence can have no force, inasmuch as it ordains im
possible and injurious things. The union of St. Mark's
with the new Congregation does not depend in fact on
Savonarola's consent alone ; but on that of all his
brethren, against whom no excommunication has been
launched. This union would be no reformation, but
rather a malformation, since the good would be forcibly
joined to the corrupt. Hence it is plain that Savonarola
has no need of absolution, and that none need refrain
from intercourse with him. 3 And this can be proved
by the logic of reason, since it is needless to loosen that
which is unbound. Rather should all men be convinced
that the sentence of excommunication affords the best
proof of his Innocence.4-
' " . . . malo zelo et ignoratione caussae " (at page 31).
'".... nihil docet praeter Christi verba" (at page 32'^.
3 " . . . nullam ei necessarium absolutionem fore, nee ab illius
communione ullo pacto abstinendum esse " (at page 38).
•* " Hi profecto in propria conscientiae luce viderunt, nullo eum
spirituali laqueo irretitum, quod ... ex ipsa etiam causa, ob quam
excommunieatio est publicata, plane confirmatum est " (at page 40).
Professor Ranke dwells upon Pico's " Apologia " in his before-quoted
work on Savonarola (pp. 289-291), and declares it to be of great value
as a clear definition of the attitude of Savonarola and his disciples
towards the Pope. That he resumed his sermons after the sentence of
excommunication, and that he was allowed so to do, are, he says, very
important facts. It was not only an act of disobedience, but ono hostile
to the whole system of the Church, and calculated to throw doubt upon
it. To draw a distinction between the universal Church and the papal
power was contrary to the recognized practice of the time, was a step
towards transforming the constitution of the Church itself. Such con
tinues Ranke, was the position assumed by Savonarola, who thus paved
the way for Reform. " Der E.xcommunication zu widerstehen war eine
Anbahnung des allgemeine Reform mit der er umging" (p. 291). That

HE PREPARES TO REAIOUNT THE PULPIT. 247
In fact, as we have already seen, even the Pope shrank
from impugning the orthodoxy of Savonarola's doctrine,
and the cardinals, after careful examination, pronounced it
to be without a flaw. But what availed all these dis
cussions ? It was more and more evident that the
Borgia's feud with the Friar was of a political and
personal character, was becoming more and more scanda
lous, leading to a daily increase of immorality In Florence,
and endangering the safety of the Republic. Reason and
discussion had absolutely failed, and farther delay would
be dangerous.
Accordingly on Christmas Day Savonarola put an end
to all suspense by thrice performing high mass, and giving
the communion to all his monks and to a vast concourse
of laity. He then led his brethren in solemn procession
round the square of St. Mark. In the meantime many of
his friends who, by permission of the Signory, had already
furnished the Duomo with the usual platforms and
benches, came to implore him to preach to them again.
Little persuasion was needed, and he promised to remount
the pulpit on the following Sunday (Septuagesima, nth of
February, 1498). This was opposed by Messer Lionardo
de' Medici, vicar to the archbishop, who not only sternly
prohibited every ecclesiastic from attending the sermon,
but ordered the parish priests to impress their flocks with
the importance and validity of the excommunication, and
Savonarola desired a real reformation of the Church is as certain as that
he combated Alexander VI. and even sought to procure his deposition.
But it is no less certain that he left dogma unassailed, and always recog
nized the authority of the Pontiff to be indispensable 10 the unity of th«
Church ; and these declarations are likewise repeated by Pico. This
constituted the difference between the reformation Savonarola sought to
promote and that founded by Luther. Besides, as Ranke himself allows,
the character and deeds of the German Reformer were altogether different
from those of the Prior of St. Mark's. Nor can we believe that it was
then an unheard-of thing to distinguish between the Church universal
and the Papal power, although the Popes naturally tried to stamp out
the idea.

248 .S'^ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
threaten them with exclusion from the confessional, the
Lord's Table, and even from burial in consecrated ground,
as the penalty of hearing Savonarola preach. But the
Signory soon put a stop to this by intimating to the vicar
that if he continued these menaces he would be proclaimed
a rebel.' All hindrances being thus removed, the first
sermon was given on the appointed day, and, thanks to
the novelty of the case and the Friar's daring, the cathedral
was even more crowded than usual.
The excommunication, the authority of the Pope, and
the right of every honest conscience to resist unjust com
mands, weie naturally the chief themes of these new dis
courses. " O Lord, thou hast cast me into a flood from which
I have neither the power nor the will to escape. But I
beseech Thee to let no word pass my lips that may be
opposed to the Holy Scriptures or to the Church. Let
us now consider the decree of excommunication. Know
then that God ruleth the world through secondary causes,
and the righteous prince or the good priest is merely an
instrument In the Lord's hands for the government of the
people. But when the Higher Agency is withdrawn from
prince or priest he is no longer an instrument, but a
broken tool. And how, thou wouldst say, am I to discern
whether or no the Higher Agency be absent ? See if his
laws and commands be contrary to that which is the root
and principle of all wisdom, namely of godly living and
charity; and if contrary, thou mayest be truly assured that
he is a broken tool, and that thou art nowise bound to obey
him. Now tell me a little, what is the aim of those who
by their lying reports have procured this sentence of ex-
¦ Nardi, vol. i. p. 136, actually says that the Signory ordered him to
resign his post at two hours' notice, and we find this repeated in tvvo
letters addressed to Duke Ludovico, one of vvhich is dated from Florence
13th of Februaiy, 1498 ; and the other from Rome, 21st of February'
1498. Vide Appendix to Italian Edition, doc. xii. But there is reason
to believe that this was only a threat.

THE "SEPTUAGESIMA" SERMON. 249
communication ? As all know, they sought to sweep
away virtuous living and righteous government, and to
open the door to every vice. Thus, no sooner was the
excommunication pronounced, than they returned to
drunkenness, profligacy, and every other crime, and
righteous living has been struck down. Wherefore I tell
thee that, if I be accursed on earth, I am blessed in heaven.
" Man's perfection consisteth not only in faith and in
law, but in charity, and only he that hath charity knoweth
that which is needed for salvation.' Nowadays we have
nothing but laws and canons and controversies ; but the
apostles had fewer laws, because they were inflamed with
love and charity. All theology, all canonical and civil
laws, all ecclesiastical ceremonies are ordained with a view
to charity, and all the world hath been made for charity by
God. Therefore on him that giveth commands opposed
to charity, which is the plenitude of our law, anathema
sit. Were such command pronounced by an angel, even
by the Virgin Mary herself, and all the saints (the which
is certainly impossible), anathema sit. If pronounced by
any law, or canon, or council, anathema sit. And if any
Pope hath ever spoken to a contrary effect from this, let
him be declared excommunicate. I say not that such
Pope hath ever existed ; but if he hath existed he can
have been no instrument of the Lord, but a broken tool.
" It is feared by some that, although this excommunica
tion be powerless in Heaven, it may have power in the
Church. For me it is enough not to be interdicted by
Christ. O my Lord, if I should seek to be absolved
from this excommunication, let me be sent to hell ; I
should shrink from seeking absolution as from mortal sin.
O Father, there be even some friars who speak of this
' It should be noted how, in placing charity above faith and law,
Savonarola is in contradiction with the fundamental doctrine of the Re
formation : justification by faith alone.

2SO SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
excommunication, saying that it is valid, and that none
may absolve us from it. Would ye that I teach ye the
way.? Ah! it were better to keep silence. Nevertheless
this much will I say : do thus." And here Savonarola
struck two keys together to signify by their chinking that
the clergy of his time were ready to do anything for
money. " O Father ! " he then went on, " Thou didst
bid us to let the excommunication come, to bear it aloft
at the spear's point, and that Thou wouldst open the way
for us.' I reply that all hath not yet come to pass, where
fore thou hast not yet seen all things. But thou hast seen
how some one in Rome lost a son,^ how a certain man
hath come to his death here, and will certainly be cast
into hell, and ye will see how they will be judged.3 As
yet no miracle hath been forced from me ; but when the
time cometh the Lord will stretch forth His hand ; and
already so many signs have been shown to thee, that there
Is no longer any need of miracles. 4 What could be more
miraculous than the spread of these doctrines, despite so
many obstacles.? Citizens, women, ye must risk your
lives for this truth. I turn to Thee, O Lord, that didst
suffer death for the truth, and I beseech Thee to let me
only die in its defence, for the salvation of Thy chosen
servants and of this people." 5
' Here allusion is made to another sermon from which I have already
quoted, and in which Savonarola gave his hearers to understand that if
he were sentenced to excommunication he would give a turn to the kev.
But, as vve have seen, no real bull of excommunication had ever been
launched, nor did the circular letter to the different monastic orders in
Florence bring any definite charge against Savonarola's doctrines.
^ The assassination of the Duke of Gandia, the son of Alexander VI.
3 This is perhaps an allusion to the death of Bernardo del Nero and
his accomplices, of whose guilt Savonarola was undoubtedly convinced,
although he did nothing to procure their condemnation.
¦* Savonarola did not intend to say that he would perform a real
miracle, but believed that, were it essential for the salvation of the
Church, the Lord would perform through him some supernatural deed
for its sake, and of this he vvas apparently fully convinced.
5 " Prediche xxii., sopra I'Esodo e sopra alcuni Salmi," delivered in Sta.

DISCOURSE IN ST. MARK'S. 251
On the 15th ofthe same month the Friar gave a lecture
in St. Mark's on the office and attributes of the priesthood,
in which he denounced the vices of the clergy with terrific
force. " When I reflect on the life led by priests I am
constrained to weep. O my brethren and my children,
shed tears for these woes of the Church, so that the Lord
may call the priests to repentance, for it is plain that
terrible chastisement awaits them. The tonsure is the seat
of all iniquity. It begins in Rome, where the clergy
make mock of Christ and the saints; are worse than
Turks, worse than Moors. Not only do they refuse to
suffer for the Lord's sake, but even traffic with the
sacraments. At this day there is a trade in benefices,
which are sold to the highest bidder ! Think ye that
Jesus Christ will any longer permit this } Woe, woe to
Italy and to Rome ! Come, come, O priests ! come, my
brethren ; let us do our best to revive a little the love of
God ! O Father, we shall be cast into prison, we shall be
persecuted and done to death. So let it be ! They may
kill me as they please, but they will never tear Christ
from my heart. I am ready to die for my God.
" Thou hast been in Rome, and dost know the life of
these priests. Tell me, wouldst thou hold them to be
pillars of the Church, or temporal lords .? Have they not
courtiers and grooms, and horses and dogs ; are not their
mansions full of tapestries and silks, of perfumes and
lackeys .? Seemeth it to thee that this is the Church of
God ? Their vainglory filleth the world, and their avarice
is equally vast. They do all things for gold, and they
ring their bells because of their greed, and only demand
bread and candles and coin. They attend Vespers and
Offices in the choir, forasmuch at these services there is
Maria del Fiore (the Duomo), and beginning on Septuagesima Sunday,
the nth of February, 1498 ; collected by M. Lorenzo Violi. Florence,
1498. Vide Sermon No. i.

252 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
somewhat to be gained ; but they go not to Matins,
for there no nioney is distributed. They sell benefices,
sell the sacraments, sell marriage services, sell all things.
And yet they stand in dread of excommunication ! They
will not give the holy wafer to those who attend my
sermons ; and they forget that they have accompanied the
dead together with my friars of St. Mark's. Whenever
there is profit to be made they disregard my excommunica
tion, but when it suits their purpose they declare it to be
valid. O Lord, Lord, smite them with Thy glaive ! " '
Savonarola gave two more sermons before the close of
the Carnival. In the second, delivered on Sexagesima
Sunday (i8th of February), he spoke ofthe Pope and the
papal authority in the following words : " I take it for
[jranted there be no man who is not liable to error.
Thou art mad to say that a Pope cannot err, when there
have been so many wicked Popes who have erred I . , If
it were true that no Pope could ever err, ought we then to
do even as they do In order to gain salvation .? Thou
wouldst reply, that a Pope may err as a man, but not as a
Pope ; but I tell thee that the Pope may err, even in his
judgments and sentences. 2 Go ! read how many decrees
have been made by one Pope and revoked by the next ;
and how many opinions held by some Popes are contra
dicted by those of other Pontiffs." He then went on to
declare that the errors of a Pope may proceed fi-om ill-
will, or be based upon false information ; and thereupon
he gave the history of all the briefs launched against him
self, and their contradictory tenour. But as all this has
been minutely narrated elsewhere, there is no need to
repeat it.
' " Sermone fatto a molti sacerdoti, religiosi e secolari in San Marco,
a di' 15 Febbraio, 1497 " (Florentine style). It is also to be found in the
collection of " Sermons on Exodus." (" Sermoni sopra Esodo.")
' It should be noted that this does not refer to dogma.

THE "SEXAGESIMA" SERMON. 253
" But why do they rage against me in Rome ? Thinkest
thou 'tis for the sake of religion .? By no means. They
seek to overthrow our government, they seek to tyrannize
over us, and care not if righteous living be destroyed, the
which is born of our doctrine, and will die with it.
Wherefore he that combateth this doctrine combateth
evangelic charity, and is truly a heretic. But nowadays
the preachers are hirelings of great potentates, and are
sorely afraid to speak the truth, or oppose those that are
above them. It was not thus in the tinies when priests
were inspired by the true Christian spirit ; in those days
St. Paul reproved St. Peter before all, quia reprehensibilis
erat." " These, then, are the reasons which have prevented me
from writing to Rome to say that I had erred. And to
ye, who always quote canons and chapters, I make reply
that there be many that allege these things without know
ing what they want. These canons of yours, ye turn them
and twist them after your own fashion ; make this lawful
and that unlawful as it seemeth best to ye, even to the
extent of trafficking in the cure of souls. I know well
there be some that openly counsel this traffic, but I will
not enter into that question now ; some day, peradventure,
I may have the courage to prove to ye that it is pure
heresy." '
On Quinquagesima Sunday Savonarola preached for the
last time during Carnival, treating the same subject and
using the same arguments. " Laws are made for a good
end, and should therefore be In agreement with reason and
charity. Come forward, thou priest or friar, whom I have
taken by the arm, and I will prove to thee that thou art
like unto a painted image — with nought that is good within.
If the end of the law be goodness, the quality of the law
' " Prediche sopra I'Esodo." Vide the sermon given on Sexagesima
Sunday.

2S4 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
is made known by its fruit ; where good works are, there
is good law ; where bad works are, there good law is not.
Say, O Father ! if all the world were against thee, what
wouldst thou do .? I would stand firm, for my doctrine
Is the doctrine of godly living, and therefore it proceedeth
from God. This excommunication is hostile to godly
living, and therefore proceedeth from the devil. Yet,
Father, it is declared by the canonical law that even when
excommunication be unjust and full of hidden errors it
should nevertheless be respected for the avoidance of
scandals. This is true so far, that if thou art excom
municated for a sin of which thou art innocent, but of
which the people believeth thee guilty, thou must then
submit in order to avoid scandal. But when thine inno
cence is patent to the eyes of all the world, as in our own
case, what scandal hast thou to fear then .? Moreover, I
tell thee that if excommunicated in such wise, that to
observe its decrees thou must needs act in opposition to
harity, it then becomes thy duty to disregard It. Wert
hou prohibited, under pain of excommunication, lata-
ententi<e, from giving aid to one in extreme necessity,
must tell thee that, in such case, no excommunication
hould be held valid. Thinkest thou that laws be made
for evil .? Were unjust sentences to be held valid, a
wicked Pope might destroy the whole Church, and it
would behoove us to submit. For myself, I tell thee that
these excommunications are now cheap commodities ; and
any one, for the sum of four lire, can excommunicate
whomsoever he pleaseth ; hence they are worth nothing."
As we see, the rupture had now become most decided.
Convinced that charity was the supreme law of the
Christian life ; that no misconception was possible on this
point ; that no authority could pr^^vall against it, Savona
rola was resolved to despise the decree of excommunication
and defy the Pope. The latter's mode of life, the

THE LAST DAY OF CARNIVAL. 255
scandals and abominations perpetrated by himself, his chil
dren, and his courtiers in Rome, had convinced the
Friar that resistance was a duty, and that God would come
to his aid in the final struggle.' He therefore concluded
this sermon by announcing that he should celebrate Mass
on the last day of Carnival, and solemnly give his blessing
to the people in the convent square. At the moment
of the elevation of the Host he said, " I bid ye all pray
fervently to the Lord, that if this work be not Inspired by
Him, He will send down His fires to bear me to hell. 2
Offer up the like prayer throughout these days ; note
it down and proclaim it to all." This was the blind and
superstitious belief that Savonarola could never shake off,
and that constantly threatened him with ruin. He felt
firmly convinced that the Lord would perform some great
miracle to prove the truth of his doctrine in the hour of
need, and he reiterated his conviction with a mistimed
simplicity that naturally tempted his enemies to take him at
his word. His manner of solemnizing the last day of
Carnival was certainly of the strangest. At the conclusion
of High Mass he administered the sacrament to a vast
crowd of people, and then ascended a wooden pulpit that
had been erected for the occasion before the great door of
the church. Here he offered a few prayers, while the
monks sang Psalms and afterwards addressed the throng
of people in the square, reminding them of the appeal he
had begged them to make to the Almighty. Then,
raising the Host on high, he blessed the kneeling crowd
of excited worshippers and murmured the following
¦ It is impossible to doubt that the shameless immorality of the Pope
was the chief cause of Savonarola's wrath and irritation. On the 1st of
February, 1498, the Ferrarese orator wrote to the Duke that Savonarola
had told liim that he would take no orders from the Pope as regarded
preaching or not preaching, " while he saw him continue his present
mode of life" (Cappelli, op. cit., p. 102, doc. 142).
= " Prediche sopra I'Esodo." Vide the sermon delivered on Quinqua-
gesima Sunday.

2s6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
invocation : " O Lord, if my deeds be not sincere, if my
words be not inspired by Thee, strike me dead on the
instant." His countenance expressed the most extra
ordinary excitement, and it was plain that deepest faith
dictated his words.
After the midday meal, the people again traversed the
streets in procession, to collect contributions for a second
Burning of the Vanities. But this time the Piagnoni had
to endure much insult and injury from the Compagnaeci,
who stripped some of their cloaks, knocked the red
crosses out of the hands of others, struck them with
sticks, and pelted them with stones. Nevertheless the
procession managed to reach the Piazza of the Signoria,
where a pile of vanities had been stacked, of even greater
value, according to Burlamacchi, than that of the previous
year. It was crowned by a figure of Lucifer surrounded
by the seven cardinal sins. The people gathered round
the pile, chanting a Te Deum ; and it was then fired and
burnt to ashes amid shouts of frantic exultation. The
procession afterwards repaired to the cathedral square,
and halted there to consign all the money that had been
collected to the Buoni Uomini di S. Martino, " St. Martin's
Good Men." It then proceeded to St. Mark's, and a
crucifix being set up in the middle of the square, friars
and laymen joined hands in three rings and danced round
it, singing psalms and devotional hymns.'
Thus ended the Carnival season of 1498, in which party
passion had again come to life, and that was a time
of such general excitement and expectation of strange
" Burlamacchi, p. 1 15 and fol. ; Nardi, vol. i. p. 140. Again, as in speak
ing of the first bonfire, Nardi, the translator of Livy, .and a lover of anti
quity, merely records that " many dishonest, indecent, and vain things
were consumed." He adds that, in this way, days formerly dedicated to
worldly pleasures were now devoted to the honour and glory of Christ.
But, vvhat is still more remarkable, Somenzi, although decidedly hostile
to Savonarola, wrote to the Duke from Florence that the pile consisted
"of a great quantity of lustful things, videlicet mirrors, women's false

EFFECT OF THESE NE W SERAI ONS. 257
events. Savonarola's new sermons, whether from the
intrinsic force of his arguments, or from the singular
daring with which he defied the Pope and inveighed
against scandals abhorred by all, were undoubtedly received
with new and increasing favour. They were printed
separately as soon as delivered, and diffused through
out Italy and other countries. "Even from Germany,"
as Savonarola said, " letters reach us from new followers
converted by our doctrines." ' On all sides men were
beginning to murmur against the Court of Rome,
and, as may well be conceived, the Borgia's fury was
proportionately increased. In one of the many letters
written on the subject at the time, we find It said that
"the news of his (the Friar's) preaching has again
reached Rome, and excited great noise there. I doubt
me there will be a sharper war, and that it will soon be
carried on at close quarters : our ambassador there is
beginning to feel alarmed." ^ Letters came daily from
the orators in Rome, and Messer Domenico Bonsi wrote,
saying: "I am assailed by a multitude of cardinals and
prelates, who come to express severe blame regarding your
Excellencies' conduct, and speak of the Pope's exceeding
wrath. You have numerous foes here, who will all do their
best to blow on the fire." 3 At the Roman Court nothing was
talked of save the audacity of this Friar, who refused to ac
knowledge any authority as superior to that of God and
hair, playing cards and tables, dice, lutes, masks, paintings, quantities of
perfumes, and every species of lustful things ; the which were valued
at a considerable sum." Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xii.
Is it likely that if really valuable objects of art had been included in
the collection, the learned Nardi and Somenzi, the bitter enemy of
Savonarola, would have both failed to mention the fact ?
' In the sermon on Quinquagesima Sunday.
" A letter from Strozzi to the parish priest of Cascina. Vide Perrens,
doc. xv.
3 Despatches to the Ten, dated 17th of February, 1498, and on the
following days. Vide Padre Marchese, " Documenti," &c., op. cit.,
p. 164 and fol.
VOL. ir. 18

258 SA VONAROIA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
his own conscience ; who stigmatized Pope Alexander as
a broken tool, and dared to declare that all believers in the
validity of the excommunication were heretics ! With all
this outcry sounding in his ears, the Pope's rage was so
much inflamed, that it threatened to burst into a blaze
at any moment. And among the more assiduous In
fomenting his anger was Fra Mariano da Genazzano, who
had sworn to take revenge, and saw that the monient
for it was approaching. Indeed, so tremendous were the
charges alleged by this man against Savonarola's doctrines,
that he was at last commissioned to refute them publicly
in the pulpit.
On the first Sunday in Lent the Church of the Augus
tine friars in Rome was unusually crowded ; many
eminent cardinals and prelates were seated before the high
altar, and all had come to listen to Fra Mariano's sermon.
Nevertheless the result by no means justified his repute as
a great theologian and preacher. He started by treating
of the authority of the Pontiff", and how the Holy Spirit
descended upon him, as it had upon the apostles ; but
instead of at once proceeding to define and confute Savona
rola's arguments, he gave free vent to his rage in loud
bursts of vehement and almost indecent language : " This
is the true light, not that of the Ferrarese monk, who
preaches by the light of the devil, and dares to say that
Pope Alexander is a broken tool. He is a vile Jew, a
ribald and thief, who has stolen money and has hidden
treasures ! O Pope ! O cardinals ! how do you tolerate
this monster, this hydra.'* Has the authority of
the Church come to such a pass that a drunkard of this
sort may trample it so ignominiously under his feet ? O
College I O Pontiff ! take heed ; you know not what
that man is devising ; he will say things to darken the
sun. But you take no heed, so that all may now snap
their fingers in your face, and, but for my reverence I too

A NEW POLITICAL TRACTATE. 259
might do the same." Then in spite of this declaration
of respect, he turned to the cardinals and made the vilest
gesture, shouting the while like a madman. His hearers
were highly disgusted with his coarseness of speech, and
the cardinals, who had come prepared to listen to a logical
refutation, could not refrain from continually shaking their
heads in disapproval. Accordingly, Fra Mariano was
discomfited afresh, but nevertheless remained firm to his
purpose.' Meanwhile Savonarola, in his untiring energy, had pro
duced a new " Tractate on the rule and government of
the city of Florence." 2 He had been urged to compose
this work by the past Signory, and, as he records in its
preface, had willingly accepted the invitation, " because,
although he had preached on the truth of faith, the sim
plicity of the Christian life, on things to come, and on
good government, he had never yet written a special
treatise on the last of those themes. 3 He was now
moved to write it, in the idea that it would be useful to
his flock, and also to fulfil the duties of his office by
giving another proof that he preached sound doctrine. In
no way contrary to the Church." In the first part of this
¦ All this is minutely related in a letter, of vvhich we possess an old
copy, without d.ate or signature : " Copia d'una lettera venuta da Roma
della predicha di M. iSlariano da San Ghallo, chontro a Frk Girolamo."
Codex of the Magliabecchian Library, cL xxxiv. 288. Frk Mariano's
monastery vvas situated at San Gallo. Vide Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. xiii.
° "Trattato circa il reggimento e governo della cittk di Firenze.'' This
was printed without a date, during the author's life. See, too, the edition
produced by Audins de Rians (Florence, 1848), who believed it to have
been written in 1493, because the Gonfalonier Salviati, vvho urged
Savonarola to compose it, was in ofiice in '93, and again in January and
February, '98. But a glance at the tractate is enough to show that it
continually refers to facts long posterior to the year '93. It vvas probably
written at the beginning of 1498.
3 The other tractates to which he refers here were chiefiy " II Trionfo
della Croce " ; " Delia semplicitk della vita cristiana " ; and " De
veritate prophetica,"

26o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
little work he states that man, being a free agent, needs to
be governed, and Is best governed by an absolute ruler
when that ruler is a righteous man. Then, following the
dictates, not only of reason, but of experience, he adds :
" Government of this kind is not, however, suited to every
people ; on the contrary, the mutable, restless, ambitious
character of the Florentines demands a civil government,
or rather a Republic." The second part treats of govern
ment under a single ruler, in cases where the ruler is bad,
or, in other words, of a despotic government. And here
Savonarola describes tyrants and the evils of tyranny with
perhaps greater eloquence than in his sermons, and certainly
with more correctness and polish of style. The third and
last part treats of free government by means of a Greater
Council, the which, by reserving the right of appointment
to all offices of the State, becomes a safeguard against
popular anarchy and the tyranny ofthe fe'^t. The author
concludes by describing the miseries of despots, and the
happiness to be won both on earth and in heaven by those
who govern by freedoni. Nevertheless he always confines
himself to generalities, with the intention of composing, at
some less turbulent time, a more important and elaborate
Latin treatise on the same theme. Now, in the midst of
so many agitations, he wrote only for the people, and In
fact this is the most popular and best known of all his
works, owing to the vigorous simplicity and eloquence of
its style.
After this, Savonarola undauntedly returned to the
pulpit, and, dating from the beginning of Lent, continued
to preach regularly. He spoke in terms of rejoicing
of the devout celebration of Carnival, condemned the
insulting attacks of the Compagnaeci, discoursed on
righteous living, and then recurred to what now formed
almost the sole theme of his sermons. " Q Rome ! what
is it that I ask of thee .? A bull to enforce righteous

THREATS FROM THE POPE. 261
living — this is all that I would ask of thee; but here,
on the contrary, men only demand bulls for the destruction
of morality." ' He was careful at this time to preserve
a moderate tone, in the hope of continuing to preach
without exciting fresh opposition ; but the Pope, no
longer able to restrain his fury, threatened to interdict
Florence, and compel every Christian State, under pain
of excommunication, to confiscate the property of all
Florentine merchants. Nevertheless, the more sagacious
of the cardinals contrived to calm his wrath to some
extent 2 by pointing out to him that his conflict with
Savonarola was not only causing great disturbance among
the Florentines, but so much stir in all quarters, as to
threaten a schism in the Church. A niovement to that
effect would, they said, be inevitable as soon as some
influential ecclesiastic could be induced to take the lead in
it; and such a man might readily be found in the Cardinal
of San Piero in Vincoli, who was known to be abetted
by France.
These considerations, added to his natural indifference,
and dislike to all purely religious questions, induced the
Pope to modify his resolve. But on the 26th of
February he informed Bracci and Bonsi that he absolutely
refused to tolerate Savonarola's preaching any longer ;
that he was amazed that the Signory should sanction so
gross an insult to the Holy See, and that unless measures
were taken to silence the Friar before Lent, he would
certainly put the city under an interdict. Nor were
the orators allowed to reply, for the cardinals in
terrupted them directly they opened their mouths, by
reading aloud some sonnets against the Pope, which had
just been received from Florence. And Alexander
' Sermon iv., " sopra I'Esodo," given on the last day of February and
the first of Carnival.
" Nardi, vol. i. p. 138.

262 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
immediately exclaimed: " What ! am I to be made a theme
for sonnets .? " Bonsi finished his letter by saying: " There
fore, now that the last sermons have arrived in Rome, all
our trouble is lost, and there is some one ever at hand to
throw on tow and matches to increase the blaze." '
The following day (26th of February) the Pope
despatched a very menacing brief to the Signory to the
following effect : " On first receiving notice of the
pernicious errors diffused by that child of iniquity,
Girolamo Savonarola, we required him to abstain entirely
from preaching, and to come to Rome to implore our
pardon and make recantation ; but he refused to obey us.
We commanded him, under pain of excommunication,
to join the Congregation of St. Mark to the new Tusco-
Roman Congregation, and again he refused to obey, thus
incurring, ipso facto, the threatened excommunication.
The which sentence of excommunication we caused to be
pronounced and proclaimed in your principal churches,
likewise declaring that all who heard, or addressed,
or held Intercourse with the said Fra Girolamo would
also incur the same penalty. Nevertheless, we now hear,
that, to the grave hurt of religion and the souls of men,
this Friar still continues to preach, despises the authority
of the Holy See, and declares the excommunication to be
null and void. Wherefore we command you, by your
duty of holy obedience, to send the said Fra Girolamo
to us, under safe custody ; and if he return to repentance,
he will be paternally received by us, inasmuch as we seek
the conversion, not the death of the sinner. Or at least
put him apart, as a corrupt member, from the rest of the
people, and keep him confined and guarded in such wise,
that he may have speech of none, nor be able to dls-
Beminate fresh scandals. But if ye refuse to obey these
' Vide Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," pp. io6-io8, the letter dated
25^1 of February, 1498.

TWO MeNACINC BRlEFi. 26^
commands, we shall be forced to ass-^rt the dignity
and authority of the Holy See, by subjecting you to an
interdict and also to other and more effectual remedies." '
The Signory paid no attention to the brief, but the
Pope, perhaps foreseeing this, sent another at the same
time to the Canons of the Duomo,2 enjoining them
to absolutely prohibit Savonarola from preaching in
their church. Accordingly, dating from the 2nd of March,
the third day of Lent, we find him delivering his
sermons in St. Mark's, and beginning with the following
exordium : " When it was needful, we gave ye a proof
of courage ; and are disposed to give others, when the
moment shall arrive ; but at present it rather beseems
us to use moderation." 3 He thus tried to avoid giving
offence, while waiting to see of what elements the new
Signory for March and April would be formed.
But this proved almost utterly hostile, only three of
the members being well disposed to him, while the remain
ing six were determined foes. One of these was the Gon
falonier, Piero Popoleschi, who, notwithstanding his name,
had always belonged to the Medicean party. Instead,
however, of joining the Bigi, he had gone over heart and
soul to the Arrabbiati, and was now one of those most
bent upon persecuting Savonarola. Accordingly, no
sooner did the new Signory receive notice of the Papal
brief, than they determined to assemble a Pratica, in
order to gauge the temper of the citizens, and avoid
assuming at once too odious a responsibility. So, on
the 3rd of March they summoned a council to deliberate
' This brief was unknown, until unearthed by me in Codex 2053 of
the Riccardi Library. Signor Gherardi aftervvards discovered the
original document in the Florence Archives. Vide Appendix to the
Italian edition, doc. xiv. Meier assigns the date ofthe 26th of February
to another brief that vvill be mentioned farther on.
" This brief I have been unable to find ; but it is mentioned in Bousi's
letter of the 27th of February. Vide Gherardi, loc. cit., p. loS.
3 " Prediche sopra I'Esodo." Vide the sermon of the third day of Lent.

264 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
on the best mode of pursuing the Pisan war with so little
nioney in their coffers, and above all on the nieasures
to be adopted concerning the Friar after the brief from
Rome. I'his indeed was the real object of the Pratica.
The Gonfaloniers of the Conipanies, the twelve
Worthies, and other officials confined themselves to
generalities, saying that it would be best to calm the
Pope's wrath by making him understand that, if they
were to lay hands on the Friar, the whole city would
oe in a tumult. But the Ten of Liberty and Peace '
were far more explicit. Owing to the importance of
their functions it was their special duty to answer all
demands then put by the Signory. And as they differed
from that body, by holding office for six instead of two
months, they had hitherto been unanimous in favour of
Savonarola. Accordingly Battista Ridolfi, their appointed
spokesman, made a long speech, beginning with a most
melancholy picture of the condition of the Republic :
* We have disbursed twenty thousand ducats," he said,
" and of the fifteen thousand, per month, you assigned
to us, have received almost nothing. Our enemies
are daily increasing ; the Venetian fleet is nearing
the port of Leghorn ; the dearness of provisions and the
disorganization of the troops would prevent us from
taking the field on any emergency. Leghorn, a most
important position as regards supplies, merchandise, and
artillery, stands in great need of repairs, which we cannot
afford to make. Volterra, which should be well garrisoned.
Is left defenceless ; the adjacent hills are abandoned,
and would fall into the enemy's hands at the first
attack. It Is the same with the cities in the plains.
Pescia and its valley are exposed to the foe. Through-
' At that time, as vve all know, the Ten of War were designated by
this name, in accordance with one of the laws promoted by Savonarola,
when the popular governinent was first constituted.

RIDOLFIS SPEECH. 265
out the district above Vagliano, which is another
important place, constables, commissioners, and soldiery
are all clamouring for nioney. The Pisans are already
making raids in Miremma, and the plague does the rest.
Wherefore the Signori, my colleagues, implore that fitting
measures be taken, since the safety of the whole State
is in question, and whatever should go wrong, they will
be excused coram Deo!' '
Coming to the subject of Savonarola, Ridolfi then
said : " My Signori are of opinion that we should avoid
quarrel with the Pope, but must look to the honour of
God and the Republic : that it consequently behoves us
to thoroughly investigate the Pope's statements, and
ascertain whether his complaints be just or not, and if
that which he ordains be for good or ill. They decidedly
hold the Friar to be a man of virtuous life and great
learning, who has never caused any evil in Florence,
but always rendered good service both in spiritual and
temporal matters. Wherefore if the Pope be opposed
to his deeds owing to false information, let all be at once
made clear to him in writing ; but if (as my Signori
think) the affair stands on a different footing, then our
sole care should be to uphold the honour of our city.
For in fact," concluded Ridolfi, "letters from Milan
assure us that the Pope has suddenly changed his mood,
and become hostile to the Republic, not only on account
of the Friar's sermons, but for other good reasons also ; 2
hence our replies should be easy and brief. My colleagues
would finally pray you to remember how everything went
' In Signor Lupi's collection of " Pratiche " or debates concerning
Savonarola affairs (" Archivio Storico Italiano," Series iii. vol. iii. part i.)
the whole of this passage is omitted, possibly because it does not relate
to Savonarola. iVIost of these documents were previously known to me
in MS., but a few were discovered by Signor Lupi.
' Namely, for entirely political reasons, such as his desire to overthrow
the Florentine .government.

266 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
wrong in Florence in consequence of the expulsion of Fra
Bernardino." '
The citizens' benches then expressed their views,
saying: "That the brief gave them much pain, but
that the expulsion of the Friar from Florence would
cause the most serious disturbance throughout the city.
It might be well, in sign of obedience to the Pope,
to prohibit the Friar from preaching in the Duomo,
especially as he had withdrawn to St. Mark's on the
previous day.2
The real meaning of all this was that they did not
intend to do anything, and the Signory were compelled
to yield to the verdict of the niajority. Therefore on
the following day various letters were forwarded by the
Ten to the Florentine ambassador in Rome, together with
one from the Signory to the Pope. 3 They stated that
on the arrival of the last brief, Savonarola had immedi
ately withdrawn to St. Mark's to prove his submission ;
they eulogized his doctrine, his life, and his prophecies ;
and expressed their condemnation of his enemies,
" who detest light more than darkness, and merely seek
to foment civil discord." And they ended by sa-ying :
" We are unable to obey the commands of your Holiness,
not only because, in obeying them, we should act
unworthily towards our Republic, and unjustly towards
one who has deserved so well of his country ; but also
because, even if we had the will, we lack the power
to obey without exciting popular dissensions and placing
many persons In danger : such and so great is the favour
' Frk Bernardino da Monte Feltro, expelled during the reign of Piero
de' Medici. Vide Parenti, "Storia di Firenze."
^ K/c/t' the before-quoted " Pratiche." This stands third in Signor Lupi's
collection. 3 Dated 4th of March, but really written on the 3rd, as can be ascer
tained from many subsequent documents. Vide also Gherardi's " Nuovi
Documenti," p. in, Note 4.

MALICIOUS PURPOSE OF THE SiGNORY. 267
won by this Friar's integrity. We are sorely pained
that these matters should have turned the heart of your
Holiness against us, and that you now deprive us of the
hopes you formerly held out, touching the material
welfare of our Republic' Nevertheless, we shall continue
to maintain our wonted allegiance to the Church and the
Catholic faith, only premising that the good of our
Republic is nearer to our hearts than the convenience
of others." 2
It Is certainly hard to understand why a Signory that
was avowedly opposed to Savonarola should have spoken
so earnestly in his favour.3 It was probably with the
mahcious design of increasing the irritation of the Pope.
For, while replying in the terms suggested by the Pratica,
they were thus stirring Alexander to a more violent
rejoinder. This, too, is the explanation given by the
Milanese orator to his master, the Duke.4 It is certain,
at any rate, that the letter was sent in the name of the
new Signory, and that Savonarola quietly continued his
sermons in St. Mark's.
This church, being too small for the multitude of his
hearers, admittance was granted only to men. The
women went at first to hear him preach in San Lorenzo,
and when the canons forbade him the use of that pulpit,
they repaired to S. Niccolo in Via del Cocomero, to
attend the sermons of Fra Domenico da Pescia. But
¦ The question of Church tithes, and the surrender of Pisa.
" Vide Documents in Padro Marchese's before-quoted work, p. 165.
The letter is written in Latin.
3 Mons. Perrens held this to be an argument for denying that the
Signory were really opposed to Savonarola ; but all doubt on this point
is removed by the evidence of contemporary opinion and of subsequent
events. * In fact the Milanese orator informed Ludovico in the first days of
March that after the brief of the 26th of February, the Signory had
written to the Pope in defence of Savonarola in order that the irritated
Pontiff "might be forced to go farther." Vide Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. xii.

268 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TLMES.
they so earnestly besought Savonarala to let them again
hear his voice, that he was obliged to devote every
Saturday to preaching specially to them.'
The favourite theme of these last Lenten sermons was
the definition of how and when a Pope may commit
error. " To declare that the Pope, as Pope, can do no
wrong, is the same as to say, that neither the Christian
as a Christian, nor the ecclesiastic as an ecclesiastic, can
do wrong, but that, as individuals. Pope, Christian, or
ecclesiastic is equally liable to error. 2 ... As Pope he
cannot err, since the Pope is merged in his office, but
when he errs, he Is no Pope ; and If he Issues a wrongful
command, it cannot be held to proceed from the Pope.3 —
O Friar, the Pope is God upon earth, and the vicar of
Christ. — That is true, but God and Christ command us
' Burlamacchi, p. 96.
" " Prediche sopra I'Esodo," Sermon vii. This and the preceding
sermon are mentioned by Machiavelli in a letter to a friend, dated the
Sth of March (common style). In this the writer shows himself de
cidedly unfavourable to Savonarola, since, as we have pointed out
elsewhere, he had some leaning, in early youth, towards the Arrabbiati
faction, and only modified his opinion of the Friar, at a riper age. This
is how he speaks of him in the letter in question : " Going to hear the
Friar in his own house (the Convent of St. Mark's), and noting the
courage vvith which he began and continued his sermons, it was impos
sible not to entertain much admiration for him ; for — starting with very
terrifying words and with arguments such as seemed most convincing to
those who did not discuss them — he declared all his followers to be excel
lent, and his adversaries most vile, dwelling on all the points suited to
weaken the contrary side and fortify his own ; and as I was present at
the time, I will describe some of these things." After giving certain
minute details, Machiavelli next says : " He began to tear your books
to pieces, O priests, and to treat you as though ye were not fit food for
dogs." As to those who sought to become tyrants, "he said so much,
that men went about that day making public conjectures about one who
is no nearer a tyrant than you are near heaven ! ... Of the Pope, he
says all that could be said of the vilest wretch you please ; and thus, in
my opinion, he goes on favouring the times, and giving colour to his
falsehoods." These last words, although very exaggerated with respect
to Savonarola, show the general hostility to Rome still prevailing in
Florence. 3 Sermon xi.

HE SUGGESTS THE NEED OF A COUNCIL. 269
to love our brother and to do good ; wherefore if the
Pope command thee to do some deed opposed to charity,
if thou obey, then thou wouldst grant more to the Pope
than to God." ' " The Pope may be led into error not
only by false reports, but sometimes also from hatred to
charity, like unto Pope Boniface VIII., who was a bad
Pope, to whom the evil one had said : I will that thou
destroy this Order of preaching friars : who began like a
fox and died like a dog." " Our Order hath often fought
and withstood Popes who sought to do evil.2 Do we
not behold a proof of it now ? If I desire to forsake
religion and do evil, a bull is soon granted me and flill
licence ; but to do good no sanction is allowed. 3 And
the cause of all this great corruption of the Church is the
temporal power. When the Church was poor, she was
holy ; but when temporal power was conferred on her,
then her spiritual power was cast down : she was over
whelmed in the dust of riches and worldly things, and
began to be puffed with pride." 4
It is clear that Savonarola felt that the catastrophe was
at hand and could no longer be averted. Nevertheless,
instead of withdrawing from the fight and, as would have
been easy, seeking safety in concealment, he persisted in
trying to achieve the reform of the Church, even at the
risk of his own ruin. Hence he now ventured to more
openly suggest the assembly of a council, a subject on
which he had hitherto observed great caution, merely
alluding to it in metaphorical sentences such as the need
of giving a turn to the key, and so on. Now, with some
' Sermon xviii. = Sermon vii. 3 Sermon xvi.
*• Sermon xii. One of the arguments most frequently urged by him
in these sermons was the indelible character of the priesthood. " No
priest," he said, " can be deprived of this, even by the Pope ; he bears
it with him even to hell ; excommunication cannot annul his power of
administering the sacraments ; and this is also the opinion of St. Thomas
Aquinas." Vide Sermons xii and xiii.

2 70 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
hesitation, as it were, he started the subject with a Latin
quotation : " Venerunt simul, et congregaverunt cunctos
seniores filiorum Israel. . . . This is a fine point ; but I
will hold it in reserve yet a while, and will keep it here
in my pouch : the moment is not yet come. I will only
say this : — Tell me, O Florence, what meaneth a council ?
How is it that your children are in ignorance concerning
this thing, hov/ Is it that none is assembled nowadays ? —
O Father, they cannot be gathered together. — Perad
venture thou sayest the truth ; but I know not if thou
regardeth the matter as I regard it. A council signifieth
a meeting of the Church, id est, of all the good abbots and
prelates, and worthies and laymen belonging to the
Church. But take heed that one doth not invite the
Church properly so called, unless where there be the gift of
the Holy Spirit. And nowadays where is this form of
the Church to be found ? Possibly the gift of the Holy
Spirit is only to be found In some lowly good man ; and
for this reason thou mightest well say that no council
can be called. In a council there must needs be re
formers to sweep away abuses : and where can we find
these reformers ? Item in a council, wicked priests are
chastised, and a bishop guilty of simony or schism would
be deposed. Oh ! how many would have to be deposed !
Perhaps none would be left ! . . . That is why it is
impossible to assemble this council. — What must be done
then ? Pray the Lord that the day may come for it to
be at last called together, to favour and assist those that
seek to do right, and to combat the wicked." '
These words clearly prove that Savonarola was waiting
for a suitable moment to risk an attempt to summon a
council, before which he could make an open attack upon
Alexander VL, and endeavour to set on foot the much
needed reform of the Church. The fury aroused in the
' Sermon xiii.

EVENTS HURRY TO A CLIMAX.

271

Pope by these utterances may easily be imagined by all.
But the actual extent of his wrath, and his numerous and
varied devices to conquer the Friar, and force the Re
public to lend itself to his sinister purpose, are only to be
learnt by following the thread of thia history. From
this moment the plot daily becomes more and more com
plicated ; and new passions and new schemes combine to
hurry it to a climax.

CHAPTER VI.

COLLOQUY OF THE FLORENTINE aiMBASSADOli WITH
THE POPE. MOIIE BRIEFS AU^D FRESH THREATS.
THE SIGNORY CcALLS NEW ^MEETINGS, c4ND SAVON-
Q/iROLA IS I^HIBITE'D FROzM PREcylCHING. HIS LAST
LENTEN SERMOU^C AN'D FcAREWELL (ylDDRESS TO
THE 'PEOPLE. HIS LETTER TO THE 'POPE, q4N'D
OTHER LETTERS TO THE PRItMiCES.

(March, 1498.)

=v^ HE

Signory's despatch in defence of
Savonarola reached Rome on the even
ing of the 6th of March, and was
delivered the next day to the Pope
.}^~~^0r^ by the two Florentine ambassadors.
'^^:^i:2s^ Alexander seemed much incensed when
his secretary read him its contents. " Your Signory," he
said, " have written me a wicked letter. I am not mis
informed, for I have read your Friar's sermons, and
spoken with those who have heard them. He dares to
say that the Pope is a broken tool, that it is heretical to
believe In the efficacy of the excommunication, and that
he would rather go to hell than ask to be absolved from
it." Then, becoming more and more excited as he went
on, he complained of the Signory for allowing the Friar
full liberty to preach, adding that even Savonarola's
retreat to his convent had not been enjoined by them.
And he concluded by declaring that unless the sermons
were finally stopped, he would lay the city under an inter
dict. On this point he spoke so decidedly, that the
orators ended their report to the Ten with the following

FLORENCE THREATENED WITH AN INTERDICT. 273
words : And we are firmly convinced he will do as he
says." They tried to defend Savonarola's character and
doctrine ; but after hearing what they had to say, the
Pope replied, "that he objected neither to his good
doctrine nor his good works, but condemned him on the
score that, being excommunicate, he proved his contempt
for the Holy See by neither asking absolution nor yielding
obedience." After this conversation the two orators took their
leave, and the Holy Father, in the presence of many
bishops and cardinals, gave way to a paroxysm of true
Spanish fury, threatening complete ruin on the Republic
and the Friar. Thereupon many of the bystanders hastened
to Bonsi imploring him to convince the Signory of the
necessity of taking strong measures, and, above all, of
putting a stop to the sermons if they wished their city
to escape serious harm. For Piero de' Medici was going
about offering heavy bribes to all who would assist his
restoration to Florence ; the Arrabbiati were writing and
storming to the same effect ; and the Milanese and
Venetian ambassadors insisting that the Florentines should
be forced to join the League. The Pope, therefore, was
positively determined to lay them under an interdict,
unless they ceased to protect this Friar, who was threaten
ing to throw the whole Church into confusion. At this
moment, too, there was so much ill-will in Rome against
Florence that Bonsi's house was attacked by armed
men, with the evident intent of killing its owner.
In the last week of February and first of March he
sent repeated accounts of these things to the Ten.' And
shortly afterwards we find him despatching another letter
' Vide Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," the remarks at p. 104 and in
Note I. Vide also at pp. 104-105, the letters dated 22nd and 25th of
February. The letter of the 7th of March is included among the "Docu
menti" edited by Padre Marchese (doc. xx.), p. 167.
VOL. II. IQ

2 74 SAVONAROLA'S LlIE AND TIAIES.
to the Signory,' insisting on the necessity of prohibiting
Savonarola from preaching, and adding that this was the
only way to facilitate an agreement with the Pope.
Meanwhile he enclosed a copy of another and still
more threatening brief, to the following effect : —
"We should never have supposed that your audacity
would rise to the point of contending with us concerning
the affairs of Frate Girolamo Savonarola, almost as though
it were a question of carrying on a quarrel, and forgetful
of your duty of rendering to Caesar that which is Cassar's,
to God that which is God's. Wherefore it now behooves
us to put an end to these letters and briefs which are
multiplying ad infinitum. Know therefore and be assured
that this Fra Girolamo has been excommunicated by us,
owing to no false reports nor instigation from others ; but
through his disobedience to our commands, as to joining
the new Tusco-Roman Congregation, and the manifest
contempt he has shown for our decree of excommunication,
in continuing to preach as though he were an angel sent
by the Lord. We do not condemn him for his good
works and the results achieved by him in your city ; on the
contrary, for all this he has our praise ; but we desire that
he should come to ask pardon for his petulant pride, and
we will readily grant him our forgiveness, when he shall
have humiliated himself before us. You have not only
encouraged this Friar in his disobedience ; but, by
preventing all others from preaching, have constituted
him, as it were, your oracle of Apollo.2 Wherefore we
shall never desist from our efforts until reparation be
made to the honour and dignity of the Holy See, for
the insults of this vile worm ye have fostered.3 Where-
¦ Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," p. Ii6.
° " A vobis publico edicto vetari obtinuerit ne quis prseter eum evange-
lizaret populo vestro verbum Dei ; volens unicus pro Apollineo quodam
Florentinorum oraculo haberi satis."
3 " Ita turbamur, ut quieturi non simus, donee honori Sanctae huius
Sedis, tot modis a tenui isto vermiculo, calore vestro, ulccratj, consuUie-
riinua.''

MENACING BRIEFS. 275
fore take good heed as to your own affairs : ' for not
until ye be disposed to obedience will we stoop to grant
the requests ye have made us concerning the material
interests of your Repjblic.2 In any case ye must now
reply to us by deeds alone. Instead of by farther letters,3
since we are most firmly resolved to no longer tolerate
your disobedience, and will lay the whole city under
interdict, and never remove it so long as ye shall con
tinue to favour and protect this monstrous idol of yours."
Almost at the same time another brief, nearly identical
in substance, but milder in form, was officially and directly
transmitted from the Pope to the Signory. In the former
of the two he had expressed himself more clearly, and as
it were confidentially, because he knew the government to
be adverse to the Friar ; but in this public document he
lowered his tone, in the hope of winning over the Ten
and the rest of the Piagnoni. After the usual recapitula
tion of the history of all the preceding briefs and the
decree of excomniunlcation, he again stated that he could
not condemn, and must rather praise, Savonarola's life and
doctrine ; 4 but could no longer tolerate his insolence.
" " Et per interventum simplicis Fratris ne cadat ut aiunt musca in lac,
quod inter nos et vos bonis rationibus sensim coagulat."
The Church tithe and the surrender of Pisa.
3 " Tamdiu duraturo, quamdiu vestro isti monstruoso idolo favorem
praestabitis." Mons. Perrens (doc. xi.) published this brief (undated)
from the Codex in the Marcian Library of Venice, adding, however, that
it was an answer to the Signory's letter of the 4th of March. Herr
Meier, on the other hand, assigned it the date of the 26th of February
(p. 145, Note 2). Neither of these authors was aware of the existence
of the real brief of the 26th of February, quoted in the preceding chapter,
and discovered by me in the Codex 2,053 of the Riccardi Library in
Florence. The brief alluded to here, and discovered by Mons. Perrens
must be posterior to the 26th of February, and is in perfect accordance
with all that is related in Bonsi's despatches of the 7th and 9th of March.
Of this brief also I discovered an undated copy in the Codex 2,053
mentioned above.
¦• " Quajcumque enim de illius religione et fructibus in ista Civitate ex
ipsius admonitionibus subsecutis litene vestras attestantur, }ion impro-
bavimus nee improbamus, immo huiusmodi opera qua vobis gratissima
sunt magnopere commendamus."

2 76 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
" Not only," so ran the brief " has he refused to submit
to excommunication, but has declared it to be null, and
dared to call upon God to send him to hell if he should
ask to be absolved from It. We will no longer tolerate
him, nor waste time in correspondence. Ye must prevent
him from preaching and give him into our hands, or at
least keep him in safe custody, until he abases himself at
our feet to implore absolution. This we would then
graciously grant, since we ask nothing better, after re
ceiving his submission, than to give him absolution, so that
he may continue to preach the word of God." ' And he
once more concluded by saying that, if the Signory refused
to do this, they might expect an interdict or even worse
punlshment.2 ' " Quem benigne et libenter excipiemus, ut eum penitentem, absolvamus
et Ecclesia: restituamus, quem postea apostolico favore his vinculis
liberatum et expeditum, ad vos remittemus, ubi verbum Dei evangelizando
animas lucrifacere possit."
' This second brief, ofthe 9th of March, was discovered and published
by Signor Gherardi; vide "Nuovi Documenti," p. 117. He states his
opinion (p. 115) that the undated brief, as published by Mons. Perrens,
was the original draft, and that it vvas afterwards modified and tempered
at the intercession of some of the cardinals. Thus, in his view, the
brief of the 9th of March vvas the only one sent, first through Bonsi, and
then directly from the Pope to the Signory. But in that case how comes
the undated brief to be comprised in the old Venetian and Riccardi
Codices ? The latter Codex, it should be remembered, was compiled by
a contemporary of Savonarola, and both contain important collections
of documents which have always proved to be authentic. If the draft
of the brief was annulled without being sent to Florence, how is it that
several old copies of it are extant, and why was it included by an expert
among authentic documents .'' Consequently, my own opinion is that
there were two briefs, and that the first and more confidential one vvas
despatched by Bonsi with his letter of the 9th of March. This brief
must have been of earlier date than the 9th of March, otherwise it is
scarcely probable that the orator could have despatched it to Florence
the same day. The delays incidental to government offices would hardly
have allowed him to send it off before the loth or nth of the month.
And although a double brief was by no means a regular thing, it should
be kept in mind that Alexander VI. observed no rules at that period. I
will also add another remark. In the Pratica of the 14th of March,
i498> of vvhich I shall have to speak farther on, Messer Guidantonio

SHIFTY DEVICES OF THE POPE. 277
It is very clear that the nearer the Pope approached
the point of resorting to violence, the more cautious
and circumspect he became — apart from the harshness of
his language — in order to ensure his success. He was
using all his cunning to induce the more stubborn of the
Florentines to give way. After having so long and
ingeniously veiled the political question under the guise
of a religious dispute, now that Savonarola accepted this as
the basis of the quarrel and appealed to the judgment of a
council, he hurried, as if in terror, to put the religious dis
pute aside by reducing it to a mere question of discipline.
Savonarola's doctrine was sound, his life admirable ; the
only point of attack was his obstinate refusal to obey, and
on this the dignity of the Church would admit of no
compromise. Let him come to Rome, and all would be
ended. This was true, for then he would have been at
once seized and strangled in the Castle of St. Angelo.
Meanwhile, although the Pope's wrath was hot, his
request seemed reasonable, and so the Signory could
hopefully submit it to the Pratica that was assembled on
the 14th of March.
This was one of the most numerous and important
meetings held during these days. In addition to all the
principal magistrates, it was attended by twenty- five
citizens from each quarter of the town, divided according
to custom, in different benches. Whether sincerely or in
sincerely, all spoke in high praise of the Friar's life and
the benefits he had conferred on the city. But after this,
opinions were divided. Some wished to yield to the
Vespucci, in reply to those who considered Florence to be insulted by the
terms of the brief, said that he thought "the first brief was a little more
imperious, this last one more moderate in tone." Other orators also
alluded to two briefs. It might, of course, be supposed that they/r.f/
brief was that of the 26th of February, but that vvas not more i?nperious,
and besides, a Pratica had already been called on the 3rd of March, to
consult how to reply to it.

2 78 SAVONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES
Pope, and were in dread of the interdict ; while others
mocked at it, and declared that Savonarola should be
allowed to continue his sermons. The debate was fierce,
for now that it was known that the brief had been sent at
the solicitation of the Arrabbiati and the allied powers, the
affair was converted into a political and party question.
Many speeches were made, and some were of consider
able length. Public and private interests, political and
religious passions. Pagan and Christian ideas are so
strangely jumbled in this debate, that it affords us a
photographic picture of the temper of the Florentines of
that day.
Giovanni Canacci, the spokesman of the twelve newly-
elected Worthies, described the injuries which the interdict
would bring upon the commerce of Florence, and was
therefore of opinion that the sermons should be stopped.
" For my own part," he added, " I would even go farther,
and hand over the Friar to the Pope, who has a right to
punish him. We must render to every one that which is
his. Remember," he exclaimed, as though alleging an
irresistible argument, " that the city of Troy was burnt
and destroyed through its refusal to give up Helen. And
you know what happened in consequence of the capture
of Hanno the Carthaginian. After examples such as
these, shall we deny the Pope his own .'' "
Paolo Antonio Soderini, a citizen of weighty influence,
then rose to speak against the brief in the name of the
Ten, saying that, " even to the Peruglans,' no such brief
should have been sent ; that it was an apple of discord
purposely thrown into the city by their enemies. The
Pope must be made to understand that they would not
join the League at any price, but were bent on maintaining
the honour of God and the security of their country. As
' The frequent repetition of this phrase shows that Florence was
strongly irritated at;ainst Perugia just then,

A HEATED DEBATE. 279
to Fra Girolamo, he was to be cherished like a rare and
precious jewel, since all Italy had not his equal." And
Lorenzo Lanzi, in the name of the officials of the Monte
di Pieta, was moved by Soderini's words to declare that —
" One should rinse one's mouth before speaking of Fra
Girolamo, instead of proposing to hand him over to the
Pope. Where ' should we be, but for his aid .? Why
should you fear an interdict ^ Let it come, as others
have come on us before ! What worse could befall us
than that sudden attack by the Emperor, who was stirred
against us ? Did not the Lord then come to your rescue .''
Rather ye should make known to the Pope all the doctrine
and goodness of this servant of God ! "
But hereupon another speaker broke in. This was
Messer Guidantonio Vespucci, who was equally influential
as an advocate and a citizen, and who, in 1494, had
opposed Soderini, and been the champion of aristocratic
government In Florence. His speech was a masterpiece
of astuteness, legal syllogisms, and sophistry. " This
is a very serious affair,' he said ; " we should weigh the
pro and the contra, the good or evil that may result to
the city. It is certainly to be regretted," he added, with
hypocritical unction, " that we should be deprived of
spiritual consolation during Lent ; but, all things con
sidered, it is wiser to yield to the Pope. We desire the
Tithe on Church property, we desire Pisa and the absolu
tion of the Friar. Now, to ask these favours of the Pope,
while giving him offence, seems to me contrary to reason.
Whether Fra Girolamo be in the right or in the wrong,
you will obtain nothing from the Pope without giving him
satisfaction. And if the interdict be iniposed, your com
merce will be ruined. But versa vice " — and here the
lawyer's cunning became almost demoniacal — " when one
reflects on the harm that may ensue to the city by sus
pending the Friar's sermons, it must also be remembered

28o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
that, as the command emanates from our lawful superior,
no sin is incurred by ourselves. He who fears censure,
even when it be unjust, is approved of the Lord.
Some hold this to be a small thing, but I deem it great,
for the right of censure is now the sole weapon ofthe
Church, and she will try to enforce it by every means,
seeing that otherwise she would forfeit all her in
fluence over mankind. It is urged that we should guard
the honour of God, but these are ambiguous words, for it
is certain that the power of the Pope is derived from God,
whereas it is doubtful whether Fra Girolamo be truly a
messenger of the Lord. Wherefore we judge it to be
expedient to render obedience to the Pope in whatever
way your Excellencies think best."
'This speech made an extraordinary impression, since it
showed the Florentines, who cared little for religion, how
to secure their own interests without hurt to their con
science. But Messer BInea della Stufa, the first to speak
for the citizens' benches, tried to combat the proposal, by
saying : " God came to our aid even when all Italy was
against us. Why should we now abandon the safe course
pointed out to us by the Friar's sermons, to enter on a
doubtful one ? The Pope is an authority on spiritual, but
not on temporal, things. It would be beneath our dignity
to become his instruments, et ut ita dicam, his turnkeys.
This is all the work of the potentates," he exclaimed,
" and if you yield on this point, the Pope will exact
even viler deeds from you. The members of my
bench are not afraid of the interdict, and believe that,
even if it were iniposed, the trade of the city would go
on as before, and bales of wool be packed and unpacked
as usual." But his words produced little effect. Vespucci
had succeeded in giving voice to the feeling then destined
to prevail, and many now rose to second his motion ;
among them, Giuliano dei Gondi, who plainly said that

A HEATED DEBATE. 281
nearly all of his bench wished to vote for the suspension
of the sermons. " Are we to put ourselves against the
whole world ? The interdict would cause grievous harm,
and many of us have already ceased to send merchandise
to Naples and elsewhither. If Messer Enea had anything
to lose he would speak in a different tone. I, whose wine-
casks are scattered all over Italy and in foreign parts, know
well that, if the interdict be imposed on us, I shall be
unable to meet my obligations. We shall be pillaged on
all sides."
That the affair was taking a very bad turn was still
more clearly seen when Francesco Valori began to speak
for his bench, although, to avoid making matters worse,
he was far more cautious than usual. "Not a word has been
said among us of closing St. Mark's, for in a free city no
good works, but only unlawful works, are forbidden. This
monastery is a school of virtue, and will be in still higher
repute fifty years hence. As regards the Friar, I advise you
to honour and venerate and cherish him more dearly than
any one that has ever existed during the last two hundred
years. These Briefs do not emanate spontaneously from
the Pope, but are wheedled out of him by enemies of our
city. We must proceed very cautiously, for if this wheel
be turned it will only raise a disturbance." Antonio
Canigiani was more explicit, for he frankly said : " That
his bench feared neither excommunications nor interdicts,
knowing that certain Florentines were at the bottom of it
all. " It is needless to refer to heathen examples ! The Old
and New Testaments suffice to show that Fra Girolamo is
a true prophet. And as the Pope approves of his doctrine
and his life, how can he excommunicate him ? I do not
dispute the authority of the Pope, but I say that he is
liable to error, and I have more fear of God's wrath than
of his. I will not discuss the validity or invalidity of
the excommunication, but I say that this city has never

282 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
recognized any superior power, and beg to remind your
Excellencies that our freedom must not be subject to the
behest of a pontiff." But these words had no more effect
that those of Bernardo Nasi, who, almost with tears in his
eyes, wound up by exclaiming : " God grant that those
who love to see scandal, may not see so much as might
move stones to pity. I beseech your Excellencies to be on
the alert, for here our liberty is in danger." '
Of thirty-two orators, eight oniy were decidedly
favourable to the Friar ; seventeen had advised, more
or less earnestly, the suspension of the sermons, and the
rest were uncertain. It was, accordingly, but too plain
that things were going ill for Savonarola, and that the
hostile Signory might now venture on some decision
against him. The truth was that Alexander VI. feigned
to be so mild and to ask so little. In order that it
might seem sheer obstinacy to refuse obedience at the risk
of harming the city. But the first point once yielded,
the adverse party would triumph, and the rest would
follow of itself. It was precisely this that embittered
the strife. On the one hand the Florentines had to think
of their material interests, on the other, of their moral and
religious welfare. The dispute might have risen to true
historical Importance had the Florentines appreciated the
necessity of defending virtue, justice, and freedom of
conscience at all risks, and of firmly resisting this guilt-
stained Pope. But they had no strong feeling in the
matter. Savonarola's adversaries simply spoke from the
standpoint of commercial interest, saying that It was in
expedient to rouse the Pope and the allies to hostility for
the sake of a friar's sermons. Also, that however just
Savonarola's cause might be, their consciences would be
absolved by obedience to the Pope. To words such as
' This Pratica was quoted in the first edition of this work, and has
since been published in Signor Lupi's collection of " Pratiche," loc, cit.

LUKEWARMNESS OF THE FLORENTINES. 283
these an outburst of indignation would have been the only
adequate reply. On the other hand, Savonarola's adherents
failed to urge in his defence that he was the representative
of the sacred right of freedoni of conscience and the
regenerator of faith, but upheld him as the messenger of
the Lord, and the prophet by whom miracles were to be
achieved. None dared to assail the Pope, whose authority
was recognized by all. There was nowhere that resolve
to subordinate worldly and material interests to those of
morality, which at certain moments inspires nations to
deeds of heroism. When expecting some irrepressible
flight towards higher planes of moral and religious thought,
we find instead cool calculations as to the injury the
interdict might cause to the sale of wine and wool.
When awaiting some impressive outburst of the evan
gelical spirit, so strenuously Inculcated by Savonarola, we
only hear allusions to Helen, the Trojans, or the Cartha-^
ginians. When hoping that the crimes of the Borgia
would stir the conscience of the Florentines to some vio-:
lent reaction, we find them remarking that in any case
obedience, even to a Pope Alexander, would neces
sarily be a merit in the sight of the Lord. Conse
quently the ground was giving way beneath Savonarola's
feet, for virtue and faith were his sole weapons of defence
The drama was hurrying to its pre^estii^ end.
But although the Signory had the majority of the
Pratica on their side, before coming to a decision, they
summoned another on the 17th,' limited to nineteen
of the more influential citizens, from whom, as being
quasi cor Civitatis, they asked fresh advice on the
course to be pursued. This Pratica opined that Savona
rola should be persuaded to abandon the pulpit, but
' There is only a note of this Pratica, without any details of the
speeches in " The Frammenti di Pratiche," reg. 66, at sheet 25. Vide
also Lupi's collection, loc. cit. nnd Nardi, vol i. p. 142.

284 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
judged that the Pope's further requests were insulting to
the Republic. The decreed result was immediately com
municated to Bonsi by the Ten, who, being composed of
the Friar's friends, wrote on the i8th of March : " That,
although all were persuaded of the excellence of Savona
rola's life and doctrine, which had gained praise even
from the Pope, and although likewise convinced that the
Briefs had been based on false reports, they had resolved
to obey the Pontiff, in the hope that, according to his
promise, he would soon console them, by restoring their
spiritual food." '
Bonsi, who was already on the eve of becoming one of
the Friar's worst foes, and was accordingly irritated by
the continual praises of him expressed by the Ten, had
addressed them an almost violent letter on the i6th of
March. " I can obtain nothing, hope nothing from the
Pope," he wrote, " unless you decide to put an end to the
sermons. Do not Imagine that you will be allowed to
disregard the Papal excommunication and censures, which
are now the only weapons retained by the Church. You
may count on an interdict unless you obey. I am in
continual peril of my life, and it will be worse when the
interdict is launched. Wherefore I pray you to recall me
without delay." 2 And a day or so later he wrote again
to the same effect and in the same urgent tone, warn
ing the Ten that Piero de' Medici seemed more cheerful
than usual, and was holding continual interviews with
the Pope. Also, that His Holiness, besides threatening
an interdict, now declared that he would imprison all the
Florentine merchants in Rome. 3 In fact, the latter wrote
to the Signory in great alarm about this, on the 19th of
March.4 Therefore on the arrival of the dispatch from
' Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," p. 124. ' Ibid p. 121.
3 He sometimes sent two despatches in one day. Vide Gherardi {loc.
cit.) Bonsi's letters ofthe i8th, 19th, and 20th, at pp. 124, 126, and 128.
¦• Gherardi, p. 127.

BONSI'S REPORTS FROM ROME. 485
the Ten, before dawn on the 22 nd of March, the
ambassador immediately sent to ask an audience of the
Pope, who, after keeping him waiting all day at the
Vatican, only received him on the 23rd. He was already
aware of what had taken place, and showed cold satis
faction, but nevertheless demanded a reply from the
Signory to his brief. He blamed them severely for still
allowing other friars to preach in St. Mark's, who always
repeated the same things. Then, all at once, he seemed
pacified, saying that he would do good to Florence, and
that he would pardon Savonarola and again permit him to
preach as soon as the man asked absolution, " since, for
his own part, he did not condemn his (the Friar's) doctrine,
but only the fact of preaching while still unabsolved and
of calumniating his person and disregarding his censure." '
But this was by no means the Pope's real mind. In fact,
on the 31st of March, Bonsi wrote that it had been
impossible to obtain another audience, and that he had
learned from the Cardinal of Perugia that the Pope
intended to send a prelate to Florence with the object of
inducing Savonarola to come to Rome. He would be
safely guarded on the journey there and back, and not a
hair of his head should be injured. Amazed at this,
Bonsi had reminded the Cardinal of the repeated promises
of the Pope, and observed that any attempt to remove
Savonarola from Florence would indubitably rouse some
serious disturbance. But all had been in vain, nor would
the Pope consent to receive him just then. So he wrote
that " the mind of his Holiness was being worked upon
by persons desirous of promoting disturbance in our
city."3 Meanwhile, on the 17th of March, the very day that
' Gherardi, op. cit., Bonsi's letter of the 23rd of March to the Signory,
at p. 130, and his letter ofthe same date to the Ten, at p. 131.
' Gherardi, op. cit., Bonsi's letter to the Ten, at p. 133.

286 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
the Signory decided on silencing Savonarola, the latter had
preached in St. Mark's to an audience composed solely of
women. His sermon was full of tenderness, seemed
almost a song of praise to the Lord, and expressed his
gloomy presentiments in highly poetical terms : " Lord, we
pray not for tranquillity, nor that our tribulations may
cease ; we pray for Thy spirit and Thy love ; that Thou
grant us strength and grace to overcome adversity. Thou
seest that the wicked are growing more incorrigibly bad,
wherefore put forth Thy power and Thy hand ; tears are
all that remain to me." The same evening he received
the order forbidding him to preach, and the following day,
the third Sunday in Lent, he gave his last sermon and
bade farewell to his people.
He began with a thoroughly scholastic dissertation on
primary and secondary causes ; said that in absence of
secondary, recourse must be had to primary causes, and
then proceeded to the application of this principle.
" Thus in the Church, the believer must first apply to his
priest or confessor ; failing these to his bishop or the
Pope ; and finally, if all the ecclesiastical hierarchy be
corrupt, he must turn to Christ, who Is the primary cause,
and say — Thou art my confessor, my bishop and my
Pope ; provide Thou against the ruin of the Church ; let
Thy vengeance begin. — O Friar ! thou wouldst weaken
the ecclesiastical power I — -This is not true ; I have always
submitted and even now submit to the correction of
the Roman Church ; I seek not to weaken, but rather to
augment Its power. But I will not be subject to the
powers of Hell ; and all power that is opposed to good,
is not of God, but of the devil." ' He then went on to
' Here it may not be superfluous to quo: • some of Frk Benedetto's ideas
concerning the Church ; for this monk u .s one of Savonarola's most
devoted disciples. In his " Vulnera Diligentis " (bk. i. ch. 19, Maglia
becchian Codex, cl. xxxiv. 7, sheet 31') one ofthe interlocutors is made
to say that " the Church is simply a congregation of the faithful, sive

<
i-l
o<Z
o

A FAREWELL DISCOURSE. 287
discuss the great difficulties he had encountered in preach
ing his doctrines, the fierceness of the struggle in which
he had been engaged, and the irresistible impulse by which
he had been forced to It.
" Ofttimes, after leaving the pulpit, I have bethought
me and said : I will preach no more of these things ; but
will rest quiet and leave all to God. And yet on again
mounting to this place, I have been unable to contain
myself ; unable to preach otherwise. The message of the
Lord hath been as a consuming fire within my bones and
my heart ; and I have not been able to endure it, but
unitas iustorum.'' The other speaker inquires : " Why is it not abso
lutely said that Ecclesia est Papa ? — Because the Pope is not precisely
the real head of the Church, but vicar of the supreme head of the Church,
Jesus Christ, that He not having remained on earth, bequeathed to his
vicar the power to bind and to loose, justly /'^^/«^7; and not unjustly. —
In that case," rejoins the first speaker, " Jesus Christ and His elect con
stitute the Church proper ; and it is unfitting to say that the Church is
composed of all who believe. Yet this does not imply that the Pope be
not aliquomodo the Church, nor that as Pope he can be liable to
error. ..."
" Papa quidem, canonice, ut oportet, decidendo rem ad fidem et
christianos mores pertinentem, errare penitus non potest. Et ita
faciens, dicitur tota Ecclesia, que errare non potest, virtualiter in ipso
Papa fecisse. Et breviter tanto in sustantia, it is to be said as follows,
that when it is said commonly, that the Pope cannot err in canonical
decisions, it signifies that all the Church cannot err, that is as being
virtually personified in the Pope. Besides, the Church cannot err in its
true member, id est, in no true Christian. Wherefore it is impossible that
the Christian err as a Christian, or the Pope as the Pope, and it were
blasphemy to say to the contrary. . . . But when the Pope is judge in his
own cause, even as Alexander VI. vvhen condemning the prophet (Savona
rola), for he accused him of unjust deeds ; then it is not virtualiter, the
Church that gives judgment, but the Pope in his own cause. And in
cases such as this the Pope is liable to error, through ignorance, or even
through guilt ; and then he is naught but a putrid member of the
Church. . . . Now likening the Church to the likeness of a human
body, I say and conclude, that the Holy Church has but one head, that is
ascended into heaven, and that this head is Jesus Christ, the Son of God ;
that all there is upon earth is the neck, appertaining to that head, and
that this neck is the Holy Pontiff." This language, rough and uncultured
though it be, serves to acquaint us with the ideas and arguments held by
many of Savonarola's followers, on the authority of the Pope and on the
Church.

2 88 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TiAtES.
constrained to speak, for I feel all burning and all inflamed
f^y the Lord's Spirit. But again, when I descend, I say
in myself; I will no more speak of these things. O, my
Lord, O Spirit, Thou that fearest none in this world ; Thou
that art no respecter of persons be they who they may ;
Thou declarest the truth to all. O Spirit, Thou dost
rouse persecutions and troubles against Thee ; Thou
jstlrrest the waves of the sea, like unto the wind ; Thou
j raiseth tempests. ... I cry : Pray be still ! but the
Spirit replleth that it cannot rest. Let us therefore leave
all to the Lord ; He is the master that turneth the tool to
His own ends, and when He needeth it no longer, casteth
it aside, even as He cast aside Jeremiah who was stoned to
death ; and even so will it be with us, when we have
served His end. Well ! we are content : let the Lord's
will be done, for the worse suffering is ours on earth, the
greater will be our crown of glory in heaven."
Finally, Savonarola announced the decree received by
him, and bade his hearers farewell ; " Yesterday at the
third hour after sunset, there came hither a messenger
from those who rule over us, saying that they prayed me,
for many considerations, to preach no more. I asked —
Come ye from your Masters ? — Yes ! — And I too must
consult my Master : to-morrow ye shall have my reply. —
I now make answer in this place, that the Lord hath
granted and yet not granted your prayers : that is, hath
granted them as to my abstention from preaching, but not
granted them as regards your salvation. Bad news is
coming to Florence, misfortunes will overwhelm her. Ye
fear an Interdict from the Pope ; but the Lord will lay
one upon ye that will deprive the wicked of life and of
substance. We will obtain by our supplications that
which we may not obtain by sermons ; and we exhort all
good men to do likewise. O Lord, I pray Thee, have
mercy on the good, and delay Thy promises no longer." '
' The last ofthe Sermons on Exodus.

SAVONAROLA CONDEAINED TO SILENCE. 289
Thus ended, on the i8th of March, 1498, the last
sermon of Fra Girolamo Savonarola, who had preached
continually in Florence for the last eight years, and with
out interruption save from his brief visit to Bologna, and
occasional absence for a few days at Prato, Pistoia, Siena,
and Lucca for the purpose of giving sermons in those
cities. In Lent and Advent he had been daily in the
pulpit ; during the intermediate months had preached
on every festival of the Church : and three stout volumes
of his sermons had yearly appeared, collected by the
indefatigable Violi. Thus Savonarola's life was spent, and
his strength consumed for the moral, political, and material
benefit of the Florentines who now condemned him to
silence ! Fra Domenico da Pescia and Fra Mariano Ughl
continued to preach for a few days after the decree ; but
the Pope had already protested against this, and therefore,
notwithstanding the excuses sent by the Ten, for the sake
of delay, the Signory soon stopped these sermons also.'
Savonarola thoroughly understood the drift of these
acts, and was determined not to be taken unawares
Ever since the arrival of the last Brief from Rome, he had
clearly realized his present position, and being decided
what course to adopt, had even pushed his loyalty to the
point of communicating it to the Pope on the 15th of
March. He was of so noble and generous a temper, that
even when resolved on open war with this crafty and
sinister foe, he felt obliged to give him fair warning to
prepare for attack. " Most Holy Father," he wrote, " I
always believed that it was the duty of a good Christian
to defend religion, and purify manners ; but in this task
I have encountered nought but anguish and tribulation ;
and found none to give me aid. I placed my hope in
your Holiness ; but you have elected to take part with
my enemies, and empowered savage wolves to assail me.
' Vide Padre Marchese loc. cit., doc. xxii.
VOL. II. 20

290 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Nor would you by any means hearken to the reasons I
brought forward — in no excuse of wrongdoing — but to
prove the truth of my doctrines, my innocence, and my
' submission to the Church. Wherefore I can no longer
i hope aught from your Holiness ; but can only appeal to
iHim that chooseth the weak vessels of this world to con-
Ifound the roaring lions of wicked men. He will help me
to prove and maintain, before the world, the holiness of
ithe cause for which I endure so much, and He will inflict
lire chastisement on those who persecute me and would
lefeat my work. For myself, I seek no earthly reward,
lut await death with longing. Let your Holiness delay
no more, but take heed to your salvation." '
He was resolved to make a final eff^ort to procure the
assembly of a Council, appeal to it in his own defence
denounce the abominable life and crimes of Rodrigo
Borgia, and declare his election void as having been obtained
by simony. He would also prove that the Pope was a
heretic and an unbeliever, that his life was unworthy of a
Christian, and that he was accordingly the main source of
all the evils lacerating the Church. Nor would there be
any lack of documents, both public and private, to sup
port these charges. Thus, the necessity of reforming the
Church would be proved, and the enterprise finally begun.
It was in allusion to this, that he had so frequently
repeated the phrase : one day we will give a turn to the
' I have adopted the reading of the Riccardi Codex 2053, that is also
followed by Meyer. Burlamacchi gives a paraphrase of this letter,
whicii he styles a lesson to the Pope; other contemporaries, as will be
seen farther on, callit a terrible letter. Herr Rudelbach gives an Italian
version of it in his " Savonarola und seine Zeit " (doc. xii.), that is even
more daring in tone, but he does not say vvhere he found it. Among
other things it contains these words : " I am therefore prepared to main
tain these truths, for which vve now suffer so much evil from you ; and
prove them, I say, against you and all adversaries, by natural and super
natural arguments, and also by Divine intervention. And these things
shall be manifested in such wise," &c. It is evident that the original text
has been paraphrased by the translator. Vide also Ou(^tif, vol. ii., p. 298.

THE NEED OF A GENERAL COUNCIL. 291
key ; we will cry aloud : Lazare, veni foras, and similar
expressions. That day was now come.
To call a General Council without the authorization, or
even against the will of the Pope, was not considered in
those tinies, as it would be at present, an act of daring
insubordination and violence. By the decrees of the
Council of Constance, the Pope was bound to convoke a
Council every ten years, and in case of neglecting so to
do, the princes were authorized to summon all the
scattered members of the Christian body to meet together
and represent the Church Universal. King Charles VIIL,
who when in Rome, had been advised by no fewer than
eighteen Cardinals to seize the Borgia's person, in order to
proceed to the election of a new and worthier Pontiff;
had always been in favour of calling a Council, and being
repeatedly instigated thereto by Savonarola and many
others, had been several times on the point of taking the
initiative in the matter. First of all, however, he wished
to solemnly consult the Doctors of the Sorbonne, as to
his right to take this step, and they passed a vote in his
favour on the 7th of January, 1497.' If all this had
been insufficient to decide the vacillating temper of the
King, who always hesitated on the brink of an enterprise ;
it was certainly enough to give strong encouragement to
Savonarola and many others who considered a Council
to be the sole means of remedying the evils harassing
the Church, and avoiding the danger of schism. These
' Vide Raynald ad ann. 1492 § 2-5 ; Bercastel, "Storia del Cristian-
esimo," bk. Ivi. § 42 ; Padre Marchese, " Storia del Convento di San
Marco," in the " Scritti varii,'' p. 225 and fol. Theodorico Brie, in his
" Storia del Concilio di Costanza," makes use of the following words :
" Nam et beata Petri cathedra, ut nosti, plerumque pastore vacavit. Imo
et ipsa eadem, quam et sponsam meam noniino, saepissime vacasti ; nee
propter hoc quisquam autumet, te non mansisse sponsam meam.
Sufficeret namque unus Justus, etsi omnes caeteri essent haerctici, ut et
ego sponsus tuus semper et essem et remanerem " ( Vide Rudelbach, op.
cit., p. 32)-

292 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
ideas were now regarded with still wider favour, as it
became more generally known that they had the support
of several members of the Sacred College, and notably of
the Cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli, who having been
defeated at the last election by the Borgia's gold, was
furious against him, and seemed destined to beconie his
successor. Averse to half nieasures or compromises, he
publicly declared the election of Pope Alexander VI. to be
null and void, and stigmatised him as a heathen and a heretic.
Many of the things he had said while a Cardinal, he
afterwards reiterated when Pope, in his Bull of the 14th
of January, 1505, in which he proclaimed that every
election obtained by simony was void, and not to be
rendered valid even by subsequent acts of homage from
the Cardinals.
Savonarola neither knew nor foresaw that even Giuliano
della Rovere and the other Cardinals adhering to his
views were politicians who went with the times. Ac
cordingly he deenied the way to be far better prepared
for the proposed step than it really was. He had long
and vainly waited for King Charles to take the initiative ;
but now time pressed, and delays were dangerous. Hence
he resolved to throw down the glove and boldly face,
singlehanded, the shock of the Borgia's wrath.
First, however, it was necessary to despatch his famous
" Letters to the Princes " i.e., to the sovereigns of France,
Spain, England, Hungary, and^Ggrmany. These letters
had longbeen~prepared7"aiidrtheir contents were nearly
Identical.' " The moment of vengeance has arrived, the
' These " Lettere ai Principi " have been frequently reprinted, and
some writers have sought to contest their authenticity. But this is es
tablished beyond doubt ; for the Letters are found in very old and authentic
codices, as, for instance, in the Riccardi Codex 2,053, ^"d in many others ;
they are mentioned by the old biographers in the depositions of the
accused given farther on, spoken of in detail in the documents of
Savonarola's trial, and alluded to in Frk Benedetto's " Vulnera diligentis,"
and many other works of the period.

"LETTERS TO THE PRINCES." 293
Lord commands me to reveal new secrets, and make
manifest to the world the peril by which the bark of St.
Peter is threatened, owing to your long neglect. The
Church is all teeming with abomination, from the crown
of her head to the soles of her feet ; yet not only do ye
apply no remedy, but ye do homage to the cause of the
woes by which she is polluted. Wherefore, the Lord is
greatly angered, and hath long left the Church without a
shepherd. . . . Now, I hereby testify, in verbo Domini,
that this Alexander be no Pope, nor can be held as one ;
inasmuch as, leaving aside the mortal sin of simony,
by which he hath purchased the Papal Chair, and daily
selleth the benefices of the Church to the highest bidder,
and likewise putting aside his other manifest vices, I
declare that he is no Christian, and believes in no God,
the which surpasses the height of all infidelity." After
ithis preamble, Savonarola proceeds to invite all the princes
of Christendom to summon a Council with the utmost
speed, in some fit and free place. On his side, he pledges
nimself to make good all his assertions, and not by force
of argument alone ; but promising that God would send
signs and portents to attest the truth of his words. He
then added a few expressions suited to the temper of the
prince he was addressing, and best adapted to rouse him
to action. Thus, he reminded the vain Maximilian of his
dignity as an Emperor, saying that nothing could be more
worthy of it than to rescue the Church from danger. To
Ferdinand and Isabella he wrote : " Of what avail are
your victories over the infidels ^ Ye raise an edifice
without ; while within, the foundations of the Church are
giving way, and the whole building falling to ruin. He
reminded King Charles of the numerous things he had
so frequently predicted to him : " Thou canst not certes
be ignorant of the many opportunities of well-doing
vouchsafed thee by the Lord ; wherefore, if thou shrink

294 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
from this holy enterprise, heavier chastisement will be
Inflicted on thee than on others. Remember that God
hath already given thee the first sign of His wrath.' Thou
that beareth the title of the Most Christian King, thou
whom the Lord hath chosen and armed with the sword
of His vengeance, wilt thou consent to the ruin of the
Church ? Canst thou be ignorant of the many and sore
perils by which she is encompassed ? "
Savonarola undoubtedly placed his chief reliance on
King Charles : he was aware of that monarch's desire to
reform the Church ; and knew that he now thought of it
with increasing favour, recent troubles having caused his
mind to revert to the affairs of Italy and religion.2 If he

' An Italian translation, by Frk Ignazio da Ferrara, of the letters to
the King of Spain and the emperor, appeared in the miscellanea of
Baluzio. Both were again published by ]\Ieier, together with the letter
to the King of France in its original Latin. All were afterwards reprinted
by Perrens, vvho supposed that he was the first to reproduce the last of
the three. Frora imperfect examination of the depositions of witnesses,
and ofthe documents of the trial, Meier gave them a wrong date. Those
to the Kings of Hungary and England are missing, but they can have
differed little from the others.
^ This is confirmed by De Commines, who gives us a minute description
of the actual state of mind of King Charles : " Si avoit son coeur
tousjours de faire et accomplir le retour en Italic, et confessoit bien y
avoir fait des fautes largement et les contoit." He then adds, that
the king " avoit mis de nouveau son immagination de vouloir vivre
selon les commandemens de Dieu, et mettre la justice en bon ordre et
I'Eglise." And he had already used his best efforts to reform its abuses :
" mais il eust, eu bien k faire, k ranger les gens d'Eglise " (bk. viii. chap.
XXV.). Also, by a letter of Louis Xli. to the Florentine Republic, dated
4th of June, 1498. (Desjardins, " Negociations," vol. ii.p. 13), it is plain
that France had intended to undertake the reform of the Church.
As we have previously noted. Padre Marchese is of opinion that the
Cardinal of San Piero in Vincoli had visited Savonarola, vvhen passing
through Florence in the wake of the French army, in order to moot even
then the project of a Council. But Savonarola, when repeatedly
questioned on this point during his trial, declared that he had never
made any agreement vvith the Cardin.il, although he had known him to be
in favour of calling the Council : " I saw, and indeed knew San Piero in
Vincoli to be disposed to the plan ; because a certain ser Cristofauo,
formerly a knight of the Court of Mirandola, came to me vvith a private

''LETTERS TO THE PRINCES." 295
could once induce the king to take the step of calling the
Council, he had every reason to hope that the whole of
Christendom would come to his aid. All were weary of
the abominations of Rome : France seertied always ready
for action ; Germany and England were already stirred
by the agitation that afterwards led to reform ; encourage
ment, therefore, was to be expected from all sides.
Nevertheless, before despatching his " Letters to the
Princes," he showed them to certain trustworthy friends
maintaining relations with the different European Courts,
in order that they might at once send information
of what was proposed, and warmly urge the convo
cation of the Council. Simone del Nero was to write
to one of his brothers in Spain ; Domenico Mazzlnghi
to Giovanni Guasconi, the ambassador in France ; Fran
cesco del Pugliese was to address the king of Eng'and
through a friend ; Giovanni Cambi was to write to the
Emperor, and a friend of the Convent in Ferrara to
the sovereign of Hungary. Each of these persons was
supplied with a draft of the letter he was charged to send,
the which draft was written by Niccolo da Milano, who
had acted as Savonarola's secretary for the last three years ;
while, together with their own communications, all were to
send a copy of Savonarola's last letter to the Pope.' All
these documents were on the way between the e id of March
and the first days of April. Thus, everything was pre
pared for the decisive and solemn proceedings, to which
letter from the said San Piero in Vincoli, and told me that, before another
day was out, a squadron of Cardinals would come to Florence to meet
in Council. But, forasmuch as I held him to be a Har and a turncoat, I
gave him no definite reply."
' Vide in Appendix to the Italian edition, the documents of Savonarola's
trial, and the depositions of Giovanni Cambi, Domenico Mazzlnghi, and
Simone del Nero. The latter states that he spontaneously added
much praise of Savonarola to the letter he wrote from the draft
supplied to him. Vide also the letters addressed to Niccolo del Nero,
and Giovacchino Guasconi the Florentine ambassadors in France.
(Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xv.)

296 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
the speedy despatch of the " Lettere ai Principi " was to be
the first step. But these letters were never sent.'
In the life of individuals as well as of nations, there
conies a monient when the^ whole course of events is
suddenly changed, and a hidden hand seems to turn all
things to evil. In Savonarola's case, this moment had un
doubtedly come. He was anxiously expecting replies to
the letters sent by his friends, and specially anxious to
receive one from France, when suddenly the news came
Instead, that the messenger directed to the latter country
had been robbed by a band of Milanese cut-throats, and
that Mazzinghi's letter to the ambassador in France had
unfortunately fallen into the hands of the Duke.2 Xhe
haste with which Ludovico forwarded it to Cardinal
Ascanio in Rome, the eagerness with which the latter pre
sented it to the Pope, and the rage it excited in him, may be
more easily imagined than described. At last the Borgia
held in his hands a documentary proof of the audacity of
the Friar, against whom all the potentates of Italy were
arrayed, and whose enemies were already dominant in
Florence. Thus, Savonarola was beleaguered and threatened
' This serves to explain why these letters have only been preserved in
the shape of rough drafts without any date. Vide, the Trial and the
other prisoners' depositions.
' At p. 132 of his " Nuovi Documenti," even Signor Gherardi seems
to doubt the authenticity of these " Lettere ai Principi," from having
found no mention of them in the ambassadors' despatches. But how
could they be mentioned when the " Lettere ai Principi " were never
sent off, and only privately announced? Both the author of the "Vita
Latina " (at sheet 29) and Burlamacchi (at p. 86) state that the Duke
of Milan had received intelligence ofthe letter to the French king. It is
true they assign no date to the event, but both affirm that the letter
seized by the Duke vvas from Savonarola. But from what we have already
related, it is clear that the captured letter was the one from Mazzlnghi to
Guasconi. Besides, the ambassadors' silence is sufficiently explained by
the circumstance that at this moment the events going on in Florence en
tirely changed the aspect of affairs, and deprived the letters of Savonarola
and his friends of all importance, although a great point was repeatedly
made of them during the Friar's trial.

PERILS ON ALL SIDES.

297

on all sides, even before the final struggle began. Never
theless, the course of events was so marvellously rapid,
that he had no time to measure the enormity of these un
expected perils before, like a thunderbolt from heaven,
another and still worse misfortune befell him.

CHAPTER VII.

THE OR'DEAL 'BY FIRE.

WM^^,

(April 7, 1498.)
T was one of those moments in which
'^0-^f the popular aspect seems to undergo a
magical change. Savonarola's adher
ents had either disappeared or were
In hiding; all Florence now seemed
against him. Messengers from Rome
and Milan were continually coming and going. The
spies of the Duke were on the alert, and wrote to their
master that some great stroke was hourly expected on the
part of the Signory.' In fact, it was well known that
the Gonfalonier Popoleschi, and Berlinghieri, one of the

' Paolo Somenzi, as we have seen, resided in Florence, and Giovanni
Tranchedino in Bologna ; they superintended the proceedingsof many of
the Duke's agents and adherents. During the months of March and
April Somenzi supplied the Duke with detailed accounts of the numerous
snares laid for Savonarola by the Arrabbiati, and assured him of the
il^ood will of the Signory, all of whom were hostile to the Friar. Tran
chedino at Bl lo^Mia continually wrote that he had received intelligence
from Florence, " that some of the priucipal leaders who had hitherto
ruled were in great agitation of mind ; and either through this affair of
the Friar, or from some other cause, within a few days some movement
or tumult might be expected that would probably lead to a complete
change of governuient " (Bologna, 20th of March, 1498). Vide Appendix
to the Italian edition, doc. xii.

CHALLENGE TO THE ORDEAL BY FIRE. 299
Priors, were doing their utmost to effect a radical change
in the Government.
As if this were not enough, the public attention was
stirred towards the end of March by a very strange and
unexpected event. A certain Fra Francesco di Puglia,
of the order of St. Francis, now delivering the Lenten
sermons in St. Croce, had begun to attack Savonarola
with singular vehemence and pertinacity. He stigmatized
him as a heretic, a schismatic, and a false prophet, and
not satisfied with this, challenged him to prove the truth
of his doctrines by the ordeal by fire.' Similar challenges
had been previously offered, but Savonarola had always
treated them with merited contenipt, believing it beneath
his dignity to reply to them. But, as it now chanced,
Fra Domenico considered himself to be personally chal
lenged, because he was preaching in his master's stead,
and also because, when at Prato the preceding year, the
same friar had provoked his wrath by insulting words
against Savonarola's doctrines. They had then agreed to
hold a public discussion ; but on the appointed day the
Franciscan, notwithstanding that he was the aggressor and
had even then proposed the ordeal by fire, hurried from
the city, under pretext of having been summoned to
Florence by his superiors. 2
Accordingly, no sooner was Fra Domenico informed of
the fresh provocation offered by the Franciscan, than he
hastened to publish his " Conclusions," and declared that
he would willingly go through the ordeal by fire since
Savonarola must reserve himself for greater things.3 As
' Allusion has been already made elsewhere to the challenge offered
by a preacher of Santa Spirito.
" " Vita Latina," at sheet 47 ; Burlamacchi, p. 118.
5 Burlamacchi, p. 119; " Vita Latina," sheet 47'. Both these authori
ties fix the date of the challenge on the 6th of March, but this is a
blunder, for the event must have necessarily taken place later in the
month.

30O SA VONAROLA'S LIRE AND TIAIES.
he was not one to shrink from his word, the affair had
already beconie serious before Savonarola had time to
think of preventing it. But when the Franciscan saw
that Fra Domenico was in earnest, he instantly sought a
pretext to draw back. He went about repeating that
" his quarrel was with Savonarola alone, and that although
he expected to be consumed, he was ready to enter the
fire with him in order to procure the destruction of that
disseminator of scandal and false doctrine ; but would
have nothing to do with Fra Domenico."' This wretched
affair might have well ended here, for Savonarola severely
reproved Fra Domenico's superfluous zeal,2 and the
Franciscan was only too glad to seize a chance of escape.
But, on the contrary, just when the contest seemed on the
point of dying out, it suddenly burst forth afresh.
The Compagnaeci were gathered together at one of
their accustomed banquets. Dressed in silken attire, and
feasting on delicate viands and excellent wines, they con
sulted on the matter, and decided to do their utmost to
bring the ordeal to pass. " If Savonarola enters the
fire," they said, " he will undoubtedly be burnt ; if he
refuses to enter it, he will lose all credit with his followers ;
we shall have an opportunity of rousing a tumult, and
' It has been asserted by some writers that the challenge was first
given by Savonarola, but this is absolutely untrue. The history of this
ordeal by fire has been misrepresented by all modern and most of
the old writers. We believe that vve have finally succeeded in disen
tangling the real facts of the case by consulting the " Vita Latina,"
Burlamacchi, Pico, Nardi, Cambi, &c. ; but, above all, the second book
of Frk Benedetto's " Vulnera diligentis," and the " Giornate," iii. and
iv. of Lorenzo Violi. Both these men were eye-witnesses of the scene,
and their testimony must therefore be considered worthy of credence.
By the aid of their writings and original documents we are enabled
to throw fresh light on this hitherto obscure episode of Savonarola's
career. Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xvi. and xvii.
" According to the printed version of the Trial, Savonarola openly
avowed that he did his utmost to restrain Frk Domenico ; and adds that,
had he been allowed to preach, he would have shown that the truth of
his " Conclusions " could be proved by different means.

A SHAMEFUL PLOT. 301
during the tumult shall be able to seize on his person."
Some of them, indeed, hoped to have a chance of killing
him.' They accordingly applied to the Signory and found
its members perfectly willing not only to help, but even
to assume the direction of their shameful plot.2 For they
caused the disputed " Conclusions " 3 to be transcribed by
the Government notary, and publicly Invited the signa
tures of all who wished to maintain or contest them by
the ordeal of fire.
It was truly monstrous that the chief authorities of
the State should take so active a part in this affair , but
no scruples withheld them from seeking to achieve their
design. Nor was it difficult of achievement, for Fra
Domenico was no longer to be kept in check by any
power on earth, and instantly appending his name to the
document, almost prayed to be allowed to go through
the ordeal.4 But it proved very difficult to induce the
' Vide Burlamacchi and Cerretani. The latter chronicler gives a de
tailed account of the banquets held by the Compagnaeci.
° The evidence of Violi and Frk Bennedetto proves that the ordeal by
fire was undoubtedly desired and contrived by the Compagnaeci and the
Signory. Frk Benedetto concludes with these words : " And it was their
purpose, by this device, to place Frk Hieronimo in a position to be easily
killed by his adversaries before the close of the trial, or rather before
there should be time for a miracle to take effect, et tamen, that they
might be able to feign ignorance and innocence " ("Vulnera diligentis,"
bk. ii. chap. ix.). And Violi plainly says that the Compagnaeci had arranged
" with the Barefooted Friars, who were adversaries (of Savonarola) from
envy, that one of their community, named Frk Francesco della Puglia,
should preach against the doctrines of Frk Hieronimo ; and therefore
they had sent him to Santa Croce to preach in public, and say, &c."
(" Giornata," iii.). Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xvi. and
xvii. 3 The " Conclusions,'' which have been often published, are these :
" Ecclesia Dei indiget renovatione ; flagellabitur, renovabitur. Florentia,
quoque, post flagella renovabitur et prosperabitur. Infideles conver-
tentur ad Christum. Haec, autem omnia erunt temporibus nostris.
Excommunieatio nuper lata contra Rev. Patrem nostrum fratrem
Hieronymum, nulla est. Non observantes eam, non peccant." Vide
Padre Marchese, " Documenti," doc. xxiv.
¦• Vide Padre Marchese, doc. xxiv ; and Lupi, doc. vi.

302 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
Franciscan, who had first started the scandalous business,
to do the same. He presented himself to the Signory
on the 28th of March, with another written declaration
to the effect that — " although aware of his inferiority to
Fra Girolamo in doctrine and goodness, he was ready to
go through the fire with him ; but that with Fra Dome
nico he had no concern." He would present some one
else to pass the ordeal with the latter, and, in fact, he
proposed Fra Giuliano Rondinelli, who did not appear,
however, at the Palace.' Then it was whispered about
that in no case would they enter the fire ; that it was
only intended to burn a few friars of St. Mark's in order to
crush Savonarola, and that if this plan failed, some way
would be found to quash the affair altogether. 2 These
assurances were given by the Signory as well as by the
Compagnaeci. All that could be settled after much
insistence was that the Franciscan should sign a declaration
to the effect that he would pass through the fire with
Fra Girolamo, if the latter wished to make the trial, and
expressly adding that this was done at the desire and re
quest of the Magnificent Signory.^ As regarded going
' Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xviii.
° Burlamacchi speaks at p. 133 of the assurances given to the
Minorites : " And, in fact, it was promised to them that they should in
no wise have to enter (the fire). Forasmuch as a few days before, there
had been a supper at the Pitti Palace, whereat the chief enemies of the
Friar were present ; and it was here settled by them that the Minorites
should not enter the fire, and that it would be enough for them that the
friars of St. Mark's should appear in the Piazza, and Frk Domenico,
whom they nicknamed the Fattoraccio (Bad Steward), be the only one
to enter the fire." Violi (" Giornata," iii.) writes : " Tliey egged on our
Florentine, Frk Giuliano Rondinelli, a man rather of scant judgment
than of much prudence, and whom our malicious Florentines found easier
to work upon than the aforesaid Pugliese. . ¦ . The Compagnaeci and
their leader, Doffo Spini, had promised this man that the trial by fire
would not be made unless it suited them to allow it ; and that it would
be enough for this Friar Rondinelli to declare himself ready to enter the
fire, but that, in fact and truth, he would not be required to do so." Vide
Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xvi. and xvii.
3 " Ad insianti,am et requisitionem Dominorum Florentinorum." So

THE SIGNORY JOIN IN THE PLOT. 303
through the ordeal with Fra Domenico, it was only on
the 30th of March, and with great reluctance, that Rondi
nelli could be persuaded to sign the challenge ; even then
he added the explicit avowal " that he would enter the
fire, although certain that he should be burnt ; and only
for his soul's salvation." This wretched monk was a
mere tool in the hands of the savage Compagnaeci and
the crafty Franciscan. Thus the Signory of Florence
shamelessly agreed to organize an affair that was a degra
dation to the dignity of their office, and could only result
in the shedding of innocent blood and the gravest danger
to the Republic'
The matter had gone so far, that on the same day (30th
it is expressed in the instrument drawn up in the presence of the Signory.
and published by Meier from the MS. in the " Achivio delle Rifor
magioni " ; which had been already published during Savonarola's life.
Vide also Padre Marchese, doc. xxiv.
As to the arguments employed to induce the Franciscan to face the
ordeal, we find thera repeatedly mentioned in Frk Benedetto's and Violi's
works. Violi relates that Doffo Spini and many other idle fellows were
accustomed to congregate in Simone Botticelli's workshop, " and while
talking there on the subject of the Friar's death, Doffo Spini frequently
said that they never meant to make the Franciscan go through the fiie,
and had given him their assurance to that effect ; it was enough for them
if he wpuld keep up the game long enough for them to carry out their
intent of putting an end to this business of the Friar." Violi had read
this in the now perished chronicle of Simone Botticelli. Mde Appendix
to the Italian edition, doc. xvi. Pico believes that the first suggestion of
the plot came from Rome, " Pontificis pollicitationibus, ut creditum est "
(chap. XV.). It is certain that the Arrabbiati and the Pope were in close
and continual correspondence just then.
' On the 28th of March, 1498, tjiruiamo Benivieni wrote a letter to the
priest of Cascina relating how the challenge to the ordeal by fire had
proceeded from the preacher at Sta Croce, but how he had speedily
withdrawn it, on finding that Frk Domenico was ready to accept it :
''Ipse nunc, fugam querit, and says that he will not go through this
ordeal, nisi cum Frate Hieronymo." Benivieni then adds : "The affair
is in the hands of the Signory, and already many other persons are
offering to enter the fire, with as much enthusiasm as if they were asked
to a wedding." Nevertheless, he concludes, "1 believe the affair will
end in smoke, although it is urgently pushed on by those of St. Mark's,
and by the endeavours {et per la vid) of the Ar(;llbi^hop's Vicar and of
the Signory." Vide Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," 2iid ed. p. 216.

304 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
of March) a numerous Pratica was assembled to discuss
the question of the ordeal by fire. Some of those present
seemed heartily disgusted with the proceedings of the
Signory; but the niajority shared the views of Carlo
Canigiani, who said : " That this was a Church affair,
rather to be discussed in Rome where saints are canonized
than in this palace, where it is fitter to treat of war and
finance. Nevertheless, if it be really desired that the
trial by fire should take place, let us at least consider
whether it will be likely to crush discord or not." The
same indifference was shown by other speakers, who all
concluded by saying that everything must be referred to
the Pope or the Vicar. Girolamo Rucellal said, in addi
tion : "It seems to me that too much noise is made about
this trial by fire ; the only Iniportant point to us is to be
rid of friars and non-friars, Arrabbiati and non-Arrabbiati,
and to try to keep the citizens at peace. Nevertheless if it
be deemed that this trial will restore concord in the city,
let them go not only into the fire, but into the water, up in
the air or down into the earth ; meanwhile let our care be
for the city, not for these monks.'' In real truth all were
inclined for the ordeal, and Filippo Giugni, turning the
whole thing into ridicule, cynically remarked : " To me,
fire seems a strange thing, and I should be very unwilling
to pass through it. A trial by water would be less
dangerous, and if Fra Girolamo went through it without
getting wet, I would certainly join in asking his pardon."
And the gist of his speech was, that it would be best to be
well rid of the Friar by consigning him without delay to
the Pope. Giovanni Canacci, on the other hand, although
likewise opposed to Savonarola, rose in great agitation,
and almost with tears in his eyes, exclaimed : " When
I hear such things as these said, I scarcely know whether
life or death is most to be desired. I truly believe that
if our forefathers, the founders of this city, could have

THE ORDEAL IS DECREED. 305
divined that a like question would ever be discussed
here, and that we were to beconie the jest and oppro
brium of the whole world, they would have indignantly
refused to have anything to do with us. And now
our cit.y is come to a worse pass than for many long
years ; and one sees that it is all in confusion. Where
fore I would implore your Excellencies to deliver our
people from all this wretchedness at any cost, either
by fire, air, water, or any means you choose. Iterum :
I pray your Excellencies to put an end to these things
in order that no misery nor hurt may befall our city." '
The rest of the speakers all agreed in one way or
another that the ordeal should take place. It was truly
an afflicting sight to see the inhabitants of the most
cultured and civilized city In the world assembled at their
rulers' command to seriously discuss the advisability of
lighting so barbarous a pyre. And it was still more
afflicting to find that all were in favour of the ordeal,
merely for the sake of concluding the affair, and without
even the excuse of any genuine religious fanaticism.
The same evening the ordeal was decided upon with
the utmost speed. Savonarola was to be exiled if one of
theDominicans should perish, and Fra Francesco, if one of
the Minorites. It was also shamelessly decreed that in
case both the champions were consumed, the Domi-
' Only a very imperfect sumraary has been preserved ofthis lengthy
discussion. Of the first speeches vve have only given a hasty sketch ;
but have reported Canacci's words almost as they stand in the text
("Florentine Archives," cl. ii. series 5, file 131. Also "Consulte e
Pratiche," cod. 66, p. 161). The latter collection has been published in
full by Signor Lupi. In Nerli's " Commentarii," bk. iv., we find
Canacci's words reported as follows : " That it would be sufficient, in
order not to expose the two friars to the peril of being burnt in the fire,
to throw them into a tub of water, even of tepid water, that the shock
might be slighter ; and if they came forth dry, they would have performed
a supernatural miracle." Canacci, however, was more disposed to tears
than to mirth ; it was Giugni who laughed. Nerli has thus jumbled both
speeches in one.
VOL. II. 21

3o5 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
nicaiis alone should be punished. But if the ordeal
should not take place, the party who prevented it would
be exiled, or both parties, if both were equally unwilling
to face it.' Accordingly, the trial by fire was no longer
to be evaded, and the Signory, after first abetting, now
almost insisted upon it. The Pope was entirely with them
in the matter, but in his official communications, through
Bonsi, with the Ten, whom he knew to be Savonarola's
friends, he refused his consent to the ordeal, and even
feigned to disapprove of it. Nor was he altogether in
sincere, for it was only natural that he should hesitate, in
the impossibility, at that distance, of foretelling the final
result. 2 Savonarola, meanwhile, was inflamed with indig
nation against these foes whose diabolical plots and party-
passions were disguised under a semblance of religious zeal.
He was also persuaded that the Minorite friars would
never have the courage to pass through the fire, for he
' Vide Append\x tothe Italian edition, doc. xviii. The decree threatened
exile to Savonarola and Frk Domenico on the one side, to Fra Francesco
and Frk Lorenzo Corsi on the other, it being still uncertain vvho the
champions would be.
° The very mild protests of the Pope prove nothing to us. It was
impossible for him to give his official support to a trial undertaken for
the purpose of deciding whether his Brief of excommunication were vahd
or invalid, and whether the Church were in netd of reform. But on the
other hand, what raight not be the consequence if either the Franciscan
or both the friars should be burnt ? Nevertheless, had Alexander really
objected to the ordeal, he could have instantly prevented it, by ordering
the Franciscans to withdraw their challenge. Bonsi had actually sug
gested that the Pope should fulfil his promise of absolving Savonarola
from excommunication, and thus prevent the experiment. But the Pope
refused to do this (Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," p. 134 and fol.). And
it has been ascertained from the documents of Savonarola's trial that the
Archbishop's vicar was one of the hottest instigators of the projected
ordeal ; and that after the event the Pope vvas most delighted, and
showered praises and favours on the Florentines (Gherardi, loc. cit., and
G. F. Pico, " \'ita," &c., chap. xv.). Burlamacchi states (p. 123) that the
Pope feigned to object to it, fearing " that if the thing succeeded he might
lose the triple crown ;" but that his letter reached Florence too late.
The same is said in the " Vita Latina," sheet 48'. We cannot discover
that this letter arrived at all, and do not believe that it was ever
despatched.

SAVONAROLA'S VLEWS AS TO THE ORDEAL. 307
knew that they were reluctantly obeying the suggestions
of the Arrabbiati. He desired and, in truth, did his
utmost to prevent the experiment, and discerned that he
would have a better chance of succeeding if one of his
disciples came forward in his stead. Most certainly, had
Savonarola presented himself as champion, his enemies
would have done all in their power to have him burnt,
either alone or at the price of another innocent life.
Nevertheless - such are the contradictions of the human
mind— he had a secret belief, that if the trial were really
made, it would end triumphantly for him, and, accordingly,
did not put forth all his energy to prevent it. He told
himself that Fra Domenico's daring ardour must un
doubtedly be inspired by God. In fact, according to his
theories, it was neither strange nor difficult to conceive
that the Lord would perform a miracle in order to con
found the Arrabbiati and establish the truth of the new
doctrine.' He had frequently declared to the people that
his words would be confirmed by supernatural evidence : 2
the moment for this seemed at hand, hence the general
and almost frantic eagerness to witness the result of the
ordeal. The Piagnoni were even more anxious for it than
the rest, for they hoped and believed that when the crisis
came their Master would be unable to refrain from entering
the fire himself, and that a miracle would be accomplished.^
Nothing else was spoken of In Florence, and although
Savonarola disapproved of the trial, and opposed it as far
¦ Vide one of Savonarola's discourses of which raention is made farther
on. ' This was also repeated in his letters to the princes.
^ Vide in the " Florence Archives" the Records ofthe IMedici before they
became the reigning House. File 69 contains letters from Leonardo
Strozzi to the parish priest of Cascina, of which some passages have been
already published by Mons. Perrens (vol. i., appendix, p. 492). One of
these letters, dated 5tli of April, 1498 (c. 18), contains these words : " 1
know that a thousand rumours will have reached you, and that you will
be anxious to know the truth ; I mean concerning this affair of the Friar,
for hardly anything else is spoken of."

3o8 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
as was possible, he secretly exulted in Fra Domenico's
zeal, almost rejoicing to see how all things combined to
render the ordeal an absolute necessity. Besides, there
were the visions of Fra Silvestro, who declared that he
had beheld the guardian angels of Fra Girolamo and Fra
Domenico, and been assured by them that the latter
would go through the flames unhurt.' We also know
Savonarola's blind faith in Silvestro's visions. All this,
joined to Fra Domenico's genuine enthusiasm, which was
communicated to others with almost lightning speed,
stirred the monks of St. Mark's and their friends to the
highest pitch of excitement. On the ist of April Savona
rola summoned his trustiest adherents to St. Mark's, and
preached them a short sermon, in which he described the
real state of affairs, whereupon his hearers declared with
one voice their readiness to enter the fire. 2 Two days
later, in fact, the friars addressed a letter to the Pope,
saying that about three hundred of their nuniber, and
many laymen, were prepared to pass through the fire in
defence of their Master's doctrines.^ Accordingly, being
thus pressed on all sides, Savonarola sent in the list of
itheir names to the Signory, with a declaration to the effect
;hat he would depute one of his monks to meet every
Vlinorlte brother who came forward, and adding that if
he trial should really take place, he was persuaded that it
vould result In the triumph of his followers.4
I At the same time he brought out a printed exposition of
qis theories — that was practically a reply to the accusations
¦ This was proved by the documents of Savonarola's and Frk Domenico's
trials. - Burlamacchi, p. 124, and the " Vita Latina," at sheet 49.
3 Vide the letter dated 3rd of April at p. 137 of Gherardi's "Nuovi
Documenti." The friars state that not only they, pene trccenti, but also
a great nuraber of the people, ?iumer'>sa populi caterva utriusque sexus,
were ready to pass the ordeal.
¦• Vide the " Vita Latina," Burlaraacchi, and the pamphlet quoted
farther on.

SA VONAROLA'S PRINTED REPLY. 309
which were then being heaped upon him. In this he said :
" I have too great a work on hand to stoop to join In
these wretched disputes. If the adversaries who first
provoked us, and then sought a thousand excuses, would
publicly bind themselves to put to the issue by this test
the decision of our cause and of the reform of the Church,
I would no longer hesitate to enter the fire, and should
feel assured of passing through it unharmed. But if it be
their intent to prove by fire the validity of the sentence
of excommunication, let them rather reply to the argu
ments we have brought forward. Would they, perhaps,
combat our prophecies by fire .'' Yet we neither compel
nor exhort any man to believe in them more than he feel
able. We only exhort all to lead righteous lives, and for
this the fire of charity and the miracle of faith are required ;
all the rest is of no avail. Our adversaries, by whom this
thing has been instigated, declare that they will assuredly
perish, thereby confessing that they are their own mur
derers. We, on the contrary, have been provoked to
this trial and forced to accept It, because the honour of
God and of religion is at stake. Those who feel truly
inspired by the Lord will certainly issue unhurt from the
flames, if the experiment should verily take place, of
which we are by no means assured. As to me, I reserve
myself for a greater work, for which I shall ever be ready
to lay down my life. The time will come when the Lord
shall vouchsafe supernatural signs and tokens ; but this
certainly cannot be at the command or at the pleasure of
man. For the present let it suffice ye to see that, by
sending some of our brethren, we shall be equally exposed
to the wrath of the people in case the Lord should not
allow them to pass through the fire unhurt." '
¦ " Risposta di Frate Hieronimo . . a certe obiectioni facte circa Io
experimento dello entrare nel fuoco per la veritk da lui predicata." It was
published, without date, during Savonarola's life, together vvith the con-

310 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Fra Domenico's ' enthusiasm was beginning to convince
not only Savonarola himself, but even the most distrust
ful, that God had really appointed him to this work.
Men's minds were increasingly inflamed. Piagnoni and
Arrabbiati awaited the day of the trial with equal anxiety,
though for different ends. Men, women, and children
continued to propose themselves as champions ; and
although, in many cases, this was empty bravado,
others came forward in all sincerity. On the 2nd of
April Fra Malatesta Sacramoro and Fra Roberto Salviati
went to subscribe their names as champions of St. Mark's,
alleging that they too had received a call from the Lord.
Thereupon, to ensure greater publicity, the convention
was officially given to the world in print, with all the
signatures of the opposing factions. 2 The Ten, hitherto
invariably well-disposed to Savonarola, sent these papers
to Rome, with a full and exact account of all that had
occurred, and again requested the Pontiff's consent to the
ordeal, which, in appearance at least, he still disapproved.'
Finally the 6th of April was fixed for this singular con
test. Fra Domenico and Fra Giuliano Rondinelli were the
two champions chosen by common accord. For many
days past the doors of St. Mark's had been closed, and the
brethren absorbed in continual prayer. On the evening
of the 5th, however, they received a message from the
Signory to the effect that the trial was postponed to the
tract signed by those vvho had volunteered to enter the fire, the whole
forming a paraphlet entitled, " Conclusiones rationibus ac signes super-
naturalibus probande." Undated. The autograph draft of the" Risposta"
is in the codex of San Marco, sheet 168. Vide also the documents ofthe
Trial in the Appendix to the Itahan edition.
' Vide the before-quoted documents of Savonarola's trial.
" In one of the letters we have quoted from Leonardo Strozzi to the
parish priest of Cascina (dated 5th of March, but evidently in mistake for
the 5th of April), we find these words : "A reprint has been brought out
to-day of the same Conclusions {sic), with the signatures of those friars
added on to them," &c. (File 69, sheet 19).
3 Vfde the lettev of tlie Ten, in Padre Marchese, loc cit. \ doc. xxiv,

THE ORDEAL IS POSTPONED. 311
7th of April. The cause of this change was unknown ;
but some said that the Signory was awaiting a prohibitory
Brief from Rome ' in order to have an excuse for putting
a stop to the whole thing. The government, in fact, was
already beginning to hesitate, fearing to have gone too
far. For it had never anticipated finding so much resolu
tion in the monks of St. Mark's, or so much poltroonery
in the Minorites, who now insisted that some pledges
should be given them as to the manner in which they were
to pass through the fire unscathed. Accordingly, on the
following day, 6th of April, a new decree was issued to
modify that of the 30th of March, proclaiming that, " In
the event of Fra Domenico being consumed, Fra Girolamo
is to quit the Florentine territory within the space of three
hours. . . ."2 No allusion was made to the Minorite
friars since it was intended in any case to ensure their
safety, and especially since Rondinelli had declared his
conviction that he should perish if he entered the fire.
On the same day Savonarola delivered another brief
' Another of Strozzi's letters to the priest of Cascina, dated 6th of April,
1498, runs as follows : " I believe vve may expect that a Brief or some
other hindrance will come to us frora Rorae : on the part of those men
\i.e.,of the friars of St. Mark] all was and is arranged ; and if it [the
trial] takes place, which I can scarce believe novv, their arrangements
will be as fine a sight as a miracle. Frk Jeronimo preached this morning
in St. Mark's, and again earnestly proffered, or rather promised, a most
evident miracle, and replied to the numerous objections vvhich are, or
might be made, and above all to those who pretend to say that this
miracle will be wrought by diabolical aid or by magic arts, for which this
would be a fine opportunity ; and that even if this miracle should not be
done now (although they be prepared for it) others will be speedily per
formed; and, if not before, certainly without fail after the turning of the
key. The which will soon come about, and great and marvellous things
be declared." Vide the letter in the aforesaid File 69 of the Medici
Archives, at sheet 20, published by Perrens, vol. i., appendix, p. 493.
The same things are confirmed in the " Vita Latina " at sheet 48 ; and
in Burlamacchi, p. 123.
' Florence Archives. " Deliberazioni dei Signori e Collegi." Register
100, sheet 33'. This deliberation is entitled, " Contra fratrem Hierony
mum." J-'ide Appendix, doc. xviii.

312 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
address, warmly exhorting all the faithful to be instant In
prayer. The 7th of April came, but not the expected Brief
from Rome ; ' and all Florence was panting for the novel
sight that, as it now seemed, must inevitably take place.
Everything was prepared for it, and every one hoped to
make it serve his own ends : the Compagnaeci and Arrab
biati sought an opportunity for despatching the Friar ; the
Minorites to find some excuse for escaping the danger ; the
Signory were ready to favour any plan that might be hurt
ful to Savonarola ; and the Piagnoni hoped that the ordeal
would establish their triumph. Thus, public passions being
more and more heated, the two parties decided to come to
the Piazza with armed escorts in order to secure their
safety in the event of a riot. 2 Even the Signory were
extremely uneasy, and after ordering the platform to be
constructed, took every kind of precaution as if in
dread of a revolt. Only three Inlets to the Piazza were
to be left open, and these guarded by armed men ; no
citizen was to come armed, and neither women nor chil
dren were to be admitted. The palace was filled with the
Friar's adversaries, the city gates were to be kept closed,
and the troops, stationed in different parts of the territory,
prohibited under pain of death from leaving their posts,
save by express command ofthe Signory, and bidden to obey
no orders to the contrary even from the Ten.' Further,
' We have already said that, according to the " Vita Latina" (sheet 49')
and Burlaraacchi (p. 123), this Brief vvas despatched subsequently to the
event ; but that we have not discovered it, and cannot believe that it was
ever sent at all. It vvas entirely fictitious.
= Burlamacchi, p. 130 : " Inasmuch as it vvas well known that the
adversaries fully intended to make an end of the Father Frk Girolamo in
the Piazza I " And Frk Benedetto states (" Vulnera diligentis," bk. ii. chap.
ix) that they meant to stir up some extravagant dispute among the people,
so that a riot might ensue, and then, during this disturbance, the adverse
party would be able to kill Frk Hieronymo and some of his faithful
disciples. 3 Vide one of Somenzi's letters (7th of April, 1498) given in Del Lungo's
work, loc. cit., doc. xxxix.

SAVONAROLA'S ADDRESS TO HIS FLOCK 313
to prevent either of the two parties from disturbing the
peace on the Piazza, Francesco Gualterotti and Giovan
Battista Ridolfi were charged to keep watch over the
friars of St. Mark's, Piero degli Alberti and Tommaso
Antinori over the Minorites.' And Savonarola was so dis
trustful of his adversaries' good faith that, on the morning
of the appointed day, he sent Francesco Davanzati to the
palace to implore the Ten, who still remained faithful to
him, to take nieasures to prevent either of the champions
from shirking the ordeal and leaving his competitor alone
in the flames. He therefore requested that the pyre should
be lighted on the one side, while the friars entered It from
the other, and that the torch should then be applied to
close the way behind them.2 He likewise entreated that
the ordeal might take place before the dinner-hour, so that
the minds of his followers might be clear and unob-
scured,3 While the final preparations were being made on
the Piazza, he celebrated high mass in St. Mark's, after
wards delivered a short discourse to the assembled people,
and even now at the last hour was unable to conceal his
doubts. " I cannot assure ye that the trial will be made,
since the matter depends In no wise on ourselves ; but
this I can tell ye, that if it really take place, victory will
certainly be on our side. O Lord, we felt In no need of
miraculous proofs In order to believe the truth ; but we
have been provoked to this trial, and could not fail to
stand up for our honour. We are certain that the evil
one will not be able to turn this thing to the hurt of Thy
honour or against Thy will, wherefore we go forth to
' Frk Benedetto, "Vulnera diligentis." Vide Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. xvii.
'' Vide among the depositions or examinations of the accused, the
evidence given by Francesco Davanzati.
3 Savonarola's own words, in the discourse mentioned farther on, areas
follows : " They wished the affair to take place at the 20th hour " {i.e. in
the afternoon), " but I refused in order that the friars might be sober-
minded."

314 •S'^ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
combat for Thee ; but our adversaries worship another God,
Inasmuch as their works are too diverse from ours. O
Lord, this people desires nought save to serve Thee.
Wilt thou serve the Lord, O my people .'' " ' Hereupon
all signified their assent in a loud voice. Savonarola then
recommended his male hearers to offer up prayers In the
Church, while he prepared his friars to march to the
Piazza, and the women to remain in fervent devotion until
the ordeal was over. At that monient the mace-bearers
ofthe Signory came to announce that all was In readiness,
and the friars of St. Mark's immediately s^t forth in
procession.2 They marched slowly, two and two, numbering about
two hundred In all, and with a crucifix borne aloft in
front. Fra Domenico followed, arrayed In a cope of
fiery red velvet, and bearing a great cross in his hand.
He was accompanied by a deacon and sub-deacon ; his head
was erect, his countenance calm. After him came Savona
rola, carrying the Host with Fra Francesco Salviati on one
side, and Fra Malatesta Sacramoro on the other. Behind
them marched a great multitude of people bearing lighted
torches, and chanting the Psalm : Exurgat Deus et
dissipentur inimici eius.^ On nearing the Piazza,
towards the 2 ist hour of the day,4 they passed two by
two between the armed men guarding the ends of the
streets ; and directly they appeared among the crowd
already awaiting them on the Piazza, all joined in their
• " Esortazione fatta al popolo in San Marco il di 7 Aprile, 1498." It is
given at the end of the Sermons on Exodus.
-' " Esortazione," ea. ; Burlaraacchi, p. 129.
3 " Vita Latina," sheet 50' and fol. ; Burlamacchi, p. 129 and fol.
r/^i'^ also in Appendix to the Italian edition (docs. xvi. and xvii.) the
accounts given by Violi, who was vvith Savonarola at the time, and by
Frk Benedetto, who describes the ordeal at length in chaps, vi. — x., bk. ii.
of the "Vulnera diligentis."
" Nardi says : "towards the i8th hour" ; but we follow the accounts
of Violi, who was actually present.

PREPARATIONS FOk THE ORDEAL. 315
chants with such tremendous vigour as almost to shake
the earth.' There was an innumerable throng ; it seemed
as though all the inhabitants of the city were gathered
together ; all the windows of the houses round the Square,
all balconies and roofs were crowded with spectators ;
many children were clinging to railings, or perched upon
columns and statues, in order to see the sight ; some were
even hanging from the walls, and had occupied their posts
since the break of day.
The Loggia 2 of the Signory had been divided in
two by a partition : the Minorites occupied the half
nearest the palace ; while the Dominicans were stationed
round a little altar that had been erected in the other.^
Having placed the Sacrament on this altar, Fra Domenico
knelt before it, absorbed in prayer ; while his com
panions stood about him in silence. A guard of three
hundred infantry was drawn up in front of the Loggia,
under the command of Marcuccio Salviati, composed of
valiant soldiers, all staunch adherents of the Convent of
St. Mark's. 4- But under the Tetto de' Pisani, several
hundred of the Compagnaeci stood at arms, with Doffo
Spini at their head ; and in front, and about the palace
were five hundred of the Signory's guards, commanded by
Giovacchino della Vecchia, in addition to the soldiers posted
at the openings of the streets. 5 Thus the Piazza was held
by about a thousand men, prepared to attack Savonarola
at a moment's notice ; yet he contemplated his dangerous
position with the utmost serenity, and quietly turned his
eyes towards the platform already piled with bundles of
' Burlamacchi, p. 130.
° Now known as the Loggia dei Lanzi, and also as the Loggia dell'
Orgagna. ^ Burlamacchi, p. 130; Violi's and Frk Benedetto's accounts in the
Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xvi. and xvii.
¦• Novv long destroyed, and its site occupied by a private house. It
stands at right angles with the Loggia dei Lanzi.
5 Vide Burlamacthi, "VioH, ^nd frk Benedetto,

3x6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
wood. This strange erection was about eighty feet in
length, and projected across the Piazza from the Mar-
zocco ' in the direction of the Tetto de' Pisani. 2 It was
about ten feet wide at the base, two and a half in height,
and covered with earth and bricks. On this substratum
the combustibles — wood, gunpowder, oil, pitch, and resin,
were stacked in two banks, with a space, about two
feet wide, left between for the passage of the rival
champions.3 All was prepared ; the friars had only to
come forth, and the torch would be laid to the pile.
Up to this moment Savonarola had temporized and
done his best to prevent the ordeal, while the Minorites,
on the contrary, had dared him to it, and hurried it on ;
but in sight of the pile ready to be fired, the roles
were exchanged. Stirred by the presence of the crowd,
the solemn chants of his friars, and the truly heroic
enthusiasm of Fra Domenico, who, after earnest prayer,
showed the utmost eagerness to enter the flames, Savonarola
was now firmly convinced that the Lord would come to
his disciple's aid, and accordingly desired to end all delay.
But neither Francesco di Puglia, who had challenged the
ordeal, nor Giuliano Rondinelli, who was to face it, had
as yet appeared under the Loggia, but were tarrying in the
palace, in secret debate with the Signoiy. The latter,
instead of coming down to the RInghiera, to witness the
solemn drama that was shortly to begin, continued their
discussions, and were apparently uncertain what course to
adopt. And while all were waiting for the Minorite, and
for the signal from the Signory, the members of the
' I.e., the raarble lion, then standing on the doorsteps of the palace,
now replaced by one of bronze, made from a cast of the original, vvhich
vvas transported elsewhere.
° The Tetto de' Pisani vvas opposite the palace, and in modern times
served as a post office, until pulled down, about twenty years ago, to make
room for Palazzo Lawison.
3 Burlaraacchi, Violi, Frk Benedetto.

PRETEXTS FOR DELA Y. 317
Government shamelessly sent to ask the Dominicans why
they did not begin. Fra Domenico trembled with rage,
and Savonarola replied that the Signory would do well
to hurry the matter on, and no longer to keep the people
in suspense.'
Then, the Minorites, being driven to the wall, began
to put forth numerous pretexts for delay. With the aid
of Piero degli Alberti, a bitter enemy to Savonarola, and
deputed to preside over the ordeal, they caused it to be
noised about that as Savonarola might have cast a magic
spell over Domenico's red cope, that vestment must con
sequently be removed. The champion and his master
both replied that a written contract had been made and
subscribed, to prevent all disputes ; that they had no
belief in spells, and would leave their opponents to re
sort to them. Nevertheless, the demand was so strenu
ously urged, that Fra Domenico yielded to it, and removed
his cope. Thereupon, the Minorites alleged fresh pretexts,
declaring that the friar's robes might likewise be enchanted ;
and again Fra Domenico gave way, and showed his readiness
to exchange clothes with any one of his companions. He
was accordingly led into the palace, and after being
entirely stripped, was clad in the robes of the Dominican
brother, Alessandro Strozzi. 2 On returning to the Piazza,
he was next forbidden to stand near Savonarola, lest
the latter might re-enchant him ; and by his Prior's
request, Fra Domenico submitted to being surrounded by
the MInorites.3 During this crisis, his patience equalled
his courage ; and in his great yearning to pass through
the fire, he was ready to concede every point.
' Vide the writers before quoted, and the docuraents of Frk Doraenico's
trial. "^ Burlamacchi and Viola relate that when Strozzi was sent for, he
believed that he too would have to enter the flaraes ; and accordingly
showed signs of great joy, and craved Savonarola's blessing.
3 Frk Benedetto, Burlamacchi, and Violi,

3i8 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Nevertheless, the champion of the opposite party still
lingered in the palace with Francesco da Puglia, and had
not yet appeared.' Savonarola was already becoming
uneasy at this ; and his suspicions were increased by the
consultation going on between the citizens and the
Minorites, and the manifest favour shown to the latter.
The persons appointed to preside over the trial invariably
sided with those friars, and let them do as they pleased ; ac
cordingly, Savonarola sent another pressing message to the
palace in order to put an end to the suspense. But at the
same moment, the two Minorities asked and obtained
another private interview with the Signory. What passed
between them is unknown, but it now became increasingly
evident that the whole business of the ordeal was no more
than a cunningly arranged trick to entrap Savonarola and
the community of St. Mark's.2
The patience of the multitude was now coming to an
end. All had been assembled in the Piazza for many
hours ; the greater part of them were fasting since the
dawn, and almost infuriated by the weariness of fruitless
expectation. Hoarse murmurs arose on every side, fol
lowed by seditious cries ; and the Arrabbiati, who had
been eagerly watching for this moment instantly tried to
profit by it. A groom in the service of Giovanni Manetti
succeeded in exciting a riot, and suddenly all the Piazza
was in a tumult. Many of the outlets being closed, the
people found themselves surrounded and hedged in ; and
accordingly made a rush for the palace. This seems to
have been the nicm;nt fixed by the Arrabbiati for laying
violent hands on the Friar, and making an end of him
on the spot. They attempted to do so, in fact ; but
Salviati concentrated his men in front of the Loggia, and
' Frk Benedetto, op. cit.
' Frk Benedetto and Violi relate these particulars vvith great minute
ness, and Burlamacchi gives a shorter account of them at p. 133 and
fol.

FRESH DELA YS. 3 1 9
tracing a line on the ground with his sword, exclaimed :
" Whoever dares to cross this line shall taste the steel of
Marcuccio Salviati ; " and so resolute was his tone that
no one dared to press forward.' At the same time, as it
chanced, the foreign troops of the Signory, bewildered by
the suddenness of the tumult, and seeing the people surg
ing towards the palace,2 energetically drove them back.
Thereupon, order being apparently restored, the people
were quieted, and more eager than before to witness the
ordeal ; but the Signory were Increasingly perplexed. Then
came a tremendous storm shower with thunder and light
ning; so that many thought this would naturally put a stop to
everything.^ But in their thirst for the promised spectacle,
the people never stirred ; the rain ceased as suddenly as
it had begun, and all remained in the same state of uncer
tainty. The Minorite friar was still invisible ; and his
companions began to raise fresh objections. They insisted
that Fra Domenico should relinquish the crucifix he held
in his hand, and he Immediately let It go, saying that he
would enter the fire bearing the Host Instead. But this
led to fresh and fiercer dispute, the Minorites declaring
that he wished to destroy the consecrated wafer. But
now Fra Domenico began to lose patience, and refused to
give way, maintaining with Savonarola, that, in any case,
only the accidental husk would be consumed, the substance
" Burlamacchi and Frk Benedetto.
' The following words of Frk Benedetto, in his often quoted " Vulnera
diligentis,' are specially worthy of note : " But let this grand secret be
known to you, that only a few days after the attempted ordeal, many
persons sought the spiritual superior of the city of Florence, for the pur
pose of asking and obtaining absolution, inasmuch as those persons had
intended to kill the Prophet with their own hands {manibus] on the day of
the ordeal. And, if thou wouldst be better assured of this, go and ques
tion M. Bartolommeo Redditi on the matter, for he is still living, and heard
of the affair from the aforesaid superior's lips, and has borne, and con
tinues to bear, truthful witness to this fact." Vide Appendix to the
Italian edition, doc. xvii.
3 Frk Benedetto.

320 SA VONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIAIES
of the sacrament remaining intact ; and quoted the argu
ments of many theologians to this effect.' On meeting
with some contradiction at last, his adversaries assailed
Savonarola with still greater vehemence, in the hope of
creating fresh delay. While they were disputing, the
evening began to close in, and the puzzled Signory took
advantage of this to proclaim that It was now impossible
for the ordeal to take place. 2
The indignation ofthe people then passed all bounds, and,
as no one exactly knew whose was the blame, most of them
accused Savonarola : even the Piagnoni declared that he
ought to have entered the fire alone, if none would go
with him, for the sake of giving a final and Indisputable
proof of his supernatural power. And then the Arrab
biati and the Signory caused it to be rumoured about, that
his fraud had been unmasked ; that after provoking the
trial, he had refused to pass through the flames, and similar
falsehoods ; while the Minorites impudently claimed the
victory, although their champion had remained concealed
in the palace, without so much as daring to glance at the
pyre prepared for hlni.^ Accordingly the whole city rang
with menacing cries against Savonarola and St. Mark's.
¦ Burlamacchi, Viola, Frk Benedetto. Frk Domenico deposed at his
trial that he refused to yield this point, because Frk Silvestro had beheld
their angels in a vision, and been told by thera that he (Frk Domenico
was to enter the fire vvith the Host.
' Nardi says that the rain prevented the ordeal, and many other writers
subsequently repeated the statement ; but Violi, Burlamacchi, and Frk
Benedetto prove beyond doubt that it vvas forbidden by special order
ofthe Signory. In the "Archivio Storico Italiano," series iii. vol. xiii.
pp. 366-375, Prof. A. Conti has published a narrative of the controversy
with the Minorite friars, and of the ordeal by fire, written by Padre
Dionisio Pulinari, who had corapiled it from the "Cronache" of Frk
Mariano di Firenze, an eye-witness of the event.
5 " They put on the face of a harlot, for, without blushing in the least,
they went about saying that the victory was theirs, and wrote letters to all
to the like effect " (Frk Benedetto, Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. xvii.) Vide also Violi (Appendix to the Italian edition), the " Vita
Latina," and Burlamacchi.

SA VONAROLA'S DO WNFALL. 321
The Dominicans had a hard struggle to regain the Con
vent in safety, although escorted by the soldiers of Mar
cuccio Salviati, who, surrounding Savonarola and Fra
Domenico with a band of his bravest men, courageously
protected them, sword in hand, from the insults of an
infuriated mob, egged on by the Compagnaeci.'
On finally reaching the church, where the female con
gregation still knelt in prayer, Savonarola mounted the
pulpit, and gave a brief summary of all that had occurred,
while the Piazza outside was still echoing with the mad
yells of his foes.2 Then, having dismissed his hearers, he
withdrew to his cell, overcome with a grief too deep for
words. The Minorites, on the contrary, were exultant ; and
afterwards the Signory assigned them, for twenty years,
a pension of sixty lire, payable every 7th of April, in
reward for their services on that day. Nevertheless, the
first time they sent to demand the sum, the Camarlingo
of the Bank was so enraged by their baseness, that in
paying out the money, he exclaimed : " Here, take the
price of the blood ye betrayed 1 " 3
The Signory must have incurred considerable expense
in preparations for this strange and fatal ordeal. There
is a memorandum to the effect that 662 lire, 15^-., %d. were
paid for combustibles and in wages to men who worked
by torch-light as well as all day. An additional sum of
1 1 1 lire was spent on food and drink for the numerous
guards and citizens employed in various ways on that day.
There were also other incidental expenses.4

¦ Frk Benedetto, Burlamacchi, and the " Vita Latina."
' Ibid.
3 This anecdote is given in Burlamacchi, and in a great number of
manuscripts also containing a report ofthe decree ordaining the pension,
which has been published by Perrens, vol. ii. p. 513, doc. xx.
¦• Vide Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," 2nd ed. p. 221 and 271.
VOL. II, 22

322

SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.

As we shall presently see. Briefs soon poured in from
Rome filled with praises and promises of reward for the
attempt that the Pope had not only feigned to disap
prove, but even to censure.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE Q4TTACK oA'U^D 'DEFEV^CE OF THE COiAC'VEaX.T ;
SATJO^AI^OLA qAVX'D HIS TWO CO€M'PAV^IO'J^S A'RE
le'd to 'p'rison.
(April 8, 9, 1498.)
HE ordeal by fire, or rather the plot
contrived on that day by the Arrab
biati, had produced the desired effect.
The whole city was now turned against
Fra Girolamo and his monks. It was
an unpardonable offence in the eyes of
the populace that neither he nor his disciple should have
entered the fire, even without the Franciscan, in order to
silence his enemies by a miracle. The Piagnoni could
not follow all the subtle distinctions drawn by their chief,
as to the time not being ripe, on not tempting the Lord,
and on the question of the good or bad faith of his
adversaries ; they therefore began for the first time to
doubt his supernatural power, and to be disposed to
give ear to the reports and calumnies of the Arrabbiati.
The latter displayed incredible activity in these days,
held continual interviews with the Signory and the Canons
of the Duomo, and were clearly seen to be on the point of
dealing some new and decisive blow. At the same time, the
more sagacious of the Friar's adherents, who might have
foreseen and frustrated the enemies' designs, were too weak

324 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
in numbers and influence to oppose any effectual resistance.
Hence they were insulted on all sides as hypocrites and
ranting impostors, and could not show themselves without
danger in the streets.'
In this state of things some of the popular party, recog
nizing the premonitory signs of a terrible storm, took
counsel among themselves, and proposed to fly to arms
so as to have the advantage of dealing the first blow.
But all Savonarola's staunchest disciples, and Francesco
Valori in particular, energetically opposed the plan, say
ing that they must not be the first to shed their fellow-
citizens' blood, nor the first to dye their hands in it.
The niajority were won over to this view, but many of
the others were greatly enraged, and indeed Luca degli
Albizzi, one of the most eager to resort to arms, hastened
to leave Florence, saying : " If we are not to come to
blows, every one is justified in providing for his own
safety." The morning of the 8 th of April, Palm Sunday, passed
quietly ; but it was easy for an observant eye to discern
that this tranquillity was only the sullen calm that precedes
a storm, and that it was a marvel no startling event had
yet occurred. Savonarola preached in St. Mark's, but his
sermon was very short and sad ; he offered his body as a
sacrifice to God, and declared his readiness to face death
for the good of his flock. Mournfully, but with much
composure, he took leave of his people, and in giving them
his benediction seemed to feel that he was addressing them
for the last tinie.2

¦ Nardi, i. p. 149 ; "Vita Latina ;" Burlamacchi, p. 136 ; Frk Benedetto,
" Cedrus Libani."
' Nardi, i. p. 150. On this subject the same writer remarks : "This
man was always so true to himself that he never showed signs of dismay
in any of his tribulations or dangers." And he pronounced this judg
ment even at the time of Savonarola's trial, regarding which we shall
presently see what he has to say.

THE COMPAGNACCI LEAD THE MOB. 325
Later in the day the Piagnoni went to St. Mark's while
vespers were going on, and then set out towards the
Duomo, where a sermon was about to be delivered by
Fra Mariano degli Ughi, the friar who had offered to
brave the ordeal together with Fra Malatesta and Fra
Domenico. But they were repeatedly pelted with stones
by the way, and encountered groups of Arrabbiati, whose
exultant demeanour seemed to say : " Our turn has come
at last I " They saw others hurling stones at the windows
of Andrea Cambini, one of Savonarola's adherents. On
reaching the Duomo, they found many of the benches
already crowded with people ; but the Compagnaeci had
gathered round the door, addressing insults to all who
entered the church, and telling them there would be no
sermon. The Piagnoni hotly rejoined, that it would
certainly be given ; one word led to another, and the
Compagnaeci instantly unsheathed their swords and began
to lay about them ; made a rush upon a certain Lando
Sassolini, and although they inflicted no wound upon him,
their violence sufficed to raise a disturbance throughout
the city.' The Friar's adherents then hurried to their
homes to procure arms, while a portion of their adversaries
held the corners of the streets, and all the rest marched
through the city, crying : " To St. Mark's, to St. Mark's,
fire in hand I" They assembled on the Piazza of the
Signory, and when their numbers had sufficiently increased,
moved in the direction of the convent, brandishing their
weapons and uttering fierce cries. On the way they caught
sight of a certain man, named Pecorl, who was quietly
walking to the Church of the Santissima Annunzlata, sing
ing psalms as he went ; and immediately some of them
rushed after him, crying : " Does the hypocrite still dare
' Burlamacchi, p. 135 and fol.; Giovanni Cambi, "Storie," in the
" Delizie degli Eruditi 'Toscani," vol. xxi. p. 119. Vide also the deposi
tions ofthe accused in the Appendix to the Italian edition.

326 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
to mumble ! " And overtaking him on the steps of the
InnocentI,' they slew him on the spot. A poor spectacle
maker, hearing the great noise in the street, came out with
his slippers in his hand, and while trying to persuade the
people to be quiet, was killed by a sword thrust in his
head. 2 Others shared the same fate ; and In this way,
infuriated by the taste of blood, the mob poured into
the Square of St. Mark. Finding the church thronged
with the people who had attended vespers, and were still
engaged in prayer, they hurled a dense shower of stones
through the door ; whereat a general panic ensued, the
women shrieked loudly, and all took to flight. In
a moment the church was emptied, its doors, as well as
those of the convent, were locked and barred ; and no one
remained within save the few citizens who were bent on
defending St. Mark's. 3
Although barely thirty in nuiiiber,4 these comprised
some of the most devoted of Savonarola's adherents ;
the men who had escorted him to the pulpit, and were
ever prepared to risk their life in his service. For some
days past they had known that the convent was in danger ;
and accordingly eight or ten of them had always come to
guard it by night. Without the knowledge of Savonarola
or Fra Domenico, whom they knew to be averse to all
deeds of v"olence, they had, by the suggestion of Fra
Silvestro and Fra Francesco de' Medici, secretly deposited

" The Foundling Hospital, near the Church of the Annunzlata.
° Burlaraacchi, p. 136.
3 " Vita Latina ; " Burlamacchi ; Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani."
The attack on the church and convent of St. Mark is minutely described
in this poem. An account ofthe facts is also to be gleaned from the
depositions of the accused.
¦• All this is related in great detail by Burlamacchi and Frk Benedetto,
but they considerably exaggerate the numbers of those concerned in the
fray. "The exact figures are to be ascertained frora the depositions ofthe
accused prisoners, and the documents of Frk Domenico's trial.

THE MONKS PREPARE FOR DEFENCE. 327
a store of arms in a cell beneath the cloister.' Here were
some twelve breastplates, and as many helmets ; eighteen
halberts, five or six crossbows, shields of different kinds,
four or five harquebusses, a barrel of powder, and leaden
bullets,2 and even, as it would seem, two small mortars. 3
Francesco Davanzati, who had furnished almost all
these weapons, and was then in the convent, brought
out and distributed them to those best able to use them.
Assisted by Baldo Inghirlami, he directed the defence
for some time, placing guards at the weakest points,
and giving the necessary orders.4 About sixteen of the
friars took arms, 5 and foremost among them were Fra
Luca, son of Andrea della Robbia, and our Fra Benedetto.6
It was a strange sight to see some of these men,7 with
¦ Vide in Appendix to the Italian edition the examination of Fran
cesco Davanzati, of Luca della Robbia, Bartolommeo Mei, and
Francesco dei Medici. Vide also the trial of the three Friars.
° Frk Domenico, who confessed nothing that was not strictly true, says
that he had neither known nor suspected the existence of any arms in
the convent, save of the few weapons employed for Savonarola's pro
tection when he walked abroad. " Most assuredly," he said, " these
arms were never brought in by the order, or even with the knowledge of
Padre Frk Hieronymo, neither were they introduced by my will, since /
always laughed at the idea of such a thing " {i.e., the idea of offering
arraed resistance). And this statement was confirmed by the depositions
of the other prisoners.
¦^ Some allusion was made to these two small mortars in the examina
tion of Lionello Boni and Bartolommeo Mei : the former replied that he
had heard something said about them, and the other thought he had had
a sight of them. Certain modern writers, finding the viovS. artillery used
by some old writers in accounts of these events, believed that there were
cannon at St. Mark's. This, as we shall see, was merely one of the
exaggerations diffused at the time. In those days all firearms were
designated as artillery, and all the artillery used in the convent consisted
of four or five muskets, since the mortars, if there were any, were never
employed. * Vide the examination of Niccol6 Calzaiuolo in Appendix to the Italian
edition. 5 This was not ascertained clearly from the friars' own depositions,
but from those of the other prisoners.
* Vide his examination in Appendix to the Italian edition.
' Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani."

328 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
breastplates over their Dominican robes and helmets on
their heads, brandishing enormous halberts and speeding
through the cloister, with shouts of Viva Cristo, to call
their companions to arms.
Savonarola was deeply grieved by this, and Fra Do
menico went about imploring all to cast aside their weapons.
" They must not stain their hands in blood ; they must
not disobey the precepts of the gospel, nor their superior's
commands." ' So he cried, but all was in vain, for at that
monient the furious yells outside rose to a deafening pitch,
and more determined attacks were made on the gates. It
was then that Savonarola resolved to end the fruitless and
painful struggle by the sacrifice of his own safety ; so,
assuming his priest's vestments, and taking a cross in his
hand, he said to his companions : " Suffer me to go forth,
since through me orta est haec tempestas ; " and wished to
surrender himself to his enemies at once.2 But he was
met by universal cries of despair; friars and laymen
pressed round him with tears and supplications. " No !
do not leave us ! you will be torn to pieces ; and what
would become of us without you ? " 3 When he saw his
most trusted friends barring the way before him, he turned
about and bade all follow him to the church. First of all
he carried the Host in procession through the cloisters ;
then led the way to the choir, and reminded them that
prayer was the only weapon to be employed by ministers
of religion, whereupon all fell on their knees before the
consecrated wafer, and intoned the chant : Salvum fac
populum tuum, Domine. Some had rested their weapons
' V/i/e Frk Domenico's trial in Appendix to the Italian edition.
uilamacchi, p. 136. Vide also, in Appendix to the Italian edition,
the examination of Alessandro Pucci, and the trial of Frk Silvestro : all
the latter's depositions in Savonarola's favour are thoroughly to be
credited, since, in order to save himself, he generally sought to blacken
his superior.
3 Burlamacchi, and the trial of Frk Silvestro.

THE ATTACK ON THE CONVENT. ^2c,
against the wall, others still grr.sped them, and only a few
remained on guard at the main entrances.'
It was now about the twenty-second hour (i.e., two
hours before sundown), the throng on the Piazza had in
creased, the assailants were encouraged by meeting with no
resistance, and the Signory's guards were coming to their
aid. At this monient the macebearers appeared to pro
claim the Signory's decree that all in the convent were to
lay down their arms, and that Savonarola was sentenced to
exile, and ordered to quit the Florentine territory within
twelve hours' time. 2 Most of those who heard this an
nouncement regarded it as a device of the enemy.3 It
was difficult to credit that the Signory could order the
attacked, who were making scarcely any defence, to lay
down their arms while the assailants, who were the sole
authors of the disturbance, and in far greater numbers,
were not only left unmolested, but supplied with reinforce
ments ! Nevertheless, the proclamation decided several
to obtain safe conducts and hurry away.
Francesco Valori was one of those who left the convent
at this juncture. Although warned by Francesco
Davanzati and others that he was exposing himself to
serious risk, he insisted on being let down over the wall
at the back. Seeing the feeble resistance offered by the
inmates of the convent, while the enemies' forces were
continually on the increase, he wished to repair to his own
house, collect his adherents, and make a better fight in the
streets. But his premises were quickly surrounded by the
mob, who threatened to set them on fire ; and a mace
bearer brought him a summons to appear before the
' Exarainations of the accused ; the trials of the three Friars ; Frk
Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani'; " Burlaraacchi.
" This proclamation is given in the Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. xix.
3 Frk Domenico declared at his trial, that, to the very last, he refused
to believe that the Signory positively supported the foes of St. Mark's.

330 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
Signory without delay. Being unprepared for resistance
at the moment, he promptly obeyed, in the belief that his
personal influence and authority would prevail with the
magistrates, and make them ashamed of what they had
done. Turning at once towards the Palace, with the
macebearer at his side, he pushed through the crowd with
the assured bearing and composed air of a man convinced
of his own Innocence, and unaccustomed to shrink from
danger. But he had hardly passed the corner of San
Procolo, when a group of Ridolfi and Tornabuoni, kins
men of those he had caused to be condemned to death the
previous year, fell upon him sword in hand, and killed him
on the spot. Thus a public hurt was avenged by a
private hate, and this was the miserable end of the valiant
and honest citizen who had ever been Savonarola's most
powerful ally. Meanwhile, startled by the noise, his wife
had flown to the window In great alarm, and while listen
ing, bewildered, to the cries of Valori and his assassins, a
bolt, from a crossbow in the crowd below, reunited her to
her slaughtered husband. In another instant the maddened
populace had stormed the house, pillaged it and set it on
fire. As a piteous sequel to this tragedy, a sleeping babe,
one of Valori's grandchildren, was accidentally smothered
under a mattress while the rabble were pillaging the
beds. Yet the Signory allowed these outrages to
pass with impunity, and never took the least notice of
them.' On the same day the houses of Andrea Cambini
were sacked and burnt, and those of Paolo Antonio
Soderini and Giov. Battista Ridolfi were only saved from
the popular fury by the presence of their friends and of
some of the Signory's macebearers.2
' Vide the " Vita Latina," Burlamacchi, p. 187 ; Nardi, i., p. 151 ; Luca
Landucci, "Diario," p. 171, and the other chroniclers ofthe period.
Vide also the " Nuovi Documenti su G. Savonarola," published by Signor
A. Portioli in the "Archivio Storico Lombardo," year i.. No. iii.
" Vide the authors quoted in the preceding note, and the letters to
the Duke of Milan, in the Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xx.

A VALIANT DEFENCE. 331
Meanwhile night was falling, and the siege of the con
vent being carried on with desperate ferocity. Some
fired the gates, while others had successfully scaled the
walls on the Sapienza side,' and made their way into the
cloisters. After sacking the infirmary and the cells, they
all penetrated to the sacristy sword in hand, and broke
open the door leading to the choir. When the friars, who
were kneeling there in prayer, found themselves thus sud
denly attacked, they were naturally stirred to self-defence.
Seizing the burning torches, and crucifixes of metal
and wood, they belaboured their assailants with so much
energy that the latter fled in dismay, believing for a
moment that a band of angels had come to the defence of
the convent. 2
Then the other monks, who had laid down their arms
at Savonarola's behest, again resumed the defence, and
there was more skirmishing in the cloisters and corridors.
At the same time the great bell of the convent, called the
Piagnona, tolled forth the alarm ; both besiegers and
besieged fought with greater fury ; all was clamour and
' That is, from the street afterwards called Via del Maglio, and now
Via La Marmora.
' This incident is given by Burlamacchi and the other biographers,
and also in almost all the depositions of the accused. Frk Benedetto
describes the scene as follows in chap. viii. of his " Cedrus Libani " :
E figli del Profeta eran, cantando
Le litanie, avanti al Sacramento,
Di punto in punto il martirio espettando.
Et io, che fui presente a tal spavento.
Per voler che '1 Profeta non perissi
Piu presto d'esser morto ero contento.
Forza fu li inimici s'assalissi,
Da venti el piu, e con doppieri accesi,
A eio foco per foco si sentissi.
E' volti degli avversi furno incesi,
E le lor teste percosse a tal forma,
Che furno espulsi, et alcun morti e presi.
E discacciar si pochi si gran torma,
Cosa divina fu e non umana. . .

332 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
confusion, cries of despair, and clashing of steel. This
was the moment when Baldo Inghirlami and Francesco
Davanzati dealt such vigorous blows, and that Fra Luca
d'Andrea della Robbia chased the foes through the
cloisters, sword in hand. Fra Benedetto and a few others
mounted on the roof, and repeatedly drove back the
enemy with a furious hail of stones and tiles. Several of
the monks fired their muskets with good effect inside the
church, and a certain Fra Enrico, a young, fair-haired,
handsome German, particularly distinguished himself by
his prowess. At the first beginning of the struggle he
had courageously sallied out into the midst of the mob,
and possessed himself of the weapon he wielded so
valiantly, accompanying each stroke vvith the cry : " Sal
vum fac populum tuum, Domine." '
At this juncture the victory was decidedly with St.
Mark's, and its defenders were exulting in their success,
when a fresh edict of the Signory was proclaimed,
declaring all rebels who did not forsake the convent
within an hour. 2 Thereupon several more demanded safe
conducts and departed, thus farther diminishing the too
scanty garrison.3 And there being no longer any doubt as
to the Signory's intention of crushing St. Mark's, even the
vemnant of the defenders lost hope and courage, and were
' Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani," loc. cit. :
Et io con alcun altri, I'alta scorza
Del tetto della chiesa gittavamo,
Che deir uscirne a' nemici fu forza.
Lor arme e scuti a furia rompavamo,
Che lapide paria dal ciel piovessi :
Cosi Ior forze indrieto tenavamo.
These incidents are mentioned by Burlamacchi, and in the examinations
of several of the prisoners.
' Vide the edict in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xix.
3 Shortly after, another edict (Appendix, doc. xix.) declared to be
rebels all vvho went to St. Mark's, but this did not prevent the guards
of the Signory from continuing to help the assailants.

THE STRUGGLE AT THE ALTAR. 333
already beginning to give way. Savonarola and many of
his brethren still remained in the choir, offering up prayers,
which were interrupted from time to time by the cries of
the injured or the piteous wail of the dying. Among the
latter was a youth of the Panciatichi House, who was
borne, fatally wounded, to the steps of the high altar, and
there, amid volleys of harquebuss shots, received the com
munion from Fra Domenico, and joyfully drew his last
breath in the friar's arms, after kissing the crucifix, and
exclaiming : Lcce quam bonum et quam iucundum habitare
fratres in unum I '
Night had now come, and the monks, exhausted with
hunger and agitation, devoured some dry figs one of their
companions had brought. Suddenly the defence was
resumed ; louder cries were heard and fresh volleys of
shot. In the pulpit from which Savonarola had so fre
quently inculcated the doctrine of peace, Fra Enrico, the
German, had now taken his stand and was firing his
harquebuse with fatal effect. The smoke became so dense
that it was necessary to break the windows in order to
escape suffocation ; and thereupon long tongues of flame
poured into the church from the burning doors. The
German and another defender retreated into the choir, and,
clambering upon the high altar, planted their harquebusses
beside the great crucifix, and continued their fire.2
Savonarola was overwhelmed with grief by this waste
of life, in his cause, but was powerless to prevent it. No
attention being paid to his protests, he again raised the
Host, and commanded his friars to follow him. Traversing
the dormitory, he had conducted nearly all to the Greek
library, when he caught sight of Fra Benedetto rushing
downstairs, maddened with fury and fully armed to con-
¦ "Vita Latina," Burlamacchi, p. 139. Also in the depositions of the
accused. = Burlamacchi. The depositions of Frk Luca della Robbia, of
Girolamo Gini and others, in Appendix to the Italian edition.

334

SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND LIMES

front the assailants at close quarters. Laying his hand on
his disciple's shoulder, he gave him a severe glance, and
said, in a tone of earnest reproof: " Fra Benedetto, throw
down those weapons and take up the cross ; I never in
tended my brethren to shed blood." ' And the monk
humbled himself at his master's feet, laid aside his arms,
and followed him to the library with the rest.

MICHELOZZO MICHELOZZI.

A final and still more threatening decree was now issued
bythe Signory against all who continued to resist, command
ing Savonarola, Fra Domenico, and Fra Silvestro to presenl
themselves at the palace without delay, and giving their
word that no harm should be offered them. Fra Domenico
• Frk Benedetto (" Cedrus Libani," chap, viii.) concludes his account of
the incident thus : Alior cesso ciascun di far ripari,
Ogn' uom di far difesu allora rest6,
Per non voler al Santo esser discari.

SA VONAROLA'S LAST WORDS TO HIS BRETHREN. 335
insisted on seeing the order in writing, and the heralds,
not having it with them, went back to fetch it. Mean
while Savonarola had deposited the sacrament In the hall
of the library beneath the noble arches of MIchelozzi's
vault, and, collecting the friars around him, addressed them
for the last time in these memorable words ; " My
beloved children, in the presence of God, in the presence
of the consecrated wafer, with our enemies already in the
convent, I confirm the truth of my doctrines. All that I
have said hath come to me from God, and He is my
witness in heaven that I speak no lie. I had not fore
seen that all the city would so quickly turn against me ;
nevertheless, may the Lord's will be done. My last ex
hortation to ye is this : let faith, prayer, and patience be
your weapons. I leave ye with anguish and grief, to give
myself into my enemies' hands. I know not whether they
will take my life, but certain am I that, once dead, I shall
be able to succour ye in heaven, far better than it hath been
granted me to help ye on earth. Take comfort, embrace
the cross, and by it shall ye find the way of salvation." '
The invaders were now masters of almost the whole of
the convent, and Gioacchino della Vecchia, captain of the
palace guard, threatened to knock down the walls with his
guns, unless the orders of the Signory were obeyed. Fra
Malatesta Sacramoro, the very man who, a few days before,
had offered to walk through the fire, now played the
part of Judas. He treated with the Compagnaeci and
persuaded them to present a written order, for which they
sent an urgent request to the Signory, while Savonarola again
confessed to Fra Domenico and took the sacrament from
his hands,2 in preparation for their common surrender.
As for their companion, Fra Silvestro, he had hidden
' Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani," chap. ix.
' Burlamacchi ; Frk Benedetto," Cedrus Libani ; Violi, "Giornata," iv ;
the depositions of the accused, and the letters to the Duke of Milan in
Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xx.

336

SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.

himself, and in the confusion was nowhere to be
found. '
¦ Burlamacchi and other writers state that there was no doubt as to
Frk Silvestro's concealment. But it has been impossible to find in any
contemporary authority the confirmation of a similar fact first mentioned
by Vasari and afterwards repeated by others : namely, that the celebrated
painter Baccia della Porta, later known as Frk Bartolommeo, was in the
convent at the time and hid hiraself through cowardice. This would seem

FRA BARTOLOMMEO.

scarcely credible : the resistance offered was less than was generally said ;
the greater part of the monks and raany of the laymen remained passive'
and unarmed in deference to Savonarola's commands. Baccio may have
possibly done the same. Frk Silvestro concealed himself in order to
avoid arrest, but no search was made for Baccio della Porta. Neverthe
less, for the sake of impartiality, it should be added, that, according to
the depositions of the accused, it would seem that one of the laymen
really hid himself ; consequently, the tale told of Baccio della Porta
(who only becarae a novice in 1500, and took the vows in i5oi)may possibly
be true. But throughout the documents and depositions of the different
trials there is no mention of his name. Vasari, who belonged to a later
period, and had no friendly feeling for Savonarola or St. Mark's cannot
be considered a safe authority on the subject. Hence we are inclined to
consider his assertion unfounded.

SAVONAROLA'S SURRENDER. 337
Just then a singular incident occurred. One of Savon
arola's disciples, a certain Girolamo Gini, who had long
yearned to assume the Dominican robe, had come to
vespers that day, and, from the beginning of the riot
energetically helped in the defence of the convent. When
Savonarola ordered all to lay down their arms, this worthy
artisan instantly obeyed, but nevertheless could not refrain
from rushing through the cloisters and showing himself
to the assailants, in his desire, as he confessed at his ex
amination, to face death for the love of Jesus Christ.
Having been wounded, he now appeared in the Greek
library, with blood streaming from his head, and, kneeling
at his master's feet, humbly prayed to be invested with the
habit. And his request was granted on the spot.'
Savonarola was urged by some of his friends to con
sent to be lowered from the walls and seek safety in
flight, since, if he once set foot in the palace, there was
little chance of his ever leaving it alive. He hesitated
and seemed on the point of adopting this sole means of
escape, when Fra Malatesta turned on him and said :
"Should not the shepherd lay down his life for his
Iambs } " These words appeared to touch him deeply, and
he accordingly made no reply ; but after kissing his
brethren and folding them to his heart — this very Mala
testa first of all — he deliberately gave himself up,
together with his trusty and inseparable Fra Domenico,
into the hands of the macebearers, who had returned
from the Signory at that instant.2 They had already sur-
' Vide his examination in Appendix to the Italian edition. He then
said that this was no sudden impulse, inasmuch as for some time past he
hid left all his business in order to study and qualify hiraself forbecoraing
a monk. " Burlaraacchi ; Violi, " Giornata," iv. In the " Cedrus Libani," chap.
ix., Frk Benedetto says :
El sangue iusto, o crudel, non dovevi
Conceder alle gente scellerate,
Che d'esser morto qtiel quasi '1 vedevi.
Parte di Juda furno tua pedate. . . .
VOL. II. 23

338 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
rounded him, when he turned once more to his friars and
said : " My brethren, take heed not to doubt. The work
of the Lord shall go forward without cease, and my death
will but hasten it on." ' No sooner were the two friars
led down Into the cloisters, than the mob pressed round
them with ferocious yells of triumph. At this Fra Bene
detto, who had hitherto followed them at a distance, could
no longer restrain his anguish ; and pushing forward with
tears and sobs, declared that he must go to prison with his
master. But no one listened to him, for all were intoxi
cated with rage. The surging crowd bore Savonarola and
Fra Domenico out into the Piazza of St. Mark's, and
Fra Benedetto was left to his despair in the cloister. He
tells us that so terrible an uproar was then heard, that all
thought Savonarola had been slain on the spot. 2
The seventh hour of the night (one o'clock, ant.) had
now struck. The macebearers had bound Savonarola,
and the rabble pressed about him in a thick mass, like
a stormy sea ; helmets, breastplates, swords, and spears
glittered here and there in the dim light of lanterns and
torches. All gazed on him with threatening mien, they
flashed lanterns in his eyes, crying out : " Behold the true
light!" they singed him with torches, saying : "Now give
a turn to the key ; " they twisted his fingers, struck him,
and tauntingly inquired : " Prophesy who it is that has
buffeted thee." Their ferocity reached such a pitch, that
his guards had great difficulty in protecting him with a
fence of crossed spears and shields. The insults he
endured by the way may be more easily imagined than
described, and the mob continued to wreak their brutality
on him until he had entered the palace. Even while in
the act of passing through the postern door, one of the

' Burlamacchi, p. 143.
= Burlamacchi, p. 143 ; Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani," chap. x.

SAVONAROLAS EMPTY CELL AT ST. -MARKS.

IN PRISON 339
populace kicked him in the back and exclaimed : " This
is the seat of his prophecies ! " '
When the two prisoners were finally brought before the
Gonfalonier, he asked whether they persisted in declaring
that their words were divinely Inspired ; and on their re
plying in the affirmative, ordered them to be thrust into
separate cells. Savonarola was placed in the Alberghettino
(little hostelry), a small chamber in the bell-tower, in
which Cosimo de' Medici had once suffered imprisonment,
and where for the first time he found a little rest after the
terrible events of the day. The same night his brother
Alberto, who chanced to be in Florence, was arrested, but
was soon set at liberty. The following day Fra Silvestro
came out from his hiding-place, and was immediately
betrayed by Sacramoro to the enemies, who had feasted
all night on luxurious viands at the friars' humble board.2
' Burlamacchi, p. 144, and the " Vita Latina.'' Frk Benedetto, loc.
cit., after a minute description of these scenes, adds :
Tre mila in circa fu la gran canaglia,
Che raeno, via il pastor com 'un 'agnello.
Per forza no, con persa lor battaglia.
And farther on he says :
Non so se tante grida h nell' Inferno,
Qual fu la notte quando quel menorno
A' Signor di Firenze a' quali el dierno.
° Burlamacchi, p. 144. The account of this day's work has been com
piled from the " Vita Latina," the works of Burlamacchi and Pico, but
more especially from the " Cedrus Libani " of Frk Benedetto, the inter
rogatories of the accused, the trials of the three friars, the decrees of the
Signory, and the documents edited by Padre JVIarchese and others. The
abundance of materials has increased instead of diminishing the difficulty
of the task. All authorities give the same details of the event, but
each in a different way, according to what they had seen or remembered,
or as it best suited them to represent the facts. For it was often con
venient to the accused to give an altered or diminished account of the
part they had played. Only a laborious and most minute examination of
documents has enabled us to arrive at vvhat we believe to be a truthful
statement of the facts derived from careful consultation of the evidence

340 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Meanwhile, the Signory hastened to make known to-
Rome, Milan, and the other Courts all that had occurred
on the evening of the Sth of April, colouring the facts in
their own way and to suit the temper of the govern
ment they addressed. To the Florentine orator in France
they gave a very summary sketch of the matter, order
ing him to communicate it to no one. This was because
they were aware of the king's friendship for Savonarola.'
But they sent the minutest details to Bonsi in Rome, and
commissioned him to obtain from the Pope a general
absolution from all the censures they might have incurred,
not only for their prolonged toleration of Savonarola's
sermons, but also for having laid violent hands on eccle
siastics. They also begged to be authorized to sit in
judgment on the friars, and at the same time seized the
opportunity of asking for a speedy settlement of the
question of Church tithes. It may be conceived with
what eagerness the Pope replied to the Signory of Florence.
He hastened to designate them as true sons of the Holy
Church ; gave them his full absolution and blessing ;
granted them the required authorization to examine, try,
and torture the prisoners ; praised all they had done;
promised and sent to the city a plenary indulgence for
the Easter octave in Santa Reparata ; but insisted very
strongly that on the conclusion of the trial the friars
should be given into his hands to suffer the punish
ment they deserved. Nevertheless, he was lavish only of
promises as regarded the Church tithes and all the rest.
The Duke of Milan also sent special messengers with
given by eyewitnesses. According to Somenzi, whose object it vvas to
attenuate the iraportance of the riot, there were only twelve dead and
twenty-five wounded. His letter was published in Professor del Lungo's
work, loc. cit., docuraent xl. Vide also Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. XX.
' On the 9th of April they wrote to hira thus : " You will communicate
this letter to no one ; it is solely for your private information " (Padre
Marchese, loc. cit., doc. xxviii.).

DEATH OF CHARLES VIIL 341
letters of congratulation : expressed his desire to assist
the Republic ; urged the Signory to keep it united and
quickly restore it to order ; was ready to aid it in every
emergency, and to surrender Pisa in a few days' time.'
But the best tidings for Savonarola's foes came from a
most unexpected source. The latest letters from France
brought the news that on the 7th of April, the day
fixed for the ordeal by fire in Florence, Charles VIII. had
died at Amboise. And his end had been wretched, even
as Savonarola had so often predicted that it would be, in
consequence of his abandonment of the Lord's work.
Suddenly smitten by an apoplectic stroke, he had been
carried into a most filthy hole ; 2 and there, on a heap of
straw, the King of France had drawn his last breath. But
never was any prophecy more unfortunately fiilfilled, nor
with greater harm to the prophet. Savonarola lost in
Charles his last and most powerful support, precisely
when the only hope of safety lay in his help, and at the
very moment when the monarch seemed again on the point
of turning his thoughts to the affairs of Italy and the
reform of the Church. 3 But, as we have already noted, all
' Vide the brief dated 12th of April, in Gherardi's "Nuovi Documenti,"
die. vi., p. 145 and fol. ; and also various letters from Bonsi in Rome,
and Pepi in Milan in the same work. Vide 2\so Nardi, i. 154 ; Burla
macchi, " Vita Latina ;" Padre Marchese, docs. xxv. and xxx. From
Pepi's letters it would seem that Ludovico was not altogether pleased by
what had occurred, fearing, in fact, that the Florentines would now
be too completely under the thumb of Alexander VI. Pepi himself was
still more displeased, for as a follower of Savonarola, he no longer
knew what attitude to assume. Pope Alexander, however, was over
joyed, and on the nth of April sent two other complimentary briefs to
Francesco di Puglia and the Franciscans, lauding all they had done
against Savonarola. They are to be found in Qudtif, " Additiones,"
pp. 462-463.
' Vide Commines, " Mdmoires," lib. viii. chap. xxv. : " Estoit le plus
deshonneste lieu de leans car tout le monde y pissoit, et estoit rompue k
I'entrde." 3 Commines, " Memoires," lib. viii. chap. xxv. Vide the passage
quoted elsewhere in this volume. Even Guasconi, vvho was much at-

342 SA VONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIAIES.
things now combined against the poor Friar ; and no
hope remained to him on earth.
attached to Savonarola, said, in announcing the death of King Charles
to Mazzinghi : " And just when he was feeling the need of doing some
thing, hfe has failed him." Vide his letter given in the examination of
Mazzinghi, in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxix. No. 12.

CHAPTER IX.

savona^rola is exo^.mined and put to the question.
the £m.igistr.ates of the 'republic concoct two
falsifie'd repoiits of his avowals, but still
fail to p'rpve his guilt.
(April 9-25, 1498.)

^^ HE day following the tumult was Hoi)
Monday : the beginning of the week
consecrated to the memory of our
Redeemer's sacrifice, during which the
people were accustomed to crowd round
Savonarola in the greatest numbers,
and in which he had always delivered his most impressive
and eloquent sermons. Now, on the contrary, he was
hidden in a dungeon, in the hands of the enemies, who
were masters of the town.' An unusual activity was to
be noticed in the Palace, a perpetual running to and fro
of heralds and macebearers, searching in the name of the
magistrates for all who were best known as partisans
of the Friar and the popular government. Some, in
defiance of the express prohibition, succeeded in escaping ,
while others gave themselves up. In this manner, besides
' Landucci writes, at p. 171 of his " Diario": "And nothing more was
done on the 9th day of April, 1498 ; weapons were at rest, but not
tongues ; hell seemed let loose ; men were never weary of crying traitor
and thief. As for saying a word in the Friar's favour, it was impossible ;
nne would have been killed."

344 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Savonarola and his two companions, Fra Domenico and
Fra Silvestro, nineteen others, some monks and some
laymen, were arrested, either for having taken part in
the defence of the convent or as known and declared
Piagnoni.' After the sack of St. Mark's the whole
building was carefully searched from end to end, and
Savonarola's cell in particular, in the hope of discover
ing papers that might be useful in concocting the
evidence by which it was planned to destroy him. Mean
while the brethren had withdrawn to the infirmary :
where, after having tended the wounded and dying, not
only of their own side but also of the attacking party,
they erected an altar and engaged in prayer.2 At the
same time the Compagnaeci collected all the weapons they
found in the convent church, stacked them in a cart,
carried them, still blood-stained, round the city and
exhibited them to the people, crying : " Behold the
miracles of St. Mark ; behold the miracles of the Friar,
and the tokens of his love for the people of Florence ! " 3
J All this naturally had much effect on the multitude, who
aconsldered themselves defrauded and tricked, because no
Imiracle had been wrought either on the day of the ordeal by
/fire, or at the storming of the convent. And the Signory,
intent on striking the iron while it was hot, neglected
no means of forwarding their purpose. A Pratica was
assembled the same day to discuss the best mode of con
ducting the prisoners' examination. Their inquiries on
this occasion plainly showed that they had not only
resolved to break their sworn pledge of releasing Savo
narola and his two companions, but were also deter
mined to override the customs and even the laws of the
Republic. • Vide their interrogatories or examinations in Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. xx.x.
' Burlamacchi, p. 144, 3 Ibid., p. 145.

I«K <-^ ^* <

^ ^ < K

SAVONAROLA WRITING IN HIS CELL.

DELIBERATIONS AS TO THE PRISONER'S FATE. 345
In fact, they first of all demanded " whether the three
friars whom they had been obliged to seize, for the honour
of the Republic, should be examined here in Florence, or
sent to Rome in accordance with the Pontlff^s request ; " '
and they next asked : " What should be decreed as to the
functions of the actual Ten of Liberty and Eight of
Guard? " Both these magistracies, and the first in par
ticular, having always been favourable to Savonarola, this
was a very important question ; for, according to the law,
it was the special function of the Eight to judge State
offences. Hence the Signory wished both the Eight and
the Ten to be changed before the expiration of their legal
term of office, in order to ensure the election of men of
their own party. This would be the only means of secur
ing full liberty of action. We have no detailed report of the
debate. Nothing but the briefest outline of the proceed
ings and the gist of the speeches made on the occasion
have been preserved. Messer Guidantonio Vespucci,
spokesman for the bench of the doctors of the law, who
in the Pratica of the 14th of March had been the chief
of Savonarola's opponents, was the first to rise to his feet.
He instantly proposed : " That Fra leronimo should be
privately examined by competent persons, so that when
the trial was concluded, only such portions of it as their
Excellencies thought fit need be made known to the
public. That it would not be expedient to send the
Friar to Rome, but merely to inform the Pope that he
would be kept in safe custody. As to the magistrates
of the Ten," he added, " some think that a new election
should immediately be held ; whereas others consider that
the present men should continue in office until the expira
tion of their legal term. As to the Eight, it should be
« Vide the Pratica in the Register previously quoted, at sheet 189 and
fol., and in doc. viii. of Professor Lupi's published collection.

346 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
noted that their term is almost at an end." ' Almost all
the other speakers shared these views, but some went
farther. Giuliano Mazzinghi, in fact, suggested that
both the Eight and the Ten should at once be changed,
" considering the temper of the men actually in oflice."
Giovan Paolo Lotti had even the audacity to add that if
the new magistrates should not prove suitable, they should
be compelled to resign. In order that others might be
elected in their stead. The majority were also agreed
that it would be by no means advisable to publish the
trial in full, " remembering," as Paolo Rucellai said, " that
Caesar refused to look on the writings of Pompey." ~
The gist of the matter was, that full powers were granted
to the Government to make and unmake either of the two
magistracies at will. The party of the Piagnoni was
practically extinct, the Arrabbiati were supreme, and the
Signory were now free to do as they chose. Accordingly
they at once elected new councils of the Ten and the
Eight, and made them take their places beside the men
actually In office. Then, on the nth of April, they ap
pointed a special commission of seventeen examiners 3
to conduct the trial of the three friars, and with full
power to use torture or any other means that might be
found necessary to their purpose. The names of the
commissioners chosen sufiiced to prove with how little
justice and impartiality the trial would be conducted.
There was Giuliano Mazzinghi, who had suggested in the
Pratica the immediate and unlawful dismissal from office of
¦ The Eight were to go out of office at the end of April ; but the Ten
were to be in power for two months longer.
' Vide the previously quoted report of the Pratica held on the 9th of
April, 1498.
3 Vide in Appendix, doc. xxiii., the decree of the nth of April, 1498,
in the above-quoted register. No. 100, in the Florence Archives, at shees-
35. Authorities vary as to the number of examiners appointed. Nardi
states that there were twelve, Pico fifteen, Burlamacchi sixteen ; we
have adhered to the indisputable evidence of the official decree.

A TRIBUNAL OF THE FRIAR'S BITTEREST FOES. 347
the Eight and the Ten ; there was Piero degli Alberti,
he that on the day of the ordeal had displayed such inso
lent and shameless animosity against Savonarola ; there
was Doffo Spini, the chief of the Compagnaeci, principal
author of all the machinations against him, and ringleader
in the riot on Ascension Day, at the ordeal by fire and in
the assault on the convent. Thus the very man who had
so often employed assassins to attempt the Friar's life,
and tried to kill him with his own hands in the streets of
Florence, was now one of the new Council of Eight and
member of the commission specially chosen to conduct the
trial and pronounce the final sentence. His person was well
known to Savonarola, who had frequently seen him with
eyes blazing with ferocious vindictiveness, and with his
dagger half drawn from its sheath, trying to force his way
through the impenetrable barrier of friends whose lives
were heroically devoted to their master's defence. And he
now beheld this man draped In the ofiicial robe and play
ing the part of a judge, and immediately realized what
humanity would be shown in the examination and what
honesty in the verdict. The Intention to violate all prin
ciples of law and justice was so plainly evident, even from
the first, that one of the examiners indignantly threw up
his appointment the moment after receiving it, declaring
" that he would have no share in this homicide." '
From the outset innumerable illegalities were committed.
The commission was appointed by a decree of the 1 1 th of
_April to preside over a trial nominally begun on the 9th,
with the assistance of two Florentine canons selected by
order of the Pope, whose letter to that efi^ect, as Violi
' In recounting this fact, Burlamacchi attributes the words to Francesco
degli Albizzi, but this was a mistake, since Albizzi's name is on the list of
examiners in the printed version of the trial. Bartolo Zati is the man
whose name is included in the list formed on the nth of April, but
absent from that printed in the report of the trial. Thus the original
number of seventeen examiners was reduced to sixteen.

348 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
observes, and likewise by the evidence of the ofiicial cor
respondence, could not possibly have arrived before the
14th. What is certain is that, after being interrogated
on the night of his arrest — that is, between midnight on
Palm Sunday, the Sth of April, and the morning of the
9th, Savonarola was taken the following day to the upper
hall of the Bargello,' and after being again interrogated,
threatened, and insulted, was roped to a pulley, and put to
the question. He was hoisted some distance from the
floor, then allowed to fall rapidly, and the rope being
suddenly checked with a jerk, his arms were forced
back until they described a half-circle, his muscles
lacerated, and all his limbs quivering with pain. The
torture of the rope and pulley, when slightly applied was
by no means one of the most cruel, but could some
times be used in a way to overcome the strongest frame
and the - firmest endurance. When continued for any
length of time it invariably produced delirium, some
times ending in death ; consequently the sufferer could
be made to confess anything. It was only a question of
time. Even in early youth Savonarola had been of delicate and
sensitive fibre, and owing to continued austerities, prolonged
vigils, and eight years of uninterrupted ministrations in
the pulpit, he had beconie singularly ailing and nervous.
Indeed for some time past he had been in a state of almost
incessant suffering, and only seemed to live by the force
of his will. All that he had undergone during these last
days — peril, insult, and the pain of finding himself for
saken by all — had greatly increased his already morbid
sensibility. In this state he was subjected to cruel and
and unbearable torture ! As was only to be expected, he

' The palace of the Bargello was then next to the Custom House, and
joined by it to that of the Signoria.

PUT TO THE QUESTION. 349
soon began to rave ; his replies lost all coherence,' and at
last, as if despairing of himself, he cried in a voice that
might have softened a stone, though with no effect upon
his judges : Tolle, tolle, Domine, animam meam."^ Well
indeed for him had he died at that moment ! His memory
would have been spared many new calumnies, and his
heart an endless series of novel pangs.
So far his enemies had extorted no avowals from him.
On being taken down and again interrogated he reasserted
the truth of his doctrines, and when requested to answer
differently, exclaimed, " Ye tempt the Lord." 3 He was
then supplied with writing materials, but the nature of his
declarations caused the examiners first to conceal and then
destroy the sheets, and to discard the idea of basing the
trial on the prisoner's autograph confessions, as was required
by the law. These few papers, of which no trace was
preserved, may be considered as Savonarola's only au
thentic confessIon,4 since, as we shall presently see, he was
allowed to write nothing more with his own hand through
out the rest of his examination. On perceiving that
nothing suited to their purpose could be extracted from his
vague replies, they had him unbound and sent back to
prison. Once in his cell, he knelt down and prayed for
his executioners, crying : " O Lord, they know not what
they do." 5
The proceedings had now to be started afresh, new
" "Inventum est item in posterioribus confessionum libellis obtestatum
se vi tormentorum multa di.xisse, et abalienari animo cura torqueretur "
(Pico, p. 83). Several proofs of this are even to be gleaned frora the
trial. " Burlamacchi, pp. 145-146 ; Pico, p. 77.
' " Vita Latina," Burlamacchi and Pico. See, too, in Appendix,
docs. xxi. and xxii., and the narratives of Violi and Frk Benedetto.
" Hence the existence of a genuine proces verbale in the Friar's hand
s altogether hypothetical. Much information will be found concerning
the few papers he really wrote, and which were subsequently destroyed,
in Violi's " Giornate " and the " Vulnera Diligentis" of Frk Benedetto.
5 Burlamacchi and Pico.

350 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
nieasures adopted ; and the Signory lost no time in
delay. They not only asked and obtained absolution
from Rome for the imprisonment, examination, and
torture of ecclesiastics, but permission to continue the same
so long as they thought fit.' And meanwhile they sum
moned another Pratica to consult what reply should be
made to the Pope as to sending the three friars to Rome
after the trial. Almost all voted against giving up the
prisoners, but suggested that the Pope should be kept in
good humour by fair words, so that he might be induced
to grant them the tithe on Church property.^ Finally a
commission was appointed in due legal form to draw up
the case against the prisoners. But how was it to be
drawn up .'' It was so hard to decide this capital point,
that all proceedings were suspended on the loth of April. 3
The people murmured impatiently at the delay, the
Signory knew not what to do, and openly groaned over
the uncertainty with their intimates. Seeing that, apart
from his written replies, nothing but vague and contra
dictory words were to be extorted, even by torture, from
Savonarola, how could he be condemned with any show of
legality .'' The fabrication of entirely fictitious avowals
would never be sanctioned by all the commissioners, added
to which, a fraud of this kind would be liable to discovery
and might have very serious consequences. It was then
that a Florentine notary, Ser Ceccone di Ser Barone, said
to one of the examiners who was making these complaints:
" Where no real case exists, it is necessary to invent one."
' Vide the brief of the 17th of April, 1498, and the letters of the
Signory and their ambassador at pp. 154-155 of Gherardi's work. Vide
also Padre Marchese, doc. x.\x.
' Pratica of the 13th of April in the before-quoted Register, and in
doc. ix. of Signor Lupi's published collection.
3 So it would seem from the two editions of the trial published at the
time, although we have the authority of several Codices to the effect that
even on the 10th the examination of the accused was continued. The
manuscript minutes of the trial underwent many arbitrary alterations.

FALSE DEPOSITIONS PREPARED. 351
And he added that he should not be afraid to find a way
of doing it.'
This Ceccone had originally belonged to the Medicean
party and been concerned in Piero's conspiracy, but on its
discovery had sought refuge at St. Mark's, and found
protection and safety with the monks. While there he
feigned to be converted to religion, daily attended the
sermon, and played the part of a Piagnone. But this did
not prevent him from acting as a spy for Duke Ludovico,
to whom he wrote letters in cypher, with full details of all
that was going on in Florence.2 He continued to pursue
this career until Savonarola's incarceration, when, throwing
off the mask, he not only showed himself a declared enemy
of the Friar, but offered to draw up falsified depositions,
altering the prisoner's replies, without too many verbal
changes, in such a way as to facilitate his condemnation. He
was known to be a sharp-witted man, quite capable of the
work, and accordingly his offer was not only accepted, but
he was promised the considerable reward of four hundred
ducats in the event of his success. No attention was paid
to the fact that as notary to the Signory he was legally
unqualified to draw up the case. 3 But legality was now
altogether discarded. Thus, on the 1 1 th, a real beginning
was made to the so-called trial, and the iniquitous mode in
which the evidence was compiled proved the origin of many
strange and contradictory opinions regarding Savonarola,
" Burlamacchi, p. 147. Detailed inforraation concerning Ceccone may
be found not only in all the biographers, both ancient and modern, but
also in Violi's " Giornate '' and the " Vulnera Diligentis " of Frk Benedetto,
ii., chap. 20. There are documents in the Florence Archives proving
that he had been employed in the Chancery of the Eight of Pratica
until the expulsion of the Medici in 1494. After that his handwriting
only reappears again in the minutes ofthe trials of April, 1498.
" Vide the authors previously quoted. It is possible that he was the
j^(rr^/_/rz'?«rffrequently_mentioned in Somenzi's letters to the Duke.
3 Violi and Frk Benedetto speak with indignation of this illegal
proceeding.

352 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TLMES
and made it extremely difiicult to disentangle truth from
falsehood. Both indeed were so dexterously jumbled that
it is often almost impossible to know what to believe.
We have no means of ascertaining how many tinies
Savonarola was put to the question, but more than a
month was certainly employed in framing the various
depositions, and throughout that period he was repeatedly
subjected to prolonged and terrible torture. An eye
witness stated that in one day he beheld him suffer
fourteen turns of the rack.' Pico and Burlamacchi add
that when suspended from the rope, hot coals were applieil
to the soles of his feet ; and that after interrogating him
during this torment, his examiners wrote in their report
that " he had confessed of his own accord, and under no
physical restraint." So many writers are agreed that he
sonietimes gave way under torture, that we are compelled
to believe it, although a great number of his followers
make assertions to the contrary. But the very nature of
the case affords a stronger argument for belief than any
written testimony. How could a man of the Friar's
delicate frame and sensitive nerves have the strength to
withstand such fierce and prolonged agony, when at the
first jerk of the cords he fell into delirium ? The execu
tioner himself declared that he had never seen any one
so quickly and severely affected by torture. We may be
certain, that even then, for all his racked limbs and
harrowed soul, had he suddenly found himself in the
pulpit, in presence of the assembled people, under the
infiuence of a thousand kind and attentive eyes, he
would have been his old self again, and energetically
reasserted every article of his creed, even at the cost of
uttering the last word with the last breath in his body.
But, when forsaken by all, surrounded by the stony faces
I Lorenzo Violi, " Giornata," vi. Vide Appendix, docs. xxi. and
xxii.

SAVONAROLA'S MENTAL SUFFERINGS 353
of his foes, who would not listen to him, could not under
stand, and only sought to expose him to fresh torture,
how was he to find vigour to recapitulate, explain, and
justify his visions and prophecies ? His utterances at
these times were mere ravings of delirium. And how
could one, no longer conscious of what he said, be held
responsible for his words .? '
But the worst agony for Savonarola, and perhaps the
most painful monient of his whole life, must have been
when, after the first application of torture, he was left
to silence and solitude in the tower cell. There, face to
face with his own conscience, he must have been com
pelled to recognize that he was unable to withstand
physical torment ; that once bound to the rope, his mind
would soon wander, and that he might be easily made to
give any reply demanded of him. What was to be done .?
As soon as the torture became unbearable, he would have
to yield upon some point or another. Which point should
be the one chosen } The charges against him were to be
classed under three heads : religion, politics, and prophecy.
As to yielding on the first point, it was not to be thought
of; death were a thousand times preferable. To abjure
his politics would not only be vile, but might greatly
endanger the cause of the nation and of freedom. There
fore, since he had to give way on some point, it must be
regarding his prophecies and visions.
We have already had occasion to see how this question
of his gift of prophecy had continually entangled
Savonarola in a maze of sophistry through which it is
extremely difficult to follow his steps. Now, therefore,
in the loneliness of his cell, broken down by the first
turns of the rack, and humiliated by his weakness of
nerve, we may well believe that his imagination was more
' Vide Burlamacchi, p 145 and fol. ; Pico, 33-34 ; Violi and Frk
Benedetto in many passages of their before-quoted works.
VOL. II. 24

354 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
excited than before. Many of his reasonings at this time
are recorded by Pico and Burlamacchi ; but they are
described in far greater detail by Violi and Fra Benedetto,
who devoted half their lives to investigating and writing
commentaries on the trial ; and were so completely
imbued with their master's sophisms, as well as with
his ideas, that we frequently seem to hear his voice
from their lips. All they tell us on this head, not only
corresponds with all Savonarola's ideas and the whole
course of his life, but even with words actually spoken
and written by him during his imprisonment. Conse
quently their testimony commands our fullest belief'
He seems to have begun by recalling certain passages of
St. Thomas Aquinas, in which it is laid down that it is by
no means imperative to reveal the entire truth to perverse
judges. Then, looking through the Bible, he found that
Amos, Micah, Zechariah, and St. John the Baptist had
sometimes denied that they were prophets, and given
dubious replies ; and remembering that Jesus Christ
Himself had adopted this course, was it not allowable,
nay fitting, for him to do the same } Nor was this
the first time he had propounded this theory. After
uttering some prophecy from the pulpit, he had often
been heard to declare : " I am neither a prophet, nor
the son of a prophet ; I have never claimed to be a
prophet." And, on proceeding, in a subsequent
sermon, to explain these contradictory utterances, he
would plunge into such a flood of allegorical interpreta
tions and sophisms, that it was impossible to arrive at his
real meaning. Naturally, therefore, the same man and
the same contradictions are brought before us in the
¦ Some of Savonarola's followers have written whole volumes on this
theme. Vide Pico, chap, xvii.; Frk Benedetto, "Vulnera Diligentis,"
bk. ii. chap. xxi. and elsewhere, especially bk. iii., which is devoted solely
to this subject, and the whole of the " Giornata " vi. of Lorenzo VioU
Vide Appendix to the Itahan edition, docs. .xxi. and xxii.

THE FRIAR'S MENTAL ATTITUDE. 35 =
depositions made during the trial. Having always been
allegorical and obscure concerning his gift of prophecy,
we may imagine how much vaguer and more confused he
became at this juncture, when purposely endeavouring to
bewilder his judges.
It should also be remembered that the firmness and
heroism of great men in asserting their special beliefs,
are always the results of faith and truth ; and we have
seen that Savonarola's visions and prophecies were chiefly
the outcome of what, despite its sincerity, must un
doubtedly be considered a fanatic state of mind. Whence
could he derive strength to maintain the truth of
these things under physical torture that clouded his
brain ; when, in the depths of his spirit, the subject
was always involved in a maze of superstition and
sophistry i* This was the weak point in Savonarola's
life and character, the point on which his examiners
harassed him with their fiercest torments, and forming,
we must frankly allow, the least worthy part of his
depositions. He says and unsays, afiirms and denies ;
he could not speak clearly on a subject of which his
own perception was so vague ; he could not show
strength where he was weakest, and was, in short, the
miserable victim of his own hallucinations. On this
question, therefore, what heroism could be expected or
hoped fi-om him ?
The difficulty of forming an exact conception of
Savonarola's mental attitude is enormously increased by
our ignorance of his genuine replies. All that was
extorted from him by torture, was transcribed more
or less faithfully by Ser Ceccone, and then altered
with diabolical cunning before being copied into the
minutes. Sometimes a yes was turned into a no, or vice
versa ; or again, whole paragraphs of considerable
length were omitted. Certain phrases also were con-

356 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
tinually interpolated, as, for instance : this was my
hypocrisy ; this was my pride ; I did it for the sake of
worldly glory, and so forth.' The examiners themselves,
their notary, and a considerable nuniber of other citizens,
all testified to thls.2 Lorenzo Violi, who was enabled to
compare the original draft with the printed minutes of the
trial, took note of several of these alterations.s In reading
the Friar's depositions, one finds many perceptible gaps and
many undoubted interpolations frequently clashing with
the sense and even the grammar of the paragraph to which
they have been added. It is plainly evident that when
the examiners found that neither by threats, torture, nor
' Here is what Nardi says on this subject, in his " Storia di Firenze,"
i. p. 170 : " And, in order that my own conscience may not charge me
with the guilt of concealing the truth, I am constrained to say what was
told me by a great and noble citizen, one of the exarainers of the said
Friars, who, as a determined eneray of theirs, was appointed to that
office, and aftervvards arrested with many other citizens on the return
of the Medici to Florence. One day, being at his villa and questioning
him, in reference to a certain subject, how things truly went at that trial,
he candidly declared to me, in his wife's presence, that it vvas perfectly
true that, for a good purpose, somewhat had been omitted from and
somewhat added to the depositions of Frk Girolamo. These were the
actual words of his reply ; 1 know not if he spake truly, but I know that
I report them truly, and therefore believe that I now note them down
truly." P'/</(fBurlamacchi,Violi,Pico, &c. Our narrative in general is based
throughout on the authority of contemporary writers and original docu
ments ; but in this chapter we have been specially scrupulous, and the
reader may be assured that almost every sentence of it is based on the
evidence of some original document or author of the period.
= In 2nd ed. of the " Nuovi Documenti," Signor Gherardi publishes
two letters from Pier Francesco de' Medici to the Rector of Caseina,
who, like so raany of Savonarola's former friends, had now turned
against him. And, as Gherardi justly remarks, " even if there were no
other proofs of how the depositions were falsified, these letters alone
would suffice to show the impossibility of obtaining genuine reports from
similar examiners."
The priest seems to have feared that he might be imphcated on
account of his fornier relations with Savonarola ; and accordingly, in a
letter dated the 25th of April, 1498, Pier Francesco writes to reassure him,
bidding him fear nothing, inasmuch as, even if Savonarola should say
anything to his hurt, it would not be inserted in the report. Vide
Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," 2nd ed. p. 259-260.
3 Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xxi. and xxii.

CONCERNING HIS PROPHETICAL POWERS. 357
forged reports would it be possible to establish Savonarola's
guilt, they resolved to do their utmost to rob him of his
followers' admiration and esteem.
We have already said that the charges against him
turned chiefly upon three points : his prophecies and
visions, his religion, his politics ; and how the first of the
three was the weak point, that Savonarola had not the
strength to maintain under torture. In spite of his
sincere belief that he was not merely endowed with
insight into the future, but was a true prophet in
direct communication with the Lord, this belief was very
different from the inspired faith in truth, religion, and
freedom which gave him strength to suffer martyrdom
with heroic calm. The first was but a confused and
superstitious dream that he was unable to shake off
during fiights of visionary meditation or oratorical excite
ment when the affectionate glances of his flock served to
inflame his imagination ; but the dream vanished amid
the stern realities of his dying moments. He himself
lamented it, crying : " O Lord, Lord, Thou has taken
from me the spirit of prophecy ! " '
Nevertheless, when first interrogated before all the
Commissioners, he had insisted on the truth of his
visions, had referred to the Divine voice that had ad
dressed him through the lips of an angel, and concluded
by saying : " Leave this matter alone ; for if it was of
God, ye will receive manifest proofs of it ; if of
man, it will fall to the ground. Whether I be, or be
not, a prophet Is no concern of the State ; and no man
hath the right to condemn or judge the intentions of
other men." 2 But when again put to torture, he first
' We shall see elsewhere under what circumstances he repeated
these words.
° All this vvas omitted in the minutes of the trial, but included in the
original draft examined by Violi. Vide "Giornata," vi., given in Appendix
to the Italian edition, doc. xxi.

358 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
denied that he was a prophet and then reasserted his
gift ; and on the torture being resumed, began to make
vague and allegorical replies, which, being continually
altered by their reporter, became too confused to be
often intelligible. But whenever the judges desisted from
questioning him as to his visions, he ceased to reply in the
character of a deluded prophet, and spoke as became an
intrepid martyr in the cause of religion and freedom.
Accordingly, in the second stage of the trial, when
Savonarola had to speak of his mission, he was worthy
of himself, and unshaken by torture. He frankly
reasserted his belief that the Church must first be
scourged and then regenerated. " To forward this end,"
he said, " I preached things by which Christians might
know the abominations committed in Rome, and might
unite in forming a council, the which, if once assembled,
would, as I hoped, lead to the degradation of many
prelates and even of the Pope ; and I should have sought
to be present, and was determined, when there, to preach
and do things of which I might be proud." And, proceeding
in the same strain, he frequently repeated : " I purposed
to achieve great deeds in Italy and beyond the borders."
When asked if he had thought to become Pope, he
replied : " No ; for had I accomplished this work, I
should have deenied myself higher than any Cardinal or
Pope." ' Now, if words such as these are to be found in
Ser Ceccone's falsified reports, how can we doubt Savona
rola's heroic courage in upholding his religious ideas ?
He showed the same courage when interrogated on
politics. In spite of additions and alterations, we see
that his replies were very firm and explicit. He repeatedly
and indignantly denied the charge of having extorted
State secrets by means of the confessional. He often
' Vide Savonarola's first trial in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc.
xxvi.

HIS FIRAINESS AS TO POLITICAL QUESTIONS. 359
reiterated that he had never meddled with the govern
ment ; had shown neither favour nor disfavour to any
man ; that he had spoken on the affairs of the State in
general, but had left all details to the care of Valori,
Soderini, and other experts. " My sole aim was to pro
mote free government and all measures tending to its
improvement." He also alluded to some of the principal
laws he had proposed or intended to propose later, such
as the election of a perpetual Gonfalonier ; and there
is a noteworthy passage in which he states that on
finding reason to suspect that some of his trustiest friends
were scheming to get the government entirely Into their
own hands, he had immediately begun to preach against
tyranny and every limited form of government, " so that,
willingly or unwillingly, those persons should be driven
to favour the civil government." Therefore, whenever
liberty was at stake, he had been restrained by no
personal considerations, had not even yielded to beloved
and faithful followers of his own, and now, under
torture, remained still firmer than before. We have the
clearest evidence of this, even in the falsified reports
drawn up by Ceccone to compass the Friar's condemna
tion. After subjecting him for eleven days to continual
interrogatories and tortures, the Commissioners finally
brought the examination to an end. But although it was
conducted with so much illegality, and with so many
ingenious falsehoods introduced into the depositions, the
evidence proved insufficient for the end proposed ; and
the Signory were highly displeased with the mode
in which the case had been managed. When writing
to the Pope, who had complained of their slowness, they
were obliged to explain that they had to do "with a
man of most enduring body and sagacious wits, who,
hardening himself against torture, had involved the truth

36o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
In a thousand obscurities, and appeared determined, by
his feigned sanctity, either to win lasting fame in
future ages, or to suffer incarceration and death. Even
by long and assiduous examination, continued for many
days and with the aid of torture, we could barely extort
anything from him, and we preferred not to reveal what
he said, hoping to succeed in discovering the innermost
windings of his mind." '
Throughout the whole course of the trial, Savonarola
was undoubtedly consistent with his real self. As we
have seen, intellect and superstition, lofty reasoning and
vulgar sophistry, sublime heroism and, sometimes, un
expected weakness, were all combined in him, with, at
bottom, a most noble, strong, and magnanimous character.
It is true that he now maintains, now denies his gift
of prophecy ; but when questioned on points into which
both mind and heart had a clear insight, he showed an
unconquerable force of resistance. Promises, threats,
repeated tortures were alike unavailing ; even in delirium
' " Nobis fuit res cum homine patientissimi corporis et sagacis animi,
qui contra tormenta animum obdurasset, et veritatem multis tenebris
continue involveret ; quique videretur ad hoc eo consilio accessisse, ut
aut simulata sanctitate Kiternum sibi nomen apud homines pareret, aut
in carcerera et in mortem iret : multaque et assidua quEstione, raultis
diebus, per vim, vix pauca extorsimus ; quaa nunc celare animus erat,
donee omnia nobis paterent sui animi involucra" (Padre Marchese, doc.
xxxiv., loc. cit., p. 185). It is true that the Signory spoke falsely in
saying that Savonarola \va.s patientissimi corporis; but it is strange that
Padre Marchese should be enraged by the letter and call it injurious to
Savonarola, when, on the contrary, it is a splendid monument to his
honour and fame. And it may here be remarked that, either through
negligence or excessive affection, some of Savonarola's adherents have
done him worse harm than his enemies. Nardi, for instance, although
confessing that he had little knowledge of the trial, and writing many
years after the event, nevertheless believed hiraself authorized to assert
that only slight torture vvas inflicted on Savonarola, and, relying on his
authority, innumerable writers afterwards repeated his words, without
noticing that all contemporary biographers, chroniclers, and authors
affirm the contrary, or that the Signory themselves had recorded how
cruel was the extent of the Friar's sufferings.

FALSIFICATION OF SA VONAROLA'S REPLIES. 361
his will remained firm and unshaken. Therefore the
Signory had good reason to be most dissatisfied with the
trial, seeing, to their decided pain and mortification, that
notwithstanding his prolonged tortures and the numerous
changes introduced into his depositions, Savonarola's
innocence became more and more apparent. The only
advantage they had gained by their attempt was that of
discrediting him in the eyes of his followers, and this at
any rate was of no little importance. Once deprived
of the popular favour, they might venture on condemning
him, without any regard for law, justice, or for his own
declarations of innocence.
But first of all it was necessary to obtain his signature,
to the falsified depositions, the more especially because
they were not, as required by the law, in the hand
writing of the accused. Savonarola must therefore be
induced to affix his name to the documents. It is difficult
to exactly ascertain how this was accomplished. The
examiners tell us that two days were spent in persuading
the accused, by words and humane encouragements ; ' and
all may imagine in what this humanity must have con-
sisted.2 Burlamacchi declares that one copy of the deposi
tions was read to him, another given him to sign ; and
this would seem to be confirmed by what was afterwards
said by the notary and judges themselves. In all proba
bility, therefore, the first rough draft was read to the
' Vide the beginning of the report ofthe trial.
' The printed reports of the trial gave the world to understand that
Savonarola had read them all with his own eyes, but this is contradicted
by his biographers and also by the testimony of the witnesses whose
signatures are appended to the documents. The first witness, Canon
Adimari, vicar of the Archbishop Orsini, says in his subscription :
" Interfuimus confessioni suprascripti Fratris Hieronymi Savonarolfe,
qui lectis (sic) sibi," &c. This clearly proves that the depositions were
read to, but not by him, and confutes the written statement made in
the heading, that Savonarola, "having again re-read (the document),'
appended his name to it.

362 .S-^ VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
accused, and Ceccone's second compilation — the one
afterwards printed — presented to him for signature.
Nevertheless the divergences between one document and
the other, though numerous iand Important, left essential
points untouched, as may be seen from Violi's tran
scription of the greater part of them.' Hence we
are able to afiirm that on the 19th of April, in the
presence of eight witnesses, six of whom were monks
of his own convent, Savonarola afiixed his name to a
deposition that, although contradicting no essential point
of his doctrines, he would have done better to tear into
pieces, or at least refuse to sign. But confused by
his own allegorical Interpretations, he believed that he had
thoroughly vindicated his conscience and dignity. We
must again repeat that he held himself as one apart from
the rest of mankind. Convinced of the possession of
supernatural gifts, he neither felt bound to use ordinary
terms of speech, nor to reveal his inmost thoughts, deem
ing that he could never be understood by the common
herd, while for true believers allegorical language would
always be enough. Having adhered to this system
throughout his career, in his sermons, writings, and
familiar discourses, he continued to adhere to it in his
depositions. To gain any definite idea of the value of
this mystical language, it is necessary to recur to the
sermons in which Savonarola spoke of himself, to the
writings of his disciples, and particularly to Fra Benedetto's
commentary on his depositions, and It will then be seen
that both the master and his followers frequently attribute
to their words a contrary meaning to that which is
apparently expressed. 2
' Fi'i^/i? Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xxi. and xxii., the narra
tives of Violi and Frk Benedetto.
= Vide " Vulnera Diligentis," bk. ii. chap. 16 and fol., and also the
third part or book of the same work, which is almost exclusively devoted
to the same theme.

MYSTICAL LANGUAGE OF THE FRiAR. 363
It is related that the notary, having read the deposi
tions to Savonarola, inquired : " Is all that is written
here true ? " Whereupon he made reply : " That which
/ have written is true," thus availing himself of a verbal
quibble, that is held up to admiration by Fra Benedetto,
Burlamacchi, and Pico, because they consider it to re
semble the replies given by the Saviour to his judges.
But subtle comments of this kind may be put aside,
together with the numerous anecdotes invented by
exaggerated and blind admirers, who regarded Savonarola
not as a man, but as a saint ; kept lights burning before
his portrait as before a shrine, and offered up prayers to
him. What we know for certain is, that after all the
witnesses had added their signatures, he turned to them
and pronounced the following words : " My doctrine
is known to ye, and is known to all. In my present
tribulation I ask of ye only two things : to have care
of the novices and to preserve them in the Christian
doctrine, to which we have hitherto kept them steadfast.
Pray for me to the Lord, whose spirit of prophecy is
removed from me at this moment." ' Fra Malatesta Sacra
moro, who was apparently determined to persevere in
the part of Judas, then said to him : " But are the things
which thou hast subscribed true or false ? " Thereupon,
Savonarola, giving him an indignant glance, turned away
without making any reply, and was then led back to his
prison.2 Once alone he tried to deliberately review all
that he had done ; but his harassed and wearied mind
immediately recurred to mystic contemplation, his cell
became peopled with supernatural forms and invisible
beings, and transported into an imaginary world, every
other idea disappeared from his mind.3
' " Vita Latina," at sheet 58' ; Burlamacchi, p. 1 50 ; Pico, p. 79.
' Burlamacchi and Pico.
' This we shall find to be proved by what he wrote during his imprison
ment.

364 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Meanwhile, after prolonged debate, the Signory de
cided to print the depositions, although their notary was
strongly opposed to that measure. In fact, notwithstand
ing the new alterations woven into them for the third
time, the published version of the trial excited so general
a burst of indignation against the Signory, that stringent
orders were issued to suppress every copy. The greater
part of them were consequently withdrawn ; but in a few
days ' a second edition appeared, and publicity could no
longer be evaded.
' In fact, there were two fifteenth century editions ofthis first trial, and,
although rare, a few copies of them are to be found in the public libraries of
Florence. One of these editions, probably, vve think, the first so hastily
produced by the Signory, and then suppressed by public proclamation,
begins as follows : " This is the examination and trial of Frk Hieronymo
da Ferrara Savonarola, made by respectable and prudent men, com
missioners and examiners of the Florentine Signory, solemnly elected
and deputed, by commission from ihe Holy Apostolic See, as is faith
fully herein shown." The other edition, of vvhich the National Library
possesses tvvo copies, is inscribed as follows : " By the respectable and
prudent men, commissioners and exarainers of the excellent Florentine
Signory, soleranly elected and deputed by the said excellent Signory." It
would seem that the Signory sought to get out of the difficulty by sub
terfuge, throwing on the Pope the whole charge and responsibility of the
trial and condemnation. And, in fact, we find them expressly stating, by
letter, to the King of France, that Romolino and Turriano, the envoys of
the Pope, had given sentence by the latter's authority, and that conse
quently the Signory had no responsibility in the matter : " Quo fit, ut
nee mortis eius nos auctores fuerimus," &c. Vide Padre Marchese, doc,
xli. p. 193. Even the sentence pronounced by the Eight refers to thai
given by the Papal Coraraissioners. This serves to explain why the
phrase, by commission of the Holy Apostolic See, was inserted in the
report of the trial published by the Signory. It is absent from the other
edition. 'We believe that it must have been for the same reason that the
Pope's letters to Francesco di Puglia and the Franciscans were printed
at the end of the trial. It is difficult to ascertain by whom the second
edition, vvhich also includes the tvvo letters of the Pope, could have been
produced. We read in Burlamacchi, p. 148 : " Nevertheless, this report
of the trial was very slight, and contained nothing of any moment ; accor
dingly they (the Signory) did not wish to make it public, but rather to
concoct another of more seeming importance. With all this God allowed
it to be divulged, inasmuch as Ser Ceccone, having sent a copy of it to
a friend who had pledged himself to show it to no one, the said friend
deceived him, by giving the said trial to be printed and published." These

THE SECOND TRIAL. 365
Putting aside the desire many must have felt that Savona
rola should have shown greater firmness, it was nevertheless
sufficiently clear that even the replies extorted by torture,
although altered in the rough draft, still more altered in
the copy he had signed and farther tampered with in the
printed version, only served to establish his complete
innocence.' The Signory, after assembling several Pratiche,'^ in order
to obtain advice on the matter, finally adopted the
desperate resource of holding a second trial. This was
begun on the 21st of April ; continued on the morning
and evening of the 23rd, nearly all the depositions being
radically changed by the notary ; interrupted on the 24th,
and onthe 25th signed without any witnesses by Savonarola,
words explain why the Signory caused a fresh version of the proceedings
to be prepared ; but the indiscretion alluded to, or another of the same
sort, must, I believe, refer to the printed, instead of the manuscript
version, and probably led to the production ofa second edition, when the
Signory ordered the suppression ofthe first.
' For all the particulars given above, the reader may be referred to the
"Sesta Giornata" of Violi, and to the " Vulnera Diligentis," bk. ii. chap.
17, given in the Appendix to the Italian edition, docs. xxi. and xxii., and
also to chap. 18, bk. ii. ofthe latter work, under the heading : Delle con-
tradizioni et falsitct, che sono nel processo stato stampato. From what is
said by Frk Benedetto and Violi, it is clear that the first written draft
falsifying Savonarola's replies was very different from the copy placarded
in the palace. This second copy differed again frora the printed version
of the trial, and Frk Benedetto himself noted down a few of the diver
gences he had discovered, as the following passage, for instance, which is
omitted altogether from the second manuscript copy : " My citizens, when
ye find that these enemies who believe not the things I have said, shall
have committed some error, chastise them severely as enemies of the
faith of Christ." He also remarked that the signatures of Savonarola and
the witnesses had been altered, but without specifying how and where.
But he repeatedly says that everything really subscribed by Savonarola
redounds to his honour. He forgets to tell us whether the signed declar
ations he had seen were really in the Friar's handwriting ; and it is
impossible to arrive at the truth on this point, since the manuscript
report of the trial kept in the Palace was burnt during the siege of
Florence, as being an insult to Savonarola's memory. Vide also Varchi,
" Storia di Firenze," Arbib edition, vol. ii. p. 365.
° Vide the before-quoted volume of" Pratiche" in the Florence Archives,
and the collection edited by Signor Lupi.

366 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
who added to his signature an explicit declaration, that the
document contained interpolations from the hand of Ser
Ceccone. But this second attempt was soon given up,
for the Signory found that it would only cause more
confusion, and load them with greater responsibility.'
They decided, therefore, to adhere to the first trial. But
according to the custom of the Republic, it was necessary
to have a full report of the proceedings read aloud in the
hall ofthe Greater Council, in presence ofthe accused and
of the general public. The Signory, however, merely
allowed certain portions of it to be read by one of the
chancellors of the Eight, who explained to the assembled
crowd that Savonarola had refused to be present for fear
of being stoned.2 Of course no one believed this, and it
was only another proof of the bad faith and ineptitude of
the Signory, who were in fact so strongly dissatisfied with
the whole conduct of the trial, that they gave Ser Ceccone
only thirty ducats instead of four hundred,3 on the score
of his having failed to fulfil his engagements.
¦ This second trial was first discovered by ourselves. It is included in
Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxvi.
' Nardi, i. pp. 158-159, tells us that the reports were read of all Savona
rola's different trials, even including that of his subsequent trial by the
Papal Coraraissioners, the which being based upon questions of religious
doctrine or ecclesiastical discipline was not subject tothe approval ofthe
council. But, as vve have already noted, Nardi wrote on these things
frora memory, long after the event, and was frequently inexact as to
details. He seems to think that a single report was afterwards concocted
from the three which had been drawn up, but this is incorrect. On the
19th of April Somenzi wrote to Duke Ludovico, that the Signory had
that day caused a part of the trial to be read before the Greater Council,
" namely those parts of it which are of little moraent." And this vvas to
silence the champions of Savonarola, who were declaring that even by
means of torture the Signory would never succeed in proving him guilty.
On the 25th of April he wrote that they caused another part of the trial
to be read, containing ''solum the machinations and malicious practices
of his followers." Vide Somenzi's letters in Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. XX. It is clear from all this that the Signory felt that notwithstand
ing the arbitrary changes and falsifications made in the reports, they had
failed to achieve their purpose.
'• This is stated by Burlamacchi, and also in the " Diario " of Landucci.
According to Frk Benedetto, Ceccone received thirty-three ducats.

CHAPTER X.

FRA 'DOMEV^ICO, FRA SIL'VESTRO, <2AND MAV^Y OTHER
FRfaiRS, AND FRIEU'^DS OF THE COU^VENT a4RE
BROUGHT TO TRIaiL. SATJOXNiAROLQ^ WRITES HIS
LAST CO^MPOSITIOUX-S WHILE IN SOLIToARY CON-
FINEiMENT.

(April

26— May 18, 1498.)

HE examinations of the two other
prisoners must have resulted in equal
discomfiture to the Signory. Do
menico da Pescia surpassed himself
under torture. His examiners tried to
make him believe that Savonarola had
retracted everything ; they subjected him to the rack and
the still more cruel torment of the boot ; ' but all was in
vain, for he remained as calm and unshaken as one of the
early martyrs of the Church. They next resolved to make
a virtue of necessity, allowed him to write his own con
fession, and were even disposed to publish it without
alterations, in order to establish a reputation for honesty,
and thus induce the public to believe in the falsified report
' This is affirmed in Violi's " Giornate." " II Sacro Arsenale ovvero
Prattica dell' Offitio della Santa Inquisitione," by Dr. G. Pasqualoni
(Rome and Bologna, 1716). In describing the torture of the boot, the
author relates, at page 248, how a victim who, " dicto tormento suppositus,
in terra prostratus, talo pedis dexteri denudato inter duos ferreos taxillos
concavos posito, et Ministro eos stanghetta comprimente, clamare coepit."

368 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
of Savonarola's trial.' But they lacked the courage to do
it. On reading Fra Domenico's confession, they felt
obliged to Interpolate certain alterations, enabling them,
without making any radical changes, to discolour the
whole and efface the stamp of heroism that was visible
in every word. They added to it, by guesswork, the
names of the supporters of the convent, whom Fra
Domenico had refiised to betray, and even then could not
decide to publish the document, but only circulated it in
manuscript. On collating the two copies of these depositions, which
were discovered by ourselves, we find that the one
retouched by the Signory is better arranged, more gram
matical, and more correct in style than the true and
genuine confession. The latter is marked by an earnest,
Ingenuous eloquence that is no product of art, but the
spontaneous expression of a magnanimous soul. It is
impossible to read this examination without being deeply
moved , we seem to be present in the torture-chamber ;
to witness the horrible wrenching of the sufferer's limbs ;
to hear the grating of his bones ; to hearken to the faint,
sublime utterances of this courageous Monk, who greets
the approach of death with a martyr's angelic smile, and
whose spirit is stirred by mortal pain to fresh praises of his
Lord.2 His deposition began with these words : " Our Lord
God Jesus Christ knows that I, Fra Domenico, bound
¦ Frk Benedetto, " Vulnera Diligentis."
= Every one who reads both versions of this confession will easily be
able to distinguish the genuine from the falsified copy. And if it be
necessary to cite a contemporary authority, we have the powerful testi
mony of Frk Benedetto, who, in bk. iii. of his " Vulnera Diligentis," con
tinually refers to Frk Domenico's true confession ; and, to distinguish it
from every other version, not only quotes its first and concluding words,
but also a lengthy passage that is almost entirely omitted in the falsified
copy. Vide Frk Benedetto, " Vulnera Diligentis," bk. iii. chaps. 3 and 9
in Codex 2985 of the Riccardi Library. Vide also, in Appendix tothe
Italian edition, the two confessions in doc. xxvii.

Fra DOMENICO'S Courageous protest. 369
here for His sake, speak no falseness on any of these
matters." He declared that Savonarola and himself had
always been averse to making any preparations for defence,
or to opposing any armed resistance at St. Mark's.
Touching the ordeal by fire, he said : " I came with the
firm resolve to go through it, nor did I think that any
objection would be made to my bearing the Host." " If,
therefore, this gave rise to scandal, God, by whose will I
accepted the ordeal, will grant me His reward, for verily I
am deserving of it in this great infamy and persecution."
And, on this first day, he concluded by saying to the
Signory, " I pray ye not to interpret my words sophisti
cally ; but let them rather serve the purpose for which
they are written."'
On the 1 6 th of April, after the examiners had sought,
by every kind of cruel and cunning device, to convince
him that Savonarola had retracted,2 they urged him to
write his opinion of his master. And he hastened to write
as follows : "From a certain impulse of my mind, I have
ever believed, and, in the lack of better proof to the con
trary, still firmly believe, in all the prophecies of Savona
rola." And, after enumerating these prophecies he
continued : "I am earnestly steadfast in this faith, nor
should your Magnificencies be wrathful thereat, for this
my belief can cause no hurt either to myself or the city,
and in matters such as these every one is free to believe
what he chooses." He also added that Savonarola had
never suggested what he should preach, but had left him
to be inspired by God. And he then said in conclusion :
" I can remember nothing else ; if ye desire to hear more
from me, question me, according to the custom of good
confessors, and I will endeavour to satisfy ye. And ye
may truly believe all I say, inasmuch as having ever been
' Vide his confession, the first part of which is undated.
' We learn this from Frk Domenico's confession
VOL. II 25

370 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TlAlES.
of a tender conscience, I know well that to speak lies
before a tribunal, or to conceal that which should be made
known, is a sin. I have endeavoured' to be as precise as
though at the point of death, and assuredly I might easily
die if ye torture me again, for I am all shattered, and
my arms are useless, especially the left, which by this ' is
now dislocated for the second time. Wherefore I beg ye
to be merciful and believe in the truth of my plain decla
rations." But the judges continuing to torture him with still greater
cruelty, Fra Domenico then wrote : " I know no more,
for my sole concern has been to live a virtuous life, with
Jesus Christ as King of Florence." "Thus, if not behev
ing me, ye should even put me to torture anew, ye will
discover no more, for there is nought else to be said ; and
ye will bring me nigh unto death." But his protestations
were of no avail, for his judges were bent upon forcing
him to deny his master. After putting him to renewed and
more terrible anguish, they again bade him write, and there
upon the exhausted victim traced with trembling hand but
undaunted courage the last and most remarkable words of
his confession : " God's will be done. I have never per
ceived, nor had the least occasion to suspect that my
Father, Fra leronimo, was a deceiver, or that he acted
falsely in any wise ; on the contrary, I have ever
held him to be a thoroughly upright and most extra
ordinary man. And having a great reverence for him, I
hoped, by his means, to receive grace from God and be
enabled thereby to do some good to the souls of men ;
and holding him to be a man of God, I obeyed him as my
superior, with all single-mlndedness and zeal. . . . To
my brethren and to a few laymen I have sometimes
declared from the pulpit, that were I to detect the least
error or deceit in Fra leronimo, I would openly reveal
' I.e., this torture.

FRA SILVESTRO'S COWARDLY RECANTATION. 371
and proclaim it. And assuredly he himself has more than
once testified that I was ready to do this ; and I would du
it now, if I knew of any duplicity in him. But none has
ever come to my knowledge. Finis. In simplicitate cordis
mea laetus obtuli universa!' '
Very different was the behaviour of Fra Silvestro. A
sickly, nervous, visionary creature, subject to strange
attacks of somnambulism, which he regarded as inspira
tions from God, he was of very weak character, and
disposed to believe or disbelieve with equal facility. He
had been much addicted to sauntering about the cloisters
of St. Mark's, chattering with the townsfolk, and had
been frequently reproved for this by Savonarola ; but as
many people sought his society, he always relapsed into
the same error. Either from the difficulty of obtaining
speech with Savonarola, and the knowledge of his entire
confidence in Fra Silvestro, or from the widely spread
fame of the latter's visions, and of the religious enthusiasm
displayed in his conversation, it is certain that he was thc
chosen confessor of Francesco Valori, Piero Capponi, and
other distinguished men, and in continual correspondence
with them.2
But he cut a very poor figure in the hour of danger.
We have seen how he disappeared during the attack on
the convent, and remained in hiding until betrayed by Fra
Malatesta to the guards. When subjected to examination
on the 25th of April, his only thought was to save his
own life, both at the sacrifice of his innocent master and
his own dignity. His confession also underwent several
changes at the hands of Ser Ceccone ; 3 but its general
' Vide in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxvii., the trial of Frk
Domenico. " The depositions of the three friars and of the rest of the accused-
' Burlamacchi, "Vita Latina." And Machiavelli alludes in his "Frani;
menti Storici " to Piero Capponi's relations vvith Fra Silvestro.
' Frk Benedetto says that some alteration was made in Frk Silvestro's
confession. Vide "Vulnera Diligentis," bks ii. and iii.

372 SAVONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES.
tendency and gist remained sufficiently clear, and were
of a nature to disgust his warmest supporters. Yet,
strangely enough, he unconsciously affords new and
striking proofs of Savonarola's innocence. While giving
long lists of the names of those who frequented the con
vent, while denying the doctrines, and doing his utmost to
detract from the purity of his master's life, he was, never
theless, obliged to confess that Savonarola had never
allowed himself to be influenced by party intrigue, nor
treated of State affairs at St. Mark's. He said in conclu
sion : "As regards my own opinion of Fra Girolamo's
deeds, I may say that on twenty or twenty-five different
occasions when he was about to preach, he would come,
before the sermon, to my cell, and say to me : ' I know
not what to preach ; pray thou to God for me, since I
fear that He may have forsaken me on account of my sins.'
And he would say that he wished to unburden his soul,
and accordingly make confession, and nevertheless would
afterwards preach beautiful sermons. And the last time
he did this, was on the Saturday before the last Sunday
he preached in St. Mark's this Lent. Finally I declare
that he deceived us." ' This last sentence seems to
have been added by Ser Ceccone ; but the whole depo
sition merely proves that Savonarola had the fullest
confidence in the goodness and sincerity of the disciple
who now so basely betrayed him and vainly endeavoured
to blacken his fame I
During this time several other friars of St. Mark's and
many of Savonarola's lay friends, who were in the convent
on the day ofthe attack, had been brought to trial. 2 All
were subjected to torture 3 and minutely questioned as to
¦ Vide this trial in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxviii.
° Vide Appendix to the Italian edition, the trials or depositions of the
rest of the accused in doc. xxix.
3 " And on the 27th day of April all the citizens arrested for this affair
were put to torture; so that from the 15th hour to the evening con
tinual shrieks arose from the Bargello " (Landucci, " Diario," p. 174).

THE MONKS DESERT THEIR SUPERIOR. 373
what schem.es were planned in St. Mark's, the weapons
stored there, and so forth. In this way some fresh par
ticulars were elicited, but absolutely nothing that could
damage Savonarola, whose innocence, on the contrary, was
still more clearly established. All afiirmed that he was
exclusively devoted to the contemplation of heavenly
things, and never took part in any political intrigues.
They added, that so great was their respect and venera
tion for him, that no one ventured to enter his cell, for
fear of distracting him from the meditations in which he
was continually absorbed.'
But when Savonarola's falsified confession was shown to
the accused as a proof that he had denied the truth of his
own prophecies and visions, some of them wavered in
their faith. The monks in particular were easily betrayed
into expressions of rage and Indignation. Fra Roberto da
Gagliano, who had been one of those most attached to
Savonarola and his two companions, now implored the
Signory on no account to let them return to the con
vent. But even at the height of his anger and excitement
he was unable to conceal the great esteem and veneration
he had previously felt for the master he now forsook, so
that even his denunciations had the effect of a defence.
" Having some learning as a theologian, I knew his doc
trine to be sound and in nowise heretical. I could
discern no fault in Fra Girolamo, but always beheld in him
manifest signs of holiness, devotion, humility, and prayer,
goodly words and excellent life and example, admirable
conversation, sound, firm, and solid doctrine ; so that I
would have testified to these things at the risk of my life.
But since he has so subtly feigned and deceived, I return

' Andrea Cambini states in his deposition, that even Valori " never
ventured to enter Savonarola's cell vvhen the Prior was engaged in study "
(Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxix. No. 18).

374 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
thanks to God and your Excellencies for having opened
our eyes." '
It is certain that the friars of St. Mark's behaved
most contemptibly on this occasion. But we should
remember that they were In an extremely difiicult position,
and that their faith was severely tried. To many of them,
unfortunately, the new doctrine they professed was no
vigorous outcome of a genuine belief, but was chiefly
based on visions and prophecies. They had blindly
desired, expected, nay, even positively counted on a
miracle, and on seeing all hope of it disappear, knew
not what to think. We can realize the cruel perplexity
of their minds when we see that even Fra Benedetto, the
faithful friend, heroic disciple, and unwearied defender ot
Savonarola, allowed himself to be overcome by doubt, and
feeling — to use his own words — like a thrush when struck
by a falling bough, hurried away to Viterbo.2 But in his
case quiet thought soon restored him to reason. On return
ing to Florence he minutely Investigated facts, sought out
genuine documents, questioned sincere witnesses, and
becoming more and more confirmed in his old faith,
persevered in it to the end of his llfe.3 But all were not
' Vide in Appendix to the Italian edition Frk Roberto's examination
at doc. xxix. No. ii.
" Come tordo avuta la ramata, Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani,"
chap. X.
3 Ibid. Vide also the particulars given by Padre Marchese concerning
the life of Frk Benedetto, in the "Scritti varii." On the 19th of April
Luca Landucci, in the hall of the Grand Council, at the moment when
the false confession was read out and proclaimed not only to be genuine,
but in Savonarola's own hand, was so rauch shaken in consequence, as
to write the following passage in his "Diario" (p. 173): "... where
fore I vvas astonished, stupefied, and amazed. I felt grieved to the soul
to behold so great an edifice overthrown, through being so sadly based
on a lie. I hoped to see Florence made a new Jerusalem, and become a
splendid law and example of virtuous living, and hoped to see the reno
vation of the Church, the conversion of infidels, and the consolation of
the good ; yet I heard all the contrary to this, and had to gulp down the
dose : In voluntate tua, Domine, omnia sunt posita."

A SERVILE PETITION TO THE POPE. 375
endowed with a like spirit of generous constancy ; and
even as early as the 21st of April the friars of St. Mark's
addressed a letter to the Pope, that is an indelible blot on
their fame.
They prostrated themselves at the Holy Father's feet,
and sought to throw all blame, whether true or supposed,
on Savonarola's shoulders. But as all his accusers seemed
unwittingly compelled to speak in his defence, so even
this missive redounded to his praise. " Not merely our
selves," said the friars, " but likewise men of far greater
talent, were deceived by Fra Girolamo's cunning. The
fineness of his doctrine ; the rectitude of his life ; the
holiness of his manners ; his pretended devotion, and the
good results he obtained by purging the city of im
morality, usury, and every species of vice ; the different
events which confirmed his prophecies in a manner beyond
all human power and imagination, and which were so
numerous and of such a nature, that had he not made
retractation himself, declaring that his words were not
inspired by God, we should never have been able to
renounce our faith in him. For so firm was our belief in
him, that we were all most ready to go through the fire
in support of his doctrine." They then asked to be
absolved from the excommunication incurred by having
been followers of Savonarola, and for having, some of them,
borne arms on the day of the assault of the convent.
Farther on in the letter, it is strange to find the friars
supplicating the Holy Father to graciously preserve their
congregation intact and separate from any other, under a
vicar of their own. It was to maintain the independence
of this very congregation that Savonarola had so strenu
ously fought, and it was for this cause that the Pope had
afterwards excommunicated him and his convent. His
friars now supported their request by the identical argu
ments urged by himself in the letter that had provoked so

376 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
tremendous an outburst of the Papal wrath. And they
concluded by saying : " May it be enough for your
Holiness to have seized the source and chief of all error,
Fra Girolamo Savonarola ; let him suffer condign punish
ment if there be any meet for wickedness such as his ;
and let us strayed sheep return to the true shepherd."'
This letter was carried to Rome by two friars furnished
with warm recommendations from the SIgnory.2 The
Pope's reply was dated the 14th of May, and after
praising the repentance of the friars, gave them his abso
lution, and promised to give careful consideration to the
question of their independence, the which had been so
often alternately granted and refused. 3 Meanwhile crowds
of people were flocking to the Duomo, no longer, how
ever, to be speU-bound by Savonarola's voice, but to
enjoy the plenary indulgence conceded to all who had
striven against him, regardless of the crimes or even
murders they might have committed for this purpose.4
A most active correspondence was still going on be
tween the Republic and the Pope. Alexander was insis
tently demanding that Savonarola, after being sufficiently
examined and tortured, should be consigned to him
alive ; but the Signory felt that this could not be done
without gravely compromising the dignity of the State.
Accordingly they temporized with his Holiness, making
fresh attempts to obtain the concession of the tax on
Church property that had been so warmly advocated by
Savonarola and been the cause of so many charges against
him. The members of the Pratica agreed with the
Signory in urging this request, but the Pope either
kept silence on the subject, or took time to reflect, and the
Florentines continued to press the demand. It appeared
as though all were endeavouring to trade on the poor
' Perrens, doc. xviii. ¦ Padre Marchese, doc. xxxv.
3 Perrens, doc. xviii.
* Nardi, vol. i. pp. 154-155 ; Landucci, "Diario," p. 173.

VESPUCCPS ADVICE TO THE SIGNORY. 377
Friar's life in order to gain in exchange for It the identical
concessions he had been the first to ask, and which were
now leading him to martyrdom.'
The moment was approaching for the election of a new
Signory, and the Pratica met almost daily.2 On the 27th
and 28th of April the Signory in office asked the opinion
of the meeting : as to what reply should be sent to the
Pope ; how to provide for the finances ; and how to
maintain order in the city .''
And Vespucci, now the leading voice in the council,
advised that they should continue to temporize with
Rome, and prolong the examination of the three friars, so
¦ The reports of the " Pratiche," and other documents published by
Padre Marchese and Gherardi, furnish clear proofs of all this. Many
other measures Savonarola had proposed were adopted after his death,
some even while he was being put to the torture. We have already spoken
of the Church Tithes and the separation of St. Mark's, and may now
repeat that he was the first to advocate the election of a perpetual Gon
falonier. He had also suggested the appointment of a foreign judge of
appeal, as the first step to the formation of a Ruota, or court of wealthy
citizens, who were also to be highly paid in order to ensure their incor
ruptibility. And on the 20th of April, that is, the day before the com
mencement of his second trial, a decree was issued {vide " Provvisione"
191, sheet 5, Florence Archives, cl. ii. dist. ii.) abolishing the office of
Bargello, and re-establishing in its stead that of the Captain of the
People, suppressed in 1477. The Captain's tribunal was to be the lower
court of appeal, that of the Podestk, the higher court. Meanwhile,
however, the Bargello, or Captain of the Piazza, vvas to have an
additional guard of thirty soldiers, until the new Captain of the People
should come into office, and occupy the same palace next the Custom
House, then tenanted by the Bargello. We cannot ascertain the exact
purpose of this reform, vvhich was not strictly identical with that advised
by Savonarola, although, in fact, a new foreign judge of appeal was
likewise appointed. It may be that the Signory wished to seera
favourable to democratic laws, and feigned a reform that would
lead to good results, while actually increasing the power of the Bargello,
whose services would be needed for the execution of the sentences they
had in view. At all events, it is certain that a Ruota on Savonarola's
plan was afterwards established, composed of native judges, instead of
Ihe foreign Podestk and Captain.
= By Register 66 ofthe " Pratiche " in the Florence Archives, it appears
that theywere held on the 13th, 14th, 20th, 26th, 27th, and 28th of
April, but that other meetings also took place.

378 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
as to leave their sentence to be decided by the incoming
Signory, showing leniency meanwhile to the rest of the
accused. That on all questions of finance and the
preservation of order in the city, he would leave every
thing to the discretion of the present Signory.' The
Government accordingly followed his advice, and termi
nated the other trials, by sentencing nineteen citizens to
slight fines or partial banishment and exclusion from
public offices for a short term of years ; while to many
others free pardon was accorded. .As to those who had
attacked the Piagnoni, and assassinated Valori and his
family, they were not even brought to trial ! ~ And to
prove the Government's love of freedom and hatred to the
Medici, the sentence to outlawry as rebels, still in force
against Alessandro and Lamberto dell' Antella, the dis
coverers of the Piero de' Medici plot, was entirely re
voked. 3
But there was another measure still to be taken in
order to ensure the election of a new Signory thoroughly
hostile to Savonarola ; since otherwise the public laws and
faith would have been violated in vain, and the torturing
of the prisoner mere labour lost. If the Piagnoni should
now return to power, Savonarola would not only
be rescued, but avenged, and the iniquities of his trial
proclaimed to the world. But all this proved very easy
to prevent. On the day the Grand Council assembled for
the election of the magistrates, by a new and incredible
infringement of the law, a great nuniber of the most
¦ Vide the above-mentioned Register of the " Pratiche,'' sheet 72 and
fol. ' Vide Florence Archives, the deliberations of the 30th of April, 1498.
Same Register, sheet 39' and fol.
3 " Provvisione" of 23rd of April, 1498. It vvas carried in the Eighty by
sixty black against twenty-three white beans ; and in the Greater Council
by 706 black against 305 white. The white beans, as all know, were used
to mark disapproval. Vide in the Florence Archives, " Consigli Maggiori,
Provissioni," Registers, cl. ii. dist. ii. 190, sheet 16.

SA VONAROLA'S FA TE IN DISCUSSION. 3 7 9
popular citizens of Florence were excluded from the hall
at the moment for taking the votes.' Thanks to this
arbitrary proceeding, Messer Vieri de' Medici, a fit
representative of his name,2 was elected Gonfalonier of
Justice, with a Signory of the same type as the last. The
new magistrates found their work all laid out for them,
and had only to pjirsue the same course and put the seal
of bloodshed to the almost consummated crime.
Their first act, on assuming office, was to assemble the
Pratica on the 5th of May, to consult as to what they
were to do. Some made reply : " That it was requisite
to impress upon the Pope that the sentence must be exe
cuted in the same place where the crime had been com
mitted ; but that should it prove expedient to yield
on this point, an attempt should at least be made, by
examining Savonarola anew, to extract all he had in his
body, seeing that, up to this moment, they had only
stripped off the rind." Then Piero Popoleschi began to
speak in the name of the Ten, and as the Gonfalonier of
the preceding Signory and the chief director of the trial,
his words naturally carried great weight.3 Like most
of the majority, he insisted that the friars should on no
account be consigned to Rome. It were preferable, he
said, to ask the Pope to send commissioners of his
own to examine Savonarola anew, if more information
was to be extracted from him. But he vehemently
opposed, and certainly not without reason, the proposal
for a new trial, " both on account of the manner in
¦ Nardi (vol. i. p. 156) says that two hundred were thus excluded, but
this must surely be an exaggeration.
' There were four Medici with the same Christian name, and one of
them was actually a follower of Savonarola. The temper of the man
now mentioned will be shown by the sequel.
3 It will be remembered that the new Council of Ten had come into
office at the beginning of the trial. Popoleschi had therefore been
elected, while still holding the post of Gonfalonier — another act of
monstrous illegality.

38o SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
which the examination has been already conducted, and
for the peace and quiet of the city ; inasmuch as the
renewal of those proceedings might arouse scandal, and
also because all the potentates of Italy have written to the
same effect." ' Thus It was clear that the ex-Gonfalonier
objected to another trial because he greatly feared that it
would only result in bringing to light the falsification of
the first. Nothing of that kind was to be dreaded if the
matter were taken in hand by the Papal Commissioners.
They would know their business too well ; and being
bound by no obligation to make their proceedings public,
with the help of Ser Ceccone and the torture chamber,
would be perfectly able to achieve their intent.
On the evening of the same day (5th of April) the
Signory wrote to Bonsi, now Savonarola's enemy, and
on the following day to the Pope, repeating that they
could not send the three friars to Rome, because they
wished to make an example of them in Florence ; and
adding that it would be better that his Holiness should
appoint his own Commissioners instead. 2 The Pope had
always most strongly, and even threateningly, insisted on
the friars being sent to Rome, so that he might pro
nounce their sentence himself. But his sole aim in this
was to ensure their death. Accordingly, he no sooner
perceived that the Florentines were bent on the same
purpose, and in a position to carry it out, than he showed
himself willing to come to terms, and had Indeed already
suggested to the ambassador how the matter could

' Vide this " Pratica " in the before-quoted Register, sheet 86'. It is
also included in Lupi's published collection.
' P. Marchese, docs, xxxvi. and xxxvii. The second letter (dated 6th
of May) begins thus : " Cum torqueremus adhuc Hieronymum Savona-
rolani proximis diebus," &c. These words are an additional proof, were
any needed, that Savonarola was tortured on other days besides the 19th
of April, stated to be the only time, in the report of the trial. But this
report has been contradicted in many other ways.

SPECIAL COAIAIISSION APPOINTED. 381
be arranged.' On receipt of this last despatch from
Florence, he wrote at once (uth of April) to Paganotti
the bishop,2 and on the following day to the Signory,3
announcing that he should send to Florence the General
of the Dominicans, Giovacchino Turriano, and the Doctor
of Law, Francesco Romolino, " to examine into the
crimes and iniquities of those three children of perdition."
Also with a refinement of cruelty, he iniposed on the
Dominican bishop, who was regarded as a friend of
Savonarola, the task of degrading him and handing him
over to the secular arm. At the same time he granted
Florence the much-desired tithe on church property
for the term of three years. Accordingly the most
faithful of the Piagnoni went about repeating : " This
friar has been sold, like unto the Saviour, for thirty pieces
of silver ; for truly three tinies ten make thirty." 4 And
meanwhile the Florentines were communicating with the
different courts, in order to prepare men's minds for the
final event. Having little confidence in Francesco Pepi,
their orator at Milan, they appointed Messer Guid
antonio Vespucci as his coadjutor. 5 It was still more
difficult to manage Guasconi, their ambassador in France,
who was not only known to be a zealous Piagnone, but
high in the favour of King Louis XII. For, although in
a far less degree than his predecessor, Charles VIIL, this
monarch also was well inclined towards Savonarola.
Hence, while informing Guasconi " for the regu
lation of his conduct " of the events which had taken
place in Florence, they enjoined him to keep absolute
" Vide Bonsi's letter in Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," pp. 168-169.
' Perrens, doc. xix. vol. i. p. 512.
' Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," p. 172.
¦• Landucci, "Diario," p. 175. The concession of the Decima arrived
in Florence on the 13th of May, 1498.
5 Vide the letter to Pepi of the 21st and 23rd of April, in Gherardi,
"Nuovi Documenti," pp. 161-162.

382 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
silence on them at Court. But, without any attempt to
hide the depth of his grief he immediately replied that the
king of France was already Informed of everything, and
was, In fact, hastening to appoint a new ambassador to
Florence. He went on to say that, being worn out and
broken by his great age (really by his great sorrow), he
desired to be recalled without delay.' The Florentines
also wrote to the other Courts, always adopting a tone
suited to the temper of the potentate addressed, and
meanwhile they lost no time in the city, but relentlessly
pushed matters on to the predestined end.
And what of Savonarola during this time.'' The
Apostolic Commissioners only arrived on the 19th of
May, and ever since the 25th of April, after the second
deposition had been signed, he had been left in peace in
the solitude of his tower cell. For some days he was too
bruised and torn to be able to use his arms ; but the right
hand, which was always somewhat spared during torture,
so that the victim might write his own confession as was
required by the law, soon began to improve. He was
then enabled to resume his pen, and all that he wrote at
this solemn time is deserving of special attention.
But the reader will find no attacks on his judges, no
complaints of the barbarities inflicted on him, no attempt
at self-defence. Savonarola had nothing more to hope In
this world ; his thoughts were exclusively given to God ;
he wrote an exposition and commentary of the Fiftieth
Psalm, Miserere mei Deus. " Sinner that I be, where
¦ Gherardi, "Nuovi Documenti," pp. 157-160. The new envoy alluded
to by Guasconi, vvas the Florentine Niccolo Alamanni. It seems that he
vvas really charged by the king, though with no great earnestness, to
endeavour to save Savonarola. He arrived before all was over, but
found it vvas too late for any attemf)t in the prisoner's favour. The
Signory feigned ignorance of his mission, but sent to ask him for certain
valuable manuscripts formerly lent to him by Piero de' Medici, and they
pressed their demand so rudely, that, as they had hoped, he soon de
parted in high dudgeon.

" AtlSERERE MEI DE US " 3^3
shall I turn.? To the Lord, whose mercy is infinite.
None may take glory in himself; all the saints tell us :
not unto us, but unto the Lord be the glory. They were
not saved by their own merits, nor their own works ; but
by the goodness and grace of God, wherefore none may
take glory to himself O Lord, a thousand times hast
Thou wiped away my iniquity, yet a thousand times have
I fallen back into it. . . . But when Thy spirit shall
descend upon me, when Christ shall live within me ; then
shall I be safe. Strengthen me in Thy spirit, O Lord ;
not until then, can I teach Thy ways to the wicked.
Hadst thou asked the sacrifice of my body, I would have
given it ere now ; but burnt-offerings are as nought to
Thee ; Thou wouldst have the offering of the spirit.
Therefore, O sinner, bring thy repentant heart unto the
Lord, and nought else shall be required of thee." He
then recurred to his dominant Idea of the renovation of
the Church. " I ardently desire the salvation of all men ;
the works of the good would greatly console me. Where
fore, I beseech Thee, look on Thy Church, and behold
how in these days more infidels than Christians are num
bered in its fold, and how every one doth make a god of his
belly. Send forth Thy spirit, and let the face of the
earth be renewed. Hell is filled. Thy Church desolate.
Arise ; why sleepeth Thou, O Lord ? Our sacrifices find
no favour in Thy sight, for they are mere ceremonies and
unrighteous. Where be now the glory of the apostles, the
fortitude ofthe martyrs, the holy simplicity ofthe monks.'' "
. . . Continuing in this strain he seemed to forget his
prison walls and believe himself once more in the pulpit.
In reading this meditation one might almost conceive it
to be one of Savonarola's most daring sermons ; for, as
Nardi justly said, he always remained equal to himself'
' Vide " Esposizione sui Miserere.'' Audin de Rians cites in his bibli
ography of fifteenth century editions of Savonarola's works, eight Latin

384 SA VONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIAIES.
Throughout this part of his " Esposizione " one might
suppose that both visions and spirit of prophecy had
entirely disappeared in prison ; but a little further on we
find that solitude was again inducing mental excitement ; for
his imagination becomes heated, and the harassed prisoner
is haunted by the old apparitions.
His second composition at this period consisted of an
exposition of the Thirtieth Psalm,' In te, Domine, speravi.
In this Savonarola recounts the struggle between Despair
and Hope contending for his heart. He does not describe
the combatants as abstract or allegorical beings, but seems
to hear first the clashing of chains and then the voices of
the two angels ; after which heaven opens before his eyes.
" Despair hath pitched his camp around me, and encom
passed me with a strong and numerous host ; he hath
filled my heart, and unceasingly warreth against me, with
violence and clamour, by night and by day. My friends
are arrayed under his banner, and become my foes. All
things which I see, and all I hear, bear the device of
Despair. . . . Wherefore, even as the sweetest thing
seemeth bitter to the fever-stricken, so for me all is turned
to bitterness and affliction. . . . But I will turn me to
Heaven, and then Hope will come to my aid. Behold !
already Despair quaileth beneath her glance ! Now, let the
world weigh on me as it will, let my enemies rise against
me ; my fear hath passed from me, for I have rested all
my hope in the Lord. Peradventure, O Lord, Thou wilt
not grant my prayer to be released from bodily anguish,
for such grace might be hurtful to the soul, inasmuch as
virtue gains strength in tribulation. Then shall I be
and five Italian editions of this pamphlet. Even more are enumerated in
the Guicciardini Catalogue. The " Esposizione " vvas originally written
in Latin.
' Audin de Rians cites five Italian and one Latin edition of this second
pamphlet. This also was originally composed Latin, and translated
immediately afterwards.

CONTEST BETWEEN HOPE AND DESPAIR. 385
temporally confounded by men ; their strength and power
shall be arrayed against me ; but Thou dost permit
it, for that I be not confounded in eternity." Then a
passage follows that is specially worthy of note, since it
was chiefly this or some other entirely analogous part of
the exposition that served the Protestants as the basis of
their theory that Savonarola was one of the martyrs of
their Chuich.
" Wherefore, I will put my hope in the Lord, and He
win haste to deliver me from all tribulation. And by
whose merits ? Not by mine, O Lord, but by Thine. I
offer not up my justice to Thee, but I seek Thy mercy.
The Pharisees took pride in their justice ; wherefore it
was not the justice of God, the which is only to be attained
by grace ; and no one will ever be justified in God's sight
for solely performing the works of the law." At this
point the phantom of Despair appears, with such clashing
of arms and sounding of trumpets, that Savonarola says :
"Hardly could I keep myself from falling to earth;
and he would have bound me fast in his chains and led
me to his kingdom, had not Hope appeared to me all radiant
and shining with a heavenly splendour, and smilingly
cried : ' Oh ! Knight of Christ, what is thy mind in this
battle } . . . Hast thou faith or hast it not ? ' ' Yes, I
have faith.' ' Well, then, know that this is a great grace
of God, for faith is his gift, and is not to be attained
by our works, lest any one should take glory to himself "
It has been found easy to conclude from this passage
that Savonarola here intended to maintain the theory of
justification by faith alone and the merits of Jesus Christ,
and not by works, the which theory is the basis of the
reformed doctrine. But before accepting this verdict we
must remember that, according to the Protestant, as well
as the Catholic point of view, salvation is attained by faith
which is the gift of grace. The sole difference consists
VOL II, 26

386 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
in determining the manner in which human free-will can
contribute to salvation. The Catholics maintain that
good works and outward ceremonies are of great import
ance, and that free-will contributes to salvation. The
Protestants, on the other hand, declare works and cere
monies to be utterly useless, and that all depends upon
faith and grace : faith being derived from grace, and good
works from faith. In other words, we are saved by grace
alone ; our own will is altogether powerless, the salvation
of the elect is predestined. This once established, all
may understand how easy it is to claim as a Protestant
every Catholic writer who dwells on the omnipotence of
faith, the necessity of grace, and the small value of our
own works and merits. But it is only by piercing to the
core of these doctrines, and investigating them in their
intrinsic unity, that we can accurately judge them. No
one can give any real attention to Savonarola's writings
without quickly discerning how great a value he
assigned to human free-will, and how firmly persuaded
he was of the necessity of contributing of our own
will to prepare ourselves for the reception of grace. He
gives great importance to good works, and no less to
outer ceremonies, although he would only have them used
to open and stimulate the spirit. But who can feel sur
prise if in these days of solitary imprisonment, crippled
by torture, forsaken and betrayed by his fellow-men, he
should have neglected to dwell on the gifts of human
free-will, and rather preferred to place his sole hope in the
Lord .'' Nevertheless, on reading the continuation of this
second " Esposizione," none can be deceived as to the real
character of his doctrines.
Savonarola continues thus : " Despair assailed me and
said : Seest thou not that thou callest on heaven and
earth, yet none cometh to thy aid.'' Seest thou not
that death is thy only lefuge.? And all his host cried

CELEBRITY OF THESE PRISON MEDITATIONS. 387
aloud, wherefore shedding tears of grief, I fell upon my
face. And thereupon Hope, all shining and full of splen
dour, quickly descended from heaven, and, touching me,
raised me from the earth and said : How long wilt thou
be as a child.? Let Despair point, if he can, to any
sinner, however hardened, who, having turned to God
and repented, hath not been accepted and justified." . . . '
" Who is he that putteth bounds to the mercy of God,
and thinketh to bear the waters of the ocean in his hands .?
Hast thou not heard the Lord say : when the sinner re
penteth and turneth away from his sins, I will no more re
member his iniquities? 2 . . . God's mercy is boundless.
Didst thou fall ? Rise up, and mercy shall receive thee.
Wast thou ruined ? Cry, and mercy shall come to thee."
It is clear from this that man's works and free-will have
a recognized value, according to the Catholic creed. And
after this Savonarola went on to say : Then, fiill of glad
ness, I exclaimed : I will put no trust in men, but only in
the Lord, and will return thanks before all the people, for
the death of saints is precious in the Lord's sight. If all
the hosts of the world be arrayed against me, my heart
shall know no fear, for Thou art my refuge and wilt lead
me to my end." . . . But at this point he was compelled
to cease writing from lack of paper.
These two prison meditations obtained an enormous
celebrity at the time. That on the Miserere soon ran
into thirteen separate editions, and even circulated through
Germany ; and the fame of both was afterwards greatly
increased when republished by Martin Luther at Stras-
• If there be no sinner who on returning to God hath not been accepted,
their salvation is at least begun by free-will. Calvin was opposed to this
doctrine, and Luther by no means admitted it in his " De Servo Arbitrio."
' These words of Scripture are quoted and insisted upon even by
Protestants, since they unite with Catholics in believing in the infinite
mercy of God ; but Savonarola quotes the text in order to prove that it is
needful for man to will to be saved, adding that if he have this will, God
shall assuredly come to his aid.

388 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
burg in 1524, with a preface in which he declared Savona
rola to be a precursor of the Protestant doctrine and one
of the martyrs of the Reformation.' " This man was put
to death,' so wrote Luther, " solely for having desired
that some one should come to purify the slough of Rome.
It was the Antichrist's (the Pope's) hope that all remem
brance of this great man would perish under a load of
malediction ; but thou seest that it still lives and that his
memory is blessed. Jesus Christ proclaims him a saint
through our lips, even though Pope and Papists should
burst with rage. Even by these writings thou shalt see
how works are of no avail In God's sight, and how faith is
the one thing needful. What if some theological mud be
still found sticking to his feet,2 who could be altogether free
of it in those days ? Thou wilt likewise see his distrust
and despair of his own strength, and a pure image of faith
and hope in God's mercy. Neither in the strength of his
vows nor the rule of his Order, neither In his priestly
robe, in masses nor in works, did he rest his hope, but
solely in the Gospel, in faith, and in righteousness." It
is quite true, and also perfectly natural, that, in those
solemn moments, Savonarola despaired of himself, and
put his sole and whole trust in God. Nevertheless it Is
absolutely false that he ever renounced or neglected to
maintain the value of those good works and religious
cergpionies, of which, on the contrary, he was apt to
exaggerate the importance almost to the point of super
stition. Even if all we have said were insufficient to
overthrow the verdict of the great Reformer, Savonarola's
last acts, and the last words he was able to write in
prison, would amply sufiice to that end. Had Martin
¦ "Meditatio pia et erudita Hieronymi Savonarolas a Papffi exusti,
super Psalmos," Miserere Mei et In te Domine operavi. Argentorati, an.
MDXXIIII. ' I.e., scholastic mud.

^^ RULE FOR VIRTUOUS LIVING." 389
Luther been acquainted with them they would have
certainly removed all doubt from his mind.
Like all who came in contact with Savonarola, his
gaoler was soon inspired with a deep veneration for him,
and repeatedly besought him for the gift of some -written
words on virtuous living. After often excusing himself
on account of his tortured joint and lack of paper:
the Prior ended by granting the man's request, and wrote
on a book cover, a Rule for virtuous living,'^ that -was
religiously preserved and afterwards appeared in print.
"Virtuous living," Savonarola wrote, "depends wholly
on grace ; wherefore we must strive to attain grace, and,
having won, to increase it. To examine our sins, to
meditate on the vanity of earthly things, are means to
wards grace ; confession o.nd communion incline our hearts
to receive it. Certainly it is a free gift of God, but when
we have a strong contempt-fe^t^ie- worid, a strong desire
to turn us to spiritiial things, then we may say that even
if grace he.^iiot yet in us, it is assuredly dra-vving nigh.
Therefore^ perseverance in virtuous living, in good wofks,
in confession, in communion, in all that draweth us nearer,
unto grace, is the true and certain way to procure its
increasf!' If any should fail to recognize that this doc
trine i^ purely and exclusively Roman Catholic, and that
Savonarola remained steadfastly true to his creed to the
the close of his life, it would be impossible to find other
proofs W which to convince him. But we might beg our
dIsputanKto note the Prior's last steps towards the scaf
fold, for then none, save the mentally blind, could pre
serve the shadbw^f a doubt on the subject. y
' " Regola del ben vivere crisfiano,xam£ostajiiestfg'era in carcere," &c
Florence, 1498, 1529 ; Venice, 1547.

CHAPTER XI.

SA'VOVy^AROLA IS PUT TO FRESH TORTURE BY THE
APOSTOLIC COSMMISSIOVX.ERS. HIS THIRD TRIAL
AGAI:n: PROVES HISAl lU^NOCEV^T. THE CONDEM-
nations: C^^D EXECUTIOU^ of the three FRIARS.
(May 19-23, 1498.)
HE Papal Commissioners entered Flo
rence in state on the 19th of May.
They consisted of Giovacchino Tur
riano, General of the Dominicans, and
the Spaniard Francesco Romolino,
Bishop of Ilerda, Auditor to the
Governor of Rome, and afterwards well known as the
Cardinal Romolino. The dregs of the people flocked
round them with cries of " Death to the Friar I " And
Romolino smilingly rephed : " He shall die without
fail." In fact, Girolamo Benivieni was in receipt of
letters from Rome informing him that " The two Com
missioners were instructed to put Savonarola to death
were he even another St. John the Baptist." ' And they
made no secret of this, for Romolino was scarcely estab
lished in the house of a certain Pandolfo della Luna, near
San Pietro Scheragglo, than he said to his host : " We
shall make a fine bonfire ; I bear the sentence with me,
already prepared." 2

' Vita Latina,'' sheet 60 ; Burlamacchi, p. 154.

= Ibid, sheet 60.

kENEWEi) TORTURE. 39I
The following day, 20th of May, the torturers were in
waiting, and Savonarola was subjected to a third examina
tion. In addition to the Papal Commissioners, it was
attended by Paolo Benini and Biagio di Giovanni for the
Gonfaloniers of the Guilds ; by Giovanni Canacci for the
Twelve Worthies ; by Piero degli Alberti for the Ten ;
and by Francesco Pucci for the Eight. As Ser Ceccone
had performed his work so badly before, he was now given
several coadjutors to assist him in framing his reports,
so that emulation might sharpen his wits and enable him
to falsify the prisoner's replies in the manner required.
The examiners tortured the poor Friar most pitilessly ; '
and the first questions they asked him related to the
council, and more particularly as to his accomplices in
the attempt. Savonarola said : " I will plainly tell you
that I advised with no one on the matter of the council,
and only spoke of it in these last days to one or two of
my brethren. I have never had any comniunication with
the princes of Italy, inasmuch as I considered them all as
my foes. Nevertheless I hoped that the foreign rulers
would favour the undertaking, on account of the evil
conduct of the Roman Court, and had especial hope in the
King of England, from having heard that he was a good
man. As to the cardinals and prelates, I regarded them
all as my enemies." Being asked whether he had caused
secrets of the confessional to be revealed to him, he
Instantly replied : " that he had never made any such
request, nor would it have been granted by his friars."
' " But even this small first draft of his examination by Romolino was
also written thus briefly by Ser Ceccone and others who were present at
the said examination " (Violi, "Giornata Scota."). It is here and there
expressly stated in the report, that even Romolino's secretary noted
down the replies ; and Frk Benedetto, in quoting an extract from them,
remarks : " Let it not irk thee to read (I pray thee) some of the formal
words traced by Ser Lodovico Menchi " (" Vulnera Diligentis," part iii.
chap. 3, at sheet 6'). Vide the third trial in Appendix to the Italian
edition, doc. xxvi.

392 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Beginning to see that nothing was to be obtained from
the prisoner, Romolino now became furious, and assailed
him with threats ; but finding menaces of no avail, imme
diately ordered Savonarola to be once more put to the
question. Thereupon the Friar turned to those present
and emphatically said : " Now hearken to my words and
bear me witness, ye Signory of Florence I I have denied
my Divine light from fear of torment. If I must perforce
suffer, I will suffer for the truth ; all that I have declared
hath come to me from God." While thus speaking he
was being stripped and replaced on the rack ; but these
words were so clearly and firmly pronounced that they
were noted down almost verbatim.^ In the agony of tor
ture Savonarola's mind again wandered, and the vague
replies then extorted from him were quickly changed by
the notary. But on all essential points of doctrine
neither tortures nor falsifications availed to obscure his
meaning. He was asked if he had ever sought to make
a division in the Christian Church, and instantly, as
though roused from delirium, he gave the answer :
" Never, unless your demand is meant to refer to certain
ceremonies by which I enforced discipline among my

• Here are the words as they stand in part iii. of the "Vulnera Dili
gentis " (Cod. cit., sheet 7), and which Frk Benedetto states to be taken
from one ofthe copies in Ser Ceccone's hand, and that, although falsified
in the usual manner, shows several divergences from the later, and still
more mutilated, version given in the Appendix to the Itahan edition :
'' fussiis expoliari. Novv hearken to my words, O God ! Thou hast de
tected rae. Here he fell on his knees, saying : I confess that I have
denied Christ. I have spoken lies. O Signory of Florence, I have
denied Him from dread of torture. If I have to suffer, I will suffer for
the truth. That which I have said came to me from God. O God, Thou
dost impose penance on me for having denied Thee. I deserve it. I
have denied Thee, I have denied Thee, I have denied Thee for fear of
torments, for fear of torments ! He was on his knees, and, showing his
almost shattered left arm, cried : Jesus, aid me ; this time Thou hast
found out ray sin." All this, it is evident, is always in reference to the
light of prophecy, the point on which Savonarola had given vvay.

ILLEGAL CONDUCT OF THE TRLAL. 393
friars. But it is entirely true that excommunication had
no terrors for me." '
On the 2 1st the proceedings recommenced with certain
strangely contradictory declarations, intended to confirm all
that had been transcribed at the preceding examinations.
To these Savonarola's name had been affixed, but by whose
hand is unknown. Their contents are too void of sense
to have any value, and indeed all the minutes of this third
trial are utterly worthless, being even more falsified than
the others, so that it is difficult to believe that even one
genuine reply is contained in them. And although,
according to the text, they were signed by Savonarola,
neither his name nor those of the witnesses are to be
found at the conclusion. So shameless were the Friar's
persecutors that they no longer made even a pretence of
observing legal forms. They continued to ply him with
innumerable strange and ridiculous demands, as, for
example : " If he had ever maintained that Jesus Christ
was only a man.'"' To which Savonarola replied : " Only
a fool could ask that." Then they inquired " whether he
believed in charms ? " 2 And he rejoined : " I always
made mock of them." Romolino once more recurred to
the affair of the council, in order to learn who had favoured
' In these, as in all the other minutes of Savonarola's trial, it may be
taken for granted that the only genuine and untouched depositions are
those which are in favour of the accused, for certainly these would not
have been invented either by the examiners or the notary.
" As we have already mentioned, Violi and Frk Benedetto are able to
supply a few questions and answers not contained in the report as it has
been preserved, for through the wife of Ser Ceccone they contrived to
obtain the original draft written in the notary's own hand. But even
this vvas not the genuine deposition, since some alterations were made
even in the act of noting down the replies, and additional changes were
interpolated in every subsequent copy. Frk Benedetto found by the
rough draft that Savonarola had been asked " whether he had ever com
mitted sodomy " ; but this is entirely omitted from the copy we possess.
On this head Frk Benedetto expresses himself as follows : " The thing
is even truer than I say, and I have it not from a third copy, but have
myself read it in the original, i.e., in the first rough draught Ser Ceccone

394 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
the plan, and particularly whether the Cardinal of Naples
had been concerned in it. He asked the same question
again and again, using promises, threats, and torture, until
at last, after a thousand denials of having negotiated or con
sulted with anyone on the matter, Savonarola cried, almost
maddened with pain : " Naples ! Naples I I took counsel
with him and others." But on the 22nd, when they
began to question him for the third time, his first thought
was to retract all that he had said to the injury of others
when raving in anguish, and instantly declared : " Neither
with the Cardinal of Naples, nor with others, have I spoken
any word of the council." Romolino then understood
that nothing more was to be extracted from him ; that
neither by tortures nor the devices of the notaries could
sufficient evidence be gained to justify his condemnation,
and that no more time need be wasted in the attempt.
Accordingly, after a few more hasty questions, he summoned
Savonarola to appear before him the following day to
receive his sentence. " I am a prisoner," replied the friar ;
" I will come if my jailers bring me."
But all was not over. Day was closing, the vesper bell
ringing the hour of sunset, and Savonarola engaged In quiet
meditation, when five citizens suddenly broke Into his cell.
They came with the notary to see whether, by surprising
him at this last moment, when so exhausted by mental
and bodily anguish, it might not be possible to conquer
him by threats. They wished to question him on
political matters, and extort something more than was to
be gleaned from his first deposition, the only one that had
been published, and that was altogether unsuited to their
purpose. Savonarola, however, calmly reiterated his
made iu noting down the heads of what was said by Frk Hieronimo."
Tlun he adds farther on, that he got this first rough draft into his hands
liy thc aid of Ser Ceccone's wife. Frk Benedetto, " Vulnera Diligentis,"
bk. ii. ch;ips. 16, 17, 18; \ioli, "Giornate." Vide Appendix lo the
It.ilian edition, docs. xxi. and xxii.

FAILURE OF THE THLRD TRIAL. 395
previous declaration : " I left all details to Valori. The
chief objects my friends had in view were that the majority
of the council should consist of men favourable to the
popular government ; to deal severely with our opponents
when they committed crimes ; to keep the people strong
and united, not for purposes of offence, but in order to
resist attack." '
Thus ended the third trial, of which the Apostolic
commissioners had little reason to be proud. After all
their promises, their attempts to prove Savonarola guilty
had utterly failed, for his innocence was plainer than
before. Hence, this final examination, was neither
printed, signed, nor read to the public ; 2 and was left
unfinished. The examiners kept it concealed, and only
allowed one or two copies of it to be circulated among
the Italian Courts.3
But notwithstanding the failure of their attempt, the
Apostolic Commissioners met on the same day (22nd
of May) to consult as to the fate of the three monks.
The question was soon settled. As to Savonarola and
Fra Silvestro, no discussion was required : their death was
a foregone conclusion. Wishing, however, to lighten in
some degree the gloomy impression this sentence might
¦ Vide the third trial, in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxvi.
' As we have said, Savonarola underwent examination on the 20th,
2 1st, and 22nd, and twice on the last day : i.e., at the 13th and again at
the 24th hour. The first interrogatory is not signed either by Savonarola,
the witnesses, or the notary. But in the second, after Savonarola's first
reply, we find this statement : " After these words, Frk Girolamo sub
scribed to all he had said yesterday and that had been noted down by
the secretary of Messer Francesco Romohno, signing himself thus :
'I. Frk Jeronimo of Ferrara.'" The second interrogatory is then
continued and ended without any signature. The first interrogatory of
the third day ends with these words : " The prisoner again affixed his
signature to the deposition transcribed by Messer Francesco, and con
tainmg all the things written above." Nevertheless it was left unsigned
The final interrogatory breaks off' suddenly. The minutes were circulated
in this form.
3 We found in Milan the copy sent to Duke Ludovico.

396 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
produce on the public, Romolino proposed that Fra
Domenico's life should be spared. But when it was re
marked by one of the citizens present " that all Savona
rola's doctrines would be kept alive by this friar,"
Romolino instantly said: "A vile friar more or less
matters little ; let this one also die." '
During these days a very select Pratica had been like
wise held, forthe discussion ofthe sentence. One member
only, named Agnolo Niccolini, raised his voice in Savona
rola's defence, saying that he thought it a very grave
crinie to put to deatii a man of such excellent qualities,
whose like was scarcely to be found once in a hundred
years. " This man," he added, " would not only succeed
in restoring faith to the world, if all were extinct, but
in diffusing the learning with which he is so richly
endowed. Hence, I would advise ye to keep him in
prison if ye choose ; but preserve his life and grant
him the use of writing materials, so that the world may
not lose the fruits of his learning." But Niccolini's words
were very ill received by the assembly, and his proposal
was immediately negatived, " because no one could count
on future Signorles, as they were changed every two
months. The Friar would most certainly be restored
to liberty, and again cause disturbance in the city. A
dead enemy fights no more" 2 It was in this fashion
that the man, whose innocence had been only more
clearly proved by prolonged examination and torture, and
his two equally guiltless companions were condemned to
death ! Even the examiners themselves had been com
pelled to testify to the innocence of Fra Domenico ; and
Fra Silvestro, who had denied his master, could be found
guilty of no crinie punishable by the law.
' Burlamacchi, pp. 151-152; "Vita Latina," sheet 60.
' Burlaraacchi, pp. 151-152 ; "Vita Latina," sheet 60. No report of
this Pratica is to be found in the Archives.

FRA DOMENICO'S FARE WELL TO HLS MONKS. 397
The sentence was read to the prisoners the same even
ing, so that they might have time to prepare for their last
hour. Fra Silvestro appeared to be crushed by it ; whereas
Fra Domenico received it as a joyful announcement.
The approach of certain death roused this noble soul to
enthusiasm. He immediately asked to what kind of death
they were condemned, and on learning that they were to
. be first hanged and then burnt, begged and almost Iri-
plored that he might be burnt alive, so as to endure harder
martyrdom for the cross of Christ. He then asked for
food, in order to be able to sleep quietly, and face death
with greater composure. Shortly before, feeling already
assured of his fate, he had written a farewell letter to the
brethren of San Domenico of Fiesole, of whom he was
Prior, and we cannot refrain from transcribing his
words. " Fratres dilectissimi et desideratissimi in visceribus Jesu
Christi. It being God's will that we die for Him, pray
for us, ye that are left, bearing in mind my injunctions to
remain humble, united in charity, and diligently occupied
in religious exercises. Pray God for us, particularly during
the services of the church when ye are assembled together
in the choir. Let my body be burled in some most lowly
spot, not within the church, but outside, in some corner
near the door. And offer up prayers for me, saying
masses et cetera solita ; and I, being where I hope to be,
will do as much for ye. Kiss all the brethren for me,
both of your convent and of St. Mark's, and especially
our well-beloved brethren at Fiesole, quorum nomina in
corde fixa ante Deum porto. Have all the pamphlets of
Fra Girolamo in our cell collected together, have them
bound, and place one copy in the library. And let
another copy be kept to read at the second table of the
refectory, but let it be fastened thereon by a chain, so that

398 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
even the lay brothers may sometimes peruse it there." '
Thus his last thoughts were given to the perpetuation
of his master's doctrines I The world can boast few
examples of similar faith and constancy.
When the messengers entered Savonarola's prison to
communicate the sentence, they found him kneeling in
prayer. On hearing the fatal announcement he ex
pressed neither grief nor joy, but continued his devotions
v/ith increased fervour. Shortly afterwards, food was
offered to him, but he refused it, saying that his soul
needed more strengthening than his body, and that he
wished to keep his mind clear and well prepared for
death. Just then a man came into the cell, dressed in
black, and with his face hidden under a cowl. It was
Jacopo Niccolini, a Battuto 2 of the Company of the
Temple, an association formed for the purpose of com
forting the last moments of the condemned. When
Niccolini asked Savonarola if there were anything he
specially desired, the latter besought him to obtain from
the Signory the boon of a short Interview with his two
fellow-sufferers, to whom he craved to say a few words
before death. Niccolini showed great willingness to
undertake this pious office, and sought the Signory with
out delay. Then came one of the black brethren of St.
Benedict to receive the prisoner's confession, and Savona
rola, meekly kneeling before him, fulfilled all the duties
of religion with much fervour. It was the same with
the two other friars.3
' This letter is given in Burlamacchi, p. 155, and is translated in the
" Vita Latina," sheet 61'. Another Italian copy of it is to be found at
the close of the raanuscript collection of documents (Riccardi Library,
No. 2,053) forming a species of appendix to the " Vita Latina." Save at
one or tvvo points where the Riccardi Codex seemed to give the best
reading, vve have adhered to Burlamacchi's version as the most correct
on the whole.
" The Battuti were so-called because they were accustomed to scourge
themselves in penance for their sins,
3 Burlamacchi, p. 155.

THE MEETING OF THE PRISONERS. 399
Meanwhile the Signory were engaged in discussing the
request of which Niccolini was the bearer : for they were
still in dread of some extraordinary and unexpected action
on the part of Savonarola. But the kindly messenger
succeeded in convincing them that there was nothing to
be feared from a fettered man, with one foot, as it
were, already in the grave ; and that it was always the
custom to gratify the last wishes of the condemned.
Accordingly the prisoners were granted an interview of
one hour in the hall of the Greater Council.
It would be very difficult to describe the emotions of
the three friars on finding themselves once more together.
It was their first meeting after more than forty days
of imprisonment and torture ; after each one of them
had been given to understand that the others had
made full retractation, and after both Fra Domenico and
Fra Silvestro had been shown the false depositions attri
buted to Savonarola. But no explanation was possible at
this moment ; they had only to prepare to meet death
with brotherly courage. The mere presence of Savonarola
Avas enough to instantly restore his ascendancy over his
companions. At first sight of that severe and tranquil
countenance every doubt vanished from his disciples'
minds, and their old faith in him was renewed. There
was not a moment to be lost, and accordingly he promptly
addressed Fra Domenico and said : " I know that you ask
to be cast alive into the fire ; but It is not well, since it is
not meet for us to choose what death we would die. How
can we know whether we shall find strength to bear that
to which we are condemned .? This dependeth not on
ourselves, but on the grace that shall be granted us of the
Lord." 'Then turning to Fra Silvestro with greater severity,
he said to him : " Regarding you, I know that you would
fain protest your innocence in sight of the people. I
Command -you to abandon this idea, and rather to follow

400 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
the example of our Lord Jesus Christ, who refrained from
declaring His innocence, even on the cross." The two
friars made no reply, but after kneeling before their
superior, and devoutly receiving his blessing, were led
back to their respective prisons. Savonarola had rightly
judged that all external demonstrations of feeling, by word
or deed, would have rendered their death less impressive
and less Christian ; that at so supreme a moment all
thoughts and feelings should be fixed upon God — and
therefore preferred to let the nieeting end thus. Now
that his disciples showed the greatest readiness to obey him,
he had only to prepare to face death firmly and well.'
The night was already far spent when he returned to
his cell ; and he was so overcome by drowsiness and
fatigue that, having leant his head on Niccolini's lap
for a moment in token of gratitude and affection, he at
once fell Into a light slumber, and so great was the
serenity of his mind that his placid countenance wore a
smile as if beholding pleasant visions in his sleep. But he
soon awoke, seemed surprised with himself, and as a farther
mark of gratitude to his benevolent companion, spoke to
him prophetically of the future calamities of Florence.
It is said that he also added these words : " Bear well in
mind that these things will come to pass when there shall
be a Pope named Clement." This prophecy, which he is
supposed to have previously delivered on other occasions,
was noted down and preserved until 1529, when it seemed
to be exactly verified by the siege of Florence. Then the
Piagnoni brought it forth and went about showing it to
the wondering people. So, at least, runs the tale as it has
been transmitted to us by the elder biographers.2
¦ Burlamacchi, pp. 156-157 ; "Vita Latina," sheet 60 ; Violi, Frk Bene
detto, &c.
' Burlamacchi, pp. 157 and 193, Benivieni, and many other writers, in
enumerating the prophecies of Savonarola, dwell minutely on this,
alleging that it was shown to the perpetual Gonfalonier, Soderini, before

THE LAST NLGHT. 401
The three friars passed the rest of the night In con
tinual devotion, and again met in the morning to receive
the sacrament. Savonarola had been granted permission
to officiate, and on raising the Host pronounced the
following prayer as a final exposition of his creed : — " O
Lord, I acknowledge Thee to be the perfect, invisible
Trinity, the Three in One, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ;
I acknowledge Thee to be the Eternal Word, and that
Thou didst descend into Mary's womb, and didst mount
the Cross to shed Thy blood for our sins. I pray Thee
that by Thy blood I may gain remission of my sins, and
implore Thee to forgive them ; and likewise to grant Thy
pardon for every offence or hurt brought on this city ;
and for every error I may have unwittingly conimitted." '
Having made this full and explicit declaration of faith, he
took the communion himself, and administered it to both
his companions. Shortly afterwards the guards appeared
to lead them to the Piazza.
Three platforms had been erected on the steps of the
RInghiera. That nearest to the Palace door was assigned to
the Bishop of Vasona; 2 the second, on the Bishop's right,
the siege took place ; and adding many particulars to prove the truth
of their tale. On this head the reader may also refer to Padre Marchese,
" Documento " xiii., loc. cit, p. 194. It is certain that Savonarola had
frequently announced the future calamities of Florence, and in a manner
that a great number of persons held to be truly prophetic. But that he
should have positively foretold the name of the Pope in whose reign
these predictions would be fulfilled, seems scarcely credible. Unless we
suppose the name to have been added later by devout believers in the
Friar, it can only be regarded as a curious coincidence.
¦ This prayer is given in Burlaraacchi, p. 158, and vvas also printed
together with the " Esposizione del Miserere."
" Ubaldini, in his Chronicle, styles this Bishop " Frater Benedictus
Christophori de Opera, vulgo dictus de Pagagnoctis ex parte matris,
episcopus Vasoniensis." And he adds : " Fuit suff'raganeus archiepiscopi
fiorentini pluribus annis." He was a Dominican, and was elected Bishop of
Vasona (Vaison in France, Department of Vaucluse) in 1482. Rinaldo
Orsini was Archbishop of Florence in 1498, but resided almost con
tinually in Rome.
VOL. II. 27

402 SA VONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES
to the Apostolic Commissioners ; the third, near the Mar-
zocco, to the Gonfalonier and the Eight. From this point
a long, raised scaffold had been built out, a man's height
from the ground, and stretching across a quarter of the
Piazza in the direction of the Tetto dei Pisani. A stout
beam stood upright at the end of this scaffold, with
another nailed across it near the top. Thus the gibbet
bore the form of a cross, although the upper part had been
purposely shortened to lessen the resemblance. Three
halters and three chains hung from its arms, the first to
hang the friars, the second to keep their corpses sus
pended over the fire in which they were to be consumed.
Heaps of combustibles were piled at the foot of the stake,
and the guards of the Signory found great difficulty
in keeping back the surging multitude who pressed
round the scaffold. The throng scarcely seemed greater
than on the day of the ordeal, but it wore a very
different aspect.' A sad and solemn silence prevailed, and
even those who had most longed to see this day were
oppressed by a strange sense of fear. Yet amid the
general agitation many different passions were stirring
the crowd. There were Bigi, Piagnoni, and Arrabbiati ;
devout men, constant attendants on the Friar's sermons,
now stood side by side with the reckless crew who had
attempted his life with daggers and stones. Many writers
were also present whose chronicles and diaries contain
lasting records of that niemorable day. What thoughts
must have passed through their minds, it is easier for the
reader to imagine than for us to describe.
Meanwhile some of the populace had succeeded in
forcing their way close to the gibbet, and their blasphe-
' From an old, but not conteraporary, picture of the scene, by an un-
kflown painter of little merit, many copies of vvhich are to be found
in Florence, it might be supposed that there was very little crowd on the
Piazza ; but the chroniclers assert, and most probably vvith truth, that the
whole Piazza was thronged. { zde Burlamacchi, p. 163.

SA VONAROLA AND HIS FELLO W VICTIMS. 403
mies, indecent cries, and the fierce joy with which they
awaited the crowning horror of the scene, made them
resemble wild beasts rather than human beings. They
consisted, for the most part, of men newly released from
exile or prison who had been punished for their crimes by
the past Signory and freed by the magistrates now in
power simply because of the hatred they professed to
Savonarola and his followers.
The three friars were already standing on the palace
steps when a Dominican of Santa Maria Novella ordered
them to be stripped of their robes, and brought forth
covered only by their woollen tunics, barefooted, and with
their hands bound. Savonarola was deeply moved by
this unexpected demand; nevertheless he courageously
despoiled himself of his gown, exclaiming, before giving it
up : " Holy gown, how dearly did I long to wear thee !
Thou wert granted me by God's grace, and I have ever
kept thee unstained. Now I forsake thee not, but am
bereft of thee." '
On reaching the first platform they found themselves
in the presence of the Bishop of Vasona. He had obeyed
the Pope's mandate, but now appeared overwhelmed with
confusion. He dared not raise his eyes to the serene
countenance of the man whom he had once called master,
and who now seemed to stand before him rather as a
judge than a criminal. Nevertheless the terrible and
almost fiinereal ceremony had now to be performed. The
three friars were again clothed in their monkish robes, in
order to be stripped of them afresh after being formally
degraded. When about to pronounce their degradation,
the Bishop took Savonarola by the arm ; but no longer
' Burlamacchi, p. 158 ; and Pico. Frk Benedetto quotes the same
words in part iii. of his "Vulnera Diligentis." On all these last events
reference may be made to the "Vita Latina ; '' Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus
Libani ; " Nardi, i. p. 158 and fol. ; Violi, " Giornate."

404 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
able to maintain his composure, and forgetting the
usual formula, instead of merely separating him from
the Church Militant, he said, in faltering tones : " Separo
te ab Ecclesia militante atque triumphante." Thereupon
Savonarola calmly set him right, saying : " Militante, non
triumphante : hoc enim tuum non est." ' And these words
were uttered in a tone that pierced to the souls of the by
standers, so that all who heard remenibered them for ever.
When thus degraded and unfrocked, the three friars,
only covered by their tunics, were delivered over to
the secular arm, and led before the Apostolic Com
missioners to hear the sentence proclaiming them
schismatics and heretics. After this, Romolino with
ghastly irony absolved them from all sin, and asked if
they accepted his absolution. Whereupon they bowed
their heads in token of assent. They were then led
before the Eight, who, according to custom, put the
sentence to the vote and carried It unanimously. But
one of the Eight, Francesco Cini, was absent, having
refused to take any part In so inlqultouc a proceeding.
The sentence 2 was Immediately read to the prisoners,
and ran as follows : " The Eight, having maturely
considered the depositions of the three friars, and
the atrocious crimes committed by them, the which are
therein laid bare, and having considered the sentence pro
nounced by the Commissioners of the Pope, who have
now handed them over to the secular arm to be punished,
hereby decree : that each of the three be hung from the
gibbet, and then burnt, so that their souls be entirely
parted from their bodies." 3
' Burlamacchi, p. 159 ; " Vita Latina," sheet 62 ; Picus," Vita," p. 91 ;
"Vulnera Diligentis," part iii. ; Nardi, i., 161.
' The sentence begins as follows : " Presentes spectabiles domini Octo
viri ReipubliccB Florentinse, in sufficienti numero congregati, servatis ser-
vandis, et obtendo partito, absente tamen Francisco Cini eorum collega."
s Vide the sentence in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxx.

THEY MEET DEATH WITH HEROIC CALAL 405
With firm steps and tranquil hearts the victims then
mounted the scaffold. Even Fra Silvestro showed
courage at the last, and in the presence of death seemed
again a worthy disciple of his master. Savonarola himself
appeared endued with superhuman strength, never losing,
even for an instant, the calm required to meet his terrible
fate in a Christian frame of mind. While he and his
companions, all three barely covered by their tunics, with
naked feet and arms bound, were being slowly led from
the ringhiera to the gibbet, the dregs of the populace were
allowed to assail them with vile words and viler acts.
Savonarola endured this bitter martyrdom with un
shaken serenity. One bystander, stirred with compas
sion, approached him and said a few comforting words,
to which he benignantly replied : "At the last hour,
God alone can give mortals comfort." A certain priest,
named Nerotto, asked him, " In what spirit dost thou
bear this martyrdom } " He said : " The Lord hath
suffered so much for me." He then kissed the crucifix,
and his voice was heard no more.'
Fra Domenico was apparently quite unconscious of the
general turmoil around him, and truly —
" Parea che « danza enon a morte andasse." ^
For he was so excited that he wished to intone the Te
Deum in a loud voice, but refrained at the pressing
instance of the Battuti who walked by his side, and
said to them: "Accompany me then, in a whisper," and
thus they all recited it together. He afterwards added :
"Keep this well in mind: that the prophecies of Era
Girolamo will all be fulfilled, and that we die innocent." 3
' Burlamacchi, pp. 159-160 ; Pico ; Frk Benedetto,
" Leopardi. (To dance, and not to death his steps seemed bound.)
3 Burlamacchi, Barsanti, &c.

4o6 SAVONAROLA'S LLFE AND TIMES.
The first ordered to mount the fatal ladder was Fra
Silvestro. With the halter about his neck he had just
time to cry, before being thrust off": " In manus tuas,
Domine, commendo animam meam!' Shortly afterwards his
corpse was dangling in chains, and the executioner passed
to the other arm of the cross to execute Era Domenico in
the same way. This faithful disciple mounted rapidly,
with a hopeful and almost joyous countenance, as though
he saw the gates of heaven opening before him. Aftei
witnessing the death of both his companions, it was Savona
rola's turn to fill the vacant place between them. He
was so completely wrapped in spiritual contemplation, that
he no longer seemed to belong to this earth. Nevertheless,
when mounted on the cross he could not refrain from
glancing at the multitude below, seemingly all hunger
ing for the monient of his death. How different the
days when this same people had hung rapturously on his
words in Santa Maria del Fiore ! At the foot of the
cross he saw rough men with blazing torches already pre
pared eagerly waiting to fire the pile. Then he quickly
bent his neck to the executioner. Not a sound was heard
at that monient ; there was a terrible silence. All the vast
crowd, even the very buildings round the Piazza, seemed
impressed by the general horror. Then a voice was heard
crying : " 0 prophet, now is the time for a miracle ! "
Every incident of that day seemed fated to remain en-
duringly stamped on the public mind, as if to increase
that mysterious sense of terror which the death of the
prophet they had betrayed was to leave impressed for all
time on the people of Florence.
Thinking to gratify the unbridled mob, the executioner
began to play the buffoon with the still quivering form,
and in so doing lost his balance and nearly fell. This
disgusting spectacle aroused general indignation and
horror, and the man was severely reprimanded by the

THE LONG MARTYRDOAI ENDED. 407
authorities. He then tried to hurry on his work, in the
hope that the flames would reach the poor victim before
life was quite spent. But the chain slipped from his grasp,
and before he could recover it, Savonarola had drawn his
last breath. He was forty-five years of age at the time
of his decease : at 10 o'clock a.m., on the 23rd of May,
1498.' The pile was already in flames before the executioner
could descend the ladder to light it, for a man who had
been impatiently waiting with a torch hastened to fire it, ex
claiming : " At last I can burn the Friar who would have
liked to burn me ! " 2 But then a sudden wind arose and
blew the flames away from the three corpses for some little
time ; whereupon many shrank back alarmed, crying aloud :
" A miracle, a miracle 1 " But soon the wind dropped,
the flames again rose round the bodies, and the crowd
pressed forward once more. Meanwhile the cords binding
Savonarola's arms being consumed, the blast of the fire
caused his hands to move, so that to the eyes of the
faithful, their master seemed to raise his hand on high from
the midst of the flames, as though blessing the people who
had doomed him to the stake. 3
The Piagnoni pointed out this vision to one another,
and many of them were so strongly moved by it, that
without thinking where they were and in what company,
they fell sobbing on their knees in adoration before him
whom they already secretly worshipped as a saint. Their
women wept aloud ; their young men shuddered at the
miserable state to which the city was reduced. But while
there was bitter grief on one side, there was wild exulta
tion on the other. The Arrabbiati congregated about the
' "Vita Latina," Burlamacchi, Pico, Barsanti, Frk Benedetto, Landucci,
Nardi, and nearly all the Florentine historians of the period.
" This incident is related by Nardi, vvho witnessed its occurrence (i.
p. 161.)
' Burlamacchi, p. 162.

4o8 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES
scaffold, employed a mob of boys to shout and dance and
throw stones at the half-consumed victims, so that from
time to time fragments of their corpses fell down Into the
fire. " It rained blood and entrails," says a writer who
witnessed the horrible sight, which evoked cries of joy
from Savonarola's foes, and redoubled the fruitless sobs and
lamentations of his friends.'
Many of the more daring Piagnoni, including certain
ladies disguised as serving-maids, forced their way through
the hostile crowd to the scaffold, and in the general con
fusion succeeded in gathering some relics of their saints.
But they were soon thrust back by the guards, for the
Signory, fearing lest these ashes might have the power to
work miracles, ordered them to be borne away in carts to
the Old Bridge and cast into the Arno. Nevertheless
they could not prevent the Piagnoni from devoutly collect
ing the remains left on the Piazza, or which fell by the
way. These relics, carefully cherished and preserved in
valuable caskets,2 were worshipped by all the followers of
the Friar, and for many years served to keep alive their faith
in him and their devotion to his convent. That celebrated
scholar and philosopher, G. F. Pico the younger, believed
that he possessed a portion of Savonarola's heart recovered
by himself from the Arno; and declared that he had
found it endowed with miraculous powers for healing many
maladies, exorcising evil spirits, and so forth. 3 Afterwards,
numerous medals of the Friar were struck and engravings
made of his portrait, and these were much sought after
but carefully concealed by the devout, for now that the

' Frk Benedetto, " Cedrus Libani."
° These caskets generally resembled thick round snuff-boxes, with the
portrait of Savonarola either painted or in low relief on the lid. They
were provided with a false bottom under vvhich the ashes were concealed.
3 Pico, " Vita," &c., chap. xix. All the othei biographers also mention
these relics.

^J^^7>-

PORTRAIT OF SAVONAROLA.
[From u. Medal.)

NE WS SENT ABROAD OF THE FRIAR'S END. 409
Arrabbiati were masters in Florence, their insolent fury
vvas not to be lightly braved.'
The same day, after the execution, the Ten wrote to
Rome and the other Italian Courts, to the effect that " the
friars had been put to death In the manner their pesti
ferous sedition deserved." 2 And the Apostolic Commis
sioners not only designated Savonarola as a heretic and
schismatic, but dared to charge him with the crimes from
which even the falsified depositions concocted by them
selves had completely exonerated him. " We have dis
covered," they informed the Pope, " that he caused secrets
of the confessional to be revealed to him, and that it was
his purpose to excite sedition in Florence by breeding
disputes among the citizens. We found this Friar, or, to
avoid calling him either a friar or a man, we should rather
say this most iniquitous omnipede,'i to be a mass of the
most abominable wickedness. His disciple, Fra Domenico,
dared to call God to witness in favour of his m.aster's
words and doctrines, declaring that if they were not true
he would be content to die on the gibbet, and have his
ashes scattered to the wind and rain. Wherefore, in con
deraning the three to capital punishment we arranged that
this prediction should be fulfilled to the letter." 4
The Signory received letters of approval and congratula
tion from Rome, Milan, and all the other Courts. France
was the only exception ; for Charles' successor. King Louis
XIL, wrote earnestly begging them to suspend the execu
tion, for highly important reasons to be communicated in a
' Nardi, " Storia di Firenze," i. 162 and fol. ; Gio. Cambi, ii. 113 and
fol. (in the "Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani," tom. xxi.); aud vide a.\\ the
other biographers also.
' Padre Marchese, doc. xxxix.
' Omnipedum nequissimum.
? This letter of the 23rd of May, 1498, was published among the Docu
ments given by Meier, who had discovered it at Florence in the library
of Count Boutourlin.

4to SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES
following despatch.' But at the date of his letter, the
4th of June, the ashes of the three martyrs had long been
dispensed in the Arno.
The Piagnoni were now subjected to, apparently, end
less persecution. The convent of St. Mark's was closed
to all outsiders for two months, deprived of the adjoining
building of La Sapienza occupied by the novices, and robbed
under various pretexts of the library collected by Lorenzo
de' Medici, for which it had paid three thousand florins to
the Republic ; 2 while many other of its old rights and
privileges were also taken away. 3 The hostility of the
government even assumed the grotesque form of Issuing
no less than nine decrees against the big bell 4- of St.
Mark's known as the Piagnona. As it was this bell that
I ang the alarm on the day of the riot, it was sentenced to
banishment from Florence, brought out in a cart and
publicly flogged by the executioner.5 This business of the
bell stirred the whole Dominican Order to more resentment
than all the other persecutions combined.^ Many of the
brethren were sent into exile, among others Mariano
degli Ughi, Roberto da Gagliano, Fra Girolamo's brother,
Maurelio Savonarola, and even Malatesta Sacramoro, whose
treachery had not availed to gain pardon for his former
• Padre Marchese, " Documenti," doc. xl., loc. cit., p. 192 ; Desjardins
" Negoc. Diplomat.," ii. 13.
' Vide the before-quoted biographers, and doc. xxxiv. in Appendix to
the Italian edition of vol. i of this work, l^ide also Professor Piccolomini's
excellent monograph onthe "Libreria Medicea privata.''
3 As, for instance, the right of celebrating mass in the palace of the.
Signory, a privilege now transferred to the Friars of S. Miniato. St.
Mark's was also deprived of the management of the society of the " Buoni
Uomini di San Martino."
"• The "Archivio delle Riformazioni" contains numerous letters and
deUberations on this subject. A few of these are included in the Appen
dix to the Italian edition, doc. xxxii.
5 Padre Marchese, " Storia di San Marco," in the " Scritti Varii,"
p. 272 ; Gherardi, p. 205 and fol.
* Vide many documents on this subject in Gherardi's published collec
tion, p. 206 and fol.

PERSECUTLON OF THE PIAGNONI. 4x1
friendship with his master. Meanwhile, by another official
decree, the musicians of the Signory were sent to pay
honour to Romolino by performing under his windows.'
Numerous citizens were also persecuted as followers ot
the Friar, and many publicly reprimanded and declared in-
ehgible for ofii-.-e.^ Many others were summoned to Rome ;
but quickly purchased exemption from the trouble of the
journey by bribing Romolino, who also received large
rewards from the Signory in the shape of handsome pieces
of plate.3 But the citizens could obtain no protection
from the continued and lawless insults of the mob ; they
were deafened on all sides by off^ensive and indecent songs
against the Piagnoni, and their devotions were continually
interrupted. But the sorest of their afilictions was to find
themselves universally shunned and to witness the base
ness of learned men such as Ficino and Verino, who, after
being enthusiastic for Savonarola, suddenly made him the
object of ferocious attacks.4 As a greater Insult to his
memory, the Arrabbiati let a wretched donkey loose in the
' Vide in Appendix to the Italian edition, doc. xxxi., the decrees of the
Signory dating from the 27th of May to the Sth of June, and those of
the 29th and 30th of June. Vide also Padre Marchese, " Storia di San
Marco," p. 257 and fol.
° Cambi, ii. p. 182.
' Nardi, i. 163. By a decree of the 28th of May, 1498, the Signory
paid the sum of mi broad gold florins for the silver given to Romolino,
and a further sum of twenty-five to the reader of the sentence, "contra
Fratrem Jeronimum Savonarolam et quosdam alios " (Gherardi, " Nuovi
Documenti," p. 174).
^ The violent "Apologia" addressed by Ficino to the Cardinals'
College, is published in the " Giornale storico degli Archivi Toscani,"
vol. iii. p. 115 ; Verino's " Invettiva" is to be found in Gherardi, p. 197,
preceded by two earlier writings by the same author in high praise of
Savonarola. The " Invettiva " was written while Savonarola was in
prison, and is worthy of note as containing a brief summary of the
Friar's life, and proving that the only crime attributed to him by Verino,
the real reason of the latter's sudden hostihty was that of being no
true prophet nor capable of performing miracles. Savonarola had dedi
cated his treatise on poetry to this same Verino, who novv designates the
master he had so recently revered, as far worse than a hypocrite.

412 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Duomo on Christmas night, and then cudgelled it to
death on the threshold.' Meanwhile those who remained
most true to Savonarola devoted themselves to the secret
composition of apologies, biographies, and poems in sancti
fication of his memory ; - they studied his sermons, and
awaited the fulfilment of his predictions,while strict orders
came from Rome to the Convent of St. Mark, prohibiting
all mention of him, or so much as the utterance of his
nanie.3 A few days after the execution some women
were found at dawn in the Piazza kneeling in prayer on
the stones where the three martyrs had been burnt.4 And
every year, on the night ofthe 23rd of May, flowers were
found strewn on the same spot : the which pious practice
was continued for more than two centuries, namely, down
to the year 1703.5
' Cambi, " Storia di Firenze," vol. ii. p. 135.
' Numerous poems were composed both then and at a later time, in
honour of Savonarola and even of his two fellow-martyrs. We append
one that is preserved in the National Library, was first printed at Pistoia
in 1847, and afterwards published by Padre Marchese, " Scritti varii,"
pp. 259-260. It begins thus : —
La caritk e spenta
Amor di Dio non c'h
Tepido ognun diventa ;
Non ci e piii viva ih.

Ohime ! chi il Santo e morto !
Ohime ! Signore, Ohime !
Tu togliesti il Profeta
II qual tirasti a te.
Translation. — Charity is extinct, love of God no more. All are luke
warm and without living faith. . . . Alas ! the Saint is dead ! Alas I O
Lord I Alas ! Thou hast taken our Prophet and drawn him to Thee.
Another of these hymns is given in Appendix to the Italian edition,
doc. xxxiv.
3 Gherardi, " Nuovi Documenti," p. 218 and fol.
•• Landucci, " Diario," p. 178.
5 Vide Gherardi," Nuovi Ducumenti,"pp. 243-244. This pious custom
is also mentioned by many of the historians.

CONCLUSION.
FTER Savonarola's death, so many rapid
changes occurred in Florentine affairs,
that the Arrabbiati had no time even to
plan a restriction of the government;
but, on the contrary, were soon forced
to see that the Republic could only be
saved by adopting the very policy advised by the Friar.
For Piero and Giuliano de' Medici were already advancing
on the city with a strong force of Venetian troops.
Happily the Duke of Milan, in his increasing jealousy
of Venice and distrust of the Medici, came forward to
avert these perils. But what reliance could be placed in
the friendship or good faith of Ludovico .'' As to Alex
ander VI. , who had held out such lofty hopes, and been
so lavish of his promises to Florence, in order to compass
Savonarola's death, it was curious to see how completely
he gave the rein to his passions, as soon as the wished-for
end was attained. It almost appeared as though' the
death of the unfortunate Friar had removed the last
shadow of restraint from the lust and ambition of the
Pope and his son Cesare, Duke of Valentinois. He made
an alliance with the Turks, and — a thing without precedent
at that day — positively favoured the Jews, and put up to
sale, in a single year, no less than twelve Cardinals' hats :^
' Guicciardini, " Storia d'ltalia," Rosini edition, vol. iii. p. 15.

414 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
while as to the unnatural crimes, assassinations, and poison.
ings conimitted by father and son, their history is too well
knowm for any details to be needed here. The Pope's chief
aim was to carve out a State for his son in Romagna ;
and the Duke was so devoured by the same ambition, that
he was already scheming to extend his power over the
whole of Italy, and Intended to gain possession of Tus
cany as a preliminary step.' For this reason he was
always eager to bring new dangers on the Republic : now
rousing Arezzo to revolt, now threatening to re-establish
Piero de' Medici in Florence, and continually harassing
the frontier and making raids on the territory. Hence
the Florentines were driven to pay him 36,000 ducats per
year, nominally for his services as a general ; but even
this did not prevent him from occasionally finding a pre
text for returning to pillage their lands. This was how
the Borgia fulfilled their promises of rewaiding the
Republic for ridding them of Savonarola !
Accordingly the Arrabbiati were at last convinced that
the only mode of defending Florence against these foes
and the Medici was to make alliance with France and
honest peace with the Piagnoni, whom they now ceased
to persecute. No sooner did they begin to adopt the
policy urged by Savonarola, and to which they had been
so bitterly opposed, than affairs began to mend and soon
went on with far greater tranquillity and success than
might have been expected.
But unfortunately Louis XII. was no less ambitious
than Charles VIII., and soon plunged Italy in the very
calamities which Savonarola had foretold. We all know
the history of the wars between Germans, Spanish,
Swiss, and French, which ravaged our land for so many
years, and made it a prey to pillage, fire, and bloodshed.
So long as the French were victorious, the Florentine
' Machiavelli, "Principe,'' chap. viii.

THE PIAGNONI AGAIN RISE TO POWER. 415
Republic was able to struggle on in the midst of the
general confusion ; but when, on the death of the youth
ful hero, Gaston de Foix, fortune deserted the arms of
France, the death knell of the liberty of Florence had
already struck. For in the month of Septeniber, 15 12,
a Spanish army reinstated the Medici without encounter
ing any resistance.
Meanwhile war and disaster were spreading in every
part of Europe.
The voice of Martin Luther had already roused schism
in the Church ; and a regimen of stakes and gibbets
instead of healing the wound, only fortified the new
doctrines and kindled religious wars. The Church,
Italy, the whole world were under the scourge. And in
every new battle-field, pillaged town or fresh heresy, the
Piagnoni beheld another confirmation of Savonarola's
prophecies. Thus misfortune and oppression only served
to strengthen them in their old faith. And when Clement
VII. ascended the Papal throne ; when the Eternal City
was besieged and sacked by the armies of Charles V. ;
when the churches became stables for horses and dens
of vice ; then it seemed, even to the incredulous, as though
all the Friar's predictions were being literally fulfilled.
His last prophetic words to Niccolini were brought forth,
read and copied with great wondering, and circulated on
all sides. Every one was poring over his sermons, and
pointing out numerous passages in which the events now
taking place had been repeatedly foretold. Suddenly, and
as if by a miracle, the Piagnoni were again masters of the
city; and the Medici, unaided from without, and encom
passed by enemies within the walls, were again put to
flight. The Republic was immediately proclaimed,
Christ once more elected King of Florence, the citizen
militia reorganized, while all the inhabitants were now
resolved to maintain their restored freedom, or die a

4i6 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
worthy death in its defence. The resuscitated Republic
succeeded in resisting many determined attacks, and we
all know how its speedy fall was accomplished. But
defended by the genius of Michelangiolo, the arm of
Ferruccio and the heart of the whole people, its end was
no less glorious than the heyday of its fornier prosperity.
Also, during that wonderful defence, the Convent of St.
Mark was again the headquarters of patriotism and
freedom. The disciples of the Friar, his prophecies, his
sermons, and his portraits inspired those valiant and great-
souled citizens to fight for their Republic to the last.
Thus the history of the true followers of Savonarola ends
only with the downfall of Florentine freedom.'
As we have seen, the religious creed of the Piagnoni
was invariably and strictly Catholic. Even when Rome
was besieged by Protestant hosts, and the Florentine
Republic warring against the deadly attacks of the Pope,
the Piagnoni refused to coalesce with the followers of
the Reformation, and indeed the few Protestants existing in
Florence, among whom mention should be made of the
' The superstitious veneration in which Savonarola was held by the
brethren of many Tuscan convents increased instead of diminishing as
time went on. They worshipped his garments, addressed prayers to him,
cherished his relics, wrote and re-wrote his life, with the frequent
addition of new miracles, and celebrated services expressly composed in
his honour, in which he vvas invoked as a martyred saint and prophet.
Although these monks were not, strictly speaking, disciples of Savonarola,
we will mention some of their writings. Two editions of an " Officio
proprio per Frk Girolamo Savonarola" were published at Prato by Count
Carlo Capponi, with a preface by Cesare Guasti, in 1861 and 1863.
Another " Officio " discovered by P^re Bayonne is given in Gherardi's
"Nuovi Documenti," pp. 236-241 ("Officium B. B. Hieronymi,
Dominici et Sylvestri martyrum," &c.). Both were composed in the
latter part of the sixteenth century.
But the followers of the Friar continued to be persecuted even in
the sixteenth century. Duke Cosimo I. cherished great hatred against
the brethren of St. Mark's chiefly on account of the veneration they still
felt for Savonarola and his doctrines. He actually expelled them from
the convent in 1545, but vvas soon forced to allow them to return at the
instance of the Pope. Vide Gherardi, " Documenti," p. 225 and fol.

THE ORTHODOXY OF SAVONAROLA'S WORKS. 417
celebrated Antonio Brucloli,' were marks for the popular
fiiry. This was undoubtedly another and most evident
sign that Savonarola's doctrines were very different from
those of Luther. Nevertheless there was an endless
interchange of charges and counter- charges, and amid all
this discussion the judgment of Italy remained long in
suspense. Immediately after Savonarola's death. Pope
Alexander issued the severest prohibition of his writings,
commanding all who possessed them to hand them over
to the archbishop under pain of excommunication. But,
changing his mind later, he sanctioned their republication ;
and they were tolerated more or less down to the year
1558, when Paul IV. called upon the Congregation ofthe
Index to subject them to minute and diligent inquiry.
This led to a long and serious dispute. When the
extracts selected by a commission of four Cardinals were
read to the Pope, he fell into a great rage, and stamping
his feet on the floor, exclaimed : " This is Martin Luther,
this doctrine is pestiferous ! What are ye doing, most
reverend Monslgnori } " But, on closer examination, the
Pontiff himself was obliged to accept the evidence :
accordingly the dialogue " On Prophetic Truth " and
fifteen of the sermons were the only works suspended;
all the rest being allowed to circulate freely. 2
The followers of Savonarola therefore continued to
profess themselves wholly and constantly Catholic ; San
Filippo Neri and Santa Caterina de' Ricci adored the
Friar as a saint ; Benedict XIV. judged him worthy of
canonization ; 3 and some of his works were even used
' Varchi, " Storia di Firenze," Arbib edition, vol. i. p. 580.
" Vide the " Discorso " pronounced on this occasion by Paolino Bernar-
dini of Lucca, and afterwards published in Quetif's "Additiones " to Pico's
"Vita di Frk Girolamo Savonarola," vol. ii. p. 559 and fol. Vide also
a letter by Frk Vincenzo Ercolani of Perugia, published in the Appendix
to Aquarone's " Biography of Savonarola," p. xxii. and fol.
3 " De Servorum Dei beatificatione," vol. viii.
VOL. II. 28

4i8 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TiAlES
as reading and text-books for the Catholic schools.' And
it is impossible for any one to read them without being
firmly convinced that, to the day of his death, Savonarola
remained unswervingly faithful to the dogmas of his
faith ; and that instead of seeking to destroy the unity
of the Church, it was his constant desire to render it still
more complete.^
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that he had the spiiit
of an innovator, and indeed the main purpose of our work
has been to insist on this point. Savonarola was the first
to raise the standard announcing the uprlsal of the truly
original thought of the Renaissance at the close of the
great epoch of humanistic learning. He was the first man
of the fifteenth century to realize that the human race was
palpitating with the throes of a new life, and his words
were loudly echoed by that portion of the Italian people still
left untainted by the prevalent corruption. He accord
ingly merits the title of the prophet of the new civiliza
tion. But to regard him as the leader of a party, a sect,
"of a system, is an error only to be committed by those un
acquainted with the Friar and his times. The Renais
sance must not be confounded with niodern civilization to
which it was only, as it were, the preliminary ; for what
general character it possessed was as yet vague and unde
fined. The men of that time justly deserving the title of
' His " Trionfo della Croce " was republished by the Propaganda
Fide ; his " Semplicitk della Vita Cristiana" was translated by a Jesuit
into French and republished in Paris in 1672 ; his " Confessionale " was
frequently reprinted, with very slight alterations, and used as a Manual
for confessors.
° Even in our own day an attempt has been made to claim Savonarola
as one of the precursors of the Reformation, by placing his name on the
monument of Martin Luther, erected at Worms in 1S68. A French
Dominican, Pere M. Rouard, protested against this in a pamphlet in
defence of Savonarola's orthodoxy, which was translated and published
by Comm. C. Guasti in the " Rivista Universale, Annali Cattolici," vol. vi
Genoa and Florence, 1867.

THE CHAMPIONS OF THOUGHT. 419
innovators were those who foresaw the progress of civiliza
tion towards a vaster synthesis of the human race, and felt
drawn nearer to God. Their hot blood burned like fever
in their veins ; their ideas changed with delirious rapidity :
they were dominated by a superior force, impelling them
across unknown seas to the discovery of unseen but truly
imagined lands. Of these men Christopher Columbus
was the veritable type and exponent. Rather than down
right, genuine thinkers, they are champions of thought.
It is useless to ask them what they seek and whither they
go. They only know that they are pressing forward, and
drawing the world after them in their course — nothing
more. Nor should we wonder at their unconsciousness
for it is their essential characteristic and merit. They dis
perse the darkness, and cleave a passage for the new road,
rather by force of will and faith, than by force of reason.
Theirs is the prophetic mind, the hero's heart, the martyr's
fate. The world, in fact, is horror-struck by this new
race of Titans springing to the overthrow of old idols,
and soon seeks to crush them ; but before long begins to
worship their traces and follow In their steps. Thereupon
the Renaissance is replaced by niodern civilization ; the
first synthetical idea disengaged by analysis opens the way
to different schools and systems. Savonarola, Telesio
Campanella, and Bruno are succeeded by Galileo, Bacon, and
Descartes, who come with the might of their genius to
fertilize the soil and gather the harvest others have sown.
But what could these supreme and tranquil intellects have
effected if those other great and generous souls had not
daringly rent the veil from the human mind ; had not
paved the way by their own martyrdom ^. Luther himself
could scarcely have been so successful In inaugurating his
Reform had not the sacrifice of Savonarola given a final
proof that it was useless to hope in the purification on
Rome, and that no attempt to reform the Church could

420 SA VONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIAIES.
possibly succeed without destroying her unity, at least for
a time. The drama we have seen exemplified in Savonarola's
life, spread abroad after his death, and became the drama
of all Europe. In fact we behold the same struggle on
all sides : as of two worlds met in conflict. One of the
two is radiant with the splendours of art and science and
wealth ; but nothing avails to preserve its vitality, when
its poets and scholars, statesmen and potentates are all
corrupt to the core. Beside them, however, we see a
handful of oppressed and persecuted men, firmly holding
together, and forming, as it were, another society by their
union : their language is rough, their reasoning faulty,
their books uncultured ; but the source of their inspira
tion is inexhaustible, for it springs from the heart,
wherein throbs a living force that can never die, that
feeds on itself, and derives new youth from danger
and persecution. Individual men perish, it is true, but
their blood generates thousands of followers ; their ideas
beconie the accepted creed of the human race, and are
the main promoters of modern civilization. Society is
renewed and redeemed by the courage and sacrifice of
a few martyrs, it makes progress by dint of virtue and
heroism ; and we are forced to recognize that whenever
the human race has to make some mighty stride on its
unerring path. Providence unveils the sanctuary of truth
not only to men of elevated mind and piercing intellect,
but especially and above all to those of generous spirit
and truest purity of heart.
Such was the character of the true Renaissance, and
two Italians were the first to initiate it. Columbus dis
covered the paths of the sea, Savonarola those of the soul ;
when the one was mounting the pulpit, the other had
already set sail, and was cleaving with daring prow the
waves of an unknown deep. The latter, while believing

SA VONAROLA'S MISSION ON EARTH. 42 1
to have found a new track to India, had discovered
America instead ; the former believed that he had found
the way to reawaken faith and reconstitute the religious
unity of the human race, but his own martyrdom
served to prove that his purpose could only be attained
after passing through a period of schism and bloodshed.
Both believed themselves sent by the Lord to diffuse
Christianity on earth ; both beheld strange visions which
revived their ardour for the task ; both touched a new
world with their finger-tips, without being in a position
to appreciate its immensity : the one was rewarded with
chains, the other with death at the stake.
Accordingly, it were idle to inquire whether Savonarola
upheld the servum arbitrium of Martin Luther or the
Calvinistic doctrine of predestination ! He embraced a
far vaster if much less definite world ; and although still
shackled by the prejudices and superstitions of the past,
looked to a more remote aim. He was the first, in his
age, to urge humanity towards the goal that even, at this
day, is still unattained, but towards which we are strain
ing with redoubled effort. He endeavoured to conciliate
reason with faith, religion with liberty. His work may
be ranked with that of the Council of Constance, of
Dante Allghieri, of Arnaldo of Brescia ; he aspired to the
reform of Christianity and Catholicism that has been the
constant ideal of the greatest minds of Italy, and of
certain leaders of thought in other parts of the civilized
world. When this reform, desired of all, and of which all
recognize the need, shall be in course of realization, then
Christianity, reanimated by faith, and fortified by reason,
will attain to its true and perfect development in the
world, and Italy will not be in the rear of the new march
of progress. Then perhaps it will be clearly seen that
had the Church of the fifteenth century hearkened to

422 SAVONAROLA'S LIFE AND TIMES.
Savonarola's voice, there would have been neither need
nor call for a Reformation ; nor religion been opposed to
reason and freedom. Then at last the life and character
of the man who suffered martyrdom in this glorious cause
will be justly appreciated by all.

FINIS.

*-?

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APPENDIX

INTERPRETATION OF THE FACSIMILE.
An Imperfect Summary of the Sermon delivered on the Second
Sunday in Lent, 1491, to which Savonarola alludes as his "terri-
ficam predicationem." '
Dominica 2^ in 4o^
Assumpsit Jesus etc. Si sciretis quantum cogitavi antequam deter-
minaverim que dicere volo etc. Testis est Deus, quia dubitavi me
eum temptasse etc. (a) Tandem accidit mihi sicut Hyeremie. Dicam
autem hystoriam que habet Hier., 19 et zo c.° Dicta hysteria, die ea
que dicit Apostolus, p.° ad Cor., 10.

(a) Dixi primo evangelium, declarando ad literam etc. Deinde
ostendi qualiter Deus est virtus a quo omnis Veritas, et quare homines
non recipiebant veritatem, quod propter consuetudinem ut in capitulo
Macthei (.?) vel propter ea que habes in primo contra gentiles (i') etc.
Ideo dixi custodiam etc. Deinde dixi qualiter fui coactus hee predi
care, quia nihil aliud per totam noctem invigilem potuit mihi occur-
rere. Et posui quod fui sicut lonas etc. Et dixi que habcbam elara,
et que non, etc. Deinde cetera etc.
' The autograph preserved in the Museum of St. Mark. At the beginning of this
summary, on the inner margin of the MS., a writer of a later period has added the
following words : '* F. L. Vide totam hanc predicationem, in qua multe prophetie et
alia." The sole reason for publishing these very rough and shapeless notes is that they
are the only remains of a memorable sermon delivered during the life of Lorenzo de'
Medici. In the original codex they occupy one side of sheet 57 and a few lines
of sheet 58. The marginal notes and additions, likewise in Savonarola's hand,
are placed at the foot of the page. Those having reference marks in the original are
indicated by Latin letters, those without, by Greek letters at the end of the sentence to
which they evidently refer.

424 APPENDIX.
Dicit propheta : Reges eos in virga ferrea et tamquam etc. Ecce
coram senioribus et sacerdotibus sum, et dico vobis quod Dominus
confringet hoc vas Italic, et presertim in hac parte. Ps. Nisi con-
versi fueritis etc. Dicit Dominus in Hier., et est figura nostri etc.,
Ecce ego inducam afflictionem super locum istum, ita ut omnis qui audierit
illam, tiniant aures eius, eo quod dereliquerunt me, et alienum fecerunt
locum istum etc. Primo sacrificant diis alienis. (/3) Nam non Deo
hodie fiunt officia, et ea que fiunt in ecclesia, sed pecunie. Qui
episcopatum desyderat etc. Omnes volunt esse servi X', idest presbi-
tcri et ecclesiastici, et certe est idolorum servitus etc. Omnes ofFerunt
filios et sacrificant huic idolo etc., dantes beneficia etc. Omnes
comedunt de carnibus istis, quia patres et famille pascuntur de
patrimonio X' etc. Omnes libenter se obligant ad missas et ofiicia,
propter hoc etc. Ad vidas vadunt dicentes : facemus anniversarium
etc. Pulcra officia faciunt, ut populus currat etc. Dicit sacrista :
bene vendemus candelas etc. Pulsant campanas, quando est festum
alicuius sancti etiam parvi etc. Si videtur, die de crucifixo veteri etc.
Vadunt illi pro barone sancto Ant.° etc. (7) Inveniunt nova altaria et
virgines marias etc. Confessores spaciant etc. Ordinantur omnes
dummodo offerant etc. {S) Nihil est nullum donum Spiritus Sancti,
est nulla gratia que obtineri non possit pecunia etc. Pauperes solum
opprimuntur. (t)
'V^obis ergo divitibus hoc dicit Dominus. Ve vobis optimates etc.
Aures etc. "Vidisti frater, dicit Dominus, oppressiones populi istius.
Ecce autem gravetias : pauper portat saculum pecunie, et dives unum
aureum, et dicit : dame el resto etc. Vidisti quia magni divites
parvum habent onus, et qui non potest vivere nihil etc. Vidisti, eos
qui dicuntur spirituales suadere alios ad hoc, et laudare etc. ; et
dicunt : ego nihil accipio etc. ; tanto fa colui che tiene etc. Non

(/3) Dicunt beata quella casa che ha una chierechata. Sed veniet
tempus quando aportebit dicere : guai etc. Si amas filios, fa'a mio
modo, non lo far prete ; necabitur etc. Melior erit conditio aliorum
filiorum tuorum etc. Al fil della spada etc.
(y) De cerretanis diversis.
{S) Etiam imberbes.
(e) Qui vadunt ad monasteria mala intentione etc. Qui non
satisfaciunt legatis piis, sub pena etc.
Volunt casus conscientie. Doceo cito habeas contritionem, et
omnia solvis ; quia si nescies, ibis ad confessorem. Et si dicis :
possum errare ; respondeo : si habes veram contritionem. . . . Re
spondeo, quod tunc ignorantia non damnabit etc.

APPENDIX. 425
solum qui faciunt etc. Vidisti qualiter unus habet de reditu quinqua
ginta, et solvit centum etc. Vidisti quia imponunt onas ad bene-
placitum suum, et dictum suum pro facto ponunt. (?) Cum enim
dicunt : tu habes tantum divitiarum, ergo solves tantum, dicunt est
verum. Et venit vera opinio illorum philosophorum qui dicebant :
omne quod vestrum est etc. (q) Vidisti quod cum vidue vadunt ad
eos, flendo etc., dicunt : vos debebatis dormire etc. Vidisti quando
pauperes dolent, dicunt : paga paga etc. Respice quanta pecunia
colligitur, et ubi est etc. Respice quot pauperes, quot puelle ! non
possunt supplere illi de Sancto Martino etc. Vidisti quot mala faciunt
in nocte isti ; et ille interficit unum et facit fugere alium, pro se etc.
Ad puellas vadunt etc. Vidisti fetentes sodomitas eos qui habent
coniuges, in apotecha in cubiculo in tenturio etc., mittit pro puero.
Fatorinis suis etc. {a) Pauperes ergo audite me. Isti qui vos oppri-
munt gaudent in verbis meis, quia interim ego vos hortor ad patientiam,
et ipsi habent maiorem audatiam. Estote patientes, sufferte, expectate,
Deum etc. Ad vos autera divites dico : Ecce inducam afflictionem etc.,
ut supra. Non vocabitur locus iste Florentia, sed turpitudo et sanguis
etc.,' et spelunca latronura etc, Frange Domine, proice in torrentem
lagunculam texteam etc. {b')
Multi derident, percuciunt Hyeremiam, et in nervum ponunt, ne
loquatur etc. Sed oportet quod dicat, quia Dominus vult etc. O
sacerdotes, nomen vestrum mutabitur in pavorem etc. Ecce, Domine,
ego dixi. Dicam ergo Seduxisti me Domine, et seductus sum : fortior
me fuisti et invaluisti : factus sum in derisum tota die ; omnes subsanant

(?) Vidisti qualiter vendunt saxum pro cera, et pannos et omnia, et
reducunt {f) ad apotecham. O sensale, tu excitas illum lusorem. Et
dicit ille : Ee bono inchostro ? nero quanto una mora e una sopravolta ;
ti li acquista etc. : te rendera tutto. Et lusores etc.
Vide etiam literas Sor. Horet.
(j)) Multi sequuntur mulieres ; infamant quando nolunt; sequuntur
per iram ; literas scribunt etc.
(a) De mulieribus qualiter in ecclesiis faciunt postribula etc. Tute
le strade sono piene de meretrice etc.
{b") Vultis signum .? Et quia omnes iniusti raptores etc., ideo, iusto
Dei iudicio, ognun ha da fare, et nullus felix in hac urbe : ut qui
aliis estis molesti, quomodo permittet Deus ipse quod quiescatis et
componere queatis statum vestre domus '>. Nemo erit, immo omnes
eritis pauperes vel saltem infelices. Hee dico quia omnes conqueruntur,
et dicunt se esse in necessitatibus.
' Here another hand has written on the margin : "Nota hic diligenter."

426 APPENDIX.
me. ^ia iam olim hquor, vociferans iniquitatem, et vastitatem clatnito :
et factus est sermo Dei mihi in obprobrium et in derisum tota die. Et
dixi : non recor dabor eius, ncc loquar ultra in nomine eius, Et factus est
sermo Dei in corde meo quasi ignis extuans claususque in ossibus meis ; et
defect, ferre non substinens tte. Seio ergo deridcre multos. Ego autem
clamo, die et nocte : Tu exiirgens etc. Sunt novissimi dies, hoc autem
scite etc.
Recordamini quando X^ venit mundum renovare, invenit solum in
toto orbe ludeam fidelem, in qua etiam pauci. Quid fecit ? Oculte
(quia alii non erant digni) aliquos duxit in montem etc. : et hoc erat
figura quod multos ad magnum statum conducere, et sol aperiretur
eis, et illuminarent totum mundum etc. ; reprobatis pravis iudeis et
afflictis etc. (c) {d') Nota. ergo quando istos videbis, ut cognoscere
possis : puto quod non sit magnum tempus etc. Primo videbis eos
omnia abnegare, et vitam pro X° exponere. Non acceptabunt munera,
non elemosinas, nisi quottidianum victum. {e') Non congregabunt,
non edificabunt, non querent amicitias magnorum. Veridici etc. Et
post sex dies, idest postquam omnia corporalia trascenderint, fixi in
fide Sancte Trinitatis, ducentur in montem contemplationis magne,
seorsum et secreto loco. (S) Non enim discurrent. Non erunt tota
die in visitationibus mulierum, et dare coronas et figuras non civium
non magnorum, non in palatio dominorum. Non in . . . querendo
etc. Et transfigurabitur X^ ante eos. Nam multas habebunt reve-
lationes etc., et scientiam novi et veteris testamenti. Non in ques
tionibus Scotti etc., non per commenta So""", nee in vanitate versuum,
nee in pompa, sed de cisterna propria etc. Maxime autem loquentem

(c) Respice hystorias antiquas. Quando misit diluvium quosdam
reliquit etc. Quando mundus erravit, Habraam elegit etc. In libro
ludicum quosdam suscitavit. David de post secantes (.?) etc. Et ita
discurre per generationem et generationem etc. Nee potest aliter
relevari ecclesia nam destruere et non edificare etc. Nunc autem
adhuc non venit antichristus. Oportet ergo per mundum predicare
etc. Quia ergo vos reliquistis me, ecce formo mihi alios viros tales
etc. {d) Ita hodie pauci sunt Xpiani, et pauciores boni. Ergo credes
quod Y' dereliquerit mundum etc. Et hic discurre et die Tu exurgens
etc. {e) vestient pauperime.
(S) Discurre per dies primos sex, comparando contraria ut erunt lux ;
et vos in tenebris relinquemini. Ipse firmaraentum, vos instabiles
etc.

APPENDIX. 427
audient Scripturam de excessu Y% portabuntque hoc in corde semper,
eruntque de illis quibus dictum est Pone me ut signaculum etc. Expone
de eis diligenter totum etc. Et ecce isti in tali contemplatione vellent
stare cum Deo etc. Predicator debet habere has conditiones quod
opere implevcrit que dicit ; quod Deo omnia tribuat ; quod oratione
populi credat habere sermonem ; quod indigniorem populo se
existimet ; quod necessitate loquatur ; quod eos felices putet qui
quiescunt etc. Isti erunt tales, sicut et sponsa dicebat : Ecce tu
fulcher es etc., cui respondit : Ego flos etc. Ideo nubes lucida etc.
Quia a tanta dulcedine cessabunt etc., et cadent suscipientes pre-
ceptum. Et dicet Pater : Hic est Filius tneus dilectus etc. Et sic non
videbunt nisi Y"", quia omnia alia pro nihiloreputabunt, semper ipsum
habentes in memoria et predicantes, et dicentes cum apostolo : ^/o-
niam ludei signa petunt etc. Discipulique moniti, non dixerunt visionem,
nisi post resurectionem, quando scilicet apparebat gloria X', et omnia
impleta. Ita, quando hoc videbitis, intelligetis que dico. Nunc
autem intelligere non potestis etc. Solum oportet nunc orare
etc.

INDEX.

Alberti, Leon Battista, i. 56-7.
Albizzi, Francesco degli, ii. 213.
Albizzi, Luca degli, ii. 324.
Alessandri, Alessandro degli, ii.
124.
Alexander VL, Pope. See Borgia.
Alphonso II. d'Aragona, King of
Naples, prepares to oppose the
Frenchi nvasion, i. 201, 206.
Altovlti, Guglielmo, ii. 214.
Alviano, Bartolommeo d', ii. 175.
Angelico, Frk Beato, i. 35-36, 44,
165 mtej ii. 144 note, 145.
Antella, Lamberto dell', ii. 171-2 ;
arrested by the Florentines, 193 ;
ill-treated by Piero, 206 j put to
the torture in Florence, 207 ; his
sentence of outlawry revoked,
378.
Antinori, Tommaso, ii. 313.
Antonine, St., i. 35-7.
Argiropulus, i . 46.
Aristotle the true founder of ex
perimental philosophy, i. 95.
Arrigucci, Filippo, ii. 176.
Ascanio, Cardinal, ii. 296.
Attavanti, Frk Paolo, i. 136.
Aquinas, Thomas, i. 312.
Aurispa, Giovanni, i. 42.
'¦ Bad Fellows," a company of
{Compagnaeci), ii. 130; their
riotous conduct, 180, 183-4, 256,
300-2, 325.

Bajazet IL, Sultan, ii. 2, 6, 87.
Bartoli, Domenico, ii. 209.
Bartolommeo, Frh, ii. 143, 336
note.
Basilio, Frk, i. 157.
Beaucaire, Seneschal, i. 200.
Beauty, Nature and sources of, ii.
145-7-
Becchi, Ricciardo, ii. 90, 92.
Benedict XIV. judged Savonarola
worthy of canonization, ii. 417.
Benedetto, Frk ; his own account
of his conversion to a Christian
life, i. 345-7 ; arms in defence
of the convent, ii. 327, 332-3 ;
commanded by Savonarola to
lay down his arms, 334 ; his
anguish at his master's downfall,
338, 374-
Benini, Paolo, ii. 391.
Benivieni, Girolamo, i. 79 ; ii. 133,
137, 138 note.
Bentivoglio, Giovanni, of Bologna,
i. 157, 223 ; his wife's disrespect
for Savonarola, 158; engaged
against the Pisans, ii. 7.
Berlinghieri, ii. 298.
Bernardino, Frk, da Montefeltro ;
exiled for preaching against
usury, i. 128 ?!ote; ii. 266.
Berti, IVIichele, a kinsman of Ber
nardo del Nero, ii. 210.
Bessarione, i. 50, 53.
Bonsi, Domenico, i. 234, 282 ; ii.

430

INDEX.

243, 257, 261-2, 272-3 ; becomes
one of Savonarola's worst foes,
284-5, 380.
Borgia, Cesare, son of Pope Alex
ander VI. , ii. 6 ; murders his
brother the Duke of Gandia,
19S ; his father forwards his
ambition, 413-4.
Borgia, Lucrezia, i. 153; ii. 198.
Borgia, Roderigo, becomes Pope
Alexander VI., i. 24, 152 ; the
news of his election received
with dismay, 153 ; grants the
independence of St. iVIark's,
i6]-2 ; his baleful influence
upon Italy, 193 ; favours the
French invasion, 199 ; changes
his views, 200-1 ; is induced to
grant a mandate for the removal
of Savonarola from Florence,
and aftervvards to recall it, 334-
7 ; reason to fear the anger of
the French, ii. 5 ; foul intrigues
with the Sultan, 6 ; secretly in
triguing to get Florence into his
hands ; anger against Savona
rola, 23 ; tries by cunning and
treachery to get him into his
power, 24-38 ; tries to bribe him
by the olier of a cardinal's hat,
48 ; enraged at his resistance,
90-2, 128 ; tries to bribe the
Florentines with the promise of
the surrender of Pisa, 168 ; his
rage at their refusal, 169-70 ;
excommunicates Savonarola, 189;
his increasing fury against him,
247, 257, 296 ; threatens to sub
ject Florence to an interdict,
261-3, 272-7, 2S4 ; his exulta
tion at Savonarola's arrest, 340 ;
sends two Commissioners to
Florence to examine him, and
to insure his condemnation, 380
{see Romolino and Turriano) ;
how he fulfilled his promises to
tlie Republic, 413-4.
llorso. Marquess of Ferrara, i. 6 ;
his luxurious court, 7-1 1.

BotticeUi, Sandro, ii. 118.
Bracci, Alessandro, in Rome, ii.
169-70, 197, 261, 272-3.
Bracciolini, Poggio, i. 42.
Brescia, Sack of, i. 85.
Brissonet, Guillaume, i. 200.
Brucioli, Antonio, ii. 417.
Brunellesco, i. 44.
Bruno, Giordano ; his daring flights
of speculation, i. 66, 95, 109.
Buonarotti, IVIichelangiolo, i. 49 ;
ii. 143.
Burlamacchi, i. 106 ; ii. 132 note,
135-7. 256, 312 "Ote.

Calvin, John, ii. 139.
Cambi, Giovanni, a wealthy mer
chant, arrested for conspiracy,
ii. 209 ; his execution, 218.
Cambini, Andrea, ii. 325 ; his house
sackecl and burnt, 330.
Camerino, Gian Vittorio da, ii.
i8g.
Campanella, Tommaso, i. 96 ; re
semblance between his philo
sophy and Savonarola's, 97.
Canacci, Giovanni, ii. 278, 304, 391.
Canigiani, Antonio, ii. no, 281.
Canigiani, Carlo, ii. 304.
Capponi, Piero di Gino, sent from
Florence to the French Court, i.
201, 202 notes denounces Piero
de' IVIedici before the Council of
Seventy, 217-8 ; the right hand
of the Republic, 230 ; one of
the syndics to treat with King
Charles, 234 ; a man of extra
ordinary gifts and influence,
235-6 ; confronts the King with
threat for threat, and compels
him to an agreement, 239 ; a
better soldier than statesman,
253 ; sent against the Pisans, ii.
7, 84 ; counsels moderation to-
w.;rds Rome, 91 ; killed in battle,
104-5.
Cardano's strange faith in dreams,
i- 323-

JNDEX.

431

Cecco, Count, reinforces Leghorn,
ii. 1 10.
Ceccone, Ser, di Ser Barone, notes
down and falsifies Savonarola's
depositions, ii. 350, 355, 391, 393
notes also Frk Silvestro's and
others, 371-2.
Cei, Francesco, ii. 183.
Charles VIII. of France; lays
claim to the Neapolitan throne,
i. 198, 200-3 ; pecuniary diffi
tulties, and degrading sacrifices,
203-4 ; excellent equipment of
his army, 205, 232-3 ; hesitation
206 ; at last his army is sent
forth, 207 ; his profligate and
imbecile conduct in Italy, 207 ;
wishes to favour Piero de' Medici,
226 ; his awe of Savonarola, 227;
places a garrison in Pisa, 229 ;
enters Florence with his atten
dants and troops, 231-4 ; his
haughty and exorbitant demands,
237 ; is cowed by the energy of
Capponi, and yields to a reason
able agreement, 239 ; pillages
the palace in which he had
been entertained ; is at length
induced by Savonarola to leave
the city, 242 ; easy conquest of
Naples, and speedy retreat, ii. i ;
outwitted by the Pope, 5, 6 ; ap
proaches Florence, but is refused
admittance, 7-1 1 ; enters Pisa in
triumph, 12 ; returns to France,
friends and foes alike disgusted,
13 ; abandons all thoughts of
Italy, 107 ; appealed to by
Savonarola to summon a Coun
cil of the Church, 291-3 ; his
miserable death by apoplexy,
341-
Cini, Francesco, ii. 404.
Cinozzi, Placido, i. 134.
Clement VIL, ii. 415.
Codiponte, Stefano da, i. 156, 168.
Columbus, i. 196 ; ii. 419, 420-1.
Commines, Philippo di, French
ambassador in Venice, ii. 2 ; his

interview with Savonarola, 3, 4,
1 40- 1, 294 note.
Compagnaeci. See " Bad Fellows."
Condottieri, The, i. 204.
Corbizzi, Filippo, i. 328.
Cosimo de' iVledici, i. 27.
Cosimo the Elder ; rebuilds and
endows the iVIonastery of St.
Mark's, i. 34-5 ; his care for
the Platonic Academy, 58 ; his
notion of government, 263 note.
Corsini, Luca, i. 216, 220, 283.

Dante, Tribute to the memory of,
i. 297.
Davanzati, Francesco, ii. 313, 327,
329-
Djem, Prince,brother ofthe Sultan,
a prisoner of the Pope and the
French King ; his sudden and
suspicious death, ii. 6.
Domenico, Frk, da Pescia, i. 128,
160, 314 note, 329, 337; preaches
for Savonarola, ii. 32, 39, 43, 48 ;
his entire devotion to him, 132,
289 ; " burning of the Vanities,"
132 ; accepts Francesco di
Puglia's challenge of the ordeal
by fire, 299-321 ; summoned
before a hostile Signory, 334 ;
surrenders with Savonarola, 337 ;
thrust into a prison cell, 339,
344 ; his unshaken testimony,
under the cruellest torture, to
Savonarola's truthfulness, 367-
71 ; his innocence admitted, even
by the examiners, 396 ; receives
sentence of death as a joyful
announcement ; his tender fare
well letter to the brethren of
San Domenico of Fiesole, 397 ;
brief interview with Savonarola,
299-400 1 faithful to the last,
405-6.
Dominic's, St., order of voluntary
poverty, i. 164.
Donatello's " Judith and Holi-
fernes," i. 298.

432

INDEX.

Ercole L, Marquess of Ferrara,
i. 7, II, 15, 27.
Elena, Savonarola's mother, i. 2, 3;
sorrow for her son, 16.
Eleonora of Aragon, i. 15, 25.
Enea della Stufa, ii. 280-1.
Enrico, Frk, a young German,
assists in the defence of St.
Mark's, ii. 332-3.
Ferdinand, King of Naples, i.
194.
Ferdinand I. of Aragon, i. 26.
Ferdinand II. enters Naples, ii. 12.
Ferrara, Court of, i. 6 ; dazzling
luxury, 7 ; visited by Frederick
III., 8 ; by Pius II. , 9, 10 ; a dis
puted succession, 11 ; general
corruption, 13, 15 ; attacked by
the Venetians, 31-3.
Ferrara, The Duke of, Savonarola's
true friend, ii. 87-8, 94 note, 119,
168.
Ficino, Marsilio, i. 46 ; the friend
and instructor of Lorenzo de'
Medici, 49 ; his connection with
the Platonic Academy ; venera
tion for Plato, 58, 67 ; a living
dictionary of ancient philosophy,
59 ; curious mixture of Paganism
and Christianity, 60 ; Platonists
and Aristotelians, 61-2 ; his
speculations concerning Deity
and the human soul, 64-6; his
wide popularity, 68 ; disaffected
to the Republic, 328 ; his admira
tion of Savonarola's doctrines,
ii. 93 ; after the latter's death
ferociously attacks his character,
411.
Fiesole, Frk Giovanni da, i. 164.
Filelfo, Francesco, i. 42.
Florence, i. 36 ; luxurious and
profligate condition of, under
Lorenzo de' Medici, 38-49 ;
" Council of 1439," 50; her day
of retribution, 212-5; meeting
of the Council of Seventy, 216;
Piero de' Medici pronounced no

longer fit to rule the State, 217 ;
expulsion ofthe Medici, 219-25;
preparations to receive the
French, 230-2 ; entry of King
Charles, 132-4; syndics chosen
by the Signory to treat with him,
234 ; French arrogance receives
a severe rebuff; treaty with the
King, 237-9 ; terms of the treaty,
240 ; departure of the French
after much pillage and destruc
tion of property, 242-3 ; difficul
ties in organizing a Republican
government, 246-53 ; theories of
government, 254-6 ; influence of
the legal class, 256-8 ; baffled
efforts, and approaching anarchy,
258 ; urgent appeals to Savona
rola, 259 ; he commends a form
of government based on the
Venetian model, 263-6 ; the new
constitution, 271-90 ; the old
Parlamenti utterly abolished,
291-4 ; establishment oia. Motile
di Pietie, 294-7 ; a simple Friar
swayed all Florence from the
pulpit, and always swayed it
for good, 298 ; traitors to the
Republic busily at work, 325-9;
the aspect of the city completely
changed under the influence of
Savonarola's preaching, 343 ;
contest with Pisa, ii. 7 ; return
of the French King, with Piero
in his train ; eager preparations
for defence, 8-10; the Republic
threatened on all hands, 15-20;
reform of the carnival festivities,
44-6 ; an exhausted exchequer,
78 note, 102-3 ; no deep religious
convictions to be discerned
among the people, 85-7 ; general
disasters, misery and famine,
108-1 1 ; unexpected supplies,
1 1 5-6; again saved as if by
miracle, 123-4; " burning of the
Vanities," 132-40, 256 ; severe
visitation of the plague, 201-3;
republican conflict of opinions

INDEX.

433

iand purposes, 209-17, 263-84 ;
scandalous intrigues and perse
cutions against Savonarola, 298-
322 ; nearly the whole city now
turned against him, 323 ; the
convent of St. Mark's attacked
by the mob, with the connivance
of a hostile Signory, 325-33 ;
triumph of the Signory, 339-40 ;
martyrdom of Savonarola and
his two companions, amid the
eager execrations of their foes,
401-7.
Foscari, Francesco, i. 27.
Francesco, Frk, de' Medici, ii. 326.
Frederick IIL, i. 8.
French invasion of Italy ; their
army a model in its equipments,
i. 205-6, 232-3 ; successes and
profligate excesses, 207-8 ; mas
ters of the Tuscan territory, 211;
take their first lesson in the art
of barricading, 231 ; their arro
gance receives a severe rebuff,
237-8 ; pillage and destruction
of valuable property, 242-3 ;
obnoxious to all the governments
and peoples of Italy, ii. i, 2.
Gaddi, Francesco, i. 232.
Galeazzo, Giovan ; imprisoned at
Pavia by Ludovico, i. 194 ; his
suspicious death, 207.
Galileo,!. 95 ; ii. 419.
Garzoni, Giovanni, of Bologna, i.
29.
Gaza, Teodoro, in Florence, 1. 52.
Ginnazzano, Mariano da. See
Mariano.
Gentile, Girolamo, i. 27.
Germany, Letters of approval re
ceived from, ii. 257.
Ghiberti, Lorenzo, i. 44.
Giacomini, Antonio, ii. 84.
Giannotti, Donato, i. 253, 267, 299 ;
ii. 84 ; his high opinion of
Savonarola, i. 302-3.
Gini, Girolamo, ii. 337.
Giovanni, Cardinal, Piero's brother,
VOL, II. 2q

i. 222, 224 ; a price put on his
head, 224 ; ii. 18 ; his house
sacked, 225 ; meditates ven
geance on Florence, 173.
Giugni, Filippo, ii. 304.
Giuliano de' Medici assassinated,
i. 28.
Gondi, Giuliano dei, ii. 280.
Gonfalonier, Mode of electing to
the office of, i. 291 note.
Gualterotti, Francesco, i. 282 ; ii.
195,205,215,313.
Guarino of Verona, i, 6, 9, 42.
Guasconi, Giovanni, ii. 295, 381-2.
Guicciardini, Francesco ; one of
Savonarola's warmest admirers,
i. 143 note, 153, 267, 299, 303-4 ;
a youth at the time of Florentine
independence, 253 ; ii. 84 ; two
speeches supposed to have been
spoken before the Great Council,
130 note, 131 ; his testimony in
Savonarola's favour, 137 riote.
Inghirlami, Baldo, ii. 327.
Innocent VIIL, i. 82 ; death of;
transfusion of blood tried in
vain, 151.
Isabella of Aragon refuses to
submit to Ludovico's usurpation,
i. 194.
Italy the world's preceptress, i.
197 ; distracted condition of,
199 ; her military strength very
low, 204 ; French successes and
ferocity, 207-8 ; a league formed
to drive them out of Italy, ii.

Julius II. , while Cardinal of St.
Piero, the mortal enemy of
Borgia, i. 203, 206 ; constant
efforts to induce King Charles
to assemble a Council of the
Church to depose him, ii. 40-1,
292.
Landino, Cristoforo, i. 46, 64.
Lanzi, Lorenzo, ii. 279.

434

INDEX.

Lazzaro, physician of Pavia, i.
146.
Lecce, Frk Roberto da, i. 136.
Lionardo de' Medici, ii. 247.
Lionello, Marquess of Ferrara, i.
6,7.
Lorenzo de' Medici, i. 27 ; escapes
assassination, 28 ; surnamed
" the Magnificent," 28 ; his pro
fligate excesses, 39 ; his cor
rupting influence on Florence,
40 ; patronage of literature and
art, 41-4 ; his personal character,
44-7 ; his hospitality to men of
genius, 47-9 ; at the meetings of
the Platonic Academy, 67 ;
orders Savonarola's recall to
Florence, 86-8 ; tries in vain to
win him to himself, 129-31 ;
pursuades Frk Mariano to preach
against him, 133-4 ; recognizes
his utter failure, and ceases to
interfere, 135 ; his approaching
death, 146 ; sends for Savona
rola, but dies without his abso
lution, 147-9. See also, 168-72.
Lotti, Giovan Paolo, ii. 347.
Louis XI. of France, i. 196.
Louis XIL, ii. 381, 382 note, 409,
414.
Luca, Frk, d'Andrea della Robbia,
ii. 327, 332.
Ludovico, Duke of Milan, i. 160 ;
his ambition and craft, 193-6 ;
invites the French to invade
Italy, 196, 199, 203, 207 ; puts
himself at the head of a league
to drive them out, ii. i, 2; per
sonal dislike for Piero de'
Medici, 15, 21 ; sends hired
assassins to attack Savonarola,
51 ; an ironical letter to Savona
rola, 88 ; invites the Emperor
Maximilian into Italy, 106-7 ;
circulates forged letters pur
porting to be Savonarola's, 119 ;
intrigues against Florence, 214,
265, 296, 298, 351, 413 ; sends
letters of congratulation to

Florence on hearing of Savona
rola's arrest, 340-1.
Luther claims Savonarola as one
of the martyrs of the Reforma
tion, ii. 387-8.
Machiavelli, Niccol6, i. 253,
267, 299 ; ii. 84 ; his praise of
Savonarola's statesmanship, i.
302 ; sarcastic account of a
sermon, ii. 26S ttoic.
Madiis, Frk Sebastiano de, ii. 33.
" Maidens' Banks," ii. 78 tiote.
Malatesta Sacramoro, Frk, ii. 310,
314, 325 ; plays the part of
Judas, 335, 337, 339, 363 ; sent
into exile, 410.
Malatesta, Sigismund, carries Ple-
tho's remains to Rimini, i. 56-7.
Malipiero, Pasquale, i. 27.
Manfroni, Gian Paolo, ii. 104.
Mariano, Frk, da Gennazzano, his
popularity and ornamental style
of preaching, i. 78-9 ; preaches
against Savonarola, 133 ; his
complete discomfiture and bitter
hatred, 134-5 ; intriguing in
Rome, ii. 23, 167 note, 171,187-8;
sentenced to exile, 219 ; preaches
a scurrilous sermon against
Savonarola in Rome, 25S'-9.
Mark, St., The Monastery of, i.
34-7 ; the Medicean Library
bought by Savonarola, and
added to their collection, 140-2 ;
the convent attacked and sacked
by his enemies, ii. 325-33 ; the
big bell of, taken down by the
government, and publicly flogged
by the executioner, 410.
Martini, Luca, ii. 216-7.
IMaruffi, Silvestro. 5'(?(? Silvestro.
Masaccio's frescoes, i. 44.
Maximihan I., i. 197 ; invades
Italy, ii. 106-8 ; hampered,
rather than helped, by his allies,
no; shipwrecked oft' the Rocca
Nuova, and retires from the
enterprise, 123-4.

INDEX.

435

Mazzinghi, Domenico, ii. 295 ; a
letter of his falls into the hands
of Ludovico, 296.
Mazzinghi, Giuliano, ii. 347.
Medici. See Cosimo, Giovanni,
Giuliano, Lorenzo, Piero.
Mei, Francesco, ii. 120.
Michelozzi, architect of St. Mark's,
i- 34-
Milano, Niccolo, Savonarola's
secretary, ii. 295.
Miniato, Ludovico da San, ii. 173.
" Morgante Maggiore," i. 44.
Nasi, Bernardo, ii. 282.
Nerli, Jacopo di "Tanai de', i. 217,
218, 220.
Nero, Bernardo del, elected Gon
falonier, ii. 174 ; in communica
tion with Piero de' Medici, 175 ;
arrested in Florence for con
spiracy, 208 ; his execution, 218.
Nero, Francesco del, ii. 172.
Nero, Simone del, ii. 295.
Niccolini, Agnolo, appeals to the
Pratica to spare Savonarola, ii.
396.
Niccolini, Jacopo, comforts Savon
arola's last moments, 398, 400.
Niccoli, Niccolo ; his manuscripts
bequeathed to Florence, i. 34.
Niccolo III., Marquess of Ferrara,
i. I, 2, 6.
Orl.anda, Fra Antonio d', ii. 48.
Olivieri, a canon of the Duomo
of Florence, ii. 93.
Orsini, Paolo, sent to reinforce
the garrison of Sarzana, i. 209 ;
his defeat, 210 ; attempts to de
fend Piero from the Florentines,
219, 222 ; again employed by
Piero, ii. 15, 16.
Paleologus, Emperor John i.
50.
Pandolfini, Niccolo, Archbishop of
Pistoia, ii. 91.
Papacy, Scandalous corruption of

the, i. 24-6, 82, 1 5 1-3. See
Borgia.
Paul 1 1., i. 24.
Paul IV. ; his sanction of the
greater number of Savonarola's
works, ii. 417.
Pazzi, Conspiracy of the, i. 328.
Pecori, murdered in Florence by
the mob, ii. 325-6.
Pescia, Frk Domenico da. See
Domenico.
Petrucci, Pandolfo, ii. 175, 206.
Phylacteries, i. 180 note.
Pico, Galeotto, of Mirandola ; his
predicted fate, ii. 89, 90.
Pico, G. F., ii. 244-5.
Pico, Giovanni, i. 74-6 ; his ad
miration of Savonarola, 77-8,
134, 167 ; solicits his recall to
Florence, 86-7 ; at Lorenzo's
death-bed, 147, 149, 169-72 ; his
early death, 244-5.
Piero degli Alberti, ii. 179, 313,
346, 391-
Piero de' Medici succeeds his
father, i. 14S ; contrast in their
intellectual characters, 149 ; a
hostile party formed against him,
150 ; wishes to get rid of Savon
arola, 156-7; unwittingly assists
in establishing his independence,
159-62 ; refuses Ludovico's
alliance, 195 ; opposed by his
own cousins, 201, 208 ; his
ignominious surrender to the
French, 209-11, 212; "time to
shake off his baby government,"
217 ; driven from Florence with
execrations, 219-22 ; finds re
fuge in Venice, 223 ; a price put
on his head, and on his brother's,
224 ; ii. 18 ; favourably received
in the Frencli camp near Naples,
i. 268 ; accompanies the King
in his retreat towards Florence,
ii. 8, 9 ; raises forces to attack
Florence, 15 ; compelled to take
flight and seek refuge in Rome,
19 ; his profligate and unscru-

436

INDEX.

pulous life there, 171-2 ; again
endeavours to recover Florence
by force of arms, anticipating a
bloody revenge on his foes, 173 ;
again ignominiously fails, 175-7 ;
continues to intrigue against
Florence, 208, 273, 284, 413.
Pisa, Revolt of, against Florence, i.
228-9 i •'• 7) 8, 103 ; success in
battle, 104 ; the Emperor Maxi
milian comes to their assistance,
108.
Pitigliano, Count of, i. 206.
Pius II. visits Ferrara, i. 9, 10.
Platonic Academy, The, of
Florence, i. 50-69.
Plato-worship, i. 58, 67.
Pletho, Gemistos, i. 50 ; his Pla
tonic convictions, 51-5 ; perse
cuted for heresy, 56-7.
Poligiano, Angelo, i. 28 ; patronized
by Lorenzo de' Medici, 47 ; his
praise of Frk Mariano, 78 ; his
admiration shocked, 134 ; at
Lorenzo's death-bed, 146-7, 168-
72 ; sympathy with Savonarola,
167 ; his penitence and death,
243-5-
Ponzo, Fri Domenico da, i. 328.
Popoleschi, Piero, ii. 263, 298, 379.
Pucci, Giannozzo, arrested for con
spiracy, ii. 208 ; his execution,
218.
Puglia, Fra Francesco di, chal
lenges Savonarola to the " ordeal
by fire," 299 ; draws back from
his challenge, 300, 302, 316, 318.
Pugliese, Francesco del, ii. 295.
Pulci writes " Morgante Maggi
ore " at the instance of Lorenzo's
mother, i. 48.
Quintino, Antonio da San, ii.
302.
RiARio, Pietro, dissolute nephew
of Sixtus IV., i. 25-6. i
Ricasoli, Bettino da, ii. 1 10.

Ridolfi, Battista, ii. 264-5, 313,
330.
Ridolfi, Niccolo, arrested for con
spiracy, ii. 209 ; his execution,
218.
Rieti, Tommaso da, a Dominican
friar, abusively assails Savona
rola, i. 329.
Rinuccini, Frate Alessandro, i. 160.
Rio's, M., defence of Savonarola,
ii. 144.
Roberto, Fri, da Gagliano, ii. 373,
410.
Romolino, Francesco ; Commis
sioner sent by the Pope to en
sure Savonarola's condemnation,
ii. 381, 390, 392, 394, 396, 405,
411.
Rondinelli, Frk Giuliano, ii. 302-3,
310,316.
Roscoe's " Life of Lorenzo de'
Medici " ; by no means an in
fallible guide, i. 38 note.
Rovere, Giuliano della, ii. 292.
Rucellai, Girolamo, ii. 304.
Sacramoro. See Malatesta.
Salviata, Fra Roberto, ii. 310.
Salviati, Archbishop ; the leader of
the Pazzi conspiracy, i. 28.
Salviati, Fra Francesco, ii. 314.
Salviati, Marcuccio, ii. 315, 319,
321. _
San Gimignano, The little republic
of, i. 82-3.
Savonarola, Antonio ; his defence
of, Padua, i. i.
Savonarola, Girolamo ; his parent
age, i. I, 3 ; his childhood, 3 ;
early training and studies, 4, 5 ;
life in Ferrara, 6, 9, 10, 11 ; his
grief of heart, 12-14 ; love epi
sode, 14 ; devotes himself to the
monastic life, 15-17 ; parting
letters to his father, 17-19; his
personal appearance, 19 ; fer
vent asceticism, 20 ; promoted to
the office of preacher ; visits
Ferrara, 29 ; has not yet learnt

INDEX.

437

his own power, 30-1 ; sent to
Florence, 31, 33-4; enters the
Monastery of St. Mark, 34 ; feels
that his lot is cast among real
brethren of the soul, 36-7 ; Flor
entine flippancy and scepticism ;
thrown back once more upon
himself, 70 ; charged with the
instruction of the novices, 71 ;
preaches to a coldly critical
audience at St. Lorenzo, 72-3 ;
sent to Reggio d'Emilia, 73 ; an
unexpected burst of eloquence,
77 ; returns to Florence, 78 ; his
simple and rough style of preach
ing. 79 ; awaiting some direct
revelation from God, 80 ; sees
many visions ; ecstasy of despair,
80-1 ; Lenten preacher at San
Gimignano, 82 ; his three famous
" Conclusions," 83 ; at last finds
his true vocation, 84 ; impas
sioned warnings to the people of
Brescia, 84 ; no longer doubts
his mission, 85 ; affectionate
letter to his mother, 85-6 ; re
called to Florence, 86 ; fore
bodings and visions on the way,
89 ; his reception, 90 ; intense
excitement, for and against him,
gi ; independent character of
his philosophical essays, 93-5,
97 ; brief account of his printed
essays, 98-106 ; prophet aud
martyr of the new epoch, 108 ;
issues a series of short earnest
religious pamphlets, 1 10-16 ;
his earnest faith in the Bible,
117; its many meanings and
applications, 118; Divine grace
the only true guide, 120 ; his
method of interpretation, and of
application, 12 1-3 ; increasing
enthusiasm of his hearers, 124 ;
a terrible denunciation of the
evils of thc times, 125-7 ; " God
helps us marvellously," 128 ;
preaches against manifest in
justice, in the palace of the

Signory, 128; gives offence to
Lorenzo ; is elected Prior of St.
Mark's, 129 ; Lorenzo's efforts
to win him to himself, 130-1 ;
visions and parables, 132 ;
preached against by Frk Mari
ano, 133-4 i his triumphant
reply, 134 ; character of his
eloquence, 135-6, 143-4 ; brief
illustrations from his sermons on
St. John's First Epistle, 136-42 ;
not his habit to preach in Latin,
144-5 ; summoned to Lorenzo's
death-bed, but refuses absolution
without repentance and restitu
tion, 147-9 ; two visions ot
judgment to come, 154-5 ; many
medals struck in his honour, 155
note ; journeys to Venice, Pisa,
and Bologna, 156; disturbed
during serm.on by Bentivoglio's
wife, 158 ; establishes the inde
pendence of St. Mark's, 159-62 ;
re-elected Prior after the change,
162 ; establishes order and dis
cipline in the convent, 163-7 ;
brief description of his Advent
sermons, preached as the head
of the Tuscan Congregation,
173-87 ; not a Protestant in
doctrine, 176-7 ; intense excite
ment produced by the sermons,
and by the predicted invasion of
Italy, 188-9; invites "the new
Cyrus " to cross the Alps, 201 ;
passionate and successful appeal
to Florence to refrain from
excesses, 214-5 ; is one of the
deputation to the French King,
218 ; exhorts him to deal justly
and mercifully with Florence,
226-7 ; the heart and soul of the
Republic, 230 {see Florence) ;
his influence in preserving peace,
241 ; exhorts the King to leave
Florence, and not seek to bring
ruin on the city, 242 ; all now
look to him for counsel, aid, and
direction as to the future, 243-5 '¦>

438

INDEX.

fated lo bc the saviour of Flor
ence, 259, 267 ; advises a govern
ment on the Venetian model,
263-6 ; his extraordinary genius
for statesmanship, 269-71, 275-
80, 298-301 ; insidious efforts to
compass his downfall, 2S7 ;
utterly denounces any return to
the old Parliaments, 292-3 ; ii.
17, 18 ; his own account of the
changes in the new government,
i. 298 note ; amid all this seem
ing success, the future still dark
and threatening to him, 306-7 ;
a symbolic vision or parable of
his own life, and forebodings of
his coming martyrdom, 308-9;
overpowering effectof his preach
ing, 509-10 ; his amazing pre
dictions, 310-11 ; ii. 49-61, 90,
415 ; tries to account for his
strangely ecstatic condition, i.
310-24 ; his enemies begin vin
dictively to declare themselves,
328-9 ; a mandate from Rome
for his removal to Lucca, 334 ;
at the earnest intreaty of his
friends the mandate is recalled,
336 ; earnest and successful
efforts to awaken a new and
purer life in his hearers, 337-49 ;
interview with Commines, French
ambassador to Venice, ii. 3, 4 ;
again rebukes the French King,
10, II ; stirs Florence to pas
sionate efforts of defence, 16-19 i
being treacherously invited to
Rome by the Pope, he pleads
his serious illness and is excused,
25-31 ; renewed enmity towards
him, ending with a command to
refrain from preaching, 32-9 :
letters to King Charles to exert
his authority and reform the
Church, 42 ; the decree of sus
pension revoked, 47 ; the Pope
offers him a Cardinal's hat, on
tondition that he should chanL;c
the tone of his sermons, 48 ;

" Come to my next sermon, and
you shall hear my reply," 49;
a daring defence, 50-62 ; a
vision of judgment upon Rome,
69, 70 ; scurrilous attacks in
prose and verse, and eager
defences, 71-84; letters ad
dressed to him from France,
Germany, and England, and
from many of the Italian princes,
87-90 ; preaches at Prato, 92-3 ;
publishes his treatise " On the
Simplicity of the Christian Life,"
94 ; rebuts the numerous charges
spread against him, 99-101 ;
appealed to by the Signory for
his help and influence, 112 ;
again ventures to address the
people, 1 1 3-8; the Pope tries
to break his power, by bringing
St. Mark's more directly under his
own control, 120-1 ; Savonarola
publicly condemns the proposed
change, and declines to submit
to it, 121, 3; appeals to the
Signory to keep their eyes on
the Great Council, and prune it
of evil doers and workers of
mischief, 126-8; "burning the
Vanities," 132-40 ; purchases
the Medicean Library and pre
serves it for public use in St.
Mark's, 140-2 ; his love for the
fine arts, 143-5 > '^is high con
ception of Beauty, and of
Poetry, 145-54 ; his Spiritual
Songs, 154-60; he again, while
daily expecting excommunica
tion, denounces the corruptions
ofthe Church, and calls upon all
good men to hasten to its reform,
163-8 ; a riot in the Duomo
during service, 180-5 j letter to
the Pope, 1S8; Brief of excom
munication issued, 189 ; his
defence, 193 ; his care for the
sick during thc plague, 201-3 ;
close seclusion during the trial
of the five conspirators, 219-23 ;

INDEX.

439

strenuous efforts of his friends to
obtain his absolution, 224 ; his
minor works, and " The Triumph
of the Cross," 225-42 ; the latter
an enduring memorial of his
innocence, 244 ; denies the
validity of the excommunication,
and again preaches against the
wickedness of the times, 247 ;
" My doctrine is the doctrine of
godly living ; thinkest thou that
laws be made for evil ? " 254 ;
celebrates Mass on the last day
of Carnival, 255-6 ; his " Trac
tate on the rule and government
of the city of Florence," 259 ;
"O Rome ! what is it that I ask
of thee? Only a bull to enforce
righteous living," 260 ; feels that
the catastrophe is at hand, 269 ;
the Pope insists on his being
delivered into his hands, 272-7 ;
the Signory, in fear ofthe Pope's
interdict, decide upon forbidding
him to preach, 286 ; his farewell
sermon, 286-8 ; again writes to
the Pope, 289 ; efforts to procure
a Council of the Church, 290-7 ;
an intercepted letter, 296 ; chal
lenged to prove the truth of his
doctrines by the ordeal of fire,
299 ; scandalous intrigues and
persecutions which ensued, 300-
22 ; looking earnestly for deliver
ance by special miracle, 307 ; by
the intrigues of his enemies
almost the whole city is made
hostile to him and his convent,
323 ; the mob, with the conniv
ance of a hostile Signory, attacic
the convent with fire and sword,
325-33; his effoits to prevent
further bloodshed, 328, 333 ;
surrenders, with Fra Domenico,
tothe Signory, 335, 337 ; ferocity
of the mob towards him, 338 ;
a prisoner in the hands of his
Kijs, 339 ; his scandalous trial,
343-66 ; put to the torture, 348,

352-60 ; impossibihty of ascer
taining how he bore himself, or
what he really said, 352, 393 ;
Frk Domenico's faithful testi
mony, 367-71 ; ignominious con
duct of the friars of St. Mark's,
372-6 ; his sacred prison medi
tations, 3S2-9 ; again and again
put to the torture by the Pope's
Commissioners, 391-5 ; sentence
of death, 395, 398 ; craves a short
interview with his two fellow-
sufferers, 398 ; tlieir brief,
pathetic meeting, 399, 400 ; his
last declaration of faith, 401 ;
his fiithful martyrdom, 403-8 ;
loving tributes to his memory,
412 ; invoked as a martyred
saint, 416 note,is,\-i.
Savonarola, Michele, a physician
of high repute, i. i, 2, 4.
Savonarola, Niccolo, Savonarola's
father, i. 2.
Schomberg, Niccolo, Conversion of,
ii. 93.
Scolari, Giorgio, i. 50, 52, 56.
Sforza, Ascanio, brother to Lu
dovico, ii. 23.
.Sforza, Francesco, i. 27.
Sforza, Galeazzo, i. 25, 27.
Sicilia, Padre Giacomo di, ii.
120.
Signory, Mode of electing the, i.
290 not,:.
Silvestro, Fra, Maruffi, a somnam
bulist and follower of Savonarola,
i. 314; ii. 308; suggests the
storing of arms for the defence
of St. Mark's, 326 ; summoned
by the Signory to surrender
himself, 334 ; conceals from
them, 335-6 ; betrayed to his
enemies, 339, 344 ; when brought
to the torture his courage utterly
breaks down, and he is ready to
testify anything required, 371-2 ;
sentence of death, 395-7 ; brief
interview with Fra Domenico and
Savonarola, 399, 400 ; meets his

440

INDEX.

death with courage and calm
resignation, 405-6.
" Six Beans, The law of the, ' i.
277-86.
Sixtus IV., i. 24, 26, 28 ; quarrels
with Ferrara, 31 ; with the Vene
tians, 32 ; his death, ¦}i2„ 81.
Soderini, Paolo Antonio, i. 256 ;
ii. 278, 330.
Somenzi, Paolo, ii. 22, 88-9.
Spini, Doffo, ii. 180, 302, 303 note,
315 ; oneof Savonarola's judges,
346-.
Strozzi, Alessandro, ii. 317.
Swiss infantry in Florence, i. 232,
238.
Telesio, Bernardino, i. 96 ;
ii. 419.
Tornabuoni, Lorenzo, arrested for
conspiracy, 209 ; his e.xecution,
218.
Tornabuoni, Lucrezia, i. 48.
Tosinghi, Tommaso, ii. 178, 193.
Tranchedino, Francesco, ii. 22.
Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, i. 206 ;
ii. 2, 5.
Turriano, Giovacchino, i. 159; ii.
48,381.
Ubaldini, FrA Roberto,!. 160.
Ughi, Fra Mariano, ii. 289, 325 ;
sent into exile, 410.
Valori, Francesco, heads the
Florentine revolt against Piero

de' Medici, i. 221-2; one ofthe
syndics to treat with King
Charles, 234 ; unsuited for states
manship, 253 ; elected Gonfalo
nier ; determines to increase the
number of the Great Council,
instead of pruning it, ii. 129-30;
commissioned to discover the
threads of the Piero conspiracy,
178, 193 ; at the trial of the five
conspirators, 211, 216, 218; his
cautious advocacy of Savonarola,
281 ; energetic opposition to the
persecutors, 324 ; hastens to
defend the convent of St. Mark
from the attack of the mob, 329 ;
he and his wife both murdered,
329. 330.
Vannozza, mistress of Alexander
VI. ,i. 152.
Varona, The Bishop of, ii. 381,
403-4-
Vecchia, Giovacchino della, ii. 315,
335-
Venice, a model Itahan Common
wealth, i. 255-6, 263-6.
Verino, Ugolino, ii. 148, 411.
Vers, Stefano di, i. 200.
Vespucci, Guidantonio, i. 234, 256,
284-6; ii. 212, 276 «o/^, 279, 345,
381.
Vieri de' Medici, ii. 379.

Wilson, Charles Heath, i. 172.

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tJNWlN BROTHEItS, PSINTERS, CHILWORTH AND LONDOU.

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