YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy of the book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Civil War Bg WILLIAM WARREN SWEET, Ph. D. Assistant Professor of History, Ohio Wesleyan University. A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School op the University op Pennsylvania in Partial Ful fillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor op Philobopht. CINCINNATI: METHODIST BOOK CONCERN PRESS CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction, - - - 9 By Professor R. T. Stevenson, Ph. D. I. The Status of the Methodist Episcopal Chuech at the Opening of the War, 15 II. The Church on the Border, - 47 III. The Church in the New England and Atlantic States, - 63 IV. The Church in the Central and North western States, ... 80 V. Missions of the Church in the South During the War, - 96 VI. Methodist Periodicals, - 111 VII. Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies, - - - 133 VIII. The War Bishops, - 142 IX. Methodist Co-operation with Inter denominational Organizations, - 161 X. Bibliography, - - - - 177 5 Contents APPENDIX. A. Names of Methodist Chaplains, - - 189 PAGE B. Names of Methodist Preachers Who Were Delegates of the U. S. Christian Com mission, ...--- 197 C. Letter to Jefferson Davis by a Confederate Officer, Concerning Bishop Ames, - 208 D. Outline of Bishop Simpson's Lecture on "Our Country ; " Bishop Simpson's Funeral Oration Over the Body of Lincoln, - 211 E. The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in Relation to the War, - - - - 219 F. Tabulated List of Memorials Presented to the General Conference of 1860, For and Against Changing the Rule on Slavery, PREFACE This study of the Methodist Episcopal Church in its relation to the Civil War was begun several years ago, and was continued and is brought to its present form as a Doctor's Thesis at the University of Pennsylvania. And I wish in the very beginning to acknowledge the advice and assistance I have received, particularly from Professor H. V. Ames, of the University of Pennsyl vania, and also from Professor R. T. Stevenson, of the Ohio Wesleyan University, who has written the Intro duction. The study deals with facts alone, and I have tried to be absolutely fair to all parties. Most of the material which I have had to use is of controversial character, and it was not always easy to come to a conclusion as to the exact facts, and it is not at all to be wondered at if I have made mistakes in some of my conclusions; but while I admit possible mistakes, I can still lay claim to a clear conscience, as far as fairness is con cerned. In many places the account is not as readable as I should have liked to have made it, and where such is the case I have no excuse to offer except that in my desire to be fair I have crowded down all feeling and any attempt at a glorification of the Church, the absence of which has perhaps made the narrative seem more prosaic. The material I have used has been practically un touched by the regular historian. My peculiar sources have been such as the Church periodicals, Minutes of the General Conferences and the several Annual Con ferences, Church records, minutes of preachers' meet ings, histories of individual Churches, and biographies 7 Preface. of prominent Church officials, such as the bishops, the general secretaries of the various Church societies, and the private papers of others intimately connected with the Church and its activities during the war. In making this study it was not my object to glorify the Methodist Episcopal Church because of the impor tant part she took in the Civil War, but it was to tell in a scientific manner just what the Methodist Episcopal Church, taken as a typical example of the other Churches, did in aiding the Federal Government to bring to a successful close the War of the Rebellion. The thesis of this study is to show the importance of the Churches as an aid to the Government during the Civil War. I also entertain the hope that this attempt to tell the story of the relation of the Methodist Episcopal Church to the Civil War may prove of some interest and value to those who love the Church of their fathers. Delaware, Ohio, July 1, 1912. W. W. S. INTRODUCTION The writer of the following thesis set for himself a serious task. So far as I know it has not been attempted by any one else. The connection between Church and State in America is intimate and vital. It is not legal. The Constitution prohibits any such interdependence as European history so fully illustrated for centuries. Yet neither can do without the other. According to Professor Seeley, of Cambridge University, religion is the great State-making principle. Its whole genius tends to order, to adjustment of social relations, to support of good government, to peace. To secure these it may even become the blesser of battlefields. At least it achieved this character in the past. The Methodist Episcopal Church entered upon its unparalleled career of expansion with the birth of the American Republic. Its first two bishops, Coke and Asbury, were the earliest ecclesiastical officials to tender to the first President of the American Union the unani mous support of their Church immediately upon its or ganization. They asked no favors of money or legal support, only that they might procure through their evangel a high and loyal devotion to the lofty purpose which animated the fathers of the Republic — that of planting on the Western Continent a new and abiding government of, by, and for the people. That such an expending democracy and such an ecclesiastical system should have developed deep sympathy with each other's aim is not to be reckoned strange. In the Middle Ages State and Church were wedded in indissoluble bonds, but it was not to be so in the nineteenth century. It was reserved for the Mississippi Valley to illustrate the 9 Introduction. intermingling of a free faith and a mighty nationalism ; the State giving freedom to the Church, and the Church giving to the State moral character. Long years after the visit of the bishops to the Presi dent a distinguished successor of Coke and Asbury headed a committee under appointment by the General Conference of 1864 to go to Washington and to convey to Abraham Lincoln assurances of loyalty to the cause of the Union. It was a time of profound anxiety, and the reply of the President showed his appreciation of what the committee brought to him. His words, care fully written out before their arrival after he had read their statement laid before him by one of their number, included the famous tribute to the Methodist Episcopal Church, which "sends more soldiers to the field, more nurses to the hospital, and more prayers to heaven than any," because of its greater size. What the Presi dent felt was true of the relation between the State and the Church he expressed in the immortal benedic tion, his closing word to the committee: "God bless the Methodist Church — bless all the Churches — and blessed be God, who in this our great trial giveth us the Churches. ' ' No one can doubt, with such a statement as the above from this master of men and words, the propriety of the effort of the writer of this thesis to discover the place and to measure the power and to characterize the quality of the services rendered the Union by the Church he has selected for illustration of his proposi tion. It is now far enough removed from the terrific struggle for men to use scientific rather than passionate animus to set forth the work of the dead. The spirit and method of proeeedure used by Mr. Sweet are not those of a laudator, but of the scientific analyst, as be comes the accomplishment of the doctorate of philosophy degree for which he offers this in the University of Pennsylvania. In no sense is he a special pleader. He 10 Introduction. has not suffered his natural affection for the Church of his fathers to queer his- judgment. Nor has he allowed the substitution of any graces of style for careful re search and of accurate, even bald and unadorned state ment of facts. To sacrifice otherwise pardonable en thusiasm for the sake of stoic impartiality is no mean use of the altar of scholarship. He has spared no pains to reach original material in unearthing, when possible, unpublished private and official documents. His bibli ography reveals his obligations. A swift survey will indicate his aim and its results. That one may state properly the position of the Metho dist Episcopal Church during the War of the Rebellion, he must pick up the thread of history farther back in time. Great institutions never step up to a fixed date with convictions duly marked for delivery, unchanged from start to destination. No cross section at any one date satisfies the historian. So the author handles with impartial statement the developing attitude of the Church towards slavery. This was fundamentally ob ligatory, as involved in the development of both State and Church. What the Church thought of the labor system of a giant section of the Nation was as impor tant to set forth as the thought of the State, for the same men who worked the enginery of strife were those who were trained in supplication. On both sides gallant soldiers were true Christians. A general view of the numerical strength of the Church and its distribution in the States demanded analysis. The first chapter is taken up with this duty. In the second chapter we find an impartial resume of the work of the Church in the Border States. Fairly to state the case upon the soil where for decades and on into the years of strife members of the Church held differing views of the political situation is not without difficulty, yet even here the spirit of impartiality is manifest. In the third chapter the task is easier, for 11 Introduction. in New England the wind blew in the main all one way, and nearly so also in New York, New Jersey, and Penn sylvania. In order in the following chapter is related the position of the membership of the Church in the central and northwest sections of the Nation. With the narration of the work of the General Conference of 1864 the fourth chapter is brought to an end. In chapter five the writer enters what would have been forty years ago a mine, with its narrow alleys filled with mephitic gases, a peril to any but the miner carry ing a Davy lamp, his only safety against explosion ; now, in the better air of cooler and unprejudiced reflection, one can walk without a safety lamp pinned to his brow. At any rate the historian content with only the truth is safe. With that alone the coming age will be satisfied. Less frankness would have led the writer to stop with an earlier date, but such a spirit never gets the world of scholarship along. Having entered upon the discussion, it must get on to the end. It is enough to say that, as war has always interfered with the normal order of human society, it could not be expected suddenly to change the conviction of the Church as to its duty to go to its membership or sympathizers across the Ohio River. To take up work either among the negroes in the South or among the whites where it was welcomed, and in any case where such work would not have been done had not the Methodist Episcopal Church attempted to do it, and in fields where the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, had been crippled by the war, was the call of high duty as it appeared to our fathers. The justification of it all was felt in later years by such men as Bishop Atticus G. Haygood, of Georgia. In saying this there is not any purpose to justify any hot wfords or unfraternal acts which followed the final sur render of the Southern army. Later wisdom will see how to prevent duplication of work wherever earlier im pulse may have erred. But this is merely by way of 12 Introduction. granting that Mr. Sweet had nothing else to do but to recite the facts, as he has done. It is past belief that so active a body of men should not have given expression to their convictions in the Church papers. Mr. Sweet has made an interesting chapter upon the Church Press. In such papers as Z ion's Herald, published in Boston, there was the ut most abandon of patriotic fervor. And with equal de votion we find the Western Christian Advocate, in Cin cinnati, on the border, .uttering no doubtful word. On the first page of his editorial work Dr. Calvin Kingsley wrote thus, on the date of June 5, 1861 : "What is the use of writing upon anything else? It will not be read; or if read, not remembered or thought of. The subject engrosses all thought, all interest. We read about it, we talk about it ; we dream about it ; we preach about it ; we pray about it. ' ' After this fashion he mirrored the views of scores of others. Akin to this was the support of such brilliant men as the Rev. Dr. John McClintock, in Paris, where he used the press and any other available agency to quiet the French Government when it was striving to aid the Southern Confederacy. An interesting presentation of the faithfulness of the Methodist army chaplains fills the next chapter. No little place was theirs. They were a truly heroic class of men. In the list were men like Granville Moody, of Ohio ; Evan Stevenson, of Indiana ; and W. H. Gilder, of New York. When we reach the story of the War Bishops, such men as Matthew Simpson and E. R. Ames rise at call, whose devotion and tremendous force proved a huge asset in favor of the Union. Finally a chapter is devoted to all the phases of co operation with other Churches, in which the Government was made to feel that it had at call every form of might which the different denominations could put at the dis posal of the struggling Nation. The Christian Sanitary 13 Introduction. Commission, the Bible Society, the Freedmen's Aid So cieties, were solid proof that up to their ability the members of the Churches were using both arms of power, the human and the divine, for the sustenance of the National life. In "fine, never in history have the Churches of a land so fully flung themselves into a great conflict as during the dreadful-glorious years of 1861-1865, when the American people issued from strife a united Nation. A thousand things were said and done which left sorry memories; yet as time goes on and exercises its soothing agencies, the children of the soldiers will more and more come to see eye to eye and unite in thanking God that His will prevailed and the peaceful program of the long ages of a great Nation suffered only from one sharp collision between men of heroic mold but of differing views, now and henceforth to join in furthering the cause of liberty through the service of a "Free Church in a Free State." R. T. Stevenson. Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio, June 19, 1918. THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH AND THE CIVIL WAR. ? CHAPTER I. The Status of the Methodist Episcopal Church at the Opening of the War. To get an understanding of the Methodist Episcopal Church at the opening of the Civil War it will be neces sary to review the contest over slavery which took place within the Church, and which finally resulted in the great schism of 1844. The Methodist Episcopal Church was organized in Baltimore in the year 1784, and at this time the General Rules, which had been prepared by Mr. Wesley in 1739 for the English Societies, were adopted, among them being one forbidding "the buying or selling the bodies and souls of men, women, or children, with an intention to enslave them."1 This organizing Conference, besides adopting this rule forbidding slavery within the Church, gave attention also to the extirpation of the whole sys tem. Question Forty-two of the Minutes reads, "What methods can we take to extirpate slavery ? ' '2 This ques tion is then answered by a sweeping indictment against the whole system, which is followed by six special rules designed completely to destroy slavery within the Church. The summary of these rules is as follows: (1) Every slave-holding member, within twelve months 1 " Anti-Slavery Struggle and Triumph in the Methodist Epis copal Church," Matlack, p. 58. s Discipline, 1784 (reprint), pp. 14, 15. 15 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. is required to execute a deed of manumission, gradually giving his slaves their freedom. (2) All infants who were born after these rules went into force were to have immediate freedom. (3) Members who chose not to com ply were allowed to withdraw within twelve months. (4) The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was to be denied to all such thenceforward. (5) No slave-holders were to be admitted thereafter to Church membership. (6) Any member who bought, sold, or gave slaves away, except on purpose to free them, were immediately to be expelled.3 Slavery had evidently found its way into the Metho dist societies during the Revolution, and very probably without the knowledge of either Mr. Wesley or his as sistant in America, Mr. Francis Asbury. One writer points out that almost every preacher received into the ministry during the Revolution was from the South, and that all the Conferences from 1776 to 1787 were held in what were afterwards the Slave States. From 1777 to 1783 there was not one appointment north of some parts of New Jersey, and out of a membership of about fourteen thousand in 1783 only about two thousand resided in what were afterwards known as Free States.4 For a number of years the rules adopted in the Con ference of 1784 remained in force and were quite largely complied with. A Methodist residing in the South from 1785 to 1826 writes that he never knew of but one instance where they were neglected by a member, and that was his next-door neighbor, at whose house the presiding elder once called on business and, on being asked to remain for dinner, replied, "I never eat a meal in a Methodist slave-holder's house."5 It 'Matlack, p. 59. "'The Methodist Episcopal Church and Slavery," DeVinng pp. 11-13. ' „„ \Znion's Watchman> April 8, 1838. Quoted in Matlack, pp 59, 60. "^* 16 Status at the Opening of the War. seems that the preachers, for a few years after these rules were passed, preached boldly against slave-holding, and not a few Methodist slave-holders liberated their slaves.6 But these rules also met with immediate oppo sition in many sections of the South. Bishop Asbury in , his Journal says, "At the Virginia Conference for 1785 j several petitions were presented by some of the principal members, urging the suspension of the rules." This bold position, taken by the Church at its be ginning, began to be receded from, however, by 1786, for in the Discipline of that year Methodists are for bidden to buy and sell slaves, but nothing is said about slave-holding, thus permitting it by inference, at least.7 In 1792 another receding step is taken by omitting the law passed in 1786, retaining only the prohibition against slavery in the General Rules.8 In 1796, however, the Church's position in opposi tion to slavery was again strengthened by a note pre pared by the bishops and appended to the General Rules. This note begins with the words, "The buying and sell ing the souls of men ... is a complicated crime."9 This year also a new section "Of Slavery" was added, and the attempt to drive slavery from the Church was renewed, by the adoption of four new rules looking to that end. In 1800 two more rules were added. These rules were not nearly so stringent as those of 1784, for only Church officials were required to emancipate their slaves, and preachers who became slave-holders were re- 6 Matlack, p. 60. Also "Barratt's Chapel and Methodism," by Hon. Norris 8. Barratt, pp. 41, 42. In January, 1796, Andrew Barratt, "being persuaded that lib erty is the natural birthright of all mankind and keeping any in perpetual slavery is contrary to the injunctions of Christ," for which reason he "did manumit and set absolutely free all his Ne groes, thirteen in all, so that henceforth they shall be deemed, ad judged and taken as free people." — Quoted from Deed Booh B, vol. S, p. 864, Dover, Del. 7 Matlack, p. 60. 8 Ibid, p. 62. "Discipline, 1796, pp. 169-171. 2 17 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. quired to withdraw from the ministry or else emancipate their slaves. These rules, also, by inference allow mem bers to hold slaves, but they must not buy or sell them.10 The General Conference of 1800 authorized an "Ad dress to all their brethren and friends in the United States," calling special attention to slavery, which was signed by the three bishops: Coke, Asbury, and What- coat, and also by three prominent ministers: Ezekiel Cooper, William McKendree, and Jesse Lee. This ad dress calls slavery "the great National evil" and states that "We therefore, determined at last to raise up all our influence in order to hasten to the utmost in our power the universal extirpation of this crying sin."11 From 1800 to 1860 the various changes made in the Discipline with reference to slavery are as follows: In 1804 the question as to the extirpation of slavery was changed from "What regulations shall be made for the extirpation of the crying evil of African slavery?" to "What shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery?" In this year also slave-selling is allowed to Church members, but it was to be under the supervision of a committee of the male members of the society, ap pointed by the minister. This Conference further re ceded from the former strong anti-slavery position of the Conferences of 1784, 1796, and 1800 by exempting all members in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee from all the rules respecting slavery. In the Discipline of this year also we find this: "Let your preachers from time to time, . . . admonish and ex hort all slaves to render due respect and obedience to the commands and interests of their respective mem bers."12 The Discipline of 1808 contains only three para graphs relating to slavery : one referring to official mem bers being slave-holders, and another to slave-holding "Matlack, p. 64. u Ibid, p. 65. 12 Discipline, 1804, pp. 215, 216. 18 Status at the Opening of the War. preachers, and a new provision allowing the Annual Conferences to regulate the traffic in slaves within their own territory. The other provisions contained in the Discipline of 1804 relating to slavery were left out. In 1820 the paragraph allowing Annual Conferences to regulate the slave traffic of the members was rescinded. In 1824 the section on slavery was amended for the last' time until I860.13 A summary of the sections of the Discipline of that year (1824) bearing on slavery is as follows: (1) The Church is convinced of the great evil of slavery, and slave-holders are prohibited from hold ing official positions in the Church, where the State laws will admit emancipation. (2) A minister who becomes a slave-holder must either cease to be a minister or emancipate his slaves. (3) The preachers are to see that the slaves are given religious instruction. (4) Col ored preachers and official members are to have the same rights as others in the District and Quarterly Con- ferences. (5) Annual Conferences are given the privi-j lege of employing colored preachers.14 When the anti-slavery agitation fathered by Garri son began, in the early thirties,15 it met a considerable response in the Methodist Episcopal Church, and a number of Methodist anti-slavery societies were formed. In June, 1835, the New England Methodist ministers organized an anti-slavery society, and also in the same year another society was organized by the ministers of the New Hampshire Conference. During this year one of the strong anti-slavery members of the last named Conference sent Mr. Garrison's paper, The Liberator, free of charge for six months to all ministers of his Conference,16 and Mr. Garrison himself commended the 18 Matlack, p. 71. "Matlack, pp. 71, 72. 15 The American Anti-Slavery Society was organized in Philadel phia, December, 1833. "Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America," Wilson, chap, xviii. M Matlack, pp. 85-87. 19 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. courage of the Methodists of Boston for their brave stand on the question of slavery.17 Early Methodist anti-slavery sentiment seemed to be confined, however, largely to New England, while many of the most influential men in the Church were opposed to abolition.18 In September, 1835, a pastoral letter from Bishops Hedding and Emory was addressed to the New England and New Hampshire Conferences, in which they state, "We have found no such excitement with any of them [Conferences] except yours," and they regard the general agitation as a "deep political game," in which the ministers ought not to be drawn. They further urge the "members and friends every where" to discountenance all ministers from agitating the subject "from the pulpit or otherwise."19 In the General Conference of 1836, which met at Cincinnati, considerable excitement was caused by two members of that body, from the New Hampshire Con ference, attending a meeting of the Cincinnati Anti- Slavery Society, where each made a short address. A resolution was introduced into the Conference condemn ing their action, which passed by 122 yeas to only 11 nays. Another resolution was passed at the same time, condemning "Modern abolitionism, and wholly disclaiming any right, wish, or intention to interfere in the civil and political relation between master and slave as it exists in the slave-holding States of the Union." This resolution passed by about the same vote as the former — 120 yeas to 14 nays.20 This vote shows how weak was the anti-slavery sentiment in the / Church at this time. In this same year the pastoral letter, published by the authority of the General Conference and signed by all the bishops, exhorts all "to abstain from all abo- lition movements and associations and to refrain from 17 "National Sermons," Haven. Introduction, p. vii. . "Matlack, pp. 87-89. 10 Matlack, p. 90. 2° Ibid, pp 93-102 20 Status at the Opening of the War. patronizing any of their publications." During the next few years following we find Southern Conferences passing resolutions declaring slavery a domestic and civil institution, and not a proper subject of Church interference. In 1837 the Georgia Conference declared slavery not a moral wrong, and an institution of which the Church has nothing to do. In 1838 the South Caro lina Conference passed similar resolutions.21 Between the General Conferences of 1836 and 1840 considerable trouble was experienced in several of the, Annual Conferences over the question of abolition. In a number of cases ministers were tried for being aboli tionists, and some young men were refused ministerial orders because of their abolition sentiment.22 The Philadelphia Conference, for instance, from 1837 for ten years asked each candidate for admission into the Con ference, "Are you an abolitionist?" and unless this question was answered in the negative they were not received.23 Among the Conferences before whom abo lition ministers were brought for trial were the Pitts burgh, Erie, and New York. This harsh treatment of the abolitionists by the Church, instead of crushing the movement, tended to increase it. A number of anti-slavery papers came into existence, edited by Methodist ministers, among them being The Wesleyan Journal, published in Hallowell, Maine; The American Wesleyan Observer, edited by Revs. Orange Scott and J. Hall, of Lowell, Mass. ; and The Zion's Watchman, edited by Rev. LaRoy Sunder land and published in New York. This latter paper was the most important and influential of the Methodist anti-slavery journals. During these years also several Methodist anti-slavery conventions were held. Such a convention was held in August, 1837, in the Methodist Church of Cazenovia, N. Y, and later in the same month si Matlack, p. 104. " Ibid, pp. 112-120. 23 Minutes Philadelphia Conference, 1837-1850. 21 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. another convention, made up of Methodist laymen, met in New York Mills, which adopted very radical abolition resolutions,24 and still another such convention assem bled at Lynn, Mass., in October of that year. In 1838 two large conventions were held : one on May 2d and 3d at Utica, N. Y., and another on November 21st and 22d at Lowell, Mass.25. By 1840 anti-slavery sentiment seemed to have con- ', siderably increased within the Church, especially among the laymen. The Annual Conferences just prior to the General Conference of 1840 were asked to vote upon the proposition, which originated with the New England Conference, proposing to change the General Rule on slavery so that it should forbid "the buying or selling, or holding men, women, or children as slaves, or giving them away except on purpose to free them."26 While this was voted down by large majorities in the Confer ences outside of New England, yet the vote showed some increase in abolition sentiment in some of the Northern Conferences. Four Conferences adopted memorials ask ing anti-slavery action to be taken by the coming Gen eral Conference, which contained the names of over one thousand private members and over five hundred min isters. A memorial from New York City contained nearly twelve hundred names.27 (f The continued persecution of abolitionists within the ; Church and the failure of the General Conference of 1840 to take any advanced anti-slavery action gave rise to the ¦¦ secession from the Church of a considerable number of ; : dissatisfied persons. In Ohio, New York, and Michigan, as early as 1839, a number of small societies withdrew from the Church and organized independent congrega tions. On May 31, 1843, a convention of the dissatis fied anti-slavery Methodists was called at Utica, N. Y. and there the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of Amer- M Matlack, p. 125. "Ibid, p. 133. ' "Ibid, pp. 126, 127. "Ibid, pp. 133, 134. 22 Status at the Opening of the War. ica was organized.28 Eighteen months after its organi zation the membership of this new anti-slavery Church was reported as fifteen thousand. From the years 1840 to 1844 the anti-slavery senti-^f ment in the Methodist Episcopal Church greatly in-jj creased. The incident which was the direct cause oi\ the increase of this sentiment was the action of a Mary- \ land pro-slavery convention which met in the winter of 1841-42. This convention passed resolutions asking j the Legislature of the State to pass a law which would '• result in either driving the free Negroes from the State I or reduce them to bondage. This action aroused Metho dists all over the North, because many of the free Ne groes of Maryland were members of the Methodist Epis- ' copal Church.29 In an editorial of the Christian Advocate and Jour nal, which before had been silent on the question of slavery, the editor says, "The questions which we were told it was dangerous to discuss are not forced upon us by those who conjured us to be silent . . . and with the blessing of God, we will not discuss them to the heart's content of the slave-holders' convention."30 Large Methodist anti-slavery conventions were held, es pecially in New England, protesting against this pro- slavery action in Maryland, and there was considerable talk of "separation from the South."31 This discussion and agitation was continued in all the Church papers, both North and South, and in the various Conferences and conventions until the convening of the General Con- f erence of 1844, when the great anti-slavery crisis was t/ reached. 28 "History- of the Christian Church," Hurst, vol. ii, p. 894. 20 "The Great Secession," Elliott, pp. 237, 238. 80 Christian Advocate and Journal, Jan., 1842. The notice of this subject in the Christian Advocate created considerable alarm in the South, and predictions were made, if it continued to take part in the discussion of slavery, the paper would not circulate in the South. (Elliott, p. 238.) 81 Matlack, pp. 151, 152. 23 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. The General Conference met in New York on May 1, 1844. The question of slavery came up early in the session, in connection with an appeal of a member of the Baltimore Conference, Who had been suspended from his ministerial standing for refusing to manumit cer tain slaves which had come into his possession through marriage. After a discussion which covered five days the General Conference sustained the action of the Balti more Conference by a vote of 117 to 56.32 The great discussion over slavery, however, came up in connection with the Report of the Committee on Episcopacy on May 21st. Bishop James 0. Andrew, of Georgia, had a slave girl left him by an old lady of Augusta, Ga., on condition that he should liberate her and send her to Liberia, with her consent. But on reaching the required age the girl refused to go to Liberia, and remained legally the property of Bishop Andrew. He also had inherited from his. first wife a slave boy, which he could not free, and on his second marriage he married a lady who had inherited slaves from a former husband's estate.88 On the report of the Committee on Episcopacy a resolution was offered requesting Bishop Andrew to re sign his office as a bishop. After considerable discus sion, the next day a substitute motion for the above resolution was offered, stating "that it is the sense of this General Conference that he desist from the exer cise of this office so long as this impediment remains." The discussion of this substitute motion lasted ten days, and finally on June 1st the substitute was carried by a vote of 110 yeas to 68 nays.34 82 Methodist Church Property Case, pp. 57-59. "Ibid. pp. 61, 62 for Bishop Andrew's letter explaining his connection with slavery. Also "Life and Letters of Bishop An drew," G. G. Smith, chap, ix, pp. 336-385. "Methodist Church Property Case, pp. 63-66. Also Report of Debates in the General Conference of 1844, pp. 188-191 This source gives the vote as 111 to 69. 24 Status at the Opening of the War. -\ On June 3d a series of resolutions was offered by] Dr. Capers, of South Carolina, providing for a separa tion of the Church, North and South, and these resolu tions were referred to a special committee of nine, which ' was to report as soon as possible. On June 5th a dec laration of the delegates of the Conferences in the slave- holding States^ signed by fifty-two names, was pre- ; sented, which declared "that the continued agitation of i the subject of slavery and abolition in a portion of the ' Church ; the frequent action on that subject in the Gen- . eral Conference; and especially the extra judicial pro-< ceedings against Bishop Andrew . . . must produce a ¦ state of things in the South which renders a continuance I of the jurisdiction of this General Conference incon-1 sistent with the success of the ministry in the slave-] holding States."35 ^ On June 8th the special committee of nine, to whom | had been referred all matters relating to the separation of the Church, reported in a series of eleven resolutions. , These resolutions provided for the separation of the Church, in the slave-holding States, from the Church in i the North, "should the Annual Conferences in the slave- holding States find it necessary to unite in a distinct ecclesiastical connection."36 The General Conference adjourned June 10th. On the morning immediately after the adjournment the Southern delegates met in New York City and agreed to call a convention of the Southern Churches, to meet at Louisville, Ky., on the first day of May of the fol lowing year, 1845. These delegates drew up an address to the ministers and members in the Southern States and Territories, stating in part "that the various action of the majority of the General Conference at its recent session, on the subject of slavery and abolition, has been "Ibid, p. 68. 86 Report of Debates in the General Conference, 1844, pp. 217- 219. Also Methodist Church Property Case, pp. 88-90; also Mat- lack, pp. 175, 176. 25 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War, such as to render it necessary, in the judgment of those '< addressing you, to call attention to the proscription and disability under which the Southern portion of the Church must of necessity labour, . . . unless some measures are adopted to free the minority of the South from the oppressive jurisdiction of the majority in the North." This letter was signed by fifty-one Southern delegates, representing thirteen Southern Annual Con ferences.37 The Southern Conferences all approved of the con vention which had been called to meet at Louisville in May, 1845, and each Conference appointed delegates. When this convention, representing the Church in the South, met, at the appointed time, it was decided by a vote of 94 to 3 to separate from the Church, and a new Church, to be known as the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was then and there organized.38 We pause now in the narrative to take a glance at the anti-slavery contest in some of the other Churches. The contest in the Presbyterian Church more nearly co incided with that in the Methodist. As early as 1787 the Synod of New York and Pennsylvania recommended ' ' in the warmest terms, to all the Churches and families under their care, to do everything in their power, con sistent with the civil rights of society, to promote the abolition of slavery.39 The General Assemblies down to 1818 took similar action. From 1835 to 1837 the sub ject of slavery provoked an exciting discussion in the General Assemblies, which ended by laying on the table the addresses by the abolitionist members and expelling ! four synods affected by abolition. In 1838 the Church 37 The documents relating to the formation of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, are collected in the Methodist Property Case, p. 90 and following. 38 For the action of all the Southern Conferences in regard to the division of the Church see "Organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South," Bedford, Appendix, pp. 594-628 Also Church Property Case, pp. 92-98. 89 Matlack, p. 356. 26 Status at the Opening of the War. split into the Old and New School upon doctrinal ques- < tions. The New School in 1839 referred the matter of ,y slavery to the local presbyteries; in 1840 certain pres byteries, which had excluded slave-holders from their pulpits and communion tables, were asked to rescind their action; in 1843 the Assembly did "not think it for the edification of the Church to take any action on the subject." In the General Assemblies of 1846, '49, '50, '53, slavery was condemned. In 1857 it was re ported to the General Assembly that in the Presbytery of - Lexington South, many ministers, ruling elders, and members "held slaves from principle and of choice, be lieving it to be, according to the Bible, right." The Assembly called upon that presbytery to review and , rectify their position, stating that "such doctrines and practices can not be permanently tolerated in the Pres byterian Church." The Old School Assembly in 1845 condemned the apostles, for "they did not make the holding of slaves a bar to communion, and therefore the Church has no authority to do so." In the Assem blies of 1846, '49, '50 slavery was condemned, but from 1850 to the breaking out of the war the subject of slavery was laid on the table.40 The Baptist Church, unlike the Methodist and Pres byterian, had no great struggle, as a denomination, over the question of slavery, which was due to the fact that the Baptist Church had no central legislative body. In this denomination, however, a separate Anti-Slave Mis sionary Board was sustained for many years, and the: Free-Will Baptists refused fellowship to all slave-holders ; as early as 1839.41 The Protestant Episcopal Church ignored the slavery question in its ecclesiastical assemblies, but there was, however, considerable controversy among individuals ""Slavery and Abolition," A. B. Hart, pp. 213, 214. Baird, "History of the New School," pp. 506-558. a Matlack, p. 354. 27 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. within the Church, and in 1861, at a convention of dele gates from the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Con federate States, held in Montgomery, Ala., definite action was taken to separate from the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States.42 We return now to the Methodist Church. In the report of the Committee on the Division of the Church, which had been adopted by the General Conference of 1844, the first resolve states "that, should the delegates from the conferences in the slave-holding States, find it necessary to unite in a distinct ecclesiastical connection, the following rule shall be observed with regard to the northern boundary. . . . All the societies, stations, and conferences adhering to the Church in the South, by a vote of a majority of the members of said societies, sta tions and conferences, shall remain under the unmolested pastoral care of the Southern Church ; and the ministers of the M. E. Church shall in no wise attempt to organize Churches or societies within the limits of the Church South, nor shall they attempt to exercise any pastoral oversight therein; it being understood that the ministry of the South reciprocally observe, the same rule in re lation to stations, societies and conferences adhering by vote of a majority, to the M. E. Church, provided also that this rule shall apply only to societies, stations and conferences bordering on the line of division, and not to interior charges which shall in all cases be left to the eare of that church within whose territory they are situated."48 The Methodist Episcopal Church in the North claimed that the Church South had violated their agree ment made in the General Conference of 1844, in that they proceeded immediately to organize a separate Church without waiting for the Annual Conferences in the South to vote upon the division, which action they "Zion's Herald, Aug. 21, 1861. 43 Debates in the General Conference, 1844, pp. 217-219. 28 Status at the Opening of the War. claimed invalidated the whole plan of separation. Im mediately each Church began to make great efforts to retain the border, and there was more or less constant conflict between them, along the border, up unto and through the Civil War. Each side claimed exclusive rights to be there, and each posed as being basely per secuted by the other. The contest between the Churches was especially severe in Western Virginia,44 Missouri, and Kentucky. It was not an uncommon thing for a Church service conducted by one side of the contro versy to be broken up by a mob representing the other. In Wood County, Va., a grand jury for the superior court declared that the Western Christian Advocate, a paper published by the Methodist Episcopal Church, was "an incendiary publication printed with the intent to make insurrection within the Commonwealth of Vir ginia," and to read it or even receive it was deemed an act of felony, and the person "convicted thereof shall be punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary of this Commonwealth for not less than two years nor more than five."45 With the beginning of the Kansas struggle the bit terness between the two Churches increased consider ably, especially in Western Missouri. One pastor (Meth odist Episcopal) writing from Platte County in 1855, says, "I am still threatened with a coat of tar and feathers, but as yet none have undertaken the enter prise."46 On Sunday, June 24, 1855, a mob of about one hundred men broke up a small congregation in Platte County and compelled the two preachers in charge of the services to sign a statement that they would not preach or hold any more meetings in the county.47 In August of the same year another Metho- 44 ' ' Cleavage between Eastern and Western Virginia, ' ' Ambler, "Am. Hist. Rev.," July 1910, pp. 762-780. 15 Matlack, pp. 187, 188. 48 Central Christian Advocate, June 14, 1855. "Central, June 19, 1855. 29 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War, dist preacher in Western Missouri was taken by a gang of eighteen men to the county seat, accused of preaching abolition doctrines and circulating abolition literature, and after a public meeting in the courthouse he was given seven days to leave the State.48 In the spring of 1855 a seminary — the Missouri Con ference Seminary — located at Jackson, Mo., sought to obtain a charter from the Legislature. Objection to granting the charter was raised on the ground that one of the incorporators, a Rev. Mr. Houts, was a commu nicant of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Long and bitter debate ensued, in the course of which the Metho dist Episcopal Church was denounced as a company of abilitionists and free-soilers, and when the vote was finally take the charter was refused — 59 to 36.49 In the fall of the same year the Missouri Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church was announced to be held in Independence, Jackson County, Mo. On August 13th the citizens of the county held a meeting in the court house for the purpose of remonstrating against the hold ing of the Conference in Independence, and passed reso lutions to that effect, in which they state, "the supposed anti-slavery sentiment and opinions of the ministers and others who will constitute said Conference may lead to results and acts to be regretted."50 This warning was evidently taken by the authorities of the Missouri Con ference, for the announcement was made soon after that the session of the Conference would be held in St. Louis instead of Independence.51 One of the most atrocious instances of pro-slavery interference with the Methodist Episcopal Church oc- 48 Ibid, Aug. 9, 1855. '"Ibid, March 8, 1855. The Central Christian Advocate is a particularly valuable source for the contest in Missouri and Kan sas. It was published in St. Louis and was nearer than any other Methodist journal to the scene of the border conflict. M Western Dispatch, Independence, Mo., Aug. 17, 1855, copied in the Central, Aug. 30, 1855. 61 Central, Sept. 29, 1855. 30 Status at the Opening of the War. curred in Rochester, Andrew County, Mo., in June, 1855. A public meeting had been held in the town, in which the Methodist Episcopal Church had been declared a "nuisance, a stench in the nostrils of our people," and stating also that "there can be no good or satisfactory reason offered why a Southern community should toler ate the existence of a church in their midst, which de clares that its members can not hold slaves, that the in stitution of slavery is against the spirit of religion." The preacher in charge of the Rochester Circuit had not listened to the threats of this meeting, and proceeded to conduct a protracted meeting, but on going to the church with two of the leading laymen of the congre gation he was met by a mob of from eighty-five to one hundred men; one of the laymen with him, who was over seventy-one years of age, was shot and almost in stantly killed, and the minister Was taken, tarred, and feathered, and ordered to leave town immediately.52 From 1845 to 1860 the Methodist Episcopal Church was active in certain districts in Northeastern Texas, which territory was included in the Arkansas Confer ence. On March 10, 1859, the Arkansas Conference con vened at Bonham, Fannin County, Tex., presided over by Bishop Janes. The next day a public meeting was held in the court-house, presided over by the postmaster and addressed by some of the most prominent men of the county, at which resolutions were adopted stating: "Whereas, A secret foe lurks in our midst known as the Northern Methodist Church, entertaining sentiments antagonistic to the institution of slavery ; and, Whereas, The growth of this enemy wjould be likely to endanger the perpetuity of that institution in Texas; and, Whereas, Sentiments opposed to the interests of the South have been expressed on our streets by Northern Methodist preachers; therefore, Resolved, That the 02 Copied from the St. Joseph Gazette by the Central, June 26, 1856. Also ibid, July 10, 1856; Aug. 14, 1856. 31 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Northern Methodist Church in our midst is a screen be hind which the emissaries of a Northern political party hide, known as abolitionists, and is dangerous to our in terests and ought not be tolerated; Resolved (2), That the expressed sentiment of Northern Methodist preach ers against slavery is an insult to our people; Resolved (3), That these views do not meet the views of the peo ple of Fannin County, and their expression must there fore be stopped; Resolved (4), That a committee be ap pointed to urge the Legislature to pass laws punishing the utterance of such sentiments; Resolved (5), That a committee be appointed to wait upon the bishop and ministers of the Conference and warn them against con tinuing the Conference." The sixth resolution states that their motto is, "Peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," and the last resolution declares that they band themselves together to suppress abolitionism in our midst, and to henceforth allow no public expression of abolition doctrine in the county. On Sunday morning the committee of about fifty men went to the church where the session of the Conference was being held, and crowded into the building just as Bishop Janes had read his text to begin his sermon. A Judge Roberts, the spokesman of the committee, addressed the bishop and told him of the proceedings of the meeting; the reso lutions were then read and the Conference given two hours to decide on a course of action. The bishop then spoke to them in a kindly conciliatory manner, and on their departure proceeded with his sermon. After the services a meeting of the ministers was held, and a committee of two were appointed to report that they, the preachers, would refrain from preaching until they had met with the official members of their respective charges.53 In Kansas Territory a number of "Northern" Meth- "Central, April 27, 1859. ' " 32 Status at the Opening of the War. odist preachers received rough handling at the hands of pro-slavery mobs. The Methodist Episcopal Church was far more active in the Territory from the beginning than the ^hurch South. The superintendent of the Southern work in the Territory reported in 1850 that there were "but four preachers besides the superintend ent laboring among the settlers and four laboring among the Indians,"54 while in that same year the Methodist Episcopal Church reports fourteen preachers besides su perintendents and other helpers, and about one thousand members.55 One preacher writing from Lawrence, in July, says, "Our work increases daily; no Church is prospering like our own in this soil, and the call for preaching is in almost every direction."56 The pro- slavery element in Kansas was very bitter against preachers of free-soil opinion and a number of ministers were summarily dealt with. One of the most famous instances of such treatment was that of the case of Rev. Pardee Butler, a preacher from Missouri, who came to Atchison in August, 1855, for the purpose of starting East — according to the Squatter Sovereign, a pro-slavery paper of Atchison — "to get a fresh supply of free- settlers from the penitentiaries and pest houses of the Northern States."57 He expressed his opinion rather too freely to suit the pro-slavery citizens of Atchison, who sent a committee to him to request his signature of certain resolutions previously passed by a meeting held in the town. On Butler's refusal to sign the reso lutions he was placed on a raft of two logs with his baggage and sent adrift on the Missouri River, with warnings never to return. The next spring, however, he returned to Atchison on business, and again he was seized by a mob, which threatened to shoot him, but "Ibid, April 26, 1855. 88 Central, July 26, 1855. mIbid, July 19, 1855. ""Geary and Kansas," John H. Gihon, p. 48. » 33 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. finally tarred and feathered him instead, and sent him out of town.58 From 1844 to 1860 the two wings of the Methodist Church grew gradually farther and farther apart, the Church in the North becoming more and more em phatic in its denunciation of the institution of slavery, / while the Church in the South grew more and more | j energetic in its defense. During this period slavery was i I the question par excellence of the pulpits and the Church i ' press. Hardly an issue of a Church paper, North or \ j South, for twenty years before the war but had some- \ Jhing to say upon the burning question. The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church which met in Pittsburgh in 1848 refused to re ceive fraternal greetings from the Church South. In the debate over the question one delegate said, "The sympathies of this General Conference are entirely on the side of liberty . . . and that the prevailing sym pathies of the Church South are on the side of slavery. ' ' In reporting this action in Zion's Herald, the editor stated that this "important act is not only a declination of fraternal relations, but its whole import is a verdict against slavery. . . . Let it go forth that the Metho dist Episcopal Church rejects all alliance with pro- slavery ecclesiastical bodies."59 Before the General Conference of 1856 there was considerable agitation within the Church over the ques tion of the relation of the Church to slavery. The ultra- anti-slavery sentiment favored the withdrawal entirely from slave territory, or else passing a rule entirely pro hibiting slave-holding by Church members. This course was opposed vigorously by the majority of Methodists living in or adjacent to slave territory. During the 88 Ibid, pp. 75, 76. This whole story will also be found in Re port of Comm., 1st and 2d Sess., 34th Cong., vol. 2, 1855-56 pp 260-264. From the Report of the House Investigating Comm 'sent to Kansas in 1856. 80 Matlack, pp. 190, 191. 34 Status at the Opening of the War. years 1855 and part of 1856 there was a bitter contro versy between the Northwestern Christian Advocate, of Chicago, and the Central Christian Advocate, of St. Louis, over this question, and most of the other Church papers in the country took sides with either one or the other on the question at issue. The Northwestern and the Northern Christian Advocate, with Z ion's Herald, favored a change in the rule and an entire withdrawal of the Church from all connection with slavery, while the Central, Western, Pittsburgh, and New York Chris tian Advocates favored no change in the rule and a con tinuance of the Church in slave territory. All the Church periodicals, however, claimed to hold slavery a great evil and to seek its extirpation. The editor of the Northwestern Advocate warns the brethren in the border Conferences that they "are on the road to the Church South by a philosophical necessity."60 To this the Central replies by giving the reasons why the Metho dist Episcopal Church will not fall into the same errors on slavery as did the Church South. He states: "(1) We went to a tried people — people who opposed the Church South at all hazards and with danger to them selves. (2) We go with the experience of the Methodist Episcopal Church constantly before our eyes and with her fate as a warning. (3) The guards against being betrayed into the same errors are much greater now than they were in the early history of the Church. We went then as we go now, to be sure, avowedly anti- slavery, but hailed as abolitionists by our affectionate brethren. (4) The radical difference in the spirit of the two Churches will forever prevent any affiliation. (5) We have our brethren in the Free States to exer cise a guardian watch care over the Church in slave territory."61 In a later issue the editor of the Central says, regarding the attitude of his journal toward 80 Central, July 26, 1855. 81 Central, Aug. 2, 1855. 35 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. slavery, "We are perfectly willing to compare notes with the Northwestern, even on the subject of conserva tive, continued, and practical opposition to slavery."62 The editor of the Western Christian Advocate says, "It is all moonshine to talk about preachers of the Metho dist Episcopal Church having no business in Slave States. ... It is nonsense to talk of excluding all slave-holders from the Methodist Episcopal Church."63 Concerning the Methodist Episcopal Church in West ern Virginia in 1855, a correspondent to the Central Christian Advocate writes: "Without relinquishing in any degree the position the Methodist Episcopal Church has occupied on the subject of slavery, this Con ference makes progress in the face of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, which is pro-slavery. Thus the Methodist Episcopal Church in West Virginia is a living protest against the evils of slavery, and uses their authority, by way of discipline, to ameliorate the con dition of the slave and to prepare, as far as she may, both master and slave for emancipation."64 In a long article in a Church periodical in 1855 on "Slavery and the Church," Dr. J. P. Durbin, then secretary of the Missionary. Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, sums up the conservative opinion in regard to slavery as follows: . . . "The relation of the Church to slavery . . . and how it should be treated by the Church, con stitute a most momentous question. To answer the ques tion the New Testament must be the guide. (1) There is not a passage in the New Testament expressive of ap probation of slavery. (2) The early Church indicated her disapproval of slavery indirectly. (3) The early Church laid down general principles which, when car ried out,- would necessarily work its abolition. (4) Find ing slavery in existence, the early Church laid down 02 Ibid, Aug. 16, 1855. 88 Western Christian Advocate, July 26, 1855. 84 Central, June 28, 1855. 36 Status at the Opening of the War. certain rules for master and slave." Then he proceeds to point out the similarity of conditions in regard to slavery, between the apostolic and the Methodist Epis copal Church. Both Churches found slavery in exist ence; in both master and slave were converted and brought into the Church; in neither Church was the relation of master and slave a bar to Church member ship ; both claimed the right to enforce upon master and slave their respective duties ; and last, both the apostolic and the Methodist Episcopal Churches clearly main tained their disapproval of slavery as a condition of society and of the individual, and sought its extinction. Then he asks the question, "What more can the Metho dist Episcopal Church do to bring about extirpation of slavery?" This he answers by stating that, "instead of separating all slave-holders from the Church, let her retain her authority over them and enforce the duties which grow out of the relation of a Christian master to his dependent slave, and out of the relation of both to the Church." And then he advocates the rigid en forcement of Church discipline, compelling masters to recognize marriage between slaves, and the relation of parents and children, and should regulate the sale and purchase of slaves, which provisions, he claims, would tend to limit the power of the master over the slave, and by forbidding the separation of parents and children the internal slave-trade would be broken up, and this would finally lead to the breaking up of slavery itself.65 The bishops in their Episcopal Address to the Gen eral Conference of 1856 have this to say regarding the relation of the Church to slavery: "We have six Annual Conferences which are wholly or in part in slave terri tory, having a membership of 143,000 (white) and 28,000 colored. ... In our judgment the existence of these Conferences and Churches under their present cir cumstances does not tend to extend or perpetuate slav- 65 Central, Aug. 30, 1855. 37 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. ery. They are known to be organized under a discipline which characterizes slavery as a great evil, which makes the slave-holder ineligibile to any official station in the Church where the laws of the State in which he lives will admit of emancipation . . . which prohibits the buying and selling of man, woman or children with an intention to enslave them, and enquires what shall be done for the extirpation of the evil of slavery."66 In the General Conference of 1856 the committee re ported favorably to change the General Rule on Slav ery, making it more denunciatory, but after a long de bate, covering many days, a vote on the change was prevented. If the rule on slavery had been changed at this time, shutting out slave-holders from Church mem bership, the Church in the Border States would with out doubt have suffered a considerable loss, and would perhaps have resulted in practically driving the Metho dist Episcopal Church from slave territory. Previous to the General Conference of 1856 there was considerable talk of a second division of the Church over the slavery question, especially on the part of the editor of the Northwestern Christian Advocate and others who took his view of the situation — the extreme anti-slavery wing, or, as they were then called, the "New Rulists."67 Between the General Conferences of 1856 and 1860 the agitation over the adoption of the "New Rules" or slavery continued, and by the time the next General Conference convened, in May, 1860, its passage was practically assured. All the important Church papers 08 General Conference Journal, 1856, pp. 199, 200. 07 In an article in the Am. Hist. Bev., July, 1911, on "The Eight for the Northwest," by W. E. Dodd, the statement is made that the Conferences along the Ohio and Mississippi, and even those farther north, were weakening in their anti-slavery attitude during the years 1856-60. There was some difference of opinion as to how the Church should deal with slavery, and the border Con ferences were naturally more conservative than others farther north, but I find no traces of weakening, nor going over to the South, but rather a tendency to become more strongly anti-slavery. 38 Status at the Opening of the War. had expressed themselves as favorable to its passage ex cept the Advocate and Journal, of New York. The editor of the Western Christian Advocate expresses his position in these definite terms: " (1) The General Rule should be so amended as to condemn, . . . slave-hold ing, as explicitly as it condemns slave-buying and sell ing. (2) That the chapter should be amended in con formity with the amended General Rules so as to con demn slave-holding in the membership without regard to the distinction of official and unofficial members."68 When the General Conference convened in Buffalo, N. Y., May 1, 1860, the Committee on Slavery was well- nigh swamped with memorials. There were 811 peti tions, signed by 45,857 names, asking for a change of the rule in slavery, and 137, with 3,999 signers, asking that no change be made.69 The largest number of me morials advocating no change came from the New York East and New York Conferences, and over half the sign ers were from territory contiguous to New York, which shows the influence of the New York Christian Advocate. This General Conference expressed its disapproval of the conservative position of the New York Christian Ad vocate by electing a new editor, Dr. Abel Stevens; the retiring editor receiving only 73 votes, while his oppo nent, Dr. Edward Thomson, received 142.70 A new editor was also elected for the Central Christian Advo cate, at St. Louis. Charles Elliott, the new editor, re ceiving 131 votes, the retiring editor 83. 71 The reason for this change being the same as in the case of the New York Advocate. This General Conference, after another long discus sion, passed what was known as the New Chapter on Slavery, which read: "We believe that the buying, sell- 88 Western Christian Advocate, Jan. 5, 1859. 89 General Conference Journal, 1860, pp. 425-426. For a list of petitions and memorials presented to the General Conference of 1860 see Appendix E. 70 Ibid, p. 239. " Ibid, p. 242. 39 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. ing, or holding of human beings as chattels is contrary to the laws of God and nature; inconsistent with the Golden Rule, and with that rule in our Discipline which requires all who desire to remain among us to do no harm, and to avoid evil of every kind. We therefore affectionately admonish all our preachers and people to keep themselves pure from this great evil, and to seek its extirpation by all lawful and Christian means."72 After the passage of the New Chapter there was con siderable protest from along the border, especially from the Baltimore, East Baltimore, and Western Virginia Conferences.73 This resulted in the withdrawal of a number of ministers and members from the Methodist Episcopal Church, many of whom went over to the Church South. There were also, at this time, a few independent congregations organized in Baltimore, made up of those who objected to this new rule on slavery, which went under the name of the Central Methodist Church.74 ! The slavery struggle within the Church was very naturally influenced by the larger struggle going on in the Nation and by the various questions relating to i slavery and slavery extension, which came before Con gress between the years 1850 and 1860. The Methodist Episcopal Church, through its periodicals especially, almost invariably took a strong anti-slavery position. While the great debate over Mr. Clay's Compromise measure of 1850 was in progress in Congress, the Church press "almost universally" throughout the North took a stand against the measure,75 and after Mr. Webster had delivered his famous seventh-of-March speech the Church press vented their disapproval upon him.76 As 72 General Conference Journal, 1860. Also McPherson, pp. 494- 496. 78 See chap, ii for conditions in the border Conferences. 74 McPherson, pp. 525-533. 75 Zion's Herald, March 27, 1850; also Western, April 3, 1850. ""History of the United States," Rhodes, vol. i, p. 155. 40 Status at the Opening of the War. an example of the editorials in the Methodist journals upon this question I quote one from the Western Chris tian Advocate, from the able pen of Matthew Simpson, then editor of that journal :77 "What do they (the South ern statesmen) expect to accomplish by the present threats (of secession) ? We answer, (1) They expect to procure the passage of a bill containing strong and offensive provisions in reference to the recapture of fugitive slaves. (2) They expect to procure the passage of territorial bills, without any prohibition of slavery. "These are the measures for which they contend, and to accomplish their ends they must frighten the North, or at least they must make such a demonstration as shall enable the Northern men with Southern prin ciples to say that they were frightened into a compro mise. A compromise of what? Either California has a right to prohibit slavery or she has not. If she has, why purchase that right by a compromise, on any other question? If she has not that right, let her be re jected, and let it be published to the world that, in our glorious Union, men have no right to be free unless they buy it by a compromise. . . . "A fugitive slave bill with odious features and a Ter ritorial bill without the Proviso (Wilmot) we expect will be passed. Already several Northern leaders, among whom Mr. Webster ranks conspicuous, have gone over to the South and under the fair name of Compromise and of settling all questions, they will probably procure a majority to go with them. What will be the result ? Will a settlement be effected ? Will the agitation cease ? We answer, no. ' ' The working of the fugitive slave law, he goes on to state, will keep the whole country in a state of excitement. . . . "Averse as we are to all inter-med dling, by the religious press in party politics, yet we Would consider ourselves irreverent to our trust, did we not utter our voice on this question." 77 Western, April 3, 1850. 41 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. — -» In the great debate in Congress over the Compromise Biil of 1850, the split in the Methodist Episcopal Church received some attention. Calhoun, speaking of the cords binding the States together, said, "Some are spiritual or ecclesiastical, some political, others social. . . . The strongest of those of a spiritual and ecclesiastical nature consisted in the unity of the great religious denomina tions, all of which originally embraced the whole Union." Here follows comments as to the organization of the Churches in the United States. "All this combined," he continues, "contributed greatly to strengthen the bonds of the Union." The strong ties which held each denomination together formed a strong cord to hold the whole Union together, but as powerful as they were, they have not been able to resist the explosive effects of slavery agitation. "The first of these cords which snapped, under its explosive force, was that of the powerful Methodist Epis copal Church. The numerous and strong ties which held it together are all broke and its unity gone. They now form separate Churches, and instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the interests of the whole Church which was formerly felt — they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about what was formerly their common property. ' ' The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists, one of the largest and most respectable of the denomi nations. That of the Presbyterians is not entirely snapped, but some of its strands have given away. That of the Episcopal Church is the only one of the four great Protestant denominations which remains unbroken and entire. ' '78 Webster, in his famous seventh-of-March speech, re plying to Calhoun, also made reference to the schism in the Methodist Episcopal Church, in these words: "The honorable Senator from South Carolina the other day 78 Congressional Globe, vol. xxi, part 1, p. 453 42 Status at the Opening of the War. alluded to the separation of that great religious commu nity, the Methodist Episcopal Church. That separation Was brought about by differences of opinion upon this particular subject of slavery. I felt great concern as that dispute went on, about the result. I was in hopes that the differences of opinion might be adjusted because I looked on that religious denomination as one of the great props of religion and morals throughout the whole coun try, from Maine to Georgia, and westward to our utmost western boundary. The result was against my wishes and against my hopes. I have read all their proceedings and all their arguments, but I have never yet been able to come to the conclusion that there was any real ground for that separation," but it was brought about by lack of "candor and charity."79 That the snapping of the ecclesiastical cords binding the North and South had considerable influence in mak ing the final breach between the sections, there can be no doubt. Indeed, the claim has been made by various Church writers that the split in the Churches was not only the first break between the sections, but was the chief cause of the final break.80 The question might be fairly raised here, Why were the Church ties the first to give way ? I see two reasons why this was true. First, because the governing bodies of the Churches at that time were composed entirely of ministers, and they of all classes of men were the least) likely to compromise, especially on questions which they( considered moral; and second, because the Church gen-j erally in the North had come to look upon slavery as &\ great sin, and they looked at the question almost solely from that standpoint, thus compelling them to take an! uncompromising position. The Churches and Church people throughout the North were also very much aroused by the introduction 79 "Webster's Works," vol. v, p. 331. 80 ' ' The Church and the Rebellion, ' ' Stanton. 43 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. in Congress by Douglas of the "Kansas-Nebraska Bill" and its threatened repeal of the Compromise measures of 1820 and 1850. "Perhaps no measure before Con gress ever excited more thoroughly the moral and reli gious sentiments of the nation."81 Mr. Everett pre sented to Congress a memorial protesting against the bill, signed by over three thousand New England clergy men of various religious denominations, and the reli gious press of the country gave large space to the dis cussion of the measure. The editor of the leading Meth odist journal stated in a long editorial, "To admit or to tolerate slavery in the Territories, . . . justifies the reproaches of the civilized world upon the people of the United States,"82 and another Methodist journal states editorially: "We see the religious papers in the North in general declare against the bill, on the general prin ciples of morality and good faith. We trust every citi zen who loves his country will use his influence against the bill."83 The editor of Zion's Herald, of Boston, in the issue of March 8, 1854, says, concerning the passage of the bill by the Senators: "We feel sick at heart as we sit down to record the shameful fact that the United States Senate has passed the Nebraska Bill by a vote of 37 yeas to 15 nays. This is a treacherous deed, dis graceful alike to the Senate and the Nation. ... It has disgraced the South in the eyes of the whole world; . . . they have proved themselves to be false to their word, covenant breakers, unworthy of the respect of honest men, deserving only of contempt."84 . . . This entrance of ministers and the Church press throughout the North into the political arena aroused the criticism of those favoring the bill, both in and out of Congress. Mr. Douglas, on the floor of Congress, speaking of the memorial of the New England elergy- 81 Wilson, "Rise and Pall of the Slave Power," vol. ii p 393 32 Christian Advocate, March 2, 1854. 88 Western, March 1, 1851. <* Zion's Herald, March 8 1854 44 Status at the Opening of the War. men: "It is presented," he said, "by a denomination of men calling themselves preachers of the gospel, who come forward with an atrocious falsehood and an atro cious calumny against the Senate, desecrated the pulpit, and prostituted the sacred desk to the miserable and cor rupting influence of party politics." "I doubt," he said, again, ' ' whether there is a body of men in America who combine so much profound ignorance on the ques tion upon which they attempt to enlighten the Senate as this same body of preachers."85 The Nashville and Louisville Christian Advocate, the chief journal of the Church South, criticises the editor of the Christian Ad vocate and Journal for his editorials on the subject, and states: "We most sincerely wish that he and all the re ligious editors in this land would attend to their ap- ' propriate work, and leave great National questions and State politics to the people as citizens. . . . Better ; preach repentance and faith and holiness than to med- ! die with the organizations of States and Territories."86 While the editor of another journal of the Methodist Church South urges the "Southern Methodist preach ers, as such," to "stick to their work of great moral reform and allow the people who are competent to at tend to the affairs of the Nation and the State."87 „-- The status of the Methodist Episcopal Church at the ' opening of the war may be summed up as follows: j; (1) It had become by this time practically unanimous , in its opposition to slavery ; the only exception was along the border, where a few slave-holders were still < i identified with the Methodist Episcopal Church. The/ / great contest over the question of slavery was practically ¦ settled in the Methodist Church before the final struggle: / in the Nation began. (2) The great majority of thej/ 88 Wilson, vol. ii, p. 393. 88 Nashville and Louisville Christian Advocate, quoted in Chris tian Adv., April 6, 1854. 87 Holston Christian Advocate, quoted in Christian Advocate as above. 45 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church was in the Free States, and a very large majority of them were ready to identify themselves with any political movement which might rid the Nation of the institution of slavery, which they regarded as a sin, and which they had almost completely driven from the Church. (3) The membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church at the opening of the war, by States, was as follows:88 88 Methodist Almanac, 1862, p. 24. These returns were taken from the Minutes of the Conferences for 1861 and 1862. This is the only place where I found the membership given by States. Maine 24,267 New Hampshire 11,757 Vermont 15,442 Massachusetts 30,737 Connecticut 18,849 Rhode Island 3,067 New York 164,146 Pennsylvania 107,368 v/ Delaware 10,838 /Maryland 56,220 u , 118 Methodist Periodicals During the War. a hero out of Fremont, and on his removal from com mand of the Western army in the fall of 1861, the administration was severely criticised by the Church press. The Western Christian Advocate had to say of it, "Unless there are reasons for this step which the public has not yet understood, it (the removal of Fre mont) will be set down as the chief of a pretty exten sive catalogue of blunders. ' '20 In another column of that same issue is another editorial, addressed to the West and the Northwest, in which the editor states, although condemning the removal of Fremont, yet he would by no means advocate insubordination to the Government, and he would advise the people of the great West and Northwest to stand by the Government, even though they may be disappointed at some of its actions. He further states that this editorial has been induced from certain statements made by Western letter writers, say ing that the people would not submit to Fremont's re moval. The issue of December 11, 1861, contains an appeal to the subscribers to renew the paper, in the course of which it is stated: "A few — thank God! the number is small indeed — will discontinue the paper because it has insisted from the beginning that the Union must be preserved at all hazards. We can well afford to spare the names of all such persons. A man who can any longer doubt the propriety of standing firmly by the country is not fit to live in it, and ought to leave his country for his country's good." . . . The editor of the Western Christian Advocate had no use for any paper or person that would not sup port the Government. Several times he takes up arms against the Cincinnati Enquirer. In the December 24th issue,21 concerning this paper he says: "It is but occa sionally that we pay any attention to the attacks of the Cincinnati Enquirer. As a general rule it is safe to » western, Nov. 13, 1861. 21Dec. 24, 1861. 119 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. pursue the course which the Enquirer condemns. . . . The great offense of the Western Christian Advocate in the eyes of the Enquirer is that it has always been, and always expects to be, devoted unconditionally to the preservation of the Union. ' ' The New York Herald comes in for condemnation also, at the hands of this doughty preacher-editor, for its lack of support of the Government. He states: "The business of the hour is the saving of the country, not the stirring up of dis cord among ourselves; and the man who stops to howl, while others are trying to work, is, if anything, only a wolf of a patriot." "He is simply wishing to fix his fangs on the vitals and fatten on the spoils that may come to him of a ruined country. ' '22 The Chicago Times and the Philadelphia Sunday Mercury are also con demned for the same reason and in the same vigorous manner.23 It is doubtful whether the Government during these troublesome times had a more loyal supporter than the Western Christian Advocate and its editor. Its patron izing territory included Southern Indiana and Ohio, where a considerable opposition party had developed, and where the secret societies opposed to the war were the most vigorous. The "Copperhead" element was per haps strongest in this region, and the stanch patriotic attitude of this paper doubtless had considerable influ ence in keeping the Methodist people loyal. We close these comments on this paper by quoting in full an especially vigorous and eloquent editorial en titled "Attention! Young Men," which is a call to young men to enlist: "The index finger on the great dial-plate that counts and reveals the movement of ages, to-day points to the hour in which your Nation's doom for the next thousand years is cast; and it is for you, young man, to say what that doom shall be. Shall it be Union, Peace, Brotherhood, Liberty, Freedom, and 22 Western, July 16, 1862. ^ Ibid, Jan. 7, 1863. 120 Methodist Periodicals During the War. equalizing, humanizing Christianity? Or shall it be disunion, war, selfishness, slavery, and a besotted, bar barous, brutalizing, bastard corruption and perversion of our holy religion? You, young man, must decide it. ... Do you ask What you can do ? The very question is an implied disgrace, either to your manhood or to your intelligence. When your Government is nearly throttled by treason, and calling for strong hands to strike down the traitors, you wait, lazily— to sell tape and pins, or retail billet paper and quills, or make en tries in business account-books, or show bonnets and rib bons to sauntering damsels ! . . . Will you leave your country in the hour of her peril to be defended by strangers, or to fall, and crush you in her fall? vWhile you might be heroes such as earth's history has never yet shown, will you stand behind counters, or sit in offices and nurse your inefficient hands, or wait for trade and gossip ? Is this the destiny for which your mothers bore you? Is this the duty for which God, in His great mercy, created you, and with His boundless grace re deemed you? Is it for this that your country has edu cated you? Shame on such dastardly good-for-nothing- ness! "Come up to the help of your country! Enlist in her armies ! Fill up the numbers of that host that shall swear allegiance to patriotism and duty, and that shall tread treason and traitors under their feet as they would tread the life out of serpents and scorpions. "Your country calls! Quick, be ready! Come to the help of your land against the mighty and diabolical minions of treachery and rebellion! One man now en listed is worth a score in six months ! Come now to the armies. ' '24 The next periodical we will consider is the Central Christian Advocate, published at St. Louis. The con ditions under which this periodical was published dur- 24 Western Christian Advocate, Aug. 6, 1862. 121 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. ing the war were considerably different than those of the New York or Cincinnati papers. This was due to the fact that it was published in slave territory, and also to the fact that the number of members of the Methodist Episcopal Church in its patronizing territory was very small, the membership in Missouri being only about six thousand. These conditions necessarily made the con ducting of the Central Christian Advocate a very diffi cult task, and for some time during the first months of the war it was rather doubtful whether it could live under these adverse conditions. Early in 1861 it was stated that "the religious serv ices of the Methodist Episcopal Church are mostly sus pended outside of St. Louis, and that the ministers were temporarily leaving the State." Indeed, plans were made early in 1861 by the Book Agents at Cincinnati to have "the books of the Central Christian Advocate and all movables pertaining to the office brought to that city," and made the proposition to divide the subscrip tion list between the Western and the Northwestern Ad vocates. To this plan the plucky editor, who was then nearly seventy years of age, refused to agree, saying "he would defend the books with pistols till the last moment. ' ' The editor had, however, made arrangements to issue his paper from Alton or Springfield, 111., if he should find St. Louis untenable.25 The editor of the Central was Dr. Charles Elliott, who had been placed in this position by the General Conference of 1860. He had had considerable experi ence in editorial work, having been for twenty-five years connected with the Pittsburgh Christian Advocate, and had also written extensively on the anti-slavery contest in the Church. Though old in years, he still had plenty of the fire of youth remaining, and conducted his paper in this critical period and under these peculiarly diffi- 28 Central Christian Advocate, May 29, 1861. Quoted in Zion's Herald, June 5, 1861. 122 Methodist Periodicals During the War. cult circumstances with skill and with no semblance of fear. To show the attitude of this paper and the spirit of its editor, I quote the following. On April 17, 1861, the editor wrote an open letter to Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, calling to his attention certain facts, and offering some suggestions on the approaching crisis in Missouri.26 Among other things he said: "We have an avowed secessionist governor, we have a Legislature largely secessionist, too. There is a formidable military organization (the Minutemen) numbering now some twenty-three hundred." He then goes on to state that "there is no more loyal people in the Union than the members of the Methodist Episcopal Church — I say nothing of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South . . . and also that Union men of all denominations and poli tics are ready to enroll themselves in a home corps." The letter closes by the editor introducing himself to Mr. Cameron in these words: "I am a stranger to yon, but I will introduce myself and refer you to my friends Secretary Chase and Comptroller Whittlesey for infor mation. I am an itinerant preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church. ... I am now in my sixty-ninth year. I will enroll myself in the Union company, as I want to die under the Stars and Stripes, and never suc cumb to a foreign flag, especially the rebel palmetto one." In this issue of the Central a week after the firing on Sumter27 this editorial appeared: "If war must come, let Christian men be ready to sustain the authority and power of the United States Government. The se cessionists have thrown to the winds Democracy, Whig- gery, Americanism, and other distinctions. Let the Union men as far as possible ignore technical Democracy and Republicanism, and cling to the National motto, 28 Central; Zion's Herald, June 19, 1861. "Central, April 17, 1861. 123 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. E Pluribus TJnum, one and indivisible, now and always. We cry out to all good citizens and Christians of every name and sect, 'Union! Union! Union!' " Again, in one of the issues early in 1862,28 the editor states: "We throw out the gospel flag to the friends of the Union and of the Methodist Episcopal Church. We do not wish to have a dollar from any disunionist until he is converted. ' ' The whole Church in the North was interested in sustaining the Central Christian Advocate, and saw the importance of keeping alive such a journal in St. Louis. Appeals for the Central appeared at various times in the other Church papers,29 and a number of Conferences passed resolutions concerning it, the fol lowing from the Troy Conference being typical: Your committee learn with sorrow that in conse quence of the ravages of civil war within the bounds of its patronizing territory the conditions and necessities of the Central Christian Advocate are such that its life is greatly imperiled. We believe that the discontinu ance of that excellent journal at this time would be a calamity to the Nation as well as to the Church. The territory in which it circulates, once wrongfully wrested from the Methodist Episcopal Church, is destined soon to be restored. The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, is so fully identified with the rebellion that its influence over the lovers of our National Union is doubtless gone forever. It would seem, therefore, that the influence of that noble pioneer Advocate was never more needed than at the present. We commend the adoption of the following resolu tions : Resolved, That we have watched with interest and deep solicitude the course of the Central Christian Ad vocate while battling manfully for God and our country in these trying times. "Ibid, 1862; quoted in Christian Advocate, Feb. 20, 1862. 20 Western, March 12, 1862; Christian Advocate and Journal, Feb. 20, 1862; ibid, March 13, 1862. 124 Methodist Periodicals During the War. Resolved (2), That Brother J. W. Carhart be ap pointed to solicit subscriptions to the Central among the preachers of the Conference.30 Early„in 1862 the agents of the Western Methodist Book Concern, and the several editors connected there with, also adopted resolutions concerning sustaining the Central Christian Advocate, and also appointed a com mittee to prepare an appeal for it to be sent throughout the Church.31 The Northwestern Christian Advocate, published in Chicago, also occupied a strategic position, being in the very center of the great Northwest, large numbers of whose citizens became hostile to the administration dur ing the course of the war. Dr. T. M. Eddy, the war editor of this journal, was a vigorous writer, and his editorials leave no doubt as to his position on public questions. In the issue of January 2, 1861, just after President Buchanan had announced that the Executive had no power to coerce a State, he points out the two courses open to the United States Government. The first, a stern refusal to permit secession; and the en forcement of the Federal laws at all hazards. This course, he states, will probably lead to civil war. The second course is "to permit the Cotton States to secede peaceably, thus conceding the right of States to retire at will." Of these two courses, the editor says, he be lieves the first is demanded "by the original compact, by the obligation of the Executive, the welfare of our people, and the accomplishment of our National mission. . . . Senators Douglas and Johnson have taken the true position when they declare it is better to sacrifice a million lives than to submit to treason, for which se cession is only a synonym."32 In another long editorial in the fall of 1861, on "The 88 Troy Conference Minutes, 1862, p. 38. "Adopted at Chicago, Feb. 19," 1862; Western, March 5, 1862. 82 Northwestern Christian Advocate, Jan. 2, 1861. 125 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Northwest and the War," the editor points out that the Northwest is dependent upon keeping the Missis sippi open, so that their products of wheat, corn, cattle, and hogs may find a ready market. The question, he says, is one of life or death for the Northwest. "We can not afford a peace on any terms, other than the re-establishment of our National Union."33 In this same issue is another editorial, on the "Concessions of Peace," in which the editor answers the "men of pro- slavery sympathies," who "cry lustily against war and would have us concede the claims of our Southern brethren." In this article he sums up the concessions the North must make if peace were to be had. (1) All laws forbidding the master to carry slaves across Free States must be abrogated. (2) The right of temporary residents with slaves must be conceded. (3) Slavery must be recognized as having peculiar sacredness. (4) Slavery must be admitted into the Territories. (5) All laws which interfere with the inalienable rights of the sons of the cavaliers to "damn their own Niggers" must be repealed. (6) The Northern conscience must be cor rected — the freedom of opinion, the freedom of speech, the freedom of discussion must cease. "We must not think or say or write against slavery. ' ' Then he asks : "Having yielded all this, what have we left? Man hood, government, religion all gone, and the mere privi lege of subsistence by tolerance? He who can propose peace at such a surrender is only fit to be the body slave of Chestnut or Wigfall."34 Again says the Northwestern: "We can afford ten years of war if necessary, we can afford to give up each alternate acre of ground and each second foot of town property, we can afford to give each third man, but we can not afford to accept a peace upon any other basis than that of the Union preserved, with equal rights for 33 Northwestern, Oct. 30, 1861. "Ibid. 126 Methodist Periodicals During the War. all its citizens." Early in 1861 the editor stated editori ally: "And now our duty is clear. The Government must be maintained at any hazard. Let party dissen sions be forgotten, and from Eastport to San Francisco let there be but one party; namely, that of devotion to the Government, the honor of our flag, and vindication of right."35 That the policy of the Northwestern Christian Advo cate met the approval of the Methodist people in the Northwest is shown by the fact that the year 1860 closed with 13,300 subscribers, and by 1864 the subscription list had increased to 25,000.36 Zion's Herald, the independent Methodist journal published in Boston, maintained its reputation for in dependence during the war, but was not less loyal than the other Methodist journals. Like all the other Metho dist papers, it devoted large space to war items and cor respondence and frequent patriotic editorials. Its edi tor, Dr. E. 0. Haven, was the cousin of Dr. Gilbert Haven, chaplain of the Eighth Massachusetts, both of whom afterwards became bishops in the Church. The following short extract from an editorial will show the war spirit of Zion's Herald: "How can the United States, with any respect for itself as a nation, allow its own disintegration? ... If there is to be a divorce, let the ceremony be at least as difficult as the marriage contract?"37 Other Methodist journals — the Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and Pacific Christian Advocates, and the German paper, the Christian Apologist — were all loyal supporters of the Government and were conducted in a similar man ner to the journals already noted. The Buffalo paper in March, 1861, said: "We are gratified to be able to present our readers this early with the inaugural address 88 Quoted in the Methodist, May 4, 1861, from the Northwestern. 88 General Conference Journal, 1860; pp. 397-400; 1864, pp. 335- 341. 87 Zion's Herald, April 21, 1861. 127 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. in full of President Lincoln. It bears the unmistakable impress of a mind deeply sensible of the weighty re sponsibilities of the ocoasion, and a fearless and un changeable resolution to meet them."88 This paper headed its editorial column with an engraving of the flag, followed with the motto, "Let the Battle Rage! The Union! The Constitution! Both now and for ever!"80 Again this paper editorially states: "If civil war must come, then we say, Let it be an earnest one! Let the chastening rod descend with a will." The Pittsburgh Advocate expressed itself in a similar way on the National issues, and received the approbation of its patronizing Conference for its patriotic stand.*0 Of the Pacific Christian Advocate and its editor we find this statement: "The talented editor of the Pacific Ad vocate finds treason in Oregon. His noble and patriotic stand for the Union is worthy the support of all loyal Americans."41 The Christian Apologist deserves men tion for its patriotic influence among German Metho dists. The Ladies' Repository also, though purely a literary journal, had frequent editorials indicative of patriotism42 and loyalty. Of the Methodist press as a whole a journal of an other denomination stated in December, 1861: "The masses of the Methodists on this side of Mason and Dixon 's line are loyal to the country, and are excelled in their patriotism by no other Christians. The tone of the Methodist press is high ; and the Advocates, we are glad to say, without exception give no uncertain sound."48 The papers of the Methodist Church South were all supporters of the Confederacy. Among the leading "Buffalo Christian Advocate, quoted in Christian Advocate, March 14, 1861. 8D The Methodist, May 4, 1861. 40 Minutes of the Pittsburgh Conference, 1863, p. 21. u Western Christian Advocate, July 4, 1861. "Ladies' Bepository, April, 1861; ibid, Aug., 1861, p. 512. "Beligious Telescope, quoted by Christian Advocate, Dec. 5, 1861. 128 Methodist Periodicals During the War. journals were the Nashville Christian Advocate, the St. Louis Christian Advocate, the New Orleans and Ken tucky Advocates. Of these papers the Western Christian Advocate early in 1861 had to say, "In not one single paper of the Church South that reaches this office have we seen a single word from the editors favorable to the Union. ' '44 Before the war had progressed long, however, most of these papers were compelled to suspend publi cation, which was also true of the papers of other de nominations of the South. Indeed, as early as June, 1861, the following Southern Baptist papers had sus pended publication: The Western Watchman, of St. Louis ; the Southern Baptist, Charleston, S. C. ; the Vir ginia Baptist; the Baptist Messenger, Memphis, Tenn. ; the Northwestern Virginia Baptist, and the Baptist Standard, of Nashville.45 Another matter in reference to the Church periodi cals in connection with the war which ought not to be omitted was their large circulation among the soldiers and throughout the armies. The furnishing of good reading matter for the soldiers found early advocates, dating from the very beginning of the war, and the Church papers immediately took up the matter. In De cember, 1861, a chaplain writes: "I thank you from my heart for the Christian Advocate and Journal. It sheds a glorious and wholesome influence among us. I don't see how I could dispense with it."40 Most of the papers offered a special rate to soldiers, covering only the cost, and appeals from time to time appeared in their columns asking their readers to send the papers to their friends in the army. One such appeal states, in part: "In many cases a number of soldiers have gone from the same town or neighborhood. The citizens of such a town or neighborhood might collect what money 44 Western, March 6, 1861. "Zion's Herald, June 12, 1861. "Christian Advocate, December 19, 1861; also ibid, Oct. 23, 1863, and Feb. 12, 1862. • 129 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. they could for this object, and the papers can be sent all in one package to the company or regiment."47 Many Churches and Conferences took up this matter, and considerable money was collected for this purpose. Thus a Church in Lebanon, 111., sent $50 to have five thousand copies of the Western Christian Advocate sent to the army; and another Church, in Windham, Ohio, sent $23 for the same purpose.48 The ladies of Ferguson Township, Center County, Pa., sent $12 to supply the Forty-fifth Pennsylvania Regiment with the Christian Advocate and Journal. The Cincinnati Conference at its session in 1863 passed the following resolutions relative to supplying the soldiers with religious reading, which are typical of those passed by other Conferences: Whereas, A large proportion of our citizen soldiery now in the field are either members of the Methodist Episcopal Church or have been reared Methodistically ; Resolved, That it is the duty of the Church to furnish them with such religious reading as will both interest and profit them in their hours of privation, endurance, and loneliness in the camp and hospital ; Resolved, That this is a most successful way to keep up the animus of the army and make it invincible to the enemy; Resolved, That the Cincinnati Annual Conference recommend the pastors of the various English Churches in its bounds to take up collections as early as October, to purchase religious literature for our brave soldiers; and Whereas, The United States Christian Commission is the speediest way of communication with our soldiers, and has received the approval and sanction of the Presi dent and Government officials; Resolved, That the funds so collected be forwarded to W. T. Perkins, Cincinnati, treasurer of the Western branch of the Christian Commission; "Ibid. ' " 48 Western, Dec. 2, 1863. 130 Methodist Periodicals During the War. Resolved, That this Conference heartily approve the proposal of the Book Agents at Cincinnati and New York to sell at one-half the published prices Methodist books and periodicals, for circulation among our soldiers in army and navy.48 Zion's Herald was particularly active in this matter, and in almost every issue collections for this purpose from the various Churches are noted. In the issue of June 19, 1861, appears this item: We have received the following sums to pay for the Herald to be sent to the soldiers: Collection, Maiden, Mass $7 00 Individual subscriptions 6 00 Again, in the July 3d (1861) issue: Collections in New Hampshire Con ference $22 05 Wesley Church, Bath, Maine 6 35 Individual subscriptions 16 00 The German weekly, the Apologist, was also active in this matter. Dr. Wm. Nast, the editor in 1861, was try ing to raise $1,000 for the distribution of the Apologist among the German soldiers. His appeal closes with: "Our plan is to make up $1,000 as a fund for sending the Apologist into the different regiments. The Germans have already taken about $300 worth of shares. Who will help us?"60 The Tract Society was also active in sending their publication, Good News, to the army. In 186361 it is stated that about five thousand copies of this paper were sent regularly for distribution among the soldiers and sailors, and the publishers reported in 1864 that "50,000 copies go monthly to the army and navy."62 "Minutes Cincinnati Conference, 1863, p. 33. 88 Western, Oct. 23, 1861; also Christian Advocate, Nov. 14, 1861. 81 Christian Advocate, March 26, 1863. 82 General Conference Journal, 1864, p. 336. 131 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Another fact which ought to be noted in this con nection is that at the General Conference of 1864 three of the war editors of Methodist journals were elected to the episcopate — Dr. Edward Thomson, of the Chris tian Advocate and Journal; Dr. Charles Kingsley, of the Western; and Dr. D. W. Clark, editor of the Ladies' Re pository — and later Dr. E. 0. Haven, of Zion's Herald. This fact is certainly indicative of the general approval of the Church of the way in which these editors had conducted these Methodist papers during the trying times of the war. 132 CHAPTER VII. Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies. The need of chaplains in the army was early recog nized by the War Department. Less than a month after the first call for troops by President Lincoln, a general order was issued by the War Department, May 4, 1861, stating that one chaplain would be allowed to each regi ment, who should be appointed by the regimental com mander, on the vote of the various officers of the regi ment. This order also stated that the chaplain must be a regularly ordained minister and should receive the pay and allowance of a captain of cavalry.1 During the progress of the war numerous other or ders were issued, and several Acts of Congress passed, bearing upon the subject of chaplains. On August 19, 1861, Congress passed an act "providing for the better organization of the military establishment." Section 7 of this act refers to chaplains, ratifying the order of May 4th, but leaving the method of their selection to the President. This act specifically states, also, that none but regularly ordained ministers of some Christian denomination shall be eligible.2 It was early brought to the attention of the President "by Christian ministers and other pious people"3 that chaplains simply for the regiments were not sufficient, but that they were especially needed at the hospitals, for the sick and wounded soldiers. The President fully recognized this need, and appointed a number of chap lains for hospital service, stating, however, in his letter 1 ' ' Official Records, ' ' III, vol. ii, p. 154. 2 Ibid, Series III, vol. i, p. 398. 8 Ibid, p. 721. 133 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. appointing them, that there was no law conferring the power upon him to appoint them, but he asks them to "voluntarily enter upon and perform the appropriate duties of such position," promising that he will "recom mend that Congress make compensation therefor at the same rate as chaplains in the army."4 The President, true to his promise, in his message to Congress, Decem ber 3, 1861, calls attention to the need of chaplains for hospitals, and recommends that the men who are already engaged in hospital service as chaplains be compensated the same as chaplains in the army, and also that pro vision be made for providing regular hospital chaplains.5 In this simple recommendation we catch a glimpse of the great heart of the President, who, while he is con sidering the great affairs of State, yet does not forget the sick and wounded soldiers languishing in the hos pitals. Following this recommendation of the Presi dent's, Congress on May 20, 1862, passed an act legal izing the action of the President and providing a chap lain for each permanent hospital.6 The war had not been in progress very long before some discreditable facts were brought to light regarding the appointment of chaplains. As early as August 1, 1861, it was learned that certain men had received ap pointments as chaplains who had never been recognized by any Church as ministers.7 In one instance, it is said, an actor bore the name, received the pay of chaplain, and in another regiment a French cook was mustered as a chaplain in order to meet the expense of keeping him.8 The paymaster general of the army, Benjamin F. Larned, in a letter to Senator Henry Wilson, Decem ber 5, 1861, says regarding this state of affairs: "I re- 4 "Official Records," III, vol. i, p. 271. 8 ' ' Papers and Messages of the Presidents, ' ' Richardson, vol. vi. p. 48; also "Official Records," III, vol. i, p. 712. 8 Ibid, III, vol. ii, p. 67. 7 Christian Advocate and Journal, Aug. 1, 1861. 8 "Official Records," III, vol. i, p. 72. 134 Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies. gret to say that very many holding this position are utterly unworthy, and while I would not deprive our regiments of the service of a minister of the gospel, I think none should be appointed who did not come recommended by the highest ecclesiastical authority with which they are connected." The Methodist Episcopal Church was not entirely free from the taint of this disgraceful condition. It seems that certain local preachers (lay preachers) of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in Pennsylvania espe cially, had obtained ordination at the hands of an in dependent Congregational Church, for the sole purpose of becoming chaplains in the army.9 This action, how ever, was denounced by the authorities of the Church and by the Church periodicals. On February 10, 1862, the Methodist preachers of Philadelphia and vicinity passed resolutions condemning this action of the local preachers and declaring that the Methodist Episcopal Church was not responsible for, and could not recognize, their ordination as ministers of the Church.10 In order to safeguard the office of chaplain from being held by such unworthy persons, Congress on July 17, 1862, passed an act declaring that no person shall be made a chaplain "who is not a regularly ordained minister of some religious denomination and who does not present testimonials of his present good standing, with recommendations for his appointment as an army chaplain from some authorized ecclesiastical body or from not less than five accredited ministers belonging to said religious denomination."11 This act also fixes the compensation of all chaplains "in the regular or volunteer service or army hospitals at one hundred dol lars per month, and two rations per day." Just how much influence the pay exercised in inducing ministers 9 Christian Advocate and Journal, Feb. 20, 1862. 10 Minutes Philadelphia Preachers' Meeting, Feb. 10, 1862. ""Official Records," Series III, vol. ii, p. 278. 135 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. to enter the army as chaplains would be difficult to de termine ; but, considering the hardships and the danger they would be compelled to undergo, it would not seem that one hundred dollars per month would offer much inducement. However, it is true that, in the Methodist Episcopal Church at least, during the war the supply of ministers was greater than the demand, and at most of the Annual Conferences candidates for the ministry were rejected for want of Churches to which to send them.12 Doubtless some of these young men's spiritual ears were rendered a little more acute to the call of the ministry because of the prospect of gaining a chap laincy. On April 9, 1864, Congress approved another act, determining the rank of the chaplain.13 It stated that he should be placed on the rolls next after the surgeon. At the opening of the war the Government was new at the business of organizing regiments and getting them prop erly officered, and the office of chaplain seemed to puz zle them more than any other. Some thought that the chaplain was not an officer in the generally accepted military sense, while others held that the chaplain held a separate rank entirely,14 and it was not until this act of April 9, 1864, that the rank of chaplain was clearly determined. Section 2 of this act fixes a dis ability pension of twenty dollars per month for chap lains, and Sections 3 and 4 prescribe his duties. He was to make monthly reports to the adjutant general of the army regarding the moral condition of the men under his care; he was to hold appropriate religious services at the burial of soldiers, and the act also pre scribed that he should conduct public religious services at least once each Sabbath, when practicable. So much for the acts and orders regulating chaplains. 13 Western Christian Advocate, May 21, 1862. ""Official Records," Series III, vol. iv, pp. 227-228. "Ibid, pp. 809, 1207. 136 Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies. We now turn to a consideration of Methodist Episcopal chaplains in particular. The Methodist Episcopal Church at the very begin ning of the war indicated her willingness to co-operate with the Government in supplying chaplains for the army and navy. Various organizations of Methodist ministers,16 as well as many individual ministers,16 early expressed willingness to serve as chaplains. The bishops also stated on various occasions their willingness to re lieve such ministers from their Churches and appoint them as chaplains in the army.17 In Philadelphia a committee of preachers was appointed to receive the names of those who should volunteer to go as chaplains, and to confer with the governor of the State in regard to their appointment.18 Similar action was also taken by the Methodist preachers of Boston. At a meeting of the Preachers' Meeting of Boston and Vicinity in August, 1862, a motion was made that the governor be informed "that several of the Methodist clergymen of this vicinity are ready to enter the army as chaplains. ' '10 It is stated on good authority that Rev. Gilbert Haven, of the New England Conference, was the first chaplain commissioned in the war.20 In most instances, however, the chaplain was selected directly by the regiment, and a chaplain's selection would therefore depend upon his patriotism and his popularity with the officers and men of that particular regiment. In very many instances where a considerable number of the rank and file were members or attendants of a certain Church, they would very naturally select the minister of that Church as their chaplain. In a few instances ministers enlisted "Minutes Philadelphia Preachers' Meeting, April 29, 1861. 18 Christian Advocate and Journal, May 2, 1861. "Minutes Philadelphia Preachers' Meeting, May 20, 1861. 18 Ibid, May 6, 1861. "Minutes Methodist Preachers' Meeting of Boston, August, 1862. 28 Minutes New England Conference, 1896, pp. 130, 131. 137 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. as privates, and were afterwards selected by their regi ments as chaplains. I have found no little difficulty in compiling a list of Methodist chaplains who served during the war. I have succeeded, however, in making a list that is prac tically complete. This list has been obtained by going through the lists of appointments of the various Con ferences for the four years of the war.21 By this method four hundred and forty-two names were obtained. The list has been made more complete by a careful search through the files of the Church periodicals, for the war, especially the Christian Advocate and Journal and the Western Christian Advocate. A number of names would not appear in the list of Conference appointments as chaplains for the reason that many served as chaplains less than a year, and if their term of service happened to come between Conferences their names would not ap pear in the Conference appointments. Doubtless a number are omitted in the following list, but I am certain the number is not large. The list, by Conferences, is as follows : Baltimore 2 Iowa 17 Black River 8 Kansas 11 Central German 1 Kentucky 4 Central Illinois 13 Maine 4 Central Ohio 13 Michigan 8 Cincinnati 21 Minnesota 10 Des Moines 2 Missouri and Arkansas 13 Detroit 12 Nebraska 1 East Baltimore 17 Newark 12 East Genesee 6 New England 10 East Maine 9 New Hampshire 10 Erie 10 New Jersey 11 Genesee 10 New York 8 Holston 1 New York East 2 Illinois 21 North Indiana 13 Indiana 21 North Ohio 12 21 Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, 1861-1865, 3 vols. 138 Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies. Northwest Indiana 11 Southern Illinois 17 Northwest Wisconsin 4 Troy 10 Ohio 17 Upper Iowa 2 Oneida 6 Vermont 7 Philadelphia 21 West Iowa 2 Pittsburgh 18 West Wisconsin 5 Providence 5 West Virginia 13 Rock River 13 Wisconsin 5 Southeast Indiana 9 Wyoming 6 This list totals 487 names, and in addition to these there are seventeen or twenty names not listed under any Conference, including Bishop Ames, who was ap pointed chaplain of an Indiana regiment, and several local preachers, who obtained a chaplaincy in a legiti mate manner, and also several loyal ministers from the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, at least nine from Kentucky, two from Virginia, and two or more from Missouri. The total number of Methodist chaplains who served in the Union armies during the War of the Re- bellioncan be safely put at 510. There were four Conferences which furnished twenty or more chaplains : the Cincinnati, Illinois, Indiana, and Philadelphia; and five Conferences which furnished fif teen or more: the East Baltimore, Iowa, Pittsburgh, Ohio, and Southern Illinois. It is interesting to note that these Conferences, furnishing the largest number of Methodist chaplains, were, with the exception of the Iowa, near the seat of the war. The four States furnishing the largest number were : Illinois, 64 ; Ohio, 63 ; Indiana, 54 ; and Pennsylvania, 54 ; these four States alone furnishing 235, or nearly half the total number. It is also inter esting to note the large number, comparatively, fur nished by the small Border Conferences : West Virginia, 13; Missouri and Arkansas, 13; Kansas, 11; and Ken tucky, which only had nineteen preachers in all, in 1861, furnished four. As a general rule the chaplains were faithful in the performance of their duties. In many instances a Regi- 139 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. mental Church22 was formed, which held regular serv ices; and where a regiment remained long in camp the chaplain usually improved the time by holding a revival meeting. At the close of such a meeting in an Indiana regiment23 forty-eight soldiers were received into the regimental Church. In a New York regiment a revival meeting was kept up thirty nights in succession in a tent furnished for that purpose by General Hunter, and one hundred and twenty-five soldiers professed conver sion. The chaplain stated that, as a result of the meet ings, there had been a perfect revolution in the regiment, and that profanity had nearly ceased.24 In an Ohio regiment, whose colonel was a well-known Methodist preacher, Colonel Granville Moody, a regimental Church was formed called the "Church of the Living God," and at one of the evening services of this soldiers' Church the colonel himself baptized nine soldiers.25 An other chaplain, of a Pennsylvania regiment, reports that within a week he baptized twenty-eight soldiers from -his regiment. Instances of this kind were not at all un common, as the files of the various Church papers for the war bear witness, for in almost every issue are ac counts of some such religious meeting as I have de scribed. Many of the chaplains kept their friends in the North informed as to what was going on in their regiments, through letters written to the Church papers.26 Some of the chaplains were regular correspondents, and their communications were given prominent places in the papers. Through these letters the chaplains also made known the needs of the men under their care, and made appeals for such things as tents for services, literature <* Zion's Herald, Nov. 13, 1861. 23 Christian Advocate and Journal, Nov. 7, 1861. "Ibid, March 26, 1862. 25 Western Christian Advocate, Feb. 19, 1862. "Ibid, Oct. 23, 1861; Nov. 27, 1862, etc.; and also the flies of all the other Church papers. 140 Methodist Chaplains in the Union Armies. for the men, and other provisions and comforts. The chaplains were also the distributing agents for the Amer ican Bible Society, the Tract Society, and the various commissions.27 If he was faithful in his work, the chap lain had more than he could attend to, holding the re quired services, tending the sick, comforting those boy soldiers who were homesick and disheartened, distribut ing good reading matter, and a hundred other duties, all of which contributed to the effectiveness of the army. A number of chaplains after retiring from the army be came special agents of the Christian Commission or Bible Society, or missionaries to the South or to the freedmen. " Western Christian Advocate, Jan. 15, 1862. 141 CHAPTER VIII. The War Bishops. In 1861 the Methodist Episcopal bishops and their residences were as follows: Thomas A. Morris Springfield, Ohio. E. S. Janes New York. Levi Scott Wilmington, Del. Matthew Simpson Evanston, 111. 0. C. Baker Concord, N. H. > Edward R. Ames Indianapolis, Ind. The Methodist bishops had no settled territory over which they presided, but traveled from one end of the country to the other in the regular performance of their duties. This brought them in direct contact with all sections of the country and made them familiar with all shades of opinion in respect to loyalty or disloyalty to the United States Government, and it also gave them great opportunities of being of service to the country in regard to stirring up patriotism among the people. To indicate the wide range of territory covered by a Methodist bishop in the course of but a single year, I give this table showing the itinerary of the six bishops for the year 1863 by Conferences: Bishop Morris . . . Kentucky Feb. 26-28. West Virginia Mar. 18-23. North Indiana Apr. 9-13. North Ohio Sept. 2-7. Indiana Sept. 16-21. Northwest Indiana Sept. 30-Oct. 5. Bishop Janes. . . . Pittsburgh Mar. 18-23. Providence Mar. 27- Apr. 1. Wyoming (Pa.) Apr. 9-13. Black River (N. Y.) Apr. 15-23. Oregon Aug. 12-17. California Sept. 2-8. 142 The War Bishops. Bishop Scott East Baltimore Mar. 4-11. New Jersey Mar. 18-20. New England Apr. 1-7. New York Apr. 15-22. East Genesee (N. Y. and Pa.).. Sept. 9-14. Central Illinois Sept. 15-21. . Rock River (111.) Sept. 23-28. Wisconsin Ctet. 1-6. Illinois Oct. 8-14. Bishop Simpson.. Baltimore Mar. 4-10. Philadelphia Mar. 18-27. Vermont Apr. 15-20. Maine Apr. 22-27. East Maine Apr. 29-May 4. Erie (Pa. and Ohio) July 15-21. West Wisconsin Sept. 2-7. Central Ohio Sept. 9-14. Detroit Sept. 16-22. Michigan Sept. 23-29. Genesee (N. Y.) Oct. 1-7. Bishop Baker.. . .Newark (N. J.) Mar. 25-31. New York East Apr. 1-7. New Hampshire Apr. 8-13. Troy (N. Y.) Apr. 15-21. Oneida (N. Y.) Apr. 22-24. Cincinnati (Ohio) Sept. 2-9. Ohio Sept. 9-14. Southeastern Indiana Sept. 16-21. Southern Dlinois Sept. 23-26. Bishop Ames Missouri and Arkansas Mar. 4- . Kansas Mar. 11-16. Nebraska Mar. 25-29. Rocky Mountain July 10-13. Western Iowa Sept. 2-5. Iowa Sept. 9-15. Upper Iowa Sept. 16-21. Minnesota Sept. 30-Oct. 3. Southwest Wisconsin Oct. 7-10. Every year the itinerary of each bishop was changed, so that during the five years of the war each Bishop visited practically every State in the North. For instance, Bishop Simpson from 1861 to 1865 held Con ferences in twenty-one Northern States.1 1 General Minutes of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1861-1865, 3 vols. 143 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. It is the intention of this chapter to show that these six war bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church ex ercised an important and far-reaching influence in the interest of loyalty and patriotism. Every one of the six was unquestionably loyal from the outbreak of the war and, as the war progressed, became increasingly so. Bishop Morris, the senior bishop, lived in Springfield, Ohio. He was considerably older than the other bishops, and was therefore relieved of some of the heavier duties attendant upon his office by his younger colleagues, but he seems to have never failed to lift his voice in favor of the preservation of the Union and against slavery whenever the opportunity presented itself. One of the Church periodicals stated in 1861 that "the star-spangled banner was continuing to wave from the flagstaff of our venerable senior bishop, Thomas A. Morris."2 At the session of the Erie Conference in the fall of 1861, over which Bishop Morris presided, when the report on the State of the Country was read, and a motion was offered to send a copy of the resolutions to President Lincoln, Bishop Morris remarked, "with his characteristic good feeling, 'That 's right, give "Old Abe" a lift.' "3 In 1863 Bishop Morris presided at the Western Vir ginia Conference, and in an address before that body stated that he was a native of Western Virginia, which he deemed far higher honor than to be a native of the "Old Dominion," for the Old Dominion was now in re bellion, and he was for the Union, without any ifs or ands or buts.4 The next bishop in order of seniority was Edmund S. Janes, whose residence was New York City. During the first year of the war Bishop Janes was visiting the Methodist missions in Western Europe. Soon after the inauguration of President Lincoln, the bishop refers to 2 Christian Advocate and Journal, June 6, 1861. 'Ibid, September 12, 1861. 4 Western Christian Advocate, April 15, 1863. 144 The War Bishops. the oncoming struggle in a letter written to one of his children. He says : " I expect you have heard the drum very often lately. I am sorry men will be so wicked as to make it necessary to fight. Our beloved country is passing through great trials. I believe Providence will take care of our noble, free institutions. I expect the world will sing ' Hail ! Columbia ! ' many generations hence."6 During his absence in Europe, and especially in England, Bishop Janes was enabled to perform some patriotic service for his distracted country. His biogra pher states that "in his public addresses and private conversations he did not lose sight of the one absorbing topic of the hour with every American, at home and abroad. He did all he could to promote a correct un derstanding of the great controversy between the North and the South."6 In a letter to the bishop soon after his return to America, Dr. John McClintock, who was then pastor of the American Church in Paris, wrote: "Your services in England were exceedingly useful, both to our Church and to the country. The apprecia tion of them in the newspapers is flattering to you."7 The following is a partial report of a speech the bishop delivered in Newcastle, England.8 Referring to the war now being waged in the United States, he said : "This question ... is one which, I think, claims the sympathy, interest, and prayers of all philanthropists, and I believe I am justified in saying that in the United States one of the principal apprehensions they have felt has been that there might be an unhappy influence on the question from this country. We know that Victoria was queen, but some claim that Cotton was king, even in England. (Cries of 'No, No.') Very well, if you do n 't acknowledge his authority, all right. I ought to ""Life of Bishop Janes," Ridgeway, pp. 248, 249. 8 ' ' Life of Bishop Janes, ' ' Ridgeway, p. 251. 7 Ibid. 8 Christian Advocate and Journal, August 22, 1861. Copied from the Northern Daily Press (England) . " 145 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. say that this apprehension has been lessened very much by the recent action of the Government and the tone of your public press." In this connection I will mention the patriotic serv ices of Dr. John McClintock, in Paris. Though not a bishop, he was a minister of great influence and high standing in the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the service he performed during his residence in Paris was considerable. Just before the outbreak of the war Dr. McClintock had become the pastor of the American Church in Paris. His biographer states that "in all the dark period from 1861 to 1863 his voice rang out clear in its predictions of our final success, his courage made others courageous, his hopefulness gave others hope."9 In April, 1861, Dr. McClintock delivered an address before the Wesleyan Missionary anniversary in Exeter Hall, London, in which he took occasion to say: "The Times said, the day before yesterday, just in the words that I will now quote, 'The great Republic is no more.' Shall I go home and tell my friends that I do n't know whether you believe with the Times or not? I am in clined to think you do not ; but if you have the slightest disposition to believe any such doctrine as that, let me tell you, 'Lay not the flattering unction to your souls.' No, I don't believe that Britons will rejoice to see the day when the 'great Republic' shall be no more. (Tre mendous cheering.) But if they shall, let me tell you the day of their rejoicing is very far away." Further on in this happy speech he says: "Suppose that we in New York, editing papers ... at the time of your re bellion in the East Indies, should have made use of such an expression as that. I am not afraid of talking about the Times because I am not an Englishman, and if we had printed for two or three days that Great Britain was no ""Life and Letters of the Rev. Dr. McClintock," Crooks, p. 284. 146 The War Bishops. more, and that the diadem was about to fall from the head of Victoria because there was a rebellion in India, it would have been quite a parallel case. . . . "Now let me say to you, Mr. President, and this vast audience of Wesleyan ministers, and good, sensihle, intelligent people, do not let your political newspapers or your politicians debauch your intellects or morals upon the present exciting American question. For the first time in the whole history of the human race apeople to the extent of twenty millions have risen up to say, 'We will forfeit our prestige before the world; we will jeopard our name even as a great republic; we will run the risk even of a terrible civil war such as the world has never seen; we will do all this sooner than we will suffer that human slavery should be extended one inch.' (Tremendous cheering.) I am in earnest about that point, and I do not want you to forget it; and if you read the Times you will need to remember it."10 ... Commenting on the effects of this speech, the London Watchman says, "We never before saw Exeter Hall in such a tumult of acclamation."11 To speak in detail of the patriotic activity of Dr. McClintock in France and England would occupy too much space in this brief account. His efforts in behalf of his country's cause was not limited to patriotic -speeches alone. , He translated De Rasparin's book, "The Uprising of a Great People," and published it in Lon don, paying the expense with money sent by friends of New York.12 He also published in London the speech of Alexander H. Stephens, vice-president of the Con federacy, delivered on March 21, 1861, in which slavery is declared the cornerstone of the new government.18 The New York World also credits him with an article ""Life and Letters of the Rev. Dr. McClintock," Crooks, pp. 285-287. u"Life of McClintock," Crooks, p. 287. " Ibid, p. 289. "Ibid, p. 288. 147 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. in L'Ame de la Religion,14 a Paris newspaper, in which he vigorously supports the cause of the Union. In connection with the "Trent affair" Dr. McClin tock was also able to render some valuable service to the country. Mr. Thurlow Weed, then in Paris, went over to London to assist in settling the misunderstand ing over this affair, and took with him a letter of Dr. McClintock 's to Rev. William Arthur, an influential Wesleyan minister, who introduced him to Mr. Kinnaird, M. P., through whom he received early introduction to Lord Palmerston and the Earl of Shaftesbury.16 Speaking of the services of Dr. McClintock, the New York World says: "What Motley had done in England by his able letter to the London Times, Dr. J. McClintock has done and is doing for France. Availing himself of all proper means for instructing the people, not of France alone but of England also, he leaves them no excuse for ignorance of the principles for which we wage our war against armed rebellion. The Doctor has no diplomatic position in the country of his present residence, but his fertile pen and thorough scholarship enable him to do a work for which diplomacy might find itself important in instructing and molding that public opinion which statesmen can not long neglect." . . . Harper's Weekly has this to say of the services of Dr. McClintock : ' ' One of our most valiant and faithful champions in Europe since the war began is the Rev. Dr. McClintock. . . . The Doctor is a noble-hearted Christian patriot, and his labors have been untiring for the welfare of his country. . . . Through his influence and speeches the great body of the Wesleyans in Eng land have been our firm and steadfast friends."16 14 Western Christian Advocate, July 21, 1861. Quoted from New York World. 15 For Mr. Weed's statement see "Life of Dr. McClintock," Crooks, pp. 312, 313. For Dr. McClintock's correspondence with William Arthur see pp. 292-312. "Harper's Weekly, May 21, 1864, p. 323. 148 The War Bishops. Of all the Methodist ministers, Bishop Janes and Dr. McClintock rendered the most conspicuous patriotic service abroad. At home Bishop Janes was especially active in the work of the Christian Commission. He was one of its charter members,17 and took an active and effective part in the direction of its great work. In December, 1861, he writes from Washington that he has been gathering information "on subjects connected with the Christian Commission, ' '18 where he had- been sent by the commis sion to make any necessary arrangements with the Gov ernment for the carrying on of the work among the soldiers. He reported to the commission in January, 1862, that he had been well received by the Secretary of War, who gave him the following note: Washington City, January 24, 1863. Bishop Janes is authorized to state that he has re ceived assurance from the Secretary of War, that every facility consistent with the exigencies of the service will be afforded to the Christian Commission, for the per formance of their religious and benevolent purposes in the armies of the United States, and in the forts, garri sons, and camps, and military posts. E. M. Stanton.19 Again, in June, 1862, he writes: "I have been en gaged much of my time with the Christian Commission. We have had three sessions, and have another this even ing."20 In December, 1864, Bishop Janes, together with Bishop Lee, of. Delaware, and Horatio Gates Jones, of Philadelphia, were appointed as a delegation by the Christian Commission to visit the Union prisoners in Southern prisons, in order to distribute "food, clothing, medicines, and religious publications." The consent of "Annals of the Christian Commission, Moss, p. 106. 18 "Life of Bishop Janes," Ridgeway, p. 251. 18 Annals of the Christian Commission, Moss, p. 131. 20 "Life of Bishop Janes," Ridgeway, p. 256. 149 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. the War Department and General Grant was readily obtained, and every effort was made by the Federal authorities to assist them to carry out their mission, but the Confederate authorities refused to permit the visit.21 Bishop Janes remained an executive member of the com mission until the war closed, giving to it all the time he could spare from his regular duties. Bishops Scott and Baker were not so conspicuous in their patriotic activities as perhaps some of the other bishops, although we have an abundance of evidence that they were intensely loyal. In the various Confer ences over which they presided they took an active and effective part in any patriotic service or flag-raising,22 and never missed an opportunity of denouncing secession and slavery.23 Of the six war bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Bishops Ames and Simpson undoubtedly ren- 21 For all the correspondence relating to the incident between the Christian Commission and the War Department, and also be tween the delegates of the commission and the Confederate authori ties, see Annals of Christian Commission, Moss, pp. 189-198. The note informing the committee of the Confederate authori ties ' refusal to permit the visiting of Union prisoners is as follows : Office U. S. Assistant Agent foe Exchange of Prisoners. Flag of Teuce Steamee New Yorlc. Vaeina, James Rivee, Va., Jan. 21, 1865. Bev. Bishop M. S. Janes, D. D. Bt. Bev. Bishop Alfred Lee, D. D. Horatio Gates Jones. Gentlemen : I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by the Confederate authorities to notify you that they deem it in expedient to grant your request for permission to visit the Federal prisoners held by them, at this time. Your communication will doubtless be answered by letter at my next interview with the Con federate agent for exchange. If so, I will promptly forward the same to you. I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Jno. E. Mulfobd, Lt. Col. Sr U. S. Assistant Agent for Exchange. 22 Minutes New York East Conference, 1863, p. 8. ¦ 28 Western Christian Advocate, Oct. 22, 1862. 150 The War Bishops. dered the largest and most effective service for their country. The work of Bishop Simpson is perhaps more widely known than that of Bishop Ames, due, no doubt, to his excellent biography written by Dr. George R. Crooks, and also to the fame whieh he achieved as an orator and great preacher. But the patriotic work of Bishop Ames was not any less than that of Simpson, and it is unfortunate that no life of him has ever been written.24 Bishop Ames lived in Indianapolis during the war, which was the very center of a large and growing Meth odist population, and from the opening of the war he took a prominent part in all kinds of patriotic activity. In April, 1861, we find him preaching at Camp Morton before the soldiers25 and in the course of his sermon uttering these eloquent words: "There has been one grand Union convention, the proceedings of which have not been reported by the telegraph. It was held amid the fastnesses of the everlasting hills. The Rocky Moun tains presided and the mighty Mississippi River made the motion and the Allegheny Mountains seconded it, and every mountain and hill and river and valley in this vast country sent up a unanimous voice — Resolved, That we are one and inseparable, and what God has joined together no man shall put asunder." Bishop Ames was the only Methodist bishop who was appointed to the post of chaplain in the army. He be came chaplain of an Indiana regiment, and in the fall of 1861 he announced his intention of devoting his at tention during the ensuing winter to the moral and re ligious interests of the soldiers in camp.28. This inten tion he seems to have carried out, for from time to time 24 The writer made an effort to locate the private papers of Bishop Ames, but all his efforts proved of no avail. 25 Christian Advocate and Journal, May 6, 1861, quoted from the Indiana American. 28 Christian Advocate and Journal, Oct. 31, 1861. 151 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. during the winter ^of 1861-62 we find records of his having preached to the soldiers in the various camps and forts.27 Not only was Bishop Ames active in serving his country in a private capacity, but on several occasions his services were sought by the United States Govern ment. In January, 1862, Bishop Ames and Hon. Ham ilton Fish, of New York, were appointed by the War Department as commissioners to visit the Union pris oners at Richmond . . . and elsewhere . . . and re lieve their necessities and provide for their comfort, at the expense of the United States."28 This appointment was accepted by Bishop Ames, and he immediately made his way to Washington to confer with the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, regarding his duties as commis sioner.29 The War Department made provision to estab lish a depot of clothing at Fortress Monroe, to be drawn upon by these commissioners30 for supplying the wants of the prisoners. The commissioners went immediately to Fortress Monroe and made known their commissions to the Confederate authorities at Norfolk, by whom the matter was referred to Richmond. A reply finally came refusing to admit the commissioners through the Con federate lines,31 but expressing readiness to negotiate for the general exchange of prisoners. The commission ers then opened negotiations, which resulted in an equal exchange of prisoners. But the Confederates having three hundred more prisoners than the National Govern ment, they proposed to release these on parole if the United States Government would agree to release three "Ibid, Feb. 13, 1862. 28 "Official Records," Series II, vol. iii, p. 113. 28 Ibid, p. 216. 80 Ibid, p. 222. For other orders and correspondence relating to these commissioners see ibid, pp. 223-224, 230, 248, 251, 253, 261, 262. 31 For all Confederate correspondence relating to these negoti ations and to this commission see "Official Records," Series II. vol. iii, pp. 786-791, 821, 822. 152 The War Bishops. hundred of their men that might next fall into its hands.32 The appointment of this commission, and especially the placing of Bishop Ames upon it, aroused considerable comment in the South. The Norfolk Day-Book has this to say of the appointment of this commission: "The exquisite modesty of this proposition to send official inspectors of our defenses and general condition entitle Mr. Stanton to the reputation of being the most impu dent man among all King Lincoln's proverbially impu dent subjects."33 Relating to Bishop Ames's appoint ment, I have found a very interesting letter to Jefferson Davis, written by an officer in the Confederate army, who was also an ex-minister in the Methodist Episcopal Church.34 He writes this letter to Warn Mr. Davis against allowing Bishop Ames to enter the Confederate lines. He says he knows Bishop Ames, and that "he has been for many years a shrewd and patent politi cian." He then reviews the recent controversy within the Methodist Church, especially along the border, and then states: "In all this protracted controversy Bishop Ames's sympathies, and indeed most of our bishops', were with the North. I know Bishop Ames to be an uncompromising anti-slavery man, not to say abolitionist. He, with other members of the bench of bishops, sought to impress upon the present President of the United States and his Cabinet, upon their accession to power, the fact that the Methodist Church, very numerous in the North and Wegt, had peculiar claims upon the Govern ment /f or a liberal share of the spoils of office, as they had so largely contributed to Mr. Lincoln's election." Further on he states: "I am positively certain from personal knowledge that Bishop Ames, with many others 82 Moore's "Rebellion Record," vol. iv, p. 32. 83 From the issue of January 30, 1862. Moore 's ' ' Rebellion Rec ord, ' ' vol. iv, p. 18. 84 For the text of this letter see ' ' Official Records, ' ' Series II, vol. iii, p. 787, 788. See Appendix B. 153 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. whom I might name of high position in our Church in the North, have aided most fearfully, by the influence of their position and their known sentiments to augment the power of the abolition party in the North. ' ' And in conclusion he makes this appeal: "Allow me, in conclu sion, Mr. President, to warn you against this astute politician, who in the garb of-a Christian minister and with the specious plea of 'Humanity7 upon his lips, would insinuate himself into the very heart of that Gov ernment whose very foundation he would most gladly sap and destroy." Whether this letter had any influence in the decision of the Confederate Government in respect to these com missioners, is impossible to determine, but it serves to show the feeling in the South concerning Bishop Ames and the Methodist Episcopal Church. That Bishop Ames was trusted by the Federal author ities, and especially by the Secretary of War, is further shown by the fact that in August of 1862 Governor Morton, of Indiana, intrusted him to carry certain im portant letters to Stanton35 respecting drafts. Bishop Ames, like the other bishops, also took a prominent part in the patriotic demonstrations at the various Conferences over which he presided, making patriotic speeches and offering patriotic prayers.36 In the General Conference of 1864, which met in Philadel phia, he was made chairman of the committee appointed by that body to carry an address to President Lincoln,37 thus recognizing him as the Church's leader in her pa triotic activities. There remains yet for us to consider Bishop Matthew Simpson's large and important activity in relation to this struggle. In many respects his is the most con- 35 "Official Records," Series III, vol. ii, p. 375. 88 Minutes Detroit Conference, 1861 ; also New. York East Con ference, 1865, pp. 3, 4. 87 General Conference Journal, 1864, p. 378. For the address and Lincoln 's reply see Chapter IV. 154 The War Bishops. spicuous Methodist name in relation to the war and the Nation. His intimate personal friendship with Pres ident Lincoln, and also with other members of the Cabi net, and his overwhelming patriotic eloquence, has given his name lasting connection with the Civil War. I can do no better here than to reproduce some of the testimony which has been collected by Dr. Crooks in his life of Bishop Simpson. The first I quote is from the recollections of Gen. Clinton B. Fisk: In April, 1861, after the call for 75,000 men, the bishop met Lincoln in the President's office. Several members of the Cabinet dropped in, Bates, Blair, Cam eron, and Seward. The bishop expressed the opinion that 75,000 men were but a beginning of the number needed; that the struggle would be long and severe. Mr. Seward asked what opportunity a clergyman could have to judge such affairs as these. Judge Bates replied that few men knew so much of the temper of the people as Bishop Simpson; Montgomery Blair sustained the view of Judge Bates. A Cabinet meeting followed. After it was over, Lincoln and Simpson remained to gether quite a long time. The bishop gave him, in de tail, his opinion of men throughout the country whom he knew. After Mr. Stanton came into the Cabinet the bishop 's relations "with the President became more intimate. The bishop was used by Mr. Lincoln to modify the war sec retary's views, and to gain points which he wished to reach. For instance: Stanton was disposed to treat with great severity the border rebels who stayed at home and gave aid and comfort to the enemy. Lincoln was inclined to treat them leniently. The bishop was of the same mind as the President, and was sent to Stanton to bring him over to the President's way of thinking. In the summer of this same year, 1862, the bishop had another interview with Mr. Lincoln, confined to the point of the President's duty to issue a proclamation setting the slaves free in the rebellious States. Subse quently Mr. Lincoln showed him the proclamation; the bishop was delighted with it. When it was read in the 155 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Cabinet meeting, Mr. Chase suggested its last sentence. "Why," replied Lincoln, "that is just what Bishop Simpson said." In their interview prior to the meeting of the Cabinet the bishop had suggested that there ought to be a recognition of God in that important paper.38 I reproduce also here the personal recollections of Dr. Thomas Bowman, who was chaplain of the Senate in 1864-65, and who writes from personal observation: In 1864-65, as I spent several months in Washington, I often heard members of Congress and other distin guished visitors in the city say that they had heard the President frequently express his great respect for, and his confidence in, Bishop Simpson. It was well known that the President occasionally sent for the bishop, in order to procure information about the affairs of the Nation. The President said in substance : "Bishop Simpson is a wise and thoughtful man. He travels ex tensively over the country, and sees things as they are. He has no ax to grind, and therefore I can depend upon him for such information as I need." On one occasion, with two or three friends, I was conversing with Mr. Lincoln near the distant window in the Blue Room, when unexpectedly the door opened and Bishop Simpson entered. Immediately the Presi dent raised both arms and started for the bishop, almost on a run. When he reached him he grasped him with both hands and exclaimed, "Why, Bishop Simpson, how glad I am to see you ! " In a few moments we retired, and left them alone. I afterwards learned that they spent several hours in private, and that this was one of the times when the bishop had been specially asked by the President to come to Washington for such an interview. At another time, under very different circumstances, I had an opportunity to witness the kind feeling which the President evidently cherished for the bishop. Simp son delivered his wonderful lecture on "Our Country" in one of our churches in Washington. Lincoln, with out any mark of distinction, was in the great crowd of hearers. I happened to be near him, and could see his 88 Crooks 's "Life of Simpson," pp. 373, 374. 156 The War Bishops. every movement. I never saw a hearer who gave more marked evidence of a personal interest in a speaker than the President gave that evening. He joined most heartily in the frequent and sometimes prolonged ap plause. At one time, as the bishop was speaking of the wonderful opportunity that our country affords to young men, he paused for a moment, and said, "Why, it is commonly reported that a rail-splitter has been elected President of the United States!" This, of course, brought down the house, and I was particularly pleased to see with what almost boyish enthusiasm the President joined in the tremendous applause.89 Bishop Simpson was probably the most eloquent preacher in the Methodist denomination, and deserves to rank with the greatest in the country. In a sermon delivered in Chicago in the first year of the war, occurs this sentence: "We will take our glorious flag — the flag of our country — and nail it just below the cross ! There let it wave, as it waved of old. Around it let us gather: First Christ's, and then our country's."40 The most conspicuous oratorical efforts of Bishop Simpson during the war, however, were not sermons, but lectures on patriotic themes. The effect of these lectures upon his hearers was often marvelous. In 1864 he delivered one of his lectures at Elmira, N. Y., and a college president who heard it stated afterwards, ' ' The Government should employ that man to visit all the principal cities in the loyal States and pronounce that discourse; it would bring down the price of gold."41 Harper's Weekly thus describes the effect of his lecture which he delivered in Pittsburgh in October, 1864: "The effect of his discourse is described as very re markable. Toward the close an eye-witness says: 'Lay ing his hand on the torn and ball-riddled colors of the 89 Crooks 's "Life of Simpson," pp. 371-373. 40 Christian Advocate and Journal, May 23, 1861. 41 Western Christian Advocate, August 31, 1864. 157 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Seventy-third Ohio, he spoke of the battlefields where they had been baptized in blood, and described their beauty as some small patch of azure, filled with stars, that an angel had snatched from the heavenly canopy to set the stripes in blood. With this* description began a scene that Demosthenes might have envied. All over the vast assembly handkerchiefs and hats were waved, and before the speaker sat down the whole throng arose as if by magic influence, and screamed, and shouted, and saluted, and stamped, and clapped, and wept, and laughed in wild excitement. Colonel Moody sprang to the top of a bench and called for "The Star-Spangled Banner," which was sung, or rather shouted, until the audience dispersed.' "42 This great speech of Bishop Simpson played a rather conspicuous part in the campaign of 1864. It was ar ranged to have the lecture delivered in New York just be fore the Presidential election. Mr. Ward Hoyt, who had the preparation for the meeting in charge, thus writes to Bishop Simpson: "All of your friends agree that you should speak before the election. Speaking at that time, until the full report, promised in the Tribune, Times, Herald, and Evening Post, is equivalent to speak ing to the Nation." The speech was accordingly de livered on November 3, 1864, in the Academy of Music, New York. Of the great mass of people who came to hear it, the New York Tribune states : ' ' Such an audience gathered at the Academy of Music as seldom or never before was crowded within its walls. Long before the time announced for the lecture to commence, the spa cious building was crowded from pit to dome — the seats were soon filled, the standing room all taken up, and still the crowd poured in till no more room was left in which to squeeze another person."43 "Harper's Weekly, October 15, 1864, p. 659. "New York Tribune, Nov. 7, 1864. Quoted in Crooks 's "Life of Simpson," pp. 378, 379. For an outline of this great lecture see Appendix C. 158 The War Bishops. That Bishop Simpson was close to President Lincoln is further evidenced by the fact that he was chosen to give the funeral oration over the body of the great mar tyred President at Springfield, 111.44 During the early part of the war Bishop Simpson lived in Evanston~ 111., but during the last year of the war he changed his residence to Philadelphia. After he took up his residence in Philadelphia he became very actively engaged in the work of the Christian Commis sion, delivering speeches on several occasions,45 one of them being the closing anniversary of the commission, where he delivered the closing address.46 He was also elected one of five trustees to close up the affairs of the commission after its work was completed. In the General Conference of 1864 there were three new bishops elected: Edward Thomson, Charles Kings- ley, and D. W. Clark; but as their work as bishops of the Church covered less than a year of the war, and as the work of each of them in relation to the war has already received full treatment in the chapter on Church Periodicals, I have chosen to conclude the study of the war bishops with Bishop Simpson. I close this chapter with a quotation from an address by Dr. J. P. Newman, afterwards himself a bishop, de livered in New Orleans, March 22, 1864, in which he makes what Messrs. Nicolay and Hay term a well- founded claim :47 ' ' The Methodist Church has been unan imous and zealous in the defense of the Union. Her bishops, her ministers, and her laity have nobly responded to the call of their country in this hour of her peril. The voice of Simpson has been heard pleading eloquently for the union of the country. Ames, as patriotic as wise, has not hesitated to lend his aid to our unfortunate pris- 44 For the funeral oration see Appendix D. 48 Annals of the Christian Commission, Moss, p. 132. 48 Ibid, pp. 271-279. For the other speeches and proceedings on this occasion, held Feb. 11, 1866, see ibid, pp. 234-288. " "Life of Lincoln," Nicolay and Hay, vol. vi, p. 324, Note. 159 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. oners in Richmond, and to give his sons to the army. Janes has found no narrow field for his philanthropic heart in the labors of the Christian Commission. All our Church papers and periodicals have given an uncom promising, zealous, persistent support to the Govern ment, and have thrown the whole weight of their influ ence, intelligent as it was potent, on the side of the Union."48 48 McPherson 's "Rebellion," pp. 523, 524. 160 CHAPTER IX. Methodist Co-operation With Interdenomina tional Organizations. A study of the activities of a Church in its relation to the Civil War would be incomplete without it takes into consideration some of the great interdenominational, charitable, and semi-religious organizations which sprang up during the war to meet the various needs and emer gencies which the new conditions presented. At least three such organizations will be the subject of our con sideration in the course of this chapter. They are the United States Christian Commission, the American Bible Society, and the various Freedmen's organizations and commissions, which sprang up in considerable numbers in all parts of the North. The work of all these various organizations has re ceived full treatment in other places, but the object of this study is to show how individual Churches co operated with and worked through them. THE UNITED STATES CHRISTIAN COMMISSION. The United States Christian Commission was organ ized at the Young Men's Christian Association in New York, November 14, 1861.1 Previous to this the Young Men's Christian Association in the various cities had been active in providing supplies and comforts for the new recruits, and also individual Churches, through their local organizations, had done the same. The idea of uniting these various agencies into one organization was "Annals of the United States Christian Commission, Moss, p. 103. » 161 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. suggested by Mr. Vincent Collyer, of New York, who had been engaged in this kind of work among the soldiers enlisted in New York City or passing through it on their way to the front.2 This organizing convention elected twelve men as a commission, including four ministers, representing the various denominations, Bishop Edmund S. Janes, D. D., of New York, being the Methodist representative.3 The commission afterwards was enlarged to forty-seven, Bishop Matthew Simpson and General Clinton B. Fisk, besides Bishop Janes, being among the Methodist mem bers of this enlarged commission; these three also being members of the Executive Committee. The work of the Christian Commission has been fully described in the "Annals of the United States Christian Commission," by Rev. Lemuel Moss, and in "Incidents of the United States Christian Commission," by Rev. Edward P. Smith. During the four years, 1862, '63, '64, and '65, the commission received in cash $2,524,- 512.56, most of which was obtained by public collections in churches and at special meetings. The commission sent out its appeal to the ministers and Churches through the Church papers, as the commission published no organ of its own.4 As an example of the readiness with which people contributed money to the commission, I relate the follow ing incidents : In the village of Curwensville, Clearfield County, Pa., a meeting was held on Thanksgiving Day, 1863, attended by about 150 people, and addressed by the Methodist minister. A collection was taken for the 2 "Life of George H. Stuart," R. E. Thompson, p. 129. 'Annals of the United States Christian Commission, p. 106. The original members of the commission were Rev. Rollin H. Neale, D.D., and Chas. Demond, Boston; John H. Hill, Buffalo; John V. Farwell, Chicago; Rev. L. M. R. P. Thompson, H. Thane Miller, Cincinnati; Rev. S. H. Tyng, D. D., Benj. F. Manierre, and Rev. Bishop E. S. Janes, New York; Geo. H. Stuart and John P. Cro- zier, Philadelphia; Mitchell H. Miller, Washington. '¦Ibid, p. 522. 6 162 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. commission amounting to $600, and in the following May another meeting, in the same place, contributed $857.25, and still later a resident of the same village sent $1,000 to the commission.5 The largest single contribution given tp the commission was secured by Rev. C. C. McCabe, a Methodist minister, who had been a chaplain of an Ohio regiment, captured and confined in Libby Prison, and during the closing years of the war acted as an agent of the Christian Commission. This gift amounted to $10,000 and was given by a farmer, Mr. Jacob Straw, of Morgan County, 111.6 Public collections for the commission were quite gen erally taken in the churches on the several fast and thanksgiving days which were observed during the war. The receipts from Thanksgiving collections in November, 1863, alone, amounted to $83,400.7 The Churches not only co-operated with the commis sion by giving liberally toward its support, but also by sending "delegates" into the field. Delegate was the name given a person sent out to the army by the Chris tian Commission. Their duties were to visit "hospitals, camps, and battlefields for the instruction, supply, and encouragement and relief of the men of our army ac cording to their various circumstances; distributing stores where needed in hospitals and camps ; circulating good publications amongst our soldiers and sailors; aid ing chaplains in looking after the spiritual welfare of the men in camp and in the hospitals ; encouraging and helping soldiers to communicate with their friends, and, if necessary, writing for them; discouraging vice of every kind. They were also to aid surgeons on the battlefield by removing the wounded and giving them food and drink, giving them religious comfort if dying, 5 Moss, pp. 524, 525. 'Ibid, p. 525. Chaplain McCabe tells how he obtained this large gift in "Life of McCabe," Bristol, pp. 175-180. Taken from McCabe 's Jdurnal. * Moss, p. 525. 163 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. and to see that the dead had Christian burial.8 I find the following in the Minutes of the Philadelphia Preach ers ' Meeting in 1862: "A request from George R. Stuart was read, asking that ministers and laymen volunteer to go to the seat of war near Washington to minister to the sick and wounded." The Minutes record that a committee was then appointed to confer with Mr. Stuart (president of the Christian Commission), and also that fifteen ministers offered themselves to go to the front. These delegates volunteered their services and worked without pay. Among them were a large number of min isters, representing all Protestant communions. These ministerial "delegates" were called chaplains by the soldiers, and they performed very much the same sort of service as a chaplain ; they held religious services, dis tributed tracts and other religious literature ; comforted the dying, and buried the dead. The number of minis ters from the Methodist Episcopal Church who served as delegates under the Christian Commission during the war is as follows : 1862 20 1863 77 1864 244 1865 117 Total 458" The Tract Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church co-operated with the United States Christian Commission in furnishing tracts for distribution among the soldiers and sailors. I quote from the Report of the Committee on Tracts of the Cincinnati Conference for 1862, to show the increased effort made by the Church to meet "For full information concerning "delegates" of the United States Christian Commission see Moss, pp. 541, 542. 8 The whole number of delegates who served under the Chris tian Commission during the war was 4,119. About two-thirds of this number were laymen, a large number being physicians and nurses. 164 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. this new demand: "The organization of the great armies of the United States has created an increased necessity for an enlarged liberality and a much more zealous and combined effort in this good work." The report goes on to state that "the soldiers generally receive with eagerness the tracts offered them, especially the wounded and sick. ' ' The report closes by asking each preacher to take a collection during the year for the tract cause, and also to encourage the people to give more liberally.10 The report is typical of many other reports to the various Conferences of the Methodist Church during the war, and an examination of the report of the Tract So ciety of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from 1862 to 1865, shows a considerable gain in gifts each successive year for tract distribution. 1862 $11,679 49 1863 12,534 46 1864 17,198 04 1865 22,322 40" Most of the Conferences at their various sessions held during the war passed resolutions commending the Christian Commission. The following are those passed by the Newark Conference in 1864, which are typical of the others: Resolved, That in the Christian Commission we rec ognize an organization eminently humane, patriotic, and Christian in its design; abundant and efficient in its labors in behalf of the souls as well as the bodies of our soldiers, in the field and in the hospital, and that we commend it to the confidence and liberality of all who love God and souls — all who love their eountry and have a regard for the noble men who face wounds and death for us. Resolved, That the preachers on the several districts will keep one of their number in the service of the Chris- " Minutes Cincinnati Conference, 1862, p. 12. AIbo Minutes New York East Conference, 1864, p. 38. "General Minutes of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862- 1865. 165 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. tian Commission all the time that the exigencies of the army require, and that the other brethren of the district will supply his appointments during his absence; that the presiding elder of the district and two others whom the preachers of the district shall elect, shall be a com mittee to superintend the arrangements necessary in carrying out the foregoing proposition.12 In many instances the Conference indorsed the Sani tary Commission as well as the Christian Commission, and many of the Churches were active in co-operating with it also.13 THE AMERICAN BIBLE SOCIETY. Unlike the Christian Commission, the American Bible Society did not originate with the war, but had already had a long and useful life before the war began, having been organized in 1816. Our interest in it here is to see how this society contributed to the welfare of the army and navy, and also to see how the Churches co operated with it in this work. The opportunity of supplying the troops with the Bible was early seized by the society, and its activities in connection with the army and navy began with the very opening of the war. In the summer of 1861, 400,000 copies of the Bible were delivered for distribu tion to the volunteer troops, and also twenty-four vessels of the blockading fleet were supplied.14 To meet this increased demand occasioned by the war, the society had necessarily to increase its funds, and to do this more agents must be appointed to go among the Churches and solicit, and appeals for the society were at various times issued through the Church papers. An examination of the statistics of the Methodist "Minutes Newark Conference, 1864, p. 38. For similar reso lutions see Minutes Troy Conference, 1865, p. 45; Pittsburgh Con ference, 1865, p. 30; Cincinnati Conference, 1863, p. 33. "Minutes Indiana Conference, 1864, p. 6; Newark Conference, 1864, pp. 37, 38. 14 Western Christian Advocate, Oct. 23, 1861. 166 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. Church for the four years of the war show a considerable increase in the number of agents of the American Bible Society from that Church. To show the magnitude of the work accomplished by the Bible Society in connection with the war I give a summary of the report for the year 1864. From April 1, 1863, until March 1, 1864, the receipts of the society amounted to $429,464.12, and during this year 994,473 volumes of the Bible alone were distributed, 5,000 Tes taments were sent to Richmond for Union prisoners, 20,000 volumes were sent to the Confederate army un der General J. E. Johnston, 50,000 volumes were sent to General Bragg 's army in the Southwest, 100,000 vol umes were sent to the Board of Colportage, of North Carolina, and besides these large grants the Christian Commission distributed over a half million volumes in the Union army and navy and the various hospitals.15 From the above report it will be seen that the Bjble Society did not confine its work to the Union troops, but grants were made all through the war to the South ern armies, and also to local Southern Bible Societies. In 1863, 30,000 volumes were given to the Virginia Bible Society, and in August, 1863, 25,000 Testaments were granted to the Southern Baptist Sunday School Board for use in the South.16 The Bible Society and the United States Christian Commission worked together in the distribution of re ligious literature in the armies; indeed, the Bible So ciety depended upon the delegates of the Christian Com mission and regular chaplains entirely for such work. It is interesting to note the marked increase in the gifts of the Methodist Church in the United States to the American Bible Society during the course of the war, showing that the Churches were fully aroused to 16 General Conference Journal, 1864, pp. 437-439. Also Minutes New England Conference, 1864, p. 30. "Minutes Cincinnati Conference, 1863, pp. 26-29. 167 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. the best interests of the armies and navies. The gifts by years are as follows: 1862 $36,187 1863 55,685 1864 78,780 1865 101,743" The Methodist Episcopal Church co-operated also with the American Temperance Union in sending tem perance tracts to the soldiers and sailors. This work was carried on largely through the Sunday schools. In 1863 it was reported that "nearly 500 Sunday schools had sent from 1,000 to 10,000 tracts each."18 ORGANIZATIONS FOR THE AID OP FREEDMEN. It will be profitable in this connection, in order to get the situation clearly before us, to review briefly the attitude of those in authority, during the war, toward the Negroes, and also the efforts on the part of military commanders and others to meet the vast problem pre sented by the Negro population in the Southern States. The contact of the Union armies with the slave popula tion as they invaded the South naturally unsettled them, and from the outset of the war the military commanders had to deal with a Negro problem. It was the policy of the Government at the beginning of the war to interfere as little as possible with slavery. After the Battle of Bull Run the most stringent orders were issued to the commanders not to harbor any slave property, and hundreds of escaping slaves who had come into the Union camps were given up to their owners.18 General McClellan in his proclamation to the people of Western Virginia in May, 1861, states that all their rights will be respected, and that there will be no inter ference with their slaves; and in July of the same year 17 General Minutes, 1862-1865. "Zion's Herald, March 25, 1863. 19 Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard, vol. ii, pp. 165-167. 168 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. the commander at Washington issued a general order stating that "fleeing slaves will under no pretext what ever be permitted to reside or be in any way harbored in the quarters and camps of the troops serving in this department. Neither will such slaves be allowed to ac company troops on the march."20 But this method of dealing with the slaves was not and could not be per manent, owing to the fact that in many cases such treat ment of slaves would be inhuman, and also to the fact that the attitude of the authorities toward the slaves underwent a gradual change as the war pro gressed. General B. F. Butler, in command at Fortress Mon roe, adopted the clever expedient of classing the escaped slaves as "contraband of war," and put them to work upon the Union works. On July 30, 1861, he reports nine hundred such Negroes under his charge.21 This plan was allowed to stand by the Secretary of War, though Butler is warned to allow no interference "with the servants of peaceable citizens," nor "is the volun tary return of any fugitive" to be prevented.22 The proclamation of Fremont, in August, 1861, declaring free the slaves of those in rebellion in the district under his command,28 was promptly recalled by the President.24 This proclamation of Fremont's, and Butler's action in regard to the slaves, made these commanders exceedingly popular with the Church people. By act of Congress, approved March 13, 1862, a new article of war was created. It prohibited all persons in the military service from employing the forces under their command to re turn slaves to claiming owners, and provided trial by court martial and the penalty of dismissal for its viola- 28 McPherson, pp. 144, 145. 21 Moore's "Rebellion Record," vol. ii, part ii, pp. 437, 438; also Howard, vol. ii, pp. 168, 169. 22 Moore, vol. ii, part ii, p. 493. "Ibid, vol. iii, part ii, p. 33. 24 McPherson, pp. 246, 247. 169 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. tion.25 The friends of freedom hailed this act with no little satisfaction, and it indicates the change in the attitude of the Government toward the slaves. The policy of employing Negroes, begun by Butler in the summer of 1861, was soon adopted by other mili tary commanders. Grant in his Vicksburg campaign made use of Negro labor, and in order to care for the many thousands of refugees that came to him he set them to work under the direction of an army chaplain picking cotton on the abandoned plantations, for which they received a stipulated wage.26 This was soon a common practice on the part of many commanders,27 and Negroes were employed in the hospitals as nurses and cooks, as well as in rougher forms of labor.28 As the number of Negroes dependent upon the care and protection of the military commanders increased it became necessary to organize departments of Negro affairs. Such a department was organized by General Butler in December, 1863, in his department, which in cluded Eastern Virginia and part of North Carolina. Among the duties of those placed in charge of this work was to take an accurate census of the colored in habitants in his district, provide food, clothing, and medicines where needed, see that all the able-bodied had employment, and take charge of lands allotted to the use of the Negroes.28 There was an effort, also, on the part of the military commanders to establish schools for the freedmen. In March, 1864, General Banks, in command at New Orleans, issued an order providing schools for freedmen in each school district, even order ing land to be bought and schoolhouses erected; and "books, stationery, and apparatus for the use of such schools" was to be provided, and also "a well-selected 28 Howard, vol. ii, p. 172. 28 Grant's "Memoirs," vol. i, pp. 124-126. ""Official Records," Series I, vol. xxiv, p. 15. 28 Ibid, Series III, vol. iv, p. 32. 28 Moore's "Rebellion Record," vol. viii, part ii, pp. 261-264. 170 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. library" was to be purchased for each "freed person" who was above school age, "at a cost to each, including a case to contain the same, not exceeding $2.50. "30 This condition of affairs in relation to the freedmen in the South offered great opportunities for work to the Churches and benevolent Organizations in the North, which they were not slow to improve. The first religious organization to turn its attention to the needs of the freedmen was the American Mis sionary Association. General Butler and E. L. Pierce wrote to this society in 1861, pointing out the great need among the freedmen. The society promptly responded to this appeal, and before the end of 1861 had several representatives in the field.31 By the beginning of 1862 new societies began to be formed in various sections of the North for the express purpose of aiding the freed men. Among these various societies were the following : 1. The National Freedmen 's Relief Association, formed in New York, February 22, 1862. 2. Pennsylvania Freedmen 's Relief Association, or ganized 1862. 3. The Contraband Relief Association of Cincinnati. 4. The Freedmen 's Relief Association of the District of Columbia. 5. Woman's Relief Association of Philadelphia. 6. The Northwestern Freedmen 's Aid Commission. 7. The Contraband Relief Society of St. Louis. 8. The Nashville Refugee Aid Society. 9. The Western Freedmen's Aid Society. 10. The Washington Freedmen 's Aid Society. 11. The Arkansas Relief Committee of Little Rock. 12. The New Haven Freedmen 's Aid Society. 13. The Worchester Freedmen's Aid Society. 14. The Trenton Freedmen's Aid Society. ""Official Eeords," Series LEI, voL iv, pp. 193-194. 51 Freedmen 's Bureau, Paul R. Peirce, pp. 26, 27. 171 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. 15. Maine Freedmen's Relief Society.82 The Methodist Episcopal Church early in the war showed considerable interest in the condition of the Freedmen. At a meeting of the Board of Managers of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held early in 1862, action was taken to establish a mission for colored people at Port Royal and vicinity.88 This interest also manifested itself from the beginning of the war by frequent editorials, articles, and appeals for the freedmen which appeared in the Church peri odicals from time to time. The Church as a whole manifested considerable im patience with the administration in the early years of the war for what it considered its dallying attitude to ward emancipation. Again and again immediate eman cipation was urged in pulpit and press. General Fre mont seemed to be the Churches' especial hero and fa vorite, and when he issued his proclamation emancipat ing the slaves of all those in rebellion within his mili tary district, he was hailed with acclaim by the Metho dist press, and when Mr. Lincoln commanded him to withdraw the order, Fremont was hailed as too wise for his generation. The Freedmen's organizations which seemed to have the largest share of Methodist co-operation were the National Freedmen's Relief Association, in the East, and the Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, in the West ;34 the former with headquarters in New York, and 82Peirce, pp. 27, 28. Also Minutes Maine Conference, 1865; Cincinnati Conference Minutes, 1864, pp. 22, 23. 83 Christian Advocate, 1862, Feb. 27. 84 The first public meeting of the Western Freedmen's Commis sion was held in Morris Chapel (Methodist), Cincinnati, Nov. 19, 1863. Representatives of almost every Christian denomination were present. Rev. Adam Poe (Methodist) was president, and Rev. Chas. Kingsley, editor of the Western Christian Advocate, delivered one of the addresses. The treasurer reported receipts for eleven months amounting to $9,437.75, besides thousands of garments, books, shoes, blankets, etc. — Western Christian Advocate, Nov. 25. 1863. 172 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. the latter in Cincinnati; and in the Northwest, the Northwestern Freedmen's Aid Commission. The method of this co-operation was in throwing open the churches for the taking of collections for this work, and the send ing of teachers and missionaries into the field. Most of the Conferences during the last two years of the war appointed special committees on the freedmen's work, whose reports generally contained the indorsement of some freedmen's organization. The report of such a committee for the New York East Conference in 1865 contains first an expression of confidence in the National Freedmen's Relief Associa tion; second, a resolve asking that the members of the Conference take a deep interest in the objects of this association ; and third, a resolve which proves the state ment made above regarding the radical and sentimental position of the Church in reference to the Negro, which states, "That we recognize in the freedmen a vast body of native-born citizens entitled to all the privileges, im munities, and responsibilities of citizenship, including equally, with all other Union citizens, the protection of law and the right of suffrage, and that we will not slacken our efforts in their behalf until these rights are enjoyed by them."56 The report of a similar committee from the Cincin nati Conference38 states that, while they heartily approve of the work of the various organizations for the relief of freedmen, yet they feel a special interest in the West ern Freedmen's Aid Commission, as operating within their bounds, to which they promise sympathy and sup port; and they also recommend the appointment of J. M. Walden as corresponding secretary of the Western Freedmen's Commission.37 The report of such a com mittee from the Indiana Conference stated "that it is 85 New York East Conference Minutes, 1865, pp. 41, 42. "Minutes Cincinnati Conference, 1864, pp. 22, 23. 37 The secretary of this committee was Rev. J. M. Sullivan, an uncle of the writer and an ex-chaplain. 173 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. our duty to welcome in our midst the regular consti tuted agents of the Freedmen's Aid Commission and assist them in encouraging all our people to contribute money and clothing to relieve the sufferings of Negro contrabands. ' '38 The General Conference of 1864, representing the whole Church, also appointed a committee on the freed men, which reported "that in the events which have thrown the thousands of freed people upon the benevo lence of the humane people of the North, we recognize a Providential call to the Christian public . . . and especially to the Church of Christ for the means of their evangelization. ' ' The second resolve indorses the Boston Educational Association, the Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, the National Freedmen's Relief Association, the Northwestern Freedmen's Relief Association, the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, and the Western Sanitary Commission, and commends them to the liberality of Methodist people everywhere. The last one states "that the best interests of the freedmen and of the country demand legislation that shall foster and protect this people," and they urge upon Congress to establish a bureau of freedmen's affairs.39 A bill establishing a Freedmen's Bureau as a part of the War Department was passed by Congress March 3, 1865, which was to continue during the war and one year thereafter, but Congress afterwards by legislative act extended the life of the bureau.40 The object of the bureau was to supervise, aid, and protect the freedmen in the South, and at its head was placed General 0. 0. Howard, a man who had the confidence of the Church and Christian people generally. This bureau con tinued its operations until January 1, 1869, and dur- 88 Minutes Indiana Conference, 1864, p. 32. 38 General Conference Journal, 1864, p. 130. 48 House Executive Documents, 39th Congress, 1st Session, vol. ii, p. 41, No. 11; also Howard, vol. ii, pp. 201, 202. 174 Methodist Co-operation with Organizations. ing this period the various Churches in the North es tablished on a firm basis their work among the freed men. Toward the close of the war, or soon after, many of the denominations organized their own denomina tional societies to carry on this work. The United Pres byterians of Ohio organized their own Freedmen's So ciety in 1863, and in the same year the Reformed Pres byterians, the United Brethren, and one branch of the Baptists also organized denominational societies for work among freedmen. In 1865 the Congregationalists organized a similar society and called upon the Church to give a quarter million annually for this work. The Protestant Episcopal Church in October, 1865, at their convention in Philadelphia, organized a Freedmen's Aid Society, and the Baptists the same year appealed to their Churches for $100,000 to begin their work.41 The Metho dist Episcopal Church continued to work through the various general organizations until after the close of the war. During the last years of the war a number of mis sionaries to Negroes in the South were sent out by the Methodist Episcopal Church. Churches, Sunday schools, and lay schools were established at various places. At Newbern, N. C, a day school was conducted in the Col ored Methodist Church, and three Sunday schools were conducted in that place and vicinity.42 Besides these missionaries to the Negroes a number of Methodist min isters acted as agents of several of these freedmen's organizations, the Rev. J. M. Walden, of the Cincinnati Conference, who was corresponding secretary of the Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, being the most prominent. He afterwards became secretary of the ""Christian Educators in Council," 1883; compiled by J. C. Hartzell. "Christian Advocate, Jan. 21, 1864. 175 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and later a bishop.43 At the close of the war, in 1866, the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church was organ ized in Cincinnati by a convention of ministers and lay men called for that purpose. Later this society was given official recognition and indorsed by the General Conference of 1868, and has remained one of the prin cipal benevolent organizations of the Church to the pres ent time. "Among the other Methodist ministers who held similar posi tions during the war were Rev. Uriah Eberhart, Upper Iowa Con ference, and Rev. C. P. Pillsbury, Wisconsin Conference, agents of the Northwestern Freedmen's Aid Commission; Revs. J. R. Still- man, Cincinnati Conference; J. R. Luke, Illinois Conference, and J. F. Jaques, Illinois Conference, agents Western Freedmen's Com mission. Revs. H. S. White, Providence Conference; William Live- sey, Providence Conference; A. C. Rose, Troy Conference; S. Q. Gibson, Ohio Conference; A. D. Martin, Erie Conference; and C. C. Cone, Maine Conference, were agents of other such societies or commissions. This data has been obtained from the General Min utes, 1861-1865. 176 CHAPTER X. Bibliography. I. Slavery Struggle in the Church. 1. Primary Sources. church documents. The General Conference Journals, especially those from 1844 to 1864, inclusive. The General Conference is the law-making body of the Church (Methodist Epis copal) and meets every four years. The Journal con tains the minutes of the proceedings and the reports of committees. The Disciplines of the Methodist Episcopal Church from 1784 to 1864, inclusive. The Discipline contains the Constitution and Rules of the Church, and is revised every four years in conformity with the action of the General Conference. Minutes of the Annual Conferences. Each of the several Annual Conferences published Minutes, in which may be found material bearing on the slavery contest, such as formal resolutions, reports of committees, and records of discussions. Methodist Church Property Case, New York, 1851. This case relates to the division of the property of the Methodist Book Concern, brought by the Methodist Epis copal Church, South. This volume contains copies of the various documents relating to the division of the Church. Reported by R. Sutton, special and Congres sional reporter. Report of Debates in the General Conference of 1844, by Robert Athow West, official reporter, New York, 1844. 12 177 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. These debates relate to the division of the Church over slavery, which took place at this General Conference. church periodicals. The three most important Methodist journals for the whole of the slavery contest within the Church are : Zion's Herald and Wesleyan Journal, published in Bos ton; the Christian Advocate and Journal, published in New York, which was the chief official publication of the Church; and the Western Christian Advocate, pub lished in Cincinnati. The Northwestern Christian Ad vocate and the Central Christian Advocate, published in Chicago and St. Louis, are valuable for the years 1850 to 1860. GOVERNMENT documents. The material among Government documents bearing on the slavery contest in the Churches is very meager. Congressional Globe, vol. xxi, part i, p. 453 ; House Re port of Committees, 1st and 2d Sessions, 34th Congress, vol. ii, 1855-56, being about the extent of such material. 2. Secondary Sources. The most important book for the slavery contest in the Methodist Episcopal Church is the "History of the Great Secession from the Methodist Episcopal Church in the Year 1845," by Rev. Charles Elliott, D. D., Cin cinnati, 1855. This is the official history of the division of the Church, from the Northern standpoint, authorized by the General Conference of 1848. It contains a great mass of valuable material with copious quotations from periodicals, pamphlets, etc. Documents to the number of seventy-seven are appended. "The Anti-Slavery Struggle and Triumph in the Methodist Episcopal Church," by L. C. Matlack, 1881. The best brief summary of the entire slavery struggle, written by an active participant in the struggle, having 178 Bibliography. been one of the founders of the Wesleyan Methodist Church, the anti-slavery Church. The book would be much more satisfactory, however, if it contained full footnotes. "History of Methodism in the United States," by J. M. Buckley, 1896. The best of the briefer histories of Methodism in the United States. Brief accounts and discussions on Slavery and the Church, all written from an extreme partisan stand point: "The Methodist Episcopal Church and Slavery," by Daniel DeVinne; "Border Methodism and Border Slavery," by Rev. J. Maryland MJcCarter, 1858; "Slav ery in the Methodist Episcopal Church," by Elias Bowen, 1859; "Vindication of Border Methodism," by Samuel Huffman, 1859; "Methodism and Slavery," by L. C. Matlack, 1848; a collection of pamphlets bearing on Slavery, compiled by Rev. Richard Watson, a mem ber of the Executive Committee of the British Anti- Slavery Society, bound in eleven volumes. Deposited in the Methodist Book Concern, Cincinnati: "Cleavage Between Eastern and Western Virginia," by C..H. Am bler, in American Historical Review, July, 1910. In this article the importance of the Church in the disrup tion of Virginia is discussed, using the Methodist Epis copal Church as the typical example. "The Fight for the Northwest, 1860," by W. E. Dodd, American Histor ical Review, July, 1911. In the course of this article the political influence of the Churches in the election of 1860 in the Northwest is discussed, with special empha sis upon the Methodist Church. BIOGRAPHIES. These consist mostly of lives of Bishops and promi nent ministers, written in highly eulogistic style. "Peter Cartwright's Autobiography," 1856. Peter Cartwright was one of the best-known pioneer preachers of the Mid dle West and took strong anti-slavery ground. "Life of 179 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. Orange Scott," by L. C. Matlack, 1848. One of the early abolition leaders in the Methodist Church. "Life of Adam Crooks," by Mrs. E. W. Crooks, 1875; "Life of John P. Durbin, D.D.," by John A. Roche, 1889. Dr. Durbin was secretary of the Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church during the bitterest part of the slavery controversy. GENERAL ACCOUNTS. "Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America," by Henry Wilson, 3 vols., 1877. Uncritical and without footnotes, and of little importance for the slavery con test in the Churches, but the most complete survey of the whole question of American slavery. "History of the United States, 1850-1877," by James Ford Rhodes, 7 vols. Volume I refers briefly to the Churches in relation to the slavery struggle, pp. 128, 129, 145, 146. "Slavery and Abolition," by A. B. Hart, Vol. XVI, American Nation Series, gives brief summary of slavery in its relation to the Churches. The most valuable part of this volume for this study is the chapter devoted to a bibliography on the general subject of Slavery and Abo lition. II. Relation op the Methodist Episcopal Church to the War. 1. Primary Sources. church documents. General Conference Journals for 1860 and 1864. Contain proceedings without debates, with reports of committees in the Appendix. A valuable source. The General Minutes of the Annual Conferences in the United States, 1861-1865, 3 vols. This is little more than a bare collection of statistics of the Churches. In 180 Bibliography. these volumes are also printed brief memoirs of deceased preachers. Individual Conference Minutes. Each Annual Con ference published Minutes, which contain besides the bare statistical reports, reports of committees and reso lutions on various subjects relating to the war. CHURCH PERIODICALS. The Christian Advocate and Journal, published in New York, Edward Thomson, D. D., editor, 1860-1864. Generally recognized as the principal weekly journal of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Well conducted and an excellent source. Zion's Herald and Wesleyan Jour nal, published in Boston and edited by Rev. Erastus 0. Haven. This was the oldest Methodist journal and had a reputation for independence. Western Christian Advocate, published in Cincinnati and edited by Charles Kingsley, D. D. Next to the New York paper the most influential of the Methodist journals. The Methodist, an independent journal, published in New York and ably edited by Geo. R. Crooks, D. D., and John Mc Clintock, D.D., two of the best-known and ablest minis ters of the Church. Other Methodist journals which contain valuable material relating to the war are : The Central Christian Advocate, published in St. Louis and edited during the war by Charles Elliott, D. D. ; Northwestern Christian Advocate, of Chicago, edited by T. M. Eddy, D.D.; also the Buffalo and Pittsburgh Christian Advocates; the Pacific Christian Advocate, of Portland, Ore.; the La dies' Repository and Der Christliche Apologete, both published in Cincinnati; the Quarterly Review, of New York and a number of other local and smaller peri odicals. Occasional references bearing on the relation of the Church to the Civil War are also found in Harper's Weekly and other secular journals. 181 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. MANUSCRIPTS. Considerable manuscript material bearing on this study is available. Among such material are the Min utes of the weekly preachers' meetings of the various cities, such as New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Cincin nati. These manuscript Minutes may be found in the various historical collections of the Methodist Church in the cities above referred to. These Minutes contain con siderable material of local importance. Some private documents and papers are of impor tance, such as the letters and papers of Bishop Simp son, now in the possession of his daughter, Mrs. Chas. W. Bouy, 906 Pine Street, Philadelphia; also the manu script journal of Rev. Daniel Stevenson, one of the eighteen ministers of the Kentucky Conference, Metho dist Church South, who came into the Methodist Epis copal Church at the close of the war; the journal now in the possession of Prof. R. T. Stevenson, Delaware, Ohio. Other collections of letters and papers may be found in the Methodist Historical Rooms, 1018 Arch Street, Philadelphia ; 150 Fifth Avenue, New York ; and 36 Boomfield Street, Boston. GOVERNMENT BOCUMENTS. Material relating to the war activities of the Church in Government documents is not abundant. The most numerous references are found in the "Official Records" of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 vols., with General Index, especially in Series II, which relates to Prisoners of War. The disloyal activities of the Metho dist Episcopal Church, South, during the war are set forth in the Report of House and Senate Committees on war claims, found in House Reports of Committees, 43d Congress, 1st Session, Document 777, and in Senate Report of Committees, 45th Congress, 2d Session, No. 146. 182 Bibliography. "Richardson's "Messages and Papers of the Presi dents," in ten volumes, published as House Miscella neous Documents, 53d Congress, 2d Session, No. 210, Vol. VI, contains President Lincoln's messages and papers. MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS OP DOCUMENTS. " McPherson 's History of the Rebellion," by Edward McPherson, one time clerk in the House of Representa tives. A very valuable compilation, made up mostly of quotations from official documents and newspapers. In the Appendix is a chapter devoted to the Church and the Rebellion, which has been an invaluable source for this study. "Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia" for 1860- 1865. A very valuable source based on newspaper re ports. "The Rebellion Record — A Diary of American Events," edited by Frank Moore. "Abraham Lincoln, A History," by Nicolay and Hay, Vol. VI, contains a chapter on Lincoln and the Churches, which has con siderable value for this study. The Methodist Almanac, 1860-1865, for some general statistics relating to the Church not elsewhere found. "Annals of the United States Christian Commission," by Rev. Samuel Moss, home secretary of the commission. A complete history of the commission, told year by year, with statistics, copies of letters, and other documents relating to the work of the commission. "Incidents of the United States Christian Commission," by Edward P. Smith. A collection of incidents relating to the ac tivities of the commission, poorly organized, and with no classification whatever. 2. Secondary Sources. GENERAL. "The Church and the Rebellion," by R. L. Stanton, D. D. An attempt to show that the war was brought on largely because of the influences of the Churches, and 183 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. controversial in character. "An Appeal to. the Rec ords," by E. Q. Fuller, D. D., 1876. An argument sup porting the action of the Methodist Episcopal Church in going into the South. "The Freedmen's Bureau," by Paul K. Pierce, 1904. University of Iowa Studies. LOCAL HISTORIES. "History of Methodism in Wisconsin," by Rev. P. S. Bennett and Rev. James Lawson, 1890. "Southwest ern Methodism," by Rev. Charles Elliott, D. D., 1868. Made up largely of extracts from the Central Christian Advocate for the four years of the war, of which Dr. Elliott was the war editor. "Indiana Methodism," by F. G. Holliday, 1873. "History of the New England Conference," by James Mudge, 1910. "History of the New England Southern Conference," and numerous other local histories of like nature. HISTORY OP INDIVIDUAL CHURCHES. "History of Ebenezer Church, of Southwark, Phila delphia;" "Memorial Record of Wharton Street Metho dist Episcopal Church, Philadelphia," by J. C. Hunter- son. ' ' Seventy-seventh Anniversary of the Union Meth odist Episcopal Church, Philadelphia." In this church the famous General Conference of 1864 was held. BIOGRAPHY. There are a number of biographies of bishops and prominent ministers which contain material for this study. "Life of Bishop Matthew Simpson," by George R. Crooks, D. D., 1890. A carefully written biography," giving a detailed account of the bishop's war activities. "Life of Bishop Janes," by Henry B. Ridgeway, D. D., 1882. "Life of Rev. Thomas A. Morris," by Rev. John F. Marlay, 1875. "Life Story of Rev. Davis W. Clark," by Daniel Curry, 1874. All of the above were bishops during all or a part of the Civil War. "Autobiography 184 Bibliography. of Granville Moody," edited by Rev. S. Weeks, 1889. "Life and Letters of Rev. Dr. McClintock," by George R. Crooks, 1876. "Life of Chaplain McCabe," by Frank Milton Bristol, 1908. "Life of George H. Stewart," written by himself, edited by Robert Ellis Thompson, 1890. Mt. Stewart was one of the founders and presi dent of the United States Christian Commission. 3. Methodist Episcopal Church, South. GENERAL. Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 2 vols. (1858-1865), 1870. Merely a collection of statistics. "History of the Meth odist Episcopal Church, South," by Gross Alexander. Volume XI of the American Church History Series. The best brief history of that denomination. "History of the Organization of the -Methodist Episcopal Church, South," 1845. Contains collection relating to the or ganization of the Church South. "The Disruption of the Methodist Episcopal Church," 1844-1846, by E. H. Myers. "History of the Organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South," by A. H. Redford, 1871. "Annals of Southern Methodism," by C. F. Deems. "History of Methodism," by Bishop H. N. McTyeire, 1884. LOCAL HISTORIES. "History of Methodism in Kentucky," A. H. Red- ford, 3 vols., 1868. "A Critical View of the Holston Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, during the Great Rebellion," J. H. Main, 1868. "Meth odism in Missouri," Vols. I and II, by D. R. McAnally, editor of the St. Louis Christian Advocate (Methodist Church South) during the war ; Vol. Ill, by W. H. Lewis, 1890. "History of Methodism in Georgia and Florida, 1785-1865," George G. Smith, Jr., 1877. "Sketches of the Virginia Conference, Methodist Episcopal Church, 185 Methodist Episcopal Church and Civil War. South," by J. H. Lafferty. "Martyrdom in Missouri," by Rev. W. M. Leftwich, 2 vols., 1870. An account of the persecution of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in Missouri during and following the war. "The Methodist Church Case of Maysville, Ky.," by Henry Ward, F. T. Hard, and R. H. Stanton. BIOGRAPHIES. A number of biographies of the bishops of the Meth odist Episcopal Church, South, have been written, some of which contain material for this study. "Life of Bishop James Osgood Andrew," by G. G. Smith, 1882. This biography bears particularly upon the division of the Church. "Life of Bishop Henry Biddleman Bas- com," by M. M. Henkle, 1854. "Life of Bishop William Capers," by Wm. M. Wightman, 1858. "Life of John Berry McFerrin," by Bishop 0. P. Fitzgerald, 1888. "Bishop George Foster Pierce," by Geo. G. Smith, 1888. Bishop Pierce was particularly active in his labors for the Confederacy. "Life of Bishop Enoch Mather Mar vin," by T. M. Finney. 186 APPENDIX. APPENDIX A. Chaplains By Conferences. Baltimore Conference. Bull, J. W. Hoover, J. W. Black River Conference. Axtell, N. G. Chase, W. D. Ferguson, J. V. Jones, E. W. Mitchell, John. Nicols, W. A. Pierce, M. R. Palmer, L. L. Central German Conference. Schmidt, H. D. (1864) Central Illinois Conference. Brown, G. W. Cotton, Thos. Gue, G. W. Haney, R. Haney, M. L. Higgins, A. C. Hackard, M. D. Millsops, J. S. Palmer, Geo. R. Peterson, W. S. Ransom, E. Tullis, Amos K. Underwood, W. Central Oh*) Conference. Alderman, J. W. Collier, Geo. W. Cozier, B. F. W. 189 Ferris, C. G. Hallington, A. Ketcham, C. W. Kennedy, Oliver. Morrow, J. M. Poucher, J. Poe, A. B. Reynolds, Chas. Strong, D. G. Wilson, Amos. Cincinnati Conference. Bitler, M. Beall, A. U. Brewster, D. A. Blackburn, Jas. Callender, N. Cramer, M. J. Chalfant, J. F. Gaddis, M. P. Hill, J. J. Moody, J. Miller, L. P. Middleton, J. H. Sears, C. W. Spence, J. F. Stillwell, J. B. Schmidt, H. D. (1863) Shinn, John. Wright, J. F. Weakley, J. W. Tourtee, S. L. Sullivan, J. M. Des Moines Conference. Jones, C. J. Slusser, F. M. Appendix. Detroit Conference. Blancbard, J. Benson, W. Edwards, A. Jacokes, D. C. May, E. W. MahstTij Wm. May, W. C. Sneart, J. S. Shaw, A. C. Traeey, D. B. Taylor, G. East Baltimore Conference. Britt ain , A. Couser, S. I*. M. Crever, B. H. Coleman, J. A. Earnshaw, Wm. Ferguson, W. G. Gere, J. A. Hartman, G. Houck, W. A. Keith, W. H. McClnre, T. F. Miller, J. R. Boss, J. A. -uOCBGj A* Ai Stevens, W. H. Vinton, B. S. Wilson, J. T. East Genesee Conference. Buck, D. D. Brown, J. N. Drake, B. A. Dickinson, S. B. Haskell, W. M. Watts, J. East Maine Conference. Brown, J. L. Bray, H. L. Chase, B. A. Chase, S. F. drareh, A. J. Ellia, C. H. Higgins, Phineas. Stout, S. F. Tefft, B. F. Erie Conference. Bear, R. M. Breen, J. M. Hulburt, R H. Hawk, G. B. Lytle, J. S. Ludwick, E. A. Moore, H. H. Morton, A. D. Steve, D. M. Williams, L. D. Genesee Conference. Bowman, J. Buck, E. M. Bills, J. E. Dolematyr, G. Foot, L. T. Kendall, A. McNeal, Benj. F. Bobie, J. E. Sogers, W. H. Steele, Allan. Holston Conference. MUburn, Wm. Illinois Conference. Berger, J. S. Baldwin, C P. Barwick, J. S. Bradshaw, C G. Crant, J. L. Evans, W. M. Guthrie, R E. Hammond, P. D. Hungerf ord, B. 190 Appendix. Jones, L. Jacquess, F. J. Kirkpabuck, J. L. Locke, J. R. Miller, I. T. Newinan, W. J. Palmer, J. A. Rutledge, W. J. Sargent, J. C. Vandewater, A. C. Wood, P. WilMns, E. D. Indiana Conference. Brown, S. Carson, L. E. Campbell, M. M. Chapman, H. O. Daniel, W. V. Gilmore, Hiram. Gaskins, E. Hibben, H. B. Hewing, F. A. Hobbs, M. M. C. Hight, J. J. Hancock, L. M. Hucherson, F. A. Haimeton, J. B. Kiger, John. McNoughten, S. W. Pierce, R. R. Patterson, N. M. St. Clair, J. F. Whitled, Thomas A. Woods, Milas. Iowa Conference. Allender, R. B. Audas, Thos. Burgess, John. Evans, F. W. Ebod, John. Garrison, S. F. C. Hare, W. H. Hestwood, S. Ingalls, P. P. Kirkpatrick, A. J. Latham, J. W. Murphy, Dennis. Poston, W. Stewart, I. I. Simmons, J. T. Teter, J. P. White, J. H. Kansas Conference. Brooks, S. Cline, J. S. Duvall, R. P. Davis, W. R. Fisher, H. D. Fevrill, T. J. Gardner, O. B. Kline, J. S. Leard, J. H. Paulson, John. Robb, W. Kentucky Conference. Black, W. H. Burket, M. H. B. Lathrop, E. Pell, J. P. Maine Conference. Colby, Jos. French, L. P. Fuller, S. A. Godfrey, A. C. Michigan Conference. Brockway, W. H. Cogshall, I. Earl, L. W. Elrod, A. J. Glass, F. Jones, J. Patterson, H. A. Smith, M. J. 191 Appendix. Minnesota Conference. Brown, L. D. Bowdish, C. H. Balles, S. Crary, B. F. Cobb, D. Light, O. P. Lathrop, E. R. Peet, J. Richardson, G. W. Tucker, Ezra. Missouri and Arkansas ference. Brooks, Jos. Bratton, T. B. Cox, J. H. Hopkins, J. H. Linen, J. McDonald, A. C. McNeiley, L. T. Oyler, James. Pile, W. A. Pace, L. C. Shumate, N. Sellers, Wm. Williams, T. J. Nebraska Conference. Spillman, W. P. Newark Conference. Brown, J. H. Crane, E. P. Daily, J. P. Faull, John. Gray, S. L. Horton, G. W. Lenhart, J. L. Moore, S. T. Pritehard, B. F. Simpson, B. F. Wolfe, F. L. Yard, R. B. Con- New England Conference. Bent, G. R. Cushman, I. S. Cromack, J. C. Gage, Rodney. Hemstead, H. E. Haven, Gilbert. Lacount, W. F. Leanard, W. G. Morse, F. C. Winslow, E. D. Macreading, C. S. New Hampshire Conference. Adams, J. W. Barnes, G. S. Buckley, J. M. Emerson, J. C. Lergo, E. H. Manly, R. M. Pike, James. Stratton, R. K. Thomas, W. H. Wilkins, L. New Jersey Conference. Abbott, W. T. Given, R. Graw, J. B. Heisley, C. W. Hartraufft, C. R. Hill, C. E. James, J. H. Rose, F. B. Sovereign, T. Stockton, W. C. White, J. New York Conference. Champion, J. H. Ferris, D. O. Gale, S. G. Keyes, E. R. Parker, John. 192 Appendix. Strickland, W. P. Shelling, C. Wheatley, Richard. New York East Conference. Gilden, W. H. Inskip, J. S. North Indiana Conference. Beeks, G. C. Barnett, Thos. Barnhart, A. C. Boyden, O. P. Dale, L. Eddy, A. Hoback, W. K. Lemon, O. V. Layton, S. McCarty, J. S. Stout, S. T. Smith, J. W. s, R. H. North Ohio Conference. Bush, E. H. Beatty, Samuel M. Bushong, J. W. Jones, A. P. Matlack, J. Nicherson, W. H. Parish, H. L. Phillips, Geo. S. Pepper, G. W. Warner, Lorengo. Wheeler, Alfred. Warner, L. North West Indiana Confer ence. Brakeman, N. L. Claypool, J. H. Donaldson, J. S. Guion, G. Huffman, H. D, Hill, J. Harker, W. S. Reed, J. C. Stafford, G. W. Tarr, C. W. Webb, T. E. Northwest Wisconsin Con ference. Golden, T. C. Johnson, J. W. . McKinley, Wm. Springer, J. E. Ohio Conference. Byers, A. G. Bennett, R. B. Bethauser, Charles. Berkstresser, H. Drake, L. F. Dillon, John. Fry, B. St. James. Gregg, J. C. Griffith, W. H. Holliday, W. C. Hall, E. P. Isaminger, G. W. King, M. L. Lewis, J. W. Morris, Jos. McCabe, C. C. Mclntire, Thos. Oneida Conference. Bristol, D. W. Bowdish, A. C. Cleveland, M. B. Crippen, J. T. Richardson, H. S. Talbott, H. V. Philadelphia Conference. Burkalow, J. T. Crouch, C. J. 193 Appendix. Fries, W. H. Gregg, W. B. Gracey, S. L. Gregg, J. C. Gray, J. R. T. Hammond, W. Kirkpatrick, Thos. Lame, J. S. Meredith, J. F. O'Neill, W. Poulson, T. L. Rokestraw, G. G. Smith, V. Thomas, T. S. Tull, W. T. Way, E. J. Welch, Jos. Walton, W. B. Pittsburgh Conference. Bradley, E. W. Boyle, T. N. Brady, E. W. Castle, A. B. Guvie, L. M. High, J. C. Keagle, J. S. Locke, W. H. Lane, A. J. Leinmod, J. S. McCleary, Thos. Pierce, J. N. Petty, A. L. Thomas, J. M. Vertican, F. W. Vail, J. D. Worthington, N. C. Williams, A. G. Providence Conference. Adams, O C. Cummings, S. 8. Gould, J. B. Palmer, A. White, H. S. . Rock River Conference. Atchison, W. D. Clendenning, J. M. Cartwright, B. H. Crews, H. Flowers, J. W. Haggerty, T. H. Johnson, Philo. Lyon, G. G. Stuff, G. L. 8. Stoughton, J. C. Satterfield, T. R. Smith, W. H. Teed, D. South East Indiana Confer- erence. Adams S. R. Brouse, J. A. Cotton, Jas. Crawford, J. M. Gatch, B. F. Hurlburt, L. Lozier, J. H. Saunders, W. T. Snyder, W. W. South Illinois Conference. Bruner, W. B. Clifford, Z. S. Compton, G. W. Cliffe, W. Chipman, H. O. Davis, J. P. Eldridge, W. V. Gillham, J. D. Houts, T. F. Lane, J. W. Lockwood, J. H. Massey, R. H. Miner, R. H. 194 Appendix. Morrison, A. B. Ransom, A. Woodard, J. B. Walker, L. S. Troy Conference. Barber, L. Bowdrye, L. N. Clemens, S. W. Eaton, J. W. Farr, A. A. Hager, C. L. Marshall, L. Mevill, S. M. Robinson, R. H. White, M. Upper Iowa Conference. Eberhardt, U. Kendig, A. B. Trusdell, C. G. Vincent, F. W. Webb, John. Vermont Conference. DickinBon, L. C. Dayton, D. W. Mack, D. A. Roberts, J. L. Simons, V. M. Webster, A. Webster, Harvey. West Iowa Conference. Goodfellow, T. N. Smith, D. N. West Wisconsin Conference. Brunson, Alfred. Hammond, B. C. Langley, Robert. Walter, A. H. Weiriek, C. E. West Virginia Conference. Battelle, G. Drummond, J. Gregg, A. W. Hower, R. W. Irwin, J. L. Lydia, A. J. Lyon, A. J. Martin, Gildeon. Monroe, T. H. Reger, J. W. Steele, Samuel. Trainer, T. H. Wallace, R. M. Wisconsin Conference. Fallows, Samuel. Jones, D. O. Pillsbury, C. D. Walker, J. M. Walter, A. H. Wyoming Conference. Gavitt, W. H. Roberts, E. F. Schoomaker, A. H. Weiss, S. W. Wyatt, W. Wheeler, Henry. 195 Appendix. Union Chaplains From Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Missouri Conference. Buckner, E. P., surgeon in Powell, A. H. United States Army. Senby, W. Parker, L. D. Kentucky Conference. Louisville Conference. Boyles, S. J. Lesley, M. N. Axline, D. W. Bristow, J. H. Johnston, J. J. Burge, H. T. Eads, John R. Gardner, Robt. G. 196 APPENDIX B. Methodist Ministers Who Were Delegates of the United States Christian Commission. Name. 1862. Conference. Alday, J. H Philadelphia. Best, Wesley C Philadelphia. Bodine, Henry H Philadelphia. Boyle, W. E New Jersey. Crouch, C. J Philadelphia. Dobbins, Jas. B New Jersey. Gilroy, Henry E Philadelphia. Grocy, S. L Philadelphia. King, Isaiah JD New Jersey. McCullough, J. B Philadelphia. Owen, Roger Philadelphia. Patterson, D. L Philadelphia. Robinson, W. C Philadelphia. Ruth, Jno Philadelphia. Smith, Wm. C New York. Steele, David Genesee. Thomas, S. W Philadelphia. Westwood, H. C Baltimore, Md. Wood, W. B Philadelphia. 1863. Abbott, J. T New England. Adair, J. M Ohio. Atkinson, H. K Maine. Baird, J. N Pittsburgh. Beck, F. H Black River. Bent, G. R. New England. Bidwell, I. G Troy. Brown, Azra Cincinnati. Brown, Jno. W East Baltimore. Brown J. H East Baltimore. Castle, J. H Philadelphia. 197 Appendix. Name. Conference. Chalker, R. A New Jersey. Cooper, G. W East Baltimore. Crawford, Jas. M New York East. Crouch, C. J Philadelphia. Cummings, Silas S Providence. Cushing, S. A New England. Doyan, J. F Black River. De Forrest, J. A New Hampshire. Eddy, T. M Rock River. Erwin, Jas Black River. Faulks, Jas. B Newark. Fluit, R Black River. Freeman, J. M Newark. Gilbert, G. S New York East. Graves, A. S Oneida. Gregg, Wm. B Philadelphia. Hambleton, W. J New England. Hance, Edmund New Jersey. Hawes, Edward Indiana. Heysinger, J. L Philadelphia. High, W. C New England. Holman, C New Hampshire. Hwin, Henry F Philadelphia. Jackson, S New England. Janes, E. S. (Bishop) Kramer, Jno. W New Jersey. Lawrence, J Kansas. Lent, M. R New York. Little, C. J Philadelphia. Lore, Dallas D Genesee. Lybrand, G. W Philadelphia. McCullough, J. B Philadelphia. McLoughlin, Jas Philadelphia. McMillon, J Maine. Milby, Arthur W Philadelphia. Murphy, Thos. C Philadelphia. Myers, Thos Baltimore. Palmer, A. M Newark. Parker, Jas. E Detroit. Patterson, D. L Philadelphia. Pilcher, E. H Detroit. Reed, Seth Detroit. Rissell, Jno Detroit. 198 Appendix. Name. Conference. Ruth, Jno Philadelphia. Scott, Alex Pittsburgh. Shaw, W. H Genesee. Shove, Benj Oneida. Smith, J. B Central Illinois. Smith, Jos New York East. Taylor, Jno. C Pittsburgh. Taylor, W. H Central Ohio. Thomas, 8. W Philadelphia. Thomas, C. F Bast Baltimore. Torrence, I. H East Baltimore. Virgin, E. W New England. Wallace, H Newark. Westwood, H. C Baltimore. White, Jno. N Whitney, Nelson East Maine. Williomas, T. J Newark. Winslow, E. D New England. Woods, F New England. Woolston, B. F New Jersey. Zimmerman, J Black River. 1864. Alday, J. H Philadelphia. Allen, John Philadelphia. Appleford, D Rock River. Ashworth, J East Genesee. Austin, C. I-I Black River. Bockus, A. L Genesee. Bailey, N. M New Hampshire. Baker, A. 8 East Genesee. Ballow, Geo. W Maine. Barber, R. R Black River. Barnes, J. B Black River. Barns, R. M Southeastern Indiana, Beale, 8. H East Maine, Beggs, 8. R Rock River. Bennett, H. W Black River, Bennett, P. S Wisconsin. Bent, G. R New England. Bingham, I. S Black River. Bixby, Wm Oneida. Blakeslee, G. H Wyoming. 199 Appendix. Name. Conference. Boole, W. H New York East. Booth, Jno. F New York East. Boswell, W. L Philadelphia. Bowen, C. M Black River. Breekenridge, E. W Wyoming. Brekenridge, J. S New York East. Brindle, Jas. A Philadelphia. Brooks, D Minnesota. Brown, Azra Cincinnati. Brown, A. H Pittsburgh. Brown, J. N Black River. Buck, W. D Genesee. Brown, S. E Black River. Buck, J. H Black River. Bull, J. M East Genesee. Bwidick, C. F Troy. Burr, W. N Oneida. Burt, Sylvester Pittsburgh. Bush, E. G Oneida. Callahan, D Cincinnati. Campbell, Jno New York. Carr, J. M Pittsburgh. Castle, J. H Philadelphia. Chapman, G. E New England. Chase, L. N New Hampshire. Chase, Moses Providence. Clark, J. L Western Virginia. Clark, Jonas M New England. Clarke, H. R. Clarke, W. R New England. Clendenning, T. C Rock River. Collins, H. B Southeastern Indiana. Comfort, G Wyoming. Cookman, A New York. Cooper, Jas. W Philadelphia. Copeland, A. T Black River. Cordon, J. R Detroit. Coyle, Jno Newark. Cramer, M. J. Cincinnati. Cullis, Wm. B New Jersey. Cunningham, J Philadelphia. Cushing, S. A New England. Dayon, J. F Black River. 200 Appendix. Name. Conference. De Forrest, J. A New Hampshire. De Haas, F. S New York East. Dobbins, J. B New Jersey. Elliott, J. E Philadelphia. England, G. A Wisconsin. Erwin, J Black River. Evans, J. G Central Hlinois. Faulks, J. B Newark. Feather, J. B Western Virginia. Fellows, Geo Wisconsin. Ferguson, A. H New York. Fletcher, J East Maine. Foster, Boswell East Maine. Fox, C. S East Genesee. Fox, H Oneida. Fulford, D Black River. Fuller, S. R Black River. Gardiner, Austin Providence. Gardiner, L. M East Baltimore. Gibson, O. L East Genesee. Godfrey, A. O. East Maine. Gould, Albert New England. Graves, Prof. Jackson Troy. Gregg, W. B Philadelphia. Haines, Selden Des Moines. Hall, E North Indiana. Hall, Geo. A Troy. Hamilton, S. L Central Illinois. Hardy, J. B Iowa. Harlow, R. W Vermont. Hartsough, L Oneida. Hascall, W. M East Genesee. Hatfield, R. M New York East. Hawes, Edw Indiana. Hawks, Jno Maine. Haynes, Z. 8 Vermont. (Hill, J. B.) Hobart G Northwest Wisconsin. (Holmes, J. M.) Hopkins, S. M Genesee. Hull, J. F Cincinnati. Hunt, S Genesee. Irwin, Jos. L Western Virginia. 201 Appendix. Name. Conference. Jamison, J. M. Ohio. Jaques, Parker Maine. Jewell, F. F Black River. Johnson, Thos. S IttinoJfl. Jones, J. F Pittsburgh. Jones, N Genesee. Kennedy, S. Y Pittsburgh. Kenyon, S. F Blaek River. King, J. D Providence. King, S. W New York East. (Kline, J. A.) Kmett, J. B East Genesee. Knowles, J. H Genesee. Knox, J. D Pittsburgh. La Croix, Prof. P. J Ohio. Lane, J. W. Southern Illinois. Lathrop, C. G Wisconsin. Lawrence, Jno Kansas. Leake, Thos Rock River. Legate, O. M Blaek River. Little, C. E Troy. Little, J. S Vermont. Littlewood, T New York East. Luce, Israel Vermont Lytle, David Troy. Manning, Wm. East Genesee. Markliam, W. F Cincinnati. Marlay, J. F Cincinnati Marsh, J Erie. Marshall, W. K. Pittsburgh. Martindale, T. E Philadelphia. Mason, C. C Maine. Mason, J Cincinnati. Mast. Isaac Philadelphia. McAllister, Wm New York East. McAnn, Isaac Vermont. McClelland, J. F. Philadelphia. McCullough, J. B Philadelphia. McDonald, Wm. Providence. MeDowall, O. M Wyoming. McLaughlin, G. W Philadelphia. Mead, A. P. Rock River. Metcalf, Jno. E Vermont. 202 Appendix. Name. Conference. Miller, J. V. R North Indiana. Mitchell, Jno Maine. Moore, James D East Baltimore. Morell, J. F New Jersey. Morris, G. K New Jersey. Morrinson, J. B Southeastern Indiana. Morton, A. D Erie. Munger, E. H Black River. Murphy, T. C Philadelphia. Newell, C. H New England. Newhouse, J. E Northwest Indiana. Nichols, Starr East Genesee. Noble, C New England. Norris, W. H New York East. Owen, A New Jersey. Paine, J. L Upper Iowa. Parker, Jno East Genesee. Parrott, Geo Cincinnati. Parsons, S Newark. Patterson, Samuel Philadelphia. Peck, Luther, Wyoming. Petty, A. L Pittsburgh. Pratt, A. L Vermont. Quigley, Geo Philadelphia. Ramsdell, S. L Detroit. Rauks, Swanton Maine. Reasoner, J. R Kentucky. Reed, J. C Northwest Indiana. Requa, Henry Wisconsin. Reynolds, J. F Philadelphia. Ritchie, H Central Illinois. Roberts, J. W Philadelphia. Roberts, Robert Southern Indiana. Robertson, D. A Southern Indiana. Robinson, J. M Cincinnati. Robinson, R. S Iowa. Robinson, W. J East Maine. Rose, R. 8 Wyoming. Salisbury, A. B Genesee. Satchwell, H. P New England. Scott, A Pittsburgh. Sharp, J. M. C Southeastern Indiana. Shaw, L. L East Maine. 203 Appendix. Name. Conference. Shelling, Chas Genesee. Shier, Wm. H Detroit. Shinn, John Cincinnati. Simonson, W. H New York East. Smith, B North Lidiana. Smith, C. W Pittsburgh. Smith, G. A Wisconsin. Smith, D Northwest Indiana. Smith, H Troy. Spencer, F. A Ohio. Steley, E. H Northwest Indiana. Steele, G. M New England. Stivers, T. S Ohio. Stowe, G Detroit. Stubbs, R. S New Hampshire. Sutton, Jos. S Detroit. Tait, T. B Erie. Taplin, G. P Vermont. Taylor, B. F Upper Iowa. Taylor, H. B Southern Hlinois. Taylor, J. C Pittsburgh. Teed, David Rock River. Thomas, C. F East Baltimore. Thomas, S. W Philadelphia. Thompson, J. J Cincinnati. Tiffony, W. H Troy. Tonsey, Thos East Genesee. Townsend, G. H Vermont. Tuttle, J. K East Genesee. Vrooman, J. Troy. Warner, H Vermont. Warner, P Central Hlinois. Warren, H. W New England. Watkins, W. F New York East. Wells, M. S Oneida. Westwood, H. C Baltimore. Wheeler, H Wyoming. (White, A.) Whitney, Nelson East Maine. Whitlock, Prof. W. F Central Ohio. Widmer, F Troy. Williams, H. G New Jersey. Williams, J. R Indiana. 204 Appendix. Name. Conference. Wilson, B. F Missouri and Arkansas. Wohlgemuth, W East Genesee. Wood, A New Hampshire. Woodruff, G. W New York East. Young, Wm Cincinnati. , 1865. Alabaster, J East Genesee. Badgley, O Newark. Baker, Jno. E Wisconsin. Ball, F Western Virginia. Bancroft, Geo. C Vermont. Barkdull, T. N Central Ohio. Barnes, D. F Northwest Indiana. Bartels, Jno Central Hlinois. Beatty, Robert Erie. Benham, W. R East Genesee. Bolles, S _, . . . .Minnesota. Bower, A Central Hlinois. Boyd, R. B Erie. Bradley, Wm East Genesee. Brigham, Alf Wyoming. Brooks, C. W Wisconsin. Brown, S. E Blaek River. Brown, W. N Upper Iowa. Bryont, Geo. W New Hampshire. Buckles, L. C Northwest Indiana. Capen, Jno. S New England. Carroll, Geo. K New York East. Chamberlayne, C. 8 Genesee. Clark, D. W. (Bishop) Coult, A. C New Hampshire. Crafts, F. A Providence. Damon, A. N Black River. Dinsmore, C. M New Hampshire. Eddy, C Genesee. Edwards, H. B Pittsburgh. Farrington, W. F Providence. Fitch (New York Mills, N. Y.) New York. Foster, A Wisconsin. Foster, Jno. Q Rock River. Fuller, A Blaek River. Furler, Franklin New England. 205 Appendix. Name. Conference. Gale, Solomon (G.) New York. Gee, A. A Northwest Indiana. Gill, J Vermont. Graves, Horace Black River. Graves, W. P Central Hlinois. Grumley, E. S Wisconsin. Hall, Jno. H Oneida. Hartley, W. S Cincinnati. Hartupee, G. H North Ohio. Hawes, Edw Indiana. Hawkins, L Rock River. Henderson, J. R Central Ohio. Henson, Jos New York East. Hitchcock, J. C East Genesee. Hitehens, Geo New Jersey. Hobbs, H. A Central Hlinois. Horton, A. A Erie. Hotchkiss, E East Genesee. Hoyt, James Michigan. Hunt, A. S .New York East. Irwin, G. M Central Hlinois. Janes, E. S. (Bishop) Johnson, W. C Philadelphia. Johnson, W. W Michigan. Jones, W East Genesee. King, C. A Maine. Klepper, J. W Minnesota. Lathrop, E Kentucky. Lawson, Jas West Wisconsin. Lee, Geo. D Michigan. Loriusberry, H New York. Lowe, Geo. W Detroit. Lyon, C. W New York. Marlay, J. F Cincinnati. Martin, H. L Rock River. Martin, J. W Rock River. Martin, N. H New England. Mason, J. W Cincinnati. McCabe, C. C Ohio. McClain, J. F Southeastern Indiana. McLean, C. F Upper Iowa. Meharry, A Cincinnati. Meville, J. H New England. 206 Appendix. Name. Conference. Moore, J. H Illinois. Nadal, B. H Baltimore. Norton, J. D Erie. Osborne, W. M West Wisconsin. Patterson, Robert Troy. Pearne, T. H Holston. Pike, J New Hampshire. Picher, J. N Ohio. Porter, Jeremiah New England. Potter, Wm East Genesee. Prettyman, W Ohio. Ritchie, H Central Illinois. Robbins, J. C Wisconsin. Ross, Jas. H East Genesee. Smith, Jesse Minnesota. Smith, Wm. A Rock River. Stevenson, T Southern Hlinois. Taylor, G. L New York East. Taylor, J. D Central Illinois. Tinsley, Chas Southeastern Indiana. Tupper, Samuel New England. Vance, Jos Cincinnati. Viele, A Troy. Virgin, E. W New England. Wallser, T Wisconsin. Wallace, H Illinois. Wasmuth, E Central Hlinois. Waters, W. G Central Ohio. Wayne, Jos Genesee. Wells, M. L Southeastern Indiana. Wheeler, A North Ohio. Wight, W. H Vermont. Williams, M Erie. 207 APPENDIX C. Letter to Jefferson Davis By a Confederate Officer, Concerning Bishop Ames. Office of Commissary of Substance and Quartermaster Cavalry Brigade. Gainesville, Prince William Co., Va. February 5, 1862. His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States. Sir : I hope you will pardon this intrusion. A sense of duty impels me to write to you and, if you will not consider it presumption, utter a word of warning. I see that Rev. Bishop Ames, of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States has accepted the appoint ment as one of the proposed visitors and inspectors of Richmond prisoners of war and their prisons. I know not whether they will be allowed to enter our lines and prosecute their mission or not. I do, however, know Bishop Ames. He has been for many years a shrewd and potent politician. I am myself a Methodist preacher and have been for nineteen years. I have been a mem ber of the Baltimore Conference stationed for some years past in Baltimore and Washington cities. I was in charge of a congregation in Baltimore when our present troubles burst forth upon us. I resigned my con gregation in June and came to my native Virginia to do whatever I might for her and the South. I was im mediately called into the activities of the present strug gle, — first as a lieutenant in a company of mounted rifle men, then through Col. J. B. Stuart's solicitations and recommendation you gave me the appointment of 208 Appendix. chaplain to the First Virginia Cavalry, and subsequently my present position upon General J. B. B. Stuart's staff as major and chief of staff to his brigade. Excuse this apparent announcement of myself rather than an other, about whom I proposed writing. I hope it will enable you the better to appreciate the feeble monitions I desire to express and the motives that prompt it. For many years the Methodist Episcopal Church, of which I am an humble minister, has been fearfully agi tated and cursed by the same class of fanatics that have now brought this terrible disaster upon the Nation. It was in vain that we of the border strove to stem this maddened current. It swept onward and onward de spite all varieties of pleadings and remonstrances, bear ing down one safeguard after another, till it reached its culmination in the legislation of our late General Con ference, held in Buffalo last May one year. Subse quently the ministers and the laity of our Conference voted themselves from under the jurisdiction of the said General Conference. In all this protracted controversy Bishop Ames's sympathies, and indeed most of our bishops were with the North. I know Bishop Ames to be an uncompromising anti-slavery man, not to say abo litionist. He with other members of the bench of bishops sought to impress upon the present President of the United States and his Cabinet upon their accession to power the fact that the Methodist Church, very numer ous in the North and West, had peculiar claims upon the Government for a liberal share of the spoils of office, as they had so largely contributed to Mr. Lincoln's elec tion, at the same time disavowing any particular claim upon the outgoing administration. I might detail many facts to corroborate this representation of the dangerous and corrupt antecedents of this high Church dignitary, but I fear it might weary you. Suffice it to say that I am positively certain, from personal knowledge, that Bishop Ames, with many others whom I might name of " 209 Appendix. high position in our Church in the North, have aided most fearfully by the influence of their position and their known sentiments to augment the power of the abo lition party in the North, and to precipitate the horrid and unnatural alienation and bloody war in which we are now engaged. We are now forced to the terrible necessity in the vindication and defense of our most sacred and cherished rights to sacrifice many of the best and noblest of our brothers upon freedom's altars; but let us meanwhile beware of those who have forced us into this attitude of defense against the most iniquitous and oppressive tyranny ever attempted to be imposed upon an enlightened people. Allow me, in conclusion, Mr. President, to warn you against this astute politician, who in the garb of a Chris tian minister and with the specious plea of "humanity" upon his lips, would insinuate himself into the very heart of that Government whose very foundation he would most gladly sap and destroy. You can make any use of this letter your judgment dictates, and if you deem it worthy of attention you will pardon the liberty I have taken in view of the patriotic motives which have prompted it. I respectfully refer you to Wyndham Robertson, Esq., of your city, if you deem it necessary to know me further before considering the information I have communicated. Most respectfully, your obedient servant, Darbey Ball. From the "Official Records," Series II, vol. iii, pp. 787, 788. 210 APPENDIX D. Patriotic Addresses of Bishop Simpson. The bishop began his lecture in the Academy of Music in New York in 1864 by saying: "I would stand far above all party; I have no epi thets for any of my fellow-citizens. [As it was his pur pose to give his discourse a firm body of logic, he out lined four possible issues of the war.] First: It is a possible result of this conflict that we may become a prey to some foreign powers and be reduced under their control. There is a second possible result of this contest : that the Nation may be divided into two or more sepa rate confederacies. There is a third possible issue: that the Nation may remain united, but with- its present institutions overthrown, and Southern institu tions and Southern ideas established. The fourth and last possible issue is that our Nation, having passed through this fiery ordeal, may come out of it purer, stronger, and more glorious than ever before. At this point I will simply say that I believe it to be the de sign of Providence to secure the last result. Taking up the first topic. No great nation has, in all history, risen and fallen in a single century. Moreover, there are indications to show that this is destined to be a great Nation in the earth. The discovery of America by Co lumbus, at the time thereof, was opportune. This Nation has done more than any other to fulfill a great destiny. One thing it has done towards the accomplishment of its work is the education of the masses. In this land all may rise to the highest offices. The humblest cabin- boy may lead our armies, and the poor hostler may sit in the Senate. Who has not heard of Henry Clay, the 211 Appendix. Millboy of the Slashes, and Jackson, the child of poor Irish parents! And some may have heard that even a rail-splitter may become President! Again, this Nation is an asylum for all the nations of the earth. There is no large migration to any other land, but men come here from all parts of the world. I have no feeling of sym pathy with any person who will seek to exclude from free national association all who may come. We have broad acres for them to cultivate, schools for their chil dren and churches for themselves, and a Constitution broad enough, thank God! and strong enough for all the world to stand upon. This Nation has the sympathy of the masses all over the earth, and if the world is to be raised to its proper place, I would say it with all reverence, God can not do without America. ' ' Then comes the second question, Shall the Nation be divided? If we divide, where shall we divide? We have no mountain chains, no great natural landmarks to sepa rate us into two; and if we divide, must it not be into several confederacies? If you allow the South to go, then the Northwest will become a separate confederacy; and when the Northwest undertakes that, the people of the Pacific Coast will set up for themselves, and you will lose all that gold-bearing country. I tell you here to day, I would not give one cent on the dollar for your National liabilities if you allow a single dividing line to be run through your country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. I deprecate war, it is terrible; much of the best blood of the Nation has flowed, and more, possibly, will moisten the earth ; but if we should divide this land into petty sections, there will come greater strife, which will waste the blood of your children and grandchildren, and there will be sorrow and wailing throughout the generations to come. When I look at this dark picture, much as I dislike war, I yet say, better now fight for twenty years and have peace than stop where we are. If any peace is had, I want a peace which shall be last- 212 Appendix. ing, so that 1 can leave my wife and children safe when I die, and that can only be by our remaining a united Nation. We have glorious boundaries on the north and the south, on the east and the west, and when I look at those boundaries I say, 'Palsied be the hand which shall try to wrest from us one foot of this great domain. ' ' ' Then the question comes, ' Shall our form of govern ment be changed 1 ' This is what Mr. Davis expects ; He can hardly suppose the South will live in separation. They at the South expected that this great city would declare itself independent ; but this city has a heart that throbs in sympathy with the Nation, and stands out, as it ought, as the National metropolis. The South hopes for a monarchy, but this Nation will never tolerate a monarchy. "If these three results are not likely to happen, then shall we, as a people, emerge from this contest purer and more glorious than before. The Nation must be purified, and for that we are going through the war. The war is nothing new; the South has been preparing for it for thirty years. At the same time a series of providences has appeared which shows the hand of God. "I have one more impression, that if this war lasts much longer slavery will be damaged. It is seriously damaged now, and I hope and desire that it may pass away quickly and let us see the last of it. Do you ask what has been accomplished ? The District of Columbia has been made free, and this week — on the last Tuesday — the sun, as it rose, shone for the first time on the glorious State of Maryland. West Virginia, from her mountain home, echoes back the shouts of freedom. But this war ought not to be carried on for the purpose of destroying slavery, or for any other than the single purpose of restoring the authority of our Government. But if while we are striking blows at the rebellion, slavery will come and put its black head between us and the rebels, then let it perish along with them. Our chil- 213 Appendix. dren can look back to the battles of the Revolution and assure themselves that their fathers were worthy of freedom. Let the children of these poor slaves have the chance to look back not only to Fort Pillow, but to the battles fought and won in front of Petersburg and Rich mond, and they will feel that they, too, are worthy of freedom. It has been demonstrated in this war that a blue coat can make a hero even of a sable skin. The black men have long ago learned to follow the stars; they have followed the North Star successfully, and now it is shown that they can follow, as well as any others, the stars that are set in our glorious flag. "Your Fifty-fifth Regiment carried this flag [taking up a war-worn, shot-riddled flag, which was greeted with tremendous cheers] ; it has been at Newbern, and at South Mountain, and at Antietam. The blood of our brave boys is upon it ; the bullets of rebels have gone through and through it ; yet it is the same old flag. Our fathers followed that flag; we expect that our children and our children's children will follow it; there is noth ing on earth like that old flag for beauty. Long may those stars shine ! Just now there are clouds upon it and mists gathering around it, but the stars are coming out, and others are joining them. And they grow brighter and brighter, and so may they shine till the last star in the heavens shall fall!"1 Oration of Bishop Simpson at the Grave of Lincoln. "Fellow-Citizens of Illinois and Many Parts of Our Entire Union •. Near the capital of this large and growing State of Illinois, in the midst of this beautiful grove, and at the open mouth of the vault which has just received the remains of our fallen chieftain, we gather to pay a tribute of respect and drop the tears of sorrow. A little more than four years ago he left 1 Crooks, "Life of Simpson," pp. 379-383. 214 Appendix. his plain and quiet home in yonder city, receiving the parting words of the concourse of friends who in the midst of the droppings of a gentle shower gathered around him. He spoke of the pain of leaving the place where his children had been born, and where his home had been rendered so pleasant by many recollections. And as he left he made an earnest request in the hear ing of some who are present at this hour, that as he was about to enter upon responsibilities which he be lieved to be greater than those which had fallen upon any man since the days of Washington, the people would offer up their prayers that God would aid and sustain him in the work they had given him to do. His com pany left your city; but as it went, snares were set for the Chief Magistrate. Scarcely did he escape the dangers of the way or the hand of the assassin as he neared Washington. I believe he escaped only through the vigilance of the officers and the prayers of the peo ple, so that the blow was suspended for more than four years, which was at last permitted, through the providence of God, to fall. "How different the occasion which witnessed his departure from that which witnessed his return ! Doubt less you expected to take him by the hand, to feel the warm grasp which you felt in other days, and to see the tall form among you which you had delighted to honor in years past. But he was never permitted to re turn until he came with lips mute, his frame eneoffined, and a weeping Nation following. Such a scene as his return to you was never witnessed. Among the events of history there have been great processions of mourn ers. There was one for the Patriarch Jacob, which went out of Egypt, and the Canaanites wondered at the evi dence of reverence and filial affection which came from the hearts of the Israelites. There was mourning when Moses fell upon the heights of Pisgah and was hid from human view. There has been mourning in the 215 Appendix. kingdoms of the earth when kings and princes have fallen. But never was there in the history of man such mourning as that which has attended this progress to the grave. If we look at the multitudes that followed him we can see how the Nation stood aghast when it heard of his death. Tears filled the eyes of manly, sun burned faces. Strong men, as they grasped the hands of their friends, were unable to find vent for their grief in words. Women and children caught up the tidings as they ran through the land, and were melted into tears. The Nation stood still. Men left their plows in the fields and asked what the end should be. The hum of manufactories ceased, and the sound of the hammer was not heard. Busy merchants closed their doors, and in the Exchange gold passed no more from hand to hand. Though three weeks have elapsed, the Nation has scarcely breathed easily. Men of all political parties and of all religious creeds have united in paying this tribute. The archbishop of the Roman Catholic Church in New York and a Protestant minister walked side by side in the sad procession, and a Jewish rabbi performed a part of the solemn service. Here are gathered around his tomb the representatives of the army and navy, senators, judges, and officers of all the branches of the Govern ment. Here, too, are members of civic professions, with men and women from the humblest as well as the highest occupations. Here and there, too, are tears — as sincere and warm as any that drop — which come from the eyes of whose kindred and whose race have been freed from their chains by him whom they mourn as their deliverer. More races have looked on the procession for sixteen hun dred miles — by night and by day, by sunlight, dawn, twilight, and by torchlight — than ever before watched the progress of a procession on its way to the grave. "A part of this deep interest has arisen from the times in which we live and in which he who has fallen was a leading actor. It is a principle of our nature 216 Appendix. that feelings, once excited, turn readily from the object by which they are aroused to some other object, which may for the time being take possession of the mind. Another law of our nature is that our deepest affections gather about some human form in which are incarnated the living thoughts of the age. If we look, then, at the times, we see an age of excitement. [These thoughts were copiously illustrated.] "The tidings came that Richmond was evacuated, and that Lee had surrendered. The bells rang merrily all over the land. The booming of cannon was heard; illuminations and torchlight processions manifested the general joy, and families looked for the speedy return of their loved ones from the field. Just in the midst of this, in one hour — nay, in one moment — the news was flashed throughout the land that Abraham Lincoln had perished by the hand of an assassin; and then all the feeling which had been gathering for four years, in forms of excitement, grief, horror, joy, turned into one wail of woe — a sadness inexpressible. But it is not the character of the times, merely, which has made this mourning; the mode of his death must be taken into the account. Had he died with kind friends around him; had the sweat of death been wiped from his brow by gentle hands while he was yet conscious — how it would have softened or assuaged something of our grief ! But no moment of warning was given to him or to us. He was stricken down, too, when his hopes for the end of the rebellion were bright, and prospects of a calmer life were before him. There was a Cabinet meet ing that day, said to have been the most cheerful of any held since the beginning of the rebellion. After this meeting he talked with his friends, and spoke of the four years of tempest, of the storm being over, and of the four years of content now awaiting him, as the weight of care and anxiety would be taken from his mind. In the midst of these anticipations he left his house, never 217 Appendix. to return alive. The evening was Good Friday, the saddest day in the whole calendar for the Christian Church. So filled with grief was every Christian heart that even the joyous thoughts of Easter Sunday failed to remove the sorrow under which the true worshiper bowed in the house of God. "But the chief reason for this mourning is to be found in the man himself. [Here follows a summary of the character of Lincoln.] "Standing, as we do to-day, by his coffin, let us re solve to carry forward the policy so nobly begun. Let us do right to all men. Let us vow, before heaven, to eradicate every vestage of human slavery ; to give every human being his true position before God and man; to crush every form of rebellion, and to stand by the flag which God has given us. How joyful that it floated over parts of every State before Mr. Lincoln's career was ended! How singular that to the fact of the assassin's heel being caught in the folds of the flag we are probably indebted for his capture. The time will come when, in the beautiful words of him whose lips are now forever sealed, 'the mystic chords of memory, which stretch from every battlefield and from every patriot's grave, shall yield a sweeter music when touched by the angels of our better nature. ' "Chieftain, farewell! The Nation mourns thee. Mothers shall teach thy name to their lisping children. The youth of our land shall emulate thy virtues. States men shall study thy record, and from it learn lessons of wisdom. Mute though thy lips be, yet they still speak. Hushed is thy voice, but its echoes of liberty are ringing through the world, and the sons of bondage listen with joy. Thou didst fall not for thyself. The assassin had no hate for thee. Our hearts were aimed at; our Na tional life was sought. We crown thee as our martyr, and Humanity enthrones thee as her triumphant son. Hero, martyr, friend, farewell!" 218 APPENDIX E. Preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in the Confederate Army. The statement has been commonly made that the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was as loyal to the Confederate cause as was the Methodist Episcopal Church to the cause of the Union, and a careful investi gation of the facts will bear out this statement. I have made a list of the Methodist (South) chaplains in the Confederate Army, though it is far from complete, owing to the fact that a number of the Southern Confer ences did not meet during the war, and also to the fact that the Minutes of several of the Conferences which did hold their sessions were lost. This list by Confer ences is as follows : Tennessee Conference.! Wilson, R. A. Pitts, Fountain E. Petway, F. S. Ellis, John A. Browning, W. H. Cullom, Jeremiah W. Gould, J. H. Edmondson, K. A. Lovell, J. W. Stephens, Berry M. Smith, B. F. Richey, James H. Bolton, J. G. Cherry, Sterling M. Harrison, J. G. Kimball, Francis A. Hamilton Alex. F. Holston Conference. Whitten, Moses L. Bowman, W. C. Purtle, John M. Sullins, D. Williams, Marcus G. Manpin, Milton. Hunter, R. S. Wiggins, Joseph A. Cross, Joseph. Wexler, Edwin C. Bailey, William M. Farley, Francis A. Tribber, Allen. Callahan, George W. 1 There were no sessions of the Tennessee Conference in 1863 or 1864, and the above list is for the two first years of the war only. 219 Appendix. Glenn, Thos. F. Waugh, Henry P. Stringfield, J. K. Memphis Conference,1 Crouch, Benj. T. Hamilton, Ephraim E. Fife, J. A. Owen, Wm. B. Payne, Wm. S. Haskell, Wm. C. Bwins, R. H. Ford, Miles H. Duke, Thos. L. Deavenport, Thos. H. McCutchen, Jos. B. Mahon, Wm. J. Porter, Robt. G. Pearson, W. G. Mclver, J. W. Johnson, W. C. Mississippi Conference. Godfrey, James A. Swinney, S. T. Ard, J. W. Richardson, J. P. Mortimer, Geo. J. Ely, Foster. Johnson, Pickney A. Nicholson, A. B. Young, Newton B. Boyls, Geo. W. Louisiana Conferences White, Fredrick. Virginia Conference. Granberry, J. C. Joyner, James E. August, P. F. Berry, Wm. W. Woggoner, James R. McSparran, James E. Anderson, J. M. Booker, Geo. E. Fitzpatrick, Jas. B. Garland, Jas. P. Edwards, Wm. E. Hardee, Robert, Jr. Duncan, Wm. W. Ware, Thos. A. Bledsoe, Adam C. Beodles, Robt. B. Hoyle, Samuel V. Lafferty, John J. Spiller, Benj. 0. Hammond, Wesley C. Blackwell, John D. Wheelwright, W. H. West Virginia Conferences North Carolina Conference. Betts, A. D. Brent, O. J. Buie, John D. Bobbins, Jeffrey H. Wood, Franklin H. Webb, Richard S. Dodson, C. C. Plyler, Calvin. Richardson, W. B. Hines, J. J. Alford, A. B. Moore, Wm. H. Wilson, E. A. Pepper, C. M. Long, J. 8. Gutfrie, Benj. F. 1 No Minutes for 1864. 'There are no records for 1862, 1863, 1864. The number of chaplains from this Conference, very probably, much larger than here indicated. 0 There are no records of the Conference during the war. 220 Appendix. South Carolina Conference. Fleming, Wm. H. Stephens, Alex. B. Ervin, James S. Power, Wm. C. Allston, Robt. B. Miller, John W. Hemnringway, W. A. Meynardie, Chas. J. Black, Wm. S. Kennedy, Francis M. Thompson, Eugene W. Tart, James H. Wells, Geo. H. Snow, J. J. Brown, M. Campbell, James B. Moore, H. D. Wells, A. N. Moore, A. W. Johnson, L. A. Hill, S. J. Mood, F. A. Georgia Conference. Jordan, Thos. H. Reynolds, John A. Smith, Geo. G. Washburn, John H. Yarbrough, Geo. W. Simmons, Wm. A. Cone, Wm. H. C. Talley, John W. Jackson, James B. Boland, Elijah N. Kramer, Geo. Thigpen, Alex. M. Strickland, John. Oslin, W. W. Dunlap, W. C. Rush, L. Sparks, J. O. A. Cook, J. O. A. Troywick, J. W. Dodge, Wm. A. Jarrell, Anderson J. Malony, Wm. C. Lesler, Robt. B. Alabama Conference. McBryde, Alexander. Campbell, James M. Andrews, A. S. Wier, T. C. McVov, A. D. Perry, W. G. Grace, J. J. Jones, A. M. Stone, J. B. Feith, Wm. Johnson, W. G. Ellis, C. C. Connerly, D. C. B. Rutledge, Thos. C. Gillis, Neil. Talley, Geo. R. McFerrin, J. P. Wardlow, F. A. Norton, W. F. Selman, B. L. Mobile Conference. Perry, J. W. Gregory, J. T. M. Kavanaugh, H. H. Fikes, A. M. Stone, H. C. McGeher, Lucius. Florida Conference. Truberlake, John W. Pratt. Geo. W. Kennedy, Wm. M. Wiggins, Robert L. Evans, Robert F. Texas Conference. Perry, Benj. F. Cox, F. J. Brooks, C. H. 221 Appendix. Ray, E. P. Jewel, Horace. Addison, O. M. Chamberlain, Wm. A. Phillips, P. Harvey, James R. Parks, W. A. Tyson, Thos. S. Glass, H. M. Davis, Wm. J. Johnson, L. H. East Texas Conference.! Harrison, E. R. Stovall, David M. Wells, M. H. Collins, W. C. Johnson, B. G. Hill, Wm. B. Evans, G. W. Joyce, W. J. Smith John C Arkansas Conference. Manion, A. B. Roberts, R. R. Robbins, W. M. Mackey, James. Wachita Conference. Williams, J. A. Lee, B. Ratcliffe, Wm. P. Harris, Benoni. Winfield, Augustus R. Rice, John H. No Minutes were returned for the Missouri, St. Louis, Kansas Mission, or the Pacific Conferences during the four years of the war. A number of ministers of the Church South from West Virginia, Kentucky, and Mis souri became chaplains in the Union Army, and twelve of their names appear in the lists of Union chaplains. This list of Confederate chaplains from the Methodist Episcopal Church South totals 209. The large numbers contributed by some of the Southern Conferences is sur prising. The Tennessee Conference contributed 24; the Virginia and South Carolina, 22 each; Georgia Confer ence, 23; the Albany, 20; the Memphis, 16; and the North Carolina, 15. Besides these regular chaplains a considerable num ber of ministers went as missionaries to the Confederate armies, performing duties similar to those performed by the ministerial delegates of the United States Christian Commission. 'The Minutes of this Conference for 1862 and 1863 were not turned in for publication. They are probably lost. 222 Appendix. The names of these missionaries and their Confer- ences are: Holston Conference. Dickey, J. W. Mississippi Conference. Wheat, John J. Harrington, Whitfield. Shelton, James H. Andrews, C. Green. Hummcutt, Wm. F. C. Virginia Conference. Rosser, Leonidas. Granberry, John C. Georgia Conference. Yarbrough, Geo. W. Payne, E. B. Stewart, Thos. H. Thigpen, Alex. M. McGehee, J. W. Pierce, Thomas F. Turner, J. W. Lester, Robt. B. Harbin, T. B. Alabama Conference. Hutchinson, J. J. Brandon, F. T. J. Hamill, E. J. Edwards, Wm. B. Taturn, I. L. Dabbs, C. L. Parker, J. A. Florida Conference. Duncan, Erastus B. Giles, Enoch H. Texas Conference. Seat, W. H. South, H. W. Glass, H. M. Cook, T. F. Ahrens, J. B. Wachita Conference. MeKennon, H. D. The work of the Methodist chaplains in the Confed erate armies was very similar to that already described in the Northern armies. It is stated that '"unusual re ligious interest" prevailed in the army of Northern Virginia, it being especially pronounced in ' ' Stonewall ' ' Jackson's corps. "Jackson's men built log chapels for regular services, and their general aided religious work among them, taking pains to provide them with chap lains. General Lee did the same, and not only his chap lains, but his chief of artillery. General William A. Pendleton, held services and preached every Sunday and during the week as well, whenever the army was not fighting or marching. Prajer-meetings and revivals were common in camps, and at these generals were as 223 Appendix. active and conspicuous as in a battle. Itinerant preach ers and 'circuit riders' were guests always welcomed and better treated than any other visitors."1 Large numbers of the preachers of the Church South who died during the war were or had been chaplains in the Confederate army or had been connected with the war more or less intimately, the death of most of them being directly due to this cause.2 Not only were there large numbers of preachers from the Church South serving as chaplains in the Confeder ate armies, as we have seen, but also an exceptionally large number of them were to be found as commissioned officers and in the ranks. I have gone through the Min utes of the Conferences of the Church South for the war, and have compiled the following table of preachers who were ndt chaplains but were serving the Confeder acy in the capacity of ordinary soldiers or officers : Tennessee Conference 13 Holston Conference 2 Memphis Conference 10 Mississippi Conference 12 Louisiana Conference 1 Virginia Conference 9 North Carolina Conference 7 South Carolina Conference 14 Georgia Conference 14 Alabama Conference 19 Florida Conference 8 Rio Grande Conference 5 Texas Conference 16 Wachita Conference 11 Total 141 1 "The Civil War from a Southern Standpoint," by W. R. Gar rett and R. A. Halley, ' ' p. 338. 2 This information is gained from the memoirs of deceased members, found in Volume II of General Minutes of the Church South. 224 Appendix. This list is incomplete, owing to the fact that there are no records for several of the Conferences. It is very probably true that there were at least as many Methodist preachers in the Southern armies serving as soldiers (non-chaplains) as in the Union armies. 225 APPENDIX F. w • — « _1 «J 3 .2 n^H^HHaHHHnnowHwatoo a § —° 5 o v " *¦ -3 a pqcqQHWO 60S «»t2 sx -.2 ft.o.oo I f 1-1,-9 1 B ? * * i! tf-rfjlull ** 1.8 1 ¦- 3 J* £02 a » o 00 a 00«»*i-(OOI>OOOOOOOt-«00*(»F-iO»^M«C6a»t-t»©USUSQO«'**©a» « g I "a s: 1 . .a .I a 3 1 a 1 u .¦all pis'! : : •gs.£=a lee tll^jTS |j-8« tSi^JII .9 .9.9 » « 226 INDEX. American Bible Society, 166168. Ames, Bishop E. R., 88, 89, 98, 102 142, 143, 151-154, 208-210. Andrew, Bishop James O., 24, 25. Anti-Slavery Journals, 21. Anti-Slavery Societies, 19-21. Arkansas Conference, 31. Asbury, Francis, 16, 17. Atlantic Conferences, 70-79. Baker, Bishop, O. 0., 88, 99, 142, 143, 150. Baltimore Christian Advocate, 55, 114. Baltimore Conference, 47, 49, 50. Baptist Church — Slavery Contest in, 27, 42. Missions in South, 99. Periodicals, 129. Bartine, D. W., 70. Black River Conference, 76. Boston Preachers' Meeting, 67, 68, 97, 137. Butler, Gen. B. F., 96, 113, 169, 170. "Butternuts," 86 and Note. Calhoun, John O, 42. Central Christian Advocate, 35, 36, 87, 121-125. Central Ohio Conference, 82. Chaplains — Laws regulating, 135, 136. Letter to Senator Wilson concerning, 134. Methodist, 138, 139. Names of Methodist, 188-195. Christian Advocate and Journal, 23, 35, 39, 45, 59, 60, 61, 76, 114-117, 129, 130, 138. Christian Apologist, 128, 131. Cincinnati Conference, 81, 130, 131. Clark, D. W., 132, 159. Clay, Henry, 40. Conferences, Early General, 16-24. Conferences, General, 1844, 24-26; 1848, 34; 1856, 38; 1860, 39, 47, 112; 1864, 87-92. Connecticut, 63. Oookman, AHred, 70. "Copperheads," 86. Crooks, Geo. R., 70, 72. Cummings, Joseph, 88, 89. Curry, Daniel, 72. Delaware, 63. Disciplines, Early, 17-19. Douglas, Stephen A., 44. Durbin, J. P., 36, 70- East Baltimore Conference, 47, 48, 50- 51. East Genesee Conference, 76. Eddy, T. A., 88, 125-127. Elliott, Charles, 39, 87, 88, 89, 114-117. Erie Conference, 76. Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., 94. Mrs. Clinton B., 60. Foster, R. S'., 70, 88. Freedmen, Organizations for aiding, 168- 176. Fremont, Gen. John C, 112, 113. Fugitive Slave Bill, 41. Garrison, William L., 19. Genesee Conference, 75. German Conferences, 80. Gettysburg, 78. Grant, U. S., 108, 150. Harper's Weekly, 148, 157, 158. Haven, E. O., 132. Haven, Gilbert, 64, 137. Hicks, Governor, 49, 51. Indiana, 80, 86. Conferences in, 82, 83. Illinois, 80. Conferences in, 83-85. Iowa, 80, 86. Conferences in, 85. Janes, Bishop E. S., 88, 99, 142, 144- 146, 149. Kansas — Struggle between Churches in, 29, 32- 34. Conference, 87. Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 44. Kentucky, 56, 57. Conference (M. E.) 47, 48. MS. E. Church, South, 57. Kingsley, Charles, 88, 117-121, 132, 159. Ladies' Repository, 128. Liberator, The, 19. Lincoln, A., 49, 89, 90, 91, 107, 108, 115, 133, 134. 227 Index. M Maine, 63. McAnally, Dr., 59. McClellan, Gen. Geo. B., 168. McClintock, John, 70, 145-149. McPheeters Case, 104-106. Massachusetts, 63. Maryland, 47, 49, 51. Methodist, The, 111, 116 and Note. Methodist Book Concern, 79. Methodist Episcopal Church, South — Organization, 25, 26. Part in the War, 219-225. Oppose action of M. E. Church in South, 102-104. Michigan, 80. Conference in, 85. Minnesota, 80. Missouri — Struggle between Churches in, 29, 30, 31, 58-62. Military Interference with Churches in, 104-108. Conference (M. E.), 47, 48. Missionary Society, M. E. Church, 62, 100. Moody, Granville, 81, 87, 88, 90. Morris, Bishop Thomas A., 88, 142, 144. N Nashville and Louisville Christian Advo cate, 45. Newark Conference, 73, 74. New England, 44, 63-69. Negroes — Early attitude of Government towards, 168, 169. Employment of, by commanders, 169- 171. New Hampshire, 63. New Jersey, 73. Conference, 74. New Orleans, 96. New York, 63. Conference, 72, 73. East Conference, 70-72. Northern Christian Advocate, 35. Northwestern Christian Advocate, 35, 36, 38, 125-127. North Ohio Conference, 81. Newman, John P., 70, 108, 159. Odell, Hon. M. F., 71, 72. Ohio, 80. Pacific Christian Advocate, 128. Paddock, G. W., 71, 87. Peck, Jesse T., 88, 89. Periodicals, Methodist, 111, 112, 128. Periodicals M. E. Church, South, 128, 129. Pennsylvania, 63, 77. Philadelphia, 77, 78. Conference, 47, 48, 52, 53, 92. Pittsburgh Conference, 76. Pittsburgh Christian Advocate, 55, 76, 128. Presbyterian Church — Slavery Contest in, 26, 27. Missions in South, 99. Protestant Episcopal Church, 27. Rhode Island, 63. S Scott, Bishop Levi, 48, 88, 142, 143, 150. St. Louis Christian Advocate, 59. Simpson, Bishop Matthew, 41, 88, 99, 142, 143, 154-159, 211-218. Slavery Contest in the Church, 15-29. Soldiers, Methodist, 92-95. Stanton, Secretary E. M., 98, 152, 153, 155. Stevens, Dr. Abel, 39, 70. Texas — Struggle in the Church over Slavery, 31 32 Thomson, Edward, 39, 88, 114-117, 132, 159. Tract Society, 131. Troy Conference, 75. Union Church, Philadelphia, 87. United Presbyterian Church, 99, United States Christian Commission, 149, 159, 161-166. List of Methodist preachers who were "delegates" in, 197-207. Vermont, 63. Virginia Conference, 17, 49. W Webster, Daniel, 41. Wesley, John, 15, 16. Wesleyan Methodist Church, 22, 23. Western Christian Advocate, 35, 36, 39, 41, 79, 117-121, 138. Whedon, D. D., 70. West Virginia 53-55. Contest between Churches in, 29, 36, 40. Conference, . 47, 48. West Wisconsin Conference, 93. Wisconsin, 80. Wyoming Conference, 80. Z Zion's Herald, 34, 35, 44, 64, 65, 127, 128, 131. 228 3 9002 00963