"fgi Tiooki ¦ffKiXkf^unding tf a Centgt i>i tM%£ohmy' >Y_MJ^¥ffl¥imSflirY- • _Lni3iR_amr • ANNE BOLEYN. VOL. II. ANNE BOLEYN a Chapter of Engltsb ibiston? 1527-1536. BY PAUL FEIEDMANN. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOLUME II. 3T ort&im : MACMILLAN AND CO. 1884. The Right of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved. LONDON : B. Clay, Sons, and Taylor, BREAD S-KEET HILL. JB/3f 2Llf TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY. France of Succession Du Bellay asks the cardinals to reconsider their verdict He is unsuccessful and returns to France Francis sends de la Pommeraye to break the news to Hem Henry's suspicions are aroused Lord Rochford and Sir W. Fitzwilliam are sent to Francis gives them a written reply He wishes to know what subsidies he may expect Henry is encouraged by the reply of Francis Arrangements are made for an interview Fisher and More called upon to swear to the Act On their refusal they are sent to the Tower . The nun of Kent executed .... Catherine threatened and her servants dismissed Anne urges Henry to proceed against his wife and daughter She intends to kill Mary .... Anne said to be pregnant .... The proposed interview with Francis is put off Lord Dacres is arrested and put on his trial . He is acquitted Mary Boleyn is sent from court Anne Boleyn tells Henry that she is not pregnant The alliance with England unpopular in France The reformation in Germany Francis the ally of the Lutherans and Zwinglians League formed against Ferdinand of Austria Inroad of the Turks Confederacy to restore Ulrich of Wuertemberg Ferdinand forced to give up Wuertemberg . The Anabaptists at Muenster PAGE 1 1,2 2 2,3 34 5 6 7 8,9 9 10 10 10,11 1112 13' 13 14 14,15 15 16 16,17 1718 18 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Failure of Stephen Vaughan's mission to Germany Negotiations with Luebeck A great northern confederacy proposed Meyer returns to Luebeck to work in Henrj''s favour . Henry in negotiation with Wullenwever Christopher of Oldenburg goes to Luebeck . Meyer surprises Trittau The Hamburg and Luebeck ambassadors arrive in England Christopher of Oldenburg lands in Seeland . The Hamburg ambassadors will not approve the divorce Money lent to the Luebeckers Irritation of the Protestant princes against Luebeck . Francis expresses his disapproval of Henry's policy Charles tries to conciliate Francis ..... Henry of Nassau proposes a marriage between Mary Angoul^me ........ The proposal is rejected by Francis PAGE . 19 19,20 20 21 21,22 222323 24 2425 25 25 25,26 and 27 28 CHAPTER X. THE CONSPIRACY. A conspiracy formed against Henry and Anne Chapuis asked to obtain the emperor's assistance . Lord Hussey and Lord Darcy communioate with Chapuis They propose to unfurl the imperial standard Charles V. tempted by the appeal of the malcontents . Offers of Reginald Pole ...... Henry has a new mistress ...... And treats Anne with contempt . Honour shown to Mary . . .... The Boleyns in disgrace . ... Paul III. wishes to regain Henry's allegiance Francis proposes that Mary shall marry the dauphin . Chabot sent to England to pave the way for the marriage Position of Henry in regard to the conspiracy It is too late to draw back The Act of Supremacy is passed . Chabot shows his indifference to Anne . He is offended by her laughter He shows marked courtesy to Chapuis A statute creating new kinds of treason Directed against Fisher and More . Henry hesitates .... . 29 30 31 . 32 . 33 . 34 . 35 35 36 37 . 38 . 39 40,41 41,42 4243 4445454646 47,48 TABLE OF CONTENTS. vi 1 Wallop makes proposals to Hanart Francis is irritated against Charles Palamede Gontier goes to England He finds Anne in great anxiety .... Gontier tells Henry what are the demands of Francis He tries to gain Cromwell's good will . He has a second audience of Henry The council draw up a reply .... The opposition are in high spirits . Henry thinks of divorcing Anne . The difficulties in the way are explained to him PAGE . 49 . 50 . 50 . 51 51, 52 52,53 . 53 . 5354 55 . 55 CHAPTER XI. FISHER AND MORE. • Cromwell decides to support Anne 56 Margaret Shelton supplants the conservative favourite ... 57 The malcontents become more active 57 Their communications with Chapuis . .... 58 Dr. Butt hopes that the king will become ill 59 Chapuis wishes to carry off the Princess Mary .... 60 He is told that she would be safe at the Tower .... 61 Cromwell is dangerously ill ... . . . 62, 63 He recovers 63 Proclamation against papists issued . . .63 The Carthusian priors executed . . .... 64 A meeting of commissioners at Calais finally agreed upon . . 65 Henry's cruelty denounced on the continent ..... 65 The commissioners meet at Calais 66 Lord Rochford returns to England . 67 He brings new instructions to Norfolk . . 67, 68 Chabot leaves Calais in anger ..... .69 Fisher and More are threatened with death ... .70 The French show themselves friendly to Mary . . 70. 71 Paul III. hopes that Henry will submit .... 71 He creates Bishop Fisher a cardinal . . 72 Casale protests against this creation ... 72, 73 The pope asks Francis to intercede for Fisher . . .73 Denonville and Casale act in favour of the bishop . . 74 Francis asks that Fisher's life may be spared .... 75 Henry is irritated by the behaviour of the pope . 76 And his suspicions are aroused . 77 Fisher condemned and executed 78 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Sir Thomas More executed ... • Francis I. disapproves strongly of the executions Proceedings are begun at Rome against Henry The imperial agents are not eager to have Henry deprived The protestants dislike Henry's proceedings . Fisher and More respected by the protestants Henry tries to defend himself against the accusation of cruelty A memorial intended to influence opinion in France . A memorial intended to influence opinion in Germany . The calumnies of Henry are not believed PAGE 79 80 80 81 82 83 83 84,85 86,87 . 88 CHAPTER XII. THE COLLAPSE OF THE NORTHERN ALLIANCE. The Luebeckers get into difficulties Allies of Duke Christian and of Luebeck Christian sends Peter Schwaben to England . With offers most advantageous to Henry Schwaben meets with an unfavourable reception . And is dismissed with an indecisive reply Marcus Meyer gains the castle of Warberg . Which he offers to Henry Christian is successful Henry intends to act as mediator in Northern Germany The enemies of Luebeck are victorious . Francis is abandoned by his German allies . Who are on friendly terms with Ferdinand . Francis tries to mediate between the pope and the Lutherans Melanchthon invited to France .... Henry sends Barnes to prevent a reconciliation . He fits out several ships to assist Meyer Twelve English ships are captured by the Swedes . Meyer is abandoned to his fate .... Wullenwever is forced to abdicate . He continues to intrigue with Bonner and Cavendish He is arrested at Rotenburg Melanchthon is not permitted to go to France Barnes is unsuccessful at Jena and Wittenberg . The conspirators in England wish to rebel . But Queen Mary of Hungary dares not promise them assistance Francis intends to attack Charles on his return from Tunis Muenster is taken Charles takes the Goletta ...... 8990 91 92 939495 95 96- 9697 98 9999 100 101102103104105105106 107 108109 109 110110111 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Charles enters Tunis The news fills Henry with dismay .... The peace party in France are strengthened . Francis adopts a new policy with regard to England Dinteville is sent on a special mission . 112 113 114 114 115 CHAPTER XIII. THE RESULT OF HENRYS POLICY. 125 128, Instructions given to Dinteville Disastrous influence of Henry's policy on English trade English merchants dare not trade on the continent The foreign merchants leave England . The harvest fails ...... And the Easterlings import no grain . Henry refuses the demands made by Dinteville Tho French ambassadors wish to see Mary . They are allowed to see only Elizabeth . They hear that Mary wishes to marry the dauphin They find the English people favourable to the match Anne is extremely unpopular .... And feels disheartened Great popularity of Mary Lady Rochford said to be one of her adherents The French ambassadors think the marriage of Mary with the dauphin may be brought about They are not careful to hide their feelings Cromwell on very bad terms with them The English ministers show great courtesy to Chapuis Cromwell speaks of a marriage of Elizabeth with Philip of Spain The French queen meets her sister Mary at Cambray Paul III. tries to form a league against Henry The French party at the English court discredited The English government in serious difficulties Henry wishes to discard Anne Anne might be got rid of if Catherine were dead Catherine in danger Anne desires the death of Catherine and Mary Cromwell speaks in the same strain Henry calls Mary his worst enemy Chapuis tries to protect the princess Dr. Butt tells Lady Shelton that she is suspected of having poisoned Mary 116,117 . 117 118,119 . 120 121 121 122122 123124 ,126 127 127128 ,129 129 130131132 133134135 136 137 138 138139 140 141142 142143 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Catherine is kept in close confinement at Kimbolton Chapuis tries in vain to see her His confidence is rudely disturbed . PAGE 144 145 146 CHAPTER XIV. THE DEATH' OF CATHERINE. Lady Exeter sends Chapuis a message .... Henry says that he wants to be rid of Catherine and Mary Chapuis is seriously alarmed ..... But does not suspect that there may be an intention to them He is informed of Catherine's illness And of her recovery .... . , Catherine urges Charles V. to interfere in her favour She becomes ill again Chapuis asks for permission to go to Kimbolton . He is first to have audience of Henry VIII . Henry complains of Charles's behaviour He says that Catherine is in extremis Chapuis requests that Mary may see her mother He arrives at Kimbolton .... He has his first audience of Catherine . Catherine has scruples about her past behaviour Lady WiUoughby arrives at Kimbolton Chapuis leaves Kimbolton .... De Lasco suspects poison Cromwell tells Chapuis's servant that Catherine is dead Catherine wishes to hear mass ..... She dictates two letters She receives extreme unction and dies . Regret at Catherine's death .... Joy of Henry and of the Boleyns Rumours about poison . .... Chapuis believes that Catherine has met with foul play . Suspicious behaviour of Chamberlain and Bedingfield Catherine's body embalmed by the chandler Who speaks to the Bishop of Llandaff . Dr. de Lasco convinced that Catherine has been poisoned Reasons why Catherine's death was desired . An act of attainder would have caused immediate revolt And would have been dangerous for Henry's councillors The insurgents might have simply changed the council 147 poison 147148 149 150, 149150 151 . 151 . 152 . 153 . 153 . 154 . 155 . 156 156157 . 158 159 . 160 . 161 162162 . 163 . 164164 165 166 ICG, 167 . 167 . 168 . 168 . 169 169 . 170 170, 171 . 171 TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Or dethroned Henry , 171,172 Or killed him 172 The only escape from these difficulties was to kill Catherine . 173 Suspicious behaviour of the government after Catherine's death . 174 De Lasco and Soto are not allowed to see Mary .... 174 De Lasco prevented from leaving England .... 175 The Bishop of Llandaff sent to the Tower 175 Anne afterwards accused by Henry of murderous intent 176 Way in which Catherine ma}Thave been poisoned , 177 On whom does the responsibility rest ? . . . . . 177 Henry more guilty than Anne . . .... 178 CHAPTER XV. JANE SEYMOUR. New instructions sent to the English ambassadors in France Gardiner sent to France Maximilian Sforza dies Francis wants his son Henry to have Milan . Charles will give the duchy to the Duke of Angouleme The English ambassadors urge Francis to make war The emperor prepares to repel the French He intends to assist the English malcontents An agent sent to arrange for Mary's flight A sentence of deprivation prepared against Henry Francis finds himself in difficulties Henry angry at the hesitation of Francis Wullenwever does not betray Henry Henry himself shows his game His letters to the Archbishop of Bremen Answer of the archbishop .... Bonner and Cavendish write to Christian III. Wullenwever is racked and confesses . The Schmalkaldic princes write to Henry They make exorbitant demands Instructions sent to the ambassadors in Saxony Anne rejoices at the death of Catherine . She soon becomes aware that it has not bettered her position Anne wishes to serve Henry by gaining Mary over Cromwell asks Chapuis to advise Mary to yield . Anne makes brilliant proposals to Mary Which are rejected .... . . Anne writes to Lady Shelton . 179 . 180 . 180 180, 181 . 181 181,182 . 182 . 183 183, 184 . 184 . 185 185, 186 186, 187 . 187 . 188 . 189 190191 . 191 . 192 192, 193 193, 194 . 195 195, 196 . 196 . 196 . 197 . 198 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Anne's only hope lies in her pregnancy . She miscarries Henry's rudeness to Anne . . ¦ • Description of Jane Se3'mour She plays her game as cleverly as Anne The malcontents are hesitating Henry speaks of discarding Anne . Francis orders his ministers at Rome not to favour Henry Du Bellay is annoyed by this order The deprivation of Henry debated in consistory Eagerness of the pope Campeggio and Schomberg attack du Bellay Who has a quarrel with the pope . The matter is still in suspense when Catherine dies Paul III. proposes that Henry shall marry the daughter of Francis Du Bellay is recalled • The French agents urge Paul III. to publish the bull of deprivation Cromwell meets Chapuis at Austin's Church Chapuis states the conditions of a reconciliation . . . . Cromwell does not reject them Chapuis asks Charles V. for further instructions . PAGE . 198 . 199 . 199 . 200 . 201 . 202 . 202 . 203 . 204 . 205 . 206 . 207 208, 209 . 209210 210 211211212213 214 CHAPTER XVL CHARLES V. AND ANNE. 215, 216 . 216 . 217 Charles sends Chapuis instructions to negotiate with Henry about an alliance 215 These negotiations not intended to have any serious result New instructions Charles wishes to conciliate Henry and Anne Mary is to give up her opposition .... She is to be married to Dom Luis of Portugal Chapuis to find out what Anne would claim . He is not to defend her against the king himself . Jane Seymour refuses a present Henry sends her . Sir Edward Seymour lodged in Cromwell's rooms. The help of Chapuis is asked by Jane's friends Cromwell very friendly to Chapuis The answer of the Lutheran divines laid before the bisl Cranmer finds himself in difficulties Cromwell sides with the conservative churchmen Chapuis warns Cromwell to prepare against Anne's intr ops gues The ambassador obtains Mary's permission to act against Anne 217218219 220 221222 223 224 224 225225226 227 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xm He encourages Anne's enemies .... He receives and deciphers his new instructions He goes to court and meets Lord Rochford . He refuses to visit Anne Mutual salutations at the chapel Chapuis dines with Rochford in the chamber of presence Anne declaims against Francis I Henry is not satisfied with the proposals of Charles He has an acrimonious dispute with Cromwell Cromwell greatly annoyed at Henry's obstinacy . Castelnau waits on Henry Henry complains of Francis Gives a garbled account of the proposals of Chapuis . Anne's strange position The dissolution of the abbeys makes reconciliation with difficult During Cromwell's illness Norfolk rules supreme . Castelnau is asked to go to France Henry is secretly afraid Cromwell sees his position threatened .... Henry's intention to marry Jane Seymour The divorce of Anne not in the interest of Cromwell . A divorce too easily obtainable .... Stokesley sounded as to the divorce of Anne A more violent proceeding necessary for Cromwell He plots the ruin of Anne . . . . PAGE 227, 228 . 228 . 229 . 229 . 230 . 231 . 232 . 232 . 233234 . 234 234, 235 . 235 . 236 Rome . 237 . 238 . 238 238, 239 . 239 239, 240 . 240 . 240 . 241 . 241 242 CHAPTER XVIL THE ARREST. Commissioners appointed to make inquiry regarding treason The commission kept secret Cromwell regains his influence Allows a bragging despatch to be written to Pate . But prevents all negotiations of closer alliance with Francis Cromwell causes Anne to be closely watched Sir Nicholas Carew elected knight of the garter . Anne's love of coarse flattery She has a conversation with Smeton .... Smeton is arrested and rigorously examined . Sir Francis Weston Henry Noreys is to marry Margaret Shelton Anne speaks with Weston . 243 . 244 . 244 . 245 •. 245 . 246 . 246 . 247 . 247 . 248 248, 249 . 249 . 249 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Anne speaks with Noreys Who promises to speak well of her Noreys arrested on May Day . Anne remains helpless at Greenwich . . She is examined before some of the commissioners And is taken to the Tower . . ¦ • Lord Rochford arrested .... Anne's arrival at the Tower . Her fate meets with little sympathy Cranmer is ordered to go to Lambeth . He writes to Henry ... He is called before the commissioners . Attempt made to save Anne . Examination of Anne's servants Anne by her talk compromises Weston . Arrest of Weston, Bryerton, Wyatt, and Page Reasons for indicting Rochford, Noreys , Weston, and Bryerton Wyatt and Page are allowed to escape . Charges brought against tbe prisoners . Extreme improbability of the specific accusations Anne probably guilty of other crimes not to he divulged PAGE . 250 . 250 . 251 . 252 252, 253 . 253 . 254 254, 255 . 256 . 257 . 257 . 257 258 . 259 . 259 . 260 . 261 . 262 262, 263 263, 264 . 265 CHAPTER XVIII. ANNE'S LAST DAYS. Henry goes to York Place He allows his exultation to appear His talk at the house of the Bishop of Carlisle . He interferes with the proceedings against the prisoners True bills are found at Westminster and at Deptford . Cromwell and Henry settle the details of the coming trial The four commoners arraigned at Westminster Hall The jury . The commoners are convicted -Anne's state of mind She hears of the arrest of her brother and friends . She is as overbearing as ever .... Peers summoned to judge Anne and Rochford The panel seems to have been fairly chosen . Preparations made for the trial at the Tower . The court opens ...... Charges against Anne . . . . Her defence . . . . 266 266, 267 . 267 . 268 268, 269 . 269 . 270 270,271 . 271 . 272 . 273 . 273 . 274 . 275 . 275 . 276 276, 277 . 277 TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE She is condemned . . ... . . 278 Charges against Rochford . . . 279 He is found guilty ... 280 Revulsion of popular feeling ... . . . 281 The charges against the prisoners seem incredible . . 282 Attempt to save Weston . ... 283 His farewell letter ... . ... 284 The five men are beheaded .... . 284 They do not deny the charges brought against them . . . 285 Their silence no confession of guilt 286 Henry wishes Henry Fitzroy to succeed him .... 286 Elizabeth is to be declared illegitimate . . ... 287 Attempt to obtain from Northumberland a confession of precon tract 288 The divorce must be based on Henry's relations to Mary Boleyn . 288 Cranmer sees Anne at the Tower 289 He holds a court at Lambeth 289 And declares Anne's marriage to have been void . . . 290 Anne declares that she has been faithful to Henry . . 290 Her execution postponed 291 No foreigners are to be present at it . . 292 Anne wishes to die at once ... . . 292 ..Her strange sayings .... . . 293 Preparations for Anne's execution .... . . 294 She is brought out and speaks to the people ... . 295 She is beheaded 296 Her faults and her good qualities ... . , 297 CHAPTER XIX. CONCLUSION. Extraordinary rumours about Anne's arrest 298 Official account sent by Cromwell to France . 298, 299 People who considered Anne innocent . . 300, 301 Henry sends Jane Seymour a message that Anne will be con demned . 301 He marries Jane the day after Anne's death . 302 The pope on hearing of Anne's arrest speaks to Casale 302 He promises to deal most leniently with Henry . . 303 Marco Antonio Campeggio is sent to England . . . 304 His instructions 304, 305 Paul III. again proposes that Henry shall marry the daughter of Francis 305 TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAOE 306 The pope is annoyed at the marriage with Jane . And loses all hope that Henry will submit 307 Francis loses the alliance of Henry 307 Charles continues to maintain the validity of Catherine's marriage 307 Mary is obliged to submit to her father's laws . . • .308 The courtiers share the spoils 308i 309 The end of the conspiracy 309 Chapuis remains ambassador 310 The German favourites of Henry are executed . . . 311,312 APPENDIX. NOTE A. The birth and early life of Anne Boleyn 315 NOTE B. Was W Boleyn Henry's mistress ? 323 NOTE C. The authenticity of the brief of dispensation .... 328 NOTE D. The date of Anne's marriage ....... 338 NOTE E, Bishop Fisher in the spring of 1535 340 NOTE F. Arrest of Anne and her accomplices 345 NOTE G. Grounds for the divorce of Anne . 351 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAPTEE IX. THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY. On the 31st of March, in deference to the wish of The du Bellay, a consistory was held, and the cardinals caa^lthelr were asked, with a copy of Castillon's letter of the verdict. 6th before them, to reconsider their verdict, and in 1534 any case to postpone the publication of the sentence. To the first of these requests the cardinals answered that the letter was so vague, and Henry was so un trustworthy, that there was no reason why the sentence should be recalled.1 As to the second request, neither the pope nor the cardinals were very eager that the sentence should be immediately published ; they wished to know first whether Charles V. would give effect to it, and what Francis meant ultimately to do in the matter. The cardinals would not, however, bind themselves by any formal promise. Du Bellay, finding that all his efforts were in vain, took his leave and set out for France. Happening to 1 Cardinal of Jaen to Covos, March 30, 1534, loc. cit. VOL. II. B 2 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. meet Carne and Eevett at Bologna, he told them of April 6, the sentence and of what the cardinals had said, and 1534 held out hopes that even yet the sentence might be re voked ; but the English agents were not very sanguine that his anticipations would be realised.1 They stopped where they were, and shortly afterwards started for England. Du Bellay himself travelled rather quickly, and in the middle of April he was back at the French court. The courier whom du Bellay had despatched with tidings of the sentence had travelled with extraordinary speed, and had arrived at the French court on the April i, 1st, or on the morning of the 2nd of April. Francis, fearing that Henry would proceed to dangerous measures if the unwelcome intelligence were not com municated to him in as gentle a way as possible, sent de la Pommeraye .post haste to the English court, which he was able to reach on the 4th of April.2 ^1534 4' Henry received the news exactly as Francis had foreseen ; but he did not allow himself to be carried away by his rage. For the more he heard of the suspects consistory of the 23rd of March the more he per- treachery. ceived the need of caution. The fact that all the French cardinals had stayed away, and that all the Italians of the French faction had voted against him, suggested to him the same doubts as those which du 1 Carne and Revett to Henry VIII., April 7, 1534, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 552 ; and Cyfuentes to Charles V., April 26, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,586, foi: 238. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 5, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229, i. foi. 74; and Francis I. to Henry VIII., British Museum, Cotton MSS. Cal. E. i. foi. 35. ANNE BOLEYN. 3 Bellay had for a moment entertained. He suspected chap. is. that Francis, while giving him fair words, had for some reason secretly betrayed him. That cardinals could vote according to their conscience seemed incredible to Henry. In this state of perplexity Henry was afraid to commit himself further. The league with Luebeck had not been concluded, the German Protestant princes stood aloof, Scotland was hostile and Ireland in open rebellion, while in England itself discontent had by no means been allayed by Cromwell's energetic measures. The loss of the protection of Francis in these circumstances might mean total ruin : it was a danger even Henry did not underrate. So he resolved, first of all, to make sure of the French alliance. A few days after de la Pommeraye's arrival, Lord English J embassy Eochford and Sir William Fitzwilliam were sent on to France. a special embassy to France. They met the French 4?™* 21, king at Coussy on the 21st of April, and were splendidly entertained by him and by his sister the Queen of Navarre.1 In the intervals between the feasts and the ceremonies they delivered their mes sage. Henry requested, first, that Francis should abandon his alliance with the pope ; next, that he should invade Milan, but without taking subsidies from Clement ; third, that he should adopt in France measures similar to the new English laws (which the ambassadors explained) ; fourth, that a meeting of the two kings should be arranged ; fifth, that Francis should refuse to give the hand of his daughter 1 Martin Valles to F. de los Covos, April, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, foi. 244. B 2 4 ANNE BOLEYN. chapjk. Madeleine to James V. of Scotland. While making these requests, Henry offered to contribute further towards the subsidies paid to the German princes.1 Answer to On the 24th the ambassadors received a detailed dZaids. answer to their offers and demands. To the first April 24, point Francis replied that he had no alliance with 1534 the pope. On Henry's account he had steadily re fused at Marseilles to conclude any such alliance; and had the King of England been less obstinate, and sent a proxy, all would have gone in his favour.2 As to the invasion of Milan, this was not a propitious time, but if ever Francis attempted to conquer Milan he would not, for the sake of trifling subsidies, put himself under obligations to Clement.8 With regard 1 Reply given by Francis I. to Rochford and Fitzwilliam, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 3,005, foi. 129. The in structions said by Mr. Gairdner, Letters and Pajxrs, vol. vii. p. 195, to have been addressed to Rochford and Fitzwilliam, do not agree very well with this answer. I am inclined to think, therefore, that they are not those which were really given to the two ambassadors. 2 Reply to Rochford and Fitzwilliam, loc. cit. : " Et premiere- ment quant au propoz quilz luy ont tenu de vouloir habandonne le pape. Le diet Seigneur a respondu quil na nulle alliance avec luy. Par quoy nestant en nulle sorte son allie il ne peult et ne scauroit riens rompre en cest endroict. Et la cause qui la garde de sallier avec le diet pape a ete la faulte du pouvoir que navoient point les ambassadeurs de son diet bon frere luy estant a Marseille. Au moyen de quoy il ne voulut rien traicter tout seul." 8 Ibid. : " Quant a lemprinse de Milan dont iceulx ambassa deurs luy ont aussi parle. Le diet Seigneur a tres bien entendu tout ce quilz luy ont dit de la part de son diet bon frere touchant la dicte emprinse, mais quil ne se voulsist point ayder en nulle sorte dudict pape . . . Cognoissant tres bien le diet Seigneur quant a ce poinct la petite ayde quil pourroit avoir dudict pape ANNE BOLEYN. 5 to the new statutes made in England, Francis did chap.tx. not blame Henry for them, but he saw no reason why he should follow a similar course.1 To the proposed meeting he had no objection ; and the marriage of the princess Madeleine he was ready to forego. The contribution towards the subsidies in Germany would be gladly accepted. But Francis in his turn put a question. Charles V., having urged the pope to give sentence against Henry, could not honourably stand still now that his advice had been taken; he would be obliged to execute the papal mandate. Censures would be issued at Eome against the King of England and against his aiders and abettors ; and Francis, if he continued to support Henry, would also be excom municated, and would be attacked by those who were to carry out the sentence. His territory was much more exposed than England, and the war would begin on his frontiers. If he were assailed, what would his good brother of England do for qui ne scauroit estre que de cent ou deux cents milescus, parquoy il sest tres bien garde de se vouloir obliger envers luy pour si peu de chose que cela. Mais de faire la guerre a ceste heure le diet Seigneur ny veoit pas grand- propoz." 1 Reply to Rochford and Fitzwilliam. loc. cit. : "Touchant les nouvelles ordonnances faictes par le diet Seigneur Roy dangle- terre en son royaume, Le diet Seigneur Roy son bon frere a tres bien entendu- tout ce que les diets ambassadeurs luy en ont diet. Et veu quil ny a rien contre le droict divin et loultrage quon a faict a icelluy son bon frere, il ne les scauroit tamiver maulvaises et luy semble bien quil neust sceu faire de moins. Mais quant a luy de faire le semblable veu quil na pareille occasion et que ce seroit se perturber et travailler actendu quil est en repoz il luy semble ne le devoir faire." 6 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. him ? On how large a sum of money might Francis reckon ? x Henry en- Two days after having received this reply, the C°byathf English ambassadors left Coussy to return to Eng- rvply of ian(j> Henry was in no way offended by the venality of the French king. On the contrary, he regained the confidence he had nearly lost, and instructed Sir John Wallop, his resident ambassador in France, to thank Francis for his good-will, and to exhort the friends of the English alliance to persevere in their efforts to establish it.2 A few days later a second despatch was addressed to Wallop, the draft of which was largely corrected by the king himself. It treats of the proposed interview, and shows what undue importance Henry attached to this display of friendship. It also affords fresh proof of his insincerity. All his corrections are couched in ambiguous terms, and neither in the reply to Eoch- 1 Reply to Rochford and Fitzwilliam, loc. cit. :i"Plus a prie le diet Seigneur Roy iceulx ambassadeurs de remonstrer de sa part a son diet bon frere comme estans de presens le pape et lempereur desesperez il fault que icelluy empereur face de deux choses lune ; ou quil vienne a lexecution de la sentence ou que a sa tresgrande honte, apres lavoir faict donner il laisse les choses comme elles sont ; ce que le diet Seigneur Roy ne peult croyre quil face, puys que il en est si avant. Parquoy venant a lexecution sera force de user de fulminations et mectre en proye non seulement le royaume de son diet bon frere, mais pareillement touts ceulx qui luy ayderont. De quoy ne voulant le diet Seigneur sexcuser de faire laide et diffension a son diet bon frere tel quil doibt . . . indubitablement luy sera le premier assailly, parquoy . . desire il bien scavoir le cas advenant quel ayde es secours il auroit de luy." 2 Henry VIII. to Sir John Wallop, R.O. Box I, and Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 252. 1534. ANNE BOLEYN. *7 ford and Fitzwilliam, nor in the other papers referring chap. ix. to the negotiation, is there any trace whatever of promises which he repeatedly speaks of as having been made by Francis. Henry would only under take "not vehemently to press" the French king immediately to make laws like those which bad just been passed in England against the authority of the pope. He asserted, however, that Francis had pledged himself, "if the bishop of Eome gave him some reasonable occasion," to " do as much or more " than Henry had done.1 Francis now sent de la Guiche to the English court, and to him Henry May, expressed a wish that the meeting should take place in August. At the same time he asked that a French fleet should be equipped to watch over his safety while he was crossing the Channel, and to protect the English coasts while he was away ; and that a strong French force should be assembled at Ardres, lest Charles V. — of whom he was mortally afraid — should make a bold dash at the walls of Calais and capture him in his strongest fortress.2 In the beginning of June, de la Guiche returned with this 1534/ message to Francis. In the meantime the government were taking Arrest of strong measures against all those who seemed inclined Fisher. to side with the pope. In the statute settling the succession to the crown on the children of Anne, there was a clause by which it was enacted that all adult subjects should be sworn to observe the Act. Immediately after the close of the session the oath 1 Henry VIII. to Sir John Wallop, R.O. Box R, 10c. 2 Answer to de la Guiche, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 559. June 7, ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. IX. April 16, 1534. April 20, 1534. The oath tendered to Catherine. May, 1534. was tendered to those whose sentiments it seemed desirable to test, and nearly every one outwardly submitted. But two men of equal fame and eminence, Sir Thomas More and Fisher, Bishop of Eochester, refused. More expressed his willingness to recognise the order of succession established by parliament; but he declined to accept the whole contents of the statute — in other words, to acknowledge the legality of the divorce and of Henry's marriage with Anne. Persisting in his refusal, he was committed for a short time to the custody of the abbot of West minster, and on the 16th of April was sent to the Tower.1 To the same place, for the same offence, Fisher was also sent, having previously been attainted and. imprisoned on a charge of misprision of treason in connection with the pretensions of Elizabeth Barton, the nun of Kent. In order to intimidate those who might be tempted to follow the example of Fisher and More, Elizabeth Barton and her associates were executed on the 20th.2 A few days later a royal commission waited on Catherine, and required her to take the oath. This was a gratuitous piece of insolence, for nobody could expect Catherine to comply ; but it was made an excuse for depriving her of all those servants who would not swear to- the statute. When Catherine refused, she was threatened with death and shut up in her chamber, and her Spanish servants were 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 16, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 83. 2 J. Husee to Lord Lisle, April 20, 1534, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 208. ANNE BOLEYN. 9 placed under arrest.1 Chapuis strongly remonstrated, chap. ix. and the king, feeling that he had gone too far, gave way. Catherine was again allowed the use of her jwie rooms, and her Spanish servants were set free.2 1534- The government had now done all it could, and still but little had been achieved. Neither Catherine nor Mary had yielded, and although most of Henry's subjects had taken, the oath it was pretty certain that they would willingly break it if they found an oppor tunity. Anne, who hated Catherine and her daughter, Anne was enraged by what she considered a feeble and Henry% vacillating policy. She cordially despised Henry's policy. weakness, as she called it ; she wanted him to carry out his threats, and to rid her of her rival. There was a chance that Anne herself might be She pro- able to do that from which Henry shrank ; for she p°have hoped that if he went to France she would be Mary x _ executed. entrusted with the direction of the government during his absence. She had been overheard to say to her 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 29, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 37 : " II envoya bient6t apres devers la Royne larchevesque de Yorch, les evesques de Duren et de Chestry et aultres personnes, que oultres plusieurs estranges propos luy dirent quelle regardast a ce quelle feroit, car si elle refusoit de jurer et obeyr elle encourroit peyne de la vie, et comme elle ma envoye dire luy parlairent dun gibet ; quoy ouyant la dicte Royne, elle leur demanda lequel deulx devait estre le bourreaulx et que sil estoit question la faire morir que ce fust en public non point en secret. En la fin refusant de jurer ils la confinarent en ung quartier de son logis, les demoiselles furent serrees en une chambre, ses confesseur, medecin et apothiquaires deffendus de parler a elle et de non sortir du logis, de quoy adverty . . . ." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 7, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 109. 10 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. brother that, when the king was away and she was . regent, she would have Mary executed for her disobedi ence. Eochford warned her of the king's anger if she took so bold a step without his command, but Anne vehemently answered that she did not care and that she would do it even if she was burned or skinned alive for it.1 Chapuis, who tells the story, may have exaggerated a little, but there can be no doubt that his account is substantially true. Anne's In April Anne had told Henry that she was thwarted, once more with child.2 Perhaps she herself believed what she so greatly wished ; perhaps the announce ment was only a feint to revive her waning in fluence, or to provide her with an excuse for remaining at home. In any case it had a very different result from that which she expected. The violence of Anne's temper had begun to alarm Henry, and as the time for the interview approached he became very unwilling to allow her to act as regent. Eather than this, he was ready to give up the meeting he so eagerly coveted. Her supposed pregnancy was a sufficient pretext for breaking off the engage- Juiy 9, ment ; and in the beginning of July he sent Lord Eochford to France to obtain, through the influence of Marguerite of Navarre, the postponement of the visit till April, 1535. Eochford was to say that Anne in her present state would be loath to see her husband leave her. Besides, she wished very much to meet the Queen of Navarre, and as she could not travel at this 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, June 23, 1534, Vienna Archives P.C. 229, i. foi. 44. 2 State Papers, vii. p. 565. 1534. ANNE BOLEYN. 11 time she would be exceedingly disappointed if the chap.ix, interview were not put off. This reason Francis gladly accepted, for he was no longer desirous of conferring with Henry, whose proceedings annoyed him more and more. So the question of the meeting was allowed to drop, and Anne's hopes of a regency were nipped in the bud. In the course of this summer Henry and Anne Indepen- were mortified by an incident which attracted general theLords. attention. Lord Dacres of Greystock, warden of the western marches towards Scotland, had been one of the foremost opponents of the divorce. He had had frequent quarrels with Anne's friend, the Earl of Northumberland, who was warden of the eastern and middle marches ; and he may have had some hand in the trick which the Countess of Northumberland, his sister-in-law, had tried to play in 1532. Northum berland had brought a long list of complaints against Dacres, and had at last been allowed to accuse him of treason. Early in May, Dacres and his cousin Sir May, Christopher were arrested, and the former was brought to London to be tried by his peers, while the goods of both were seized for the king's use.1 An acquittal in cases in which the crown prose cuted for high treason was a thing scarcely heard of in the annals of Tudor justice. Almost everybody, therefore, expected a conviction ; and the northern gentlemen and the courtiers disputed about the lands of the men about to be attainted.2 The wife and the 1 Inventories of May 9 and 14, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII., Box Q. 2 E. Aglionby to Cromwell, June 28, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII., BoxQ. 12 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. father-in-law of Dacres were forbidden to make suit ~ for his life.1 The Duke of Norfolk summoned twenty- one peers who were believed to be strong adherents July 9, 0f the court, and on the 9th of July they sat. The 1534' depositions and indictments having been read, the king's attorney asked for judgment of high treason. Dacres pleaded not guilty, offered a brief defence, and left himself in the hands of his peers. The lords then retired, and when after a short consultation they returned, Norfolk as high steward put to them the usual question. Lord Mordaunt, being lowest in rank, was asked first, and to the astonishment of the court he replied, " Not guilty." Peer after peer following his example, the prisoner was acquitted.2 Henry keenly felt this blow at his absolute authority. That the lords should dare to acquit a man whom he accused of high treason was a dangerous precedent ; and in ordinary circumstances he would have turned angrily against the woman for whose sake he had aroused their opposition. Happily for Anne, he still believed her to be with child, and the hope of being father to a Prince of Wales overcame every other feeling in Henry's breast. Henry The rest of the summer Henry and Anne employed '"in the* i11 a progress through the midland counties ; and ™tE both did their utmost to win ^e hearts of those whom they met. In some instances they may have succeeded, but in general, under the surface, there remained the same discontent as before. Anne was 1 Earl of Shrewsbury to Cromwell, June 29, 1534 RO Henry VIII., Box Q. 2 R.O. Baga de Segretis, Bundle VI. ANNE BOLEYN. 13 no longer equal to the exertion of keeping her temper chap. ix. in difficult circumstances ; and by a single moment of insolence she sometimes undid what she seemed to have accomplished by days of condescension and flattery. She began to feel tired and disheartened. As time went on she became aware that she had Widow been mistaken about her condition ; and, as if to add e2/' to her annoyance, her sister, who had now been a widow for seven years, could not hide that she had those hopes which Anne lacked. Fair widow Carey had fallen in love with William Stafford, a soldier of the retinue of Calais, and it was afterwards pretended that she had married him. However this may have been, she was now about to bear him a son. The affair being rather scandalous-, poor Mary was sent from court, and had to ask Cromwell to obtain at least a small pittance for herself and her new lord.1 At last Anne was obliged to tell Henry that she Henry's was not pregnant. It was no agreeable duty, for poil^nt she felt sure that he would resent the failure of his hopes. And she was right. He immediately ceased to show her the attention and courtesy he had paid her during the last few months ; and the court soon understood that her influence had declined.2 While Anne was thus beset with difficulties, she A}tena- ' Hon of was losing the assistance of her best and most powerful Francisl. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, December 19, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 70 ; and Mary Stafford to Cromwell, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 612. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 24, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 57 ; and Cyfuentes to Charles V., September 20, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,587, foi. 31. 14 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. ally, Francis I. The reasons for his change of policy were of a mixed kind. Personally, Francis was pretty indifferent to religion and to the papacy ; but the great majority of his people still adhered to the old forms. The imprisonment of two men so far- famed as Fisher and More had excited strong indigna tion, and the execution of the observant friars had been resented by their whole order. The members of this order were among the principal preachers in France, and they made the French pulpits ring with denunciations of Henry's cruelty. If Francis con tinued to show favour to the King of England, and especially to the faction now in power, he was in danger of losing the support of his own subjects. But this was not all. The policy of Henry might ' not only cost Francis the goodwill of his subjects and the friendship of the pope, it might deprive him of the position he had gained in Germany. Francis At the time of Luther's revolt there was a twofold political agitation in the German lands, the one for religious parties in reform, the other for political change in a democratic Germany. x ° sense. Luther put himself at the head of the former movement ; the latter he decidedly opposed. Most of the princes, nobles, and patricians of the towns in central Germany associated themselves with him ; and when the peasants rose under Muenzer to over throw the aristocratic government, they were defeated with the help of Luther's most enthusiastic friends. In Switzerland the reformation initiated by Zwingli was less conservative in politics. Still, it kept within bounds ; it was politically respectable. Zwinglians and Lutherans had lately grown to be on friendly ANNE BOLEYN. 15 terms, the small differences of dogma having been chap.ix. nearly explained away, so that Francis was able to favour the one without offending the other. Northern Germany was in a very different position. In that part of the country there had been no democratic rising, but the democratic idea steadily gained ground. In the towns the old oligarchies, one after another, were displaced, and a more popular form of government was introduced. The cities so con stituted were generally on bad terms with the neighbouring princes and nobles, although there was no open war of any importance until 1533. Nominally, most of the northern towns had adopted Lutheranism, but their Lutheranism was not always orthodox ; their divines did not absolutely submit to Wittenberg. Francis had formed an alliance with the Zwinglians, who furnished him with strong contingents of Swiss troops, and with the Lutherans, who opposed his enemy, Charles V. With the ever-shifting factions of the northern towns he had nothing to do. He would not trust such fickle communities ; nor did he believe that Charles would ever find in them real enemies. Far from Austria, the northern towns had little to fear from the emperor ; and they hailed with pleasure those measures by which he diminished the power of their neighbours the princes. Their pleasure was in no way diminished by the fact that many of the princes agreed with them about religion. It was of course the French king's chief wish to widen the breach between the Protestant princes and Charles ; and a good opportunity seemed to offer itself when, on the 5th of January, 1531, Charles's 16 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. brother Ferdinand was somewhat irregularly elected January King of the Eomans. Duke John, elector of Saxony, 5' 153L who had not been properly summoned, protested against the election, and all the Lutheran princes refused to recognise Ferdinand as their superior. They were joined by Duke William of Bavaria, who had formerly been a vigorous opponent of the Lutherans., Although, next to the electors, he was the most eminent Catholic prince, he had long been jealous of the grow* November ing power of Austria ; and, at the diet of Augsburg in ' - 1530, he had been exasperated by the action of Charles in granting to Ferdinand the vacant dukedom of Wuertemberg. By this arrangement Bavaria had been nearly enclosed by Austrian territory, and had been cut off from her allies. Political reasons thus drove the Catholic duke to seek the alliance of the Protestants. ' Francis had been closely watching these events ; his agents, Guillaume du Bellay of Langey, Gervase Wein and others, keeping him well informed of all May 26, that went on. In May, 1532, he promised to pay 100,000 crowns to the discontented princes if they would resist by force Ferdinand's claims to royal power ; 1 and when the offer was accepted, he deposited the sum at Ingolstadt in Bavaria. The war, however, was postponed on account of a new inroad of the August, Turks. All Germany united to repel the common foe, 1532- who, baffled at Guenz by the stout defence of Jurischitz, and opposed by an excellent army under Charles V. himself, had to retreat with heavy loss. The danger from the Turks having come to an end, 1 Receipt of Dukes William and Lewis of Bavaria, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3,016, foi. 76. ANNE BOLEYN. 17 and the emperor having gone to Italy, the moment chap. ix. for beginning the war seemed to have arrived; but the confederates hung back, and perhaps no battle would have been fought but for an event whicli disturbed all Ferdinand's calculations. Christopher, the son of the banished Duke Ulrich Wuertem- of Wuertemberg, was kept in a kind of confinement rei\^ed t0 at the imperial court. In the winter of 1532 he its native managed to escape, reached Bavaria, and threw himself on the duke's protection. He was well received, and his cause was taken up by the duke as well as by the Schmalkaldic and other princes. Francis I. was friendly to him, and Guillaume du Bellay delivered a long and pathetic speech in his favour. Ferdinand, alarmed by the popularity of the young duke, offered him compensation ; but Chris topher insisted that Wuertemberg must be given up. Negotiations were now begun between Francis and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, who, as an old friend of Christopher's father, was most eager to serve him. After the conference at Marseilles the French king proceeded to Lorraine, where, in January 1534, he January met the Landgrave at Bar le Due, and arrived at an 28' 1534- understanding with him. Francis deposited an addi tional sum of 200,000 crowns with the duke of Bavaria, and bought from Ulrich the county of Moempelgard, with its dependencies in the free county of Burgundy, for 184,000 ducats. With this money the Landgrave raised an army, and advanced rapidly by an unexpected route towards Wuertemberg. Ferdinand was aban doned by all his friends. His own troops tried to make a stand, but on the 13th of May, at Laufen, they ^j3' VOL. II. c CHAP. IX. ANNE BOLEYN. were utterly routed ; and about the end of the montk, Wuertemberg was m the hands of its native duke, ano| Philip of Hesse was fast advancing towards Bohemia. In this emergency, without consulting the emperor, who might have been less compliant, Ferdinand ac« cepted a treaty of peace, which was signed a few June, days later at Cadan in Bohemia. Ulrich retained 1531 Wuertemberg, the Protestant princes and towns were not to be molested, and in return Ferdinand was acknowledged as King of the Eomans. Francis, who did not at all wish for so speedy a settlement, protested against what he considered a breach of faith on the part of the Protestants. They answered with recriminations, asserting that the behaviour of the friends of Francis had forced them to act as they had done. And there was a good deal of truth in what they said. Philip of Hesse had; concluded the treaty of Cadan, in order to be free to withstand a grave danger with which he and all German princes were threatened from the north. February Early in the spring of 1534 the Anabaptists had ' °°~" obtained possession of the town of Muenster in Westphalia ; and as Muenster was but fifty miles from the dominions of Philip, he and his people were exposed to no small peril. The surrounding lords and princes had raised some troops, and were trying to shut the Anabaptists up in the town they held; but in these endeavours they were hampered by the action of Luebeck and its allies. Stephen The mission of Stephen Vaughan to Germany had Vmi&LS failed- Ignorant alike of the German language, of German customs, and of German policy, he had acted ANNE BOLEYN. 19 in the most clumsy way, addressing himself, of all chap. ix. men, to the one who was most sure to reject Henry's advances. John Frederic, elector of Saxony, to whom Henry's political methods were repugnant, was little disposed to enter into a league with him, and declined to run any risk on his behalf. Vauo-han, September being dismissed from the Saxon court with a very ' decided refusal, lost heart, and did not proceed to Cassel, where the Landgrave might have given him a better reception. He returned to Flanders without having succeeded in any of his objects.1 But if the German princes, the friends of Francis I., Henry disliked Henry's proposals, the German burghers were Luebech • not of the same mind. The negotiations between Luebeck and Henry had been going on without inter ruption. The messengers from Luebeck, who at the end of October had arrived in England to ask for the October, 1533 release of Marcus Meyer, had in general confirmed the account he had given of the state of affairs in North Germany and Denmark.2 They had even added further information. Frederic I. of Denmark having died on the 10th of April, 1533, at Gottorp, Aprilio, his eldest son Christian was the principal candidate (for the Danish throne ; but Christian had refused jeither to form an alliance with Wullenwever and the rtown, or to bind himself faithfully to respect their fprivileges. The Luebeckers, therefore, opposed his ^ election, while the nobles and prelates supported him, 1 Stephen Vaughan to Henry VIII., September 6, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 501 ; and S. Vaughan to Cromwell, September 25 and October 21, 1533, State Papers, vol. vii. pp. 509 and 516. '<" 2 Senate of Luebeck to Henry VIII., October 1, 1533, R.O. JHenry VIII. Box I. C 2 20 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. and the Danish estates were as hostile to the pretend sions of Luebeck as the young duke himself.1 December, In the beginning of December the English secretary 1533' who had been sent to Luebeck returned. It was remarked that after his arrival the king was in good humour, and was particularly careful to treat Marcus Meyer with distinction.2 The secretary had foundf Wullenwever quite ready for the alliance Meyer had proposed, and the city had appeared not only eager to assert its privileges, but well able with its confederates! to execute its designs. The The proposed alliance seemed likely to be attended Northern hy YerJ great advantages. If Denmark were gained/ j „ f°n- landsknechts and horsemen might be collected there and maintained at a small cost ; and from Jutland a force might easily be brought over to Hull or Newcastle, especially if Hanseatic hulks assisted in transporting them. Norway and Skonen might be taken soon after Denmark, and then a great northern! Protestant democratic league might be formed under' the presidency of Henry. The king could not with stand the fascination of so vast a scheme. He did j not, indeed, immediately grant all the demands of the Luebeckers, but he agreed to send an ambassador to the town, and asked that in return Luebeck plenipo tentiaries should come to England.3 About the same 1 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter J. Wullenwever ; Paludan Mueller, Grevenfeide, etc. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, December 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 141 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 16, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 148. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 23, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 153. ANNE BOLEYN. 21 time it was decided to send agents to the other chap. ix. maritime towns, to the King of Poland, to the Woywode, and to the German princes, to win their favour for the league.1 As to Marcus Meyer himself, on Sunday, the 7th of December, he was made a December Knight of the Eose, and received a chain worth a 7' 1533- hundred pounds, with the promise of a yearly pension of two hundred and fifty crowns. After this he left for Luebeck to work in Henry's interest.2 On the 15th of January, 1534, Meyer arrived at January Luebeck.3 He communicated to Wullenwever Henry's 15' 1534- message, and induced the burgomaster to send a secretary to England to make a formal request for help in the projected war against Denmark. The Wullen- secretary reached London in February, and promised l„fe%s that if Henry granted the Luebeckers money for the February 19 1534. undertaking, they would not only repay the sum, but pay him twice as much from the revenues of Denmark. If he did not choose to appear as one of Duke Chris tian's enemies, a German prince (Count Christopher of Oldenburg was meant) would carry on the war ; and this prince would become tributary to England for any amount he might receive. To these proposals they wished to have a speedy reply.4 Henry gave the secretary a very cautious answer. Henry's He encouraged Wullenwever to persevere in his bold 1 State Papers, vol. i. pp. 413, 414. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, December 9, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 140 ; and Gairdner, Letters and Papers vol. vii. p. 110. 3 Bartholdt, Juergen Wullenwever von Luebeck. 4 British Museum, Cotton MSS. Nero, B. iii. foi. 105, and Wurm, p. 17. reply. 1534. 22 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. and warlike policy, and to refuse to negotiate with the ~~ Dutch. He said he could not lightly embark on so weighty an enterprise ; but he wished an embassy to be sent to him, that he might treat with duly accredited ministers; and he ended by offering Wullenwever a pension.1 Early in March the secretary left with this reply.2 January, He had been preceded by Dr. Thomas Lee, or Leigh, whom Henry had sent in January to negotiate on the spot an alliance with the Hanseatic towns.3 At Luebeck, Lee seems to have done his best to persuade the town to adopt an active policy ; and he was so far successful that the authorities made serious prepara tions for an attack upon Duke Christian. Wullenwever had long been in negotiation with Count Christopher of Oldenburg, formerly a clergyman and canon of the chapter of Cologne, but now a soldier of some repute; Count Christopher had levied about 3,000 landsknechts. May 12, with whom, on the 12th of May, he appeared before Luebeck. He sent a message to the town asking for ships to carry his troops to Denmark, where he intended to restore King Christian II. ; and on the following day he went himself to confer with the town council, which decided by a majority, in con sequence of fiery speeches of Wullenwever and his adherents, to help the count in his undertaking. 1 Henry VIII. to Wullenwever, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Nero, B. iii. foi. 106. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 54. 3 Warrant to Cromwell, Janury 31, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII. BoxQ. 1534. ANNE BOLEYN. 23 Marcus Meyer, afraid perhaps that the council chap.ix. might draw back, resolved to adopt a course by which it would be absolutely committed. At the head of a small band of chosen followers he secretly left the town, and on the 14th surprised the castle of Trittau, May 14, a stronghold of the Duke of Holstein, which was of 1534' great importance to the Luebeckers. Being thus Luebeck compromised, they had no alternative but to declare declares * ' J war war against the duke ; and Count Christopher's troops, against together with a few Luebeckers, invaded the duchy.1 christian The war having once began, it was much easier to An induce the town council to send an embassy to sent by England to negotiate an alliance with the king. On Luehe^h the 30th of May the ambassadors left, and were Hamburg joined on their way by others from Hamburg, which England. had also listened to the eloquence of Paget and Lee. M-^3^0' Shortly afterwards, on the 16th of June, two ships Junei<5,. flying the colours of Luebeck and of Hamburg sailed up the Thames ; and when they had anchored, the ambassadors from the two towns were landed by the barges and taken in great state to their lodgings. The servants of the Luebeckers were all dressed in red, and, as if to characterise the spirit of their town, wore as motto, Si deus pro nobis, quis contra nos? Those of Hamburg, clad in plain black, had a more sedate inscription : Da pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris.2 On the 24th the Hanseatic ambassadors were 1 Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever ; Paludan Mueller, Grevenfeide, etc. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, June 23, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 115. 1534. 24 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. received in state at Hampton Court. The chief of J«^~24, the Luebeckers, Dr. Otto Adam von Pack— a man 1534- famous for his intrigues in central Germany— addressed a long laudatory speech to the king, who gave a gracious reply, and referred the ambassadors for further negotiations to his ministers.1 Soon after- wards, at several meetings, the conditions of the proposed league were discussed.2 Thewarin While negotiations were proceeding at the English court, the war was being carried on in the north. Duke Christian had soon collected a force sufficient to repel the invaders, and on the mainland the Luebeckers made no further progress ; but Count Christopher had taken ship at Travemuende with most of his own June 19, troops. On the 19th of June he set sail, and a few 1534- days later he landed on Seeland, He met with but July 13 little resistance, the whole country was overrun, and 1534. Copenhagen itself surrendered to the victor.3 Negotia- So brilliant a beginning seemed likely to facilitate the^En- *he conclusion of the Anglo -Luebeck alliance ; but lish court. Henry made exorbitant demands without offering any real assistance in return. The Hamburgers, who had no pressing need of a close league, soon became very July, cool. The superintendent of their church, Aepinus, had come over to join them, and, after having heard the case, had declared for the validity of the mar riage between Henry and Catherine ; so that his 1 Chapuis to Charles V., July 7, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 119. 2 Chapuis to Charles V., July 16, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 123. 3 G. Waitz, Luebeek unter Juergen Wullenwever. ANNE BOLEYN. 25 lay colleagues dared not subscribe to the articles chap.ix. impugning it.1 Thus Luebeck alone remained to be treated with, for the Senate of Bremen had refused to send representatives to join those of the two towns. Pack went on with the negotiations, but August 2, could obtain no more than a loan of £3,333 to 5 ' the town of Lubeck for the continuance of the war.2 His colleagues thereupon returned home, while he remained for some time longer, plotting and scheming, and ingratiating himself with Henry.3 Philip of Hesse was greatly annoyed bv the irritation /\-P PA '7' proceedings of the Luebeckers. The capture of 0f Hesse. Trittau, without any previous declaration of war, was contrary to his ideas of right and honour ; and he was made uneasy by the state of ferment into which most of the north German towns had been thrown. He was also alarmed by the threatening movements of the free peasants of Ditmarschen, who seemed disposed to begin a new peasants' war. If Duke Christian were left to fight his way alone, the princes of northern Germany might have to face a huge and threatening democratic confederacy. - The negotiations of Henry with Luebeck were well known, and it was equally notorious that he had shown special favour to Marcus Meyer, the first aggressor in this war. Moreover, it was suspected 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 27, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 124 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 28, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. foi. 9. 2 Paludan Mueller, Aktstykers til de Rordens historie, i. p. 265, etc. 8 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 10, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 137. 26 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. IX. that he secretly encouraged the Anabaptists. The German princes, therefore, were very wroth against him, and their anger was in some measure extended to Francis, his ally and friend. Thus Philip of Hesse considered himself fully justified in signing the treaty of Cadan, against which Francis protested. When the treaty had been signed, some of Philip's troops were sent to Muenster, while others went to reinforce the Duke of Holstein. Ferdinand was no longer the chief enemy ; the men who had to be fought were John of Leyden and Juergen Wullenwever, who was backed by King Henry of England. Francis Francis, dreading the loss of all his influence in dis- S Germany, and wishing to retain the friendship of the approval p0pe and the loyal attachment of his people, had made policy, no secret of his disapproval of Henry's policy. He and his ministers had spoken in very strong terms about Anne, and had more than once hinted that they were quite ready to abandon the English alliance. These utterances had been carefully reported to the emperor ; and Clement VII., shortly before his death, had again tried to negotiate an alliance between Charles and Francis. CharksV. Charles had good reasons for wishing to be on conciliate friendly terms with Francis. The Turks had again Francis, assembled in some force on the frontier, and had made- frequent inroads on Austrian territory; and the famous Admiral Khairredin Barbarossa had left Constantinople and seized Tunis, where he had secured an excellent harbour at the Goletta from which he threatened the shores of Italy and Spain. As Barbarossa and Soliman were in constant communica- ANNE BOLEYN. 27 tion with Francis, Charles apprehended an alliance chap.ix. between the French and the Turks. This he wished to prevent by conciliating the French king, hoping meanwhile to strike a crushing blow at Khairredin. Henry, Count of Nassau, was sent from Palencia to August the French court to negotiate an alliance with 12' 1534- Francis. By paragraphs 24 — 30 of his instructions Nassau Proposed was directed to speak privately about a marriage n'arrwae *¦ *¦ J o between between the Duke of Angouleme, the youngest son of the Duke Francis, and the Princess Mary of England. He was fouleme to point out that in all probability Angouleme would and llary thereby succeed to the crown of England, so that a England. better match could not be found for him.1 In making O this proposal Charles wished not only to benefit Mary, but to bribe Francis to forsake the alliance of Henry. For if the French king accepted his offer, the match could be concluded only by joint pressure on the King of England ; and if such pressure were exer cised, the alliance between Francis and Henry would, of course, be dissolved, and there would be less danger of a great coalition against the emperor. Some time after the arrival of Henry of Nassau at the French court, finding Francis rather stubborn about Italian affairs, he suggested the idea of Mary's marriage. The French ministers eagerly listened to The the proposal ; but they were not ready to accept it. ProP°saJ r r > J j i rejected. Francis said he was bound by ties of honour to Henry, and added the more sensible remark that Charles V. was offering what he had not got. Mary was still in the power of her father, who, on hearing of the proposed 1 Papier s d'Etat de Granvelle, vol ii. p. 146. 23 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. ix. marriage, might do away with her ; and then the only result for Francis would be the lasting enmity of Henry October and Anne. In a letter of the 20th October from Blois, Charles was apprised of the objections of Francis and of the failure of Nassau's negotiation.1 1 Papier s d'Etat de Granvelle, vol. ii. p. 221. 20, 1534. CHAPTEE X. THE CONSPIRACY. In 1533, after the coronation of Anne, the discon- Reviving tented elements of the nation had been scattered and nJloJnc' unorganised ; and before they had had time to coalesce, Catherine's Cromwell's quick hand had carried the principal July, measures of the government. But at the trial of Lord Dacres the peers had become aware of their own strength ; they had learned that they were nearly all secretly disaffected, and that the crown would not easily obtain from them a verdict against any member of their order. Knowing this, they grew bolder ; they opened their minds to one another, and looked about for remedies for the maladies of the time. The lords having numerous adherents among the _ Secret . ZJliBWlClOS gentry, they very easily formed a strong party of with resistance. As early as the 17th of September, 1534, ^^"e'r Eustache Chapuis received a message from two rich 17, 1534. and influential gentlemen, who, afraid of exciting suspicion, would not come to his house, but asked him to meet them as if by chance at an appointed place in the fields. The ambassador went, and they openly told him that they wanted the emperor's help 30 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. against the tyranny of the king.1 Several ladies, ¦ thinking that their movements were less watched, dared to go to the ambassador's house, and brought Chapuis the same request in their own and in their husbands' names. So strong were the feelings of these fair plotters that one of them, a lady of high rank, forgot all prudence. She threw herself on her knees before Chapuis, and implored him to obtain the emperor's aid. Happily for her, her gentlewomen and the servants of Chapuis stood far off, and although they saw her kneel they could not hear what she said.2 Lord A week later a person of very considerable im- ussey' portance appeared on the scene, and communicated 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, September 23, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, ii. foi. 79 : " Mgr je ne vous scaurais escripre davantaige de nouvelles de par de ca de ce que verrez aux lettres a sa Ma'° saulf que ce peuple ne me laysse vivre a force dim- portunite pour me faire escripre et solliciter a sa dicte Majeste de pourveoir au remede dyci avant que les choses se gastent plus et soy offrant lopportunite des affaires dirlande. Et ny a point six jours que deux seigneurs de sorte et estat non me ousant venir trouver en la maison me requerirent saillir aux champs pour deviser avec moy que ne fut que pour me parler de ce que dessus et masseurer que a la moindre motion de Sa Majeste presque tout le royaulme se declareroit." 2 Ibid. : " Plusieurs dames de la part de leur mari et daultres men sont venus parler et me feist lune ces jours presque grant honte car en presence de ses demoiselles et serviteurs questoient beaulcop assistans aussi les miens elle se gecte devant moy a deux genoux pour moy recommander la dicte affaire dont deppen- doit non seullement le salut de la Royne et princesse mais aussi de tant de povres ames. Ceulx questoient en la compaignie veirent les larmes et facon de faire mais ilz ne sceurent de quoy se traictoit," ANNE BOLEYN. 31 with Chapuis. This was Lord Hussey, who until chap. x. 1533 had been lord chamberlain to the Princess Mary. He owned very large estates in the midland counties, and had considerable influence at court. He now sent word that before leaving town he wished privately to speak with the ambassador. To prevent suspicion they had only a short conference, Hussey September briefly stating that most of the nobility were ex- 29' 1534' tremely dissatisfied with the government, that they had consulted together, and that they wished to be assisted by imperial troops in forcing Henry to dismiss Anne, and to give up the course he was pursuing. For further particulars he referred Chapuis to Lord Darcy, another member of the conspiracy. The ambassador, eager to know the whole business, Lord sent on the following day a confidential agent to Darcv- Darcy, who immediately disclosed their designs at greater length. In the northern counties alone, he said, there were already sixteen earls and barons, who in this matter were all of the same opinion.1 If the emperor sent men of war and a few troops to the Scheme of mouth of the Thames, and if a band of good .hack- gpiVatorg. butters, some experienced officers and a supply of arms and ammunition were landed in the north, the lords would rise against the king. They would unfurl the imperial standard, adding a crucifix to it.2 Their " 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 30, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 139 : " Et que au quartier du nort dont il estoit il scavoit bien quil y avoit seze contes et autres groz . . . que sont de son oppinion." The abstract of this letter, printed in Mr. Gairdner's Calendar, is not quite correct. 2 Ibid. : " Et plus moyennant lassistence de Vostre Majeste 32 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.x. forces were already considerable — Darcy himself undertook to raise eight thousand men — and many others would certainly join them. Of his associates Darcy named but two, the Earl of Derby and Lord Dacres of Greystock, the peer who had just been acquitted of a charge of high treason. Of possible opponents in the north, Darcy knew of none except the Earl of Northumberland ; and he might be easily arrested, as he had no following, and his own servants would not support him. Charles was advised to befriend James V. of Scotland, who secretly aspired to the hand of his cousin, Princess Mary ; and the intention of the conspirators seems to have been to proclaim James and Mary under the auspices of the emperor as feudal overlord. According to Darcy, they had no doubt of success. September The communication was so important, the details 30 1534 given by Darcy seemed so likely to be accurate, that Chapuis wrote at once to the emperor to ask for instructions. He did not venture to offer an opinion directly, but he clearly showed that he thought the plan feasible ; and he was persuaded that if it could be carried out it would be of the greatest advantage.1 Charles V. Charles received the ambassador's letter just after con- the Count of Nassau had been despatched to the French spnracy. C0UY^ From a simply political point of view, the offer was tempting enough, since it might enable the emperor to obtain a firm footing in England, and secure for him a strong alliance against France. It vouldroit faire dresser la banniere du crucifix ensemble celle de Vostre Majeste." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 30, 1534, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 33 had also a most seductive aspect for Charles's fancy, chap. x. He was the last emperor who seriously thought of regaining the power that had been wielded by Charles the Great. He dreamt of being recognised as the supreme lord of the western world, of establishing that monarchy which Dante had praised, which was to heal all wounds and strife, and to extend the rule of Christendom over the whole earth. Two king- doms had been foremost among those which had refused to submit to the authoritv of the Kaiser — France and England. Long ago an English king had been obliged to take an oath of fealty to the emperor, but Eichard I. had forgotten his promises as soon as he had recovered his liberty, and they had been wholly disregarded by his successors. For more than three centuries no emperor had pretended to exercise power in England, and only a few forms remained to remind the curious and the learned of the ancient tie. But now the English nobles, writhing under the tyranny of Henry, appealed to the emperor. Admitting their dependence upon him, they wished to legalise their rising by fealty to the higher lord, and offered to unfurl his standard. The English leopards were to be superseded by the Eoman eagle, the imperial power in England was to become a reality. It Avas a splendid prospect, and the resolution to turn from it must have cost Charles V. a bitter pang. But dreamer as the emperor was, he was also a keen and farsighted politician. For the present, with Soliman, Barbarossa, and Francis I. threatening him, he could not wish for a rising which VOL. II. < d 34 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. might prove the signal for general war. He wanted ~ to fight Barbarossa separately, and for that purpose^ it was necessary to have peace with France, which- rebellion in England would render impossible. So the English were to wait until Tunis was taken. Chapuis was ordered to give general assurances of good will, and to remain in communication with Hussey, Darcy, and their confederates, but not to go any further. He was directed, too, to obtain Reginald information about Eeginald Pole, regarding whom the emperor had lately received a report from Venice, describing him as a person of some importance.1 With this part of his instructions Chapuis easily complied. Eeginald was closely related to Lord Abergavenny, the ambassador's old friend, to the Earl of Westmoreland, and to Lord Latimer ; and his mother, Countess of Salisbury in her own right, had been the governess of the princess and was universally respected and admired. Lord Montague, the elder brother of Eeginald, and Sir Geoffrey Pole, his younger brother, had already communicated with Chapuis, and were ready to fight for Mary ; and Chapuis thought that if a rising took place, and if imperial troops were sent to support it, his presence would add considerably to the popularity of the insurrection.2 Chapuis received his instructions at a moment; 1 Mr. Hardy's Report upon Venetian Archives, p. 69; and Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 151. 2 Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 151. ANNE BOLEYN. 35 when it seemed as if no rising would be necessary chap. x. to drive Anne from power ; for during the few weeks which had elapsed between the despatch of his letter and the arrival of Charles's reply, the conservative party had gained an important ally. In the spring of 1534 Henry had already shown signs of being weary of the woman he now called his wife. Eighteen months of possession were a long time Henry's for so fickle a lover, and he had begun to pay f(™Zite. marked attention to a young and very handsome lady at court. Who she was I have not been able to discover ; neither Chapuis nor the French am bassador mention her name in the despatches which have been preserved. The only thing certain is, that she was not Anne's later rival, Jane Seymour. Henry's affection for Anne had seemed to revive when she had led him to believe that there was again a chance of his having a male heir ; but when she was obliged to confess that she had been mistaken he returned to the young lady, and paid court to her in a more public manner than ever. Anne became September very angry, and in her bold and overbearing way tried to send her rival away from court. But she presumed too much on Henry's weakness, overlooking the fact that she had no authority except what she derived from the influence she exerted over him. As soon as he heard of her attempt to interfere with his amours, he sent her a most insulting message, inform ing her that she had good reason to be content with what he had done for her, because if it were still to be done he would not do it. Let her, he said, 1534. 30 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. x. Declining influence of Anne. remember where she had come from, and not be overbearing.1 The new favourite proved to be a strong adherent of Catherine ; 2 and she went so far as to send a message to Mary to be of good cheer, for things might change very soon. Whenever she could, she would do her best to serve the princess.8 In proportion as the power of the lady increased, that of Anne decreased ; and the courtiers, ever ready to abandon a falling favourite, were eager to desert Anne, whom most of them hated. They soon had an opportunity of showing how little they really cared for her. In October Mary and little Elizabeth were taken to Eichmond from the More, where they had been spending the autumn, and where Mary had been visited by the gentry of the neighbourhood. When they were at Eichmond, Anne, attended by October many ladies and gentlemen, went to see her daughter. ' 1534' No sooner had she gone in to Elizabeth than the whole throng of courtiers, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk at their head, went to pay their respects to Mary. It was impossible for Anne to console herself 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 24 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 139. 2 E. Chapuis to J. Hanart, October 13, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, ii. No. 60: " Monsr lambassadeur . . . le Roy depuis quelques jours a commence destre amoureux dune tres belle et tres adroicte demoiselle et va journellement croissant lamour et le credit et la bravete de la concubine decroissant ; et y a quelque bon espoir que continuant la dicte amour les affaires de la Royne et princesse aux quelles la dicte damoyselle est tres affectioiiee se porteront bien." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, October 13, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 142. ANNE BOLEYN. 37 even by an outburst of anger at the honour shown to her enemy ; she had meekly to submit to what she could not but consider a deliberate affront.1 Of course the Boleyn faction tried every means to avert the dangers by which they were confronted. Lady Eochford, Anne's sister-in-law, began to intrigue against the favourite, hoping indirectly to shake her credit and to oblige her to leave court. But the plot was detected, and the king in his rage inflicted on her the fate she had tried to prepare for Anne's rival ; so that Anne was now deprived of the company both of her sister and of her sister-in-law.2 Occa sionally she attempted to hold her ground, and once she complained of the insolence with which the favourite treated her, but Henry turned his back on her and went away. Her family shared her disgrace. Sir Francis Brian having brought an action against 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 24, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 147 : " Mercredi avant que de partir de Mur elle fust visitee de presque tous les gentilshommes et gentilzfemmes de la court, quelque fascherie quen eust la dame. Avant hier jeudi estant a Richemont avec la petite garse, la vint la dame pour veoir sa fille accompagnee des deux dues de Norphocq et Suffocq et daultres que trestous la vindrent visiter et saluer et une partie des dames que fust chose nouvelle, et ne voulut sortir de sa chambre jusques la dame fust partie pour non la veoir." Mr. Gairdner's abstract of this letter is not quite correct. 2 E. Chapuis to J. Hanart, October 13, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, ii. foi. 85 : " TJng homme de la dicte princesse me vient de dire que le diet Roy avoit faict vuider de la court la femme du Seigneur de Rocheffort, pource quelle avoit conspire avec la dicte concubine de procurer et tenir main de par ung moyen ou aultre faire vuider de la court la dicte damoiselle;" and E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1534, loc. cit. CHAP. x. 38 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. Lord Eochford, the influence of Henry was exerted in favour of Brian.1 Henry The moment seemed favourable for an attempt to HohS^ee re-establish good relations between Henry and the September] Holy See. In September Clement VII. had fallen 1534' dangerously ill, and the king had ordered Gregorio da Casale to repair at once to Eome to watch events, and, if possible, to induce the pope on his death-bed to recall his sentence.2 The French ambassador, who had been asked to use his influence for the same purpose, had hesitated to do so, but Casale had never theless remained at Eome working for his patron. October Shortly afterwards Clement died, and Cardinal 1? 1534 Farnese, formerly accounted a staunch friend of King Henry, was chosen in his place. Paul III. — so the new pope decided to call himself — adopted a mod erate tone, and showed himself anxious for a re conciliation. He spoke with the Cardinal of Lorraine, the most important of the French members of the sacred college, and the cardinal promised to go himself to England to bring the king back to his allegiance to Eome.3 Casale wrote in a very hopeful manner, and the conservative party in England strained every nerve to profit by the opportunity. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 19, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 164. 2 G. da Casale to J. du Bellay, September 22, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 19,751, foi. 113; and G. da Casale to Cromwell, September 24, 1534, State Papers, vol. vii. p 570. 3 G. da Casale to Norfolk, October 15, 1534, State Fapen, vol. vii. p. 574 ; and G. da Casale to Rochford, October 15, 1534, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 575. ANNE BOLEYN. 39 All this was well known at the French court, chap. x. and Francis and his ministers resolved to take ad- The vantage of it. Although they had refused the daaJthe overtures made by Charles V. for a marriage between P^ncess Mary Mary and the Duke of Angouleme, they had not broken off the negotiation. What they really de sired was a marriage between Mary and the dauphin. If this could be brought about, Anne would be easily disposed of, for Henry would either fall with her, or he would have to give her up. In the latter case he would have to take back Catherine, from whom no further issue was to be expected. England would then, after the death of Francis, be united to France ; and the new kingdom, commanding both sides of the Channel, would be the foremost power in Europe. Such were the hopes entertained by the French government ; but it was not to be supposed that Charles would readily assent to a scheme that might be so perilous for the empire. The French saw that only by clever intrigue could they hope to persuade him to sanction the substitution of the dauphin for Angouleme. The first thing they had to do was to keep up the distrust between Henry and Charles, and to obtain as much as possible from Henry's fears. About the end of October Philippe de Chabot, admiral of October France, was sent on a special mission to England, ' and although his instructions do not seem to have survived, sufficient evidence remains as to his charge. He was to tell Henry that Charles had proposed cimbot's through the Count of Nassau two marriages, one ^*si™J° between his son Philip and the youngest daughter of 40 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. Francis— which was true — the other between the dauphin and Mary — which was not true. Moreover, he was to say that Charles had offered Francis the duchy of Milan after the death of the reigning duke, and in the meantime a pension of 100,000 crowns. This also was untrue, for the offer was to hold good only if the duke should die childless, and the sum was much smaller. After this Chabot was to assure Henry that Francis intended to remain faithful to him, and to reject Charles's proposals. But Henty was to be asked to forego the title of King of France, and to accept in exchange a very chimerical title to certain estates in the Low Countries which were to be taken by Henry himself from Charles. Francis desired to be relieved of the obligation to pay the pensions due on account of the treaty of Amiens, and Chabot was to beg Henry to reconsider his policy towards Eome, and either to submit to the pope at once or to reopen the negotiations so suddenly broken off in the spring. These instructions were very cleverly drawn, for, by a treaty signed in 1518, Mary and the dauphin had actually been betrothed, and Chabot was to base his negotiations on this treaty. If Henry repudiated it, he would set the dauphin free to marry the Infanta Doiia Juana, a match which of course would strengthen the Spanish influence in France and draw 1 Reply to Chabot de Brion's proposals, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 584; E. Chapuis to Charles V, November 28 and December 19, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 157 and 164; and Palamede Gontier to Chabot, February 5, 1535, Lelaboureur, Memoires de Mr. de Castelnau, vol. i. p. 405.' ANNE BOLEYN. 41 Francis away from England. If, on the contrary, to prevent the match with the infanta, Henry admitted that the betrothal was still valid, the game of Francis would be half won. It was a disagreeable dilemma for the King of England, and still more disagreeable for the Boleyns. Chabot left the French court on the 20th of October,1 and having a very numerous train, he travelled slowly. On the 8 th of November he arrived at Calais, and on the 11th he crossed to Dover.2 Here he waited for his servants and horses, so that his entry into London was delayed until the 20th.3 The admiral found a state of things very different from that which he had expected. The conservative party seemed to have no influence what ever ; and the English government, instead of showing any desire for a reconciliation with Eome, was quietly pursuing the opposite course. Henry and his advisers were certainly not ignorant of the state of public feeling and of the conspiracy which was being formed, for Cromwell's spies must have warned him of what was going on. But the government was not in a position to take proceed ings against the conspirators. It might have secured from a packed jury the conviction of some of the lesser malcontents ; but it could not venture to 1 Girolamo Penizon to Cromwell, October 22, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII. Box Q, foi. 81. 2 Chronicle of Calais, p. 45 ; and Lord Rochford to Norfolk, November 11, 1534, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p 535. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, November 18, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 153 ; and J. du Mouchiau to Lady Lisle, November 23, 1534, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 548. October 20, 1534. November20, 1534. The English govern ment and ihe con spirators. 42 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. attack the leaders of the movement. An attempt to bring any of the lords to trial would almost certainly have failed, and failure in a matter of so much importance would have seriously damaged the authority of the crown. Fortunately for ministers, they knew that the conspirators now hoped to gain their object by some less dangerous method than open rebellion. Moreover, the winter was setting in, a most unpropitious time for an insurrection. English peasants could not lie out in cold and damp, and if a force were raised against Henry, however powerful it might seem to be, it would dwindle away before the inclemency of the season. Henry The government made use of the respite to ^"develop strengthen itself for the coming struggle. Henry Us pohcy. jiacj? indeed, no choice but to go forward with the task he had begun. If he retreated now, he would encourage the opposition, and lose, perhaps, not only all that accession to the prerogative which he had gained during the last few years, but a great part of the authority which had long been obnoxious to peers and commoners alike. He would have to sacrifice his trustiest and ablest ministers, and to substitute for them at the council board the very men who resisted his pretensions. He would become so weak a king, while the peers would become so elated and so popular, that the olden times of York and Lancaster might be revived, and in the midst of the turmoil the Tudor king might disappear. It was, therefore, absolutely necessary to complete the measures which had been taken for the assertion of the royal supremacy. ANNE BOLEYN. 43 Parliament met on the . 4th of November, and ministers introduced a number of bills which clearly showed that neither the growing dislike of Henry for Anne, nor his fancy for her rival, had altered his policy. First of all came the famous Act of Supremacy, by which the king was to be declared the only supreme head on earth of the Church of England. This bill was easily carried : a fort night after the opening of the session, two clays before Chabot arrived in London, it had already passed.1 The admiral, being convinced that the Act of Supremacy was due to Anne's influence, took pains to indicate that the feelings of his master towards her had greatly changed. For two days after he had been received by Henry he did not even mention her name, so that a.t last the king asked whether he would not go and see the queen. " As it pleases your highness," was the cold answer. He had no message for her ; and he showed that he would wait upon her only out of courtesy to the king.2 While Chabot strongly marked his indifference to Anne, he begged for permission to see the Princess Mary. His ap plication was refused, but he found means to let it be generally known that the request had been made. And when his gentlemen and servants were asked whether a marriage had been arranged between the dauphin and the infanta, they asserted that no such 1 Chapuis to Charles V, November 18, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 153. 2 Chapuis to Charles V., November 28, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 157. chap. x. The Act of Supre macy. November 4, 1534. November 18, 1534, Chabot at the English court. November 22, 1534. 44 ANNE BOLEYN. _,/ chap. x. plan was thought of. How could it be ? Was not the dauphin betrothed to the princess 1 l At the same time both Chabot and the resident French ambassador, Morette, were ostentatiously polite to Chapuis ; and in the same spirit Chapuis responded to their advances. There was a show of cordiality between the two embassies which boded no good to Henry and Anne. On hearing from Chabot what his instructions were, Henry tried a counter move. He could not see why the dauphin should marry Mary, who was illegitimate ; but might not Angouleme marry Elizabeth 1 Chabot did not absolutely reject the proposal, as it would not necessarily prevent the other match, and Henry might be persuaded to give a considerable dowry. But the French representative was careful to leave the impression that he was not satisfied.2 December An incident which occurred on the evening before Chabot's departure from England well depicts Anne's position. On the 1st of December there was a ball at court, and the admiral sat with Henry and Anne on a raised platform looking at the dances. Palamede Gontier, treasurer of Brittany and chief secretary to the embassy, being in the hall, Henry wished to present him to Anne, and went to fetch him. Anne kept her eyes on the king as he made his way through 1 Chapuis to Charles V., December 5, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 68. 2 Reply to Chabot de Brion, Slate Papers, vol. vii. p. 584; and E. Chapuis to Charles V, December 5, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 160. 1, 1534. ANNE BOLEYN. 45 the crowd, and saw that he stopped before reaching chap. x. Gontier, and forgot everything in the conversation of a young lady — her rival. By constant tension of mind, Anne's health had been very much impaired ; and she burst into a fit of hysterical laughter which lasted for several minutes. The admiral, indignant at her behaviour, angrily asked whether she laughed at him ; and although Anne, on regaining her com posure, tried to explain, she could not allay his resentment. Chabot reported the incident with remarks by no means flattering to Anne. Next day, while Chabot was standing in the hall of December his house, Sir William Fitzwilliam, Sir Nicholas Carew, Cromwell and other ministers of Henry came to pay their respects to him. He received them with marked coldness, but when Chapuis was announced Chabot went to meet him, greeted him most amiably, and, leaving the Englishmen to themselves, drew the imperial ambassador aside to assure him of his good will and to complain of Henry. These demonstrations were intended as much for the English as for Chapuis, the admiral wishing it to be clearly understood that 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 14, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 1 : "Le soir du festin que le Roy luy feist que feut la veillie de son partement estant assiz aupres de la dame pendant que Ion dansoit, sans occasion ne propoz se meit a rire le plus desmesurement du monde de quoy le dit admiral monstra estre bien marry et fronsant le nez luy diet : comment madame vous mocquez Vous de moy ou quoy % Dont apres avoir saouler son ris sexcusa vers luy disant quelle se ryoit a cause que ce Roy luy avoit dit quil alloit demander le secretaire dudict admiral pour lenvenir vers elle pour luy faire feste et que le diet Roy avoit rencontre en chemin une dame que luy avoit fait oblye le surplus. . . ." 40 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. he was decidedly displeased with the king and with Anne.1 Billfor Chabot had really some reason to complain of Tbe°dSnce Henry's behaviour. Even while he was in England to Act of a "bill was brought in by the government to en- macy. force obedience to the Act of Supremacy. By this bill it was to be made high treason to deny to the king and queen or their heirs the dignity, style and name of their royal estate, or to call them heretic, schismatic, or infidel.2 The measure met with con siderable opposition ; and after long and animated. debates in both houses it was passed only when the government accepted two amendments intended to mitigate its severity. The first of these was that the Act should not take effect until the first of February following, when it would be generally known, and nobody would be likely to incur its penalties unawares. The second amendment seemed even more important, for it decreed that only malicious denial of the king's title should be considered high treason. This clause was introduced for the purpose of shielding persons who, like Fisher and More, would offer no opinion on the question. Fisher Fisher and More had now been prisoners for many months. The severity with which they had at first been treated had soon been relaxed ; they had been allowed to obtain books and writing materials, to see their friends, and to enjoy the liberties of the Tower — that is, to take a walk either in the inner garden or 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, December 5, 1534, Vienna Archives,. P.C. 229, i. foi. 160. 2 Statutes of the Realm, 26 Henry VIII., cap. xiii. ANNE BOLEYN. 47 on the leads behind the battlements. But after the chap. x. passing of the Act of Supremacy they were asked by the council, which went to the Tower for the purpose, to accept the new law. Both desired to be excused ; whereupon, to punish them for their ob stinacy, the privileges they had enjoyed were with drawn. Their books and writing materials were taken from them, and they could correspond only by stealth.1 Had the bill creating new kinds of treason passed in its original form, the two prisoners might have suffered immediately. As it was, the rigour of their confinement was not to last very long, and for a moment they were to have a chance of regaining their freedom. The last month of 1534 was par ticularly disagreeable to Henry. Chabot, as already said, had plainly shown that he was no longer the friend he had been ; and, as he had hitherto been very favourable to Henry and Anne, this was an ominous sign. Nor was it much more encouraging that although couriers came from France none of them brought an answer to the proposals made to the French admiral. Chabot had, indeed, travelled home rather slowly, but even this could not account for the delay. Henry was also troubled by tidings which reached him from Spain. A considerable body of troops was being raised in that country, ships were being got ready, and an important expedition was clearly about to be undertaken. As the King of England was not aware of the real object of these preparations, 1 More's Yf'orks, p. 1446 ; and Interrogatory of J. Fisher, § 5, printed by J. Lewis, in Life of J. Fisher, vol. ii. p. 410. 48 ANNE BOLEYN. chap, x, he became somewhat suspicious. There were ships enough in the Biscayan harbour to bring over the whole force to the English shores, and he had no fleet to intercept them, nor an army to withstand the troops if they landed.1 In these circumstances Henry thought it expedient to conciliate his enemies both abroad and at home. Although most rigorous measures had been passed, the government began to act warily, and the first to feel the good effect of the change were the prisoners in the Tower. Their confinement was once more made less strict ; they were allowed to write and receive February, letters, and to see their friends.2 Nay, if a letter of 1535 Palamede Gontier, printed by Lelaboureur, may he considered good evidence, Fisher was even permitted to leave the Tower on bail, and to repair to the court at Westminster.3 In any case, from the end of December to the middle of February, they were treated with comparative favour. And so were Catherine and Mary, who during this period were not molested by messages from the council. Henry At the same time it was thought that some arrange- CharUsV ment might be come to with Charles V.; and in Paris, towards the end of December, Sir John Wallop tried to open negotiations with Viscount Hanart, the im perial ambassador at the French court. Hanart did 1 Hanart to Granvelle, January 14, 1535, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,587, foi. 207. 2 More's Works, p. 1450. 3 Palamede Gontier to P. Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, Lelaboureur, Memoires de Mr. de Castelnau, vol. i. p. 405, et seq. See Appendix, Note E. ANNE BOLEYN. 49 not pay much attention to these overtures, but chap. x. neither did he refuse to listen to them. A few weeks later, on the 20th of January, Wallop returned to January the subject. He called on Hanart, and stated that 20' 1535- he had consulted some of his friends in England, and that in their opinion a compromise might be arrived at on the following basis. Let the emperor promise not to proceed in the matter of the divorce by violence as long as Henry lived ; and in the mean time the queen would be treated well, and otherwise matters would remain in suspense. Hanart was very reserved, but he wrote an account of the conversation to Granvelle and asked for instructions.1 The time seemed in every way propitious for a reconciliation. The credit of the Boleyns was daily decreasing, their enemies were becoming more aggressive, and persons belonging to the class who like to be on the winning side were forsaking Anne and her relatives. She knew this, and was in great anguish of mind. She could not conceal from herself that the ally on whom she had most firmly reckoned, Francis I., was disposed to desert her cause ; and she clearly understood that without his help the emperor could not be resisted. If Francis formed an alliance Francis with Charles against England, Henry might save charlesV. himself by speedy submission, but Anne would have to be sacrificed. Happily for her, the antagonism between Charles and Francis was so deep-rooted that a real alliance was impossible. After Chabot's return Francis had hesi- 1 Hanart to Granvelle, January 31, 1535, British Museum, 1 Add. MSS. 28,588, foi. 70. VOL. II. E 50 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. X. January 18,1535. January 21, 1535. Anne's despon dency. February 2,1535. tated, for the offers made by the emperor seemed very tempting. But the French king was well aware that the expedition which was to be undertaken against Khairredin was meant to deprive him of an ally; and he suspected that Charles's proposals were in tended to amuse him and to keep him quiet while Tunis was being conquered. While he was balancing between two courses open to him, he received news which filled him with indignation against the emperor. A rumour had gone abroad in Germany that Francis had agreed to abandon the German Lutheran princes ; and the French, rightly or wrongly, traced the report to an imperial source. If it were not contradicted he would lose the friendship .of his German allies, and would not be able, as heretofore, to levy landsknechts to fight his battles. On the 18th of January Francis saw Viscount Hanart, to whom he violently com plained of what he had heard. The viscount tried in vain to explain the thing away : he could not appease the king's anger or lull his suspicions.1 Incensed against the emperor, Francis bethought himself once more of the English alliance. An answer to Henry's proposals was made out, and three days after Hanart's audience Palamede Gontier took it to the English court. But even now the long expected message was hy no means what Anne would have liked. The con ditions of Francis were rather hard. No wonder, then, that she looked haggard and worn, and that when, two days after his arrival, Gontier saw her at a 1 J. Hanart to Charles V, January 31, 1535, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,587, foi. 207. ANNE BOLEYN. 51 ball at court and gave her a letter from Chabot, she betrayed her anxiety. She complained that by coming so late he had made the king very suspicious. It was necessary, she said, that Chabot should put matters right, for she found herself in even greater difficulties than before her marriage. She entreated Gontier to pray the admiral in her name to look after her affairs, of which she could not, unhappily, inform him at such length as she wished, because of the prying eyes of the king and the courtiers. She added that she would not be able to write, nor would she have an opportunity of seeing him again, and even now she dared not remain with him any longer. And so she left him, and the treasurer followed Henry into the ball-room wondering what all this meant. "I assure you, my lord," he wrote to Chabot, "by what I can make out she is not at her ease." ' Immediately after his arrival, Gontier had been called to court, and had had a long audience of the king. First of all the marriage of Elizabeth with the Duke of Angouleme, which Henry had proposed, was spoken of. It would be necessary, Palamede Gontier said, that Elizabeth should be made perfectly sure of her rank, as the Duke of Angouleme could not marry a woman whose social and political status was a matter of doubt. Henry angrily pro tested that Elizabeth was the undoubted heir to the crown, and generally recognised as such ; but if any doubt remained in the mind of Francis, he might easily set it at rest by obliging the pope to recall i the sentence given by Clement, and to declare the 1 P. Gontier to Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, loc. cit. E 2 CHAP. X. Negotia tions between England and France. January 31, 1535. CHAP. X 52 ANNE BOLEYN. marriage with Catherine to have been null and void from the beginning. Henry was most anxious that this should be done, for reasons which Gontier perhaps guessed, and which ought to have made the French reluctant to commit themselves any further in the matter. Gontier went on to state what portion Francis would expect the little girl to bring to him and to his son. It was nothing less than the renunciation by Henry of the title of King of France, and the extinction of all pensions, arrears, or payments which the Freneh were by treaties bound to make to him— a sum of about 120,000 crowns a year. At this exorbitant claim Henry's anger broke forth, and he could not for some time regain his equanimity. In the end he said that 50,000 crowns of perpetual pension he was ready to give up, but the sixty thousand which were to be paid to him personally during life he would not relinquish. No decision was arrived at, and as it had grown late the conference was postponed to the following day. February Early next morning Palamede Gontier went to 1 1535. Cromwell's house at Austinfriars. The French had hitherto shown little attention to the secretary, having failed to realise the full extent of his power. They now tried to make up for past neglect. Gontier brought complimentary messages from the king and from the admiral, and threw- out broad hints that Cromwell would profit by supporting the demands of France. The secretary listened politely, and professed goodwill towards Francis ; but he made no positive promise or answer. Although Gontier flattered himself ANNE BOLEYN. 53 that he had made some impression on him, Cronrwell chap. x. remained at heart as anti-French as he had ever been. From Austinfriars the treasurer took his way to Westminster, where he met the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, both of whom showed themselves most friendly. Gontier remained at court until after dinner, when he was called into the royal presence. Henry was still angry at the extravagant claims of Francis, and complained of the negotiations which had been kept up with the emperor. The following day was _, , -1-. ° • February Candlemas, and Gontier went to the royal chapel. 2, 1535. After the service Henry invited him into his closet, and in a more pacified tone began to talk about the proposed meeting between himself and the French king. He was much gratified to hear that the Queen of Navarre and the daughters of Francis were to come to the interview. This flattered his vanity, and put him in better humour. The audience ended with a significant request from the French king. Lord Eochford and Sir Nicholas Carew were rival candi dates for the next, vacant garter, and Francis asked that it might be bestowed on Carew. Henry promised to remember his good brother's wishes.1 That same evening — the evening of the ball at which Gontier met poor Anne— the royal council drew up the official answer to the French proposals. It was even less favourable than the reply given by the king. The perpetual pension he had declared himself willing to resign, the council would not part with. As to the marriage, they proposed that com missioners should be sent at Whitsuntide to Calais, 1 P. Gontier to Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, loc. cit. 54 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. x. there to debate the conditions. Should the admiral be one of them, the Duke of Norfolk, Sir William Fitzwilliam, and Cromwell would go to meet him. Neither the father nor the brother of Anne were to take part in the negotiations which would settle the future fate of her daughter — another certain sign of their disgrace. The time of the conference was intentionally fixed at a distant date, that Francis might try to obtain from Paul III. a reversal of the sentence given by Pope Clement.1 The English opponents of Henry's policy were now in high spirits. On the day after the ball at court, Morette gave a great dinner party, at which the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Sir William Weston, prior of St. John, Lord Abergavenny, and other influential adherents of the papacy were present. Palamede Gontier told them of the auto da fe at Paris lately, when Francis himself with his sous had marched in the procession and had watched the tortur ing and burning of a good number of Protestants. The English lords were delighted to hear of this, and praised Francis for what he had done. There ( could be no doubt, Gontier wrote to Chabot, as to what they themselves would like to do in England.2 Henry was at this time in a state of great per- between plexity. Annoyed by Anne's jealousy, and angry and Anne, with her for not having borne him the son and heir Morette's dinnerparty. February 3, 1535. Henry forced to choose 1 Henry VIII. to Chabot de Brion, Stale Papers, vol. vii. p. 596; Chabot de Brion to Henry VIII., April 17, 1535, Stale Papers, vol. vii. p. 592 ; and P. Gontier to Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, loc. cit. 2 Gontier to Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 55 he had expected, he was anxious to be rid of her ; chap. x. and the most natural way of accomplishing his pur- pose seemed to be a second divorce. Cranmer, he felt sure, would make no difficulties, but would declare the second marriage, like the first, to be null and void. Having thought the matter over, he opened his mind to some of his most trusted counsellors. Who they were does not appear ; but their answer averted the blow which he thought of striking at Anne. If the king, they replied, wished to repudiate Anne, he must restore the rights of Catherine, and acknowledge Mary as his heir and successor.1 Henry had hoped that the marriage with Catherine might still be dissolved by the pope, and that he would then be delivered from all difficulty. He had overlooked the fact that even if Paul III. revoked his predecessor's sentence it would be extremely dangerous to discard Anne after all that had been done in her favour. The Catholics would be as hostile as before, and he would excite the enmity of the Protestants, wdio would decline to believe in new scruples of conscience. As his advisers urged, therefore, it was necessary for him to make up his mind whether he would have Catherine or Anne for wife ; the choice lay with him, but was limited to these two. This was at last made apparent to Henry, and on his decision the fate of Anne depended. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 80 : " Et plustost se fust declaire ce diet Roy neust est que quelcung de son conseil luy donnoyt entendre que ne sauroyt separer de la dicte concubyne sans tacitement con- firmer non seuUement le premier mariaige mais aussy que plus il crainct lautorite du pape." CHAPTEE XI. FISHER AND MORE. Cromwell Anne and her friends were in serious peril, and she d^f*Vt mignt ^ave succumbed at once had she not regained Anne, the help of Cromwell. The secretary had not been much impressed by Gontier's fair words ; he was still hostile to France, and saw with apprehension the growing power of the aristocratic party and of his bitter enemy the Duke of Norfolk. Having identi fied himself so closely with the measures against the Eoman Church, he could not but fear that, if its authority were re-established, he would fare very badly at its hands. In order to prevent the possibility of a reaction, he resolved to support Anne ; and perhaps it was he who explained to Henry the danger of a second divorce. The troubles of the Boleyns had been due in a great measure to the influence of the new favourite, whose reign had now lasted nearly six months — for Henry, rather a long time. It occurred to them that their prospects might be improved if the king were under the dominion of a more friendly beauty ; and in the hope that he might be fascinated they brought to ANNE BOLEYN. 57 court Anne's pretty cousin, Margaret Shelton, daughter chap, xi of the governess of Mary. The scheme may not have been very dignified, but it was eminently successful. On the 25th of February, little more than three weeks after the ball at which Gontier had seen Anne in despair, Eustache Chapuis wrote : " The lady A new " who formerly enjoyed the favour of this king does so 'February " no longer ; she has been succeeded in her office by a 25> lb6b- u first cousin of the concubine, daughter of the new " governess of the princess." 1 The defeat of the imperialist favourite led to The mat- COlltBTl ts renewed agitation among the malcontents, for with the advent of Margaret Shelton disappeared the last hope that by means of female influence a reversal of policy might be obtained. Even during the preceding winter, when it had been found that the fair partisan of Catherine and Mary was not able to make Henry altogether obedient to her will, the members of the opposition had drawn together again, and numerous recruits had swollen their ranks. In the end of December, 1534, the only peer north of the Trent December, who had been favourable to Anne, the Earl of North umberland, professed to be deeply offended by the insolence of the Boleyns, and to be ready to join the confederacy against his former love. This was reported to Chapuis by the earl's physician.2 The conspirators 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^-, i. foi. 13: "La damoiselle questoit naguieres en faveur de ce Roy ne lest plus et a succede en son lieu une cousine germaine de la concubine quest fille de la moderne gouvernante de la princesse." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 1, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i, i. foi. 34. 58 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. were rather suspicious of Northumberland, whom they knew to be wayward and fickle, and they warned Chapuis to be very careful in dealing with him;1 but if Anne's enemies were unable to con sider him a trustworthy ally, it was at least certain that she could not regard even him as a faithful friend. More important men now began to communicate with Chapuis. Lord Sandys, the chamberlain of the household, who had retired from court on the plea of sickness, sent a message to the ambassador by his physician to the effect that it wrould be easy for Charles V. to conquer England, .and that he himself would willingly rise if the emperor would undertake to support an insurrection.2 A few weeks later, the Marquis of Exeter protested that he was prepared to shed his heart's blood in the cause of Catherine ; 3 and Lord Bray, a wealthy peer who was highly Marchz, esteemed for his learning and energy, applied to Chapuis for the text of a prophecy that there would be a revolt against the government, and begged for a cipher by means of which some malcontent lords might safely correspond with one another. He also wished to be permitted to speak with Chapuis about these matters. The latter request the ambassador did not think fit to comply with, as it might awaken suspicion, but otherwise he returned a friendly and 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 28, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 9. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 14, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^ i. foi. 1. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, February 25, 1535, loc. cit. 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 59 encouraging answ-er, asking only that his correspond- chap. xi. ent would wait for a more convenient season.1 In February Mary had fallen seriously ill.2 After Mary's some time the king allowed the queen's physician to February attend her, and sent his own physician, Dr. Butts, to 5> 1535- consult with him.3 The twTo doctors did not limit Political their conversation to medical matters, but very soon °Pm*™S0J began to talk of politics. Dr. Butts made no mystery doctor»- of his opinions. He said that the life of the queen March, and the princess might be spared if the king fell 15 ' ill, since he would then listen to reason and un derstand his errors, but that otherwise they could be saved only by the employment of force. It was well for the king, he added, that the emperor did not know with how little trouble he might make himself master of England.4 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 4, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 2291, i. foi. 42 : " Sire hier vint ung docteur religieux avec lequel jay de longtemps familiarite qui me vint demander une pronosticacion que parle de la mutynacion qui doit estre contre les gouverneurs de ce royaulme de laquelle pronostication chacun estoit requis de la part de millor Brez, quest ung seigneur scavant riche et de bon cueur . . . il vouldroit escripre a plusieurs bous personnages pour selon que pouvoit comprendre dudict religieulx les inciter contre . . . gouvernemens desperant de la tardance du remede de Vostre Maieste." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229A, i. foi. 22. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, February 25, 1535, loc. cit. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^-, i. foi. 74 : "11 a dit au diet de la Royne quil ny avoit que deux moyens pour remedier aux affaires des Royne et prin- cesse, et a ceulx de tout le royaulme. Le premier estoit si dieu. vouloit visiter ce roy de quelque petite maladie, lors oultre que de luy mesmes se recougnoistroit, il prendroit aussy en pacience 60 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XI. SO, Mary. The aim of the conspirators being to proclaim Pla~n~sof Mary, Chapuis feared that if the signal for revolt ftrAe were Siven sne would be Put t0 deat]l ; and te had fetyqf sounded her whether she would be ready to save herself by flight. Finding that she was willing to do whatever might seem to him to be expedient, he decided that if he received the emperor's permission, and if Mary remained at Greenwich, she should be carried off and put on board a light rowing vessel which would carry her to Flanders ; but in conse quence of her illness this plan had to be abandoned.1 It happened about this time that several of Anne's adversaries (among them her uncle, Sir Edward Boleyn) were dining with Chapuis ; and with them he made an appointment to go on the Saturday following to Lord Darcy, with whom he was anxious to confer about measures for the princess's safety. Much to the disappointment of Chapuis, this en gagement could not be fulfilled ; and, knowing the Avatchfulness of Cromwell's spies, he did not venture to go alone. He despatched a confidential agent, however, and to this messenger Darcy said that if civil war were proclaimed he believed Henry would send Catherine and Mary to the Tower, and keep them March 6, 1535. et de bonne part les remonstrances que luy en seroynt faictes; lautre moyen seroit dattempter la force . . . et que tardant lung ou laultre remede elles estoient en dangier de leur vie, et que bien en prenoit au diet Roy son maistre que V. Mte nestoit bien informee de la facilite quil y auroit de venir a chief de lemprinse dont seroit maintenant la propre saison." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 9 and 25, and March 4, 1535, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 61 there as hostages for his own security.1 Now, Sir chap. xi. William Kingston, captain of the king's guard and constable of the Tower, had entered into correspondence with the conspirators, and had declared himself a devoted adherent of the two ladies. If they were entrusted to him, they would be in no danger what ever.2 This intelligence, which was confirmed from other quarters, somewhat reassured the ambassador ; but as a thoroughgoing adherent of the king might be put in Sir William Kingston's place, Chapuis was still of opinion that Mary ought to be removed from England. In April she was taken to Eltham, and he hoped that it might be possible to have her conveyed from that place to the river below Gravesend. If men were sent in pursuit, they would probably wish her good speed and take care not to overtake her.3 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 46. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 4, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 42: "Que me faict croire que survenant la dicte evocacion ce roy ne se hasteroit de faire oultraige ausdites dames actendant lissue des affaires. II est a penser quil sen saisiroit et les feroit mectre en la tour et croys que en tel cas les dictes royne et princesse ne seroint tant a son commandement quil penseroit bien, pour estre le cappitaine a ce que il monstre serviteur de vostre maieste et des dictes dames et homme de bien ay ant communique avec aucuns des susmencionez ; " and E. Chapuis to Charles V, March 7, 1535, loc. cit. : " Je suis seur que tumbant elles en main et garde de celluy dont rescripvis dernierement quelles seroyent hors de dangier et ne desire moings le bien que les autres comme ay sceu encoires aujourdhuy de bien bonne part et ne desire que locasion de pouvoir monstrer sa bonne volente." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i, i. foi. 64 : " la maison ou elle gist est a douze mille de 62 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. The chief difficulty would be to get her out of the house, which was strongly guarded by a body of royal servants under the command of Sir John Shelton.1 The government, knowing much of what was going on, caused the chief conspirators to be closely watched, and when some of them applied for permis sion to leave the court it was not granted. Cromwell wished to keep them near, so that they might always be surrounded hy spies.2 illness of While Anne and her party — -thanks to Margaret March 3 Shelton — seemed to be recovering their power, they 1535. W6re threatened by a new danger. Early in March, Cromwell caught a severe cold, and was obliged to keep his room for a few days.3 Impatient at the confine- , ment and wishing to speak with Chapuis, he went out 1535. too soon,4 had a relapse to which he did not pay ceste riviere et quant pourroit une fois tenir la dicte princesse a cheval il seroit plus aise de la saulver quil nestoit a grinuic, car Ion lembarqueroit plus avant que gravesen de la ou est tout le dangier de ceste riviere ; " and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i iii. foi. 4: " et serreroient les yeulx donnant une benediction a ceulx qui la saulveroient." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 5, 1535, loc. cit. : " et que la ou elle estoit mainfcenant yl ny avoit ordre de soy saulver de nuyt." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 1, February 25, and March 23, 1535, loc. cit. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, March 4, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 42: "Quil sestoyt hier trouve nialade dune reume que luy avoit faict enfler ung yeul et la joue." 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V, March 7, 1535, loc. cit.: " Le VI"10 Cremuel me vint trouver ne layant pu faire premier a cause de son indi3posicion." ANNE BOLEYN. 63 sufficient attention, and on Monday, the 22nd, broke chap. xi. down altogether. He seems to have suffered from March 12, inflammation of the lungs. For a fortnight his life 1535" was in danger, and for nearly three weeks he could not transact any business.1 During this time his enemies, the friends of Catherine and Mary, tried to exercise some influence on Henry, and he seemed not unwilling to hear them ; but Cromwell recovered, -and at once destroyed their hopes. Whoever had dared to speak in favour of the queen and the princess was soundly rated and threatened by the secretary.2 Before Cronrwell's illness, it had been determined that the form of oath which had been prepared towards the close of the session, and to which the clergy attending convocation had been compelled to subscribe, should be imposed upon all who were suspected of hostility to the new measures.3 Now another step in the same direction was taken ; a proclamation was issued against those who still ad hered to the pope, or who used his name or style in the service of the Church.4 Strict inquiry was to 1 Diarium Petri Suavenii, edited by C. F. Wegener, Aars- beretninger, vol. iii. pp. 234 to 236: " Sabato (March 6) re- nunctiatum, non dari otiuiu ad me audiendum propter raucedinem et nescio quam valetudinem malam." . . . "Die lunae post Palmarum (March 22), coepit aegrotare tertiana febri . . . Dominica Quasimodo geniti (April 4) accessi ad aedeis Crumwelli propterea quod dicebatur nonnihil convaluisse. Nemo invenie- batur, qui me adesse vellet significare . . . Die Jovis (April 7) . . . jam nonnihil convaluisset et homines ad se admitteret." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 17, 1535, Vienna Archives, PC 229|, i. foi. 68. 3 Palame Gontier to Chabot de Brion, February 5, 1535, loc. cit. i Henry VIII. to the Earl of Sussex, April 17, (1535), Strype, 64 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. be made, and offenders were to be severely punished. ~~ The secular clergy in general offered little opposition, but there were monks who showed themselves less yielding. The priors of the Carthusian monasteries, men renowned for their ascetic virtue and piety, assembled at the Charterhouse, near London, and Triors of protested against the new edict. Cromwell summoned sSniwn- them before him, and as they boldly proclaimed their asteries. intention to disobey what they considered an unjust ".535. ' command they were committed to the Tower to await judgment.1 They were not kept long in suspense. April 29, On the 29 th of April they were arraigned at the 1535' Guildhall, found guilty, and condemned to the usual punishment of traitors.2 No mercy was shown to them ; on the 4th of May the three priors and a Y5354' Brigitin monk from Syon were hanged, cut down alive, disembowelled, beheaded and quartered.3 The Duke of Eichmond, Henry's bastard son, the Duke of Norfolk, Wiltshire, Eochford, Norris, and other cour tiers went to Tyburn to witness their death.4 Memorials, vol. i. part ii. p. 208. Mr. Gairdner places this letter in the year 1534, but I think it belongs to 1535, for in the latter year Tunstall received a similar privy seal : Cuthbert Tunstall to all men, June 9, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII., anno xxviii., bundle ii. 1 Examination of Carthusian monks, April 20, 1535, K.O. Henry VIII. Box R, No. 36. 2 Records of the trial, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VII. Bundle I.; and Third Report of the deputy keeper of public records, App. II. p. 237. 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, May 8, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, iii. foi. 7. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 8, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229-i, i. foi. 76. ANNE BOLEYN. 65 By this time the negotiations about the proposed chap. xi. meeting at Calais had been nearly brought to an end. The On the 5th of March, after a stay of five weeks, Calais" Gontier had left England to give Francis an account M of his mission. On the 25th he came over once March2,5, more, remaining about a week in England.2 He took back flattering and promising messages from Henry, to which the admiral of France answered in the same strain. The 23rd of May was fixed as the day on which the commissioners were to assemble, and Henry looked forward with confidence to the result/ Cromwell wras less sanguine, for he knew from the beginning what would be the effect of the execution of men so highly respected as the Carthusian monks. The English Observants, Carthusians, and Brigitins were not simply English subjects, they were members of international religious societies which every where commanded respect and sympathy. Henry had persecuted those monastic orders which were esteemed by Catholic and Protestant alike, while he favoured the members of confraternities notorious for their sloth, their ignorance, and their immorality. Preachers on the Continent vehemently denounced the cruelty of a king who had caused men like Haughton to be executed, and men like Peyto to be banished. In France the feeling against Henry seems 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1535, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. foi. 64. 3 Henry VIII. to Chabot de Brion, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 596; and Chabot de Brion to Henry VIII., April 17, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 592. VOL. II. F 66 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XI. May 20, 1535. May 22, 1535. Demands of the French. to have become intensely bitter, and the English alliance was most unpopular.1 Being certain that in these circumstances the commissioners at Calais would be unable to agree, Cromwell resolved to have nothing to do with their proceedings. He pretended that he was not yet well enough to go, and, as the Boleyns had been restored to favour, Lord Eochford was named in his stead.2 On the 19th and 20th of May the English commis sioners arrived at Calais, and on the 22nd they were joined by Chabot, with whom were Genoul- hiac, master of the horse ; Poyet, president of the parliament of Paris ; and Bochetel, secretary for finance.3 What Cromwell had foreseen came to pass. The French would not depart from the conditions proposed through Palamede Gontier, and they are said to have added a clause to the effect that if for any reason, after the conclusion of the treaty, Henry broke off the match, he would forfeit all pensions and arrears due to him by the King of France.4 On all the points in dispute the admiral was immovable, so 1 Advertisements from France, October 24 and 25, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII., Box Q, Nos. 84 and 85 ; and T. Thebalde to Lord Wiltshire, June 7, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII., Box R, No. 1. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 8, 1535, loc. cit. 3 Chronicle of Calais, p. 45 ; and Chabot to Henry VIII., April 17, 1535, loc. cit. 4 J. Hanart to Mary of Hungary, June 5, 1535, Brussels, Archives du Royaume, Negotiations de France, vol. ii. foi. 18 : " Jentends que sur la matiere de leurs alliance y a de grosses difficultes sur les demandes que se font pour asseurence du mariage. Oeulx de ce couste demandent payne de comise le tribut et toutes les pensions quil payent chacun an en angleterre et que la fille soit dois maintenant juree pour princesse." ANNE BOLEYN. G7 that after two sittings Norfolk perceived that no chap.xl understanding such as Henry desired could be arrived at. Lord Eochford crossed to Dover, andgallopedstraight to the court to give an account of the French demands. On his arrival he went at once to his sister, who could May 25, scarcely bring herself to believe the news he reported. 1535- On the following days she reheved her feelings by saying all the ill she could of Francis and of the French people ; 1 and it was observed that whereas Morette had hitherto been invited to all her parties, he was henceforth conspicuously absent.2 When he had seen the king, Eochford left for Calais with the same haste with which he had come, taking with him supplementary instructions to Nor folk.8 They were to prove fruitless. Francis, in consenting to treat with Henry regarding the marriage of Angouleme and Elizabeth, wanted to obtain such 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|-, i. foi. 89 : " Sire apres les deux premieres communi cations entre les deputez de ces deux Roys le Sr de Rochefort partist de Calais et arriva icy le XXV du mois passe et avant que parler au Roy il sadressa a la dame sa seur et divisa bien longuement avec elle et ne luy dust rapporfcer dudict Calais chose que luy aggreast car et lors et mainteffois depuis ainsy que ma diet le grant escuyer elle a maulgree et dit mille maulx et opprobres du Roy de France et generallement de toutte la nation." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 16, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229-j, i. foi. 97 : "la dame ... fit plusieurs braves mom- meries, elle y appella plusieurs et na ete content lambassadeur de France dy etre oblye." 3 Articles and Instructions for Norfolk, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 608. F 2 68 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. a dowry, in ready money, subsidies, or renunciation of pensions, as would make it worth his while to sanction the match without taking into account any hopes the little girl might have of succeeding to the English throne. He wished, too, to refrain from doing anything that would imperil the treaty by which a marriage between the dauphin and the Princess Mary had been arranged. And he not only objected to join Henry in his revolt against the Holy See, but strongly advised that by some kind of submission the English schism should be brought to an end. Henry, on the other hand, desired by the proposed marriage to make sure of the French alliance, and he would not accept any conditions which would render it equally advantageous to Francis to side with Mary and her adherents. He was not inclined to give a large dowry, for his vanity revolted against the idea that his, the great King Henry's, daughter was not by herself a brilliant match for a younger son of the French king.1 He insisted that Angouleme should be sent over to him, with some idea perhaps that he would then have a hostage for the good behaviour of Francis.2 And he advanced preposter ous claims as to the position the young duke was to 1 Henry VIII. to Chabot de Brion, State Pajnrs, vol. vii. p. 596. 2 'Articles and Instructions for Norfolk, loc. cit.: "Second- arylie, touching the traduction hither into this Realme the saide Duke of Angolesme to be educate and brought up here, the saide Duke of Norfolk and his colleges shall eftsones in that behalf, by all meanes they can, presse the saide Admyrall . . . ; " and Cyfuentes to Charles V, July 16, 1535, British Museum, Add. M8S. 28,587, foi. 345. ANNE BOLEYN. 69 occupy in France, should he by right of his wife chap xi. succeed to the English crown.1 The English commissioners in vain strove to over- Failure of come the resistance of Chabot and his colleagues. '_££'*" The French no longer stood in urgent need of the Enghsh alliance, since it was open to them, if they pleased, by accepting the overtures of Nassau, to come to terms with the emperor. It was Henry who was now in danger of finding himself confronted by a hostile coalition ; it was he, the French thought, who ought to be ready to make sacrifices. But this he declined to do, and his commissioners succeeded only in irritating Chabot, who had not forgotten the abuse showered upon him by Henry and Cromwell early in the spring, and who had been further angered by the execution of the Carthusian priors just before the conference at Calais began.2 The conference 1 Articles and Instructions, loc. cit. : " Thirdely, where as the kinges Highnes by the said former instructions hathe gyven in charge to the said Duke of Norfolk and his colleges that amongst other it be specyallie provyded, in case the saide Duke of Angolesme shall succede the Kinges Highnes in the emperiall Crowne of this Realme in the right and title of the saide Lady Pryncesse, that then his saide dukedom of Angolesme, and all other his domynyons, landes, and possessions within the realme of Fraunce, or elles where in any of the Frensh kinges domynyons, shalbe clerely exonerated and frely discharged, by the consent of their Parliamentes, from all exactions, servytutes, homages, and fealties . . . the saide Duke of Norfolk and his colleges shall in that poynt styke fyrmely to the conducing of the same to effecte. . . " 2 Chabot de Brion to Cardinal du Bellay, June 8, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577 : "Vous entendrez le tout par ce qui est escript au Roy presentement, Vous asseurant Mon sieur que jen voudroys bien estre depesche pour la tricoterie de 70 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. having been broken up, Chabot left Calais in a very June 14, bad temper on the 14th of June.1 M^e and The failure of Norfolk and his colleagues had an Fisher, unhappy effect on the fate of the prisoners in the Tower. After the victory of Anne in February, they had been kept in somewhat closer confinement, but at. first they had not been otherwise molested. When Cromwell recovered from his illness, and active measures were taken against the adherents of the April 30, pope, they suffered from the change. On the 30th 1535. 0£ April, ^e r\ay after the Charterhouse monks were condemned to die, More was called before some of the royal councillors and warned that if he did not give way he might incur the same penalties as the Carthusians. But his fortitude was not to be shaken ; May 4, he refused to yield.2 On the 4th of May he was 1535, again examined, and admonished not to expose him self to the fate of those who had just been led to May 7, execution.3 Subsequently, More, Bishop Fisher, Dr. Abel, the former chaplain of Catherine, and Featherstone, Mary's former schoolmaster, were formally called upon to submit within six weeks; otherwise, they would be put upon their trial.4 Henry They might still have escaped had not the suspicions trlita^d °^ *ke king been aroused by the resolute tone of the French. French and by the rashness of the pope. The French mode estrange de marchander quon nous tient qui nest point mon naturel . . ." 1 Chronicle of Calais, p. 45. 2 Account of Thomas More, More's Works, ed. 1557, p. 1451. 3 Ibid. p. 1452. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 8, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.O. 229^, i. foi. 76. ANNE BOLEYN. 71 admiral at Calais had persisted in speaking of chap. xi. Princess Mary; Morette assiduously cultivated the good will of Chapuis ; and Morette's servants talked very freely about the marriage of Mary and the dauphin. Henry began to fear that the proposals made by Count Henry of Nassau, of which Chabot had given him warning, had been secretly accepted by France, and that Francis would try to get possession of Mary in order to make her the dauphin's wife.1 The news from Eome was still more disquieting. Henry The papal court had, of course, been informed of the Tapacy. disfavour into which Anne had fallen at the end of 1534, and of the extreme insecurity of her position during the first two months of 1535.2 Paul III. then hoped that Henry, cured of his passion for Anne, would retrace his steps ; and the Cardinal of Lorraine, the most influential of all the cardinals of the French faction, promised, as we have seen, to go to England to bring about a reconciliation.3 There seemed to be little doubt that if the cardinal fulfilled his promise, Henry would submit, as it was inconceiv able that he would insult Francis by refusing the mediation of so great a man. The cardinal, however, did not go ; his place was taken by Chabot ; and 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, July 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, iii. foi. 19. 2 Cyfuentes to Charles V., November 7, 1534, British Museum Add. MSS. 28,587, foi. 125 ; and Account from Rome, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, foi. 9. 3 G. da Casale to Norfolk, October 15, 1534, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 573 : " Lotharingius . . . dicit se velle in Angliam ad Serenissimum Regem venire ; " and G. da Casale to Cromwell, November 8, 1534, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 579. made a cardinal. 72 ANNE BOLEYN. :ap. xi. when the pope complained, it was replied that equally good results might be obtained at the meeting at Calais.1 Paul III. greatly doubted this, but he did not doubt that the French and Gregorio da Casale were right in the accounts they gave him of a change in Henry's temper and convictions. The pope was not aware that there had been a reaction, that Anne was once more triumphant, and that the Fisher favourable opportunity had been lost. Believing that Fisher, who had been so leniently treated at the beginning of the year, continued to enjoy the favour of the king, he allowed himself to be persuaded to make the good bishop a cardinal.2 This was done May 21, on the 21st of May; and Jean du Bellay, Henry's 1535- stout friend and advocate, and Girolamo Ghinucci, his former ambassador, were also — at the same consistory — promoted to the dignity of the purple. As soon as Gregorio da Casale heard of the creation, he strongly protested against it. The pope began to think that he had made a mistake, but as it was now past remedy, he tried to excuse what he had done, saying he had hoped to please rather than to offend the King of England. Casale, fearing that Henry would suspect him of having advised the nomination of Fisher, and that he might lose his pension,3 asked 1 Cyfuentes to Charles V., March 3, 1535, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,587, foi. 243. 2 G. da Casale to Cardinal du Bellay, May 21 and June 2, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,571, Ms. 117 and 118. 3 G. da Casale to Cardinal du Bellay, May 21, 1535, loc. cit.: " Hora questa cosa sara giudicata molto male in Inghilterra, maxime da quelli che sa V. S. Rma, dubito che quei tali com ANNE BOLEYN. 73 that at least the red hat should not be sent to Fisher ; chap. xt. but this request seems to have been disregarded.1 Shortly afterwards the French ambassador, Charles de Denonville, Bishop of Macon, received letters about the execution of the Carthusian monks ; and when they were read in consistory, they dispelled any illusion which the pope or the cardinals may still have retained as to Henry's intentions.2 Paul IIL, now seriously alarmed, sent for Fisher in Denonville, and asked him to beg Francis to May 29, intercede for the new cardinal. The ambassador, 1535" while promising to write to the king, gave little hope. The imperialists, he said, in order to make Henry suspicious of the good faith of Francis, were pretend ing that the honour had been granted on the recommendation of the French. If Francis pleaded for Fisher, Henry would probably believe what the imperial agents asserted, and resent his intervention.3 sospettosi dirano che questo sia stato mio motivo onde nascerebbe la mia ruina totale. . ." 1 G. da Casale to Cromwell, May 29, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 604 ; and Report of Spy from Boulogne, R.O. Henry VIII., Box R. : " Monseigneur, il passa ung homme mardi la nuyt en engleterre que le pappe envoye au Roy avec ung chappeau rouge pour levesque de Rocestre qui est prisonier en la tour de Londres avec une bulle dexcommunication pour fulminer le Roy sil ne meet le diet evesque dehors et sil luy empesche de prendre le chappeau. Ledict messaigier vint mardi quant Monsgr ladmiral." 2 G. da Casale to Cromwell, June 1, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 605 ; and the Bishop of Macon to Francis I., May 29, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 265, foi. 138. 3 The Bishop of Macon to Francis I., May 29, 1535, loc. cit., cipher undeciphered : " Me priant affectueusement Vous vouloir encoires suplier davoir le Cardinal de Rocestre pour recommande 74 ANNE BOLEYN. ap.xi. Paul III. was greatly distressed, and once more protested that he had not intended to displease King Henry. He was ready, he declared, to give a written attestation that he had never been asked by any prince to confer the cardinal's hat on the Bishop of Eochester.1 The Bishop of Macon wrote to his master and to Cardinal du Bellay ; and Nicolas Eaince, the French permanent secretary, also wrote at the urgent request of the pope.2 Moreover, in two letters addressed to du Bellay, Gregorio da Casale proposed that Fisher should promise, if his life were spared, to swear to the statutes in order to be allowed to go to Eome to receive the red hat. This would be very advantageous to Henry, who would be glad to get rid of his doubtant que sans voustre ayde il nen aura pas moins que les executez. II se diet que les ministres dudict Empereur avoient escript en flandres de faire publier en angleterre par les marchants flamens ayant trafficque avecques les angloys que la promotion dudict Roffence avoit este faicte a voustre poursuite et requeste affin danimer le diet Roy a lencontre de Vous et seroit bon quil Vous pleust y faire donner ordre pour y obvier et ouster ce scrupulle au diet Roy. Jay adverty noustre dit Sainct Pere de tout cecy luy remonstrant que au moyen de ce bruit il sera bien difficille que puissiez persuader ny moyenner affaire du diet Roffence vers le diet Roy dangleterre." 1 Ibid. : " II me diet quil feroit telle attestation que Vous adviseriez que Vous ny autre prince chrestien ne luy feist parler dudit Roffence, que la verite estoit quil lavoit fait cardinal pour son scavoir et vertu le cognoissant par ses ceuvres estre necessaire pour le futeur concille, et lavoit plustoust fait cardinal pour en gratiffier le dit Roy dangleterre que en hayne de luy." 2 The Bishop of Macon to Cardinal du Bellay, June 2, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577; and Nicolas Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, May 21 (sic), 1535, ibid. ANNE BOLEYN. 75 opponent.1 Casale did not say that the scheme had chap. xi. been approved of by the pope, but he had no doubt that Paul III. wTould absolve Fisher from any sin he might commit in taking; the oath. It is most unlikely that Fisher would ever have con descended to save his life by a subterfuge such as Casale suggested ; he was not the man to forswear himself, even if he had the secret permission of the pope to do so. But he does not appear to have been put to the test. On receiving the letters of Denonville, Francis asked Henry to spare Fisher's life, and, if Cardinal du Bellay is to be trusted, Henry answered 1 G. da Casale to Cardinal du Bellay, May 21, 1535, loc. cit. : "Potria anchora S. Mta far intendere al Re dlnghilterra che questa cosa tornera a suo commodo, perche questo vescovo il quale non ha mai voluto giurare la osservantia de nuovi statuti fatti in Inghilterra, il che ha dato gran dispiacere al Re, al pre- sente, si per liberarsi di prigione, si per la gran dignita, forse fara quel che vuole il Re, perche lo lasci vinire in qua, et cio seguendo, la Mta Chrma et quel principe potrano anchora far capitale di Roffense come dun gran cardinale. Questa cosa quando fosse con destrezza inaneggiata col Re proprio potrebbe forse riuscire. Ma ci bisogna usare destrezza grande ; " and G. da Casale to Cardinal du Bellay, June 2, 1535, loc. cit. : " Sopra questo affare potria la Mte Chr™* persuadere al B,e dlnghilterra, che poi che la cosa e fatta dovrebbe cercare al meno cavarne qualche utilita. Come saria col liberarlo e lascarlo esser cardinale farlo assentire et conjurare alia osservatione de statuti, il che egli non havendo voluto fare infra si trova in prigione. Et forse glielo fara fare per un tanto premio et honore. Et quando pur sia per stare nella sua ostinatione si puo mostrare che lascandolo venire in Francia fara doi effetti, luno che levera questo impedi- mento dlnghilterra laltro che essendo il Chrm° et il Re dlnghil terra tanto amici venendo qualche occasione potranno valersi dun tanto huomo Cardinale." 76 ANNE BOLEYN. Defiant mood of Henry. chap. xi. that the request should be granted ; l but, whatever promise the king may have made, he had no mind to fulfil it. He was in an angry and suspicious mood. Not only had the pope dared to confer a high dignity on a rebellious subject of his, but Jean du Bellay, who had seemed to be almost a Protestant, and whom he had always expected to help him in inciting Francis to open rebellion against the papacy, had accepted the red hat. Henry regarded such conduct as little short of treason.2 Besides, Gregorio da Casale had written to Cromwell that it was the French who, after the execution of the Carthusians, had spoken most passionately of Henry's cruelty. This confirmed Henry in his belief that he was betrayed by Francis, and that a great league had been formed against him. He felt like an animal at bay, and as he could not touch the pope, or the King of France, or the Bishop of Paris, he resolved to wreak his vengeance on the prisoners in the Tower. Henry felt convinced that Fisher had corresponded suspicions, yrffa the pope, and that his promotion was a part of some vast scheme of the opposition. He considered the bishop his greatest enemy, and believed him to 1 G. da Casale to Cromwell, July 27, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 618. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 16, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229-|, i. foi. 97 : " Sire ce Roy a ce que jentends nest seuUement picque destre faict ledict evesque Cardinal mais a cause de celluy de Paris auquel en toutes choses avoit grande confidence mesmes pour ce que avant cette creation il se tenoit pour maulvais papiste. II na aussi gros plaisir de lauditeur de la chambre." Henry's 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 77 be far more dangerous than in any circumstances he chap. xi. could have been.1 When the news of Fisher's elevation had arrived, Henry had broken out into violent threats, and had immediately sent a commission to the Tower to find whether the honour had been asked for. The cardinal asserted, that the pope had acted of his own free will, but this did not satisfy the king. Several of the jailers and some friends and kinsmen of Fisher were arrested on a charge of having served as his messengers, and were closely examined. Of course, nothing to their disadvantage was proved, but still the king was not mollified.2 On the 14th a royal commission again examined June 14, Fisher and More, and demanded that they should accept the Acts of Succession and of Supremacy.3 Both refused to make any statement. Thereupon an 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 103 : " Cremuel me dit que le pape estoit cause de sa mort et que le diet pape avoit faict tres mal et tres f ollement de lavoir faict Cardinal actendu que cestoit le pire enemy que le Roy son maistre eust." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 16, 1535, loc. cit. : " Sire des que ce Roy entendict levesque de Rocbestre estre cree Cardinal tres despit et fasche que se trouva il dit et asseura par plusieurs fois quil dounroit ung autre chappeau audict evesque et quil envoyeroit apres la teste a Rome pour le chappeaul Cardinal." . . . " Et cependant pour ce que il ny a legitime occasion de les faire morir le Roy va serchant sil se trouvera quelque chose contre eulx, mesme si le diet evesque a fait poursuyte du chappeaul, et pour ce entendre sont constituez plusieurs prisonniers tant de ses parents que de ceulx que le gardoient en prison ; " and Examina tion of J. Fisher, Archaeologia Britannica, vol. xxv. p. 99. 3 Examination of J. Fisher, June 14, Ibob, State Papers, vol. i. p. 431; and Examination of Sir Thomas More, June 14, 1535, State Papers, vol. i. pp. 432 to 436. 1535. 78 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. indictment was prepared against the cardinal, and on j^Til, the 17th of June he was brought to trial at West- 1535' minster.1 His rights as a peer were disregarded, the government holding that by the Act of Attainder passed in the autumn of 1534, he had been deprived Fisher of his see and of the honour attached to it. A condemned common jury it was easy to pack and easy to frighten, executed. so a sentence for the crown was obtained, and five days later Fisher was led to execution on Tower Hill.2 The extreme penalty of treason had been commuted into simple decapitation, and even on the scaffold a June 22, pardon was offered to him if he would submit.3 He remained firm, spoke a few words to the assembled crowd, laid his head on the block, and received the stroke of the axe. The ' king had ordered one of the preachers of the modern school to be his confessor, and even this man, prejudiced as he must have been against Fisher, was loud in praise of his goodness and sanctity.4 1 Records of the trial, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VII. Bundle II. ; and Third Report of the Deputy of Public Records, App. II. p. 239. 2 About the date of Fisher's execution there is some uncer tainty. It is differently stated as June 21, 22, or even 23. Lord Herbert says it was June 22, and in this he agrees with the account given by Chapuis. E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229 J, i. foi. 103 : "Le xxii yl eust trenchee la teste au lieu que le due de boquinguam et nest a penser le regret et compassion que tout le monde en avoit." 3 Ibid. : "II fust sollicite a merveilles depuis quil fut sur lechaffaud de consentir a ce que vouloit le Roy luy offrant sa grace mais y ny eust ordre et mourust tres vertueusement." 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 30, 1535, loc. cit. : "II luy fust donne pour confesseur ung sien grand enemy quest le plus ANNE BOLEYN. 79 Meanwhile, Anne did her best to divert Henry's chap. xi. attention from his embarrassments. She organised splendid balls and mummeries, and by cleverly playing, now on his obstinacy, now on his vanity and love of show, she established her old empire over his vacillating mind.1 It was not, therefore, difficult Trial and for the Boleyn party to persuade him that Sir More Thomas More should also be brought to trial. On the 26th of June a true bill was found against Sir June 26, Thomas by the grand jury for Middlesex, and on the 1535' 1st of July he was led to Westminster Hall to be July l, tried before a special commission.2 He offered an 1585' eloquent defence, but it could not have any influence on the jury ; he was found guilty, and sentenced to receive the punishment of a traitor. A few days later he was executed, maintaining , to the last the quaint humour, the delicate tenderness, the stainless honour, which, with his fine intellectual genius, make him one of the noblest and most attractive figures in English history. With this last and most illustrious victim Henry's grand lutherien du monde et faulteur de toutes les diableries que sont yci, si ne cesse il de dire que Ion a faict morir lung des meilleurs et plus saincts homme du monde." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 16, 1535, loc. cit. : " Et pour le desennuyer de ces fascheries la dame luy a ces jours faict ung festin en une sienne maison ou elle fit plusieurs braves mom- meries ... la dicte dame a si bien banquete et momme que a ce que ma aujourdhuy envoye dire la princesse le Roy est plus rasste (sic. rassote) delle quil ne fust oncques quest chose qua augmente grandement la craincte de la princesse." 2 Records of the trial, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VII. Bundle III. ; and Third Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records, App. II. p. 240. 80 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. cruelties, for the moment, came to an end. It soon He^y's became apparent that the executions would not have coZdemled. the effect which he had desired and expected. More and Fisher enjoyed so high a fame for piety, virtue, and learning that their death roused a storm of indignation. In England, indeed, most people were afraid to say what they thought, but abroad Henry was loudly and universally condemned. Francis I. spoke very strongly to Sir John Wallop, the Enghsh ambassador, and he might have spoken more strongly still had he not known that Wallop was at heart deeply displeased.1 The French ministers expressed themselves with even greater freedom than their master.2 Measures At Eome the French cardinals no longer opposed PaPa°insd tne publication of the sentence against Henry. againsi j- , „ ¦, -> • ¦ i Henry at Even Cardinal du Bellay ceased to detend mm, ana September sought only to exonerate Francis from blame for the 1535- relations that had hitherto been maintained between France and England.3 Consistories and congregations met, therefore, to prepare a bull of deprivation and i Cromwell to Sir John Wallop, August 23, 1535, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book ii. No. xxxv. 2 A. de Montmorency to Cardinal du Bellay, July 26, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 19,577 : " Apres avoir faict coupper la teste au Cal Rochestot ils ont faict le semblable a Monsieur Morus qui estoient deux tels personnaiges que scavez;" and Gregorio da Casale to July 30, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii- p. 621, footnote: " Dicunt etiam quod Cardinalis Turnonensis, suis literis Romam missis, bujus hominis mortem descripsit adeo pie, ut ommes commoverit ad lachrymas." 3 Cardinal du Bellay to Francis I., September 3, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat, MSS. Fr. 5499, foi. 206 ; and Memorial on the English Cause, ibid. foi. 212. ANNE BOLEYN. 81 excommunication ; and decisive measures would have chap. xi. been taken had not the imperial agents at the papal court suddenly realised that there were formidable obstacles in the way. They sent a long memoir to the emperor setting forth their difficulties, and asking what they were to do. The pope and the cardinals, they said, shocked by the execution of the Cardinal of Eochester, wished to deprive Henry of his throne for the crimes of heresy and lesce majestatis, England being still reputed at Eome to be held in fief of the Holy See. But if this were done, the kingdom would revert to the pope as feudal overlord, and Princess Mary would lose her rights. The deprivation might, indeed, be made in favour of Mary, but such an arrangement could not be kept secret ; the new cardinals would divulge it ; and Henry might treat the princess as he had treated Cardinal Fisher. Upon the whole, it seemed best that the pope should deprive Henry without saying in whose favour he acted ; and then the imperial agents might appear for Catherine and Mary, and claim the vacant throne for the latter. But as every conceivable plan would be attended with danger, they did not dare to come to a final resolution without further instructions.1 The result of all this was that the bull of depri vation was not issued. But the indignation against the King of England remained as strong as ever, and the only question now was whether the pope was likely to find a secular prince able and willing to carry out his sentence. 1 Memoir on the English Cause, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 28,587, foi. 334. VOL. II. a 82 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. Henry was regarded with hardly less hostility by Henry the majority of foreign Protestants than by Eoman foreign Catholics. There had always been a radical distinction >p!'°\ between the English and the Continental reforma- testants. ° tion. The German theologians who broke away from Eome, admitting no authority but that of the Scrip ture, eould not favour a theory of royal supremacy, which if generally acknowledged would have set up, instead of one pope, hundreds of popes.1 They disliked Henry's proceedings, and feared that he would permanently discredit their cause. For political reasons he had favoured Wullenwever, who was strongly suspected of Protestant heterodoxy; and there is reason to think that he was at least very near entering into negotiations with the Anabaptists at Muenster, who pleased him by giving constant trouble to Mary of Hungary, the regent of the Low Countries.2 Henry knew how much he was dis trusted by moderate Protestants ; and, to vindicate his character, he had caused a number of Anabaptists, who had fled from Holland to England, to be arrested May, in May, and to be brought before a commission. Fourteen of them had refused to retract, and had been burned as heretics.3 This did not conciliate the German reformers, who continued to suspect Henry of being friendly to John of Leyden. 1 Anton Musa to Stephan Robhe, January 16, 1536, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. iii. No. 1389. 2 Memorandum by Paget, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 230. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 89. 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 83 The execution of Fisher and More widened the chap. xi. breach between Henry and the Lutherans. Both men had been firm opponents of English Protestantism, but they had also been personal friends of the foremost Humanists ; and they themselves had been among the principal representatives in England of the new learn ing, on which the German reformation was chiefly based. Like Luther, Fisher maintained the validity of Catherine's marriage, not because he believed in the power of the pope to dispense from a prescription in the Bible, but because he held that there was no prescription of the kind to be found in the Bible ; ] and in matters about which public opinion was divided this was by no means the only important point on which they agreed. Fisher, therefore, was respected by Luther's followers, while for Sir Thomas More they had the strongest admiration ; and the tidings that two such men had been beheaded filled them with astonishment and horror.2 Seeing how violent a commotion he had produced, Henry Henry became anxious to justify himself for what he defended, had done. Several memorials were drawn up in defence of his conduct, and in one of them, whieh was evidently intended for the Eoman Catholics, especially for the French, the following passage occurs : " First, to assaye the mind of the most christian majesty (oh, subtle craft ! ) concerning the deliverance of the late bishop of Eochester being in the ende for his 1 Examination of John Fisher, R.O., Box Q, 155, and B. M. Cotton MSS. Cleopatra, E. foi. 196, etc. 2 Glaubwuerdiger Bericht von dem Todt T. Mori, Strassburg, 1535, and Beschreibung des Urtheils Herrn T. Morus, s. 1. G 2 84 ANNE BOLEYN.' chap. xi. unfeigned deserving condemned of treason, whom they ~~ after his death (and God's will), to excite the hatred of all cardinals, name a cardinal, he [the pope] does say that the labour of the most christian majesty interposed with his brother the most noble king of England, was contemned, set at nought, and mocked ; where indeed no such labour was made. And yet that holy see not content with that lie makes another open lie and most falsely brings in that the intercession of the most christian majesty has caused the said Eochester to die the rather. In this matter I call to record the conscience of the most christian majesty, which, forsomuch as he never inter . . . with his friend in this cause (of whom he knows he may obtain anything that he desires) not only does see most manifestly now their lies, but also (such is his prudence) he has plainly declared that he hates all treason and inobedience, in so much that he thought that there should be given no place to . , . neither prayer in such case for the maintenance of the commonwealth in his estate." Especial credit is taken for the manner in which Fisher was put to death. " He was not killed with poison, which thing some men do use, he was not sodden in lead as the solemn use is in certain places, he was not hanged in a halter, what best agrees for a traitor, he was not burnt, he was not put to death with lingering torments, but lost his life with a sudden stroke of a sworde the which sort of death in such bitterness is most easy." 1 1 Memorial about Fisher's death, R.O. Henry VIII., Box E, No. 11, I have altered the spelling of the passages above quoted. ANNE BOLEYN. 85 This memorial was conceived with much skill, for chap. xi. Francis could not afford to say that he had in vain interfered for Fisher. That would detract from his reputation by showing that he had little influence in England. On the other hand, by remaining silent, he would seem to admit that he had approved of Fisher's execution, since it would be said that if he had not approved of it, he — Henry's greatest friend — would surely have tried to prevent it. The dilemma was a most unpleasant one, and Francis was indignant with Henry for forcing it upon him. Another memorial, which seems to have been drawn up somewhat later, was intended to allay the indig nation of the German Protestants ; and in this pro duction (which is in Latin) a virulent attack is made on the character of the dead men. " As you write," The the paper begins, "that everywhere in Germany ^Ehhel the king is believed to have punished More and ami More Eochester for no other cause than that they sincerely adhered to evangelical doctrine and persistently opposed the king's marriage, we wonder who can be the author of this idle tale." 1 The king's bene ficence, equity, piety, and mildness were so well known to the world that his reputation for these qualities could not be easily undermined by calumny.2 1 Latin Memorial about More's and. Fisher's death, R.O. Henry VIIL, Box S : " Quod scribis passim per Germania idque constantissima fama vulgatum, regem haud aliam ob causam in Moro ac Roffense animadvertisse qua quod Evangelicam doctrinam syncere assererent, et regias item, nuptias impugnarent miramur profecto quis ejus fabulse author esse possit." 2 Ibid. : " Neque enim induci possumus ut credamus erudita Germanorum ingenia tarn facile vanissimis yulgo rumoribus posse 86 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xi. With what exquisite kindness he had treated King James of Scotland, not holding him responsible for the atrocious misdeeds of his father ! What generosity he had shown to Francis L, to whom, out of pure goodness, he had lent 800,000 crowns towards his ransom ! The king never prevented the gospel from being preached if it were preached truly and honestly. Why, then, this impudent calumny that More and Eochester were punished because they sincerely adhered to evangelical doctrine and opposed the king's marriage ? No one had been more willing than they to swear to the Acts by which the crown was settled on the offspring of Henry and Anne; and More, in his dialogues against Luther, had con tended that marriages prohibited in Leviticus are not permitted to Christians. As for what was said about their defence of the gospel, the writer won dered whether any German believed that the gospel had ever had enemies more mischievous than these two.1 Eochester and More had both written books in which they had bitterly assailed the best leaders of the sect ; and in a letter to Erasmus, More had openly stated that he would be a constant enemyT of heretics, for so he called those who wanted a purer doctrine. And so he had shown himself.2 " It makes one abduci ut quidlibet credant de quolibet et regis benignitatem, equitatem, pietatem, clementiam orbi scimus multo notoria quam ut a quovis calumnie impetu facile subruantur." 1 Latin Memorial about More's and Fisher's death, R.O. Henry VIII., Box S: "lam quod de propugnato evangelio fabulantur miramur si quisquam Germanorum sit, qui credat Evangelium nocentiores unquam his duobus hostes habuisse." 2 Ibid. : " Idem in epistola ad Erasmum (quam Paulo antequam ANNE BOLEYN 87 ashamed," says this virtuous scribe, "to recall what chap. tortures he invented and inflicted upon those whom he perceived to be inclined to evangelical truth." He caused search to be made in all quarters for heretics, offering great rewards for evidence against them ; and when they were brought before him, he never committed them to prison "until he had seen them tortured in a pitiable manner before his eyes." That More was " of a cruel and fierce temper " might be judged from this fact, that those whom he caught "he was in the habit of torturing by a new method invented by himself." He immediately caused new shoes to be put upon persons brought before him ; then the victims were tied to stakes, and the soles of their feet were brought close to a blazing- fire, that, to those who would not confess, the pain — ).1 Here, unhappily, a sheet of the manu script has been lost. The document closes with a maiestatis postularetur ediderat) ingenue et palam se perpetuum hostem hereticis (sic enim purioris doctrine studiosos omnes appellat) non sine stomacho futurum denunciat. Id quod Archi- grammateus adhuc regni exactissime haud dubie prestitit." 1 Latin Memorial about More's and Fisher's death, R.O. Henry VIII., Box S : " Pudet commemorare quos ille cruciatus ex- cogitaret exercueratque in eos quos veritati evangelice persenserat esse addictiores, conquisitos undique et magno interim indicibus proposito praemio, unquam ante carceribus committere solebat, quam in oculis suis miserabiliter excruciates conspixisset. Fuisse autem Moro atrox et saevum ingenio vel hoc judicat, quod novo et a se invento questionis genere deprehensos venationis torquere solitus sit, cruciatus vero erat hujusmodi, Adductos ad se, protinus novis calceis indui et cippis constringi fecerat. Deinde eorum plantas igni flagrantissimo admoveri, scilicet ut ne confitentibus quidem dolor ..." 88 ANNE BOLEYN. chap, xi prayer that all princes may be able to imitate Henry's immense goodness of heart.1 These accusations against More have been repeated by some later writers ; but there is not a tittle of evidence that he was guilty of the cruelties imputed to him. Such charges conflict with all that we know of his character and his modes of thought ; and to his contemporaries they were absolutely incredible. Henry gained nothing by the attempt to tarnish the fame of one whose virtues were so widely known and so cordially appreciated. 1 Latin Memorial about More's and Fisher's death, R.O. Henry VIII., Box S : " Quern ut assequi pauci possent, ita ut omnes principes imitare possent immensam illius misericordiam precamur, qui gloriosam illam aeternitatis adoptionem, studiosis misericordie benignissime policitur, fallere non potest." CHAPTEE XII. THE COLLAPSE OE THE NORTHERN ALLIANCE. Scarcely had the blood of More dried on Tower The Hill when bad news arrived from every quarter. D™nmark Besides the ill feeling which the execution of two such men as Fisher and More Jiad produced, political events were everywhere unfavourable to Henry. He was especially disappointed by the course of the war in the north, from which he had expected such great results. Duke Christian, reinforced by troops of the Landgrave, had taken the bold course of attacking Luebeck on its own ground ; and Marcus Meyer had been thoroughly beaten. Cut off from the sea, the October town had been forced, on the 18th of November, 1534, ^g^Ser to rign a treaty by which the war was to be confined 18> 1534> to Denmark. This was of considerable advantage to the duke, who had no longer to fear for his patri monial estates, and could employ the whole of his forces in reconquering Jutland and in opposing Count Christopher. In his difficulties Wullenwever had written to Cromwell, offering a league on better conditions, and Henry had despatched Christopher Mores to reside as ambassador in Denmark and 90 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xii. Luebeck.1 Mores, soon after his arrival at Hamburg, October heard of the treaty with Christian, but if he came 28, 1534. toQ jate tQ ^e Q£ uge^ ^-g journey d^ not the less exasperate the German princes. Allies of Two parties were now striving for supremacy in Christian. Denmark. Duke Christian was backed by his brothers-in-law, Gustavus Vasa, King of Sweden, and Albert, lately Master, now first Duke of Prussia. The Landgrave, the Duke of Lueneburg, and many other German Protestant princes were favourable to him, and the majority of the Danish nobility Allies of and clergy were on his side, Luebeck had as allies Count Christopher of Oldenburg, Count John of Hoya, a brother-in-law of the King of Sweden, whom the latter had deeply offended, Hoya's brother Count Eric, a certain Bernhardt von Melen, who had married a cousin of Gustavus Vasa and had also become a mortal enemy of the king, a Count of Tecklenburg, and a few of the Holstein nobles. The towns of Eostock, Wismar, and Stralsund were as eager in the fray as Luebeck itself. Duke Albert of Mecklenburg, who had married a niece of King Christian IL, and the Master of Livonia were decidedly favourable to the town, while the Elector of Saxony maintained a benevolent neutrality. The peasants of Ditmarschen assisted the Luebeckers with money, and took up a threatening position on the frontiers of Holstein. In Denmark itself Luebeck could reckon on the assistance of the democratic elements, not in the towns only, but even among the peasants. In 1 Wullenwever to Cromwell, October 17, 1534, R.O. Box Q, No. 78 ; and Expenses of Christofer Mores, R.O. Box Q, No. 88. ANNE BOLEYN. 91 Jutland the peasantry rose at the call of a partisan of chap. xii. Christian II. , and in a bloody battle at Svendstrup October overthrew the levies of the duke and the nobility. The two parties would have been pretty equally matched had it not been for the fact that the ad herents of Duke Christian were all of one mind, desiring simply to place the duke on the Danish throne, while the adherents of Luebeck were pulling in different directions. Count Christopher had already begun to pursue an independent course, having obliged the estates of Seel and and Skonen to take an oath of fealty to him as governor of the kingdom ; and this had created considerable jealousy. The intrigues of Wullenwever increased the mutual distrust. He was negotiating with three different pretenders, and the fear of offending any of the three, and of giving too much power to Count Christopher, paralysed the action of the town. While the two parties were confronting each other Duke in this way, Duke Christian obtained a copy of the sendsan treaty of alliance which had been proposed between ambassa- Luebeck and the King of England. To find out England. whether the treaty ha,d been actually signed, and, if possible, to detach Henry from the alliance with Wullenwever, he sent Peter Schwaben or Suavenius, one of his most trusty counsellors, as ambassador to England and Scotland. The instructions to Schwaben, written in Latin, and dated from Gottorp, the 20th of January January 1535,1 contain only a lengthy account of ' the facts of Christian's case and a request that Henry will not favour the Luebeckers. But it is clear 1 C. F. "Wegener, Aarsberetninger, vol. iii. p. 217. 92 ANNE BOLEYN, chap. xii. from Schwaben's negotiations that he had secret in structions to offer considerable advantages to Henry for the English alliance. He seems to have been authorised to promise nearly as much help as the Luebeckers were to bind themselves by treaty to give.1 There was this difference between Duke Christian and the Luebeckers, that the former was perfectly able to perform his promise and was a man whose word could be trusted, while the latter found it extremely difficult to levy troops, and each faction in the town was ever ready to repudiate the en gagements entered into by its adversaries. Besides, by aiding the duke, Henry would have gained the friendship of his allies, especially of the Hanseatic towns on the German Ocean. Luebeck would have been forsaken by most of its confederates, and would not have been able to do the English king any great harm. Had Henry been the wise and well-informed king he pretended to be, he would have welcomed Christian's ambassador cordially ; for here was an opportunity of forming that great northern Protestant confederacy of which he had so often dreamt. In close alliance with Gustavus Vasa of Sweden and Christian of Sleswick-Holstein, Denmark, Skonen and Norway, enjoying the friendship of the Landgrave, the dukes of Lueneburg, of Pomerania, and of Prussia, he would have been a really powerful king, and might have made himself independent of Francis and well able to hold his own against the emperor. But he 1 Proposals of P. Schwaben, C, F. Wegener, Aarsberetninger, vol. iii. p. 251, ANNE BOLEYN. 93 was neither wise nor well informed. He listened chap. xn. eagerly to the coloured reports and interested advice of men like Marcus Meyer, Dr. Pack, and Count Eric of Hoya, who had come over to treat with him.1 It did not occur to him that if the Luebeckers were as powerful as they said they were, they would not for the loan of 20,000 florins become his dependants. Everything they told him he believed ; and he promised and acted accordingly. When Schwaben arrived at Hampton Court on the Eeception 28 th of February, Cromwell received him civilly, Schwaben listened to his representations, denied that any treaty February 28 1535 had been actually signed with the Luebeckers, and promised a speedy reply.2 But when on the following day Schwaben was ushered into Henry's presence, he February was treated less politely. The king would not hear 29> l him, but began a long discourse, speaking of the Luebeckers as " our very dear and honoured friends." He said Christian had no right whatever to rule Denmark, the throne of which was elective. The election rested with the people, not with the council ; and even of the council Christian had but a small part with him. " Why," asked Henry, " should not I accept the kingdom of Denmark, which has been offered to me?" As to the King of Sweden and Count Christopher they would soon rue the day they had taken part against Luebeck. The people of that town were very powerful, they had placed Frederic I. on his 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 3, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 62. 2 Diarium Petri Suavenii, C. F. Wegener, Aarsberetninger, vol. iii. p. 233. 94 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xn. throne, and they would be victorious again. " You see," he triumphantly exclaimed, " I too know some thing of these matters." He continued for some time in this strain, and the ambassador was not even permitted to explain his mission. Schwaben handed in, in writing, the substance of what he had to say ; merely informing the king that the Luebeckers had been routed in Skonen and that Marcus Meyer had been killed. Henry laughed at this, and Cromwell also showed himself less friendly than he had been the day before. Schwaben was referred for an answer to the council, and so dismissed.1 After this he was kept waiting for many weeks. It seems that Cromwell, who did not quite share his master's confidence in the ultimate success of Luebeck, wished to keep the negotiation open to see what course events would take. But at last Schwaben was sent away with scant courtesy and with an indecisive reply.2 January Schwaben had been correctly informed as to the ' ' overthrow of the Luebeckers in Skonen ; but Marcus 1 Diarium Petri Suavenii, loc. cit. p. 233: "Die lunae sum auditus in horto. De f oedere non negavit rex, caussam autem scire voluit, quamobrem sibi oblatum Danicum regnum acceptare non liceret . . . Danicum regnum electivum non haereditarium esse. Lubecenses revera amicos regis . . . electionem non apud consiliarios, sed apud plebem quoque haerere. Paucos ex con- siliariis Christiano adhaerere ; nihil Loc esse . . . Se quoque aliquid scire . . . Dixi postea de defectione Scanicorum, de caede Lubecensium, de morte Marci Meyers. Eorum nihil creditum est." 2 Diarum Petri Suavenii, loc. cit. p. 240 ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 18, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229§, i. foi. 68. April, 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 95 Meyer, who had commanded the troops of the town chap. xii. had only been made prisoner. He was taken to the Meyer in strong castle of Warberg on the western coast of M eJg' Skonen, where he was treated with due honour ; and, as might have been anticipated, he took advantage of the comparative liberty accorded to him to conspire with the town people who were in favour of Luebeck. The result was that on the night of the 11th of March 11, March his friends surprised the castle, and made him its commander. But instead of handing it over to the Luebeckers, Meyer behaved at Warberg like an independent prince.1 A message was sent to Christopher Mores, who was at Copenhagen ; and when Mores went to Warbera; on the 26th of May, May w, Meyer asked whether Henry would not help him to hold out and to retrieve all he had lost.2 Henry was not at first very much inclined to assist Henry dis- Meyer. He had seen that Peter Schwaben, whom he to help had received so badly, had, in the main, given him Meyer. accurate intelligence. Duke Christian had regained December, the whole of Jutland ; and in the middle of February his captain-general, John von Eantzau, was able to elude the vigilance of the Luebeck fleet, which cruised in the Belt, and to land a strong force in the island February 1C 1 £^Pi of Funen. They seized the coast opposite Jutland, ' where the Belt is so narrow that the German ships could not prevent communication between the two shores. More troops followed, and shortly afterwards 1 G. Waitz, Wullenwever, vol. ii. pp. 196, 197, and 212. 2 Accounts of Christofer Mores, R.O. Box Q, No. 88; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 103. 96 ANNE BOLEYN chap. xn. the greater part of the island was in the hands_of Ma7c~h~20, Eantzau. Nor did matters look more hopeful in l535, Skonen. Marcus Meyer, unable to follow up his success, was soon besieged at Warberg, and the entire kingdom, with the exception of a few fortified towns, was occupied by the joint forces of Duke Christian and the King of Sweden.1 Besides, Henry had now recognised that Christian was backed by the great majority of the German Protestants, whose goodwill he was anxious, if pos sible, to retain. He became, therefore, somewhat cooler in his zeal for Luebeck, Wullenwever, and Meyer, and began to think that he might act as mediator between the contending parties, who were endangering the cause of Protestantism by their political strife. By this means he hoped to earn their gratitude, and to obtain an opportunity of forming a powerful league of which he would be the natural chief. Two embassies were to set out — the one to be composed of Dr. Edward Fox, bishop elect of Hereford, Dr, Nicolas Heath, and Eobert Barnes, a personal friend of the Wittenberg divines ; the other of Dr. Edward Bonner, Eichard Cavendish, July 8, and Dr. Adam Pack. The former embassy was to 1530. treat with the Elector of Saxony and other German July 20, princes ; 2 the latter was to go to Luebeck, Denmark, and Holstein to mediate between the belligerents,3 1 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. ii. pp. 186, 187, 220, 221. 2 State Papers, vol. vii. p. 636, foot-note ; Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. p. 939, foot-note. 3 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. p. 469. ANNE BOLEYN. 97 But while the ambassadors designate were waiting chap. xii. for their instructions, events on the continent pro- Defeat of ceeded at a very rapid pace. On the 11th of June, f^ds] Count John von Hoya marched out at the head of June u 1535 a considerable force to surprise John von Eantzau in his positions near Assens, in the island of Funen. Eantzau, hearing of the movements of Hoya, ad vanced against him, and gained a great victory at Oxnebjerg ; Hoya himself, with Count Tecklenburg and many ofiicers of note, being killed, while most of his troops either shared his fate or were made prisoners. On the same day on which Ho)ra was routed there was a naval battle near Bornholm. The Hanseatic fleet had been divided ; one part of it, near the island of Funen, hampering the progress of Eantzau, another part, near Bornholm, watching the movements of the Swedish admiral Peter Skram. Skram was in command of a numerous fleet of Swedish and Prussian ships, to which a few Dutch and Danish vessels had been added. He kept his forces well together, and on the 11th of June attacked the June 11, 1535 Hanseatic squadron off Bornholm. The issue of the battle was doubtful ; but the Hanseatic admiral, knowing that Skram would soon be reinforced, retreated towards Copenhagen, where he expected to find the rest of his fleet. Skram, being better informed, did not pursue his adversary, but sailed towards Funen. There, near Svendborg, on the 16th, he attacked the other German squadron, took June w, nine of its best ships, and sunk one vessel. Only a few of the German vessels made their escape. By these battles, fought within a few days of one vol. 11. h 98 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xn. another, Luebeck lost its preponderance both on land and on sea, and the campaign was virtually decided. July 12 Shortlv afterwards Duke Christian crossed the Great 1535 Belt, and landed in Seeland. Copenhagen was too strong to be stormed, but Duke Albert of Mecklenburg and Count Christopher were shut up in it, and the open country remained in Christian's hands.1 Henry must have heard at the end of June or in the beginning of July of the misfortunes of his friends. Doctor Pack tried to represent matters in as favourable a light as possible ; and as the king received messages from Meyer, from Duke Albert, from Count Christopher, who now offered very favourable con ditions, and from Wullenwever, he did not attach great importance to the lost battles.2 Francis, But there was another matter which caused him nand, and nmch anxiety. , Hitherto Francis had rather favoured the ^he religious dissensions in Germanv ; up to the German ° _ . Protes- summer of 1534 he had certainly not made any serious attempt to heal the schism. The league of Schmal- kalden he had encouraged, and he had paid large subsidies to Philip of Hesse and to the dukes of Bavaria. He hoped that in return for this aid they would stand by him in time of need, furnish him with landsknechts, prevent Ferdinand from giving help to his brother, the emperor, and threaten the Low Countries from the south and east. By the treaty of Cadan, and by the events which followed 1 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever. 2 Albrecht of Mecklenburg and Christof of Oldenburg to Henry VIII., May 12 and 15, 1535, Aktslykker, vol. ii. pp. 80-82, etc. ANNE BOLEYN. 99 it, Francis was taught that he could not rely on his chap. xn. German allies. After the conclusion of that treaty Ferdinand adopted a friendly tone towards the princes of the Schmalkaldic league, and showed that he in tended to work for Eome in a temperate and con ciliatory spirit.1 The Protestants, being anxious not to endanger the concessions they had already obtained, responded with pleasure to his advances. The new Elector of Saxony proposed to visit Ferdinand at Vienna, and there was even some talk of a marriage between the eldest son of the landgrave and a daughter of the emperor. To Francis all this was most distasteful ; for if Ferdinand succeeded, he would earn the thanks of Eome, and make for himself a great reputation ; and even if he failed, he would for a time possess con siderable influence at Schmalkalden, at Zuerich, and at Eome, while Francis would lose his best allies. There remained but one way out of the difficulty : to beat Ferdinand on the ground he had chosen, to out do him in his efforts to conquer heresy by kindness. For the first time since the outbreak of Luther's rebellion Francis really bestirred himself to bring the schism to an end. In the autumn of 1534 Guillaume du Bellay and Gervasius Wein were in constant communication with the Protestant theologians ; and Philip Melanchthon drew up a list of articles in which August 1, he went so far as to acknowledge the primacy of the pope. These articles were declared by the Bishop of Paris, at whose request they were prepared, to 1 L. von Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. iv. pp. 51-55. H 2 1535. 100 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xn. be quite acceptable.1 The pope himself manifested a desire to meet the German reformers .half way, and at the time of Clement's death there seemed to be a fair chance of an agreement.2 As soon as the new pope was installed, the matter was taken up again. Paul III. was as anxious to arrive at an understanding as his predecessor had been, and in the summer of 1535 the prospect June 23, appeared so bright that Francis wrote to Melanchthon, inviting him to visit France to discuss further the basis for a settlement.3 Cardinal du Bellay and his brother strongly urged Melanchthon to accept the invitation, and the reformer was eager to un dertake the journey.4 The only thing wanted was the permission of the Elector of Saxony, the prince whom Melanchthon served ; and Francis wrote to John Frederic, asking him to give the necessary leave.5 1 Articles by Melanchthon, August 1, 1534, Corpus Reforma- torum, vol. ii. No. 1205, A: "Concedunt nostri politiam ecclesiasticam rem licitam esse, quod videlicet sint aliqui episcopi qui praesint pluribus ecclesiis ; item quod Romanus Pontifex praesit omnibus episcopis. Hanc canonicam politiam, ut ego existimo, nemo prudens improbat. . . ; " Melanchthon to Came- rarius, September 13, 1534, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1215; and Cardinal du Bellay to Mr. de Saint .Caletz (November, 1534), Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5499, foi. 199. 2 Cardinal du Bellay to Mr. de Saint Caletz, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 5499, foi. 199. 3 Francis I. to Melanchthon, June 23, 1535, Corpus Reforma torum, vol. ii. No. 1279. 4 Cardinal du Bellay to Melanchthon, June 27, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1280; and G. du Bellay to Melanchthon, July 16, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. iv. Supplementa, No. 56. 0 J. Friedrich to Francis I., August 18, 1535, Corpus Reforma torum, vol. ii. No. 1303. ANNE BOLEYN. 101 Henry became very uneasy when he heard of these chap. xii. negotiations. If the German Protestants were recon ciled to the pope, the other northern states would follow their example. England would then remain alone in its schism, and with a disaffected people and hostile neighbours, Henry would be unable to hold out. It was, therefore, of the highest importance to him that both Francis and Ferdinand should fail ; only by the maintenance of religious dissension could he hope to find allies against Charles and Paul III. In the begining of July, Henry decided to send Eobert Barnes to Saxony, to counteract the efforts of Francis.1 Shortly afterwards a letter was received from Sir John Wallop, announcing that Melanchthon was expected at the French court. Thereupon July 26, Barnes was ordered to depart with all speed to 153°" dissuade the great theologian from visiting a country where Protestants had just been cruelly martyred, and to invite him rather to go to England, where he would be sure of a good reception. At the same time Christopher Mundt, a German in the pay of Henry, and Simon Heynes, an English clergyman, were sent August l, to the French court to watch the proceedings of Francis, and — in case Melanchthon went to France — to prevent him from effecting a reconciliation with the Holy See.2 The French were so provoked by Henry's opposition that he ought to have acted with the greatest caution ; 1 Credentials for R. Barnes, July 8, 1535, Corpus Rfformatorum, vol. ii. p. 936, foot-note. 2 Norfolk and Rochford to Cromwell, Burnet's Collectanea, part iii. book iii. No. xiii. 102 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xii. June, 1535. July, 1535. Henry proposes to aid Meyer. August, 1535. but this he was incapable of doing. Christopher Mores had returned from Denmark, and with him had come Gerhard Meyer, the brother of Henry's favourite, Sir Marcus. Gerhard Meyer had asked Henry to assist his brother with men and money, and Mores had reported on what he had seen at Warberg. For the moment the king did not grant Gerhard's request, but while Bonner and Cavendish were wait ing for a fair wind to start, Dietrich Hagenow, a captain, arrived with important despatches from Meyer. Meyer offered not only to hand over to officers of King Henry the castle and town of War berg, but to obtain for him the towns and castles of Malmoe, Landskron, Copenhagen, and Elsinore.1 This offer appeared so brilliant that Henry could not resist the temptation to accept it. He thought that with Warberg and the four towns in his posses sion he might indeed' become the absolute umpire in the quarrels between the northern powers, and es tablish the much-talked-of confederacy. Gerhard Meyer was sent back to his brother with a most favourable message, and shortly afterwards two royal ships were fitted out to sail to Warberg. Between them they were to carry only a hundred English soldiers under Mores and Hagenow, but they were to convey to Meyer a large supply of camion, powder and shot, hackbuts, pikes, and other munitions of 1 J. Gostwyk to Cromwell, July 31, 1535, R.O. Cromwell letters, xiv. No. 37 ; Bonner and Cavendish to Cromwell, July 24, 1535, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Nero, B. iii. No. 51 ; Wurm, p. 27; Waitz, vol. iii. pp. 179 and 468; and AkUtykker, vol. i. p. 430. ANNE BOLEYN. 103 war. Best of all, a considerable sum of money was chap. xii. to be taken over to Warberg, where Bonner and Cavendish were to go to confer with Meyer.1 But before the ships could start, the government He received from the captains of some English vessels a ° a^eons message which entirely altered the case. Of the intenti<>n English merchantmen which, in the spring of 1535, May, had sailed for the Baltic, a few had already, on their 1535, outward voyage, been seized by the Duke of Meck lenburg in the Sound and at Copenhagen.2 Twelve others, which had gone to Dantzig, fell in with a part of Admiral Skram's fleet on their way home. They were stopped and boarded by the Swedes, August, who treated them as enemies, and took them to Swedish harbours.3 The expedition to Warberg now seemed rather hazardous Peter Skram might waylay the royal ships, as he had waylaid the merchantmen in the Baltic, and not only would ships, stores, and money be lost, but clear proof would be obtained of Henry's duplicity. Being thus deprived of an agreeable illu sion, Henry violently abused Hagenow, and ordered the soldiers to be dismissed and the ships to be taken back September, 1535. 1 Waitz, iii. p. 180; Aktstykker, i. p. 459; and Chapuis to Charles V, September 6 and 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. fols. 123 and 125. 2 Albrecht of Mecklenburg to Henry VIII., May 12, 1535, loc. cit. 3 Robert Legge, Thomas Gyggs, and William Bolle to • , September 6, 1535 ; G. Schanz, Englische Handelpolitik, vol. ii p. 487; Christian III. to Henry VIII., November 16, 1535 ibid. p. 490 ; and Report of Dinteville, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, foi. 200. 104 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xir. September, 1535. Wullen wever. to the Thames.1 Poor Marcus Meyer was left vainly to hope for succour. All he received was a visit from Bonner and Cavendish, who apparently gave him some money, and exhorted his men to remain true to him, and to reckon on the help of King Henry.2 About the same time that Peter Skram's incon venient proceedings were reported at the English court, other intelligence of even worse import came Fall of from Hamburg. Eobert Barnes had arrived there in the beginning of August, and had intended to hold a disputation with the divines of the place, who, headed by the famous Aepinus, condemned the divorce.3 While he was preparing to defend his master's cause, he received new and pressing orders to proceed to Wittenberg to confer with Melanchthon ; and al though he was very unwilling to go — for Wittenberg was said to be ravaged by the plague 4 — he was, of course, obliged to obey. Before starting, he heard that on the 21st of August a sitting of the council at Luebeck had led to the total overthrow of the party of Wullenwever. Wullenwever, indeed, had been al lowed to retain the post of first burgomaster of the town, but his friends had been compelled to leave the council. Five days later, his position having 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., September 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229A, i. foi. 128. 2 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter J. Wullenwever, vol. iii. pp. 180, 181, and Regkman's Chronicle. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 28, 1535, Vienna, P.C. 2291, i. foi. 9 ; and R. Barnes to Cromwell, August 22, 1535, British Musetim, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xxi. foi. 34. 4 R. Barnes to Cromwell, August 25, 1535, R.O. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. iii. foi. 78, August 21, 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 105 become entirely untenable, he resigned his office, and chap. xii. accepted in its stead the administration of a small August outlying part of Luebeck territory. The mighty ' tribune of the north, the great ally of King Henry, had fallen from his high estate, and had been forced to make way for his rival and enemy, his predecessor Broemse.1 But even now Henry did not come to the end of the troubles in which he had involved himself by association with Meyer and Wullenwever. Wullen wever was too ambitious not to regret the loss of his power, and the presence of Bonner and Cavendish at Widlen- Hamburg with a considerable sum of money inspired a^tle him with a hope that he might mend his broken English tt 1 • i ambassa- fortunes. He secretly left his new home, and dors. presenting himself before the English ambassadors November suggested the following plan. During the last few 5 " months some four or five thousand landsknechts, commanded by Uevelacker, formerly a captain under Count Christopher, had been living idly in the country between the Weser and the Elbe. Wullen wever proposed to engage these men, and undertook, after re-establishing his authority in Luebeck, to send the greater number of them to assist Duke Albert and to raise the siege of Copenhagen. Bonner and Cavendish were attracted by the scheme, and promised Wullenwever ten thousand florins, about sixteen hundred pounds, of the money they had in their keeping. They seem even to have advanced a part of the sum.2 i 1 G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever. 2 Examination of J. Wullenwever, January 27, 1536, Waitz, 106 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xn. So Juergen Wullenwever, with four of his servants, Wullen- rode off to meet Uevelacker ; and at night he put hiTclps. UP at a little irm near E°teilburg- Tne weather having been raw, he ordered wine, and, continuing to drink, took more than was good either for him or for Henry VIII. He got drunk, and began to brag about his past greatness and his plans for the future. The innkeeper, thinking that all was not right, went out and reported what was going on to Claus Hermelink, a captain of the Archbishop of Bremen. Hermelink was an enemy of Wullenwever, and may have been allured by the money the ex-burgomaster was said to carry ; at any rate, he hurried with some of his soldiers to the inn, and seized the drunken man. Next morning Wullenwever found himself a prisoner of Archbishop Christopher of Bremen.1 Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. p. 494 : " 54, Gefragt, was er leztmals tzu Hamburck mit den Engelischen gehandelt. Daruf bekannt das die Engelischen ime angetzeigt das sie von dem konige in Engeland befelch haben, hertzog Albrechten, wo er ein fues im reich hette, mit einer summa geldes als zehen thausent gulden zu erledigung konig Christierns vorzustreckenn. Doch wollen sie erstlich sich erkundigenn ob die knechte so Ubelacker bei einander hette pfalzgraff Friederichen zustendig, das sein F. G. dieselbigen zu eroberung des reichs Dennemark gebrauchen wolten, als dan wolten sie sich der sachenn mit den knechten nit undernemen. Daruf hat er Wollenweber sich gegen inen erboten, das er selbst zu Ubelacker und den knechten reiten und eigentlich bei innen erkunden wolte, ob sie pfalzgraf Friede-' rich zu gebrauchen in willens. So sei er uf dem wege alhier ins gefencknus gebracht." 1 Account from Luebeck, November 15, 1535, Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. p. 469 : " Wollenweber isth hier auszgerithen selb vierde ane wyllen und wyssen des Roths, szo das er isth gekomen zcue Hamborck, von do isth er gerithen ANNE BOLEYN. 107 The only piece of good news sent home by the chap. xn. English ambassadors was that Melanchthon was not Henry to go to France. But this was not due to their in- witten- fluence. A letter which Eobert Barnes had written 7?e!^ divines. to Melanchthon from Hamburg had produced no effect ; after receiving it, the German theologian was as eager to go as he had been before.1 The journey was put off because the elector, John August Frederic, refused to sanction it, pretending that he ' could not spare the services of so great a professor.2 But it was whispered about that his real reason was that he was afraid of displeasing the emperor and the King of the Eomans ; 3 and, as this became known in England, the announcement that Melanchthon would not leave home lost a good deal of its value. On his arrival at Jena on the 18th of September, September -r, c- i i i -, ¦ ¦ 18i 1535- Barnes found that the elector was just going to start for Vienna on a friendly visit to the King of the Eomans.4 Barnes received no immediate reply to the message he had brought to John Frederic ; all that he could obtain was permission to hold a noch Buchszthehode, von do nam er zwene diener mith, und isth geritthen noch Rodenborch, das hoereth dem bischofie von Brehmen zcu, do isth er die Nacht ueber geblieben. In summa in der Herberge isth er truncken undt voll worden . . ." 1 Melanchthon to Camerarius, August 5, 1535, Corpus Reforma torum, vol. ii. No. 1295 ; and Melanchthon to H. Baumgartner, August 11, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1297. 2 The Elector of Saxony to Francis I., August 18, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1303. 3 The Elector of Saxony to Dr. Brueck, August 19, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1304. 4 Dr. Brueck to the Elector, September 18, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1328. 108 ANNE BOLEYN. 28, 1535. chap. xir. colloquy with the Wittenberg divines, and a promise Seplember that on the return of the elector the proposals of Henry should be carefully considered.1 As to Henry's offer to join the league of Schmalkalden, John Frederic cautiously replied that, in so grave a matter, the other members of the league must be consulted.2 They would meet in December, and then Barnes and the English ambassadors who were to follow him might make their proposals. After the elector's departure Barnes conferred with the Protestant theologians, but their mood seemed to him by no means satisfactory. Most of the Wittenberg divines were distinctly hostile to Henry. They did not soon recover from the shock caused by the execution of More, and Melanchthon had to defend himself for having dedicated his Loci Communes to a sovereign capable of such an outrage.3 Barnes failed to convince them of the soundness of Henry's opinions about the divorce, and, half in despair, he November left Jena for Leipzig, where he proposed to dispute with Cochlseus, a divine of the old school who had fiercely attacked the king.4 It had now become evident that no northern 15, 1535. 1 The Elector of Saxony to Henry VIII., September 28, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1330. 2 The Elector of Saxony's answer to Barnes, Corpus Reforma torum, vol. ii. No. 1329. 3 Melanchthon to Camerarius, December 24, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1381: "Mori casu afficior, nee me negotiis illis admiscebo. In dedicatione nondum ilia audieramus, et ego amico cuidam volui consulere." * Dr. Brueck to the elector, November 15, 1535, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. No. 1355. ANNE BOLEYN. 109 league of any kind could be formed, and that the chap. xn. idea of providing an equivalent for the French Henry's alliance would have to be given up. For the isolatim- moment Henry stood quite alone. His isolation, however, was not necessarily dangerous ; it would become so only if Charles V. were persuaded to help the English malcontents with men and munitions of war. The lords who had entered into correspondence with Chapuis knew this quite as well as the king, and they urged the ambassador to advise Charles to send them help. After the execution of the Carthusians they became even more pressing, and Lord Bray wrote to Chapuis, entreating him not to May, let the opportunity pass.1 1535, But Charles V. was fully occupied with his expedi tion against Tunis, and it would be impossible for him to exercise proper control over an important undertaking in a distant country. He decided, therefore, to leave the matter in the hands of Mary, Queen of Hungary, who governed the Low Countries. Queen Mary was a very energetic and courageous woman, but she shrank from the responsibility of supporting a rebellion in England. The Low Countries were by no means quiet. Muenster, which was but a few miles from the frontier, still held out ; the Anabaptists in Holland, encouraged by the success ful resistance of their brethren in Germany, gave considerable trouble ; and risings might occur at any moment. Besides, an expedition to England might provoke a war with France, and, in the absence of 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 8, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. foi. 76. 110 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xn. her brother, Mary could not venture to run the risk of exciting so dangerous a conflict. Expedi- It was on the absence of Charles V. that Cromwell ChariesV. na(^ reckoned when he began his crusade against the to Tunis, adherents of the papacy. The expedition to Tunis was hazardous, and it was generally predicted that the emperor would be obliged to abandon his pur pose.1 If he came back without having succeeded, he would probably be attacked by Francis, and negotia tions in which this was assumed were carried on between the French and English courts.2 The English malcontents, despairing of help from Charles, might then, by flattery, gifts, and promises, be won over to Henry's cause ; and at the head of a united nation he would find little difficulty in withstanding his foes. Cherishing such anticipations as these, Henry, Anne, and Cromwell, although aware of the extent of the conspiracy and of the insecurity of the French alliance, did not for some time feel greatly alarmed. But a few weeks after the death of Fisher and More, circumstances forced them to acknowledge that they had vastly underrated the perils to which they might be exposed through the emperor's ill-will. Fail of On the 24th of June the troops besieging Muenster June^l' surprised one of the towers, and, after a bloody fight, 1535. obtained possession of the town.1 Holland, therefore, 1 G. da Casale to Cromwell, July 27, 1535, Slate Papers, vol. vii. p. 618. 2 Articles and Instructions to the Duke of Norfolk, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 608. 3 L. v. Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. iii. p. 400, ANNE BOLEYN. 11L had no longer anything to fear from the Anabaptists ; chap, xii and Queen Mary of Hungary would be more able, and might be more willing, to assist the English malcontents. But more alarming intelligence was soon to follow. Success of On the 23rd of June the emperor began the siege of Gh^s in the Goletta, the principal harbour of Tunis. The June 23, works were very strong, the garrison fought bravely, 1535' and Khairredin annoyed the besiegers by frequent attacks, so that the enemies of Charles became more and more confident that the expedition would be a total failure. He was resolved, however, to succeed. Never having commanded in person before, he was bent on showing that the blood of Maximilian had not degenerated in him. On the 14th of July a July u, general assault was delivered, and after desperate 1535, fighting the place was taken. The whole arsenal of Khairredin, a great many galleys, hundreds of cannon, and large stores of ammunition and victuals fell into the hands of the victors. A decided success having been obtained, Charles's generals advised him simply to fortify the Goletta, and to be satisfied with what he had achieved ; but he thought otherwise. Khairredin was still hovering in the neighbourhood, and, had the imperial army left, he would have reappeared and laid siege to the har bour which had been taken from him. Besides, at Tunis there were from 18,000 to 20,000 Christian slaves, whom Charles wished- to liberate. So he decided upon an advance, and early on the 20th of July 20 July he marched out towards Tunis. Slowly his men 1535- toiled through the burning desert which separated 112 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xii. the Goletta from the capital. Towards noon, tired and thirsty, they came in view of some olive groves, where they expected to find water to quench their thirst ; but between them and the object of their desire lay the enemy. They formed in order of battle, and advanced against Khairredin's army. A furious charge of the Moorish horse broke on the pikes of the landsknechts. After the Mohammedan horse had been driven back, the whole Christian army rushed at the Turkish and Moorish infantry, and, carrying everything before it, secured a complete victory. A great many Turks were slain, all their cannon were taken, and the imperial army could encamp around the wells it had so valiantly conquered. That same night the Christian captives in the citadel of Tunis, fearing that Khairredin, in case of a siege, would kill them all, broke their chains, rose against their warders, overpowered them, and closed the gates of the fortress. Khairredin, unable to obtain admittance, had to fly with a few thousand Turks to Algiers, while Charles entered the town of Tunis, reinstated the former Moorish king, Muley July 21, Hassan, and decided to keep the Goletta for himself.1 io3o. rpj^ 00ject 0f the expedition had been attained, and the emperor would go back to Europe with a high reputation for military ability and luck, and with more power than ever. About the middle of August Henry heard of the taking of the Goletta, and he could console himself 1 Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, vol. ii. pp. 361-386; and Diary of Charles V., by Mr. d'Herbays, MSS. Biblioteca National, Madrid. ANNE BOLEYN. 113 only by hoping that Charles would not be able to chap. xii. follow up his advantage.1 But a fortnight later a Reception courier from France brought the news of Charles's °{Jshly complete success. Henry, at first, could not believe Henry. it ; but Cromwell, having read the despatches, had 1535. ' to confirm the disagreeable tidings.2 The letters Scif^'' were received in the presence of a servant whom Chapuis had sent to ask some favour for the princess ; and the imperial ambassador wrote to Granvelle that both the king and his minister had looked "like dogs that had tumbled out of a window." Cromwell, who had at a glance seen the terrible import of the news, was most crestfallen ; he could scarcely find breath to mutter a few hypocritical congratulations on the e-vent. On the following days neither Henry nor Anne could hide their vexation and apprehension.3 In France the peace party was greatly strengthened Francis by the taking of Tunis. Francis had looked forward for peace with so much confidence to the failure of the expe- charfes dition that he had intended, after the emperor's return, to fall upon him, and to obtain by force of arms Milan, Asti, and the other coveted possessions in Italy. Henry had been asked to contribute to wards the expenses of the war, and to close his 1 Chapuis to Charles V., August 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, PC. 229J, i. foi. 121. 2 Chapuis to Charles V., September 6, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 123. 3 Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, September 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 2291 iii. f0l. 23 : " Le diet roy . . . et Cremuel . . . ont estes estonne de la bonne nouvelle comme chiens tum- bants de fenestres et mesme Cremuel lequel a male peyne pouvoit parler." VOL. IL I 114 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xii. harbours to the fleets of Charles coming and going between Spain and the Low Countries. At Calais negotiations had been carried on about the aid Henry was to give, and his ministers had been instructed to make fair promises in a general way.1 Now all was changed. Charles had become the hero of Christendom ; and to quarrel with him, when his adherents and his army were flushed with victory, might prove disastrous. In a war declared just after the emperor had rendered so signal a service, Francis might have to encounter the united strength of Germany. For the moment, an attack upon Charles V. was not to be thought of. Forced to resign his purpose of entering upon a new struggle with the emperor, Francis felt inclined to change his policy towards England. Hitherto his object in dealing with- Henry had been to obtain promises of help in the event of war. Now it occurred to him that he would have more to gain by bringing about a marriage between the dauphin and Mary. If this match could be arranged, Francis did not doubt that the emperor, out of regard for his cousin, would accede to it ; and he hoped that Henry might be induced to make his peace with Eome. Mary would then be the acknowledged heir to the English throne, and after the death of Henry and Francis, their children would reign over both France and England. The accession of power obtained in this way would be far greater than any advantage that could be secured by the most successful war. 1 Instruction to the Commissioners at Calais, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 608. New policy of Francis towards England. ANNE BOLEYN. 115 An opportunity of acting upon this policy soon chap. xii. presented itself. After the execution of Fisher and More, Paul III. issued several briefs, setting forth the enormities committed by Henry, and requiring Christian princes to hold no further intercourse with July 26, 1535 him and his realms.1 One of these briefs was addressed to Francis. As a rule, such documents were coolly received at the French court ; but this time it was decided that a special ambassador should be sent to England to let Henry know of the brief, and to explain the position of Francis with regard to it.2 The person chosen for the errand was the former ambassador-resident, Dinteville, the bailly of Troyes. He left the French court at the end of August, and arrived in England in the beginning of September. i Baronius, Annates, vol. xxxii. p. 366, July 26, 1535. ^1535^' 2 Jean Breton to Cardinal du Bellay, August 31, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577; and A. de Montmorency to Cardinal du Bellay, September 28, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577. I 2 CHAPTEE XIII. THE RESULTS OF HENRY'S POLICY, Dinte- The original instructions given by Francis to the structions. bailly of Troyes seem to have been lost, but we still possess a few letters about his mission, a supplemen tary instruction sent to him after he had left court, August, and a long memorandum drawn up by Morette, Antoine de Castelnau, and Dinteville himself, which he took home and sent to court. From these papers it appears that Dinteville was first of all to communi cate to Henry the contents of the brief addressed to Francis on the 26th of July.1 Having done this, he was to represent that Francis, if he stood by Henry, would be attacked by the emperor and his allies, that he would have to prepare for this emer gency, and that he would expect subsidies from his good brother of England. Bequests for pecuniary aid had hitherto been preferred in a tentative way : 1 J. Breton de Villandry to Cardinal du Bellay, August 31, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577: "Le Roy a depesche Monsr le bailly de Troyes pour aller en angleterre pour laffaire du brief que Nre St Pere escripvit dernierement au Roy touchant le faict dudict Roy dangleterre;" and A. de Montmorency to Cardinal du Bellay, September 28, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577. ANNE BOLEYN. 117 no specified sum had been demanded ; Henry had chap. xiii. only been asked what he might be inclined to grant. But times had changed, and the tone of Francis had changed with them. Dinteville was instructed to insist that if Francis, for any reason whatever, chose to make war upon the emperor and to attempt the conquest of Milan, Asti, and Genoa, Henry must consider himself bound to bear one- third of the expenses incurred for the French army.1 Dinteville was directed not only to press these demands on Henry and his ministers, but to ascertain as far as possible what were the feelings of the English people and to report in general on the state of the country. On his arrival in England, therefore, about the beginning of September, he tried to gather all the information he could ; and the report he took home a month later gives a gloomy picture indeed of the misery and discontent of the nation. Henry's policy had exerted a disastrous influence English on the foreign trade of England. When the king r*™e.d by publicly acknowledged Anne as his wTife, an immedi- Henry's TDOIZCI/ ate rupture with the emperor was apprehended. The London merchants went to Chapuis, and anxiously inquired whether he was going to leave ; they natur ally feared that in case of war the goods which they had in the Low Countries and in Spain would be seized, and that any ship they might send out would be captured.2 Chapuis remained at his post 1 Francis 1. to J. de Dinteville, August 29, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, foi. 307. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 15, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 41. 118 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiii. and war was not proclaimed, but traders in the city hesitated to undertake any large commercial enter prise. And they were right ; for, although there were no open hostilities, the authorities in Flanders and in Spain were in a very unfriendly mood. In 1534 and 1535 the situation became even more complicated. Adherents of the pope were irritated by the schism between England and the Holy See ; and an angry feeling spread from Flanders and Spain to France and Italy. At the very time when Francis was professing the greatest friendship for Henry, English merchants in France were being daily insulted and robbed, and they could obtain no redress.1 Lawyers on the continent began even to ask whether Englishmen, in consequence of the rebellion of their king and the papal censures, had not ceased to belong to the Christian republic, and had not forfeited all rights conferred by the jus gentium and the imperial laws.2 Many English merchants in Flanders, Spain, and France, alarmed by the temper which had been evoked among the people around them, sold their wares and returned to England. In the summer of 1535 very few of them remained in France, and shipowners at home were afraid to send their vessels to French ports. Special safe-conducts had to be taken out for August, those who wished to cross the Channel, and this, of course, hampered all transactions and made them less 1 J. Coke to Cromwell, May 12, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII. Box Q; and Reports from France, October 24 and 25, 1534, R.O. Henry VIII. Box Q, Nos. 84 and 85. 2 Allegations of Robyn Carre, Gairdner, Letters and Papers, vol. vii. p. 625. ANNE BOLEYN. 119 profitable.1 Merchants got no interest on their money, chap. xiii. and mariners were thrown out of employment. Had Henry acted prudently, it might have been possible for his subjects to find new outlets for their energy in those countries in which papal censures were not respected ; but by persisting in his alliance with Wullenwever he had irritated the opposite party, which on the Baltic and on the German Ocean was now triumphing over the friends of England. Gustavus Vasa is said to have openly boasted that he was only beginning the game against Henry ; 2 and when, in retaliation for the capture of the English ships, Henry caused the goods of the Dantzig merchants October, to be seized, these merchants assured Chapuis that 1535, they did not care, for they meant to take out letters of reprisal by which they would get from English merchants and vessels more than their property in London had been worth.3 Even the fishing fleet which went to Iceland and Newfoundland could not be despatched without risk. Iceland was a Danish colony, and if Christian III. was not conciliated, English fishermen would meet with scant courtesy from his officials. 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, August 3 and September 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, iii. fols. 22 and 25. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, Vienna Archives,' P.C. 2291, i. f0i. 130. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 21, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^, i. foi. 137: "Les marehandisez de ceulx de Danzic sont tousiours icy en sequestre; partie de ceulx a qui sont lesdictes marchandises mont dit quilz navoient garde de sollicite la relaxation dudict sequestre soy tenant pour certains quilz trouveront assez moyens destre reccmpensez au double et da principal et des interetz.'' 120 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xnr. The circumstances which compelled English mer chants on the continent to return to their own country and to abandon a profitable trade, had a corresponding influence on foreign traders in Eng land. They feared that they might be made to pay for the injury done to Englishmen abroad, and the latest proceedings of Henry confirmed them in this opinion. Accordingly they no longer imported foreign wares, but were rather occupied in withdrawing the capital they had invested in English commerce. A good many of them, having sold all they had, left the country altogether, while those who remained reduced their transactions as much as possible. The Venetian secretary was already in quiring whether his countrymen would be allowed to export wool from Spain, that Venice might be in dependent of England ; ' and the fleet which had hitherto come regularly to Southampton to import wine from Candia, and to export wool and tin, stayed away. The English government was rather alarmed by this demonstration, and tried to allay the distrust of the Venetian merchants. A fine they had incurred was partly remitted, and they were assured that they might freely export wool and kerseys.2 But they remained supicious, and made no use of the permission granted. The bad During the summer of 1535 the weather had been so bad that the harvest was very small, the yield of 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 11, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 128. 2 E. Chapuis to Granvelle, December 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^, ii. foi. 69. ANNE BOLEYN. 121 corn being less than half of that of average years.1 chap, xiii. The people had observed, Chapuis says, that it had rained ever since the execution of the Carthusians ; and the bad weather was ascribed to divine vengeance for the misdeeds of the kino;.2 It was in vain that the royal preachers were commissioned to say that God chastises those he loves ; the people remained obdurate and angry.3 In former times, wdienever the harvest in England had failed, the Hanseatic merchants had been large importers of grain ; but after the ill-treatment they had suffered in London they sought for other markets, and thus one of the easiest sources of supply was closed.4 England became dependent for its food on France and on the Low Countries ; and both Chapuis and the French ambassadors advised their masters to forbid the export of corn, hoping in this way to be able to bring pressure to bear on Henry and to wring concessions from him.5 Such was the condition of England when Dinteville, The in the beginning of September, arrived at the court 0f Frauds of Henry near Winchester. Seeing; how matters refused. J ... September, stood he adopted a rather high tone, and insisted on 1535. all the demands Francis had ordered him to make. 1 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, foi. 200. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, loc. cit. 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, November 1, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, iii. foi. 28. * E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, loc. cit. 5 Memorandum of French ambassadors, loc. cit. ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, November 1, 1535, loc. cit. 122 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiii. But even if Henry had been disposed to grant every request of the French, he would not have been able to pay such subsidies as Dinteville had been in structed to ask for. If the French really attacked the emperor, their expenses would not be less than £100,000 a month, so that the King of England, had he yielded to Francis, might have had to find £33,333 a month. This would have been far beyond his resources, for the whole ordinary royal income even in fairly prosperous times was not more than £140,000 per annum. Henry was obliged, therefore, to refuse the demands of Francis, and all he would promise was that he would not claim the instalment of the French pensions which had become due.1 Angry words passed between the king and his ministers on the one hand, and the French ambassadors on the other ; and after a short stay at court the bailly asked leave to return to France. Before leaving England, Dinteville begged that he and his colleagues might be allowed to visit the king's daughters, his real object being to learn, if possible, from the Princess Mary herself how she felt inclined towards a marriage with the dauphin. Permission could not well be refused, and the three Frenchmen with their train proceeded towards Eltham, where Mary and Elizabeth were staying. One of the gentlemen of the king's chamber had been ordered to accompany the ambassadors, and to see to then comfort and honourable treatment. This person was no sooner alone with them than he informed them 1 Duke of Suffolk to Mr. de Saint Martin, September 25, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII. Box S. October, 1535. The proposed marriage of Mary and the dauphin. ¦ ANNE BOLEYN. 123 that he had received secret instructions from Anne chap. xiii. to watch their movements; and they afterwards reported to their government that, so far as the queen and the princess were concerned, Henry could not trust even his personal servants, nearly all of whom wrere favourable to Catherine and Mary.1 On arriving at Eltham the ambassadors were shown into the presence of Elizabeth, but they were not allowed to see Mary. They were of course greatly annoyed at this, but they were somewhat consoled by all they heard at Eltham, and after their return to London. They were told that Mary had greatly wished to see them, but that Lady Shelton had shut her up in her room, and had caused all the windows of it to be nailed down.2 Mary, it was said, had raged and stormed until the gentleman who had accompanied Dinteville had gone in and told her that it was the king's pleasure she should remain secluded.3 1 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, loc. cit. : "Sire les ambassadeurs et bailli ont este visiter la petite bastarde de ce Roy, de quoy faire les ambassadeurs avoint a ce quilz me dirent touts deux souvent este requis et instes de la concubine dudict Roy, et quilz avoint tousiours differe jusqua la venue dudict baillif, lequel avoit este doppinion dy aller, pensant que en quelque sorte ils entreverroint la princesse, questoit la chose du monde quilz desiroient austant, et sans lespoir de laquelle ils ny feussent allez. Mais que leur defortune navoit point permis quils la veissent, et ce a cause quelle avoit este non seuUement, comme ils disoint, serree dans sa ehambre, mais aussi furent cloues les fenestres par ou elle pouroit estre veue." 3 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Lautre part Vous scavez le tumulte qui fut entre sa gouvernante et elle, quant nous feusmes veoir sa petite seur, et quil nous a este diet quelle fust mise comme par force dans sa ehambre, pour quelle 124 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XIII. About this matter the French ambassadors were not well-informed. The truth was that as soon as they had manifested an intention to go to Eltham, instruc tions had been sent to Lady Shelton to prevent Mary from seeing or conversing with any of them ; and Lady Shelton had immediately told the princess that she would have to keep her room while the ambas sadors were there. Mary was rather indignant, and sent a message to Chapuis to ask whether she was to obey or not. Chapuis counselled submission, and she acted on his advice, amusing herself while the Frenchmen were in the house by playing on the virginals.1 The French ambassadors, however, were convinced not only that Mary had desired to see them, but that she would not dislike a marriage with the dauphin. According to an Englishman with whom they con versed, and who referred to one of Mary's servants as his authority, the princess had said many a time that the dauphin was her husband ; 2 and when Lady ne parlast a nous et quil ne feust possible de la rapaiser et con- tenir dedans sa ehambre que le gentilhomme qui nous menoit ne luy eust premierement asseure, que le Roy son pere luy avoit commande de luy dire quelle ne se monstra point cependant que nous serions la." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, loc. cit.: "Ce que ne erois ains que suivant ce que luy avoit escript, veuillant sur ce avoir mon advis, elle se tint tout vouluntierement en sa ehambre, jouant de lespinette pour dissimuler lennuyt dicelle visitacion." 2 Report of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Item vous scavez que ung homme nous a asseure que une des femmes de la dicte princesse, luy avoit racompte, que plusieurs fois elle luy avoit oui dire que mon diet Sieur le Dauphin estoit son mari . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 125 Shelton and other servants of Anne had told her chap. xm. that he had married the daughter of the emperor, she had replied that it was not true, and that they only said so to deprive her of all hope, and to make her forego her rights.1 Another Englishman had suggested that Mary would be prepared to express her wishes in writing.2 The English nation seemed to the ambassadors to approve of the proposed marriage. When Dinteville and his colleagues arrived, and it was supposed that they had come to denounce to Henry the censures of the Church and to ask that the marriage of the dauphin and the Princess Mary should be concluded, they were heartily received by the common people, by the gentlemen at court, and even by the king's servants. As soon as it was knowm that this was not the object of their mission, they excited less enthusiasm.3 When 1 Report of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Quant sa gouvernante et autres dames que la Royne qui est a present a commises pour sa garde luy disoient que mon dit Sieur le Dauphin estoit marie aveo la fille de lempereur, leur respond it quelle ne le croyait pas, veu quil ne peut avoir deux femmes et quil ne peut ignorer quelle ne soit sa femme, et que jamais elle nen perdra lesperance, et quelle scavoit bien quon faisoit courre ce bruict pour luy en ouster, et par ce moyen luy faire quitter son droict." 2 Ibid. : " Semblahlement Vous scavez que ung sest faict fort de luy faire mettre par escript sa volonte, affin que les choses ne soient fondees legerement." 3 Ibid. : " Outre plus Mr. vous noublierez dire sur vostre venue et que cela feust espards parmy le menu peuple on disoit que Vous veniez pour denuncer au Roy les excommuniements et pour demander madame la princesse pour Mr. le Dauphin, dont le peuple estoit si trescontant quil ne cessoit de faire priere pour Vous, comme plusieurs vous ont asseure estre vray. Pareillement 126 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. they returned from Eltham to spend a few days in London, they were again warmly greeted : the people, thinking they had seen the princess, cheered them as they passed, and wished them good speed.1 The desperation of the country had become so great, the ambassadors wrote, that those who would formerly have been most opposed to the marriage of Mary with a foreign prince unwilling to reside permanently in England, now ardently desired the union. For if Mary were to marry a prince of lower degree than the dauphin, she might lose her right to the crown or obtain it only after a violent struggle, whereas, if she married the son of Francis, resistance would be impossible, and her claim would be universally admitted.2 Dinteville and his colleagues were not altogether wrong. The English people had almost abandoned the hope of receiving help from the emperor, and in their perplexity were ready to turn to France for Vous scavez le bon receuil que les propres gentilshommes de ceux du Roy vous faisoient, qui estoient meilleur, que depuis quils ont sceu que vostre charge ne touchoit rien de cela." 1 Report of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Item que Ion nous diet ainsi que nous feusmes arrivez a Londres que le peuple faisoit priere pour nous ayant entendu que nous estions alle veoir madame la princesse." 2 Ibid. : " Item le trouble a este si grand et la desesperation dudict peuple si grande, que ou le temps passe il ne trouvoit bon quelle fust niariee audict sieur Daulphin, pour le desir quilz ont davoir un Roy en Angleterre, qui se tint au pays, a present ils ne desirent rien plus que cela, disant que si moindre que luy vient a lepouser elle demourera desheritee oubien faudra quelle aye son droict par guerre et avec grandes incommoditez de tout le peuple." ANNE BOLEYN. 127 assistance against the tyranny of the king. The chap. xm. warnings of Chapuis had come true. The extreme unpopularity of Anne and of her Unpopu- kinsfolk and friends did not escape the notice of the 7J& ambassadors. The common people, they reported, were extremely angry against Anne, abusing her in no measured terms for the danger and distress into which she had brought the country.1 The upper classes were nearly all equally bitter, some on account of the changes in religion, others for fear of war and of ruin to trade, others, and by far the greater number, from loyalty to Catherine and Mary.2 Englishmen had no wish to see Elizabeth on the throne, with Anne Boleyn and Lord Eochford as her guardians and as regents during a long minority. Anne herself was fully conscious of the difficulties of her position. To one of the gentlemen who accom panied Dinteville she granted a private audience, and he reported to Marguerite of Navarre the substance of their conversation. Anne said that the two things she most desired on earth were to have a son and to meet Queen Marguerite once more. She seemed ill at ease and harassed, and the eagerness with which she 1 Report of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Item aussy que le peuple menu prevoyant toutes ces choses est fort anime contre la Royne, jusques a en dire mille maux et improperes." 2 Ibid. : " Item que tout le peuple est merveilleusement mal contant, les uns, et quasi tous hormis les parens de la Royne qui est a present, pour raison des dictes dames, les autres pour la subversion de la religion, les autres craignans la guerre et voyans que lentrecours de marchandise cessera tant dedans le royaume que dehors." 128 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. wished to be recommended to Marguerite showed how much she wanted sympathy and help.' In proof of the great popularity of Mary the ambassador mentioned the following curious fact. When Mary had left Greenwich to go to Eltham, a great many women, in spite of their husbands, had flocked to see her pass, and had cheered her, calling out that, notwithstanding all laws to the contrary, Lady she was still their princess. Several of them, being and Anne, of higher rank than the rest, had been arrested, and, ^H1*' as they had proved obstinate, had been sent to the Tower.2 On the margin of that part of the report in which this circumstance is recorded we find the words (written by Dinteville himself) : " Note, my Lord Eochford and my Lord William." 3 The ambassador clearly meant that Lady Eochford, Anne's sister-in- law, and Lady William Howard were among those who had cheered Mary. We know from Chapuis that 1 to Marguerite de Navarre, September 15 (1535), Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 3,014, foi. 98. This letter has been ascribed by Mr. J, Stevenson, in his Calendar of State Papers, to a much later period, and he asserts that the Queen of England spoken of is Mary Tudor. The whole context shows that this is not the case. The letter is certainly not addressed to Jeanne d'Albret (who succeeded Marguerite) ; and besides, the court of Philip and Mary never was at Winchester in September. 2 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Item, dernierement quant elle fust remuee de Grenewich, une grande trouppe de femmes, tant bourgeoyses que autres (au desceu de leurs maris) luy furent au devant, en pleurant et criant, que nonobstant tout ce quavoit este faict, elle estoit Princesse, et en furent mises les plus grandes en la tour, tousiours persistant en leur opinion." 8 Ibid. : "Nota. Millor de Rochefort et Millor de Guillaume." ANNE BOLEYN. 129 Lady Eochford had in the preceding autumn been chap. xm. sent from court, but the imperial ambassador ascribed her disgrace to intrigues on behalf of, not in op position to, Anne. Had Lady Eochford's absence from court produced a change ? That may have been so, for it is said that towards the end of the year she was on bad terms with her husband. Lady William Howard was certainly hostile to Anne, and she and Lady Eochford were great friends. Dinteville may therefore have been right. Considering the difficulties of the government, the Scheme temper of the nation, and the supposed inclination of coercionof Mary, the French ambassadors came to the conclusion Henrv- that a marriage between the dauphin and the princess might be brought about more easily than had been expected. They proposed that Paul III. should be told of the offers which had been made to Francis by Henry on condition that Francis would throw off his allegiance to the Holy See, and make war on the emperor. The pope should be warned, they suggested, that if war broke out it might be necessary to accept these offers, and that then he would lose his revenues from France as he had lost his revenues from England. The ambassa dors believed that to prevent so unholy an alliance Paul III. would ask the emperor himself to propose the marriage, and that Charles, for the sake of his aunt and his cousin, might be persuaded to do so.1 If 1 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, loc. cit.: "Si le pape estoit adverty des traictes qxie le Roy dangleterre pretend faire avecque le Roy, il entrera en doubte de perdre largent de France comme il a faict celluy dangleterre si guerre se meust, VOL. II. K 130 ANNE BOLEYN. Henry offended by the French ambassa dors. chap. xiii. he consented, Henry would of course be immediately informed of the fact, and the French king might tell Henry that war would be unavoidable unless the proposal were accepted. Anne would oppose the marriage, but Henry would be afraid to offend both the king and the emperor. Besides, Anne's influence was on the wane ; the king had again changed his mistress.1 Feeling sure that Henry would have to give way, the French ambassadors were not at all careful to hide their opinions and their wishes. They permitted their servants to talk openly of the advantages which would arise from the marriage of the dauphin and the princess,2 and some indignation was caused by this freedom of discourse, for Henry wTas certain that if he consented to the marriage he would soon have a very precarious hold on the loyalty of his subjects. Per ceiving the danger, he was angry with his former et il moyenneroit bien envers lempereur quil prieroit le Roy entendre au mariage que dessus et croy que le diet empereur y ayderoit pour lamour quil porte a sa niepce." 1 Memorandum of the French ambassadors, loc. cit. : " Item si le diet Empereur vient a prier de ce que dessus, il pourra lors adviser de faire entendre au Roy dangleterre lintention de lempereur et luy persuader de le consentir pour eviter toutes guerres, veu que le diet Sieur ne denie point quelle ne soit sa fille et quil scait bien que le mariaige en est faict. " Et si le diet Sieur Roy dangleterre ne le trouvoit bon a cause de la persuasion que sa femme luy pourroit faire au contraire, si craindra il bien de mettre contre soy le Roy et lempereur pour la seule affection quil porte a sa dicte femme, qui est beaucoup moindre quelle na este, et diminue tous les jours veu quil y a nouvelles amours comme Vous scavez." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, June 5, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229,1, i. foi. 89. ANNE BOLEYN. 131 friends for trying to increase it and to profit by his difficulties. Cromwell also was extremely angry with the French. At heart he was rather favourable to Mary, and of late his relations with Anne had not always been very good ; but as he had no wish to see England become a dependency of France, he resisted the proposed match and stood loyally by Henry and Anne against the peril which was threatening them. With the French ambassadors he had been for some time on bad terms. On the 29th of June the Bishop of Tarbes and Morette had invited him to dinner, but he had rudely refused, saying that he knew what they wanted to tell him, and that he did not wish to hear it.1 Shortly afterwards he had an angry discussion with the ambassadors, whom he treated with considerable insolence ; and when they resented his arrogance, he used his influence to prevent the bishop from being- lodged, as most of his predecessors had been, at the king's cost at Bridewell.2 The English ministers, being in ill humour with the French, tried to convey the impression that their relations with the emperor were improving. A new ambassador, Eichard Pate, had been appointed to reside with Charles V. ; and Cromwell and his colleagues went about talking of the honour with which he had been received at the imperial court.3 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 103. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 105. 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, July 11, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 22U, iii. foi. 17. K 2 CHAP xiii Cromwell and the French. June 29, 1535. July, 1535. Chapuis and the English ministers. Jidy, 1535. 132 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. Henry himself considerably altered his tone, no longer speaking of the ingratitude of Charles, but, on the contrary, praising him.1 Towards Chapuis the English ministers made a great show of cordiality. They offered him all kinds of little favours, and frequently sent for him to discuss the most unimportant matters, hoping to make the English public and the French ambassadors believe that important negotia tions were going on. Chapuis was not to be duped so easily. He would not have been unwilling to make the French feel uneasy, and to sow distrust between them and the English ; but he did not wish the public to suppose that he or his master in the slightest degree approved August, of Henry's proceedings. When he received from the king the honour of being allowed to hunt in the royal parks — and this was considered a great favour — he quietly declared that he would make use of the privilege only if the Princess Mary were treated less harshly.2 And so in other cases ; it was always necessary to bribe him to accept any small courtesy from the king or from Cromwell, and the price he asked was often so high that it could not be granted. The proposals made by the English ministers for the purpose of regaining the friendship of the emperor were considered by Chapuis quite unac ceptable. The negotiation which Sir John Wallop 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 105. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 3, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 119. ANNE BOLEYN. 133 May 17, 1535. March 6, 1535. had begun with Viscount Hanart in Paris had led to chap, xm no result, for Henry would not consent to treat Catherine and Mary with royal honours, as the emperor desired ; x and by the execution of the Carthusians, of Fisher, and of More, he had shown how he intended to behave towards the friends of the queen and the princess. Cromwell had suggested that a marriage might be concluded between Philip, the son of the emperor, and the little Lady Elizabeth ; but, brazen-faced as he was, even Cromwell dared not press this scheme, and Chapuis contemptuously ignored all references to it.2 He remained coldly distant, waiting for an occasion when he might advise his master to act for Catherine and Mary with vigour. The French were not less anxious than Cromwell to please Chapuis. Morette, during the last few weeks of his embassy, affected the greatest cordiality towards him ; Morette's successor, the Bishop of Tarbes, did the same ; and Dinteville, during his short stay in London, conferred with the imperial ambassador, and spoke to him in a most friendly manner.3 1 Sir John Wallop to J. Hanart, May 17, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, ii. foi. 39. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 46 : " Sire sur ce il (Cromwell) mentra a parler de mariage du prince despaigne avec ceste bastarde quilz appellent princesse, mays voyant la myne quen tenois il nen dit que deux parolles, et sans ce que luy disse riens il en fit la responce quil croyoit bien que Vostre Maieste ny vouldroit entendre pour respect de la princesse sa cousine ; " and*E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, February 17, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. foi. 5. 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, July 11, 1535, loc. cit. ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., October 13, 1535, loc. cit. France and the Empire. October, 1535. 134 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. On the continent, as well as in England, efforts were made to influence imperial policy in favour of August France. In the month of August Queen Leonor of France had gone to the northern frontier to meet her sister Mary, Queen of Hungary. Chabot accompanied the Freneh queen, and during the few days the two sisters spent together he had a private conversation with the Queen of Hungary, and spoke to her about the marriage of the Princess Mary of England with one of the sons of Francis. These overtures were duly reported to the emperor, and the negotiation, which had come to a standstill, was resumed.1 Paul ill. At Eome there were many symptoms of approach- ^for'the mg trouble for Henry. The pope was deeply irritated punish- against him, and was preparing; a bull of excommuni- mentof °. ' . . ^ rml s__ Henry, cation and deprivation. The French cardinals and ambassadors had ceased to oppose this extreme measure ; they only insisted that the bull should contain no reflections on the conduct of their king, September, and that it should in no way tend to put him in 5 ' a disadvantageous position with respect to the emperor.2 1 Account of the negotiation of Pier Luigi Farnese with Charles V., November, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, ii. foi. 60 ; and Charles V. to J. Hanart, October 23, 1535, Papiers d'etat de Granvelle, vol. ii. p. 387. 2 Cardinal du Bellay to , Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 5,499, foi. 212 : " Quant au faict dangleterre troys Cardinaulx ont charge de y veoir et aux premiers jours faire leur rapport en consistoire de ce quilz y auront trouve affin quil y soit oppine de ce qui se y doibt faire pour procedder a lencontre du Roy ; " and Cardinal du Bellay nnd Denonville to Francis I., September 3, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 5,499, foi. 2176: "Et en tant Sire, que touche laffaire dangleterre dont il Vous plaist nous ANNE BOLEYN. 135 Paul III. was not only preparing spiritual censures, chap. xm. he was trying to provide means for the execution of his sentence. In response to a secret appeal, Francis had agreed to help . in carrying out the sentence of deprivation, if Charles would also send a contingent ; and Paul III. had despatched his son, Pier Luigi Farnese, to Sicily, where the emperor had arrived, to bring about an understanding. Charles V., having a deep-rooted distrust of any offer proceeding from Francis, had replied that the French king only meant to inveigle him into some false step, and that the pope ought to obtain an authentic written promise from which it would be impossible for Francis to draw back. If such a promise were given, Charles would be ready to do his part.1 The pope wTas not disheartened ; and it seemed highly probable that his secret negotiations would have results very disagreeable for the King of England. The French party at the English court was so t0 France discredited that Anne had bitter quarrels with her "' ^.eh uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, and, about Christmas, court. faire mention par Vos lettres la chose nest passe plus avant et ne sen est parle depuis que moi du Bellay Vous ay dernierement escript quon avoit ordonne aux deputez de se faire prests pour faire leur rapport en consistoire . . . et maidoit beaucoup pour mes defenses la demonstration que Vous feistes durant pappe Clement quand Vous menvoyastes icy et la faulte qui y fust faicte telle et si grande que le dicte pappe confessa que en aviez tant faict quil se contantait desormais que quoique feist le diet Roy dangleterre Vous ne Vous empeschissiez pour le Sainct Siege contre luy ne aussy pour luy contre le Sainct Siege . . . Aussi que icelluy Sainct Siege debvra considerer de ne Vous rechercher de chose qui Vous soit trop pernitieuse et contre la rayson." 1 Account of the negotiation of Pier Luigi Farnese, loc. cit. 136 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xiii. 1534, abused him in unmeasured terms. The Duke left her presence in anger, and in the hall spoke against her with indecent violence.1 Shortly after wards he retired from the court, thus relieving Cromwell of all fear of serious opposition in the royal council.2 But Anne was not yet satisfied, and seized every opportunity to bring her uncle into disgrace.3 In October 1535 the Bishop of Tarbes openly com plained of Cromwell's insolence, and declined to caU upon him. The bishop told Chapuis that he had sent a message to this effect to the secretary himself.4 So serious a quarrel rendered diplomatic intercourse difficult, and the chances of an open rupture with France began to be generally discussed. The Duke of Norfolk, who intended to send his second son to France, asked Cromwell whether the friendship with October, Francis had come to an end ; and the reply seems to 1535 have induced him to keep the young man at home.5 Financial International relations being so unsatisfactory, the difficulties. . n -, t , i i country became more and more discontented, and Cromwell could not venture to act with his wonted energy and fearlessness. The taxes which had been granted by parliament he was unable to levy, for fear of exasperating the people ; 6 yet the royal coffers 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 1, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. foi. 34. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 25, 1535, loc. cit. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 11, 1535, loc. cit. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V, November 1, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 115. 6 Norfolk to Cromwell, September 9, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII. Box R, No. 137. 0 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 1, 1535, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 137 were empty, not only because the French pensions chap. xm. were withheld, but because, owing to the bad harvest, the farmers on the royal domains could not pay their rents. The result was that the salaries of officials were not paid, and that the wrhole machinery of ad ministration began to go out of gear. The govern ment was already despoiling small convents, the heads of houses being brought by bribes, threats, and in sults to acquiesce in the dissolution of their com munities. But the lands and other possessions obtained in this way brought in only a small imme diate return in ready money or in things that could be at once exchanged for ready money ; and the ad vantages of confiscation, such as they were, were dearly purchased at the cost of much popular irritation. Altogether, Henry's position was not at this time an enviable one. When he looked around him, he sawr his people thoroughly disaffected, the pope exasperated and striving to raise against him as many enemies as possible, the King of France nego tiating with the emperor for the purpose of dethron ing him, the Protestant princes of Germany offended and deeply suspicious, and the fleets of Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia capturing and pillaging his ships. Henry did not underrate his difficulties, nor did he hide from himself that most of them had sprung from the policy necessitated by his union with Anne. He fondly believed that the hatred of his subjects was mainly directed against her, and that if she were not in his way he might still triumph over his enemies. As he thought of this, the idea of discarding Anne Henry's troubles. Henry again thinks of discarding Anne. 138 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. rose before his mind even more vividly than it had done at the beginning of the year ; and the idea was certainly not rendered less attractive by the. fact that Anne, worn out by constant exertion and anxiety, had lost her good looks.1 Even to Margaret Shelton, who had so recently touched his fancy, he was already becoming indifferent. During the summer he had gone on progress through the south-western counties ; and on the 10th of September the court had been at Wolfhall, in Wiltshire, the seat of Sir John Seamer or Seymour, father of Mistress Jane Seymour, a former attendant of Queen Catherine. Whether it was on this occasion that Henry began to pay attention to his future queen is not certain, but a few weeks later the French ambassadors reported that the king had a new love. Catherine Although Henry might be heartily tired of Anne, he remembered the advice given him. in February when he had first spoken of discarding her. He must either keep her or take Catherine back. Was this the only conceivable alternative ? No ; Catherine might die ; and if she were dead, Henry would not only be rid of his most energetic opponent, the woman to whose influence the resistance of Mary seemed chiefly due, he would be free to separate his fortunes from those of Anne. For the last two years Henry and his ministers 1 Dr. Ortiz to the Empress, September 1, 1535, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,588, foi. 12 : " Ayer . . . partio de aquiun cama- rero del Rey de Inglaterra llamado Tomas Petiple el qual . . . dice que . . . todos Haman a la Ana Reyna la qual dice que esta muy fea y que todo el pueblo esta como atonido y espantado que no saben de que parte a de venir el juizio de Dios sobre ellos." ANNE BOLEYN. 139 had spoken of the death of Catherine as an event chap.xih. that would soon happen. One day Gregorio da Casale Catherine's told Chapuis that Henry had said she had the dropsy fo^id and in a short time would die of it. Chapuis re marked that the queen had never suffered from anything like dropsy ; and he vehemently suspected January, that the prediction of her approaching death meant that she wras to be poisoned. ' The friends of Catherine and Mary had been warned that Anne wished to poison her rivals. Dr. Ortiz had been told in Eome by the auditor Simonetta that this was her purpose.2 September The Earl of Northumberland, who at the time was r,1,533- ' February, still on friendly terms with Anne, made a similar 1534. communication to a gentleman at court, who reported it to Chapuis.3 Pope Clement VII., after he had March, delivered sentence in March, 1534, had expressed a fear .that the result might be the death of the queen.4 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 17, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 8 : " Et oultre lespoir quil a sur ses subjectz il a aussi grant . . . sur la mort de la Royne laquelle il diet encoires de nouveaulx a lambassadeur de France ne pouvoir vivre longuement a cause quelle est ydropique de laquelle maladie elle ne fust oncques attaincte. Dont est a doubter, comme jay cydevant escript a Vostre Maieste quilz sement telles choses pour luy faire venir une ydropisie artificielle dont dieu la veuille pre server. Et ma faict advertir Gregoire de Cassal desdictz propos du Roy audict ambassadeur de France et ma faict dire quil pensoit avant que partir dyci de renuncer au service de ce Roy et dresse la banniere blanche." 2 Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., September 9, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, foi. 1. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 11, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 32. i Dr. Ortiz to Charles V., March 24, 1534, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,586, foi. 191. 1534. 140 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xm. Anne desires the death of Catherine and Mary July, 1535. Cromwell on the death of Catherine and Mary. August, 1534. Anne herself spoke in a violent strain. In the summer of 1534 she plainly said that she intended to kill Mary during Henry's absence from England ; and in March, 1535, when she regained her ascend ency, she was reported to have suborned a man to pretend that God had revealed to him that while the princess dowager and the Lady Mary lived Queen Anne would bear no children to the king. About the same time she denounced the two ladies as rebels and traitors who merited death ; x and after the execution of Fisher and More she directly urged Henry to inflict the same penalty on Catherine and Mary, saying that they deserved death even more than those who had just been beheaded.2 The hatred she had conceived for them blinded her to her own real interests. Cromwell did not hate the queen and the princess ; but he thought that if they were out of the way he would be able to compose the differences between Henry and Charles, and to avert the danger of a foreign invasion. And he made no secret of his feelings. In August, 1534, he said to one of the 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, March 23, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, iii. fob 1 : " Ces jours la concubine a suborne ung que dit avoir eu revelacion de dieu que estoit impossible quelle conceust enfans pendant que les dictes dames seroint en vie. Je doubte quelle laura faict parler au Roy et ces jours elle la envoye a Cremuel. Elle ne cesse de lautre couste de dire quelles sont rebelles et ti'aictresses meritant la mort." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., July 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 2291, i, f0i, 107 : « Elle ne cesse de cryer apres ledict Roy quil ne faict bien ny prudemment soufrir vivre lesdictes royne et princesse que meritoint beaulcop plus la mort que ceulx quavoient este executer." 1535. 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 141 lords that the Low Countries -were too much afraid of chap. xm. losing their commerce to allow the emperor to make war upon England. " But even if this were not the case," he added, " the death of Catherine and Mary would prevent any rupture, for then there would be no occasion for a quarrel." ' In March, 1535, he March, asked Chapuis what evil or danger would arise from the death of the princess, even if it excited the indignation of the people, and what cause the emperor would have to be offended by it.2 The ambassador gave an angry reply, having no wish to hear dark speeches which might lead to even darker deeds. But a few weeks afterwards Cromwell spoke again in the same sense, declaring that Mary was at the April, root of all the king's perplexities. " And," he added, " I pray God ." Here he stopped, but, as Chapuis remarked, it was not necessary to finish the sentence ; his meaning wras clear enough.3 Henry had also begun to talk in a rather ominous Henry's way. Mary having fallen ill, he went to Greenwich, where she was then staying ; and in the presence of 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 29, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. No. 53 : " Et quant oela ne seroit la mort de la Royne et de la princesse amortiroit tout car cela estant yl ne resteroit aulcune querelle." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 23, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 59 : "Me replicquant de nouveaulquel domaige ne dangier seroit que la dicte princesse feust morte oyres que le peuple en murmurast et quelle raison auroit Vre Mte en faire cas." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 17, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 68. Cromwell said : " Que la princesse estoit celle que mettoit la difficulte et que troubloit les affaires et que pleust a Dieu — il ne ousa dire plus avant mays aussy ny estoit il besoing.'' worst enemy. 142 ANNE BOLEYN. 1535. Chapuis tries to protect Mary. chap. xm. all the servants he loudly ordered Lady Shelton to March 19, tell her ward that she was his worst enemy, and that on her account he was on bad terms with most of the princes of Christendom. Chapuis interpreted this message as an encouragement to those who might feel inclined to poison the princess.1 During the latter half of 1533 and during the whole of 1534, Chapuis credited Anne and her friends with the most infamous designs. For the protection of Mary against certain dangers at which he oc casionally hinted in his letters to the emperor, and to Granvelle and his son, he could trust only to the virtue and firmness of Mary herself.2 But for her protection against attempts to poison her he took active measures. For some time he washed that she should reside with her mother, but this was refused, 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 23, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 59 : " Ains luy feist signiffier par sa gouver- nante quil navoit pire enemys au monde quelle et quelle estoit cause quil estoit mal de la pluspart des princes chrestiens, et ce declairoit le diet Roy publiquement quest bien pour donner cueur et ardiesse a ceulx que luy vouldroient machiner quelque chose.'' 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 16, 1533, Vienna Archives, P.C. 228, i. foi. 143: "La princesse, laquelle, comme il est a doubter et croire, veullent faire mourrir ou de deul ou daultre sorte ou faire renoncer son droict ou marier bassement ou la fere tresbucher en lascivuite pour avoir occasion de lexeredef et faire tout aultre mauvais traictement ; " and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, January 17, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, ii. foi. 6 : " Monsgr Ion ma dit que ce Roy vouloit faire dyvorcer le comte de Nortambellan davec sa femme et luy donner la prin cesse. Je crois bien que sil estoit sans femme que le Roy luy bailleroit vollentiers ladicte princesse pour les respectz que Vous escripray une autre fois, ce sont choses estranges mais actendu les precedentes il ne sen fault esbayr . ANNE BOLEYN. 143 and in the end it seemed to him best that they should chap. xiii. not live together ; for if Mary stayed with her mother her enemies might poison her without exciting sus picion, whereas if she was with Lady Shelton they could not harm her without immediately causing a popular outcry.1 Having arrived at this conviction, Chapuis tried to help the princess by influencing her guardian. He sent Lady Shelton little presents with compli mentary messages, but at the same time gave her to understand that she herself would be in the greatest danger if the princess died while entrusted to her charge. In the spring of 1535 Doctor William Butt, February, . . 1535 the royal physician, was ordered to attend the princess ; and he assisted the ambassador by telling Lady Shelton that it wTas commonly reported in London that she had poisoned Mary. The poor lady was not a little frightened, and whenever Mary was ill cried bitterly and was in the utmost anxiety.'2 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 11, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, i. foi. 32 : " Javoye aussi pense pour aultre remede que la princesse (apres avoir faict solempnes et sufnsantes protestacions de la force que luy est faicte et du dangier apparent ou elle estoit) quelle ouffert au Roy destre contcnte de non estre appelle princesse pourveu quelle feust en liberte daller resider avec la Royne sa mere. Mais se faisant il seroit paradventure dangier que la dicte Anne prit alors plus dardyment de executer sa maulvaise voulente craignant la reconciliation avec le pere et penseroit que a lheure a moindre soupcon elle pourroit ce faire soubz umbre damytie que maintenant ou la hayne et inimitie est ouverte . . ." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 25, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 13. Chapuis spoke to Cromwell: "Louhant que ceste moderne gouvernante en deust avoir la charge que me semble le plus senr, car la luy ostant de la main il y auroit dangier que Ion ne luy donnast quelque venin lent, 144 ANNE BOLEYN. chap xm. Catherine did not seem to be in the same imminent Catherine danger as her daughter. With a few of her own 'bolton. servants and a large staff of royal officials, she had remained at Bugden until the spring of 1534, when she had been conveyed to Kimbolton, near Hunt ingdon. She had been several times annoyed by commissioners calling upon her to swear to the new Acts and threatening her with the penalties for high treason ; but in the autumn of 1534 she had enjoyed a short time of quiet. When, however, the young lady who had worked in her favour lost the good graces of the king, she was again treated as harshly as before, and in the summer and the autumn of 1535 she bitterly complained of the cruelty of her oppressors.1 The only servants of Catherine at Kimbolton, besides her female attendants, were George de Atequa, Bishop of Llandaff, her confessor ; Miguel de Lasco, her physician ; Juan de Soto, her apothecary ; Philip Grenacre, de Soto's assistant ; and Francisco Phelipe, her groom of the chamber. The royal servants, ce, pendant quelle demeurra entre ses mains, je pense quelle ne vouldroit faire ne permettre telle chose pour la suspicion quest desia contre elle. II y a longtemps que luy ai faict dire par tierce main le mal que luy pourroit survenir mesadvenant de la dicte princesse, et ay aussy tenu main que le medecin du Roy luy a dit que ces jours le bruict estoit tout commung par Londres quelle avoit empoisonne la dicte princesse que la mise en une merveilleuse craincte de sorte quelle ne faict que plorer quant elle veoit la dicte princesse ainsy indisposee." 1 Sir E. Chamberlain and Sir E. Bedingfield to Cromwell, March 22, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII., Treasury papers, No. 3907; and Sir William Fitzwilliam to Cromwell, Pocock, Records, vol. ii. No. cccliv. ANNE BOLEYN. 145 under the command of Sir Edward Chamberlain and chap.xih. Sir Edmund Bedingfield were far more numerous. They acted as the garrison of the castle, as the queen's gaolers, and as spies upon her conduct and upon that of her attendants. She could not leave the house without permission ; and Avhen permission was granted, she, had to accept the company of royal officers, who prevented her from communicating with the people. Visitors were not admitted except by special order from the king or from Cromwell, and her letters had to be smuggled in and out by her Spanish servants. In the summer of 1534 Chapuis had asked Chapuis r\ n _• _ j. _"L l n wishes to Cromwell for a warrant to see the queen ; ' and see having waited for some time without obtaining a Catherine. 6 . . J^y 17, reply, he had set out with a large train for Kimbolton. 1534. While he was on the road, a royal messenger passed him, riding post haste ; and shortly afterwards he received a message from Chamberlain and Bed ingfield that by the king's orders he would neither be admitted to the castle nor allowed to speak with the queen. After some discussion the ambassador returned to London, but not before a part of his retinue had gone close to Kimbolton, where they spoke with Catherine's attendants, some of whom were standing on the battlements, while others looked out of the windows.2 By such protests and demonstrations Chapuis hoped 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, July 16, 1534, Vienna Archives P.C. 229, i. foi. 123. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, July 27, 1534, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229, foi. 124. VOL. II. L 146 ANNE BOLEYN. Chapuis allayed. chap.xiii. to counteract the sinister advice given to the king, The and as time went on and the two ladies were neither poisoned nor brought to trial, he became less anxious. He was told that the king had no wish to hurt either of them, but intended to keep them as hostages for his own safety ; and Chapuis believed what he was told, and ceased to pay much attention to floating rumours on the subject. Early in November, 1535, his confidence was rudely disturbed. CHAPTEE XIV. THE DEATH OF CATHERINE. On the 6th of November the imperial ambassador Ominous received a message from the Marchioness of Exeter, the Jobber devoted adherent of Catherine, to the effect that " the 1535- king had lately told his most trusted counsellors that he would no longer remain in the trouble, fear, and suspicion in which he had so long remained on account of the queen and princess, and that at the next parliament they must rid him of them ; swearing great oaths that he would not wait any longer to provide for this." x Some of the royal counsellors — perhaps secretly favourable to Mary — were alarmed by his violence, and could not suppress their tears. Henry brutally exclaimed that " this was not a matter about which to cry or make wry faces, for were he to lose 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 6, 1535, P.C. 2291, i. foi. 119 : "Sire tout a cest instant la marquise de excestre ma envoye dire que ce Roy a dernierement diet a ces plus privez conseillers quil ne vouloit plus demeurer es fascheries, crainctes et pensemens quil avoit de longtemps este a cause des Royne et princesse et quil [quilz] regardassent a ce prouchain parlement len faire quicte ; jurant bien a certes et tres obstinement quil nacten- droit plus longuement de y pourveoir." L 2 148 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. his crown for it he would persevere in his purpose." ' A fortnight later, always according to the same authority, Henry declared that " he would contrive that Mary should soon want neither new year's gifts nor society, and that she should be an example to show the whole world that nobody was to disobey the law. He would prove the truth of the prophecy about himself, that at the beginning of his reign he would be as gentle as a lamb, but at the end more fierce than a lion." 2 The marchioness added that all this was as true as the Gospel.3 And Chapuis, knowing her character and the means she had for obtaining trustworthy inform ation, placed entire faith in what she said. He wrote that the concubine would never rest until she got quit of " these poor good ladies," and that for this end she 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, November 21, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 137: "Me fesant dire davantage icelluy personnaige que voyant ce Roy aucuns de ceulx auxquels il tenoit les susdicts propos larmoyer, il se print a dire quil ny convenoit ne larmes ne grymasses car oyres quil deust perdre sa courrone il ne layroit de mettre en effect et experience ce que dessus." 2 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, November 21, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, iii. foi. 30 : " Ce Roy puis quatre ou cinq jours devisant de la princesse avec quelcung deust dire que bien- tost il pourvoyroit quelle nauroit besoing ny de train ne de com- paignie et quelle seroit dexemple pour monstrer a tout le monde que nul ne devoit desobeir aux loix et quil vouloit veriffier ce que avoit este predict de luy assavoir que a lentree de son regne il seroit doulx comme ung agneaul et a la fin il seroit pire que lyon." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 6, 1535, loc. cit. : "Et ce ma mande dire la marquise pour chose de croyre veritable comme evangile." ANNE BOLEYN. 149 was making use of every device she could imagine.1 chap.xiv. " The concubine, who has for some time conspired and wished for the death of the said ladies, and who thinks of nothing so much as of how she may have them despatched, is the person who manages, orders, and governs everything, and whom the king does not dare to oppose." 2 At the urgent request of the marchioness, Chapuis wrote to ask the emperor to save his aunt and cousin by immediate action.3 Although seriously alarmed, Chapuis did not at this time suspect any attempt to poison either Catherine or Mary. His idea was that the king would try to force a bill of attainder through parliament, and thus, by making the members of both houses accom plices in his offence, deprive them of all hope of the emperor's forgiveness and compel them to support subsequent proceedings.4 As parliament was not to 1 E. Chapuis to Antoine Perrenot, November 6, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, iii. foi. 29 : " II fault t&nir pour chose plus que vraye ce que jescripz a sa maieste et croyre que ceste dyablesse de concubine ne cessera jusques elle ait une fin et soit quictes de ces pouvres bonnes dames a quoy elle travaille par tous les moyens quelle peult imaginer." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 21, 1535, he. cit. : " Sire ce sont choses par trop estranges execrables et pource mal aisees a croyre, mais considerant ce que yci est passe et passe journelle- ment, la continuacion est longtemps de telles menasses; et davantaige la concubine que pieca a conjure et conspire la mort des dictes dames et que ne pense a rien tant qua les faire des- pescher est celle que mande commande et gouverne le tout et a laquelle le diet Roy ne scaurroit contredire." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, November 6 and 21, 1535, loc. cit. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V., November 21, 1535, loc. cit. : "Le cas est fort dangereux et fort a doubter il voudra comme jay desia autrefois escript a Vostre Maieste faire participant voyre 150 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. meet until after the new year, the ambassador thought there would be time to provide against this danger. Illness of But when, on the 3rd of December, 1535, Chapuis December called on Cromwell to ask that some money due to 3, 1535. Catherine might be paid, he was told that a messenger had just been sent to the king to announce the dangerous illness of Catherine. The ambassador, greatly distressed, at once begged that he might be permitted to see the queen, and in the meantime to despatch one of his servants to Kimbolton. The latter request was granted by Cromwell, who signed the necessary passport, but as to the proposed visit of Chapuis, he said that it would be necessary to consult the king.1 Her When the ambassador was leaving Cromwell's house a letter from de Lasco, Catherine's physician, was handed to him, and by this he was somewhat re assured. De Lasco said that with God's help Catherine aucteurs de tel meschiefs ceulx de son parlemant et estats du Royaulme afin que par ce moyen perdant lespoir de la clemence et misericorde de Vostre Maieste trestous fussent plus determines a se deffendre quant il en seroit besoing." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 114 : " Sire estant il y a environ dix jours alle trouver Mre Crumuel tant pour le solliciter du payement de certains arreraiges de la Royne, que aussy entendre quelques nouvelles icelluy Crumuel me kdit quil ne faysoit quachever de depescher ung homme pour advertyr le Roy son Mr0 de lindisposicion de la Royne qu se trouvoit tres malade ; que furent les premieres nouvelles quen avoye ouyez. Je luy demandey licence pour laller et mander visiter. Yl mottroya incontinent que y puisse envoyer des miens et depescha sur ce lettres, quant a mon aller quil en parleroit audt Sr Roy, et a son retour de la court me resouldroit de lintencion et voulente dud. Sr Roy." recovery. ANNE BOLEYN. 151 would recover, and he advised Chapuis not to insist chap. xiv. on receiving permission to visit her. The news from Kimbolton continuing to be favourable, Chapuis acted on the doctor's advice : and he was the less inclined to press his request because Cromwell, who had promised to let him know the king's will, did not again allude to the matter.1 The queen had suffered from violent pains in the stomach, flatulence, vomiting, and general weakness ; but the symptoms had soon passed away, and in a week she had seemed to be perfectly well again.2 She herself did not apprehend immediate death from natural causes : she only feared that she might be the victim of some open act such as the king's violent speech had foreshadowed. On the 13th December of December she wrote to Chapuis and Charles. ' To Chapuis she said that she wished to be taken to some healthier place than Kimbolton, and she asked him to obtain for her the payment of the money due to her, as she wanted to make some presents to her attendants at Christmas.3 Charles V. she entreated to interfere in her favour and in that of her daughter, now in their hour of need. In this letter her 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229-|, i. foi. 114: "Ainsi que je sortois dudict Crumuel jay recu une lectre du medecin de la dicte Royne disant que a layde de dieu ce ne seroit rien de sa maladie .... graces a dieu elle est tousiours depuis esmendee et soy treuve bien maintenant." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 9, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foL 3 : " Cestoit une douleur desthomac si aspre et violente quelle ne pouvoit rien retenir dans le corps." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 18, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229|, i. foi. 141. 152 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XIV. December 27, 1535. December 29, 1535. Catherine ill again. December 26, 1535. handwriting is as firm as it ever was, and her tone is that of a person who expects to live many a year.1 In accordance with Catherine's wishes, Chapuis saw Cromwell on the 17th, and spoke of the matters about which she had written to him ; but the secretary evaded his requests. Nor was reference made to the decision of- the king with regard to the desire of Chapuis to visit Kimbolton. Cromwell was evidently reluctant to introduce the subject ; and as Catherine's health was restored, and there were political questions which seemed to be of more urgent importance, the ambassador still thought it might be inexpedient to press his application.2 Christmas passed without any disquieting tidings. On the 27th Chapuis received a message that the king, who was at Eltham, wished to speak to him ; and on the following day it wras arranged that he was to have audience on the 2nd of January. But on the 29 th a messenger arrived from Kimbolton at Baynard's Castle, where Chapuis resided, bringing two letters, one from Catherine's physician to the ambassador, another from the apothecary, Philip Grenacre, to Montesa, the ambassador's steward. Grenacre wrote that the queen was ill again and worse than ever. For the last two days she had been -tormented by 1 Catherine to Charles V, December 13, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^, ii. foi. 68. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 18, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229£, i. foi. 141 : " Sire, inste de la. Royne madame Vostre tante je fuz encoires hier faire rencharge a Monsgr le Secre Cremuel sur le changement de logis de la d. Royne, et pour luy faire avancer pour ses festes ce peu de reste de ses arreraiges dont cy devant ay escript a Vre Mto." ANNE BOLEYN. 153 violent pains in the stomach, and by constant hie- chap. xiv. cuping, and she had been unable to retain any nourishment whatever, either solid or liquid. She had scarcely slept an hour and a half during the whole time, and had lost all strength.1 The doctor thought Catherine would not be able to keep up, and asked Chapuis to come as quickly as possible.2 The ambassador, very much alarmed, immediately sent a messenger to court to renew his request for permission to visit the queen. Cromwell replied that permission December . 29 1535 would be granted, but that in the meantime the king ' desired to confer with Chapuis about some most important matters. The ambassador was therefore requested to be at Greenwich next day at one o'clock in the afternoon. The king would come from Eltham to meet him. Although annoyed at the delay, Chapuis was Chapuis obliged to do as the king proposed ; so on the morning audience of the 30th of December he took his boat and went °f Henjv- December down the river to Greenwich Stairs. He was received 30, 1535. with more than usual courtesy and attention. Sir Thomas Cheyne stood at the stairs to welcome him, and led him to the royal presence. They found the king in the tiltyard, surrounded by a host of courtiers. Henry greeted Chapuis with great affability, and after a little while, throwing his arm round the ambassador's neck, walked up and down with him for 1 Philip Grenacre to Montesa, British Museum, Add. MSS. 25,114, foi. 117 : " Et sella a cause de unne tres grande doleur de son estomak avec ung soubglon que ung diet nicquet que le tient contignualment." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 151. 154 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. some time. By and by they went to the king's chamber, and Henry, ordering everybody away, began to talk politics. As Chapuis had expected, there was no very pressing business to be discussed. The French, Henry said, offered him their alliance, and if the emperor remained hostile he would be driven to accept it. He began to speak of Cromwell's sug gestion that Elizabeth should become the wife of Philip of Spain, and Chapuis, wishing to keep him in good humour, did not positively reject the proposal.1 Henry went on complaining of the emperor's ingrati tude, as he called it, and told the wildest tales about all he had done for Charles, who had requited -his kindness by using force at Eome to obtain the papal sentence against him. He wound up by saying that Madame — so he called Catherine — would not live 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, i. foi. 151 ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Gran velle, February 17, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. foi. 5 : " Monseigneur jay cydevant oblye descripre comme ces festes de noel disant a ce Roy que mesbayssays que de tout le temps que maistre Crumuell et moy avons eu propoz sur la nouvelle intelli gence na oncques ouvert nul party, il maffirma plusieurs foys que si, voyre plus que raysounable, et que en ce Cremuel sestoit advance plus que ne devoit, et luy demandant la specification dudict party, ou de honte ou je ne scay pourquoy a pene me scavoit le diet Roy achever de dire que cestoit du mariaige de sa petite fille, a quoy luy respondit quil estoit vray que le diet Cremuel men avoit parle, sed verecunde et tymide ac si porrigeret assem elephanto de sorte que ne le tenoyt pour estre diet mais puisque luy mesme lavoit declare quen rescriproye a toutes aven- tures avec le surplus des nouveaulx propoz quil mavoit tenu et ne me semble en rien luy rejecter le diet party pour non le desperer de navoir moyen de reconsiliacion et amytie avec Sa Maieste et quil feust contrainct traicter avec les francais." ANNE BOLEYN. 155 long, and that after her death the emperor would chap. xiv. have no pretext for interference in the affairs of England, and would be an entire loser by all he had done in this business. Chapuis immediately replied that the queen's death would not profit Henry, and that the papal sentence had been unavoidable.1 After this Chapuis took his leave of the king, who granted him permission to go to Kimbolton, and ordered Stephen Vaughan to lead him thither.2 But before he had reached his boat, he was recalled by the Duke of Suffolk ; and Henry asserted that he had just received a message that the queen was in extremis, so that Chapuis would scarcely find her still alive. He showed no sorrow, but rather satis faction, saying that it would put an end to the difficulties which existed between Charles and him.3 Mary had asked that if the queen became very 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, loc. cit. : " Sire a la fin le diet S1 Roy me vint a dire quil pensoit que la Royne N quil ne nomma que madame ne le feroit icy longement et que venant a morir V. M. naura cause de se empescher des affaires de ce royaulme et se pourra tenir par le bee des poursuites faictes en ce negoce. Je luy dit que la mort de lad. Royne ne pouvoit en rien prouffiter, et que en tous advenements la sentence estoit necessaire." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : and Sir Edward Chamberlain and Sir Edmund Bedingfield to Cromwell, January 5, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Otho C. x. foi. 215. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, loc. cit. : "Sire estant party dud. Sr Roy il me feist rappeller par le due de Suffocq pour me dire que en cest instant luy estoint venues nouvelles que la Royne estoit en extreme et que a peyne la trouveraije en vie, disant davantaige que cela seroit hoster lempeschement que mestoient les scrupules dentre V. M. et luy." 156 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. ill, Chapuis should obtain leave for her to go and see her mother. On hearing the bad news, the ambas sador complied with Mary's request, but the king flatly refused. Chapuis insisted, and Henry, in order to get rid of him, said he would think about it and take the advice of his counsellors. More than this the ambassador could not persuade him to concede.1 Chapuis Chapuis returned to town as quickly as possible, Kimbolton. wrote a short letter to the emperor, and mounted horse to proceed to Kimbolton. But it was already late, and that day he could not proceed very far. January Next day — St. Sylvester's day — he spent on the road, ' ' and it was only on the morning of the first of January that he arrived at the gates of the castle.2 No difficulties were made ; Chapuis and his retinue were allowed to enter, and he conferred at once with the principal attendants of Catherine as to seeing her. It was arranged that the first audience should be in presence of the royal officers, whom the queen had not seen for more than a year, and of Stephen Vaughan. Immediately after dinner they were all ushered into the queen's room, where Chapuis, paying her royal honours, kissed her hand. In answer to the 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., December 30, 1535, loc. cit. : '' Je luy demanday licence que la princesse puist aller veoir la Royne sa mere ce quil refusa de prime face et luy ayant fait quelques remonstrances yl dit que bien yl y penseroit et auroit adviz. Lad. princesse avoit este dadvis que feisse telle requeste." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 9, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 3. Chapuis says that having stayed four days at Kimbolton he took leave of the queen on Tuesday. He must therefore have arrived on Saturday morning, the firs j of January, not on the second, as Chamberlain and Bedingfield wrote. ANNE BOLEYN. 157 ambassador's compliments, Catherine thanked him for chap. xiv. all the trouble he had taken on her behalf, and for having come to see her. His visit, she thought, would do her much good, and even if it did not do so it would be a consolation to her to die in his arms, and not to leave life like a brute.1 Chapuis tried to cheer her, telling her that the king had agreed to let her choose hereafter the house she should live in, and to pay her the money due to her. Thinking that in the circumstances it might be permissible to use a pious fraud, he added that the king was very sorry for her illness.2 After this he made a set speech which had been previously concerted between him and the queen through her officers. He asked her to make an effort to recover, if for no other reason, because on her life depended the union and quiet of Christendom. This he explained to her at some length, in the hope that Vaughan, who understood Spanish, might report the conversation in the proper quarters, and that it might suggest to Henry the necessity- of taking more care for the preservation of her life.3 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 9, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 3. " Et du moins quand il plairoit a dieu la prandre a sa part ce luy seroit consoulacion de pouvoir mourir entre mes braz et non point la desemparer comme une beste." 2 Ibid. : "Aussy pour sa plus grande consoulation que le d. Sr. Roy estoit tres desplaisant de son indisposicion." 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : " Sur ce luy suppliay vouloir prendre cueur et sefforcer pour guerir et sy elle ne le vouloit faire pour aultre quelle considerast que de sa salut et vie dependoit ung tres grand bien pour lunion et tranquillite de la chrestiennete, pour la persuasion de quoy usay 158 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. The whole audience lasted but a quarter of an hour, Catherine being too weak for much talk.1 She told Chapuis to go and rest after his journey, and she herself would try to sleep a little, which for the last six days she had not been able to do for more than two hours in all. At five in the afternoon Chapuis was called by Doctor de Lasco, who, with Montesa, accompanied him to the queen's room.2 They stayed nearly two hours, and Catherine, notwith standing her pains and her weakness, took the greatest pleasure in the ambassador's company. She had so long been shut off from all intercourse, except with her servants, that to talk with a man of the intelligence, knowledge, and standing of Chapuis was a real treat for her. She complained of her own and her daughter's misfortune, and of the delay in providing a remedy- — a delay whereby many had suffered in their persons and goods, and many souls had been lost ; and she said that she had herself some scruples of conscience, since she had been the first cause of all this by resisting Henry's will.3 Chapuis plusieurs propoz, comme yl avoit este preadvise par interposite personne entre la Royne et moy ; et ce affin que mon conducteur et aucuns en eussent peu faire le rapport ou estoit besoing et que par tel moyen Ion eust plus de regard a la conservacion de sa vie ; " and Chamberlain and Bedingfield to Cromwell, January 5, 1536, loc. cit. 1 Chamberlain and Bedingfield to Cromwell, January 5, 1536, loc. cit. 2 Ibid. : and E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : " Ses devises estoient .... soy quereller de sa deffortune et de celle ANNE BOLEYN. 159 comforted her with the assurance that although the chap. xiv. emperor had hitherto not been able to assist her more than he had done, things would now go better. There was a hope that the French would turn against Henry ; and the pope, on account of the death of the Cardinal of Eochester, was going to proceed pro attentatis. This would be very advantageous for her, because, whatever course the pope might take, the king could not hold her responsible for it. With such talk the visit passed, and Chapuis retired.1 While he had been sitting by the queen's bedside another visitor had arrived. Lady WiUoughby, the mother-in-law of the Duke of Suffolk, by birth a Spaniard, had formerly been an attendant of Catherine and had remained her devoted friend. Having heard of the queen's illness, she had straightway repaired to Kimbolton without asking for a passport, which would perhaps have been refused. She arrived at night at the gates, and being asked for her letters of admission, said they would come soon. She pre tended that she had met with an accident on the road, and begged for God's sake to be taken in and to have a place near the fire. The royal officers dared not in so small a matter disoblige the mother of a duchess ; they allowed her to enter the hall, and, in the confusion caused by the numerous retinue of de la princesse sa fille et pareillement de la tardance de remede des affaires, dont tant de gens de bien avoient soufferts en la personne et biens et tant de ames sen alloient en perdicion . . . . se tenant par avant en doubte et scrupule de conscience pour estre les diets maulx procede a loccasion de son affaire." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. 160 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. Chapuis, she contrived to escape their vigilance and entered the queen's rooms, where she remained.1 During the next four days Chapuis had daily a long audience of Catherine. His presence really seemed to benefit her. She was encouraged by his arguments, and when he declared that all would ultimately be set right, she believed him and began to hope for a speedy settlement of her diffi culties. Her health, too, appeared to improve. She was able to take a little nourishment, and slept better than during the past week. So on Tuesday, the 4th, Catherine, Chapuis, and Doctor de Lasco consulted together, and decided that the ambassador should leave Kimbolton next morning. De Lasco thought that she was out of immediate danger, and Chapuis was anxious not to abuse the privilege which had been accorded to him, but rather to act in such a way that he might be allowed to come again. He wanted, too, to obtain a more suitable residence for Catherine. On the 30th of December Henry had really pro mised that she should have a good house, and the ambassador desired to strike the iron while it was hot. January On Tuesday night he to'ok leave, and remarked with pleasure that Catherine was in better spirits; she laughed two or three times at what he said. Nay, after the ambassador left her, she sent for one of his servants, who filled the office of a jester, and listened for a while to his fancies.2 1 Chamberlain and Bedingfield to Cromwell, January 5, 1536, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : "Ainsy prins mon congie delle le mardy au soir la laissant bien allegre ANNE BOLEYN 161 Next morning Chapuis rose early, and sent one chap. xiv. of his valets to inquire how the queen had passed the January night. The reply was, that she had slept better than 5> 1536# before. The horses, therefore, w^ere saddled and the mules loaded, but before mounting horse Chapuis had some serious talk with de Lasco. He asked the doctor whether he had any suspicion of poison. De Lasco shook his head, and said he feared some thing of the kind, for after the queen had drunk of a certain Welsh beer she had never been well. " It must be," he added, " some slow and cleverly-com posed drug, for I do not perceive the symptoms of ordinary poison." 1 He thought that she might get over it this time. If he saw any immediate danger, he promised that he would at once send a message to Chapuis. After this consultation Chapuis had a request to make. Being a practical man, he thought of the great lawsuit at Eome, and expressed a wish that if the queen suddenly became worse she should, shortly before her death, solemnly declare that her marriage with Prince Arthur had never been consummated. De Lasco promised that this should be done.2 et le mesme soir la veiz rire deux ou troys foys, et environ demy heure que fust party delle elle voulust encoires soy recreer avec ung de mes gens que faict du plaisant." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : "Je demanday par plusieurs fois au medecin syl y avoit quelque suspicion de venin, il me dit quil sen doubtoit car depuis quelle avoit beu dune cervoise de galles elle navoit fait bien et quil falloyt que ce fust poyson limitee et artificieuse car il ne voit les signes et apparences de simple venin. . . ." 2 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, January 21, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 21 : " Javoye appointe avec le medecin VOL. II. M 162 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XIV. January 8, 1536. Death of Catherine. January 6, 1536. January 7, 1536. Having thus provided for everything, Chapuis departed, and proceeded slowly towards London. At every stage he feared that a messenger would over take him and call him back, but on the evening of the 8th he reached London without having been disturbed. Early next day he sent one of his servants to ask Cromwell when he might have audience of the king to thank him for the hospitahty he had received at Kimbolton, and to speak about a change of residence for the queen. The servant came back with a short message from the secretary, announcing that Catherine had died on the 7th at two o'clock in the afternoon.1 After Chapuis had left Kimbolton, Catherine had passed the 5th and the 6th of January well enough. Her pains had not returned, and she had been able to sleep, and to eat a little. During the afternoon of the 6th she sat up in her bed, combed her hair, and plaited it round her head. At the customary time she went to sleep, but an hour after midnight she called for her attendants and inquired what o'clock it was. A short time afterwards she re peated the question, and being asked why she did so, she said that she wished to hear mass and to receive the Sacrament. The Bishop of Llandaff w7as called, de la Royne, que survenant quelque danger en elle il se souvint et tinsse main quelle affirmat in extremis quelle navoyt oncques este cogneue du prince artus." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : " Crumuel ... ma envoye dire les tres griefves tres douleureuses et tres lamentables nouvelles du trespaz de la feue bonne tres vertueuse et tres saincte Royne que feust vendredi lendemain des roys environ les deux heures apres midy." ANNE BOLEYN 163 and he, startled by her anxiety, offered to say mass chap.xiv. at once before the canonical hour. But the queen refused, citing the decrees which forbade it. When four o'clock had struck, the office began, and the queen communicated with the greatest fervour, re maining afterwards in prayer. Turning to her servants, she asked them to pray for her soul, and that God might forgive the king her husband all the wrong he had done her, and inspire him to return to the right path and give him good counsel.1 After a while she called de Lasco and dictated two letters, one to the ambassador of her nephew the emperor, another to the king her husband, asking him to give certain sums and trinkets to persons she named. The letter to Henry she signed, " Katherine, Queene of England " ; and she gave orders that it should be 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 7 : " Le jour des Roys . . . sur le soir elle seulle sans ayde de personne se peignant lya ses cheveulx et saccoustra la teste ; et le lendemain environ une heure apres minuit elle commenca a demander quelle heure sestoit et si le jour approuchoit et de ce senquist elle plusieurs foys dempuis, et non pour aultre comme a la fin elle desclayra synon pour pouvoir ouyr messe et recepvoir le sainct sacrement. Et combien que levesque de Landafs son confesseur se offrye a dire messe avants les quatres heures, elle ne le voulust permettre, allegant plusieurs raysons et auctorites en latin pourquoy il ne se debvoit faire. Venant le jour elle ouyst sa messe et receu son sainct sacrement avec une ferveur et devotion quil nest possible de plus et dempuis continua dire plusieurs belles oraysons, et pryer les assistans quilz voulsis- sent pryer et faire pryer pour le salut de son ame et que Dieu voulsist perdonner au Roy son mary le tord et sans rayson quil luy avoit faict et que sa divine bonte le voulsist inspirer au droit chemin et luy donner bon conseil." M 2 164 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. forwarded to Chapuis.1 At ten o'clock she desired to receive extreme unction. But she considered that she ought not to die in private " like a brute," as she had said ; so, for want of better men, Bedingfield and Chamberlain were called in to see her die.2 Atequa said the office and administered the Sacrament, she herself saying the responses.3 After this she remained in prayer until two o'clock, when she expired. Her courage never forsook her ; she died, as she had lived, without fear. However callous his office might have made him, Chapuis had a strong affection for the woman whose cause he had defended so long, and in his letters he gave free expression to the grief with which he had received the tidings of her death. The English people seem also to have heard of the event with regret. Catherine, as I have already said, had always been popular ; and as the rival of Anne Boleyn, who was generally hated, she was the hope of those who Rejoicings wished the schism to be healed. But at court, in the at court. gmaji circie which surrounded the king and Anne 1 Ibid., and Account of Catherine's Burial sent by Chapuis, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iv. foi. 1 : " Pource quellast a ceste heure la ordonne faire une escripture a son nom adressant au Roy comme a son mary et a lambassadeur de la Maieste de lempereur s m nepveux laquelle elle souscripvit et signa par telles mots : Katherine Royne dangleterre ; " and Catherine to Henry, VIII. British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. X. fols. 216, 217. 2 Bedingfield and Chamberlain to Cromwell, January 7, 1536, State Papers, vol. i. p. 452. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "En apres elle receu lextreme unction respondant elle mesme a tout loffice tres bien et tres devotement." ANNE BOLEYN. 165 Boleyn, the feeling was different. The news was chap. xiv. reported to Henry on Saturday, and he took little care January to hide his pleasure. He praised God who had ' delivered them from all fear of war ; adding that the time had come when he would be able to lead the French better than he had done hitherto, because, fearing that he might form an alliance with the emperor now that the cause of dissension had been removed, they would do all he wanted.1 The Earl of Wiltshire and Lord Eochford were equally loud and coarse in the display of their joy. The only pity was, they exclaimed, that the Lady Mary was not keeping her mother company.2 Next day the king appeared in the gayest of January dresses, all in yellow, with a white feather in his cap. ' Little Elizabeth, who was at court, was on that day taken to mass with extraordinary pomp, trumpets blowing before her and numerous servants following. In the afternoon a ball was given at court, at which the king was present. He was in the highest of spirits, and by and by sent for Elizabeth, whom he carried round the room in his arms, showing her to 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : " Le Roy le samecli quil eust la nouvelle il dit louhe soit Dieu quy nous a libere de toute suspicion de guerre et que le temps estoit venu quil conduyroit mieulx les francois que jusques icy car doubtant quil ne se ralye avec Vostre Maieste puisque la cause que troubloit lamy tie estoit estainte ils feroint tout cequil vouldroit.'; 2 Ibid. : " Sire il nest a penser la joye que ce Roy et les faulteurs de ce concubinage ont monstre de la mort de la dite bonne Royne specialement le comte de Vulcher et son fils que deurent dire que estoit dommaige que la princesse ne luy tinsse compaignie." 24, 1536. 166 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. the courtiers. Balls and jousts succeeded one another, and the court rang with gaiety.1 On the January 24th of January, however, the king happened to fall from his horse ; and although he was not hurt, he was somewhat sobered by the accident, and the following days were spent more quietly. These strange rejoicings could not but shock every one who had any sense of decency ; and one consequence of them was that all kinds of rumours began to spread. Some declared that the queen had died of a broken heart, caused by the ill- treatment to which she had been subjected. Accord ing to others, she had been poisoned.2 The poison, it was said, had been sent from Italy by Gregorio da Casale, and brought to England by his cousin Gurone, and Casale had received a pension of eight ducats a day for it. To these and other details Chapuis attached little importance ; 3 but as to the 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "Le jour suibvant que fust le dymanche ce Roy fust tout accoustre de jaune de pied en cap ce ne fust la plume blanche quil avoit au bonnet, et fust la petite bastarde conduitte a la messe avec trumpettes et autres grans triumphes. Lapres dine le Roy se trouva en la sale ou dancoient les dames et la comme transporte de joye fist plusieurs choses a la fin il fust querre sa petite bastarde et la pourtant entre ses bras yl lalloit monstrant a lung puis a lautre. Les jours ensuyvant depuis il en a use correspondentement et si a couru quelques lances a grinuyc." 2 Ibid. : " Plusieurs deulx confessent voire sement que le regret est cause de sa mort et ce pour exclure la suspicion du surplus " . . . " il n' est a croyre . . . lindignacion quilz ont contre le Roy luy donnant la coulpe de sa mort laquelle partie imagine avoir ete par venin et les autres par regret. . . ." 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, January 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. fob 2 : " Plusieurs suspeconnent que si la Catherine ANNE BOLEYN. 167 main fact, he firmly believed that Catherine had chap. xiv. been poisoned at the instigation of the king and of Anne.1 Was Catherine poisoned, or did she die from Was natural causes ? That is the question we have to answer. Chapuis expected the truth to be established by the examination of the body. "Should they open her," he wrote on the 9th to Charles, " the traces will be seen." 2 But the ambassador was to be disappointed. The body of Catherine was of course opened in order to be embalmed, but it was done in such a way as to prevent any clue to the cause of her death being found. Catherine died at two o'clock in the afternoon. Chamberlain and Bedingfield at once decided that the body should be embalmed by the chandler of the house, and that it should be im mediately afterwards enclosed in lead. " The which," they wrote to Cromwell, "must needs shortly be done, for that may not tarry."3 At ten o'clock in Royne est morte de poyson que Gregaire de Casal layt envoye par ung sien parent modeneys nomme gorron . . , et que ceulx cy pour avoir poison plus lente et que ne donnoit indice de soy lavoient envoye querre la ; ce que ne puis croire bonnement car la chose seroit en trop grand dangier detre divulgee." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : " Sire ce Roy et la concubine, impacient de plus longue tardance voyant mesmement que en Rome Ion procedoyt a certes et que y allant Vostre Maieste les provisions se renforceroint, ils ont voulu vuyder le proces de la bonne Royne comme yl est apparent par ce que Vostre Maieste verra cy apres." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 9, 1536, loc. cit. : " Sil viennent a louvrir Ion en verra les indices." 3 Chamberlain and Bedingfield to Cromwell, January 7, 1536, State Papers, i. p. 452. 168 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. the evening, the royal officers drove everybody out of the room in wliich the corpse was lying, and the chandler and two assistants were called in and left alone to do their work. Doctor de Lasco wished to be present, but his request was not granted. Per mission was also withheld from the Bishop of Llandaff, who was required by the customs of the Church to remain with the body.1 Next morning, the work being done, the chandler told the bishop that he had found all the internal organs as healthy and normal as possible, with the exception of the heart, which was quite black and hideous to look at. He washed it, but it did not change colour ; then he cut it open, and the inside was the same. Moreover, a black, round body stuck to the outside of the heart. All this the chandler asked the bishop to keep strictly secret, for his life would be in danger if it became known that he had spoken.2 January 8, 1536. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "La bonne Royne expira deux heures apres midi et dedans huict he-res apres elle feust ouverte par le commandement de ceulx quen avoient la charge de la part de ce Roy et ne fust permis que le copfesseur ne medecin de la Royne y assista ne personne du monde, synon le feseur de chandelles de la mayson et ung sien serviteur et ung compaignon lesquels louvrirent." 2 Ibid. : "Lequel sortant de faire la dicte ouverture vint a declairer au diet evesque de Landaf confesseur de la dicte Royne, mais en grand secret comme chose ou yl luy alloit la vie, quil avoit trouve le corps de la dicte Royne et tous les membres interieulx tant sains et nets quil nestoit possible de plus excepte le cueur lequel estoit tout neoir et hideux a veoir, et que voyant que ores que il le avoit tres fort lave en trois eaue il ne changeoit point de couleur, il le fendit par le milieu et trouva le dedant de la mesme couleur laquelle aussy peu se voulsist changer pour ANNE BOLEYN. 169 But the good bishop told the doctor ; and when, a chap. xiv. few days later, a servant whom Chapuis had sent to Kimbolton inquired whether there w7as any suspicion of poison, the doctor answered that there could be no doubt of it after what the chandler had said, and that even without his evidence the fact had been rendered clear enough by the course and symptoms of the illness.1 Doctor de Lasco was somewhat biassed, and his opinion must be received with considerable caution. The chandler also seems to have had a suspicion before he opened the body, otherwise he would scarcely have paid so much attention to its condition. Besides, he was not a surgeon, nor even a barber, although he had opened several bodies before.2 The symptoms of the illness as they are described are not incompatible with the theory of death by poison ; but they do not necessarily lead to this conclusion. We must, therefore, take other circumstances into account before the case can be decided. We have seen that in the beginning of November Catherine'i the king manifested an intention to have an act of (eat attainder brought in at the next session of parlia- laver que feit, et dit aussy que trouva certaine chose noire toute ronde questoit tres fort attache au dehors dudict cueur." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : " Inter- rogeant mon homme le medecin si la Royne estoit morte de poison il luy respondist que la chose estoit trop verifiee par ce que en avoit este dit a levesque confesseur, et quant cela neust este descouvert la chose estoit assez clair considerant le discours qualite et accidens de la maladie." 2 Ibid; "Et oires que ce ne soint berbiers ne sirurgiens touttefois ils ont souvent faict tel office, aumoings le principal . . ." 170 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. ment. He spoke very violently about it, and those and the who knew his obstinacy seem to have been of ^acTof °Pini°n that he would carry out his purpose. Now, attainder, it is quite certain that the introduction of a bill of attainder would have been the signal for instant revolt. In such circumstances even Chapuis would have favoured an insurrection, and the conspirators, driven to extremity, would have acted unanimously and enthusiastically. If Catherine had been left at Kimbolton and Mary at Hatfield or Hunsdon, an attempt would have been made to carry these two places, and it would most probably have been suc cessful, for the royal garrisons were by no means trustworthy. Had Henry, wishing to have the ladies in his power before submitting the bill of attainder to parliament, brought them to the Tower, the rebellion would have broken out all the sooner, for his aim would then have been manifest ; and, Kingston being secretly in favour of the queen and the princess, the Tower would almost certainly have been thrown open to their supporters. As the king had hardly any real adherents, and as he could not rely on the few troops he possessed, the conspirators could scarcely have failed to triumph even without assistance from the Low Countries. It was impossible for the trusty and well-beloved councillors of Henry to approve of a proposal which was likely to lead to such a result as this. They could not but suspect that if there was to be civil war the more obnoxious of them would fall as victims to the popular fury, and that the rest, besides losing all power, might have to disgorge their ill-acquired ANNE BOLEYN. 171 wealth. For their own sakes Henrys threats must chap. xiv. have filled them with alarm ; and, as it happened, their personal interests coincided with the public weal. A successful insurrection would have been most disastrous to the commonwealth. Three courses wrould have been open to the vic torious insurgents. The first and mildest course would have been to drive away or kill Anne Boleyn and her adherents, to oblige the king to recognise Catherine as his wife and Mary as heir to the crown, to force him to give up the royal supremacy and to submit to the pope, and to take security for the fulfilment of all these conditions by requiring the appointment of a council entirely composed of the leaders of the insurrection. But this would have been extremely dangerous for the peers. Henry was so vain that he would never have forgotten his humilia tion, so vindictive that he would never have forgiven those who had brought it upon him, so false that he would not have allowed himself to be bound by any promises or oaths which might have interfered with his vengeance. Sooner or later he would have tried to recover absolute power, and if he had succeeded, not one of those who had opposed him would have been safe. This course, therefore, would not have suited the insurgents at all. The second course would have been to dethrone Henry, either by the authority of parliament, or in fulfilment of the papal sentence, or in obedience to the imperial over-lord, and to set up Mary in his place. But it was doubtful whether Mary would give her consent to so perilous an undertaking; and even 172 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. if she did so. it was not less doubtful whether she would always be willing and able to withstand her father's intrigues. If she were made queen, Henry would never cease to resist her authority, and by conspiracy and civil war he might in the end regain his throne. The third course would necessarily have been taken. During the conflict Henry would somehow have died, and Mary would have succeeded him as his lawful heir. It would not have been the first time that an English king had been murdered to make place for his child. Edward II. had been dethroned and mur dered by the adherents of his son, and the reign of Edward III. had been one of splendour and of at least outward success. There w7ould have been great differences, however, in the two cases. First of all, morals had changed, and what had been possible in the fourteenth might have proved impossible in the sixteenth century. Moreover, when the bloody deed was done in favour of Prince Edward, he was a mere boy and far away ; he could scarcely be held re sponsible. But Mary was nearly twenty ; and it wTould be impossible for her to escape censure if a crime were committed for her benefit. Edward III. was a man of considerable ability and with an undisputed title to the crown. Mary was a woman of very small ability, full of prejudices and scruples, slow of resolve, unused to action, and with a title to the crown which was by no means very clear. I have no doubt that if Mary had succeeded under conditions similar to those under which Edward III. ascended the throne, she would in a few years have been as unpopular as Henry ANNE BOLEYN. 173 had ever been, and as she actually became at a later chap.'xiv. period. There would have been fresh rebellions with their train of misery and bloodshed, and the condition of the English people would have been even more wretched than it had been before her accession. Salus populi suprema lex esto. In King Henry's time this famous saying had not been uttered, but the rule it sets forth had long been the standard of public morals for practical English statesmen. In a case in which the welfare of the nation coincided for once with the welfare of ministers, the rule obtained a force which must have been quite irresistible. When the royal councillors heard Henry's angry vow, when they became aware that he really meant it, when they rapidly weighed the consequences, they must have come to the conclusion that it would be necessary to use every means in their power to avert the cata strophe they foresaw. And there was but one way in which Henry could be prevented from doing what he proposed. Catherine at least must be dead before the assembling of parliament. A single death of an old and unhappy woman might save many thousands of lives, those of the trusty and well-beloved included. Cromwell and Audeley, Wiltshire and Eochford, and many others undoubtedly viewed the matter in this light. Cromwell, we knowr, had already spoken like Caiaphas, and there is every reason to believe that he felt as he spoke. Early in November Henry uttered the ominous words reported by Lady Exeter. Four weeks later Catherine fell ill under circumstances which were at least suspicious. She recovered, fell ill again, and 174 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. died. The danger was past, the king was free, the councillors were safe. Was there no connection between the words of the king and the death of his wife 1 The world thought there was, and Chapuis directly accused the king and Anne Boleyn of having murdered the queen.1 Suspicious The events which followed Catherine's death seem stances to be inexplicable if she died in the ordinary course n f/^-' > 0I" nature. The government acted again and again as death, if it knew that a murder had been committed. The indecent haste made at Kimbolton to have Catherine's body embalmed as quickly and as secretly as possible, certainly looks very suspicious. Why was the body to be immediately enclosed in lead ? It was winter, and Catherine had not died of any disease by which the decomposition of the body was hastened. And why was Doctor de Lasco prevented from being present at the opening ? January, After much solicitation Chapuis obtained permission for Doctor de Lasco and Juan de Soto to see Lady Mary for the purpose of giving her an account of her mother's death. It is significant that when they arrived at the house where Mary was kept a prisoner they were refused admittance and peremptorily ordered back.2 February, Doctor de Lasco, who was still a Spanish subject, considering himself of no farther use in England, ] E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 21, 1536, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 22 : " Je suis esbay oyres que ce Roy meust permis y envoyer les susdicts que Ion leur a permis entrer aussy peu que mes gens ; Ion la garde de parler au monde mais elle sen revanche bien. . . ." 1536. 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 175 wished to return to his native country. He applied chap. xiv. for leave to go, but it was refused. He once more pressed his request, and was met by an offer of employment in the royal service. This the doctor Marchi, declined, but he could not obtain the necessary 1536' passport.1 The Bishop of Llandaff, also by birth a Spaniard, seeing this reluctance to let the late servants of Catherine depart, began to fear that he might have to live in a country where the papal supremacy was denied, and tried to leave in disguise. But Cromwell's spies watched him ; and he was February caught and sent to the Tower.2 What reason could 25' 1536' 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V , March 7, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229i i. foi. 20 : " Ce Roy doubte que le medecin de la dicte feue royne vuille desloger dicy et tache le plus quil peult pour y obvier de retirer le diet medecin a son service ou du moings lentretenir yci quelque temps ; et pour traicter dudict affaire cremuel ma a ce matin envoye prier luy envoyer ledict medecin auquel il a faict plusieurs remonstrances pour accepter ledict service du roy son maistre, et luy respondant icelluy medecin que acceptant si soubdainement ledict service ce seroit donner occasion au monde de mal penser et mal dire . . . ledictCremuel replicqua . . . que cependant le diet Sr Roy feroit donner secretement bon traictement audict medecin lequel toutesfois ne sest voulu resoldre, remectant le tout a mon ad vis." 2 Ibid : " Sire levesque de Landaf confesseur de la feue Royne dangleterre . . . . se deslibera le propre jour de la date de mes dernieres lectres que furent du XXV" du passe de vuyder secretement de ce royaulme et sen retirer pour quelque temps en flandres ou en aragon dont yl est natifs ayant premierement este devers Vre Mt8 et devers Sa Ste mais il porgecta et dressa si mal et si symplement son cas, quil fust descouvert et constitue prisonnier dans la tour de ceste cite et ne scait Ion encoires quelle issues auront ses affaires, du moings je pense quilz ne le permectront sortir de ce Royaulme pour craincte quil ne sollicite ou dise quelque chose contre eulx." 1536. 176 ANNE BOLEYN. chap xiv. there be for retaining these men except the dread ~~ that once out of England they might tell an ugly tale? Accusa- On the second of May following, Anne Boleyn was aglZst arrested. That same evening, when the Duke of Bokyn. Richmond, Henry's bastard son, was saying good May 2', night to his father, the king burst into tears. " The duke and his sister, the Lady Mary," exclaimed Henry, " might thank God for having escaped the hands of that damned poisonous wretch who had conspired their death." 1 And shortly afterwards, at the trial of Anne, the royal officers laid it to the charge of the prisoner May 15, that she was strongly suspected of having caused the late princess dowager to be poisoned, and of having intended to do the same by the Lady Mary.2 A scapegoat having been found, Henry's ministers did not deny that Catherine had been murdered. With so formidable a mass of evidence it cannot but seem likely that Catherine met with foul play. If such was the case, the poison was probably ad- 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 82 : " Sire le mesme soir que la dicte concubyne feust menee a la tour allant le due de Richemont donner le bonsoir au Roy et luy demander la benediction a la coustume dangleterre, le diet Roy se print a larmoyer, disant que luy et sa sueur, enctendant la princesse, estoient bien tenus a dieu davoir eschapper les mains dicelle mauldicte et veneficque putain quavoit delibere les faire empoisonner ; dont fault il dire que le diet Roy en scavoit quelque chose." 2 Ibid : " Ce principallement dont elle fust chargee, estoit .... quelle avoit receu et donnee certaines medailles au diet Noris que se pouvoint ainsi interpreter quelle avoyt faict empoysonner la feue Royne et machine de fayre le mesme a la princesse." ANNE BOLEYN. 177 ministered twice in small doses, at the end of chap. xiv. November and shortly after Christmas. Poisoning by repeated low doses wTas thought by the great toxicologists of the sixteenth century to be preferable to every other method. Usually the victim did not die Of the direct effect of the poison, but of exhaustion caused by frequent illnesses ; so that, as a rule, no traces of the drug were found in the body, and the course of the disorder did not present those strong and characteristic symptoms which might otherwise have appeared. Thus poisoners were able to baffle the efforts of the most skilful physicians, and in most cases to prevent the detection of their crime. If a murder was committed, it is for the present im possible to say who was the actual murderer, or whose immediate orders he obeyed. The accusation brought by the royal officers in May against Anne Boleyn may have been well founded. Chapuis thought her guilty, and so did others ; but Chapuis equally accused the king, and from what we know he had good reason to do so. The behaviour of Henry II. towards Thomas a Becket was not worse than that of Henry VIII. towards Catherine, and historians are generally agreed in saying that Henry II. prompted a murder. On the king, who made the death of Catherine a The political necessity, rests the responsibility for what p'Culprit. may have been done, not on those who in their own way fulfilled his command. Anne Boleyn may have con tributed to the result, her advice may have strengthened the king in his opinion, and may have encouraged those by whom the crime was directly ordered. But the VOL. II. N 178 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xiv. attempt to throw the whole blame on her shoulders was an attempt to exonerate the principal culprit. Her guilt, whatever it may have been, was less than that of Henry, for she was bound by no tie to the queen, and she did to Catherine what would have been done to her had Catherine possessed the power. CHAPTEE XV. JANE SEYMOUR. On receiving the letter of Chamberlain and Bedinp;- instruc- tl077S to field which announced Catherine's death, Cromwell English immediately wrote to the Bishop of Winchester and "dorTin' Sir John Wallop, the English ambassadors at the France. French court. He instructed them to communicate 8, 1536. the good news to Francis, and in their negotiations to modify their action in accordance with the new order of things. But before he had time to send off the letter, he received a message from Henry directing him to point out to the ambassadors that, Catherine being dead, there was no longer any reason to appre hend the hostility of the emperor. This they were to explain to the French, and Francis was to be wrarned that he might be forestalled by Charles V. if he did not at once accept Henry's proposals. If, notwithstanding this warning, Francis still required the ambassadors to abate their claims, they were to show themselves un willing to do so.1 It is quite clear that Henry fully understood how much his position had been bettered 1 Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop, January 8, 1536, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 25,114, foi. 126. N 2 180 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XV. Gardiner at the French court. October, 1535. Milan claimed by _ Francis. October 2-1, 1535. by the death of his wife, and how much less he depended on the goodwill of France. A few days after Dinteville had left England the Bisliop of Winchester had been sent to assist and perhaps to watch Sir John Wallop at the Freneh court.1 The choice was not a happy one, for Gardiner had made himself unpopular with the French by his overbearing temper, and by the part he had taken in the intrigues at Marseilles. Probably he was chosen as much because at home they wished to be rid of him as because he was considered a very fit in strument. At the French court he met with httle success. The demands of France were as exorbitant as ever, and Gardiner quickly perceived that there was scarcely any chance of an agreement. But a few days after his arrival news came from Italy which raised a hope that the French would attribute more importance to the friendship of Henry, and that they might be brought to make considerable concessions. Maximilian Sforza, the Duke of Milan, had died without issue ; and Francis, wfio had always pre tended a title to the duchy, now claimed the succes sion. He at once asked the emperor to give investiture of the duchy to Henry, Duke of Orleans, his second son. To this Charles demurred, for Henry of Orleans, next to the dauphin, who was of feeble health and unmarried, was at this time heir to the French crown ; and if he were made Duke of Milan, and if his elder brother died childless, the duchy would belong to the King of France, who would thus 1 Gardiner to Cromwell, October 21, 1535, R.O. Henry VIII. box S. ANNE BOLEYN. 181 obtain a strong hold over upper and central Italy, chap. xv. Moreover, Henry of Orleans, in virtue of his wife, Catherine dei Medici, thought he had some claim to the Duchy of Urbino, Camerino, and other places in the Eomagna. If he obtained possession of Milan, he would try to enforce his pretensions ; so that the emperor, instead of securing peace by the concession demanded of him by Francis, would be involved in new- quarrels and new wars. But while Charles would not grant Milan to Henry of Orleans, he was ready to make sacrifices in order to avoid a war with France. The Tunisian expedition had been rather expensive ; and Khairredin, although beaten and driven from one of his strongholds, had been able to retain Algiers, and had reconstituted a fleet with which he was once more threatening the shores and islands of Spain and Italy. The emperor was, therefore, really anxious to maintain peace with France, and in the hope that a compromise might be accepted he offered to give the investiture of Milan to the third son of Francis, the Duke of Angouleme. Negotiations were begun for the fulfil ment of this plan, the pope did his best to mediate, and the moderate party in France were favourable to an understanding.1 The English ambassadors watched these negotia- Triumph tions with keen interest, and strove to counteract vartyw^i them, making common cause with the admiral of Prance. ' ° December, France, who was at the head of the war party, and 1535. with the Italian refugees, who wished to return to 1 Memoir by N. de Granvelle, Papiers d'etat de Granvelle, vol. ii. p. 395. 182 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. their country and estates by the force of French arms. Gardiner and Wallop promised Francis some subsidies if he would invade Italy, and with the help of Chabot they prevailed over the moderate party. As a pre liminary for further operations, Francis sent the Count de Saint Pol with a strong force to invade Bresse and Savoy up to the Alps. He assisted the malcontents at Geneva, who had driven out their bishop and the officials of the duke, and he urged the Swiss to over run the Pays du Vaud. Thus, before the new year, Charles of Savoy was deprived of nearly all his lands on the western side of the Alps. The The emperor, who fully understood that this was but Emperor's fo& beginnine* of a far more serious war, set himself to prepara- o o > tions for prepare for the worst. He tried to gain the pope over by making great offers to his son, Pier Luigi Farnese, and endeavoured to unite the smaller Italian states in a general confederacy for the protection of the Duke of Savoy and the defence of Italy. Best of all, new troops were raised in Germany and Italy to reinforce the army the emperor had brought back from Tunis. In Spain, the Low Countries, and Italy, everything was made ready to repel an attack by the French in the coming spring. Eenry These signs of an approaching storm were observed eXrofitb° hy Henry with unfeigned delight. He thought that if war broke out Francis would be less overbearing, and thankful for any assistance England might give him, while the emperor would no longer dare to favour the English malcontents. Even if the latter anticipa tion proved to be mistaken, Henry was persuaded that Charles would be unable to do him any harm. the struggle. ANNE BOLEYN. 183 He was confident that the struggle between his chap. xv. lukewarm friend and his staunch opponent would be an excellent safeguard for his own tranquillity. Henry altogether misapprehended the influences The which were likely to determine Charles's course. Snt^nl Hitherto the emperor had been held back from active regarding 1 England interference in favour of Catherine and Mary chiefly by the fear that any attempt of the kind would occasion a rupture with France. If for other reasons he were compelled once more to fight Francis, the principal cause of his hesitation would be removed. No sooner, therefore, did war seem to be unavoidable than he began to think rather seriously about giving the English malcontents the aid they asked for. In December, after the invasion of the territory of the Duke of Savoy by St. Pol, he all but decided to assist the English lords ; and an important preliminary step was taken. Charles did not rely on the assurances of the Measures malcontents that in case of insurrection Mary would fJr°Mai-y'i be in no danger. He could not feel quite sure as to safetv- Kingston's loyalty to her and to the queen ; and he feared a sudden outbreak of rage on the part of the king. Besides, he wished to be able to set up Mary as a pretender against Henry ; and it appeared to him necessary that she should be in some place where he could constantly communicate with her. After the death of Fisher and More, Mary had repeatedly urged Chapuis to procure for her the means of flight, but the ambassador, bound by his instructions, did not dare to proceed any further in the matter. Now Charles V. himself took the initiative. The Count de s 184 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. Eoeulx, his captain-general in the Low Countries, was commissioned to send a special agent to England to prepare for Mary's flight. If all went well, the princess was to be carried off in February, and in March or April the insurrection was to follow.1 February Shortly after the new year, Eoeulx's agent arrived ' ' in England, and he and Chapuis carefully considered how Mary could be safely carried away.2 The This was only one of many difficulties in which ^xcommu- Henry was now entangled. In November Sir Francis nication. j$ryan had been sent to help Gardiner and Wallop in December, J . . . 1535. their negotiations with the French ; and m the beginning of December he had met the court near Pargaix, the country seat of Chabot de Brion. Here, immediately after Bryan's arrival, the three am bassadors were told by the ministers of Francis of some despatches which had just been received from Eome.3 They contained a copy of the sentence of excommunication and deprivation against Henry VIII. which had been drawn up by order of the pope. \\ November had been read in the middle of November in con! '' sistory, and Cardinal du Bellay, who was at Eome, had forwarded a copy of it to Francis I. The cardinal expressed his belief that there would never be another sentence like it. " We are well aware," he continued, " that it is necessary for you that the sentence should 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 10, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 26. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 17, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 30. 3 Chabot de Brion to Cardinal du Bellay, December 3 and 10, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 19,577. ANNE BOLEYN. 185 The dilemma °f . Francis. be in any case a very severe one, but there are some chap, xv articles so expressly designed for you that a blind man would see that they have been inserted for no other purpose than to' compel you to lose either the pope or the King of England." J Du Bellay added that he and the Bishop of Macon- would do their best to gain time until they should hear from Francis, but that they had little hope of succeeding. Francis now found himself in a very perplexing position. If he chose to stand by Henry, he would drive the pope into the arms of Charles ; and he knew, of course, that nothing could be more detrimental to his interests in Italy, which were at this moment engrossing his attention. On the other hand, if Francis wished to obtain the good-will of the pope, he would have to give up his alliance with Henry. The difficulty was in part explained to the English ambassadors, who knew not what to do. Bryan decided that he would not declare his charge to Francis until he and Gardiner received fresh in structions.2 Henry received the news with astonishment and Henry's anger. He had never doubted that the death of 1 Cardinal du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., November 22, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. vol. 5499, foi. 2446 : "Nous vous envoyons Sire le double de la dicte sentence conceue ainsi que diet est, qui este telle que jamais aultre nen approchera. II nous semble bien que en quelque evenement que ce soit il faut pour vous quelle soit fort rigoureuse mais il est a notter quil y a aulcuns articles qui sont si expressement couchez pour vous, que ung aveugle verroit quilz ne sont mis a aultre effect que pour Vous faire perdre par necessite ou le pape ou le roy dangleterre." 2 Chabot de Brion to Cardinal du Bellay, December 10, 1535, loc. cit. anger. 186 ' ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. Sforza would make the French more desirous of securing his friendship, and to his dismay he found that this was not the case. Some contemptuous expressions used by the admiral of France about his power greatly enraged him, and he instructed Gardiner and Wallop strongly to protest against them.1 He appears to have been really convinced that he pos sessed formidable power, and that he ought to have been taken more seriously into account. According to his wTont, Henry exaggerated his own importance. He was held in very small esteem, and every prince who had anything to lose shrank from an alliance with a king who might be deposed the day after the treaty was signed. His duplicity had been so great that nobody would rely on his assurances or accept his offers without good guarantees. Even now he was doing what he could to destroy the last remnant of good-will which the members of Wullen- the Schmalkaldic League might feel for him. In the weverat beginning 0I" November, after having been arrested, Roten- fe> 6 ' o ' burg. Juergen Wullenwever had been closely questioned by the officials of the Archbishop of Bremen as to his former doings and as to his intentions in leaving Luebeck and coming to Eotenburg. Of his ne gotiations with Henry VIII. something was known, and a great deal more was suspected ; 2 but no hint 1 Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop, January 4, 1536, British Museum, Add. MSS. vol. 25,114, foi. 119. 2 Johann von Werden to Duke Albrecht of Prussia, December 4, 1535, G. Waitz, Luebeck, etc. vol. iii. p. 470 : " Genedyger furst, ich befynde bey myr awssz mennychfeltygen ursachen, dasz eynen hemlyche swynde practicke zwyschen dem konynge zu Engelandt Wollenweffer unnd Merckus Meyer musz seyn geweszen; szo ANNE BOLEYN. 187 of his last negotiations with Bonner and Cavendish chap. xv. had been conveyed to the archbishop, to King Christian, or to any of the princes and towns by wrhose delegates he was about to be examined. Hoping, probably, that Henry would intercede for him and obtain his release, Wullenwever did not wish to compromise the King of England. He re mained silent as to his proceedings at Hamburg, and even on the rack he did not speak of Bonner and Cavendish, but asserted that he had acted on behalf of the Count Palatine Frederic, who pretended a right to the Danish throne.1 Henry was less prudent. On hearing of the arrest Henry of Wullenwever, he wrote to the senate and to the ' for Archbishop of Bremen in such violent terms that the Wullen- *¦ wever. latter could not but suspect that there must be very December special reasons for his interference. Henry called Wullenwever his beloved friend, declared that he had been arrested against all law and equity, com plained that he himself had been badly treated by the archbishop, demanded the release of the prisoner, and threatened reprisals on the persons of all Bremen citizens in England if his request were refused.2 werde ich berycht, wyhe meyn g. h. von Bremen inhnen geret zu peynlycher froge hot stellen lasszen ; " and the Bishop of Ermeland to Duke Albrecht of Prussia, December 13, 1535, G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. p. 471. 1 Examination of J. Wullenwever, December 31, 1535, and January 1, 1536, G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. pp. 475 to 477. 2 Henry VIII. to Christoph, Archbishop of Bremen, Decem ber 15, 1535, Buchholtz, Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinand I., vol. ix. p. 351: " Intelleximus V. R. D. . . . praeter fas et aequum dilectum amicum nostrum Georgium Wolweber a suo 15, 1535. 188 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XV. January 7, 1536. This threat could have no great effect on the mind of the archbishop, who was on very bad terms with the burghers over whom he was nominally set. Wullenwever remained a prisoner, and was repeatedly examined by the officials of the archbishop, and by delegates sent by Christian IIL, by Duke Henry of Brunswick, and by the senate of Luebeck. But Henry was not disheartened even by so decided a rebuff. Bonner and Cavendish wrote once more to the senate of Bremen, asking them to obtain the release of the prisoner and, like the king, threatening February them with reprisals.1 Henry himself penned a second ' ' letter to the archbishop, in which he said again that Wullenwever had not been guilty of any crime, and pretended that his friend, being in prison, was unable to defend himself or to prove his innocence. Christopher had committed a sacrilege, Henry went on, in behaving as he had done ; and he was asked to believe that if Wullenwever had really offended itinere interceptum . . . Modus hie agendi indignior est, quam suo intimi nostri amici tractare debeant iniquiorque et in- humanior quam nostra in cives vos benevolentia expectasset. Caeterum . . . earn impense rogamus ut velit eum e carceribus statim liberare ; alioquin eandem R. D. V. neutiquam ignorare volumus, nos hac injuria . . . provocatos parem vicissitudinem in tot, quot hie adsunt Bremenses cives esse ostensuros . . ¦ gravissime nos pati tarn duras injurias in amicos nros a quocun- que inferri." 1 Translation of Bonner and Cavendish's letter to the Senate of Bremen, January 7, 1536, G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. p. 473 : " Dieweil doch derselbige furtrefflich berumbter Mann sein lebenlang nichts dergleichenn verschuldet hat . . . Dann sein ko. M' hat beschlossenn solichs an allenn Bremischen kauffleuten in Enngelandt zu rechen." 1, 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 189 against the emperor, Henry, as the great friend of chap. xv. Charles,. would punish him most severely. To Henry the prisoner was to be delivered, and, if Christopher declined, signal vengeance was to be taken on his subjects.1 The archbishop, exasperated by this arrogant letter, March replied that although it professed to be only a friendly representation on behalf of an innocent man, it read rather like a declaration of wTar. In this matter nothing had been done that was contrary to law or justice, for, as a prince of the empire, the archbishop had full jurisdiction over all persons in his territory. He was ready to justify his acts before the emperor and the electors, to whom Henry might complain if he chose. Should the King of England proceed against citizens of Bremen, Christopher would appeal to the princes of the empire, and sharp retaliatory measures might follows 2 1 Henry VIII. to the Archbishop of Bremen, February 10, 1536, printed by G. Waitz, vol. iii. pp. 473 and 474, according to the draft in British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xxi. foi. 97, and extracted by Buchholtz, vol. ix. p. 352, from the original: "Nullum ideo jus in eo detinendo D. V. competit . . . quin potius ejus partes essent, meminisse synceram ac firmam inter Cesarem et nos amicitiam esse, eoque jure famulum hunc nrum criminis causa (quod tarn atrociter illi a vobis impingitur) ad veritatem perspecta, in Cesaris manum et arbitrium multum quam vos justius nos posse consignare, vel admissi in Cesam. Mm. (quern ut fratrem amamus) facinorus si reus convincatur, nos esse de eo supplicium pro culpa exacturos. . . . D.V. ... in admissi sacrilegii apertam labem incurrisse patebit . . . nil quoque nos obstare videmus, quomimus tantam injuriam et in- dignitatem, quacunque ratione possimus, et in quoscunque id commodum videbitur, retaliemus." 2 Christoph of Bremen to Henry VIII., March 1, 1536, Buch 190 ANNE BOLEYN. CHAP. XV. March 13, 1536. Effect of Henry's inter cession. Henry and his ministers seem to have understood at last that the archbishop was not to be frightened. The correspondence ceased, and the Bremen citizens wrere not molested. Bonner and Cavendish, however tried another way. They addressed a long letter to the King of Denmark, lecturing him about his duties as a Christian, and exhorting him to forgive past offences and not to persecute Wullenwever any longer.1 This production had no more effect than the preceding letters. The prisoner was kept in close confinement at Eotenburg. Henry did far more harm than good to the ex- burgomaster. His violence increased the suspicions of Wullenwever's enemies, and the prisoner was more closely questioned as to his dealings with the English holtz, Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinand I., vol. ix. pp. 352 to 354 : " So schmeckt solch Schreiben mer nach einer betrolichen herben Absag wider uns und die Unsern ... so haben wir auch . . . als ein Fuerst des h. R. Reichs von kays. Maj. unser hohe und nider Gericht und Regalie krafft derselben einen Uebelthetter recht- fertigen zu lassen uns wol gepuret . . . den wuerden wir verur- sacht, solche hochgedachten unsern Obrigkeiten und gemeinen Stenden des h. R. Reichs anzuzeigen und gleichmessig Anhaltung Hilff und Beswerde ueber E. k. M. Underthanen und Verwand- ten zu Waszer unde Lande wo die angetroffen moechten werden, Uns und den Unsern zu gestatten zu bitten . . ." 1 Bonner and Cavendish to Christian III. of Denmark, March 13, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xxi, foi. 127, printed by G. Waitz, vol. iii. p. 474, but wrongly taken by him to be a letter to Henry VIII. : " Quid vero turpius, quam sub titulo publico privatam injuriam et contumeliam ulcisci, denique que tua sunt querere, non que Jhesu Christi 1 . . . Nunc autem oramus et obtestamur tuani Celsitudinem ut hanc effrena- torum hominum licentiam, quo in bonorum omnium perniciem grassatur et in proscriptionem evangelii sedulo laborat, tua auctoritas non compescat modo , . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 191 ambassadors. At last (on the 27th of January), chap. xv. having been racked several times, and seeing that no January help was likely to come, he confessed all that had 27>1536, passed at Hamburg between him and Bonner and Cavendish.1 After this he declared in his dungeon that even two kings of England would not be able to save his life.2 If the course taken in this matter did no good Henry to Wullenwever, it did much harm to Henry. It schJal had been arranged that after the arrival of Fox and kaldic Heath in Saxony, and after the return of the elector from Vienna, the proposals of Henry should be considered by the members of the league of Schmal- kalden. While the princes and delegates were sitting, they heard of Wullenwever's arrest and of Henry's outrageous talk. Peter Schwaben, who was present as the ambassador of Christian III., bitterly complained of Henry's dealings with the Luebeck demagogues ; and the assembly, impressed by his December appeal, decided to let the King of England know that ' he must no longer oppose the new King of Denmark or assist those who withstood his lawful authoritv.3 A December few days.later, in reply to Henry's proposals for a league, the princes made counter-proposals, which clearly showed how thoroughly they distrusted him. They 1 Examination of J. Wullenwever, January 27, 1536, G. Waitz, Luebeck unter Juergen Wullenwever, vol. iii. pp. 490 to 496. 2 Juergen Wullenwever to Joachim Wullenwever, G. Waitz, vol. iii. p. 483 : " Du moest dorch den marckgreven hartych Hynryck styllen, edder ick kame umme den hals, wenne ick ock twe konnynge von Engelant tho bate hadde." 3 The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hessen to Henry VIII., December 23, 1535, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 538. 25, 1535. 1536. 192 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. asked that Henry should accept the Augsburg con fession, and that he should give them 100,000 crowns to aid them in defending themselves against the opponents of their faith. In return they offered him a barren title of protector of the league and a promise not to assist his enemies.1 Henry was not told the whole truth, for he was allowed to believe that the Wittenberg theologians approved of the divorce and of his marriage with Anne. Even with the facts which were reported to January, him, however, he was displeased, and in his reply to his ambassadors he refused to be ordered by others as to the faith of his realm, although he declared himself ready to hear what the German theologians might have to say about further reformation. The title of protector of the league he did not immediately accept, but the 100,000 crowns he was willing to deposit for the defence of the Protestant princes and towns.2 Shortly afterwards a second set of instructions were forwarded to the ambassadors. In these instructions it is said that Henry " knoweth not that the Bishop of Eome, the emperor, or any other prince picketh any quarrel with him, and much less war ; and although his grace feared some hostility of them, nevertheless, by the death of a woman, all calumnies be extincted." He asks that, in case any prince shall invade his dominions, the members of the Schmal kaldic League shall furnish him with 500 horse or 1 Proposals of the Elector and Landgrave, December 25, 1535, Corp. Ref. vol. ii. No. 1383. 2 Answer to the proposals of the Elector and Landgrave, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book iii. No. 45. ANNE BOLEYN. 103 with ten ships of war at their own cost for four chap. x. months, and that they shall find him at his expense 2,000 horse and 5,000 foot. Finally, he requires " that the said confederates will take upon them in all councils hereafter, and everywhere else, to promote and defend the opinion of the reverend fathers, Dr. Martyn, Justus Jonas, Cruciger, Pomeran, and Melanchthon, in the cause of his grace's marriage." J Meanwhile, apart from Henry's foreign policy, the Anne prospects of Anne had not been improving. On the ^u'deatii, day on which Catherine's death had been reported at _, °f . _ i i-9oi Catherine. court, she had shown the greatest exultation. She had come to hate Catherine most cordially, and re joiced at the tidings that her detested rival was no more. For, up to this time, every success Anne had gained, every distinction she had obtained, had remained incomplete. She had been proclaimed queen, and heavy penalties had been threatened against those who refused her that title. But Catherine had remained firm, and Henry had not dared to proceed against her to the full extent of his laws. And Anne knew full well that by ninety-nine out of every hundred Englishmen, by nine out of every ten even of her own servants, she herself w7as secretely regarded as 1 Answer of the king's ambassadors, Burnet, Collectanea, part iii. book iii. No. 46. This paper is a draft of the answer which the ambassadors were to make, but which they subsequently had to alter. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 22: "La concubine de ce Roy non- obstant quelle eust monstre grande joye des nouvelles du trespas de la bonne Royne pour lesquelles elle avoit donne ung bon present au messaigier . . ." VOL. II. O 194 ANNE BOLEYN. tjhap. xv. a concubine and usurper, while the prisoner at Kim bolton was considered the lawful wife and queen. Now and then this feeling displayed itself. If wise July, men were afraid to speak, fools were bolder. We find it related that in July the king's jester in open court called Anne and little Elizabeth opprobrious names. Henry was so angry that Sir Nicholas Carew hid the culprit away ; but after a short time the king's wrath subsided, and the jester reappeared.1 Fallen as Catherine was from her former greatness, she could not be wholly deprived of the honour due to the daughter of the great Catholic kings, the aunt of the Kaiser, the kinswoman of nearly every royal family in Europe. She was still spoken of with respect ; and Christian princes, even when they were politically opposed to her, protested against the manner in which she was treated. Anne, on the contrary, was reminded every day of the lowness of her origin, and Henry himself often taunted her with it. No foreign prince unequivocally recognised her as the lawful Queen of England. The German Protestants, following the advice of their theologians, held that Catherine was Henry's wife. Francis I., the only king who ever expressed a kind of friendship for Anne, acknowledged the pope's authority in the matter of the divorce, and could never be brought absolutely to admit the validity of her marriage. As 1 Decipher of a note of Chapuis, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229^, iii. foi. 20 : "Le roy dangleterre a cuyde tuer son foi quest ung innocent pour ce quil disoit et parloitbien des Royne et princesse et disoit Ribalde a la concubine et bastarde a sa fille et a este banni de court et la recelle le grand escuyer." ANNE BOLEYN. mr, to his ministers, we have seen how little respect they chap. xv. now showed her. In these circumstances the death of Catherine seemed at first sight a great gain for the cause of Anne. Now that she was without a rival, it w-as possible to hope that all the opposition offered to her would die out, and that, having no other queen to revere, , people would generally acknowledge her claims. But a very little reflexion brought her to a better appreciation of her position. On the day after Anne Catherine's death she held a small council with her becomes less brother Eochford and a few of her most tried friends.1 sanguine. The precise result of the conference does not appear, 8°i536^ but it was remarked that Anne's joy quickly subsided. For the first time, perhaps, she understood why Henry had so ardently desired the death of his wife.2 But Anne Boleyn was not a woman to succumb without a struggle. She still had a considerable hold over Henry, who stood in some awe of her intelligence, .' her energy, and her courage. If she could contrive Anne and to help him over the worst of his difficulties , she my' might regain much of her power, and at least postpone her fall. Now, one of Henry's chief difficulties arose from the persistency with which Mary asserted her rights. By her stubborn resistance to his demands she encouraged her adherents to oppose him, and in case of an insurrection her friends might prove very 1 Indictment found at Deptford, May 11, 1536, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch ix. Membrane 21. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1536, loc^dP.: "Touteffois elle avoit souvent larmoye soy doubtant quil en oseroit faire delle comme de la bonne Royne." 0 2 196 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. formidable. Could Mary be brought to yield, the ~~ king would be delivered from a serious danger ; the one person capable of being put forward as a pretender against him would thereby lose most of her influence. January, A few days after Catherine's death Cromwell said 153°' to a servant of Chapuis that Charles had no reason to regret an event which would have a good effect on the relations of the empire and England, and that henceforward he would communicate more frequently and more fully with the ambassador. All that was wanted was, that Mary should be persuaded- to sub mit to the king, and in this respect Chapuis would be able to do more than anybody else. Chapuis cer tainly ought to try to influence her, for by doing so he would not only greatly please the king, but benefit Mary who, if she gave way, would be treated better than she had ever been. These suggestions were, of course, disregarded by the ambassador, and for the moment he rather avoided Cromwell.1 This effort having failed, Anne determined to try whether she could not accomplish a task which was beyond the powers of others ; believing that if she succeeded Henry would be less eager to abandon her, and might even reward her w7ith as much gratitude as his nature permitted. First of all, she endeavoured to attain her object by means of what seemed to her to be very generous offers. Mary was told through Lady Shelton that if she would act as a dutiful daughter towards the king, Anne would be to her a second mother and strive to obtain for her everything 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 21, 1536, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 107 she could desire. And if Mary should afterwards chap. xv. wish to come to court, she would be held excused from bearing Anne's train and would always walk by her side. That is to say, Mary was to take rank before every other lady at court, Anne herself excepted ; she was to have all honour shown to her as at the height of her former fortune.1 Even ladies of the blood royal were obliged occasionally to bear the queen's train, and the princesses were not always entitled to walk at the queen's side. The greatness of the offer shows how much Anne desired to see Mary at her court. But Anne had misunderstood Mary's character. Her opposition to the divorce and to the subsequent Acts was not due only to her regard for her mother, nor was her resistance after Catherine's death influenced by worldly considerations. So when Lady Shelton besought her with tears to submit to the will of the king, Mary would give no other answer but that she wished to obey her father in everything that was not opposed to her honour and conscience.2 The 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "La concubine a ce que ma envoye dire la dicte princesse luy a fait gecter la premiere amorse et luy a fait dire par sa tante quest gouvernante de la dicte princesse que si elle vouloit se demettre de son obstinacion et obeyr comme une bonne fille a la volente du Roy son pere quelle luy seroit la meilleure amye du monde et comme une autre mere et procureroit luy faire avoir ce quelle scauroit demander, et que si elle vouloit venir en court elle seroit exemptee luy haulser la quehue de sa robe et si la mes- neroit tousjours a son couste . . ." 2 Ibid. : " Et ne cesse la dicte gouvernante et a chauldes larmes de prier la dicte princesse d avoir regard aux dictes affaires a quoy na aultre respondu la dicte princesse synon quil 198 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. acceptance of the new statutes she considered contrary to both. She stood up not only for her mother's fair fame, but for the authority of the pope and the tenets of the Church of Eome. Instead of promises, threats were now tried. Anne wrote to Lady Shelton that she was not to take any further trouble with that obstinate and undutiful girl. All that Anne had hitherto done had been out of charity and pity, and she was indifferent whether Mary submitted or not. She merely wanted to save Mary before she herself should give birth to a son, as she shortly expected to do. For after the birth of a prince — she well knew — the king wrould not hesitate to punish Mary, and no mercy would be shown to her. This letter Lady Shelton, as if by chance, dropped in Mary's oratory ; and the princess, finding it there, read it and took a copy of it, which she sent to Chapuis.1 Mary was frightened for a moment, but she did not yield, and a message from Chapuis sustained her courage. Anne was bitterly disappointed to find that the will she had attempted to bend was as inflexible as her own. She was seen to cry, and was extremely harassed and agitated.3 Almost her only hope now lay in the pregnancy to which she had alluded in her letter to Lady Shelton. The statement was true ; and if she was lucky enough to bear Henry a son, ny avoit fille au monde que voulsust estre plus obeissante a son pere en ce quelle pourroit faire saulvant son honneur et sa conscience . . ." 1 Anne Boleyn to Lady Shelton, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 34. ANNE BOLEYN. 195) he might in his joy forget everything else and once chap. xv. more return under her sway. But the excitement of the last few days had told upon her health, which constant anxiety had been steadily undermining ; and Anne on the 29th of January— the very day on which her "faZm™' rival and victim was buried — she miscarried in the 29> 1536- fourth month of her pregnancy.1 Henry had no compassion for Anne in her trouble- He went to her bedside, and gruffly told her that he now saw that God would not give him a son ; then, rising to leave, he said harshly that when she re covered he would speak to her. The unhappy woman passionately exclaimed that her miscarriage was not her fault. She had been frightened by the way in which the Duke of Norfolk had told her of the king's fall from his horse. Besides, as her love for the king was far greater than Catherine's had ever been, she could not bear to see him making love to others. This imprudent explanation enraged the king, who did not admit her right to reprove him for his unfaithfulness.2 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 10, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 26. 2 Ibid, and Chapuis to Charles V., February 24, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 42: "Sire jentends de plusieurs de ceste court quil y a passe trois mois que ce Roy na parle dix fois a la concubine et quant elle abortit il ne luy tint guayres aultres propoz synon quil voyoit bien que dieu ne luy vouloit donner enfans masles, et en sen allant comme pour despit il luy dit assez de male grace que aprez quelle seroit releve quil parleroit a elle et me semble que la dicte concubyne disoit deux choses estre en cause du diet inconvenient, lune la chute du Roy, 1 autre pour ce que lamour quelle luy pourtoit estoit trop plus grande 200 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. Anne had alluded to a fact of which the whole Jane court had lately become aware. The king was Seymour. makmg iove to Mistress Jane Seymour, or Seamer, the daughter of Sir John Seamer of Wolfhall in Wiltshire. In a letter to Antoine Perrenot, the son of the lord keeper Granvelle, she was described by her ally and friend Eustache Chapuis. Writing on the 18th of May, 1536, Chapuis says that the emperor, or my lord the chancellor, may wish to hear something of the new friend of the king. " She is the sister," he continues, "of a certain Edward Semel, wThd has been in the service of his majesty [the emperor] ; she is of middle height, and nobody thinks that she has much beauty. Pier complexion is so whitish that she may be called rather pale. She is a little over twenty- five. You may imagine whether, being an English woman, and having been so long at court, she would not hold it a sin to be still a maid. At which this king will perhaps be rather pleased. ... for he may marry her on condition that she is a virgin, and when he wants a divorce he will find plenty of witnesses to the contrary. The said Semel is not very intelligent, and is said to be rather haughty. She was formerly in the service of the good queen [Catherine], and seems to bear great good-will and respect to the princess. I am not sure wdiether later on the honours plus fervente que celle de la feue Royne, de sorte que le cueur luy rompoit quant elle veoit quil en aimoyt des autres. Duquel propoz le diet Roy a este fort marry et en fait bien le semblant veu que ces jours de feste et bonne chiere yl est yci et laissa lautre a Grinuioh la ou autrefois ne la pouvoit habandoner une heure," ANNE BOLEYN. 201 heaped on her will not make her change her chap, j mind." l Chapuis added a few remarks which cannot be decently translated, and Perrenot, while deciphering the letter, interspersed it with glosses of his own, which, while they do not speak in favour of the propriety of the future cardinal, show that he had no very exalted opinion of Jane's virtue. The account given by Chapuis to the secretary seems upon the whole to have been correct. If we may judge by her portraits, Jane was indeed very pale, and by no means remarkably handsome. There is nothing in her career which indicates superior intelligence ; and although Henry necessarily affected to believe in her virtue, she was no better than the other young women of a coarse and dissolute court. But she had a very great advantage. Nearly the whole court favoured her, and the most intimate servants of the king instructed her how to humour him. The consequence was that she played her game more skilfully than any of her predecessors (with the exception of Anne) had done. While trying to fascinate Henry, and to be as much as possible in his company, she resisted his wishes, and made a great profession of high principles.2 That he believed in her sincerity is improbable, his opinion of others being always extremely low. But he was as well pleased with a decent appearance of virtue as with 1 E. Chapuis to Antoine Perrenot, May 18, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. fob 20. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 50. 202 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. Divided councils of the mal contents. Henry alienated from Anne. virtue itself, which he had been taught by Catherine to associate with many disagreeable characteristics. Jane's influence, therefore, increased, and the whole party of Anne became seriously alarmed.1 The malcontents were highly pleased ; but their councils were divided. Those who were nearest the court hoped that, by the aid of Mistress Seymour, they might effect their purpose without having recourse to open rebellion. The other party, on the contrary, thought that their hopes had been too often deceived, and that the safest plan would be to rise in the spring. Chapuis, who had not yet received new instructions, did not wish to commit himself : he favoured neither the one opinion nor the other, but prepared quietly for the flight of Mary and for his own safety in case of a rupture.2 Before Anne's miscarriage, a few days after Catherine's death, the king said in strict confidence to one of his most trusted servants (so Chapuis was informed by Lord and Lady Exeter) that he had been driven by sorcery to marry Anne, and that he thought such a marriage could not be valid. God himself clearly showed its invalidity by not granting 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, March 18, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. foi. 10 : "Les nouvelles amours de ce roy avec la demoyselle dont ait cydevant escript vont tousiours en avant a la grosse raige de la concubyne." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, January 29, 1536, loc. cit. ; and E. Chapuis to Antoine Perrenot, January 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. fob 1 : "Si le cas me preignoit bien comme ceulx cy sont barbares et diaboliques vous verriez de terribles exclandres toutesfois le mandant sa maieste Ion post- posera le tout, je dis de mon couste." 3, 1535. ANNE BOLEYN. 203 him male offspring.1 When Anne recovered from her chap. xv. confinement, Henry continued to treat her with marked coldness. She had been accustomed to follow him wherever he went ; now she had to remain at Greenwich while he spent with his courtiers a merry shrove-tide in London.2 The altered demeanour of the king towards Anne was generally remarked, and held to bode no good to her. Anne's former allies, the French, were now among Francis her most active enemies. As soon as Francis I. had Uphold received du Bellay's letters, containing a copy of the P^w at proposed sentence, he had sent off a courier to Eome December with instructions to his ambassadors. They were ordered not to interfere in favour of Henry : whether the sentence against him was issued or not, whether it was severe or mild, whether it deprived him of his kingdom or only laid him under spiritual censures, was all the same to the King of France. The letter reached Eome on the evening of the 9 th of December, and was read by du Bellay with mingled wonder and dismay. The tone of his reply shows how sorry he 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., January 29, 1536, loc. cit. : "Ace matin Ion mest venu dire de la part de la dame mencionne en mes lectres du six de novembre et de son mariz quilz estoient advertiz dung des principaulx de court que ce Roy avoit deu dire a quelcung par grand secret et comme en confession quil avoit faict ce mariaige seduict et contrainct de sortileges et que a ceste cause yl tenoit ce diet mariaige nul et que bien le monstroit dieu que ne leur permectoit avoir lignee masculine et quil tenoit quil en pouvoit prendre une autre, ce quil donnoit a entendre avoyt envie de faire. La chose mest bien difficile a croyre, oyres quelle soit venue de bon lieu." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 24, 1536, loc. cit. 10, 1535. 204 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. was that he could not use the influence of Francis on behalf of Henry and Anne.1 December On the day after the courier arrived at Eome a consistory was held about the English business, and the pope caused an altered draft of the sentence to be read to the cardinals. In sending a copy of this draft to their king du Bellay and Denonville wrote : " We have followed your orders point by point. The thing appears to everybody to be badly drawn up and full of danger for the future, but it is according to your wishes. We presume you are content that the sentence should be on the one hand so severe and on the other so unjust, that you may be able to make such use of it as your affairs require. If this be so, your intention has been very well fulfilled." 2 • To the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Cardinal of 1 Cardinal da Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and of Tournon, December 22, 1535, Paris. Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 5,499, fob 275-6 : " Lequel Trany estoit pour faire ce que les serviteurs du Roy luy eussent diet et la pluspart des aultres avec et jen avois seurete .... mais ayant la nuict precedente et a propoz receu ses lettres du troysieme je suyvy son intention car nottez que jeusse peu faire tourner le de sur ung coste ou sur lautre " .... "lejour du feu Trivolce sen sceut tres bien exempter depuis que je luy euz faict responce quil ny alloit de linterestz du Roy ne pro ne contra." 2 Cardinal du Bellay and C. de Denonville to Francis L, December 22, 1535, Paris Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fols. 269 b: " Le lendemain au matin fut mis sur le bureau laffaire dangleterre dont nous estions en grande peine. Et en icelluy y avons suivy vostre intention de poinct en poinct. . . . La chose semble a chascun mal digeree et de mauvaise conse quence, mais elle est selon vostre desseing ; et presuposons bien que Vous estes content que la sentence soit si aigre dune part et si injuste de lautre que Vous puissiez Vous en ayder selon ce que ANNE BOLEYN. 205 Tournon, du Bellay wrote at greater length, giving chap. xv. them an account of what had passed in the consistory. The The pope was extremely irritated on finding that in "against the opinion of nearly all the cardinals the sentence was Penry iii discussed too severe, and that they thought he ought not to by the issue it without first citing Henry to appear and show popetngn cause why he should not be excommunicated for having cardinals. killed Cardinal Fisher.1 Cardinal Schomberg was in favour of proceeding at once, but he thought the terms of the bull too severe.2 Schomberg, Contarini, and Gonzaga represented to the pope that times were changed, that the papal power was somewhat less than it had been, and that regard ought to be had to the irritation wdiich such a sentence might produce among foreign nations.5 This roused the anger of the pope. God, he declared, had placed him above emperor, kings, and princes, and he fully intended to make use of his power.4 As to the sentence, it was a perfectly proper one ; it had been drawn up by men Vos affaires le requerent. Si ainsi est Vous avez tres bien Vostre intendit." 1 Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and of Tournon, December 22, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fob 275-6 : " Jusques a Capua tous sont dadvis que non debere Incipi ab executione et que citatio seu monitio (?) deberet procedere sentenciam maxime quum ageretur de novo et graviore delicto pro quo nondum Rex fuerat citatus." 2 Ibid. : " Capua mitiga encore plus les paines mais tolust la citation. . ." 3 Ibid : " Et aux aultres qui estoient Capua, Contarin, et Mantue pour ce quilz vouloient que, habenda esset Ratio temporum quum imminuta sit aliquo modo auctoritas sedis apostolice Censuimus agendum nee provocandas omnes nationes In nos ob interdicta commertia." 4 Ibid. : " Et sur ce point fut le grand feu de la colere. Et CHAP. XV. 206 ANNE BOLEYN. whose fitness for the task was above suspicion.1 Some cardinal — probably du Bellay — said the emperor and the King of France ought first to be consulted, but the pope answered that he had consulted them long ago. The emperor had replied that, if the pope did his duty, he would show by executing the sentence to the utmost of his ability that he was the true friend and protector of the Holy See. And the king, to give him his due, after having greatly blamed the abominable misdeeds of the King of England, had promised as much if the emperor kept his word.2 Du Bellay was taken aback by this statement, having never heard that any such promise had been made by Francis. But of late he had not been very well informed as to the policy of the king, and, mindful of his instructions, he remained silent.3 Schomberg, aided by Campeggio, tried to induce Dieu scait sil menassa bien et reitera de nespargner empereurs, Roys et princes puisque Dieu la constitue sur eulx." 1 Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and of Tournon, December 22, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fob 275-6 : " Pour conclusion quil falloit quelle se despeschast et incontinent comme bien faicte, bien digeree et bien couchee et en bons termes quoy quon en dist et ne quon laccusast que plusieurs estoient davis de limer le style, et quil y avoit commis viros omni ecceptione majores et sic est finis." 2 Ibid. : " Pource quaulcuns ¦ vouloient quon en advertist premierement le Roy et lempereur il sen courouca et dist lavoir desia faict et que le diet empereur avoit respondu que la ou il seroit icy procedde comme il doibt il monstreroit en lexecution quil est vrai advocat et protecteur de leglise et quil se y mecteroit jusques au bout. Et le Roy, et ne et ipsum frauderet sua laude, apres avoir fort blasme et abominez les meschancetez faict par le Roy dangleterre en avoyt promis aultant que dessuz moyennant que le diet empereur ny faillist de son coste." 3 Ibid. : " Si cela est vrriyjp ne scais, car Monsr de Mascons / ANNE BOLEYN. 207 du Bellay to explain the position of the King of chap, x France in this matter. Campeggio urged that in issuing the sentence the pope ought not to offend those princes who had some understanding with Henry, especially the most Christian king. It was said that the King of France was a great friend of the King of England, and that they had concluded a treaty of alliance which both kept secret.1 Schom berg made a more direct effort to compel du Bellay to reveal wdiat he knew. He reminded the con sistory of the promptitude with which Pope Clement had acted in a moment of difficulty. Some persons had made a show of promoting a reconciliation of Henry with the Church, and had pretended that he was sending a mandate, when in reality astute men were being despatched to enter a protest. Clement, perceiving this, without waiting for the customary forms, had pronounced sentence, deceiving thereby those who had hoped to take him in.2 At this very direct attack du Bellay fired up. He ne moy nen sceumes jamais rien entendre de dela quelques in stances que nous ayons faictes." 1 Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and of Tournon, December 22, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais vol. 5,499, fob 2-75-6 : " Campiege disoit considerandum esse ne fcederati principes lederentur presertim Rex Christianissimus, quern audiebat magnam amicitiam habere cum Rege Anglo et inter eos aliqua fcedera esse et pacta, qua ipse nesciret qua essent, ut esse solent inter principes amicos secreta." 2 Ibid. : " Capua en persuadant de incontinent donner la sentence dist : ne nobis, inquit, accidat ut accidisset Clementi nisi mature providisset. Clam quum essent qui ostenderent velle Ilium Reconciliare ecclesie et fingeretur mittendum maudatum, interim hue mitebat clam viros astutos qui facerent protestationes quod previdens Clemens subitum nee expectatis terminis pro- 208 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. first ironically thanked Campeggio for the care with which he watched over the interests of Francis. Then he launched into a long discourse, defending his own action and that of his king. He had begun to speak of the meeting of Marseilles, and was saying that all would have been satisfactorily arranged but for the Bishop of Winchester, when the pope broke in—" And nevertheless," he exclaimed, " that very scoundrel, that accursed man, is even now ambassador with the most Christian king." 1 Du Bellay went on to say that at Calais Francis had withdrawn from the negotiations about the marriage of Angouleme and Elizabeth, which would have made the young duke the future King of England, because Henry insisted on certain articles in the treaty that might ultimately have brought about some danger of discord between the Holy See and France.2 " No," interrupted the pope, " your king broke off because the King of England wanted to have the Duke of Angouleme as a hostage. That I know perfectly well." The cardinal, according to his own account, replied with no more nuntiavit sententiam, illis deceptis qui his artibus eum volebant fallere. Voila ses motz." 1 Cardinal du Bellay to the . Cardinals of Lorraine and of Tournon, December 22, 1535, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fob 275-6 : " Et tamen, dist le pape perseverant en sa collere ou furie en tous propoz et contre chacun, ille idem nebulo ille maledictus vir etiam nunc est orator apud regem christianissimum." 2 Ibid. : " Concluant que le Roy avoit laisse a saproprier pour son filz de ung tel Royaulme que celuy dangleterre pour le respect du Sainct Siege pour aultant quaux conditions proposes par le diet Roy dangleterre il y avoit ung "article qui de degre en degre a la fin engendroit par indirect quelque dangier de discorde a ladvenir entre ledict Sainct Siege et la France." ANNE BOLEYN. 209 moderation than was necessary, and he and the pope chap. xv. seem to have had a violent quarrel.1 At last Cardinal de Cupis, who on that day acted as dean of the college, managed to quiet the pope.2 Du Bellay, on his part, gave up further opposition, and agreed that the pope might issue the bull without submitting it once more to the college of cardinals.3 The matter remained in suspense for a few weeks, for Paul III. himself, however incensed against Henry, eould not but feel some misgivings as to the effect the bull might produce. No public step, therefore, had been taken when the news of Catherine's death arrived. This suggested to the pope a possibility of new combinations ; and as he thoroughly mistrusted du Bellay and du Bellay's friend, Denonville, he sent for the French secretary, Nicolas Eaince, and opened his mind to him. He simply wished Francis to offer the hand of his daughter Madeleine to Henry. For the 1 Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon, December 22, 1534, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 5,499, fob 275-6: "Mais la nostre Sainct pere me vint rompre la parolle disant que le Roy avoit laisse de traicter pour ce que le Roy dangleterre voulait le due dangoulesme pour ostage me replicquant par plusieurs foys et en collere quil le scavoit bien et eust vouluntiers diet mieulx que moy. A quoy je use en mes responces dhumilite non plus grande que je debvoye." 2 Ibid. : " Trany faisant le doyen mist peine de le rappaiser de sorte que pour ce coup nous ne feusmes poinct envoyez au chasteau Sainct Ange." 3 Cardinal du Bellay and Denonville to Francis I., December 22, 1535, loc. cit. : " Jay faict soubz main que la dicte sentence afin destre moins valide ne fust plus remise au consistoire et a nostre Sainct pere arreste en soy quelle passera oultre non en la forme que je Vous disoy premierement mays en celle que je Vous envoye le double cotte." VOL. II. P 210 ANNE BOLEYN. chap xv. sake of so great a match, Henry might be prepared to a match discard Anne and to return to communion with Eome.1 buggbyS e Eaince seems to have reported the matter to his Paul in. friends at the French court, and in subsequent letters January, 1536. we find hints that Francis really took up the matter 'ims? and felt his ground in England, or at least gave out that he was doing so.2 The new The fact was, Francis now thoroughly understood ^Francis, ^at ^ was necessary to make a choice ; that if he continued to stand by Henry and Anne he would entirely lose the good-will of the pope. And as Henry did not offer him any great advantages, the choice was soon made. The death of Catherine only confirmed Francis in his purpose, for Henry, feeling more secure, became much less tractable. The object of the new policy of the French king was to bring about an understanding with the emperor; and he formally undertook to forsake the King of England if Charles would satisfy his demands with regard to Italy. Du Bellay, who was considered too violent and too friendly to Henry and Anne, was recalled from Eome ; s and after his departure the French Januar 1536. 1 Nicolas Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, May 23, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 19,577. 2 N. Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, April 3, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 19,577; and E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 1, 1536, loc. cit. 8 Viscount Hanart to the Empress, March 10, 1536, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,588, foi. 226: "Anoche despues de venido de la corte questa a VI leguas de aqui en el delfinado supe que el cardinal de paris es venido en posta de Roma dice el vulgo en esta villa que viene . . . por miedo de sus malas plalicas . . . en perjuycio de Vras Majestades." 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 211 agents with the pope, so far from opposing the issuing chap. xv. of the sentence, seem (about the end of March) to March. have urged the pope publicly to excommunicate the former ally of their master. Francis, having ceased to look for any considerable assistance from Henry, wished to have the sentence published, that Charles might be prevented from concluding an alliance with England.1 After the failure of Anne's attempt to subdue Mary, the princess had not been further molested, and in some minor points Cromwell had granted the requests made in her name by Chapuis. Nevertheless, feeling uneasy about her safety, the ambassador went on with his preparations for her flight. But towards the end of February he received a message to the effect that Cromwell desired to have a secret Cromwell interview with him at St. Austin's church. On the 24th Chapuis complied, with this request, and the secretary, after complaining of some news he had Chapuis. received from France, began to speak of a closer 24, 153d. alliance between Charles and Henry, and urged Chapuis to propose conditions.2 At first the ambas sador was somewhat reticent, but after some time he hinted at four conditions which might form a basis for negotiation. What answer would be given, he in quired, if Charles asked, first, that Henry should sub mit to the pope and acknowledge the power of the Holy See ? secondly, that the Princess Mary should be declared legitimate and reinstated in her former rank ? 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, April 13, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iii. fob 19. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 24, 1536. P 2 has a secret interview with 212 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. thirdly, that the King of England should furnish help against the Turks ? and fourthly, that an offensive and defensive alliance should be concluded between Charles and Henry against everybody who might wrong or attack either ? 1 Cromwell quickly replied that as to the two latter points there would be no difficulty whatever ; the king wished for such an alliance, and was ready to help to fight the Turk. As to the Lady Mary, this certainly was the proper time to arrange her affairs ; and he felt sure it would be done to Charles's satisfaction.2 The first demand presented the only real difficulty. "Might not the question," he sug gested, " be referred to commissioners ? " Chapuis met this proposal with an absolute refusal ; he would not hear of the matter being referred even to a council called by the emperor. Henry must admit the pope's 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, February 24, 1536: " Je luy vins a dire de moimesme que pour retourner a renovacion de intelligence et amitie dont il mavoit parle, si Vostre Maieste comme prince tres catholique et protecteur de leglise requeroit prealablement le Roy son maistre de soy remettre en lobeissance apostolique et reconcilier a lunion de leglise et pareillement si demandoit Vostre Maieste la princesse estre declaree legitime et reintegre en son estat et tiercement si Vostre Maieste requeroit le Roy dangleterre dentrer en lighe contre le turcq pour y faire entrer la Germanie qua pieca ouffert une tres- grande ayde pour icelle entreprinse pourveu que les autres princes y entrevinssent et quartement si Vostre Maieste le requerroit de lighe generale offensive et deffensive contre ceulx que pour- roient tenir et avoir tort de lung ou de lautre, quest ce que le dit Roy son maistre vouldroit respondre et faire sur le tout." 2 Ibid. : " Au regard de la princesse que maintenant estoit la propre et opportune sayson dentendre a pourveoir de remedier aux affaires de la dicte princesse au contantement de Vostre Maieste et que la porte en estoit ouverte." ANNE BOLEYN. 213 authority. Afterwards the points in dispute, with chap. xv. the consent of both parties, might be submitted to a ~ council to be called by the pope. Cromwell did not entirely reject these conditions ; he only remarked that it would be best to begin the negotiations about some minor matter that would lead in the end to the principal question. He thought the emperor might send Chapuis 'full powers to treat of a reconciliation and alliance. The French he continued to condemn in strong terms ; and in doing so he used an expression which could not but arrest the attention of the ambassador. He said that the conduct of Francis was resented not only by him and his friends but by the chief of those who were in receipt of French pensions — Norfolk, Suffolk, and Fitzwilliam — nay, even, he added, by the other party and faction. The reference was to Lord Wiltshire ; and the obvious intention of Cromwell was to show that he no longer desired to be associated with the adherents of Anne.1 He ended by asking Chapuis to be of good cheer with regard both to the rights of the Lady Mary and to all other matters still undecided. Let him remember the wonders that had been accomplished since Cromwell had had the direction of the royal affairs.2 Chapuis immediately wrote a detailed account of 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, February 24, 1536: "Et aussy ceulx questoient comme il disoit de lautre part et faction cest assavoir le comte de Vulcher." 2 Ibid. : " Que au surplus eusse bon expoir et que considerasse les merveilles quil avoit yci faictes depuis quil avoit eu le gouver nement des affaires du Roy son maistre." 214 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xv. the conversation to his master, and, pointing out the advantages that might be derived from a reconciliation with England, he asked for further in structions and, if a reconciliation was to be effected, for the necessary powers. The direct route to Italy being unsafe, the courier to whom this despatch was entrusted was obliged to take a roundabout way, and, as the roads at that time of the year were bad, his ^3 journey lasted no less than five weeks. At last, on the 29th of March, he overtook the emperor at Gaeta on his way to Eome.1 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., February 24, 1536 : Indorsement : " Receues le 296me de Mars a Gayette." CHAPTEE XVI. CHARLES V. AND ANNE. On the 28th of February, 1536, Charles V. received Instruc- a packet containing three letters from Chapuis, dated chapuis. the 18th of December, the 30th of December, and F0e0b™??% the 9th of January. He immediately sent the ambassador new instructions. Chapuis was to take up the proposals for a reconciliation and for a closer alliance which had been made by Henry on the 30th of December ; the pretext being that since the queen was dead it might be unnecessary to adopt further measures with regard to the sentence, or to remit the matter to a council, if only Mary were fairly treated. Henry was to be advised that the best way of dealing with the princess would be to arrange for her some honourable marriage. These instructions were not seriously meant, for the emperor, seeing Henry so obstinate about Anne, thought that a good under standing was in the meantime impossible. But he considered it expedient to seem to be carrying on negotiations. King Francis would hear of them, his insolence would be somewhat checked, and he might even be brought, if he were made sufficiently angry with Henry, to treat with Charles to the advantage 2ia ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. of Mary. In any case time would be gained, and — when Charles had beaten the French he would be better able to dictate his conditions as to the princess and as to English affairs in general.1 New in- The letter written by Chapuis on the 24th of Marcn°28 February changed the emperor's opinion ; and on the 1536. ' day on which he received it new and more detailed instructions were sent to the ambassador. They were highly characteristic of the emperor and of his advisers. Charles had been a staunch friend of Catherine, and even after her death he never admitted that the divorce was legal. In this respect he acted in a perfectly honourable manner, post poning his interest to what he considered right and due to his aunt. But, on the other hand, although he believed that Catherine had been poisoned, although he knew that she had been persecuted at Anne's request, he either thought of her wrongs with perfect composure, or concealed his indignation to suit the exigencies of his policy. He himself, as he had already proved, and as he proved still more decisively at a later period, was so ready to plan and order murders, that he may have felt it would be slightly absurd to resent a murder committed by an adversary. His new instructions to Chapuis were, therefore, a model of cool and able statecraft, as statecraft was understood in the sixteenth century. As to the four points raised by the ambassador, the difficulties of the first did not seem to the emperor to 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, February 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iv. fob 5 ; and Lanz, Corresponded Kaiser Karls V., vol. ii. p. 212. ANNE BOLEYN. 217 be very great. It related to the sentence of divorce chap. xvi. and to the refusal of the annates. If the claims of The the princess were respected, the complications con- enveror r r proposes nected with the sentence might be avoided ; and that regarding the annates Charles would do his utmost at and6 Anne the court of Eome to settle the dispute to Henrv's shal1 be • n • nj • con~ satisfaction. Chapuis was to urge that the princess ciliated. should be expressly declared legitimate, and to point out that this might be done in virtue of the bona fides parentum. If Henry would not concede so much, he ought at least to let the matter remain in suspense, and to make no declaration to the contrary. On the other hand, Mary ought to abandon the hostile tone she had adopted, and should not ask the emperor to support her claims by force or to do more than he had done already. " As long as the king lives," the emperor wrote, " the said princess cannot pretend to anything more, nor can we or any other of her rela tives proceed much further by asking for other things in her favour. It matters not what the wrong done to her late mother may have been. For she cannot in good conscience insist upon avenging this wrong on her father or consent to its being done by others, even if the life of her mother has been, as is sus pected, shortened by foul means. If the sentence about the divorce be executed in order that the king may forsake his concubine, he may marry somebody else, while it is quite clear that from the said con cubine he can have no progeny that can hereafter dispute the right of the princess to the succession." 1 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, March 28, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iv. fob 12 : " Vivant le dit Roy dangleterre la dicte 213 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. As clear and logical as possible. If at Henry's death the choice of the nation lay between Mary and Elizabeth, the former would be pretty sure to succeed. And as Anne's marriage was invalid, any son she might have would be illegitimate, and Mary would still have a right to the crown.. It was, therefore, to the advantage of Mary and indirectly of Charles that her father should retain his mistress, and in the opinion of the emperor this consideration was more important than any other. So we find the son of Juana la Loca preaching filial respect, the murderer of Vogelsberger and so many others inculcating the duty of forgiving all offences. But Charles thought that Mary might not be able to control her feelings ; perhaps, too, he feared that Henry and Anne, to make quite sure, would prefer to poison her. He added, therefore, that if possible a husband should be found for her out of England. The Infante Dom Luis of Portugal— brother of the empress — -would be a very suitable match. The concubine and her adherents, said Charles, would be unreasonable if they objected to such a marriage, princesse ne peult pretendre davantaige ni a aultre action ny nous et autres ses parents pouvons passer plus avant quant a requerir dadvantage en sa faveur quoy quil soit des injures faictes a sa feue mere dont elle ne peut persister en bonne conscience a la vendicacion contre son diet pere ne encoires consentir quil se fist quant oires la vie de sa dicte feue mere fut este advancee sinistrement comme Ion sen doubte et si Ion veut poursuivre lexecucion de la sentence dudict divorce affin que le diet Sr Roy delaisse sa concubyne il se pourra marier marier (sic) a aultre ou il est tout certain et evident que de lad. concubine il ne peut avoir lignee que empesche le droit de succescion de lad. princesse." ANNE BOLEYN. 219 for the Portuguese were peaceful neighbours. "But," chap. xvi. he continued, " should the concubine not be satisfied with the proposal either that Mary should be legiti mated, or that the matter should be left in suspense — a proposal which, after all, she and all her adherents ought to welcome as a means of escape from the fear and danger in which they now continually are — and should she claim more for her daughter, or for the children she may still have, the negotiation must not for that be broken off. Her ultimate object must be found out. And after you have made to her such observations as you think may serve, you shall say that you will write to us about it, unless indeed the thing be too exorbitant." : Granvelle here added a few words on the draft of the letter to the effect that Chapuis was in this matter to ask for Cromwell's help. He was to com municate the above. If there was anything the concubine or her adherents were not to know, a certain sign would be made. And the sign appears before a paragraph setting forth that if Henry had 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, March 28, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iv. fob 12 : " Et pourtant quant oires la dt8 concubine ne se vouldroit contenter de lung ou lautre des moyens avantdits de la declaration ou suspencion que touteffois elle et touts ses adherens devront tenir pour tres grand bien pour soy quieter de la crainte et dangier ou continuellement ils sont et oultre ce voulsist requerir et pretendre plus pour sa fille et au diets enfans quelle pourra avoir, ne fault point tant en faire rompre la pratique, mais assentir du tout ce aussy a quoy elle sarrestera, et aprez luy avoir remonstre ce que verrez servir aux propoz Vous remectre a nous en avertir si [non] que la chose soit par troup ex- borbitante . . ." 220 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. already decided to discard Anne and to take some body else, Chapuis was not to offer too much opposition, unless the .king wanted to marry a Frenchwoman.1 This despatch shows how far Charles was ready to go. For years he had been the bitterest enemy of Anne. Now his ambassador was ordered to treat with her, to negotiate with her a kind of truce, almost an alliance. So strong were the terms of the first draft of the letter that Granvelle, fearing Chapuis might defend Anne even against Henry himself, warned him that this was to be done only under certain conditions. The explanation of all these concessions was indi cated in the last two points noted in the instructions. Charles wanted aid against the Turk, and he wanted an alliance against Francis ; at least, Henry was to defend the Low Countries or to give a good sum of money for the war. The emperor would have found it quite compatible with his religion to pocket the proceeds of the sale of the abbey lands ; and had Anne been able to obtain for him so great a favour, he would have thanked her for it by smoothing over her difficulties. The courier who carried this reply did not travel more rapidly than the one who had brought the letter of Chapuis. The consequence was that the ambas sador did not receive his new instructions before the 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, March 28, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iv. fob 12 : "En vous nydant dudict Crumuell . . . et sil y a chose que doige estre tenue secrete ou dissimulee a la dicte concubine ou ses adherens il sen usera selon ce 4- ." ANNE BOLEYN. 221 15th of April.1 In the meantime a good deal had chap, xvi. happened to change the situation. The influence of Jane Seymour had greatly Henry increased. By the end of February her brother "seymoml Edward Seymour had been made a gentleman of the February, king's privy chamber.2 In the middle of March, March, when Jane was with the court at Greenwich, Henry sent her from London a letter and a purse full of sovereigns. This gave her an opportunity of making a fine show of virtue. She took the king's letter, kissed it in token of respect and devotion, but returned it unopened ; then, falling on her knees, she charged the gentleman who had brought it to do the same to the king, and to beseech him in her name to remember that she was a gentlewoman sprung from a good and honourable stock, free from any taint whatever. She had no greater treasure in this world than her honour ; not even fear of death would make her forget it. She would not take the purse, but said that if the king wanted to make her a present, let it be when God should send her some good and honest husband.3 The gentleman, who 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 21, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 58. 2 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, March 18, 1536, loc cit. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, loc. cit. : " Sire tout a cest instant la marquise ma envoye dire ce que desia mavoit affirme maistre heliot ascavoir que ses jours passez estant ce Roy en ceste ville, et la demoyselle maistresse semel laquelle yl sert a grynuitz yl luy envoya une bourse pleine de souverains en semble une lectre et que la dicte demoyselle ayant baise la lectre la retourna au messagier sans la vouloir ouvrir et se gectant a genoulx elle supplia au diet messagier vouloir supplier au Roy 222 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. seems to have been a friend of Jane, returned to Henry with the purse and the letter, and delivered the lady's message. The king was by no means displeased ; the next time he saw her he greatly praised the modest and prudent answer she had sent him. She had acted most virtuously, he said ; and to give her full proof that the love he bore her was honest, henceforward he would not speak to her except in the presence of some of her relatives. That the good king might suffer no loss by his scrupulous delicacy, Cromwell had to give up a room he occupied in the palace. In this room, which had the advantage of being accessible by a secret passage, Sir Edward Seymour and his wife were lodged, and there Jane received her lover.1 Henry was probably not aware that the highly moral speeches of Jane were not even of her own de sa part vouloir considerer par sa prudence quelle estoit gentil" feme issue de bons et hounorables parens sans nul reproche et quelle navoit plus grande richesse en ce monde que son honneur, lequel pour mille mors elle ne vouldroit blesser et que syl luy vouloit faire quelque present dargent elle luy supplioit que ce fust quand dieu luy enverroit quelque bon party de mariaige." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 1, 1536, loc. cit.: "Sire icelle marquise ma envoye dire que par ce lamour et fan- taisie dicelluy Roy sestoit augmente vers la dicte demoiselle merveilleusement et quil luy avoit dit quelle en avoit use tres vertueusement et que pour luy donner a cognoistre quil ne laymoit synon damour honneste il ne deliberoit desormais de parler avec elle synon en presence de quelqun de ses parens et a ceste cause le diet Roy a faict desloger maistre cremuel dune ehambre a laquelle le diet Seigneur Roy peut aller par certaines galleries sans estre veu ne appercu, et illec a losge laisne frere de la dicte damoyselle avec sa femme pour illec faire venir la dite demoyselle . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 223 invention, but that she was taught by his attendants chap. xvi. how to behave. Sir Nicholas Carew, Sir Thomas Eliot and other intimate servants of the king warned her not to yield to Henry unless he married her, and Jane was wise enough to follow their advice. At a intrigue given moment, they further urged, she was to tell the "£"/' king that the whole nation held his marriage with Anne in abomination, and that nobody considered it valid. All around there were to be people who would confirm what she said, if the king ordered them on their allegiance to tell him the truth. For this purpose the help of Chapuis was desired ; and the Marchioness of Exeter, who kept the ambassador well April 1, informed of all that went on at court, sent him a message on the 1st of April imploring him to lend his aid.1 ' Chapuis, who had not yet received his new instruc- Cromwell tions, felt rather inclined to grant the request of Lady the°lm. Exeter. Since the meeting at Austin friars Cromwell Penaluts. had shown himself more and more friendly to the imperial ambassador and to the imperial party. In the beginning of March he happened to speak to 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, loc. cit. : "Laquelle est bien endoctrine de la pluspart des privez du Roy qui hayent la concubyne quelle ne doije en sorte du monde complaire a la fantaisie du Roy sy nest par tiltre de mariaige de quoy elle este toute resolue. II luy est aussy conseille quelle die hardy- ment au Roy quelle abhominacion a tout ce peuple de ce mariage et qne nul ne le tient pour legitime et au poinct quelle proposera la dicte affaire yl ny doit avoir que gens attiltres que propos- eroient le mesmes pourveu que le Roy les contraigne sur le jure- ment et fidelites quilz luy ont, et desireroit ladicte Marquise que moy ou quelque autre de la part de Vostre Maieste tint la main audict affaire . . ." 224 ANNE BOLEYN. 1536. chap. xvi. Doctor de Lasco, whom Henry wanted to place with 3lar~ch6, Mary; and the doctor observed that when Cromwell pronounced the princess's name he raised his cap — a mark of respect with which he had never before honoured her.1 A little cross of gold which Catherine from her death-bed had sent to Mary, had been taken away by the royal officials. A few days after speak ing to de Lasco, Cromwell had it sent back to the princess.2 But Cromwell did more than all this. In the reply which the English ambassadors at the Saxon court were to make to the Schmalkaldic princes, there was, as we have seen, a paragraph requiring the league to defend the opinion of Luther, Melanchthon and Pomeranus in the matter of the divorce. This paragraph the ambassadors were obliged to suppress, for they knew that the Lutheran theologians had maintained, and continued to maintain, that the marriage with Catherine was valid.3 At first the royal ministers tried to keep the matter secret ; but as it soon began to be talked about, the opinion of the Lutheran divines was laid before a number of bishops and doctors that they might draw up a fit ting answer.4 This was an excellent opportunity for 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 7, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229-|, i. fob 20. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., March 18, 1536, loc. cit. 3 Melanchthon to Camerarius, February 5, and March 30, 1536, and Melanchthon to Th. Vitus, February 6, 1536, Corpus Reformatorum, vol. iii. Nos. 1396, 1409, and 1397; and Opinion of Lutheran divines, Seckendorf, De Lutheranismo, p. 112, etc. 4 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 1, 1536, loc. cit.: "Aussi sont les diets prelats en besogne pour respondre a certaine escrip- March, 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 225 those among them who were adverse to further chap. xvi. innovation ; and the opportunity was not lost. Members of the reforming party found themselves in a very unpleasant position, and the result of the con ference was decidedly unfavourable to Protestantism. Cranmer was unable to restore the credit of his adherents, for he himself was in disgrace with the king. At the very time when Henry wished to be reconciled to Charles, the archbishop had chosen to preach most violently against wThat he called the usurpations of the imperial power, the supremacy of which he angrily denied.1 Seeing the tendency of events, Cromwell apparently began to think in earnest of the possibility of a reconciliation with Eome. The " malleus monach- orum,'' as he has been called, was heard to protest against the way in which the abbeys were despoiled. He took the side of the conservative churchmen against those who had been hitherto considered Anne's principal supporters ; and he did so with a boldness and energy which offended both the vacillating king and Anne.2 About the end of March the court was ture faite par Inter et ses compaignons laquelle levesque am- bassadeur de ce Roy estant avec eux a envoye par laquelle le diet luter et ses adherents concluent que le premier mariage fut tolerable et que fut tel ou non sans nul doubte la princesse estoit legitime et est vray que le diet ambassadeur pour complaire a son maistre a escript que combien quil pense que les dits luter et autres saichent lopposite de ce quilz avoient escript touttefois ilz ne le ousoint dire pour crainte de Vostre Maieste." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, loc. cit. ; and Cranmer to Cromwell, March 29 and April 20, 1536, R.O. Cranmer Correspondence, Nos. 44 and 45. 2 Ibid. VOL. II. 0 con, 226 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. full of rumours regarding a serious quarrel between Anne and the secretary. At a dinner given by Chapuis to the Marquis of Exeter, Lady Kildare, and Lord Montague, the latter told the ambassador of the ill feeling between Cromwell and Anne, and mentioned a report that , .A„ Henrv was bent on a new marriage.1 Shortly after- friendly •> . . iference. wards Chapuis had an interview with Cromwell, to whom he bluntly spoke of what he had heard. If it were true, he said, the secretary ought to prepare for the coming struggle better than Wolsey had done. Did the king really wish to make another marriage, it would be a very good thing, as all his difficulties might then be overcome. Cromwell demurely replied that if the fate of Wolsey overtook him, he would try to bear it patiently. He had been no promoter of the marriage with Anne ; he had only found the means by which it could be accomplished when the king vehemently desired it. As to a new marriage, the king in former days had certainly rather loved the fair sex, but Cromwell thought that henceforward he would live more chastely and not change again. But he said this in a way which convinced Chapuis that he meant the contrary ; as he spoke, he put his hand before his face to conceal a smile. One thing he 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 1, 1536, loc. cit. : " Estant venu ces jours disner avec moy le jeusne Marquis, la veufve comtesse de Childra, monsieur de Montagu et certains autres gentilzhommes ledict sieur de Montagu apres plusieurs quere- monies du desordre des affaires dyci me vint a dire que la concubyne et Cremuel estoient en picque et quil se bruyoit de quelque nouvel mariaige pour ce Roy, que conformoit a ce que mestoit escript de France. . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 227 assured Chapuis of; if the king re-married, he would chap. xvi. not choose his bride in France. During the whole interview Cromwell was most friendly ; and when they were about to part, he begged Chapuis to accept a very fine horse as a gift from him.1 After this conversation Chapuis felt pretty sure that Chapuis Cromwell would no longer maintain the cause of Anne. Intrigue The intrigue which had been proposed by Lady Exeter a9ainst seemed, therefore, to have every chance of success ; and the ambassador considered whether he ought not to become the chief mover in the attempt to drive " the concubine " from the throne. He saw, however, that the interests of Mary might be imperilled if Henry were free to marry again. Accordingly, before deciding finally, he wrote once more to Mary, and, placing the two sides of the question before her, asked to be informed what her wishes were.2 As he had ex pected, she immediately replied that she did not care how her own interests might be affected, if her father could be saved from the sinful life he was leading. She wished Chapuis to do as Lady Exeter had desired, and hoped he would succeed. This decided the ambassador's course. During the following days he 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 1, 1536, loc. cit.: " Et ce me disoit sy froydement quil me donnoit suspicion du contraire, mesmes que le me disant ne saichant quelle contenance tenir yl sappoya sur la fenestre ou nous estions mectant la main devant la bouche pour se garder de soubrire ou pour le couvrir, disant en apres que dune chose se pouvoient bien assurer les francois que advenant le cas que le diet Roy son maistre voulsist autre femme quil ne la yroit sercher vers eulx. ..." 2 Ibid. Q 2 CHAP. XVI. 228 ANNE BOLEYN. had several interviews with Cromwell and with the leading conspirators, and some arrangements had been made when the despatches from Charles arrived.1 Chapuis On receipt of the emperor's letters Chapuis sat down hiswmin- to decipher them at once. As they were rather long SAUril 15 ' ^e kac^ to work untu late at nigfif > but he made a short 1536. ' abstract of such points as he was to communicate, and ^1536!6' early next morning he went to Cromwell to request that he might have an audience of the king. The secretary, on hearing what Chapuis had to say, was so pleased that he would have liked to open negotiations without delay. But it was Easter Sunday, and Henry, who always shrank from forming a definite judgment, was glad to have a pretext for putting off the audience. Cromwell had to reply that the ambassador would be received on Tuesday the 18th. Chapuis The news that Charles was disposed to be on good ai wick.'1' terms again with Henry was not kept a strict secret. Aprili8, A good many of the courtiers heard of it, while Anne 1536 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 80 : " Sire je tiens Vostre Maieste assez souve- nante de ce quescripvis a icelle au commencement du mois passe touchant les propoz que je tins a maistre Cremuel sur le divorce de ce Roy davec la concubyne. Surquoy, depuis aj^ant entendu la volunte de la princesse, selon laquelle comme deslors escripviz entendoye me gouverner laquelle volunte estoit que deusse tenir main audict affaire principalement pour lhonneur et descharge de conscience du Roy son pere, et quelle ne socioit en facon du monde que le diet Roy son pere puist avoir hoirs legittimes que luy hostassent la sucession, ne de toutes les injures faictes ne a elle ne a la feue Royne sa mere lesquellee en lhonneur de dieu elle perdonnoit de tresbon cueur a tout le monde, jay tenu plusieurs moyens pour ayder a leffect tant envers ledict maistre Cremuel que diverses autres personnes que me sembloit convenir. . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 229 and her nearest kinsfolk and friends seem to have been chap. xvi. more particularly informed as to the proposed articles. Consequently, when Chapuis arrived on Tuesday morning at Greenwich Palace, he was welcomed by a throng of joyous courtiers, Lord Eochford, Anne's brother, being foremost among them. With Rochford the ambassador had a most friendly conversation, the young lord making loud protestations of his desire for an alliance between England and the emperor. Even then, however, as Chapuis remarked, he spoke as a strong Lutheran — which, of course, was not to the taste of the imperial minister. After a short while Cromwell went to greet Chapuis, and to ask him in Henry's name whether he would not see the queen and kiss hands. The king would be pleased if he did so, but left him entirely free. Chapuis cleverly answered that it might be better to wait until he had conferred with the king about the new proposals ; and with this opinion Cromwell agreed. Henry also, when the secretary reported to him what Chapuis had said, declared himself satisfied.1 The truth is, if Chapuis had thought that he would have gratified the king and advanced the interests of his master by allowing himself to be presented to Anne as queen, he would gladly have gone. As he 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 21, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 58 : "Avant que le Roy sortit pour aller a la messe Cremuel me vint demander de la part dudict Roy sy vou loit point aller visiter et baiser la dicte concubine, et que en ce feroit plaisir a icelluy Roy, touteffois quil sen remectoit a ma voulente. ..." 230 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. wrote to Granvelle, he would have been ready, had ~ Henry been tractable, to offer, not a pair of candles, but a hundred, on the altar either of the devil or of the she-devil. But he had been warned that she was in disgrace, and that it would be of no use to pay his court to her.1 Coming out of his apartment to go to mass, Henry plainly showed that the refusal of Chapuis had not displeased him. He was most gracious to the am bassador. After this the king went on, and Eochford again placed himself by the side of Chapuis to acccompany him to the chapel. There was a great rush after them, for as Anne was also going to mass she and Chapuis would be brought face to face ; and the host of idle courtiers were curious to see how they would behave to each other. Chapuis was placed close to the door by which Anne was to enter, probably in order that he might be quite near her. It had not been observed that after the opening of the door he would be concealed behind it. Anne, however, knowing that he was there, turned round as she passed. He made her a deep bow, and she responded with as deep and gracious a salute. Then she swept on to her place at the king's side.2 A 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 24, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. fob 16: "Je reffusay de laller visiter jusques a ce queusse parle au Roy. Si jeusse veu quelque ap- parence ou espoir en la responce et propoz du Roy je fusse aUer ouffrir non point deux seuUement mais cent chandelles au diable ou diablesse combien que aussy une autre chose men faisoit perdre lenvye, assavoir quil me fust dit quelle nestoit fort en grace du Roy. ..." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 21, 1536, loc. cit. : " Je fus ANNE BOLEYN. 231 good many people who had hoped that Chapuis chap.xvi. would be rude to his former enemy wrere grievously vexed, and Mary herself was astonished when she heard that the ambassador of the emperor had bowled to "that woman."1 After mass Henry w^ent to Anne's rooms, where he was accustomed to dine. The foreign ambassadors and most of the courtiers followed him, but Chapuis — with Eochford always at his side — dined with the principal noblemen in the chamber of presence. Anne seems to have been disappointed that Chapuis did not attend her to her apartments, for she asked the king why he had not come with the other ambassadors. Henry, annoyed by the question, answered that Chapuis had good reasons for staying away.2 Nevertheless, Anne wras resolved to throw in conduyt a la messe par le sieur de Rocheffort frere de la con- cubyne et venant le Roy a loffrande yl y eust grand concours de gens, et une partie pour veoir quelle mine la concubine et moy nous tiendrons. Elle en usa assez cortoisement car comme jestoys derrier la porte par ou elle enstroit elle se retournast du tout pour me faire la reverence conforme a celle que je luy fiz." 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 24, 1536, loc. cit. : " Encoires que je ne baississe ne parlasse a la concubyne touteffois et la princesse et plusieurs autres bon personnaiges ont eu quel que mal a la teste des mutuelles et par honnestete inevitables reverences que furent faictes a leglise. . . ." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "Apres la messe le diet Roy sen alia disner au logis et ehambre de la concubine ou tout le monde laccompaigna excepte moy que fuz conduit par Rocheffort a la ehambre de presence dicelluy Roy ou disna avec touts les principaulx de la court, et a ce que ma diet quelque homme de bien la dicte concubyne interrogea le Roy pourquoy nestoit la entre comme faisoyent les autres ambassa- 232 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. her lot with the imperial faction ; and after dinner she spoke strongly against Francis. " It was a great shame," she said, " that the King of France treated his uncle the duke of Savoy so badly, and intended to invade Milan in order to prevent further action against the Turks." " It seems," she exclaimed, alluding to the infamous disease of Francis, " that the King of France, tired of life on account of his illness, wants to shorten his days by going to war." l These remarks were of course repeated, and they were meant to show that there was an open rupture between her and her former friends. Henry In the afternoon Henry left Anne's rooms, and proposals faking the ambassador into the recess of a window, °f prepared to hear his communication. When Chapuis had submitted his proposals, Henry broke out into the most extravagant talk, declaring that he would make no concessions, and boasting in a preposterous way about his greatness and power, and about the benefits he had heaped upon Charles. Chapuis, although irritated by this rodomontade, allowed the king to go on, that he might have his fill of vain glory and slowly quiet down.2 But Henry would deurs et que icelluy Roy avoit respondu que ce nestoit sans bon respect." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 21, 1536, loc. cit.: "Ce neantmoings a ce que ma diet personne que affirme lavoir ouy icelle concubyne apres disne deust dire que cestoit grande honte au Roy de France de ainsy traicter son oncle le due de Savoye et de vouloir movoir guerre contre Milan pour entrerompre lem- prinse contre les Turcqs, et quil sembloit proprement que le dit Roy de France ennuye de sa vye a cause de ses maladies a envye dachever par guerre plus brefvement ses jours." 2 Ibid. ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 21, 1536, ANNE BOLEYN. 233 not quiet down; he refused to listen to reason, and chap. xvi. insisted, among other things, that Charles should acknowledge himself to have been altogether in the wrong, and should either have the papal sentence quashed or declare that it had been obtained against justice by threats.1 By and by, the king called Cromwell and the Lord Chancellor Audeley into the recess, and asked Chapuis to repeat his message to them. When they had heard it, the ambassador retired and began to speak with Sir Edw7ard Seymour, keeping, however, a watchful eye on the little group at the window. He could soon perceive that there was an acrimonious dispute between the king and Cromwell. After a protracted discussion the secretary called out that he was so thirsty he could not bear it any longer, and, snorting and puffing with anger, he left the king and Audeley, and went to sit on a chest where Henry could not see him.2 After a while Henry left the chancellor ; and Chapuis, perceiving that for the moment nothing more could be done, made ready to depart. Henry was a httle more gracious when the ambassador came Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. foi. 14: "Pour le saouler de gknre et non lirriter. . . ." 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 21, 1536, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 21, 1536, loc. cit. : "Et la y eust de la dispute et courroux assez aigre comme il sembloit entre le diet Roy et Cremuel, et apres ung grand espace de temps le diet Cremuel romphant et grondisant se part du conclave de la fenestre ou estoit le diet Roy prenant excuse que estoit tant altere quil nen pouvoit plus, comme aussy estoit, et se alia asseoir sur ung coffre hors de laspect dudict Roy." 234 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. Henry and the French dor. ' April 19, 1536. to take his leave, but he made no concessions. Chapuis was accompanied by many of the courtiers to the gates, where he mounted his horse. They were rather crestfallen, and some of the councillors said plainly that they were very sorry for what had happened. On the road Chapuis was overtaken by Cromwell, who was also riding back to London ; and the secretary did not hide his vexation at the obstinacy and folly of the king. He was in a state of such excitement that when he arrived at his lodgings at Eoll's house he had to take to his bed, where he remained for several days.1 Antoine de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, the resident French ambassador, soon heard of the negotiations opened by Chapuis ; so, curious to know what had been the result, he went on the following day to Greenwich. He saw the Duke of Norfolk, who assured him that, whatever the emperor might offer or propose, the king would not withdraw from the alliance with Francis.2 Afterwards Castelnau was received by the king, who complained that Francis did not show him sufficient respect, and that a special envoy who should have been sent to him long ago 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, April 21, 1536, loc. cit. ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 21, 1536, loc. cit. 2 Francis I. to J. de Dinteville and A. de Castelnau, April 29, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fob 303: "Le Roy a tres bien entendu ... les propoz et langaige que luy tint a son arrivee a Grenuic Mr. de Norfort et lasseurance quil luy donna derechef que quelque praticque ou ouverture que le diet Empereur peust faire ne mettre en avant audit Roy dangle terre les choses ne seroient jamais autres quelles ont este par cydevant et sont de present entre son maistre et le dit sieur Roy " ANNE BOLEYN. 235 had not yet arrived. The bishop tried to soothe his chap.xvi. anger, and at last the king told him about the mission of Chapuis. The four propositions of the imperial ambassador had now swollen into five, besides curiously altering their nature. The first referred, to the day when Charles V. would enter Eome. Secondly Charles asked Henry to intercede with the French king in favour of the Duke of Savoy. Thirdly, fearing that Francis might invade Milan, Charles begged Henry to help him if he were so attacked. Fourthly, Henry was entreated to forget all that had passed between him and the emperor on account of Catherine, and to renew the old treaties of friendship and confederation. ,¦ The fifth proposition set forth a demand for aid against the Turk.1 Henry pretended that as to Savoy 1 Francis I. to J. de Dinteville and A. de Castelnau, April 29, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fob 303 : " Et pource diront iceubs Evesque de Tarbe et Bailly de Troyes audit sieur Roy dangleterre comme le Roy a tres bien entendu ce que ledit de Tarbe luy a faict scavoir touchant la lettre que luy avoit dernierement escript ledit Empereur con- tenant les cinq chefs et articles contenuz et declarez es lettres' dudit Evesque. Le premier faisant mencion du jour que devoit entrer icelluy Empereur a Romme, le second du faict de la guerre que le Roy faict au due de Savoye et la requeste que icelluy Empereur faict au dit sieur Roy dangleterre a ce quil veuille interceder envers le Roy pour icelluy due de luy rendre et restituer ce qui a este gaigne sur luy. Le tiers quil crainct que le Roy luy veuille faire la guerre a la duche de Milan et layde quil luy demande advenant icelluy cas. Le quart quil veuille oblier ce qui est passe entre eux pour raison de sa feue tante, estant a present cessee loecasion, le priant au surplus pour lever et oster tous les suspecons et racines dinimitie et dissentions de vouloir renouveller les viels traites de leur amitie et confederation, et le dernier quil se delibere de dresser une armee contre le turcq position. 236 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvi. he had replied in a manner quite favourable to Francis. He warned the bishop that Charles was raising a large army with which to repel the French, and advised the king not to advance any further, but / to fortify the conquests he had made, and to await *s the emperor's attack. Castelnau thanked Henry for the friendly feeling he had exhibited, and immediately after his return to London wrote an account of the audience to his master. He added that at this moment Henry seemed most favourably inclined.1 Anne's Anne's position was now a very strange one. After years of unrelenting hostility the emperor had pro posed the terms of a truce which appeared likely, as the death of Catherine had appeared likely, to be of great advantage to her. If she could have had her way, the offers of Charles would have been accepted ; and had she been willing to give up Protestantism, she might then have persuaded Henry to submit to the pope, who would have given absolution to both of them and recognised the validity of their marriage from the time of Catherine's death. But it was too late to hope for these great results. New influences were at work — some of them of Anne's own creation — over which she had no control, and which brought her to the scaffold. When Henry obstinately refused to submit to the pope, it was not only his vanity which was at play ; he was impelled also by greed and by fear of rebellion. pour la diffension de la chrestiennete, priant icelluy Boy dangle terre de luy vouloir estre pour cest effect contribuable. . . ." 1 Francis I. to J. de Dinteville and A. de Castelnau, April 29, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 547, fob 303. ANNE BOLEYN. 237 By an act of Parliament passed in March a good many chap. xvi. abbeys had been dissolved, and their lands vested in Confisca te king.1 His coffers had thus been filled, and he Ha°bUy had been enabled to meet the expenses of govern- tands. f- ° . March, ment and ol an extravagant court without exasperating 1536. his people by odious taxes. Submission to Eome meant for him the loss of this agreeable and plenti ful source of income ; it meant retrenchment and economy — a prospect which had no attractions for him. But it meant even more. A good part of the abtiey lands seized by the king's officers had been granted away to his servants and courtiers, or to the lords and gentry in the neighbourhood of the con fiscated estates. These favoured persons, and others wTho expected similar bounties, had a direct interest in opposing a reconciliation with the Holy See, which might have endangered the peaceful possession of what they held and cut off all hope of new spoliation. As long as Henry was firmly resolved not to return to communion with Eome, it may have been excellent policy to give away abbey lands, but his generosity at the expense of the church made it very difficult for him to alter his course. Among those to whom large grants had been made Policy of were the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, and Norfolh- several other recipients of French pensions. They became the leaders of the party opposed to submission to the pope ; and as Cromwell had begun to speak against the destruction of the abbeys, and had resisted further grants, they looked upon him as 1 Statutes of the Realm, 27 Henry VIII. cap. 28. 238 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. their great enemy.1 During the illness which kept Cromwell at EoU's house, Norfolk ruled supreme at the council board, and he employed his time very well. The official party without their chief pre sented but a poor front ; they could not thwart so powerful a peer. The object of Norfolk now was to throw Henry into the arms of Francis, to make reconciliation with Charles and with the Holy See impossible, and to displace the imperialist first April 22 secretary. He succeeded so far that on the 22nd Henry summoned Castelnau to his presence, and asked him to go to France and explain the whole position to Francis, and to obtain the speedy con clusion of a treaty of alliance. As Henry seemed ready to grant terms most advantageous to Francis, the bishop consented, and returned to London to prepare for his journey.2 Henry was not, however, without misgivings. Had he, by rejecting the proposals transmitted by Chapuis, definitively closed the door to a recon ciliation with the emperor ? That would be extremely awkward, for if it were made known the French would become as arrogant as ever. He was already half sorry for what he had done. Sending for de Lasco, about whose future service with Mary he pretended that he wanted to speak, he closely questioned the doctor as to the way in which Chapuis had talked since his audience at Green- 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 1, 1536, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. foi. 78. ANNE BOLEYN. 239 wich. He was evidently afraid of the anger of the chap, xvi, ambassador.1 Apruzz, It was in this state of mind that Cromwell found Pli^ of his royal master when after his brief illness he Cromwell. returned to court. The secretary had had time to review quietly the whole situation, and he had arrived at the conclusion that vigorous action on his part had become inevitable. By opposing the furthei destruction of abbeys, by stoutly advocating the imperial alliance and the concessions necessary to obtain it, he had kindled the anger of Henry, of the greedy courtiers, and of the French faction. His position was threatened, Norfolk was gaining on him, and by some means or other he must strengthen his hold over the king. It would be necessary to teach Henry that he could not afford to dispense with his secretary's services. He would have to be confronted by some difficulty wdiich he could hope to dispose of only with the aid of the powerful and complicated organisation over which Cromwell presided. At this moment there was a difficulty which, if brought to a crisis, might be made to serve. Henry had been so well worked upon by Jane Seymour and her friends that he ardently wished to be rid of a woman with whom he was no longer in love, and who could not bear him the son he desired. He had already on several occasions spoken of his marriage with Anne as invalid, and of his intention to proceed with another divorce. He had assured Jane Seymour that his love for her was honourable, and had clearly 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, April 24, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii fob 16. 240 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. shown that he intended to marry her. But, as usual, he had not courage to strike the blow with his own hand; he was waiting for some one to take the responsibility of the deed. Why Of course Cromwell might have helped to obtain a Anne was divorce ; but he saw that it would be neither in his divorced, own nor in the king's interest to proceed in this manner. To have applied for a divorce would have been to proclaim to the world that Henry, on entering the holy bonds of matrimony, was careless whether there were impediments or not ; it would have been to raise a very strong suspicion that the scruples of conscience he had pleaded the first time, were courtly enough to reappear whenever he wanted to be rid of a wife. Henry's reputation would have greatly suffered, and as he knew this himself, although he chafed at his fetters, he dared not cast them off. A second reason — which more especially affected Cromwell- was that Anne, if she were simply divorced, would still remain Marchioness of Pembroke, with a very considerable fortune, and with some devoted friends. Eochford had gained experience, and showed no little ability, and he, acting with his sister, might form a party which would be most hostile to the secretary. Besides, a divorce could have been secured by Norfolk as easily as by Cromwell. There would really have been no difficulty at all. Cranmer would not have dreamt of disobeying the royal commands ; he did in fact pronounce the marriage to be void. Of the other bishops one half were bitterly opposed to Anne, while most of those whose promotion she ANNE BOLEYN. 241 had aided were supple courtiers who would do the chap. xvi. king's bidding. Indeed, we hear of some zealous servant, who, perceiving what was wanted, went on the 27th of April to consult Stokesley, the bishop of April 27, London, as to whether the marriage between the king 153(i- and Anne was valid or not. Stokesley, although he hated Anne and the Boleyns, was too cautious to offer an opinion. He said that he would reply to such a question only if it were put by the king himself ; and he added that, should the king intend to ask him, he would like to know beforehand the kind of answer that was desired.1 For all these reasons it was necessary that Anne Cromwell should be got rid of in a quicker and more violent fh\°nmnof way. Difficulties and dangers were to be invented, Anne- that Cromwell might save the king from them. Anne was to be found guilty of such heinous offences that she would have no opportunity of avenging her wrongs. Her friends were to be involved in her fall, and the event was to be associated with horrors that 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 78 : "Le frere de monsieur de Montaguz me dit bier en disnant que avant hier que levesque de Londres avoit este interrogue si ce Roy pourroit habandonner la dicte concubyne et quil nen avoit point voulu dire son adviz ne le diroit a personne du monde que au seul Roy et que avant de oe faire yl vouldroit bien espier la fantaisie dudict Roy vuillant innuyr que le diet Roy pourroit laisser la dicte concubyne toutteffois connaissant linconstance et mutabilite de ce Roy il ne se vouldroit mectre en dangier de la dite concubyne. Ledict evesque a este la principale cause et instrument du premier divorce dont de bon cueur il sen repent et de meilleur vouldroit poursuivre cestuy mesme a cause que la dicte concubyne et toute sa race sont si habominablement lutheriens." VOL. II. R 242 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvi. would strike the imagination of the king and with draw the attention of the public from the intrigue at the bottom of the scheme. Calamity was to be brought upon her, too, in a way that would satisfy the hatred with which she was regarded by the nation, and take the ground away under the feet of the conspirators. Thus Cromwell, as he afterwards told Chapuis, resolved to plot for the ruin of Anne.1 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 6, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 92 : " Et que sur le deplesir et courroux quil avoit eu sur la responce que le Roy son maistre mavoit donne le tiers jours de pasques il se meist a fantaisie et conspira le diet affaire ..." 1536. CHAPTEE XVII. THE ABB EST. Whether Henry was at once informed that Anne Com- was to be killed is not certain. Probably he was ™'™"" only told by Cromwell that he was menaced by grave April 24, dangers, and that it would be necessary to appoint commissioners to hold special sessions at which offenders against him might be tried. On the 24th of April, in accordance with these representations, the king signed a commission by which the Lord Chan cellor Audeley, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl of Oxford, lord high chamberlain, the Earl of Westmoreland, the Earl of Wiltshire, lord privy seal, the Earl of Sussex, Lord Sandys, chamberlain of the household, Sir Thomas Cromwell, chief secretary, Sir William Fitzwilliam, treasurer, Sir William Paulet, comptroller of the household, and the nine judges or any four or more of them were empowered to make inquiry as to every kind of treason, by whomsoever committed, and to hold a special session to try the offenders.1 That this was virtually a death-warrant 1 R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membranes 10 and 14. E 2 244 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvn. for Anne, Henry must have known, or at least suspected ; but his conscience remained quiet : the deed would be done by others. The commission was not made public ; nor was it communicated to the persons to whom it was addressed. That would have been contrary to all the traditions of the Tudor service. It was kept strictly secret ; and only a few chosen instruments were to be employed until the case should be sufficiently prepared. To make out a case against Anne was now the great object of Cromwell, and he began his task with characteristic energy. The tacit understanding between Henry and Cromwell which led to the signing of the commis sion restored the secretary to his former influence. When, therefore the Bishop of Tarbes, ready to leave for France, repaired to court on the 25th of April, and asked for the articles- he was to submit to his master, he found that they had not been drawn up ; and he was kept the whole day at Greenwich, the council sitting and debating until late at night.1 Although Henry, acting on Cromwell's advice, treated the French coldly, he was not prepared to conciliate the emperor, as he showed clearly enough in a despatch sent at this time to Eichard Pate, the English ambassador at the court of Charles V. In giving directions for the composition of this despatch — for it was evidently in substance the work of the king — Henry seems to have resolved to have once more what Chapuis had called, a week before, "his fill of glory." He asserted that through his influence 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1536, loc. cit. Cromwell recovers his influence. April 25, 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 245 Charles had been made King of Spain and Emperor ; chap. xvii. he rejected and complained of all the conditions Charles had proposed for a reconciliation ; he pro tested that he would not be dictated to ; and finally, in a ciphered paragraph at the end, he instructed Pate to ascertain the most favourable terms the em peror might be brought to offer.1 It was an extremely foolish letter, but Cromwell allowed it to pass, well knowing that a complete change in the state of affairs would shortly render it inoperative. In return for this concession to the king's vanity, he was allowed to add to the articles agreed upon with Castelnau certain de mands which, as he knew, Francis would never grant. The consequence was that when the bishop, already somewhat angry at the delay, returned to court on the 27th and heard what was proposed, he indignantly April 27, refused to go to France on such an errand. For the moment there was no further danger of a closer alliance with Francis.2 Cromwell -was thus in a position to devote himself His to the work of collecting evidence against Anne. 0°0\a\n The old stories about her antenuptial misconduct evidence *¦ _ against would not of course suffice. Even with regard to Anne. irregularities of which she had been accused after marriage there was a difficulty ; for by the statute passed in the autumn of 1534 any statement capable 1 Henry VIII. to Richard Pate, April 25, 1536, British Museum, Harleian MSS. vol. 282, fob 7 ; and State Papers, vol. vii. p. 683. The editors of the State Papers and Mr. N. Pocock ascribe this letter to the year 1537. That it belongs to the year 1536 is clear from the letter written by Chapuis on the 21st of April. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1536, loc. cit. 246 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. of being interpreted as a slander upon the king's issue might be accounted treason, so that people were rather loath to repeat what they might have heard to Anne's discredit. Cromwell decided, therefore, to have her movements watched closely, in the hope that she might be caught in some imprudence. As most of her servants were secretly her enemies, he did not doubt that some of them would gladly give infor mation against her, if they could do so without risking their own lives. Aprii23, On the 23rd there had been an election to a place in the Order of the Garter, rendered vacant by the death of Lord Abergavenny. Sir Nicholas Carew and Lord Eochford had been candidates for it, and in ordinary circumstances the brother-in-law of the king would certainly have carried the day. But it was Sir Nicholas, Anne's open enemy, who had been elected. This incident, although insignificant in itself, was of great service to Cromwell, for those who disliked Anne began to think that it could not be very dangerous to speak against her, when she had not influence enough even to obtain a favour for her brother. On the day April 24, after the election her opponents sent a triumphant and cheering message to Mary.1 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., April 29, 1536, loc. cit.: "Le grand escuyer maistre Caro eust le jour Sainct George lordre de la jarettiere et fust subroge au lieu vacant par la mort de monsieur de Burgain, qua este ung grand crevecueur pour le seigneur de Rocheffort que le poursuyvoit mais encoires plus que la concubyne que na eust le credit le faire donner a son diet frere, et ne tiendra audict escuyer que la dicte concubyne quelque cousine quelle luy soit ne soit desarconnee et ne cesse de conseiller maistresse Semel avec autres conspirateurs pour luy faire une venue et ny a point ANNE BOLEYN. 247 impru dence. It seems to have been Anne's own imprudence chap. xvii. which gave Cromwell his first clue. She was ex- Anne's ceedingly vain ; and, like her daughter Elizabeth, who inherited many of the qualities of her strange character, she delighted in the admiration of men, and fancied that every man who saw her was fascinated by her charms. Her courtiers soon found out that the surest road to her favour was either to tell her that other men were in love with her, or to pretend that they were in love with her themselves. She was extremely coarse, and lived at a most dissolute court ; so that the flattery she asked for was offered in no very modest terms. Lately, her health had been giving way, and her mirror had been reminding her that she was getting rather old and losing her good looks. This caused her to crave more than ever for adulation ; and her increased coquetry gave rise to scandalous stories, and provided Cromwell with the kind of charges he wanted. On the 29th of April, at Greenwich, Anne found a certain Mark Smeton, a Aprils, groom of the chamber to Henry, and a player on the 1536- lute, standing in the bow of the window of her chamber of presence. She went up to him, and, according to her own statement, asked him why he was so sad. Smeton replied it was no matter ; and she then said, " You may not look to have me speak to you as I should to a nobleman, because you be an Mark Smeton. quatre jours que luy et certains de la ehambre ont mande dire a la princesse quelle f eit bonne chiere et que briefvement sa contre- partie mectroit de leau au vin car ce Roy estoit desia tres tant tanne et ennuye de la concubyne qui nestoit possible de plus." 248 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. inferior person." " No, no," Smeton replied, " a look sufficeth me, and so fare-you-well." ] Arrest of The conversation seems to have been overheard, Apriiso au(i to have been reported by Cromwell's spies. 1536- Smeton's manner, or that of Anne, had excited sus picion ; and when, on the following day, the un happy musician took his way to London, he was arrested at Stepney and rigorously examined.2 It is not known how much Smeton confessed at this first examination. He may not have admitted that he had committed adultery with Anne ; but he was no hero, and fear of the rack or the hope of pardon probably led him to make statements by whieh she was seriously compromised and by which other persons were impli cated. He was kept in close confinement at a house in Stepney, but his arrest and examination were not immediately made known, for Cromwell wanted further evidence before striking the blow. Sir Among the friends of Anne there was a young Weston courtier named Sir Francis Weston, the son of Sir Eichard Weston, under-treasurer of the exchequer. He had first been a royal page, but had risen to the rank of groom of the privy chamber, and was now one of the gentlemen of it. For the last eight years, by reason of his office, he had resided constantly at court, and he had obtained a good many grants and pensions. In May, 1530, he had married Anne, the 1 Sir William Kingston to Cromwell, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fols. 224-26, printed in Singer's edition of Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, p. 456. 2 Constantyne's Memorial to Cromwell, Archceologia, vol. xxiii. pp. 63-65 ; and Cronica del Rey Enrico otavo de Ingalaterra. ANNE BOLEYN. 249 daughter and heiress of Sir Christopher Pykering; chap.xvii. and having thus become a man of considerable pro perty, he was created, at the coronation of Anne, a knight of the Bath. Another of Anne's friends was Henry Noreys, Henry also a gentleman of the king's chamber, and the Noreys- keeper of his privy purse. Noreys had been for many years a favourite attendant of Henry. He had at once sided with Anne when she had begun her struggle ; and he had been among the foremost of those who had worked the ruin of Wolsey. Ever since the death of the cardinal he had belonged to the little group of personal adherents of the Boleyns. He had married a daughter of Lord Dacres of the South ; but having been for some time a widower it had occurred to him that he would please both Henry and Anne if he took as his second wife pretty Margaret Shelton, who, although she had lost her hold on Henry's caprice, had remained at court. So a marriage had been arranged between him and Mistress Margaret. But of late he had become somewhat cold, and Anne attributed his estrange ment to jealousy, for she had observed that Sir Francis Weston had been paying rather marked attentions to her cousin. Accordingly, on the 23 rd of April she had some private talk with Sir Francis, April2Z, and upbraided him for making love to Margaret and 153 for not loving his wife. The young man, knowing how great was her appetite for flattery, answered that he loved some one in her house more than either his wife or Margaret Shelton. Anne eagerly asked who it was, and he replied, " It is yourself." She affected 250 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. to be angry, and rebuked him for his boldness ; but the reprimand cannot have been very terrible, for Weston continued his talk, and told her that Noreys also came to her chamber more for her sake than for that of Madge, as Margaret Shelton was called.1 April, Finding all this very interesting, Anne took occa- 53 ' sion to speak to Noreys, hoping perhaps that he would gratify her with the same kind of compliments as those whieh ha,d been paid to her by Weston. She asked him why he did not marry her cousin, to which he replied evasively that he would wait for some time. Displeased by this cautious answer, Anne said he was waiting for dead men's shoes, for if aught came to the king but good, he would look to have her. Noreys, being older and more experienced than Weston, understood how dangerous a game he was being made to play. He strongly protested that he dared not lift his eyes so high ; if he had any such thoughts, he would his head were cut off. Anne then taunted him with what Weston had told her. She could undo him if she would, she said. About this they seem to have had some words, Noreys being evidently afraid that he might be drawn into a perilous position. Perhaps Anne herself began to feel uneasy, for she ended the conversation by asking Noreys to contradict any rumours against her honour. April30, This he consented to do, and on Sunday, the last day 1536. Q£ April, he told Anne's almoner that he would swear for the queen that she was a good woman.2 Cromwell 1 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 3, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 225, printed by Singer, p. 451. 2 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 3, 1536, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 251 apparently heard of this conversation, and concluded chap. xvii. that the time had almost come for making the case public. Henry was informed of what was about to be done, that he might be ready to play his part. The following day being May Day, a tournament May i, was held at Greenwich, Henry Noreys and Lord 1536, Eochford being among the challengers. The king and Anne were present, and seemed to be still on tolerable terms. When the tilting was over, Henry bade Anne farewell, and, as had lately become his custom, rode off towards London. On the way he called Noreys to his side, and telling him he was suspected of having committed adultery with the queen, urged him to make full confession. Although the king held out hopes of pardon, Noreys refused to say anything against Anne, and protested that his relations with her had been perfectly innocent. Henry then rode away, and Noreys was immediately Arrest of arrested, and kept, like Smeton, a close prisoner.1 °reys' He was taken to the Tower by Sir William Fitz william, who, it was afterwards asserted, tried hard to persuade him to confess that he was guilty. Whether, as was further stated, Noreys said anything that compromised Anne is not known, but he certainly did not confess that he had committed adultery with her.2 Having left him at the Tower — to which Smeton had been brought about the same time — Sir 1 Constantyne to Cromwell, Archceologia, vol. xxiii. pp. 63-65 ; and Histoire de Anne de Boullant, etc. 2 Sir E. Baynton to Sir W. Fitzwilliam, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 2096. 252 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. William Fitzwilliam went to Greenwich, where the commissioners were to examine Anne herself. Anne That evening nothing further was done. Anne was rehereS s*ill treated with the outward respect due to a queen, danger. \,ut she knew that her enemies were working against May 1, . , n , -ii! 1536. her, and that she was threatened by the greatest dangers. At ten o'clock at night she heard that Smeton was confined in the Tower, and shortly afterwards it was reported to her that Noreys had been sent there too. Combining these facts with Henry's growing coldness to herself, and his increasing affection for Jane Seymour, Anne began to fear that she would have to take the same way.1 She was absolutely without means of defence. Henry had gone to Westminster to be out of the way, and she could not bring her personal influence to bear on him. The few friends she had were equally out of reach, most of them having gone with the king to London ; so she could do nothing but await her doom. Even flight was impossible, for had she been able to leave the palace and to go on board a ship — to elude the vigilance of the searchers and to cross the sea — she would not have been safe. Neither Charles nor Francis would have afforded her an asylum ; her flight would have been taken as a clear proof of guilt, and she would have been given up in accordance with the treaties which forbade the various sovereigns to shelter one another's traitors. Ame So passed the night. On the following morning hf°unJl.e Anne received a message requesting her to appear May 2, before the council. She obeyed, and was then told of 1 SirW. Kingston to Cromwell, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 2246. ANNE BOLEYN. 253 the powers given to the royal commissioners. She chap. xvii. was also informed that she was suspected of having committed adultery with three different persons — Smeton, Noreys, and a third whose name does not appear — and that the two former had already confessed the crime. Her remonstrances and protestations had no effect.1 She subsequently described the behaviour of the commissioners as generally rude. The Duke of Norfolk, who presided, would not listen to her defence ; Sir William Fitzwilliam seemed the whole time to be absent in mind ; Sir William Paulet alone treated her with courtesy.2 At the end of the interrogatories, the royal com- Anne missioners ordered Anne to be arrested, and she was aa^d taken kept in her apartment until the tide would serve to *° the_ take her to the Tower. At two o'clock her barge was in readiness, and in broad daylight, exposed to the gaze of the populace who had assembled on the banks or in boats and barges, she was carried along the river to the traitors' gate.3 She w7as accompanied by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Oxford, and Lord Sandys, with a detachment of the guard. 1 Sir William Kingston to Cromwell, May 3, 1536, loc. cit. 2 Sir William Kingston to Cromwell, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 2246. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 80 : " Laffaire . . . est venue beaulcop mieulx quasy que personne peust penser et a la plus grande ignominie de la dicte concubyne laquelle par jugement et pugnicion de dieu a ete amenee de plein jour dois Grynuych a la tour de ceste ville de Londres ou elle a este conduicte par le due de Norphoch, les deux chambellan du Royaulme et de la ehambre et luy a Ion laisse tant seuUement quatre femmes . . . " ; Histoire de Anne de Boullant ; Wriothesley 's Chronicle of the Tudors, etc. the Tower. 254 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. Lord Eochford had already been caught in the toils Arrest of which had been woven for Anne's destruction. He Rochford. was an aDle and energetic man, strongly attached to his sister ; and it was foreseen that in so dreadful an emergency he would, if left at large, do everything in his power to save her. So he was arrested towards noon at Westminster, and taken to the Tower.1 Anne's friends were closely watched, but it was not thought necessary to interfere with the liberty of Lord Wilt shire. He was a mean egotist and coward, and from motives of prudence had always disapproved of his daughter's bold and violent courses. There was, there fore, no reason to fear that he would try to defend her. Anne in At the Tower Anne was received by Sir William Kingston, the constable, of whom Chapuis had re ported that he was wholly devoted to Catherine and Mary. To his keeping she was handed over by the commissioners. Up to this moment she seems to have maintained an appearance of firmness ; but when the gates had shut behind the departing councillors, when she found herself surrounded by the gloomy wTalls of the Tower, in the custody of the constable, her courage gave way. She realised the full horror of her situation, and as Kingston beckoned to her to proceed, fearful visions of loathsome prison cells rose before her mind. She tremblingly asked Kingston whether 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, loc. cit. : " Le frere de la dicte concubyne nomme Rocheffort a este aussy mis en la dicte tour mais plus de six heures apres les aultres et trois ou quatre heures avant sa dicte seur . . . " ; Wriothesley' s Chronicle ; and Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop, May 14, 1536, British Museum, Add. MSS. 25,144, fob 160. ANNE BOLEYN. 255 he was leading her to a dungeon. He reassured her, chap.xvii. saying that she was to go to the lodging she had occupied before her coronation. This somewhat re lieved her distress. "It is too good for me," she exclaimed. But, the tension of the last hour having been too much for her shattered nerves, she fell on her knees and burst into hysterical fits of laughter and weeping. When she calmed down she was taken to her apartment, where four gentlewomen under the superintendence of Lady Kingston had been deputed to wait on her. Suspecting what had happened to her brother, she made a few anxious inquiries about him, and Kingston, who seems to have felt some pity for her, merely answered that he had left Lord Eochford that morning at Whitehall. She asked that the eucharist might be exposed in a closet near her room, that she might pray for mercy ; and then she began to assert her innocence of the crimes with which she was charged. But these were matters to which Kingston would not listen, and he went away, leaving her to the care of her female gaolers.1 The news of Anne's arrest and imprisonment ran like wildfire through the city. It was known that she was accused of having committed adultery with Noreys, or with Noreys and Smeton, and that Lord Eochford and others were somehow involved in the case, but as yet nothing was heard of the charge of incest. Eochford was said to have been arrested for having connived at his sister's evil deeds.2 1 Kingston to Cromwell, May 3, 1536, loc. cit. 2 Roland Buckley to Sir Richard Buckley, May 2, 1536, R.O., Henry VIII., 28th, Bundle II. : " Sir ye shall untherstande 253 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. The fate which had overtaken Anne excited little Public sympathy. Even among the Protestants, who formed feehng. ^ t^. ^ ^ England but a small class, there were some who disliked her. The great majority of the people, detesting the changes of recent years, accused her and her family of having plunged England into danger, strife, and misery in order to satisfy their own ambition and greed. The difficulties abroad and the consequent slackness of trade, the severity of the new laws and the rigour with which they were enforced, were held to be due altogether to Anne's ascendancy ; and it was expected that with her downfall there would be a total change of policy, which would place England once more in a secure and prosperous condition. Cranmer. But there was a man whom the tidings filled with dismay. For some months Cranmer had been ill at ease. The ultra reformers, Anne's friends, had not been favoured since her influence had begun to decay ; and the archbishop, who relied chiefly on them, had found himself under a cloud.1 In the country he that the queene is in tbe towere, the ierles of Wyltshyre her father my lorde Rocheforde her brother, maister norres on of the king previe chamber, on maister Markes on of the kings preyve chamber, wyth divers others soundry ladys. The. causse of there committing there is of certen hie treson comytyde con- scernyng there prynce, that is to saye that maister norres shuld have a doe wyth the queyne and Marke and the other acsesari to the sayme . . . " ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, loc. cit. : " Le bruyt est que cest pour adultere auquel elle a longuement continue avec ung joueur despinette de sa ehambre lequel a este dois ce matin mis en ladicte tour, et maistre Norris le plus prive et familier sommeiller de corps de ce Roy pour non avoir revele les affaires . . ." 1 Cranmer to Cromwell, April 22, 1536, R.O., Cranmer Letters, No. 45. ANNE BOLEYN. 257 received a letter from Cromwell, informing him of the chap. xvii. arrest of Anne and of the reasons for it, and ordering Ma~y~2, him to proceed to Lambeth, there to await the king's 1536' pleasure, but not to present himself at court. He obeyed with a heavy heart, for such an order from the secretary boded no good, and Cranmer was not the man to face danger calmly. Next morning, at May 3, Lambeth, he indited a letter to the king, beseeching 536' him not to visit the faults which might be found in the queen on the Church she had helped to build up. The archbishop had just finished writing when he received a message to appear before the council at Westminster. Such a message at such a time seemed even more ominous than Cromwell's letter, but it was peremptory, and had to be obeyed. Cranmer took his barge, crossed the river, and went to the star chamber, where he found the Lord Chancellor Audley, the Earls of Oxford and Sussex, and Lord Sandys. By the terms of the commission of the 24 th of April they formed a quorum ; and it is probable that they sub jected Cranmer to an examination. But he seems to have been either unable or unwilling to furnish fresh evidence against Anne. The commissioners acquainted him with the proof which they had, or pretended to have, of her guilt ; and the primate, cowed by the manner in which he was treated, declared himself satisfied with it. He returned to Lambeth, and there added a postscript to his letter, saying he was ex ceedingly sorry such things could be proved against the queen.1 1 Cranmer to Henry VIII., May 3, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 225, printed by Burnet, etc. VOL. II. H 258 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. After this, of course, Cranmer made no attempt to Roland help his former patron. Nor do we hear that her «« c ey- f£en(js a^ court dared in any way to interfere. The only person who tried to be of service to her was a poor lawyer of Gray's Inn, one Eoland Buckley, the brother of a friend of Noreys, Sir Eichard Buckley, knight chamberlain of North Wales. As soon as Eoland heard of the arrest of Anne and Noreys, he May 2, wrote to Sir Eichard, who was in favour with the king, beseeching him to come to court and to inter cede on their behalf.1 The letter was entrusted to one of Sir Eichard's servants, who rode in haste towards Wales. But in Shropshire the messenger was stopped and examined, and the letter was taken from him. It was sent to the Bishop of Lichfield, the President of Wales, while Griffith — that was the messenger's name — wras retained in gaol at Shrewsbury. The bishop forwarded the letter to Cromwell, and inquired what was to be done, so that Sir Eichard never knew of his brother's message until it was too late.2 Activity While Anne's friends were prevented from acting enemies* m ner favour, her enemies laboured to complete her 1 Roland Buckley to Sir R. Buckley, May 2, 1536, loc. cit. : " The are lyke to suffyre, all there morre is the pitte, yff it plesyde good otherwyse I praye you macke you redy in all the haste that can be and come downe to youre prynce for you your seffte may do morre than xx men in your absence, therefore mayke haste for ye may be ther or onny a worde be of theyr deth, when it is onnes knowe that the shall dede all wilbe to latte therefore mayke haste . . ." 2 Council of Wales to Cromwell, May 7, 1536, R.O., Cromwell Correspondence, xxv. No. 2. ANNE BOLEYN. 259 ruin. They searched eagerly for evidence against chap.xvii. her, and examined every one who seemed likely to know anything to her disadvantage. Sir William Fitzwilliam and Sir William Paulet, aided by Sir Edward Baynton, seem to have distinguished them selves in this way at Greenwich, where Anne's personal servants had remained.1 \Cromw-ell went frequently to the Tower, and appears to have prin cipally conducted such little examination of the prisoners as took place.2 Anne herself was not examined any further. At Arrest of first orders had been issued that, except in the Weston- presence of Lady Kingston, she was to hold no com munication with the four women deputed to serve her ; but it wras soon decided that this would neither be practicable nor expedient. So her attendants were allowed to talk with her, on condition that every thing of any importance which she might say to them should be reported to the constable. In a state of hysterical excitement Anne w^as unable to weigh her words and to control her tongue. On the morning after her arrest she spoke of Noreys, and told Mrs. Cosyns, one of her attendants, of the conversation she had had with him. She then talked of Weston, whose indiscretion she seemed greatly to fear. The whole conversation was immediately reported to Kingston, who in his turn sent an account of it to 1 Sir E. Baynton to Sir W. Fitzwilliam, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. 2096 ; Wriothesley' s Chronicle, i. p. 37, etc. 2 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fols. 222 and 2246. S 2 280 ANNE BOLEYN. chap, xvii. Cromwell.1 The consequence was that Sir Francis Weston went to swell the number of the prisoners at the Tower.2 Amst of About the same time, on the afternoon of Thursdav, Bryerton. " May 4, the 4th of May, William Bryerton, one of the gentle men of the king's chamber, was also arrested.3 Like Weston, Bryerton had grown up at court, where, before receiving the office he held at the time of his arrest, he had been a page and a groom of the privy chamber. He was of a good family ; and his uncle, Sir William Bryerton, or Brereton, one of Henry's ablest captains, had done excellent service in Ireland. As young Bryerton had married a lady of small fortune — the widow of Sir John Savage — his position was not equal to that of Weston ; but he was able to make a very good figure at court, and, like other gay courtiers, he was much in the society of Anne and her friends. The immediate occasion of his arrest does not appear ; it may have been some further indiscretion on the part of Anne, or some statement wrung from her former servants or others about court. Wyatt Qn ^g fo}i0 wmo- day the list of prisoners was ana rage. ° J ' May 5, completed by the arrest of Thomas Wyatt, Anne's cousin, and Sir Eichard Page.4 Wyatt, it wall be 1 Kingston to Cromwell, May 3, 1536, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 225. 2 Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop, May 14, 1536, loc. cit.; and Histoire de Anne de Boullant. 3 Ibid. ; and Constantyne to Cromwell, Arcliosologia, xxiii. pp. 63-65. As to the dates of the arrests, see Appendix, Note F. 4 Histoire de Anne de Boullant : " Maistre Waston et Barton le suivirent, Pages et Oviet ce mesme chemin feirent," 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 261 remembered, had been suspected — if not more — of chap. xvii. being Anne's lover before she yielded to the king. Sir Eichard Page, a gentleman of the privy chamber, had been, like the other prisoners, on very friendly terms with Anne, to whom he had rendered sundry little services, which she. had requited with gifts and otherwise.1 Besides the persons who were actually sent to prison, a good many others were bound under heavy fines to present themselves before Cromwell or before the royal council. They were thus kept in suspense and fear, and could not exert themselves in favour of the accused. It now remained to prepare the indictments against The such of the prisoners as were to be brought to trial, ^""wer* Besides Anne, five of them were singled out. Mark to he tried. Smeton, who had already confessed that he had com mitted adultery with the queen, was one of them. It was necessary to bring him publicly tp trial, for his confession was the only direct evidence against Anne which Cromwell was able to produce. By promises of pardon he might be induced both to plead guilty and to tell more than he had yet told, but condemned he must be. The other four were Lord Eochford, Noreys, Weston, and Bryerton. Cromwell fully understood that it would be most dangerous to allow these men to escape. Had it been Henry's intention, after the death of Anne, to effect a reconciliation with Eome, the three last named might have been allowed to escape ; but if he wished misprinted by Crapelet ; and E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, May 18, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 90. 1 List of Anne's debts, R.O., Henry VIII., Box I. 262 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvii. to keep a middle course it was his interest to eliminate from the party of the reformation as many as possible of those who might drive it to extremes, and thereby force the government to lean to the other side. Besides, Eochford and Noreys, if released, would certainly try to avenge their own wrongs and the fate of Anne ; and they would probably be aided by Weston and Bryerton. It was deemed advisable, therefore, that they should all die. Wyatt As to Wyatt, he does not seem to have been on very anescape^e intimate terms with Anne for some years. He was arrested rather that he might give evidence than that he might be brought to trial ; and a few days after his imprisonment Cromwell wrote to his father, Sir Henry Wyatt, that the young man would be spared.1 It was decided, too, that Sir Eichard Page, who was con nected with the Fitzwilliams and the Eussells, should be allowed to escape. The bills The examination of the prisoners producing no °^™ll2t' further evidence, the bills of indictment were drawn May 10 UP- ^he original documents are still preserved. 1536. There are two findings of the grand juries of Middlesex May II J 1536. ' and Kent ; and when read together they tell a very strange tale. Anne was accused of having repeatedly committed adultery with Henry Noreys, William Bryerton, Sir Francis Weston, and Smeton, and of having been repeatedly guilty of incest with her brother Lord Eochford. She was also accused of having conspired with these five men to bring about the death of the king, and of having said that she did 1 Sir Henry Wyatt to Cromwell, May 11, 1536, R.O., Henry VIII., 28th, Bundle II. ANNE BOLEYN. 263 not love him, and that after his death she would marry chap. xvii. one of her lovers. It was set forth, moreover, that Anne and her confederates had by their misdeeds brought Henry into contempt and had slandered his issue, and that the sorrow caused by their treasonable behaviour had so injured his health as to put his life in danger.1 If wre consider this long and heavy charge, its improba- improbability at once becomes apparent. It is un- * #fe necessary to dwell on the extreme corruption and charges J x against coarseness which it presupposes in Anne and her Anne. lovers ; for of the corruption and coarseness of Henry's court we have ample proof. But even if it be admitted that Anne was one of the most depraved women of an extremely base court, it is most unlikely that she behaved in the manner described in the two indict ments. According to her accusers, she never acted on impulse, but invariably made cool arrangements with her lovers as to the place and time when and where she was to meet them, although, according to the very detailed accounts presented in the indictments, she ought to have thought herself unobserved and in no danger of surprise. She is chaiged, not with giving way to temptation gradually, but with plunging at once into a vicious life ; and it is assumed that she was guilty of adultery within a month after the birth of 1 Indictment found at Westminster, May 10, 1536, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membrane 7, and Pouch IX. Membrane 18; and Indictment found at Deptford, May 11, 1536, RO. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membrane 11, and Pouch IX. Membrane 21, most incorrectly abstracted in the Appendix to the Third Report of tbe Deputy Keeper of Public Records. 264 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvn. Elizabeth, and of incest a month before she was delivered of her stillborn babe. There was no evidence whatever to support such accusations as these. The second part of the indictment, that wThich relates to conspiring the king's death, is open to even greater doubt than the first. Towards the end of 1535, and in January, 1536, Anne would have been inconceivably foolish had she wished Henry to die. In November Catherine was still in good health, and if Henry had suddenly died there would have been an immediate rising in favour of her and of her daughter. Anne would not have been able to offer even a semblance of resistance, Cromwell himself would have turned against her, Kingston would have shut the gates of the Tower in her face, and the gaolers at Kimbolton and Hatfield would have been the first to try to obtain forgiveness by raising the banner of Catherine and Mary. At first sight it may seem that Anne wras in less danger after Catherine's death. But Anne's enemies were exasperated by that event, and they drew together even more closely than they had done at any previous period. Besides, Anne had at that time the very best reasons for not risking anything. She was with child, and she knew that if she bore the king a son she would be safe. The pretended conspiracy to murder the king, and the alleged promise to marry one of her lovers, seem to have been nothing more than an amplification of Anne's conversation with Noreys at the end of April — the conversation of whieh she spoke the day after her committal to the Tower. Such amplifications were too common in the time of the Tudors. ANNE BOLEYN. 265 But while I am strongly of opinion that the chap. xvii. indictments were drawn up at random, and that there Crimes of was no trustworthy evidence to sustain the specific ^fl*^ charges, I am by no means convinced that Anne did directly not commit offences quite as grave as most of those of which she was accused. She may have been guilty of crimes which it did not suit the convenience of the government to divulge. At the subsequent trial some hints to this effect were thrown out, and although proof was not adduced they were likely enough to have been true.1 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 82. CHAPTEE XVIII. ANNE'S LAST DAYS. Henry After leaving Greenwich on May Day, Henry went courtiers. t° York place, his new palace at Westminster. Here he spent the night, and here on the following day May 2, Lord Eochford was arrested. It was at York place, too, that Henry had the touching scene with the Duke of Eichmond described in a former chapter. The tears shed by the king over the danger which the Duke of Eichmond had escaped did not flow long. They seem to have been the only tears the whole affair drew from his eyes, for on the following day he was in excellent spirits. Although accustomed to dissemble, he could not hide his joy that means had been found to rid him of Anne and to enable him to take a new wife. As he had allowed his exultation to appear at the death of Catherine, so he showed his delight at the coming fate of Anne. Never had the court been so gay as now, when the titular queen and some of the foremost courtiers lay in the Tower awaiting sentence of death. Feasts and banquets followed one another, and the inhabitants of the river-banks w^ere often roused from their sleep by the music which ANNE BOLEYN. 267 enlivened Henry as he went home in his barge from ohap.xvui. some prolonged festivity.1 Notwithstanding the coarseness of the age, not withstanding the indifference of most people of the time to bloodshed, notwithstanding the hatred with which the Boleyns were regarded, Henry's raptures provoked general disgust. Even his courtiers dis approved of his behaviour, and although they vied with each other in providing amusement for him they spoke contemptuously of his merriment. Among others, the Bishop of Carlisle gave a supper to Henry and to some of the ladies at court. Here the king showed exuberant mirth. He spoke with the bishop of the arrest of Anne, and said he had long foreseen that such would be her end. He had even written a tragedy on the subject ; and drawing a book out of his doublet he showed it to the bishop. The latter went next day to see Chapuis and told him of Henry's conduct, using expressions, it seems, not very flattering to the king.2 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : " Et desia sonne tres mal aux oreilles du peuple que le diet Roy ayant receu telle ignominie sest monstre beaulcop plus joyeulx depuis la prinse de la dicte putain quil ne feist oncques et est presque continuelle- ment alle banquetter deca et dela avec les dames et quelque fois il est demoure jusques apres mynuit et sen retournant par la riviere la pluspart du temps il estoit aecompagne de diverses sortes dinstrument et de lautre part les chantres de sa ehambre que faysoient leur debvoir que sentoit fort a linterpretation de plusieurs la joyssance destre quicte de maigre vieille et meschante bague avec expoir de reschargement quest chose fort peculieyre et agreable audict Roy." 2 Ibid. : " II souppa naguaires avec plusieurs dames en la maison de levesque de Carlion, yl monstra une joye desespere 268 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvni. But Henry not only pretended that he had foreseen all that was happening ; it is evident that he took an active part in shaping the course of future events. He was regularly informed of every step taken against Anne and her associates, and he interfered a good deal with the proceedings.1 Although, as on most other occasions, it was chiefly about matters of detail he was asked to decide, his wishes probably influenced the form in which the indictments were drawn up. The The indictments were to be laid before the two grand furies, juries of Middlesex and Kent, where the crimes were May 9, sa^ ^o have been committed. On the 9th of May 1530. precepts to this effect were addressed to the sheriffs, Humphrey Monmouth and John Cotes for Middlesex, and Sir Edward Wotton for Kent.2 They immediately returned a list of jurors, of whom those for Middlesex were to attend at Westminster, and those for Kent at Deptford.3 That these juries were packed there is no comme me vint dire le lendemain icelluy evesque et me rappourta aussy que entre plusieurs propoz que le diet Roy luy avoit tenu particulierement il lny diet quil y avoit desia longtemps quil presagissoit lissue de ces affaires et que sur ce yl avoit cy devant compose une tragedie quil pourtoit avec luy et ce disant icelluy Roy tira de son seing ung petit livret escript de sa main, mais le diet evesque ne lit point dedans. Peut estre que cestoit certaines ballades que le diet Roy a compose desquelles la putain et son frere comme de chose inepte et gouffe se gaudissoient que leur feut objecte pour grand et grief cryme." 1 Sir William Paulet to Cromwell, May 11, 1536, R.O, Cromwell Correspondence, vol. xxxiv. ; etc. 2 Precept of the justices, May 9, 1536, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membranes 8 and 12. 3 List of grand juries, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membranes 9 and 13. ANNE BOLEYN. 269 reason to believe. It would have been quite super- chap.xvih. fluous to take so much trouble, the proceedings before the grand jury being in such cases considered a mere formality. Never had a bill presented by the royal officials of the Tudors been ignored, and the confidence of the government was so complete that the principal commissioners did not even attend at the sitting. Only some of the judges presided ; and before them, on the 10th at Westminster, and on the 11th at Deptford, M^]0' true bills were found.1 May H, Even before the indictments had been found, the The trial day for the trial of the four commoners had been fixed. °f tJ>e J _ common- They were to be tried on the morning of Friday the ers. 12th, at Westminster Hall.2 On the 11th Cromw-ell May n, went to Hampton Court (to which Henry had retired) and settled with the king the details of the coming trial, returning to town in the evening. No one but the king and the secretary had anything to do with the final arrangements. The Duke of Norfolk even, who re mained at court on the 11th, knew nothing of what was to happen on the following day. Afraid to commit himself, he asked Sir William Paulet how matters stood, but found him equally ignorant. The duke declared he would not act without special orders from the king, and sent a message to that effect to Cromwell.8 Shortly afterwards he received the news that he was expected to sit the next morning. 1 Indictments, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membranes 7 and 11. 2 Baga de Segretis, Pouch VTII. Membrane 6. 3 Sir W. Paulet to Cromwell, May 11, 1536, R.O., Cromwell Correspondence, vol. xxxiv. 1536. 270 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvin. On Friday morning, then, the court over which May 12, Audley presided opened at Westminster Hall. With the exception of one of the judges, Sir Thomas Engiefield, all the commissioners sat, Lord Wiltshire among them.1 The four prisoners were brought up by Sir William Kingston ; and when the indictments had been read, they were asked whether they would plead guilty or not. Smeton, having already con fessed the adultery, pleaded guilty as to this part of the charge, throwing himself on the mercy of the king. As to the rest of the charge he declared himself innocent. Noreys, Weston, and Bryerton pleaded not guilty to all the charges. A jury was immediately sworn to try the case. Here, I must say, the list looks rather suspicious.2 Of the twelve knights who composed the jury most were royal officials. Sir Thomas Wharton was comp troller in the north. Sir Eichard Tempest, a near kinsman of Anne's aunt and enemy, Lady Boleyn, was steward of Wakefield and constable of Sandale. Sir William Musgrave was constable of Bewcastle and keeper of the park of Plumpton, and had a yearly pension of £20 out of the revenues of Sorby. Moreover, he had signed a bond for 2,000 marks to Cromwell and others the king's officers, payment of which might be demanded. Sir Thomas Palmer was one of the ushers of receipts of the exchequer. Sir Edward WiUoughby was keeper of Hendley park. Sir William Sidney had been keeper of the great scales of London. Sir Walter Hungerford was the 1 Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membrane 1. 2 Baga de Segretis. Pouch VIII. Membrane 5. ANNE BOLEYN. 271 The com moners con demned. son-in-law of Lord Hussey, Anne's bitter enemy, and chap.xvui. had just obtained from royal favour a writ of sum mons to the House of Lords. Sir Giles Alington was the son-in-law of Lady More, Sir Thomas More's widow. As to the four others, Sir William Askew, Eobert Dormer, William Drewry, and John Hampden, I have found no proof of their holding airv office or pension under the crown ; but they had all been justices of the peace in their counties, some even sheriffs. They were, therefore, men trusted by the government. Before such a jury the accused had but small chance. Even had the jurors felt no prejudice against Anne and her friends, they could not have approached the consideration of the case with perfect impartiality ; for they knew that if they acquitted the three gentlemen they would draw on themselves the anger of the king and his ministers, and that in the event of Henry trying to take vengeance for their verdict they would not find any allies upon whom they could rely. Besides, in the time of the Tudors it was the accused person who had to prove his innocence rather than the king's officers who had to prove his guilt ; and in this instance the prisoners were more than usually hampered in their defence. Until the indictments were read in court, they probably did not know the specific acts with which they were charged : and it was impossible for them, without preparation, to recall what had happened on the days when their offences were said to have been committed. Their condemnation wras inevitable, and a verdict of guilty was returned on all counts. Sir 272 ANNE BOLEYN. chap, xviii. Christopher Hales, the attorney-general, asked for judgment against Smeton on his own confession, against the other three on the verdict ; and the court condemned them to suffer the usual torture and death as traitors.1 It was now the turn of Anne and Eochford. But as it had become too late to call together a sufficient number of peers for the following day, their trial had to be postponed to Monday the 15th.2 Anne in By this time Anne had somewhat recovered from Tower. fne shock she had received on the day of her arrest. She was quieter, and we hear less of such hysterical attacks as were reported on the 3rd and 4th of May. It seems that she did not quite realise her position. She fancied that she was liked by the greater part of the English people, and hoped that the bishops preferred by her influence would interfere in her favour.3 She had not even heard of Cranmer's cowardice. As to the past she appears to have been undisturbed by scruples of conscience. She felt no remorse for the part she had taken against Catherine, Fisher, More, and the other martyrs ; and at that time, and among persons of her class, any crimes of a different kind which she may have committed were scarcely considered to be morally wrong. What she remembered was her steady kindness to her friends and adherents ; and she expressed a firm 1 R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch VIII. Membranes 2 and 3. 2 R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch IX. Membranes 14, 16 and 19. 3 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, British Museum, Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 228. ANNE BOLEYN. 273 hope that if she died she would go straight to\ chap.xviii. heaven.1 \ It was only after she had been several days in the Tower that she heard that her brother lay a prisoner in a cell not far from her. She had probably ex pected as much, for when Kingston confirmed the news she showed no extraordinary emotion. At the same time she was told of the arrest of Weston, Bryerton, Wyatt, and Page. She manifested no fear of them, but chatted about them very freely with her gaolers. Of the two prisoners who escaped, Wyatt and Page, she seems to have said nothing that could expose them to danger.2 Even in this time of dire distress Anne abated nothing of her overbearing temper. She had complained of the rudeness of the councillors at Greenwich ; she now expressed her astonishment that they did not wait on her to hear her further defence. She complained, too, of the ladies whom the king had deputed to wait on her, and did not hide her dislike for them.3 Chapuis she greatly abused, ascribing chiefly to his influence the action that had been taken against her. Ever since he had been at court (on the 18th of April), she said, the king's manner towards her had altered.4 1 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, British Museum. Cotton MSS., Otho C. x. fob 225. ¦ 2 Ibid. 3 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Otho C. x. fob 225 and 228. 4 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, May 18, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 90 : " Celle que la eu en charge et garde ne men scelera chose du monde, desja des le commencement elle menvoya advertir de quelques choses et entres autres que VOL. II. T 274 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvni. In this way Anne spent her days in the Tower Peers until the moment arrived for her trial. On the 13th SUforthe °f May the Duke of Norfolk, who had been named trial of Lord High Steward of England for the occasion,1 Anne and ° & ' Rochford. issued a precept to summon twenty-six peers in or 1536.'' near London to appear on the 15th at the Tower, there to decide as a jury between Anne and Lord Eochford on the one hand and the king on the other.2 The peers thus summoned were the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Exeter, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Derby, Worcester, Eutland, Sussex, and Huntingdon, and the Lords Audeley, Lawarr, Mountague, Morley, Thomas Dacres of the South, Cobham, Maltravers, Powes, Mounteagle, Clinton, Sandys, Wyndsor, Wentworth, Burgh, and Mordaunt.3 That this panel wras quite fairly chosen I have no doubt. The whole lay peerage at that time consisted of sixty-two persons. Of these, four were women, and two under age. Four of the peers — the Earl of Kent, and Lords Dudley, Say, and Talboys — never sat, being too poor. The Earl of Cumberland and Lord Dacres ladicte Messaline ne pouvoit considerer ne imaginer que personne du monde leust mis en disgrace de ce Roy que moy, car oncques puis que fus en la court le diet Roy ne la regarda de bon oeyb Bien men prent quelle nest exchappee car selon quelle estoit humaine et piteuse elle meust voulu faire menger aux chiens." 1 Commission to the Duke of Norfolk, May 12, 1536, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch IX., Membrane 17. 2 Precept to Ralph Felmingbam, May 13, 1536, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch IX., Membrane 16. 3 Panel of Peers, R.O. Bnga de Segretis, Pouch IX., Membrane 15. ANNE BOLEYN. 275 of the North were employed on the marches towards chap.xvui. Scotland, while Lord Lisle was deputy of Calais. The Duke of Norfolk acted as high steward. Of the re maining forty-six (excluding Lord Eochford and Lord Wiltshire) several had at their urgent request been excused from attending the parliament which was going to open, while twenty-six had been summoned and had appeared. Among those who sat, there were, indeed, many enemies of Anne : the Duke of Suffolk, who had opposed her from the beginning, the Marquis of Exeter, Catherine's and Mary's staunch friend, the Earl of Northumberland, whose former passion for Anne had been changed into hatred, the Earl of Derby and the Lords Mountague and Sandys, who had joined the conspiracy against her. But, on the other hand, such bitter enemies of Anne as Lord Dacres of the North, Lord Hussey, Lord Bray, and Lord Darcy had not been summoned, as they would certainly have been if it had been thought necessary to have a packed jury. Probably the Duke of Norfolk omitted no peer wdiom he knew to be in or near London. It was not thought fit that a wroman who, according to the statutes, was still Queen of England, should be led as a prisoner through the city to Westminster. Anne and Eochford were, therefore, to be tried in the Tower, and the great hall was prepared for the court. A platform was erected, benches were made for the peers, a dais on which was a raised chair was spread for the high steward, and barriers were placed to keep off the crowd.1 1 Wriothesley's Chronicle of England, edited by W. D. Hamilton. T 2 276 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xvm. On Monday morning, the 15th of May, Norfolk and The trial the peers took their seats.1 The Lord Chancellor Mayit, Audley sat next to the duke, for although, as a 1536. commoner, he could not officially interfere, he might privately advise the high steward. Sir John Allen, the Lord Mayor, with a deputation of aldermen, wardens, and members of the principal crafts of London, attended by order of the king. The part of the hall not occupied by the court was crowded with people who wanted to see a queen of England tried for adultery and treason.2 As soon as the members of the court had taken their places Anne, attended by Lady Kingston and Lady Boleyn, was brought in by Sir William Kingston and Sir Edmund Walsingham, the Lieutenant of the Tower.3 A chair had been provided for her, and she sat down to hear the indictments read.4 When the reading was over, and the usual question had been put to her, she pleaded not guilty. On behalf of the crown Sir Christopher Hales argued in favour of the indictments,5 and he was assisted by Cromwell, who, having formerly been a lawyer, appeared as counsel for the king. They did not keep strictly to the indictments, but heaped accusation upon accusation. Anne's con versation with Noreys (reported by Kingston) was adduced as evidence that she had agreed to marry Noreys after the king's death. From this it appeared 1 Record of Session, R.O. Baga de Segretis, Pouch IX., Membranes 1 — 6. 2 Wriothesley's Chronicle. 3 Record of Session, loc. cit. 4 Wriothesley's Chronicle ; and Histoire de Anne de Boullant. 5 Record of Session, loc. 'cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 277 that they desired his death ; and this, again, was held chap.xvui. to prove that they had conspired to bring it to pass. Besides arguing in this tortuous fashion, Hales and Cromwell brought forward new charges. They accused Anne of having given certain lockets to Noreys, from which they concluded that she had contrived to have Catherine poisoned, and had conspired to bring Mary to the same end. They furthermore asserted that she and her brother had spoken contemptuously of the king, of his literary productions, and of the way in which he dressed, and that she had shown that she was tired of him. In the presence of immediate danger Anne re gained her composure, and defended herself tem perately and ably. She denied absolutely the crimes laid to her charge. That she had given money to Weston she admitted ; but she had done the same to several other young courtiers — in their case, as in his, without any criminal intent. Although she was, of course, unable to produce rebutting evi dence, she spoke so well, and so thoroughly upset the whole structure of the prosecution, that before an impartial tribunal she would scarcely have been convicted.1 But her efforts were of no avail. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit.: " Ce principallement dont elle fust chargee estoit davoir cohabite avec son frere et autres complices, quil y avoit promesse entre elle et noris de se espouser aprez le trespas de ce Roy, que denotoit quilz luy desiroient la mort et quelle avoit receu et donne certaines medailles audit Noris que se pouvoynt ainsi interpreter quelle avoyt faict empoysonner la feue Royne et maschine de faire le mesme a la princesse. Lesquelles choses elle nya tottalement et a chacune donna assez coulorie responce, bien confessa elle quelle 278 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. The question wdrich presented itself to the minds of the lords was, not whether she was guilty of the charges contained in the indictments, but whether she was to die or not. This question they answered in the affirmative. After the pleadings they retired, and soon came back with a verdict of guilty. The Duke of Norfolk thereupon gave sentence that Anne, Queen of England, was to be burnt or beheaded at the king's pleasure. She heard the sentence without shrinking, and having obtained leave to say a few words she declared that she did not fear to die. The thing which grieved her most, she asserted, was that the gentlemen included in the indictments, who were absolutely innocent, should suffer on her account, and all she asked was to be allowed a short time to prepare for death.1 avoit donne de largent a Waiston comme aussy elle avoit faict a plusieurs autres jeunes gentilzbommes. II luy fust aussy objecte et au frere aussy quilz sestoient mouque du Roy et de ses habillemens et quelle en plusieurs facons demonstroit ne aymer le diet Roy ains estre ennuye de lui peut etre que cestoit certaines ballades que le dit Roy a compose desquelles la putain et son frere comme de chose inepte et gouffe se gaudis- soient que leur feut objecte pour grand et grief cryme." 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit.: "La concubyne fust condempnee premierement et avoit ouye sa sentence que fust destre bruslee ou davoir transchee la teste au chois du Roy. Elle tint bonne mine disant quelle se tenoit toute saluee de la mort et que le plus que luy deplesoyt estoit que les susmencionnez questoient innocents et loyaulx au Roy deussent morir pour elle et ne supplia autre chose synon luy donner ung peu despace pour disposer sa conscience ; " and Histoire de Anne de Boullant : " Aprez quilz lont coupable publiee Et que luy ont peine de mort livree ANNE BOLEYN. 279 Kingston and Walsingham then led their prisoner chap.xvui. back to her apartment, and her place at the bar was The taken by her brother. Before his trial began, nlctfold. however, the Earl of Northumberland was obliged, by illness, to leave the Tower. He was dying of a nervous disorder, and it may be that although he had hated Anne of late most cordially, he felt some compunction for condemning her to death. The court went on with its work without him. Eochford was accused of having on one occasion remained a long time in Anne's room ; and against charges of this kind, which were neither authenticated nor proof of guilt, he defended himself energetically. To the charge that he had used expressions showing that he doubted whether Elizabeth was Henry's child, he made no reply. Eash, overbearing, and mocking as he and Anne were, he may have uttered some Le president millort due de Norfort Pour endurer de lespee leffort Ou bien du feu selon le bon vouloir Du Roy, na faict semblant de se douloir Car jay tousiours au Roy este fidelle Et pour ce veulx que ce dernier parler Ne soit que pour mon honneur consoler Et de mon frere et de ceulx que jugez Avez a mort, et dhonneur estrangez Tant que vouldrois que les peusse deffendre Et delivrer pour coupable me rendre De mille morts, et puis quil plaist au Roy Je recepvray la mort en ceste foy. . . ." The French poet is mistaken when he says tbat Anne was condemned after Rochford. This certainly was not the case. 280 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. such jest ; and he was now to pay for it with his life.1 In the course of his trial it was asserted that Anne had told Lady Eochford that Henry was no longer able to beget children. This statement, which Cromwell did not wish to be made public, was written on a piece of paper, and handed to the accused, who was forbidden to read it aloud. But Eochford, having become fully aware that there was no hope of pardon, disregarded the prohibition, and loudly proclaimed the contents of the sheet.2 After the matter had been argued at great length, Eochford defending himself cleverly and stoutly, the peers were once more called upon to pronounce their verdict, and in answer to Norfolk they found the accused guilty on all counts. Judgment was given,8 and then Lord Eochford was allowed to speak a few words. He said in general terms that he was 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : "Le frere fust charge davoir eohabite avec elle par presomption quil sestoit une foys treuve longtemps avec elle et de certaines autres petites folies. Et au tout il respondit si bien que plusieurs des assistens voulurent gaiger dix pour ung quil seroit absoublz il luy fust aussy objecte quil avoit deu semer quelque parolles par lesquelles il mectoit en doubte si la fille de sa sueur estoit fille du Roy a quoy il ne respondist riens." 2 Ibid. : " Je ne veulx omectre quentre autres choses luy fust objecte pour crime que sa sueur la putain avoit dit a sa femme que le Roy nestoit habile en cas de soy copuler avec femme et quil navoit ne vertu ne puissance et ce ne luy voulut Ion dire devant le monde mais luy fust monstre par escript avec protes tation quil ne le recita. Mais tout incontinent il declaira laffaire au grand despit de Crumuel et aucuns autres quilz ne vouldroient cet endroit engendrer suspicion que pourroit prejudiquer a la lignee que le diet Roy pretend avoir." 3 R.O. Baga de Segretis. Pouch IX., Membrane 1—6. ANNE BOLEYN. 281 wTorthy to die, but he craved from the king's mercy chap.xvui. that his debts might be paid out of his fortune, which was by the judgment forfeited to the crown. After this he was taken back to his cell, and the court rose.1 The condemnation of Anne had been generally Change of expected, but it had been believed that her brother feeling. would be acquitted. At the trial he defended him self so vigorously and so eloquently, that among the common people who were present wagers were laid at ten to one that he would get off.2 The fact was that during the last few days there had been a strong revulsion of popular feeling. At first the downfall of the chiefs of the Boleyn faction had been hailed with joy by all whom their pride and insolence 1 R. 0. Baga de Segretis, Pouch IX., Membrane 1 — 6 : "Le frere apres sa condampnacion dit que puis quil falloit quil morut il ne vouloit plus soubstenir son innocence ains confessay quil avoit bien desservy la mort, seuUement supplioit au diet Roy vouloir permectre que de ses biens feussent payez ses debtes quil nomma; " and Histoire de Anne de Boullant : " II ne sesmeut ne les juges il blasme Mais seulement les prie de tant faire Envers le Roy quil veuille satisfaire A ses amis qui luy avoient preste De leur argent a sa necessite Et cependant en Dieu deliberoit Que de bon cueur ceste mort souffriroit." 2 Ibid. ; and Constantino to Cromwell, loc. cit. : " There was said that much money would have been laid that day and that [at 1] greate odds that the Lord Rochford should have been quit. . . ." " I heard say he had escapyd had it not byn for a letter." Was this an allusion to the paper shown to Rochford at the trial ? I am inclined to think it was. 282 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. had galled, by every one who expected some share in the plunder that was likely to be divided after such a catastrophe, and by those who hoped that there would now be a complete political and religious re action. It had been assumed that there was some real foundation for the charges brought against the prisoners ; beyond a very limited circle no one knew the exact nature of the crimes of which they were accused, or the kind of evidence that was to be adduced in proof. The trial of the commoners at Westminster dis closed the true state of affairs. For the first time the English people heard of the charge of incest, which, even in so corrupt a society as that of Henry's court, was considered almost incredible. The public, too, were gravely informed that Henry had taken the infidelity of the queen so much to heart, had felt such overwhelming sorrow, that his health had been injured.1 This they were told at the very time when they heard the sounds of rejoicing coming from the royal barge, when Henry was known to be in unusually high spirits. Moreover, the king's dallying with Jane Seymour, which now began to be talked about, raised a suspicion that Anne was to die in order to make way for an equally depraved rival. When all these considerations were added to that feeling of good nature which impels Englishmen to spare a van quished foe and to favour the weaker party, the unpopularity of Anne soon decreased. Many of those who had been most furious against her became 1 Indictments found at Westminster and at Deptford, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 283 Execution of the male May 16, 1536. anxious that no harm should be done either to her or chap.xvui. to Eochford.1 But there was no hope for any of the prisoners. An attempt was made to save Sir Francis Weston, whose family was powerful and rich, and had generally prisoners. sided against the Boleyns. The French ambassadors are said to have interfered in his favour, but their request — if made — was not granted.2 On the day after the trial of Anne and Eophford, the five men condemned to suffer death were told to prepare for execution on the following morning.8 This they did as well as they could. They confessed, made out lists of their debts, and wTrote farewell letters to their families, wdiom, it appears, they were not permitted to see. One of these farewell letters, that of Sir 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : " Combien que tout le monde dyci soit bien joyeulx de lexecution de la dicte putain touteffois yl y a peu de gens qui ne murmurent et treuvent bien estrange la forme qua este tenue a la procedure et condem nation delle et des autres et se parle diversement dudict Roy et ne sera pas pour appaiser le monde quand Ion sappercevera de ce quest passe et se passe entre luy et maistresse Jehanne Semel ; " E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, May 18, 1536, loc. cit. : "Vous ne veites oncque prince ne autre homme que manifesta plus ses comes ne que les pourta plus alegrement. Je Vous laisse penser ' la cause ; " and Constantine to Cromwell, loc. cit. : " Dean : . . I never heard of the queens that they should be thus handled, George : In good faith neither I ; neither yet I never suspected, but I promise you there was much muttering of Queen Anne's death. Dean : There was indeed." 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : Quelque instance quaye faicte levesque de. Tarbes ambassadeur ordinaire de France et le Seigneur de Tinteville lequel arryva yci avant bier pour en saulver ung nomme vaston ; " and Histoire de Anne de Boullant. 3 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 16, 1536, British Museum, Harleian MSS. vol. 283, fob 134 ; and Singer's Cavendish, p. 459. 284 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. Francis Weston, has been preserved at the Eecord Office. It is written at the end of the list of his debts, amounting in all to about nine hundred pounds. " Father and mother and wife," it runs, " I shall humbly desire you for the salvation of my soul to discharge me of this bill, and for to forgive me of all my offences that I have done to you, and in especial my wife, which I desire for the love of God to forgive me and to pray for me, for I believe prayer will do me good. God's blessing have my children and mine. By me a great offender to God." 1 By royal order the scaffold was prepared, not at Tyburn, but on Tower Hill ; and instead of being hanged, disembowelled, and quartered, the prisoners were simply to be beheaded.2 They were allowed to 1 Record Office, Henry VIII., Anno 1536-37, Bundle I. 2 Dr. Lingard and Mr. Eroude say that Smeton was hanged, and the former asserts that " the Portuguese writer is certainly in error when he supposes Smeaton to have been beheaded." I think " the Portuguese writer " is right. Eirst of all, there were no gallows on Tower Hill, and the erection of gallows for the occasion would have caused no little trouble and expense. Secondly, the account of " the Portuguese writer " is con firmed by Chapuis in letters to Charles V., May 17 and 19, 1536, loc. cit : " Sire ce jourdhui a este tranchee devant la tour la teste au seigneur de Rochefort et aux quartre autres susnommes ; " by the French account, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 373, fob 111: "Apres le diet Rocheford furent decappittez quatre gentilzhommes nommez Messieurs Westen, Norris premier gentilhomme de la ehambre du Roy, Brecter ct Marc; " by the Histoire de Anne de Boullant: "Sinon que Marc . . . Ainsi finablement Apres les quatre et suivant leur chemin, Receut le coup de sa piteuse fin ; " and by Hall, Grafton, Holinshed, Wriothesley, and the chronicler of the Gray Friars. 1536. ANNE BOLEYN. 285 address the people, who had come in great numbers chap.xvui. to witness their execution. Except in the case of May 17, Lord Eochford, of whose words conflicting ver sions remain, their speeches have not been preserved.1 So much, however, seems certain, that the prisoners did not assert their innocence, but that on the other band not one of them confessed that he had been guilty of those offences for which he had been condemned.2 The former fact has been held to 1 The account of Lord Rochford's speech given by Wriothesley in his Chronicle of England (edited by Mr. Hamilton for the Camden Society) agrees best with : " Ce que diet Millor de Rochefort. . ." Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 373, fob 111, and with the account sent by Chapuis : " Execution criminelle faicte en angleterre le xvi6me (sic) de May 1536," Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, iii. fob 31. 2 French account, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 373, fob 111 : "Qui ne dirent pas grant chose synon que Ion priast Dieu pour eulx et quilz prenoient la mort en gre ; '' Histoire de Anne de Boullant : " Les quatre qui restent encores apres Ne dirent riens comme si par expres A Rochefort eussent donne creance De parler seul selon leur conscience Sinon que Marc qui tousiours persistoit En son propoz et au peuple attestoit Que telle mort recepvoit justement Pour ses meffaictz ; " and Constantine to Cromwell, loc. cit. Constantine says that he was present at the execution and " heard them and wrote every worde they spake, ' ' According to Constantine, Noreys was silent ; Bryerton said : " I have deserved to die if it were a thousand deaths; but the cause whereof I die judge ye not. If ye judge, judge the best " ; Mark Smeton : " Masters, I pray you all pray for me for I have deserved the death ; " and Weston : " I had thought to live in abomination yet this twenty or thirty years 286 ANNE BOLEYN. chap xviii. prove that they virtually admitted their guilt ; but this is not a legitimate inference. On such occasions condemned persons were permitted to speak only if they promised not to say anything against the king or in opposition to the sentence they had received ; and up to the last moment the government had very effectual means of enforcing the covenant. For it might interrupt the execution, and order an offender to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; or his family might be made to smart for the violation of his pledge. Hence scarcely any of Henry's victims dared to maintain their innocence. When Lady Salisbury did so in 1541 she was considered by the government to have been guilty of an extraordinary piece of impertinence ; and her family might have fared ill had any of them remained in the king's power. So Lord Eochford, Weston, Noreys, Bryerton, and Smeton were executed on Wednesday, the 17th of May. Their bodies were exposed to no further ignominy, but thrown into simple shells and buried in the Tower. Elizabeth Meanwhile, attempts had been made to secure the declared a^ °^ Anne f°r t^e accomplishment of a scheme in illegiti- which the king was profoundly interested. Having no legitimate heir male, and being in doubt whether Jane Seymour would ever contrive to bear him a son, Henry had begun to think of his bastard son, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Eichmond. It occurred to him that if he had no legitimate male offspring it might be possible to obtain the sanction of Parliament for the and then to have made amends ; I thought little I would have come to this." ANNE BOLEYN. 287 recognition of the duke as heir to the crown. But as chap.xvui, yet little Elizabeth stood in the way ; she had been solemnly proclaimed heir presumptive, and her title could not be easily disregarded. It was desirable, therefore, that Anne's daughter should be declared illegitimate. This object might have been attained if Henry had been willing to adduce proof that Elizabeth was not his child. The words attributed to Eochford, whether really spoken or not, and the general rumour that Elizabeth was the daughter of Noreys, would have been held sufficient evidence by a subservient primate and a willing parliament. But Henry would not hear of this ; he insisted that Elizabeth should be recognised as his daughter, yet be proclaimed a bastard. This The was, of course, impossible, unless it were decreed 0j Anne_ that his marriage with Anne Boleyn had been invalid from the beginning. In support of such a decree Henry might have used the argument which in the opinion of nearly every foreigner and of most English men was the best, namely, that he was legally and validly married to Catherine when he took Anne for his wife. But had this reason been advanced, he wrould have acknowledged that he had been guilty of adultery or bigamy, and that he had been in the wrong, and had shown bad faith throughout the whole of the proceedings connected with the divorce ease. Moreover, by a divorce from Anne based on this ground Mary would have been declared legitimate. This argument being considered inadmissible, the statements of the Countess of Northumberland with regard to a previous marriage, or a binding pre-contract, 288 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. on the part of Anne, were remembered, and Cromwell May 13, was directed to follow up the matter. On Saturday the 13th of May, the day after the condemnation of the commoners, Sir Eaynold Carnaby, a friend of Northumberland, was sent to him to obtain if possible a retractation of what he had formerly said, and an admission that there had been a pre-contract between him and Anne. But the earl either had spoken the truth and honestly adhered to it, or he was aware that he would put himself in serious danger by making such a confession as was desired. If a pre contract existed, his denial of it before the king's marriage with Anne might well have been construed as an act of treason. So he stoutly upheld his for mer deposition before Warham, Lee, and the council, that there was no pre-contract between him and the queen.1 There remained but one other conceivable reason for a divorce — -a forbidden degree of affinity. Now Mary Boleyn, Anne's sister, had been Henry's mistress; and as illegitimate relations, according to the canon law, formed as strong an obstacle as legitimate relations, there was a forbidden degree. Scandalous as the proceeding might be, the marriage was to be annulled on this ground. The person who was required by the new rules to pronounce sentence was Anne's friend, Thomas Cranmer. However loth he might be to take an active part against his former patron, however an noyed at having to declare invalid that which he had 1 Earl of Northumberland to Cromwell, May 13, 1536, Burnet, Collectanea, Part III. Book III. No. 49. ANNE BOLEYN, 289 solemnly declared to be valid, he had no choice. He chap.xvui. knew that the king might undo him at any moment ; he had been sufficiently frightened by Cromwell's peremptory messages ; he was ready for anything that might be asked of him. On the morning of the day May 16, following the trial of Anne he went to the Tower, and 1536- was admitted to her presence. What he told her and what she said to him is not known ; but when he left her, she was convinced that she would be pardoned and allowed to leave the country. She told the ladies who were guarding her, that she would be sent to Antwerp.1 It is, therefore, probable that the primate gave her hopes that her life might be spared if she would consent to a divorce. On the 1 7th, at nine o'clock in the morning, the May 17, primate opened his court at Lambeth. The Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earls of Oxford and of Sussex, Sir Thomas Cromwell, and others of the king's council were present. Doctor Eichard Sampson appeared for the king, Doctors Nicholas Wotton and John Barbour for Anne. Whether the two latter had really received any powers from her does not appear. They may have been named by Henry in accordance with the precedent set in 1527 on the occasion of the collusive suit against Catherine ; but, on the other hand, it is not improbable that one of Cranmer's objects in going to see Anne at the Tower was to induce her to appoint Wotton and Barbour as her proctors. In any case the two men who appeared for Anne did nothing to defend her cause. Had they had 1 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 16, 1536, loc. cit. VOL. II. U 290 ANNE BOLEYN. chai\xviii. the interest of their client at heart, they might have raised such difficulties that, if Henry had obstinately insisted on securing a divorce, he would have been compelled to come to terms with Anne in order to obtain her consent, and thus her life might have been spared. But Wotton and Barbour were royal officials, anxious to please the king ; so Cranmer was allowed to give sentence. He solemnly declared the marriage between Henry and Anne to have been null and invalid from the beginning.1 Anne Anne might now be allowed to die. Her hopes of j%rPdea7h. life had not lasted long, for Kingston had soon undeceived her. After the sitting at Lambeth her May 18, execution was fixed for the morning of the 18th, and she was told of it. She slept little that night ; her almoner was in attendance, and from two o'clock onwards she remained in prayer with him. In the morning she sent for Kingston, and asked him to be present when she was to receive the sacrament and to assert her innocence of the crimes laid to her charge.2 Shortly afterwards the communion was celebrated, and both before and after receiving the host she declared on the salvation of her soul that she had never been unfaithful to the king.3 After this she patiently waited ; but as time passed on she became 1 Wilkins' Concilia, vol. iii. fob 804. See Appendix, Note G. 2 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 18, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Otho C. x. fob 227. 3 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit: "La dame que la eu en garde ma envoye dire en grand secret que la dicte concubyne avant et apres la reception du sainct sacremant luy affirma sur la dampnation de son ame quelle ne sestoit meffaicte de son corps en vers ce Roy." ANNE BOLEYN. 291 restless, and asked her attendants when she was to chap.xvui. die. They answered that she would not be executed The before noon.1 In reality, the execution was not to postponed. take place until the following day. The explanation of this change of plan is not per fectly clear. It seems that Anne, faithful to her French education, considered it more honourable to die by the stroke of a sword than to have her head hacked off with an axe. The hangman of Calais, the only subject of Henry who knew how to behead with a sword, had, therefore, been sent for ; 2 and he may not have arrived at the expected time. It is more probable, however, that the delay was clue to a different cause. The government now regretted that so many people had been allowed to hear the incredible accusations against Anne and her brother, and their able and eloquent defence. Many strangers had been present at the trials ; and it was feared that after their return to their homes they would give a very unfavourable account of the king's proceed ings. On Thursday morning, therefore, Cromwell wrote to Kingston that all foreigners were to be expelled from the Tower. In reporting that this 1 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 18, 1536, loc. cit. 2 Chronicle of Calais, p. 47 ; and account of Mr. Gostwyk, R.O. Henry VIII. 28th, Box II : "To Sir William Kingston for a composition for such Iuells and apparail as the late queene had in the tower — 100?. To the same Sir William Kingston for money delyvered unto her to gyve in almes before her deathe — - 20£. To the executioner of Calays for his rewarde and apparail, C. crownes — 23Z. 6s. 8d. To the said Sir William Kingston for the said late queenes diett at her being in the tower — 25^. 4s. 6d." V 2 292 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. order had been obeyed, Kingston expressed the opinion that if the exact time was not made public there would probably be few spectators ; x and it is not unlikely that the government decided to postpone the execution in the hope that this suggestion would prove to be right. The day When Anne's attendants told her that she would execution not die before noon, she sent for Kingston and com- ofAnne. plained to him 0f tlie delay.2 She had hoped, she said, to be past her pain. The constable tried to console her ; it was no pain, he said, it was so quickly done. Anne spoke of the executioner's skill and of the smallness of her neck ; and then, the long waiting having unstrung her nerves, she had another attack of hysterical laughter, by which the constable was sorely puzzled. " I have seen many men and also women executed," he wrote, " and that they have been in great sorrow ; and to my knowledge this lady has much joy and pleasure in death."3 The rest of the day Anne spent partly in praying, partly in chatting with her attendants on her past life and on her future fame. Those ingenious persons, she 1 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 18, 1536, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : "Elle se confessa hier et comuniqua pensant destre execute et ne monstra oncques personne meilleure vollonte daller a la mort quelle et en sollicitoit ceulx quen debvoient avoir charge ; et estant venu commandement de differer lexecution jusque a aujourdhuy elle sen monstra fort dolante priant le cappitaine de la tour que pour lhonneur le dieu il feit supplier au Roy que puis quelle se trou- voit en bon estat et disposee a recepvoir la mort que Ion la voulsist depescher incontinant." 3 Sir W. Kingston to Cromwell, May 18, 1536, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 293 said, who had forged so infamous a name for the late chap.xvui. queen would have no trouble in finding one for her. They would call her Queen Lackhead. And therewith came another burst of hysterical laughter.1 There was but one thing which preyed on her mind, her behaviour to the Princess Mary. She repeatedly spoke of it, saying that she had been brought to this end by divine judgment for being the cause of Mary's ill- treatment and for having tried to bring about her death,2 Of the common story that Anne, kneeling, asked Lady Kingston to beg Mary to pardon her, I have found no trace ; and it may be dismissed as an embellishment of later writers. In this way the time went on. During the night Anne seems to have taken scarcely any rest, her May 19, nerves being too excited for sleep. She continued to talk to her ladies, and conversed and prayed with her almoner. As the morning of Friday, the 1 9th of May, approached, Kingston informed her that she would shortly be executed, and he handed her a 1 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, June 6, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J iii. fob 12 : "La dame Anne la nuyt avant quelle fut decapitee commenca a jazer le plus playsement du monde et entre aultres choses elle dit ces glorieuses et ingenieuses personnes que f orgearent ung nom inaudit a la bonne Royne ne seront cy empeschez luy en trouver ung car il la pourroient appeller la Royne Anne sans teste et disant telz propoz se mit a rire si tres fort que oncques ne fust vu telle chose, bien sachant touteffoys quelle mourroit lendemain sans nul remede." 2 Ibid. : " Elle dit le jour devant quelle fust executez et depuys quant Ion la voulust mener a lexecution quelle ne pensoit estre la conduytte par le jugement divin sinon pour avoir estee cause du male traytement de la princesse et avoir conspire a sa mort . . . ." 1536. 294 ANNE BOLEYN. Anne is executed. chap.xvui. purse with twenty pounds which she was to dis tribute, according to custom, as alms before her death. A little before nine he returned, and announced that the moment had come.1 During the night a platform had been erected in the courtyard of the Tower. It rose but a few feet above the ground, for it had been deemed inexpedient to raise a high scaffold which might be seen from afar.2 In the courtyard the Lord Chancellor, the Dukes of Suffolk and of Eichmond, Sir Thomas Cromwell, and others of the council were assembled to witness Anne's death. The Lord Mayor, with some aldermen and representatives of the crafts of the city, attended by order ; and as their coming had attracted attention, they had been followed by a considerable number of people. But strict watch had been kept at the gates, and although Englishmen had been freely admitted, all foreigners had been excluded.3 Anne now appeared, led by Kingston and followed by the four ladies. She wore a dressing-gown of grey damask, which she had chosen because it was low round the neck and would not interfere with the 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : " Lexecution et decollation de la concubyne qua este faicte maintenant a neuf heures du matin dedans la tour." 2 French account of Anne's death, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Dupuis, vol. 373, foi 112: " Leschaffault qui nestoit pas plus hault que de quatre ou cinq marches." 8 Wriothesley's Chronicle ; and E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : " Ou se sont trouvez presents le chancellier et maistre Cremuel et plusieurs autres du conseil du Roy, et autre assez grand nombre de subjectz mays Ion ny a voulu souffrir estraingiers , . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 295 executioner's work.1 For the same reason she had chap.xvui. tied up her hair in a net, over which she wore the customary head-dress. In this guise she was handed over by Kingston to the sheriffs, who led her up to the platform. Permission was granted to her to address the crowd, and she did so in few words and very simply. She had not come to preach, she said, but to die. She asked those who were present to pray for the king, who was a right gentle prince and had treated her as well as possible. She said that she accused nobody on account of her death, for she had been sentenced according to the law of the country. So she was ready to die, and asked the forgiveness of all whom she might have wronged.2 Having said these words, she herself took off her head-dress, which she handed to one of the ladies. Then she once more asked the bystanders to pray to God for her.3 1 French account of Anne's death, loc. cit. : " Accoustree dune robbe de nuyt de damas gris fourre pour faire plus beau col." 2 Ibid. : " Lors elle commenca a dire que elle ne estoit pas venue la pour prescher ains estoit la venue pour mourir, Disant a mes sieurs les assistans quilz priassent bien dieu pour le Roy, car il estoit tout bon et quil lavoit tant bien traictee quil nestoit possible de mieulx et quelle ne accusoit personne de sa mort juges ne aultres gens quelz quelz fussent, car cestoit la loy du pays qui la condempnoit, parquoy elle prenoit bien la mort en gre deman dant pardon a tout le monde." This account agrees very well with the versions preserved by Wriothesley and Constantine. The version of the Histoire de Anne de Boullant is a paraphrase of that just quoted, differing only in a few details. The letter of the " Portuguese writer " is a mere translation of this account. 3 Ibid. : " Lors elle print elle mesme son accoustrement de teste et le bailla a une damoyselle et ne luy demoura que une 296 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xvui. During the whole time that she had been on the scaffold, she had been nervously looking round1 towards the place where the executioner stood leaning on his heavy sword. Now she knelt down, and one of her attendants bound a handkerchief round her eyes. After this the ladies also knelt down, silently praying, while she repeated the words : " Oh God, have pity on my soul." The executioner stepped quickly forward and took his aim ; the heavy two handled blade flew hissing through the air, and Anne's head rolled in the dust. Head and trunk were taken up by the ladies, wrapped in a sheet, laid in a plain coffin, and carried to the Tower chapel.2 Here they were buried with little ceremony. No inscription, except a few letters, was put upon Anne's grave, and the exact spot was soon forgotten. It was discovered only a few years ago. Such was the end of a strange and eventful career. For a moment it seemed as if Anne would coeffe quelle avoit mise pour tenir ses cheveulx .... disant aux assistants quilz priassent dieu pour elle." 1 French account of Anne's death, loc. cit. : " Regardant tou- siours derriere elle . . . ." 2 Ibid. : " Et sagenoilla et lune de ses damoselles luy bandist les yeulx; sans se faire tenir aucunement elle attendit la le-coup avant quon eust dit une pastenostre, disant tousjours Mon Dieu ayez pitie de mon ame. Lesdictes quatre damoyselles estant tousjours sur leschaffault agenoilles. Et a ceste heure la pouvre dame fut expedyee lune des susdictes damoyselles print la teste et les aultres le corps et midrent tout dedant ung linceul et apres dedans une biere qui estoit toute apprestee et la feirent apporter dedans une eglise qui est devant ladicte tour ou Ion dit quelle et les dessusdictz ont este enterrez. Requiescat in pace." ANNE BOLEYN. 297 leave no trace in history; but the schism of which chap.xvui. she had been the first cause, and to which in one Ame\ form or another the ruling powers were already ^X_T deeply committed, could not be undone. Her influence survived, too, in the little girl at Hunsdon, who grew up to be very like lier, although Elizabeth never showed a spark of tenderness for the memory of her mother and would have been ashamed to own that she resembled her. From Anne the English people received one of the greatest of their rulers, and for this gift they may well forgive such misdeeds as were not atoned for by long and cruel anxiety and a terrible death. Anne was not good ; she was incredibly vain, ambitious, unscrupulous, coarse, fierce, and relentless. But much of this was due to the degrading influences by which she was surrounded in youth and after her return to England from France. Her virtues, such as they were, were her own. So we may pass no harsher .judgment on her than was passed by Cromwell when, speaking confidentially to Chapuis of the woman whose destruction he had wrought, he could not refrain from extolling her courage and intelligence.1 Among her good qualities he might also have included her warm and constant attachment to her friends. 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., June 6, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, i. fob 92 : " Et sur ce me louha grandement le sens ex pert et cueur de la dicte concubyne et de son frere." CHAPTEE XIX. Conclusion. Silence For more than a week after Anne's arrest, the govern- English government remained silent as to the causes ment. which had led to it and to the imprisonment of so many other persons of note. This reticence gave rise to such very extraordinary rumours both at home and abroad,1 that Cromwell at last thought it wiser to inform the English agents at foreign courts how the Official matter was to be spoken of. On the 14th of May aC2Ze's0f he wrote t0 Gardiner and Wallop. " The queen's arrest, abomination," he said, " both in inconvenient living and other offences towards the king's highness was so rank and common that her ladies of her privy chamber and her chamberers could not contain it within their breasts, but, detesting the same, had so often con sultations and conferences of it, that at last it came so plainly to the ears of some of his grace's council that 1 Charles V. to E. Chapuis, May 15, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 233, iii. foi. 26 : " Le Viconte Hanart a escript au Sgr de Granvelle du ix. de ce mois que au mesme instant il avoit entendu de bon lieu que la concubyne du Roy dangleterre avoit este surprise couchee avec lorganiste dudict Roy." ANNE BOLEYN. 299 with their duty to his majesty they could not conceal chap. xix. it from him, but with great fear, as the case enforced, declared what they heard unto his highness. Where upon in most secret sort certain persons of the privy chamber and others of her side were examined, in which examination the matter appeared so evident, that besides that crime with the accidents, there broke out a certain conspiracy of the king's death, which ex tended so far that all we, that had the examination of it, quaked at the danger his grace was in, and on our knees gave Him laud and praise that he had preserved him so long from it and now manifested the most wretched and detested determination of the same. Then were certain men committed to the Tower for this cause : that is Marke and Norres, and her brother ; then was she apprehended and conveyed to the same place ; after her was sent thither, for the crimes specified, Sir Francis Weston and William Brereton. And Norres, Weston, Brereton and Mark be already condemned to death upon arraignment in Westminster Hall on Friday last. She and her brother shall be arraigned to-morrow and will undoubtedly go the same way. I write no particularities, the things be so abominable, and therefore I doubt not but this shall be sufficient instruction to declare the truth if you have occasion so to do." J Similar accounts were published in England, but Anne's the people declined to believe the official version, rePu'-'1'""- and continued secretly to blame the government for the way in which the trials had been conducted. After a time their interest in Anne's fate died out, 1 Cromwell tp Gardiner and Wallop, May 14, 1536, loc. cit. 300 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xix. but a few of her adherents always held her memory dear, and we find among the records of the following years a note or two of proceedings against persons who maintained that Henry had put her to death unjustly.1 In France poems were written in her honour,2 and in Germany the Protestants expressed strong disapproval of the king's act.3 About 1544, Jean de Luxembourg, Abbot of Ivry, wrote an Oraison de Madame Marie de Cleves, in which it is said that Henry was suspected of having already ill-treated, that is to say murdered, three wives.4 And Constantine, in his memorial, 1 Depositions against John Hill and William Saunders before the justices of Oxfordshire, June 26, 1536, R.O. Henry VIII., 28th Bundle ii. John Hill was accused of having said that the king had caused Norris, Weston and the others " to be put to death only of pleasure . ." and " how that the king for a frawde and a gille cawsed Mr. Norrys, Mr. Weston and the other queen to be putt to death, bycause he was made sure unto the queenes grace that nowe is half a yere before." William Saunders spoke in a similar manner. 2 Epigrammata, Lib. iii. p. 162, published by Etienne Dolet, Lyons, anno 1538: " Regine Utopiae, falso adulterii crimine damnatae, et capite mulctatae Epithaphium. " Quid ? quod tyrannus crimine falso damnatam Me jussit occidi, minus me jam laudas ? Necnon velut turpe maledicta suff undis ? Nulla nota turpis sum, ob acceptum vulnus. Nimirum honesta turpido est sine culpa Mori, et innocentem cedere aliquando fatis." I have been unable to find the book itself, so I quote from Crapelet. 8 Melanchthon to Camerarius, June 9, 1536, Corp. Ref. vol. iii. No. 1437 : " Posterior Regina magis accusata quam convicta adulterii ultimo supplicio affecta est." 4 This book is very rare, and I have never been able to see ANNE BOLEYN. 301 reports a saying of the councillors of the Duchess of chap. xix. Milan to the effect that " her great aunte was poisoned, that the second was innocently put to death, and the third lost for lack of keeping in her childbed." 1 By and by, however, those who had known Anne passed away, the real person was forgotten, and fantastic portraits of her were drawn both by admirers and by enemies. And so her history was distorted by party spirit until it became a mere myth. The fortnight before Anne's execution Henry had Henry spent in the most pleasant manner. After a short stay Seymour. at York Place he went to Hampton Court, and Jane Seymour was sent to a house of Sir Nicholas Carew, about seven miles from London.2 Here the king frequently visited her, but he soon found that the distance was too great. On the 14th of May she May 14, removed to a house on the Thames, only a mile from the court ; and in this residence she was served with quasi-regal pomp, having numerous servants and living in splendid style.3 On the 1 5th she received a message May 15, from the king that at three in the afternoon she would hear of Anne's condemnation ; and shortly after dinner, the original. But there is in the Grenville library an Italian translation from which I quote : " Un re il quale era sospettato dhavere di gia mal trattate tre donne." 1 Constantine's Memorial, loc. cit. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : "Et pour couvrir laffection quil a a la dicte Semel il la faict tenir a sept mille dyci en la maison du grand escuyer." 3 Ibid. : " Ce Roy . . . lequel le jour avant la condempnacion dicelle putain envoya querre par le grand escuyer et plusieurs aultres maistresse Semel et la feist venir a ung mille de son logis la ou elle est servye tres splendidement de cuysiniers et certains officiers dudict Roy et tres richement accoustree." 1536. 1536. 1536. 302 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xix. Sir Francis Bryan, Anne's cousin, arrived with the Ma~y~i9, welcome intelligence.1 When, on the Friday following, 1536' the death of Anne was announced to Henry, he immediately took his barge and went to spend the day with Jane Seymour at the place where she lived.2 May 20, Next morning, at six o'clock, she secretly joined him at Hampton Court, and there, in the presence of a few courtiers, they were married.3 A few days later the marriage was acknowledged, and Jane appeared as queen. Paul III. The hopes entertained by the conservative and papal tnes to party after the arrest of Anne were doomed to win back r J the allegi- disappointment. The first news of her imprisonment llenry. reached Eome by way of Flanders,4 about the middle Mi53Q1' °^ Msiy- Paul III. at once sent for Gregorio da Casale, and told him what had happened, saying that 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 19, 1536, loc. cit. : " Et ma diet une syenne parente que disna avec elle le jour de la dicte condempnacion que des le matin icelluy Roy avoit envoye dire a la dicte Semel que a troys heures apres mydy il luy envoyeroit nouvelles de la condampnacion de la dicte putain, ce quil feist par maistre Briant quil envoya en toute diligence." 2 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, May 20, 1536, Vienna Archives, P.C. 230, ii. fob 22 : " Sil este vray ce que ma este dit, assavoir quicelluy Roy tout incontinent quil heust hier les nouvelles de la decapitation de la putain il monta en barque et alia trouver la dicte maistresse Semel quil a faict loger a ung mille de luy en une maison sur la riviere." 3 Ibid. : " Jay este adverty de plusieurs ef divers bons lieux comme ce matin aux six heures mestresse Semel est venu par la riviere secretement au logis de ce Roy et a neufz heures a este faict la promesse et desponsation et entend le diet Roy que le tout doit estre tenu secret jusques auxfestes de penthecoste. ..." 4 N. Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, May 23, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 19,577. ANNE BOLEYN. 303 God had enlightened the conscience of Henry. The chap. xix. pope showed himself most anxious for a reconciliation, and eagerly pointed out to Casale that by forming an alliance with the Holy See, Henry would gain so much authority that he might lay down the law both to Charles V. and to Francis. He, the pope, had always been at heart Henry's friend, and whatever he had done against him he had been forced to do. The slightest advance Henry might make would be gladly responded to.1 Casale asked the pope whether he might write all this to the King of England ; but Paul III. replied that if after the insults and injuries he had received he took the first step in the matter, people would cry shame on him. Casale wTas to keep everything that had been said strictly secret ; he was only to assure his employers of the pope's goodwill, and to urge them not to miss so fortunate an opportunity of making peace with the papacy. If Paul III. saw any favour able sign, he would send Messer Latino Juvenale, Casale's uncle, or some other agent, to England, who would go nominally for the purpose of transacting some private business of his own. Notwithstanding the pope's request that the con- m^Lq7' versation should be kept secret, Casale gave Henry a 1 G. da Casale to Henry VIII., May 27, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fob 198 : "Primum igitur seomni- potentem deum bonorum omnium largitorem deinde Mto Vram obseerare, ut animum inducat sese ita comparare, ut tanta gloria adeunda occasionem non praetermittat. Quod si V. Regia M4™ huic Romana Ecclesia conjuncta fuerit, ipsam sine dubid tantum habiturum auctoritatis, ut caesari simulque Gallorum Regi jubere possit et utrunque eogere ad pacem. . . ." 304 ANNE BOLEYN. chap.xix. full account of it ; and he expressed a hope that the intended mission of Latino Juvenale would not be prevented, as it could do no harm and might do good.1 Casale seems to have encouraged the friendly disposition of the pope ; for little more than a week after the date of his letter an agent was despatched to England. The person chosen for this errand was Marco Antonio Campeggio. He received his. instructions from his brother, Cardinal Campeggio, who had acted as papal legate in the time of Wolsey. He was to ask that the cardinal should be reinstated in the revenues of his former see of Salisbury ; but this was to be only the ostensible occasion of his visit. If a favourable chance offered itself, he was to urge on the royal ministers that for the honour of God and the quiet of the realm the king ought to seek for a reconciliation with the Holy See, which would deal with him graciously.2 Henry was to be advised to give proof of a friendly temper by repressing the 1 G. da Casale to Henry VIII., May 27, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. foi. 198 ; and G. da Casale to Cromwell, May 27, 1536, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 656. 2 Cardinal Campeggio to Marco Antonio Campeggio, June 6, 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fob 205 : " Anchorache la reintegration -delle cose mie habi da esser il principal pretesto dell andata vra in anglia pur non restareti se con qualchedun de questi grandi pigliasti confidentia con bon proposito ricordar che a laude de dio quete di quel regno .... sarebbe bene che soa mta pensasse e facesse ogni opera per reintegrarsi con la sede appostolica quel mi rendo certo che sempre se li renderia benigna, et che per poter conseguir questo il ver principio seria che reprimessi li predicatori di nove heresie. . . ." ANNE BOLEYN. 305 preaching of new heresies, and to obtain peace of chap.xix. conscience by begging for absolution for his offences, as his predecessors had often done, earning thereby praise and glory.1 Those whom Marco Antonio would find favourable were the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Bishops of Durham and Winchester, and Campeggio's agent.2 As these instructions are now in the British Museum among the Cotton Manuscripts, they must have been formerly at the State-paper Office ; and from this I conclude that Marco Antonio really came to England and negotiated with the English ministers. This opinion is confirmed by the fact that at the Eecord Office there is a letter from Cardinal Campeggio to the Duke of Suffolk, accrediting Marco Antonio.3 The pope not only tried direct offers, he had recourse to indirect means. He spoke with Denonville and with Nicolas Eaince, strongly advocating the marriage of Henry and the Princess Madeleine of France. Eaince wrote to Cardinal du Bellay that the pope had referred to this proposal again and again, and that his holiness could think of no more 1 Cardinal Campeggio to Marco Antonio Campeggio, June 6 1536, British Museum, Cotton MSS. Vitellius, B. xiv. fob 205 : " Anchor vi forzareti far la conscientia soa procur- asse ottener le debite absolutione antecessori soi con molta laude et memoria .... procurorno. . . ." 2 Ibid. : "Li particulari amici e fautori me confidentia sono li Illml duca di Norfolch, di Sopholch Dunelmen, Wintonien ne voglio scordarmi il nro Rd0 M homo della virtu e bonta che sapete il qual e mio procuratore " 3 Cardinal Campeggio to the Duke of Suffolk, June 5, 1536, State Papers, vol. vii. p. 657. VOL. II. X 306 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xix. effectual way of obtaining a hold over the King of England.1 Junei, But on the day after the departure of Marco 1536. Antonio Campeggio, Denonville received letters from England in which it was said that Henry again intended to marry one of his own subjects. Nicolas Eaince mentioned this to the pope, who was greatly disappointed. Paul III. continued, however, to believe that the French match might be brought June 20, about.2 A few days later he spoke of a marriage between the dauphin and the Princess Mary ; and Denonville and Eaince wrote about it to the French court.3 1 N. Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, May 23, 1536, loc. cit. : " De belle prime face Sa St6 levant les mains au ciel me diet quon ne pourroit mieulx faire que de trouver moyen de faire le mariage de madame fille aisnee du Roy et du Roy dangleterre comme il mavoit autrefois diet et mesmement quand je luy dis la premiere nouvelle de la mort de la Royne Catherine Croyez Mgr. que Nostre diet St. pere a une singuliere devotion au sainct [faict ?] . . . . et men a parle depuis chacune fois que jay este a luy et encor aujourdhui et si en parla samedy quand Mgr. lambassadeur y fust." 2 N. Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, June 8, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 19,577: "Je fis lecture a Nostre diet S. P. de Vre. chiffre a Mondict Sr. de Mascon tant dangleterre que dailleurs. Sa Ste ne print pas bien cette nouvelle volonte de mariage en plus basse condition et en eust deplaisir pour ce quil vouldroit quon parvint a lautre party quil desire comme Vous entendez bien." 3 N. Raince. to Cardinal du Bellay, July 27, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 19,577: "II [the pope] desire fort dentendre ce que Ion repondra a ce que Mgr. lambassadeur et moy escripvimes par le depesche du 20eme Juin touchant le mariage de la princesse Marie pour Mgr. le daulphin et ne passe pas ce propos sans que S. Ste parle de Vous." ANNE BOLEYN. 307 It was only in July, presumably after he had chap. xix. heard from Marco Antonio, that the pope understood July, that Henry was not inclined to give up the spiritual 1536' supremacy he had arrogated to himself, and that he did not propose either to ask for absolution or to submit in any way to Eome. Paul III. then spoke angrily of Henry and even more angrily of Cromwell, and abandoned all hope of regaining the allegiance of England by peaceful means.1 Francis I. also heard with annoyance of Henry's Henry, marriage with Jane, for — apart from his apparent ^ desire to have the King of England for his son-in- CharlesV. law — he probably foresaw that Henry would soon be perfectly reconciled with the emperor, and that he himself would thereby lose a valuable ally and client. This anticipation was realised. After some time : Charles was on very good terms with Henry, al though he never gave up his defence of the memory of his aunt. For many years he and Queen Mary of Hungary irritated Henry by addressing him as "well- beloved uncle," and it was with great difficulty that Chapuis at last persuaded them to give up the use of the obnoxious name. Mary gained little by the death of Anne. Con- Mary. trary to the general expectation, Henry refused to admit her legitimacy or to restore her to her former rank. The Duke of Eichmond soon died, but as long as he lived Henry appears to have wished to 1 N. Raince to Cardinal du Bellay, July 27, 1536, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Frangais, vol. 19,577 : " Mgr. Nre diet S. P. me parla du Roy dangleterre ainsi comme jescript au Roy en bien grosse colere et se attache continuellement contre Cramouel." x 2 308 ANNE BOLEYN. p. xix. make him his successor, and Mary could escape the danger of imprisonment and death only by laying aside her pretensions to be the Princess of England. During the whole of Henry's reign she continued to play with the idea of flight and of rebellion, but even when the means were at her disposal she shrank from carrying out her purpose.1 To Henry's courtiers the death of Eochford and his friends brought a golden harvest. Eochford and Noreys, being royal favourites, had enjoyed numerous pensions and a good many lucrative sine cures. As soon, therefore, as it was known that they had been arrested, an active correspondence took place regarding the sharing of the spoil. To Gardiner and Wallop Cromwell wrote : " Your lordship shall get in CC £ of the III. that were out among these men ... the 3rd C is bestowed of the vicar of hell." At the end of the letter he added : " And you master Wallop shall not at this time be forgotten, but the certainty of that ye shall have I cannot tell."2 Gardiner was by no means satisfied with this arrangement. In 1529, Wolsey had been forced to grant to Eochford and Noreys pensions for life of £200 and £100, out of the revenues of Winchester. These pensions Gardiner had been obliged to pay, but now that the pensioners were to die the bishop thought that all the payments should cease. He protested in vain, however ; he was even sharply reprimanded for complaining, and 1 E. Chapuis and D. de Mendoga to Charles V., August 31, 1538, Vienna Archives, P.C. 231, ii. fob 54 ; etc. 2 Cromwell to Gardiner and Wallop, May 14, 1536, loc. cit. ANNE BOLEYN. 309 the vicar of hell, as Sir Francis Bryan was called, chap. xix. got his pension. What was the share of Sir John Wallop, I have not been able to make out. The Duke of Eichmond was not quick enough. He wrote on the 8th to the Bishop of Lincoln to secure the office of Steward of Banbury held by Noreys.1 But, three days before, the bishop had already offered it, with the stewardship of the university of Cambridge, to Cromwell.2 Eobert Barnes applied for the mastership of Bedlam, worth, as he said, but forty pounds.3 The other offices of the five men executed on the 17th of May were distributed in a similar manner. In the summer of 1536, seeing that the change of The queens had made no great change in politics, the pagl1^' conspirators rose against the king. But they had WTt . waited too long.- The emperor gave them no help, 1536. ' for he was fully occupied in Provence, and at that very time he was treating with Henry about an alliance against France. Besides, many of the great lords had become reconciled to the new order of things, which, after all, they found rather profitable. Most of them had received considerable grants out of the lands of the dissolved abbeys; and they hoped that their chances of sharing in the spoil were not even yet exhausted. Moreover, the insurgents were embarrassed by the indecision and stupidity of 1 The Duke of Richmond to the Bishop of Lincoln, May 8, 1536, R.O. 28th Henry VIII., Bundle ii. 2 The Bishop of Lincoln to Cromwell, May 5, 1536, R.O. 28th Henry VIII., Bundle ii. 3 Robert Barnes to Cromwell, R.O. Cromwell Correspondence, vol. iii. fob 77. 310 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xix. Chapuis. March, 1539. August, 1540. December, 1544. May 4, 1545. Mary. She had scruples about encouraging open rebellion against her father ; and the majority of her personal friends, knowing her mind, held back from the insurrection. The pilgrimage of grace, therefore, was suppressed with comparative ease, and Lord Darcy, Lord Hussey, and many other adherents of Mary were brought to the block. Chapuis remained for several 3Tears as ambassador at the English court, on excellent terms with Henry and with his principal advisers. In the beginning of 1539, the relations between Charles and Henry having become less friendly, he was recalled,1 and the Dean of Cambray took his place.2 When the coldness passed away, and the emperor desired once more to be on good terms with Henry, Chapuis returned to England ; 3 and he remained there until the king crossed to Calais to take the command of his army before Boulogne. Chapuis was present at the siege, and after the campaign he went back with Francis van der Dilft, who had been chosen to succeed him as ambassador.4 Having spent more than four months in schooling van der Dilft for his new post, he had a farewell audience of the king, on the 4th of May, 1545 ; and Henry did not conceal his regret, for he had come to like the man by whom he had been so 1 Mary of Hungary to E. Chapuis, March 10, 1539, Vienna Archives, P.C. 231, iv. fob 6. 2 The Dean of Cambray to Mary of Hungary, March 19, 1539, Vienna Archives, P.C. 231, iv. fob 8. 3 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, September 3, 1540, Vienna Archives, P.C. 232, ii. fob 1. 4 E. Chapuis and F. van der Dilft to Charles V., January 2, 1545, Vienna Archives, P.C. 236, i. fob 7. ANNE BOLEYN. 311 ably and so stoutly resisted.1 At this time Chapuis chap. xix. was ill and crippled by gout ; but he was still ~ vigorous enough to be employed in treating with the English commissioners in the Low Countries. The last mention of him I have found is in 1546 ; the date of his death I do not know. All of Henry's German favourites, Juergen Wullen- Henry's wever, Dr. Adam von Pack, and Marcus and Gerhard £f™^. Meyer came to a violent end. Having been kept for many months a close prisoner, first at Eotenburg and afterwards at Steinbrueck, Wullenwever was brought to Wolfenbuettel, where, on the 24th of September, 1537, he was sentenced to death and September immediately executed. Doctor Pack left Hamburg ' in March, 1536, to return to England; but while March, passing through the Low Countries he was detained and thrown into prison. At first Cromwell protested so strongly against his arrest that Chapuis wrote to Flanders ; and on the 16th of April he wished to explain why the doctor had been seized. But having by this time heard of the proposals of Charles V., Cromwell did not want to quarrel about minor points ; so he interrupted the ambassador with the remark that these were small matters of no importance. The authorities of the Low Countries, finding that Pack was to be left to his fate, tried to extort information from him by putting him to the rack, and soon afterwards he died in prison. Marcus Meyer held out at Warberg for some time May, after Henry abandoned him; but in May he was 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V, May 9, 1545, Vienna Archives, P.C. 236, ii. fob 26. 312 ANNE BOLEYN. chap. xix. obliged to surrender. In direct violation of the terms on which he capitulated, he was tried by a tribunal of his worst enemies, condemned, and executed. A few weeks later his brother Gerhard shared his fate. And now I close these pages. My object has been to show that very little is known of the events of those times, and that the history of Henry's first divorce and of the rise and fall of Anne Boleyn has still to be written. If I have contributed to dispel a few errors, or have in any way helped towards the desired end, I shall be satisfied. The task I set myself will have been fulfilled. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. NOTE A. THE BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE OF ANNE BOLEYN. It has been generally held that Anne Boleyn was born in 1507, the authority for this date being a passage and a marginal note in Camden's History of Elizabeth. Dr. LiDgard, Mr. Froude, and Dr. Brewer accept the statement of Camden as good evidence ; but in this opinion I am unable to agree with them. Camden wrote more than fifty years after Anne's death, and in many instances his account of her early life can be proved to be quite incorrect. In this case also he is, I think, mistaken. Happily some evidence has been preserved as to Anne's age. At Basel there is a picture of her, painted by Holbein, which bears the inscription : BL 1530 — cetatis27. It bears also the words (added later): Anna Regina. From this portrait, the authenticity of which is above suspicion, it would appear that in 1530 Anne Boleyn was in her twenty-seventh year, which would place her birth in 1503 or 1504. She may have been rather older, for women so vain as Anne generally give themselves out for somewhat younger than they are. Most historians have been of opinion that Anne Boleyn was sent to France with Mary Tudor when Mary went to marry King Louis XII. Mr. Brewer strongly opposes 316 APPENDIX. appendix this view. In the first volume of his Calendar he says : note a. "I ta^e tnis opportunity of correcting a common error. — It was not Anne, but Mary Boleyn, her elder sister, who attended the princess into France. . . . " ; 1 and in the third volume he says : " My own opinion is, that she went into France with her father, Sir Thomas, when the latter was sent ambassador to that kingdom in 1519, and that she remained there until 1522. Those who adopt the popular statement will have to account for the improbability that a child not more than seven years of age should have been sent in the train of Queen Mary in preference to her elder sister — that she should have been called Miss Boleyn when, not only in the document referred to, but in others, younger sisters are distinguished by their Christian names " 2 In the preface to the fourth volume he returns to the sub ject, and expresses his opinion as confidently as in the passages just quoted.3 But the charge which Mr. Brewer brings against his opponents, that they have followed, " with little examination, and some additions," the account which Cavendish gives in his Life of Wolsey, is not justified.4 Cavendish's book does not contain, as Mr. Brewer pretends, '"' the earliest notices we have of her career." 6 Long before Cavendish wrote his Life of Wolsey, notices about Anne's life had appeared in France, and a long account in verse of her rise and fall had been published. A Spanish manuscript chronicle, written before the year 1552 by some officer in the service of Henry VIII. or Edward VI.,6 contains a great many curious passages about her, and there are references to her in many letters and other papers of the same period. English historians have made 1 J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. i. p. lxv., foot-note. 2 Letters and Papers, vol. iii. p. ccecxxx. 3 Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. cccxxxiii. and p. cocxxxiv. 4 Letters and Papers, vol. iii. p. ccecxxx. 0 Ibid. 6 Cronica del Bey Enrico Otavo de Ingalaterra, edited by the Marquis de Molins. Madrid, 1874. APPENDIX. 317 little use of these sources, but abroad some of them have appendix. been known and referred to by a good many writers. note" a. From the account of Anne Boleyn in verse I have already quoted x a passage which distinctly says that she accompanied Mary Tudor when the latter was married to Louis XII. Ol this account there are two manuscript copies, both apparently of the first half of the sixteenth century, preserved in the French Bibliotheque Nationale.2 In each of them it is stated that the account was composed on the 2nd of June, 153G — that is to say, a fortnight after Anne's death. The printed version published at Lyons in 1545, though differing slightly from both manuscripts, contains the same statement as to the date of the composition of the poem.3 Charles de Bourgueville, who lived in the beginning and in the middle of the sixteenth century, wrote a book called Les JRecherches et Antiquites de la Province de Neustrie, which is a kind of diary mixed with antiquarian, historical, and political discussions. In this book, among the events of the year 1533, ' the writer notes the marriage of the King of England with " a young lady called Anne Boullenc, who was brought up in France." "She came there," he adds, " when King Louis XII. married Queen Mary, sister of the King of England." 4 So we have two independent witnesses to a fact which at the time when they wrote must have been known to a great many persons. Between 1520 and 1550 there must have been in France many hundreds of men and women who had known Anne Boleyn while she was at the court of Francis, and the date when she came over could not have been so soon forgotten. 1 Vol. i. p. 41, foot-note. 2 Histoire de la Royne Anne de Boullant. Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Francais, vol. 1742 and vol. 2370, foi. 1. 3 Epistre nontenant le proces criminel, etc., par Carles aulmosnier de Mr. le Daulphin. 4 Les Becherches et Antiquites de la Province de Neustrie par Charles de BourgueviUe. Caen, 1583, p. 123 : " Une demoiselle nominee Anne Boullenc laquelle avoit ete nourrie en France et y estoit venue lorsque le Roy Louis douzieme epousa la Royne Marie soeur du Roy d'Angleterre." 318 APPENDIX. appendix. In the Cronica del Hey Enrico Otavo de Ingalaterra it is note"a. sa,i(l ^bat Anne was most courteous towards Francis I., " because this Anne Boleyn was brought up in France at the court of the king." 1 This could not have been said had she gone to the French court when she was past fifteen, and remained there less than three years. After the death of Anne a courtier told Chapuis (so Chapuis reports) that Henry bad refused the hand of the daughter of Francis I. because she was too young, and because in the said concubine he had had too much experience of what the corruption of France was.2 If Anne had lived less than three years in France it would have been absurd to speak of her as a sample of French morals. That Anne remained a Frenchwoman in many of her habits and modes of thought is indicated by little idiorn^ and expressions which she is reported to have used. For instance, she said of Sir William Fitzwilliam that during her exami nation at Greenwich he was in the forest of Windsor. This phrase puzzled Sir William Kingston, and even Dr. Lingard could not explain it. It is simply an adaptation of a Parisian idiom : " 6tre dans la foret de Fontainebleau," for being absent in mind. After what I have said the reader will probably agree with me in thinking that if all this evidence had been known to Mr. Brewer he would have admitted that it was Anne who went to France in 1514. Had he done so, he would have found it difficult to maintain that Anne Boleyn was the younger and Mary Boleyn the elder sister. For, on his own showing, the younger sister remained at home and would not have been called Miss Boleyn. 1 Cronica del Bey Enrico Otavo, p. 41 : " Y la Reina Annale hizo muy gran acatamiento porque esta Anna Bolofia habido sido criada in Franciain la corte del Rey. . ." 2 E. Chapuis to N. de Granvelle, June 6, 1538, Vienna Archives, P.C. 229J, iii. foi. 12 : " Quil avoit trop experimente en la dicte concubine que cestoit de la pourriture de France." Both Mr. Froude and my copyist read "nourriture," but the stronger expression seems to me to be the true reading. APPENDIX. 319 It is true that Mr. Brewer adduces what he considers appendix. good direct evidence for the opinion that Mary was the note a. elder sister. " Any doubt on that head," Mr. Brewer says, "is entirely dispelled by the petition presented to Lord Burghley, in 1597, by Mary's grandson, the second Lord Hunsdon, claiming the Earldom of Ormond in virtue of Mary's right as the elder daughter. It is inconceivable that Lord Hunsdon could have been mistaken in so familiar a fact; still less that he should have ventured to prefer a petition to the queen, in which her mother was described as the younger sister, if she had in truth been the elder." 1 I do not know whether Mr. Brewer had ever read the letter of Lord Hunsdon to which he refers. It certainly cannot have been present to his mind when he wrote this passage. The letter is not, as Mr. Brewer says, a petition ; it is a letter asking for the advice and the favour of tbe Lord Treasurer, as Lord Hunsdon intends to prefer a petition to the queen. That he ever presented such a petition to Elizabeth there is no evidence to show. In the letter to Lord Burghley, Lord Hunsdon says : — " My late Lord father, as resolved by the opinion of Heralds and Lawyers, ever assured me that a right and title was to descend on me to the Earledom of Ormond .... the brief of whose title was, I well remember, in that Sir Thomas Bullen was created Viscount Rochford and Earle of Ormond to him and his heirs general .... the Earledom of Ormond, he surviving his other children before that time attainted, he in right left to his eldest daughter Mary, who had issue, Henry, and Henry myself." Subsequently Lord Hunsdon says that Mary Boleyn was "the eldest daughter and sole heir" of Sir Thomas Bullen, whose manors, lands, and tenements descended to her.2 From the fact that Mary Boleyn inherited her father's 1 Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. ccxxvi. 2 Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley, October 6, 1597, R.O. Elizabeth, Domestic Series, vol. 264, foi. 283. 320 APPENDIX. appendix, estates Lord Hunsdon seems to have inferred that she was note a. the eldest daughter; but she was her father's "sole heir," — not as his eldest daughter, but as his only surviving de scendant ; Elizabeth being at that time considered a bastard, and legally non-existent. The argument based on Lord Hunsdon's letter, therefore, falls to the ground ; and the fact that he was not recognised as Viscount Rochford and Earl of Ormond, but that his son, after the death of Elizabeth, was created Viscount Rochford, goes some way to prove that"' Anne was older than Mary. There is nothing to break the force of Mr. Brewer's argu ment that it must have been the elder sister who was spoken of as Miss Boleyn, and who was sent to France with Mary Tudor. And as it was Anne who went with Mary Tudor, and who was called Miss Boleyn, she must have been the elder sister. As to Anne's life in France, Sanders says that she was brought up at first near Briere,1 and T. Brodeau, in his life of Charles Dumoulin, improving on this statement, asserts that she was brought up in Brie by a relative of Dumoulin.2 But " near Briere " certainly does not mean " in Brie," but near the little town of Briare, which Englishmen at that time generally spelled Briere. Both the Duke of Norfolk and Peter Vannes spell it so.3 It is probable, however, that Anne was brought up neither " near Briere " nor " in Brie." Claude of France, the wife of Francis I., was a very good woman who took pleasure in superintending the education of young girls. She is said to have had large numbers of them at court, as many as three hundred at a time, who were taught by the best masters. " When Mary returned to this country," says the writer of the history in verse, " she [Anne] was retained by Claude, the 1 N. Sanders, de Origine Schismati, 1588, p. 16. 2 J. Brodeau, Vie de Maistre Charles du Moulin, p. 7. 3 Norfolk to Henry VIII. and Peter Vannes to Cromwell, June 23, 1533, Letters and Papers, vol. vi. p. 307, 308. APPENDIX. 321 new queen, at whose court she became so graceful that you appendix would never have taken her for an Englishwoman, but for a NOt^a. Frenchwoman born." * There can be little doubt, therefore, — that Anne spent most of the time she was in France at the court of Queen Claude. That she returned to England in 1522, about the new year, is proved by the papers cited by Mr. Brewer. These papers also settle the date of the negotiations for her marriage with one of her Irish cousins. Mr. Brewer at first thought that the negotiations referred to Mary Boleyn, but this error he cor rected. He continued, however, to be mistaken about the person whom Anne was to marry. The husband proposed for her was not, as Mr. Brewer thought, Sir Piers Butler,2 but the son of Sir Piers, Sir James. In speaking of her life between 1522 and 1526, Mr. Froude quotes a letter addressed to a Mr. Melton and speaking of a Mistress Anne, as if there could be no doubt that it referred to Anne Boleyn.3 A French writer, M. Albert du Boys, trans lating the letter, fancied that he might safely add to " Anne " the little word "Boleyn." And so he did.* But there is not the slightest reason to think that the letter to Mr. Melton belongs to a time when the writer could possibly have alluded to Anne Boleyn as "Mistress Anne." The writer says : "I must 1 Histoire de la Boyne Anne de Boullant, loc. cit. : — " Apres que Marie fust revenue En ce pays, elle fust retenue Par Claude, qui Royne apres succeda Ou tellement ses graces amenda , Que ne leussiez oncques jugee angloyse En ses facons, mais naifve francoyse ; " and Cronica del Mey Enrico Otavo de Ingalaterra. 2 Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. ccxxxviii. 3 J. A. Froude, History of England, vol. i. p. 184 : — Mr. Melton.— " This shall be to advertise you that Mistress Anne is changed from that she was at when we three were last together. . ." 4 Albert du Boys, Catherine d'Aragon, p. 146: "Cette lettre est pour Vous avertir du grand changement qui sest opere dans Anne de Boleyn depuis trois ans que nousl'avons veue, pendant que nous etions ensemble." VOL. II. Y 322 APPENDIX. appendix, go to my master, wheresoever he be, for the Lord Privy Sea] note a. desireth much to speak with me, whom if I should speak — with in my master's absence, it would cause me to lose my head." Who was this Lord Privy Seal, whom to speak with might have cost the writer his head ? It is most improbable that the reference was either to Thomas Rowthall or to his successor Cuthbert Tunstall, for the one was commonly called my Lord of Durham, and the other my Lord of London, the episcopal dignity being considered the higher of tbe two. I cannot remember any letter in which either of these two bishops is spoken of as " the Lord Privy Seal." The letter, therefore, appears to have been written after Tunstall had relinquished his office to Lord Wiltshire, who was sometimes called Lord Privy Seal. But it was only in 1530 that Anne Boleyn' s father obtained the office, and as at that time she was called Lady Anne, the allusion in the letter must be to another of the numerous ladies called Anne, and not to her. Cavendish's account of the flirtation between Anne Boleyn and Sir Henry Percy is rejected by Mr. Brewer, because in his opinion it cannot have taken place after Sir Henry was betrothed to Lady Mary Talbot.1 I cannot understand the argument, for Cavendish distinctly tells us that it did take place after the betrothal, and that Sir Henry asked Cardinal Wolsey to have the betrothal annulled. There is nothing im possible or very improbable in this account, and, as Cavendish was certainly with Wolsey at the time, I see no reason to disbelieve his statement. It is confirmed by the fact that Chapuis and other contemporary writers repeatedly assert or imply that Anne was on very intimate terms with young Percy about the beginning of 1527 or about the end of 1526.2 1 Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. ccxliii. foot-note. 2 E. Chapuis to Charles V., May 2, 1536, loe. cit : " Yl y avoit des temoings tous conformestestiffians mariage avoir este passe neufz ans faict et charnelle- ment consume entre elle et le conte nortanberlan." t NOTE B. WAS MARY BOLEYN HENRY'S MISTRESS ? The question whether Mary Boleyn was the mistress of Henry VIII. is now generally answered in the affirmative. Notwithstanding all the evidence which has come to light, however, Mr. Froude still maintains the opposite view. He says : — " The argument from the Pope's silence, and from the absence of all mention of the Mary Boleyn connection in every authoritative document where it would most have been expected, has always appeared to me so weighty as to over balance floating scandal, rhetorical invective, and conclusions drawn by inference from ambiguous legal documents. The story may have been true, and if it was true it was peculiarly disgraceful, but it is not proved. In my own opinion the balance of probability is the other way, but those who believe it will find their case strengthened by the deliberate words of the Imperial ambassador." 1 As Mr. Froude thus states the case for Henry and Mary Boleyn, I will now state the case against them ; after which the reader may form his own opinion on the subject. I agree with Mr. Froude that if the story was true "it was peculiarly disgraceful ; " but it is fair to add that as morals at the English court were at that time extremely low, Henry's conduct ought not to be judged by a very elevated standard. 1 History of England, vol. ii. App. p. 655. Y 2 324 APPENDIX. appendix. Mary Boleyn was married in February, 1521 (not, as Mr. note"b. Brewer says, in 1520), to Mr. William Carey (not, as Mr. — Froude says, to Sir Henry Carey). Mr. Froude asserts that " the liaison, if real, must have taken place previous to 1521. In the January of that year Mary Boleyn married Sir Henry Carey, and no one pretends that it occurred after she became Carey's wife. Nothing was known about it at the time, nor was it ever heard of till many years after, during the agita tion of the first divorce." x This is not the fact. It has been " pretended " that Mary Boleyn was Henry's mistress after she became Carey's wife. There is still at the Record Office a paper containing the confession of a monk of Syon, in which the following passage occurs : " Moreover, Mr. Skydmore did show me young master Care, saying that he was our sovereign lord the king's son, by our sovereign lady the queen's sister, whom the queen's grace might not suffer to be in the court." 2 Not only, then, was it said that Anne's sister was Henry's mistress after her marriage, but it was stated that Henry Carey was the king's son. I hasten to say that I know of no other evidence in support of the latter assertion. In 1527, Henry VIII., wishing to divorce Catherine and to marry Anne Boleyn, applied for a dispensation to marry any woman, even if she stood in the first degree of affinity to him, ex quocunque licito seu illicito coitu conjunct a, provided she were not the widow of his late brother. Why should this extraordinary and superfluous clause have been inserted, if Mary Boleyn had not been the king's mistress? Mr. Froude, indeed, contends that the clause proves nothing against his hero. " The dispensations," he suggests, " granted to Emmanuel of Portugal, who married two sisters and after wards his niece, may have nearly resembled this. Legal documents of the kind were made as broad as possible to 1 History of England, vol. ii. App. p. 653. 2 R. 0. 26th, Henry VIII. Box Q, No. 127. APPENDIX. 325 cover all questions which might afterwards be raised."1 appendix. Had Mr. Froude taken the trouble to make inquiry as to the N~s dispensations he speaks of, he would have found that they — contain no such clause. I have examined many briefs and bulls of dispensation, and I have discovered no clause of the kind in any of them. Dr. Ortiz, the Spanish theologian sent to Rome to defend Catherine's interest, was informed by the courtiers of Clement, that Dr. Knight, who had been deputed to ask for the dis pensation, had made no secret of the reasons for which it was wanted. " It is certain truth," Dr. Ortiz wrote to the empress, " that some time ago he [Henry] sent to ask his holiness for a dispensation to marry her, notwithstanding the affinity between them on account of bis having committed adultery with her sister," 2 In 1529 Charles V. bad already heard of the matter. On the 5th of January, 1530, he gave audience to Dr. Richard Sampson, one of the English ambassadors who had been sent to convince the emperor of the necessity of the divorce. Charles declared that Henry's conscientious scruples did not seem to be justified, especially "if it were true, as his said Majesty had heard (although he himself would not positively affirm it), that the said king had kept company with the sister of her whom he now, it was stated, wanted to marry." To the other observations of the emperor, Sampson replied ; to this he made no answer.3 Was not that a tacit admission of the truth of what the emperor had heard ? In 1532, Eustache Chapuis speaks of the former adultery of Henry with Mary Boleyn as a well-known fact of which there can be no doubt. " Even if," he writes, " he could separate from the queen, he could not have her [Anne], for 1 History of England, vol. ii. App. p. 653. 2 Dr. Ortiz to the empress, February 7, 1533, British Museum, Add. MSS. 28,585, foi. 217. 3 Account of the conversation of the emperor with Dr. Sampson, sent to E. Chapuis, January 5, 1530, Vienna Archives, P.C. 226, ii. foi. i. 326 APPENDIX. appendix, he has had to do with her sister." * In the following year no"teb. several persons were arrested in England because they had blamed the king for marrying the sister of his former mistress. Before Henry's marriage with Anne, Sir George Throg- morton spoke to him of a' rumour that he, Henry, had had improper relations both with her mother and with her sister. The king replied, "Never with the mother;" and Cromwell, who was present, added, " Nor with the sister either." 2 All this was set forth by Sir George Throgmorton in a letter addressed to Henry himself, after the death of Anne Boleyn. "The sting of the imputation," as Mr. Brewer justly remarks, " consists not in the character of the writer, but in the tacit admission made by the king." In 1533, Parliament passed an Act promulgating a table of degrees of consanguinity and affinity, within which marriage was forbidden ; and it is remarkable that while this table covered the case of Henry and Catherine, it was so framed as to permit marriage with a sister of a discarded mistress. Up to this time the canon law had been in force ; and, in that law, so far as forbidden degrees were concerned, no difference was made between legitimate and illegitimate intercourse. As soon as the marriage between Henry and Anne was to be null and void, the provisions of the canon law began again to command respect; and in 1536 Parliament passed a new Act ordering every man who had married the sister of a former mistress to separate from her, and forbidding such marriages in the future. Before this Act was passed, Chapuis had again stated as an indubitable fact that Mary Boleyn had been the mistress of Henry, and he had added that it was on this ground that Cranmer had pronounced a divorce between Henry and Anne. Such, in the main, are the arguments for the opinion that 1 E. Chapuis to Charles V., August 9, 1532, Vienna Archives. P.C. 227, iv. foi. 60. 2 Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iv. p. cccxxix. foot-note. APPENDIX. 327 Mary Carey had been the mistress of Henry. The case for appendix the defence, as stated by Mr. Froude in the passage I have note"b. quoted, is, that the pope did not take official cognisance of ' the connection, and that no mention of it is made in any " authoritative document where it would most have been expected." The answer to the first of these two arguments is very simple. The pope did not take official cognisance of a fact which had never been brought officially before him. For reasons which I have explained in the text, the imperial agents opposed the marriage with Anne, on no other ground than that it was a contempt of court. They asserted that Catherine was Henry's wife ; and beyond this they did not need to go. The two sentences of Clement, therefore, simply pronounced the marriage with Catheiine to be valid. Tho bull of Paul III. excommunicated and deprived Henry for a great many acts which were perfectly public and undeniable, such as the casting off of Catherine, the concubinage with Anne, the rebellion against the spiritual authority of the Holy See, and the execution of Cardinal Fisher. It would have been mere folly in the pope to have weakened his case by making any assertion which could have been disputed; for if he had done so, Henry would have complained to all the world that the pope was slandering him. So Paul III. wisely abstained from speaking about Mary Boleyn. As to the second argument, I know not where Mr. Froude supposes that mention of " the Mary Boleyn connection " ought to be expected. I have shown that it is mentioned in a good many documents which are still preserved. That it is not acknowledged in any document issued with Henry's authority is true, but that proves nothing except that he was, perhaps, just a little ashamed of " peculiarly disgraceful " immorality. NOTE C. THE AUTHENTICITY OF continues to maintain the validity of Catherine's mar riage, 307 Cheyne, Sir Thomas, i. 169 ; ii. 153 Chichester, Bishop of, i. 143, 197 Christian I. King of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, Duke of Schleswig and Holstein, i. 237, 238 Christian II. King of Denmark, &c. i. 238, ii. 22 Christian III. Duke of Holstein, and King of Denmark, ii. 19, 22- 24, 89-98, 119, 187-191 Luebeck declares war against, ii. 23 attacks Luebeck and beats Meyer, 89 allies of, 90 sends Peter Schwaben to Eng land, 91 regains Jutland, 95 invests Copenhagen, 98 Claude, Queen of France, i. 41 ; ii. 320, 321 Clement VII. Pope, i 52, 54, 56, 57, 64-68, 77, 78, 82-93, 98, 105- 108, 131, 132, 143, 172, 173, 179-182, 185, 191, 192, 196, 197, 214-217, 220-223, 228, INDEX. 367 Clement VII. Pope (continued) — 247-250, 253-257, 262, 274- 281, 289-291, 294-300, 302, 304, 308 ; ii. 4, 5, 26, 38, 51, 54, 139, 207, 329, 336 a prisoner, i 52 released, and meets Knight at Orvieto, 64 appoints Campeggio and Wolsey legates to try Henry's cause, 68 grants a decretal, 77 his policy in the matter of Henry's divorce, 78 his instructions to Campeggio, 88 refuses to order Campeggio to give up the decretal, 91 sends Campana to England, 91 reported death of, 92 revokes the powers of the legates, 95 grants the bulls appointing Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, 182 annuls the sentence of Cranmer, 223 and Francis at Marseilles, 247 receives intimation of Henry's appeal to a council, 253 rejects the appeal of Henry, 257 deceives du Bellay, 279 gives final sentence in the divorce case, 303 death of, ii. 38 Clergy, the English, i. 131, 135-143, 158, 196, 197, 264; ii. 224, 225 Cromwell's proposed attack on, i 135 constitution of, 136 mostly against the divorce, 143 again attacked, 158 convocation of, and the validity of Henry's marriage, 196 attempt to coerce, 264 and the Lutheran divines, ii. 224 Clerk, John, Bishop of Bath, i. 49, 86 Clinton, Lord, ii. 274 Cobham, Lord, ii. 274 Cochlaeus, ii. 108, 329 Coligny, Cardinal de, i. 302 Comitibus, D. de, ii. 333 Commissioners meet at Calais, ii. 66 appointed to make inquiry re garding treason, ii. 243 Anne before the, 252 Cranmer before the, 257 preside at the trial of Noreys, Weston,Bryertonand Smeton, 270 Commons, House of, i 100, 101, 195 way in which members of, were elected, i 100 Compiegne, i 57 Contarini, Cardinal, ii. 205 Consistory of cardinals, i 223, 299, 303 ; ii. 18, 184, 204-209 Constantine, George, ii. 300, 348, 349 Convocation, see Clergy Copenhagen, ii. 24 Cosyns, Mrs., ii. 259 Cotes, John, Sheriff of Middlesex, ii. 268 Covos, Francisco de los, i. 16 Cranmer, Dr. Thomas, i. 105, 163, 174-179, 182, 183, 189, 201- 204, 220-223, 236, 244-246, 264, 277, 286 ; ii. 55, 225, 240, 256-258, 272, 288-290, 326, 338, 347, 352, 353 accompanies the Earl of Wilt shire to Bologna, 1 105, 174 sent as ambassador to Charles V, 175 his recall, 176 his character, 176 appointed Archbishop of Can terbury, 178 writes to Henry, 201 holds a court at Dunstable, and declares the marriage between Henry and Catherine to be invalid, 204 declares the marriage between Henry and Anne to be valid, 204 and the holy maid of Kent, 244 and Father Dering, 273 denies the supremacy of im perial power, ii. 225 368 INDEX. Cranmer, Dr. Thomas, writes to Henry, 257 before the commissioners, 257 sees Anne at the Tower, 289 declares Anne's marriage to be void, 290 Cromwell, Thomas, i. 134-136, 141, 142, 145, 174, 177, 185-187, 202, 212, 218, 225-228, 231- 233, 243-247, 250, 251, 259, 265, 268, 270, 282, 285, 286 ; ii. 13, 29, 41, 45, 52-54, 62-66, 76, 89, 93, 110, 113, 131-133, 136, 150-154, 162, 167, 173, 175, 179, 196, 211-213, 219, 222-229, 233, 234, 237-248, 250, 251, 257-262, 269, 270, 276, 277, 280, 288, 289, 291, 294, 297-299, 340, 346-350 his attack on the clergy, i. 135 his rising power, 185 and Chapuis, 231 decides to support Anne, ii 56 his illness, 62 commits the Carthusian priors to the Tower, 64 and the French ambassadors, 131 proposes a marriage between Elizabeth and Philip of Spain, 133 offends the Bishop of Tarbes, 136 announces Catherine's death to Chapuis, 162 writes to Gardiner and Wallop, 179 asks Chapuis to advise Mary to yield, 196 meets Chapuis at St. Austin's church, 211 favours the imperialists, 224 sides with the conservative churchmen, 225 asks Chapuis to visit Anne, 229 annoyed with Henry for refusing the proposals of Charles, 234 has an illness, 234 his influence threatened, 239 plots for the ruin of Anne, 242 Cromwell, Thomas, regains his in fluence, 244 has Anne watched, 246 settles with Henry the details of Anne's trial, 269 orders Kingston to exclude foreigners from the Tower, 291 gives an account of Anne's ar rest, 298 Cruciger Caspar, ii. 193 Cumberland, Earl of, ii. 274 Cupis, Cardinal de, ii. 209 Cyfuentes, Count of, i 221, 257, 276, 279, 298-306 D. Dacres, Sir Christopher, ii. 11 Dacres of Greystock, Lord, ii. 11, 12, 29, 32, 274, 275 put on his trial, ii. 11 acquitted, 12 joins the conspiracy against Henry, 32 Dacres of the South, Lord, ii. 249, 274 Dantzig, merchants of, ii 119 Darcy, Lord, i. 156, 157, 188 ; ii 31, .34, 60, 275, 310 refuses to pronounce on the divorce case, i 156 conspires against Henry, ii. 31 Dauphin of Viennois, Francis, ii. 39, 40, 43, 44, 68, 71, 114, 122, 124-126, 129, 130, 180 proposed marriage of Mary with, ii. 39 English opinion upon the match, 125 De Burgo, see Burgo Decretal bull of Clement VII., i. 71, 77, 78, 131 De la Hargerie, see Hargerie De la Pommeraye, see Pommeraye De Lasco, see Lasco Denmark, ii. 19-21, 89, 90, 137 war in. ii. 89, 97 fleet of, ii. 137 INDEX. 369 Denmark, King of, see Christian, and Frederic, and John Denonville, Charles de, Bishop of Mficon, French ambassador at Rome, i 227, 295, 301 ; ii. 73- 75, 185,204, 209, 305, 306 his conversation with the Pope about Cardinal Fisher, ii. 73 Derby, Countess of, i. 245 Derby, Earl of, ii. 32, 274, 275 Dering, Friar, i 273 Desert, battle of the, ii. Ill, 112 Desmond, Earl of, ii. 332 Dilft, Francis van der, ii. 310 Dinteville, Jean de, bailly of Troyes, French ambassador in Eng land, i. 14, 184, 191, 192, 206, 208, 211, 236, 257-261 ; ii. 115-117, 121-130, 138, 180 protests against Cranmer hold ing a court, i. 211 his parting audience with Henry, 258 sent on a special mission to England, ii. 115 his demands refused by Henry, 122 goes to Eltham, 123 hears that Mary wishes to marry the Dauphin, 124 proposes means to obtain Henry's consent to the match, 129 Ditmarschen, ii. 25, 90 Divorces in the time of Henry VIII., i 48 Doria, Andrea, i 89 Dormer, Sir R.,ii 271 Dorset, Dowager Marchioness of, i. 236 Douglas, Lady Margaret, i. 296 Drewry, Sir W., ii. 271 Dudley, Lord, ii 274 Dumoulin, Charles, ii. 320 Dunstable, court held at, i. 203, 204 Dubellay, see Bellay. Duprat, Cardinal, i. 16, 170, 248, 280, 302 disputation held at his house, i. 248 VOL. II. E. Edward IL, ii. 172 Edward IIL, ii. 172 Elizabeth, daughter of Anne Boleyn, i 230, 232, 266, 286, 307 ; ii. 36, 44, 51, 67-69, 123, 127, 133, 165, 194, 208, 218, 247, 279, 287, 297, 320, 338, 341, 355 birth of, i 230 taken to Hatfield, 236 proposed marriage of, with Angouleme, ii. 44, 51, 67 visited at Eltham by Dinteville, 123 proposed marriage of, with Philip of Spain, 133, 154 carried round the room by the king, 165 to be declared illegitimate, 287 Elyot or Eliot, Sir Thomas, i. 150, 151, 175; ii. 223 Empire, princes of the, ii. 189 England at the end of the 15th century, i. 1 population of, 2 trade, 4 decay of military qualities, 5 fleet of, 6 English merchantmen captured by the Swedes, ii 103 Engiefield, Sir Thomas, ii. 270 Enkevoert, Cardinal, i 300 Erasmus of Rotterdam, ii. 86 Excusator to be sent to Rome, i. 281, 288, 307 Exeter, Bishop of, i 143 Exeter, Marquess of, i. 144, 146, 270, 271 ; ii. 58, 202, 274, 275 sent from court, i 146 forbidden to visit Mary, 271 favourable to Catherine, ii 58 Exeter, Marchioness of, i. 245, 270 ; ii. 147-149, 173, 202, 223, 227 warns Chapuis that Henry intends to kill Catherine and Mary, ii. 147 asks Chapuis to assist Jane Seymour, 223 B B 370 INDEX. Farnese, Cardinal Alexander, see Paul III. Farnese, Pier Luigi, ii. 135, 182 Featherstone, ii. 70 Ferdinand of Aragon, i. 20, 21, 30, 35, 47 ; ii. 329-331, 334 applies for a brief of dispensa tion for Henry and Catherine, ii. 331 Ferdinand of Austria, King of the Romans, i 89, ii 16-18, 25, 26, 99 league against, ii. 16 gives up Wuertemberg, 18 acknowledged as King of the Romans, 18 on friendly terms with the Pro testants, 99 Fernandez, Diego, i 20 Fisher, Dr. John, Bishop of Roches ter, i 86, 143, 155, 197, 234 245, 282 ; ii. 8, 14, 46-48, 70, 72-78, 81, 83-86, 89, 205, 327, 340-344 arrested, i. 197 refuses to swear to the Act of Succession, ii. 8 sent to the Tower, 8 refuses to accept the Act of Supremacy, 47 his confinement made less strict, 48 threatened with death, 70 made a cardinal, 72 condemned and executed, 78 in the spring of 1535, Note E. ii. 340 Fitzroy, see Richmond Fitzwilliam, Sir William, i. 99, 129, 184, 259 ; ii. 3, 6, 7, 45, 54, 243, 251-253, 259, 318 treasurer of the household, i. 99 and Rochford sent to France, ii. 3 advises Noreys to confess to adultery with Anne, ii. 251 Flodden field, battle of, i. 31 Florence, Duke of, see Medici Foligno, i. 64 Foreign trade of England crippled, ii. 117-120 Foxe or Fox, Dr. Edward, almoner, Bishop of Hereford, i. 66, 68, 71, 150, 153, 267 ; ii. 191 sent as ambassador to the Pope, i.66 is received by Henry and Anne at Greenwich, 70 advises Mary not to submit, 267 sent as ambassador to Saxony, ii. 96 Foxe, Richard, Bishop of Winches ter, i. 14, 27, 32 France, cardinals of, i. 302 ; ii. 2 merchants of, i. 205 Queen of, see Claude Universities of, and the divorce, i 119 Francis I., King of France, i. 2, 6, 9-11, 16, 18, 45, 54, 56, 80, 83, 85, 87, 111, 116-119, 153, 163-174, 180, 191-193, 210- 212, 214, 215, 217-222, 224- 227, 235, 236, 247, 249-261, 263, 274-277, 279-281, 285, 289, 292, 294, 295, 304-308 ; ii. 1-5, 11, 14-19, 25-28, 33, 39-41, 49-54, 65-68, 71, 73, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83-86, 92, 113- 116, 121, 122, 129, 134-137, 179-185, 194, 203, 204, 206, 209-211, 215, 220, 232, 234- 236, 238, 244, 252, 303, 307, 317, 318, 320 and Henry's divorce, i 114 his assistance indispensable, 116 proposed interview with Henry, 163 meets Henry near Boulogne, 170 goes to Calais, 171 meets Anne at a masked dance, 171 sends Cardinals de Tournon and de Gramont to Rome, 172 receives the news of Henry's marriage, 192 gives audience to Norfolk at Riom, 219 preaches moderation to Norfolk, 226 INDEX. 371 Francis I., King of France, and the Pope at Marseilles, 247 and the English ambassadors at Marseilles, 256 sends du Bellay to England, 261 sends du Bellay to Rome to act in Henry's favour, 274 sends de la Pommeraye to Eng land, ii. 2 answers Rochford and Fitz william, 4 sends de la Guiche to England to arrange for an interview, 7 his interview with Henry post poned, 10 his alienation from Henry, 14 his policy in Germany, 15 disapproves of Henry's policy towards Luebeck, 26 rejects the proposals of Charles V., 27 wishes that Mary may marry the dauphin, 39 sends Chabot on a mission to Henry, 39 sends Gontier to England, 50 asks Henry that Fisher's Ufe be spared, 75 disapproves of the execution of Fisher and More, 80 is abandoned by his German allies, 98 tries to mediate between the Lutherans and the Pope, 99 invites Melanchthon to France, 100 decides for peace with Charles V., 114 adopts a new .policy towards England, 114 sends Dinteville to England, 115 claims Milan for his son Henry, 180 is urged by th* English am bassadors to make war on Charles, 181 his difficulties, 185 Francis I., King of France, orders his ministers at Rome not to favour Henry, 203 agrees to forsake Henry if Charles will satisfy his de mands, 210 annoyed at Henry's marriage with Jane, 307 loses Henry's alliance, 307 Frederic I., King of Denmark and Norway, i. 238, 239 ; ii. 19, 93 Froude, Mr. J. A. ii. 315, 321, 323- 325, 327, 328, 352-355 Fuensalida, G. G. de, i 20 G. Gaddi, Cardinal, i. 280 Gardiner, Dr. Stephen, i 14, 66, 68, 71, 94-96, 129, 144, 150, 153, 158, 189, 208, 227, 246, 247, 249-253, 256 ; ii. 179, 182, 184, 185, 208, 298, 305, 308, 309, 348 sent as ambassador to the Pope, i 66 made chief secretary to the King, 95 made Bishop of Winchester, 99, 150 sent to assist at the meeting of the Pope and the King of France, 227 declares that he has no powers, 249 sent to assist Sir John Wallop at the French court, ii. 180 Gattinara, Cardinal Mercurino de, i 16 ; ii. 334 Geneva, ii. 182 Genoa, ii. 117 Genouilhac, Monsieur de, ii. 66 Ghinucci, Girolamo, Bishop of Wor cester i 215 ; ii. 72 Giustinian, i 14 Givry, Cardinal de, i. 302 Goletta, the, ii. 26, 111 Gontier, Palamede, treasurer of Brit tany, ii. 44, 50-54, 56, 57, 65, 66 sent to England ii. 50 finds Anne in great anxiety, 51 B B 2 372 INDEX. Gontier, Palamede, treasurer of Brit tany, tries to gain Cromwell's good-will, 52 tells the English lords of the auto daft at Paris, 54 Gonzaga, Cardinal, ii. 205 Gramont, Cardinal de, i 172, 180, 214, 215, 220 sent to Rome by Francis I., 172 Granvelle, Nicolas de, ii. 113, 142, 219, 220, 230, 348, 354, warns Chapuis not to be too eager to defend Anne Boleyn, ii. 219, 220 Greenwich, treaty of, i. 153, 154 Grenacre, Philip, ii. 144, 152 Grey, Lady Elizabeth, i 41 Griffith, ii. 258 Guenz, defence of, ii. 16 Guiche, Monsieur de la, i 127 ; ii. 7 Guildford, comptroller of the house hold, i. 129, 145 Gustavas Vasa, King of Sweden, i 238 ; ii. 90, 92, 93, 119 Gwent, Dr., dean of the arches, i. 244 H. Hales, Sir Christopher, the king's attorney, i. 97 ; ii. 272, 276, 277 Hall, Dr., ii. 343 Hamburg, ambassadors from, ii. 23, 24 Hampden, Sir J., ii. 271 Hanart, Viscount, imperial am bassador in France, ii 48-50, 133 Hanseatic merchants, see Steel yard Hanseatic captains, i. 209 Hanseatic towns, i. 236 Hargerie, Monsieur de la, i 219 Harvest of 1535, ii. 120, 121 Harvey, Sir Nicholas, ambassador with Charles V., i 150 Hastings, Lord Hop and, i. 38 Haughton, prior of the Charter house of London, ii. 64, 65 Hawkyns, Dr. Nicholas, ambassador with Charles V., i. 176 ; ii. 338 Heath, Dr. Nicholas, ii. 96, 191 Henneage, Thomas, i 69, 75 Henry IV., King of Castille, ii. 335 Henry IL, King of England ii, 177 Henry VII., King of England, i. 2, 6, 7. 8, 18, 24, 26 ; ii. 328, 331, 333 improves the condition of England, i 2 his influence abroad, 6 his coarseness, 18 organises a bureaucracy, 26 Henry VIII., King of England, i. 5-18, 21, 22, 26-28, 30-36, 40, 45-77, 83-86, 88-98, 100, 102- 105, 108-126, 130-134, 137, 143-157, 159, 160, 162-186, 188, 190-204, 207-225, 227, 229-236, 240-244, 246-271, 274-279, 281-298, 301-308; ii. 1-14, 19-31, 33-59, 63-86, 88, 89, 108-110, 113-125, 127, 129, 130, 132-135, 137-142, 145, 146, 150-159, 179, 180, 182-212, 215-245, 250-252, 257, 260, 264, 266-269, 271, 298-311, 323-328, 331-333, 338-340, 347-355. character of, i 7 and Wolsey, 32 and Anne Boleyn, 45 his attempt to divorce Catherine, 50 failure of the attempt, 53 sends Knight on a secret mis sion to the Pope, 57 his slight to Wolsey, 59 writes to Knight, 63 sends Gardiner and Foxe to the Pope, 66 gives audience to Foxe, 70 resides at various places for fear of infection, 72 reprimands Wolsey for having appointed an abbess of Wil ton, 75 receives Campeggio, 90 wishes to obtain possession of the decretal, 90 INDEX. 373 Henry VIII., King of England, gives audience to Campeggio and Wolsey at Grafton, 96 deprives Wolsey of the seals, 97 visits York Place, 102 opens Parliament, 102 gives a banquet at which Anne occupies the place of Cather ine, 104 sends Lord Wiltshire on an em bassy to Charles V. and the Pope, 105 pardons Wolsey, 110 collects opinions of theologians upon his divorce, 114 orders Wolsey's arrest, 125 disputes with Catherine as to his relations with Anne, 130 is cited to appear at Rome, 143 gives audience to de Burgo, 144 sends a deputation of the council to Catherine, 144 concludes a treaty with Fran cis I., 153 creates Anne Boleyn Marchio ness of Pembroke, 162 proposes an interview with Francis I., 163 starts from London, 169 meets Francis near Boulogne, 170 receives Francis at Calais, 171 returns to England, 172 appoints Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, 178 his secret marriage with Aune, 183 sends Lord Rochford to Fran cis I., 192 attends a dinner given by Anne, 194 gives audience to Chapuis, 198 directs his courtiers to recognise Anne as queen, 199 licenses Cranmer to hold a court, 202 his marriage with Catherine declared void by Cranmer, 204 Henry VIII., King of England, attends the coronation of Anne, 208 appeals to a council, 216 the Pope delivers sentence against, 223 attempts to form new alliances in Germany, 226 his vexation at the sex of Elizabeth, 230 and the Hanseatic merchants, 240 advised by Meyer to conclude an alliance with Luebeck, 242 his appeal intimated to the Pope, 253 complains of Francis I., 258 his concessions to du Bellay, 262 attempts to coerce the clergy, 264 visits Elizabeth at Hatfield, 268 gives audience to Castillon, 285 objects to tho marriage of Mary and Duke Alexander, 296 final sentence delivered by the Pope and cardinals against, 303 his insincerity, 307 sends Rochford and Fitzwilliam to France, ii 3 desires an interview with Francis, 6 interview postponed, 10 disappointed at hearing that Anne is not pregnant, 13 his offers rejected by the Elector of Saxony, 19 negotiations with Luebeck, 19 releases Meyer, 21 receives the Hanseatic am bassadors, 24 lends money to the Luebeckers, 25 Francis I. alienated from, 26 conspiracy against, 29 has a new mistress, 35 Chabot sent on a mission to, 39 compelled to continue his polky, 42 374 INDEX. Henry VIII., King of England, the Act of Supremacy passed, 43 gives audience to Gontier, 51 thinks of divorcing Anne, 55 his new favourite, Margaret Shelton, 57 his cruelty denounced on the Continent, 65 and the French, 67 and the papacy, 71 asked by Francis to spare Fisher's life, 75 his suspicions aroused, 76 Anne again in favour with, 79 measures proposed against him at Rome, 80 dislike of the Protestants to, 82 issues a memorial to influence French public opinion, 83 the same to influence the Ger man Protestants, 85 gives audience to Peter Schwa ben, 93 intends to act as mediator in the north, 96 sends Barnes to dissuade Me lanchthon from going to France, 101 fits out several ships to assist Meyer at Warberg, 102 and the Wittenberg divines, 108 hears of the success of Charles V., 112 Dinteville sent on a mission to, 115 disastrous influence of his policy on English trade, 117 refuses the demands of Francis, 122 scheme of the French ambas sadors for the coercion of, 129 Paul III. prepares for the punishment of, 134 again wishes to discard Anne, 137 wishes for Catherine's death, 138 calls Mary his worst enemy, 142 says he wants to be rid of Catherine and Mary, 147 Henry VIII., King of England, gives audience to Chapuis, 153 refuses permission to Mary to see her dying mother, 156 his joy at Catherine's death, 165 accuses Anne of murderous in tent, 176 more guilty than Anne, 177 sentence of excommunication and deprivation against, pre pared, 184 intercedes for Wullenwever, 187 and the Schmalkaldic League, 191 his rudeness to Anne on her miscarriage, 199 speaks of discarding Anne, 202 his deprivation debated in con sistory, 204 Charles wishes to conciliate him and Anne, 216 sends Jane Seymour a purse full of gold, 221 hears the new proposals of Charles V. from Chapuis, 232 gives to Castelnau a garbled ac count of the emperor's pro posals, 235 signs a commission to inquire into all manner of treasons, 243 urges Henry Noreys to confess, 251 his exultation at Anne's arrest, 266 at the house of the Bishop of Carlisle, 267 settles with Cromwell the de tails of the coming trial, 269 wishes Henry Fitzroy to suc ceed him, 286 Cranmer declares his marriage with Anne void, 290 sends Jane Seymour the news of Anne's condemnation, 301 marries Jane Seymour, 302 Paul III. tries to regain his allegiance, 303 Francis loses his alliance, 307 on good terms with Charles, 307 INDEX. 375 Henry VIII., King of England, on good terms with Chapuis, 310 his German favourites executed, 311 was Mary Boleyn his mistress ? Note B, 323 the authenticity of the brief of dispensation for his marriage with Catherine, Note C, 328 Hesse, Philip, Landgrave of, i. 226 ; ii. 17-19, 25, 89, 90, 92 Hever, birth-place of Anne Bolevn, i, 39 Hilsey, John, i. 184 Holland, Elizabeth, i. 233 Holbein, Hans, ii. 315 Howard, Lady Elizabeth, see Wilt shire, Countess of Howard, Lord Henry, called Earl of Surrey, cousin of Anne Boleyn, i. 222 Howard, Thomas, see Norfolk Howard, Viscount, ii. 348 Howard, Lord William, i. 206, 208 Howard, Lady William, ii. 128, 129 Hoya, Count Eric of, ii. 90, 93 Hoya, Count John of, ii. 90, 97 Humieres, Monsieur de, i. 217 Hungary, Mary of, see Mary Hungerford, Sir Walter, ii. 270 Huntingdon, Earl of, ii. 274 Hussey, Lord, i 245 ; ii. 31, 34, 271, 275, 310 Hussey, Lady, i. 245 Isabella, Queen of Castille, ii. 329, 330, 334 Juana, Infanta Dona, daughter of Charles V., ii. 40, 43, 125 Julius IL, Pope, i. 92, 301 ; ii. 328, 333, 336 Jutland, war in, ii 91 Jurischitz defends Guenz, ii. 16 Juvenale, Latino, ii. 303 K. Kent, Earl of, ii. 274 Khairredin Barbarossa, ii. 26, 27, 50, 111, 112, 181 Kildare, Lady, ii. 226 Kimbolton, place of residence of Catherine of Aragon, ii. 144, 145, 150-152, 159, 160, 162 Kingston, Sir William, constable of the Tower, ii. 61, 170, 183, 254, 255, 259, 260, 264, 270, 272, 276, 279, 289, 292, 293, 318, 349 an adherent of Catherine and Mary, ii. 61 receives Anne on her being brought to the Tower, 254 brings Anne before the court, 276 leads Anne out to be executed, 294 Kingston, Lady, ii. 255, 259, 276 attends upon Anne at the Tower, ii 255 Knight, Dr. William, i. 57, 62-66 ; ii. 325 sent to Rome, i. 57 meets the Pope at Orvieto, i. 64 his indiscretion, i. 64 ; ii. 325 Jaen, Cardinal of, i. 222 James V., King of Scotland, ii. 4, 32, 86 John, King of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, i 238 Jonas, Justus, ii. 193 Jordan, Isabel, i. 73, 74, 76 Juana la Loca, Queen of Castille, ii. 218 L. Lasco, Dr. Miguel de, physician to Catherine of Aragon, ii. 59, 144, 150, 152, 158, 160-163, 168, 169, 174, 175, 224, 238 thinks Catherine out of danger, ii. 160 Catherine dictates two letters to 163 376 INDEX. Lasco, Dr. Miguel de, physician to Catherine of Aragon, con vinced that Catherine was poisoned, 169 not allowed to see Mary, 174 prevented from leaving England, 175 Latimer, Dr. Hugh, i. 283 Latimer, Lord, ii. 34 Laufen, battle of, ii. 17 Lautrec, Monsieur de, i. 89 Laurence, Brother, i. 243 Lawarr, Lord, ii. 274 Lee, Dr. Edward, i. 105, 144, 150, 189, 216 ; ii 288 made Archbishop of York, i 150 Lee, Roland, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, i 183 Lee, Dr. Thomas, ii. 22 Lelaboureur, ii. 48, 341, 342 Leo X., Pope, i 82 Leonor, Queen of France, ii. 134 Le Veneur, Cardinal, i 302 Leyden, John of, ii, 26, 82 Leyva, Don Antonio de, i 89 Lincoln, Bishop of, i 144 ; ii. 309 Lingard, Dr:, 315, 318, 328 Lisle, Lord, ii. 275 Llandaff, Bishop of, see Atequa London, limits of, i. 3 population of, i 3 Longueville, Duke of, i. 31 Lords, the, as a political party, i. 22, 99 ; ii. 29, 33, 42 Lorraine, Cardinal of, i. 302 ; ii. 38, 71, 204 Louis XIL, King of France, i. 40, 41 ; ii. 315, 317 Low Countries, the, ii, 109, 110, 114, 117, 121 Luebeck, i, 236-242 ; ii. 3, 19, 20-25, 89-98, 188, 191 and the Scandinavian kingdom, i 237 a squadron of its ships on the English coast, 239 declares war against Duke Christian, ii. 23 allies of, 90 Lueneburg, Ernst, Duke of Bruns wick, ii. 90 Luther, Dr. Martin, ii. 14, 83, 86, 193, 224 Lutherans, i. 86, 215 ; ii. 224 hold Henry's marriage with Catherine to be valid, i. 86 ; ii. 224 Luxembourg, J. de, ii. 300 M. Machiavelli, Nicolo, i 16, 17 Madeleine of France, ii. 4, 5, 53, 209, 305 Maltravers, Lord, ii. 274 Marguerita, ii. 346, 347 Marguerite, Queen of Navarre, i. 166, 167, 218 ; ii. 3, 10, 53, 127, 128 refuses to meet Anne Boleyn, i 167 sends a friendly message to Anne, 218 Anne wishes to meet her, ii. 127 Marilhac, Monsieur de, i. 12, 13, 14 Marseilles, meeting at, i 247-250, 252-257 ; ii. 208 Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII., Queen of France, and Duchess of Suffolk, i. 40, 41, 104, 229 ; ii. 315-317, 320 Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII., i. 35, 148, 154, 209, 222, 230, 231, 245, 246, 266- 272, 274, 282, 284, 290 ; ii 9, 27, 32, 36, 43, 48, 55, 57, 59- 61, 63, 68, 70, 81, 114, 122- 134, 138-143, 146-149, 155, 156, 165, 170-174, 176, 183, 184, 195, 211-213, 215-219, 224, 227, 231, 246, 264, 277, 287, 293, 306-310 refuses to lay aside her title of princess, i 266 taken to Hatfield, 267 advised by Dr. Foxe not to yield, 267 sees her father, 269 refuses the overtures of Anne, 284 her proposed marriage with Duke Alexander dei Medici, 295 Anne proposes her execution, ii. 10 INDEX. Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII., proposed marriage with Angouleme, 27 taken to Richmond, 36 visited by the principal cour tiers, 36 Francis wishes her to marry the dauphin, 39 falls ill and is attended by Dr. Butts, 59 willing to fly from England, 60 taken to Eltham, 61 Dinteville wishes to see her, 122 and the dauphin, 124, 125 great popularity of, 128 Anne and Cromwell desire her death, 140 Henry calls her his worst enemy, 142 Chapuis tries to protect her, 142 an agent arrives from the Low Countries to prepare for her flight, 184 refuses the brilliant proposals of Anne, 197 Charles V. wishes her to be married to Dom Luis of Port ugal, 218 receives a cross of gold sent her by Catherine, 224 gives Chapuis permission to act against Anne, 227 submits to her father's laws, 308 Mary, Queen of Hungary, Regent of the Low Countries, ii. 82, 109, 134, 308 Maximilian I. emperor elect, i 30 Medici, Alexander dei, Duke of Florence, i 274, 275, 290, 296, 298 his proposed marriage with Princess Mary, i. 274 Medici, Catherine dei, i 173, 250 ; ii. 181 married to the Duke of Orleans, i 250 Melanchthon, Philip, ii. 100, 107, 193, 224 Melen, Bernhardt von, ii. 90 Melton, Mr., ii 321 Mendoza, Don Ifiigo de, i. 14, 52, 53 Meyer, Gerhard, ii. 102, 311, 312 Meyer, Sir Marcus, i 240-242, 246 ; ii. 19-21, 23, 25, 89, 93-96, 102, 103, 311, 312 arrested at Rye, i 240 knighted by Henry, ii 21 surprises the Castle of Trittau, 23 made a prisoner, 95 gains the Castle of Warberg, 95 his offers to Henry, 102 executed, 312 Milan, Duchy of, ii. 4, 40, 113, 117, 180, 181, 235 Milan, Maximilian Sforza, Duke of, ii. 40, 180, 185 Milan, Duchess of, ii. 301 Moempelgard, county of, ii. 17 Monks, English, i. 136, 137 Monte, Cardinal de, i 251 Montesa, Vivianus de, ii. 152, 158 Montmorency, Anne de, Grand master of France, i 16, 170, 218, 256, 274, 280, 288, 292- 294, 298, 304, 306 confers with du Bellay at Pied de Pappe, i 274 is greatly pleased with du Bellay, '292 Montmorency, Francois de, Seigneur de la Rochepot, i 217 Monmouth, Humphrey, Sheriff of Middlesex, ii. 268, 295 Mordaunt, Lord, ii. 12, 274 More, palace of the, Catherine retires to, i. 149 treaty of the, i. Ill More, Sir Thomas, i. 99, 103, 129, 186, 245, 282, 297, 298 ; ii. 8, 14, 46-48, 70, 77, 79, 83, 85- 89, 108, 110, 115, 133, 140, 271, 272, 340, 341, 343, 344 made lord chancellor, i 99 resigns his office, 186 refuses to swear to the Act of Succession, ii. 8 sent to the Tower, 8 refuses to accept the Act of Supremacy, 47 condemned and executed, 79 378 INDEX. More, Sir Thomas, accusations of Henry against, 85 More, Lady, widow of Sir Thomas, ii. 271 Mores, Christofer, master gunner, ii. 89, 90, 102 Morette, Monsieur de, French am bassador in England, i. 219 ; ii. 44, 54, 67, 71, 116, 122- 127, 129-131, 133, 138 gives a dinner party, ii. 54 his cordiality towards Chapuis, 133 Morley, Lord, ii. 274 Mountague, Lord, ii. 34, 226, 274, 275 Mounteagle, Lord, ii. 274 Mbuntjoy, Lord, i 198 Muenster, Anabaptists at, ii. 18, 109, 110, 111 Muenzer, Thomas, ii. 14 Muley Hassan, King of Tunis, ii. 112 Musgrave, Sir W., ii. 270 N. Nanfan, Sir John, i 32 Nassau, Henry, Count of, ii. 27, 28, 32, 39, 69, 71 Navarre, Queen of, see Marguerite Nix, Richard, Bishop of Norwich, i. 143, 197 Noreys or Norris, Henry, ii. 64, 249- 253, 255, 258, 261, 262, 264, 270-272, 276, 277, 285-287, 299, 308, 309, 347, 349, 354 his connections, ii. 249 speaks in favour of Anne, 250 is arrested, 251 is condemned, 272 beheaded, 286 Norfolk, Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, second Duke of, Anne Boleyn's grandfather, i 31, 39, 40 Norfolk, Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, third Duke of, uncle of Anne Boleyn, i 61, 98, 99, 104, 112, 120, 124, 125, 127, 129, 134, 144, 156, 157, 160, Norfolk, Thomas Howard (contd.) — 164, 184, 189, 191, 198, 211, 212, 216-220, 223-227, 233, 258, 259, 266, 272 ; ii. 12, 36, 53, 54, 56, 64, 67, 135, 136, 199, 213, 234, 237, 239, 240, 243, 253, 269, 274-278, 281, 305, 339, 341, 342 forms a new government, i. 99 informed of Wolsey's intrigues, 124 tries to obtain for Henry a divorce from Catherine, 156 sent on a mission to France, 217 hears that the Pope has given sentence, 220 and Elizabeth Holland, 233 chief commissioner at Calais, ii. 54,67 has serious quarrels with Anne, 135 his influence with Henry during Cromwell's illness, 238 made lord high steward, 274 gives sentence against Anne, 278 Norfolk, Elizabeth Stafford, Duchess of, i 104, 146, 233 hostile to Anne, i 146 her jealousy, 233 Norfolk, Agnes, Dowager Duchess of, i 194, 206, 236 godmother to Elizabeth, i. 236 Northumberland, Henry Percy, fifth Earl of, i 44 Northumberland.Henry Percy, sixth Earl of, i 44, 125, 144, 160 ; ii. 11, 32, 57, 58, 139, 274, 275, 279, 288, 347, 353, 355 in love with Anne Boleyn, i. 44 denies any precontract between him and Anne, 160 offended with Anne, ii. 57 takes part in her trial, 275 Northumberland, Countess of, i. 44, 159, 160 ; ii. 287, 322, 355 intrigues against Anne, i. 159 Norway, kingdom of, ii. 20 Norwich, Bishop of, see Nix Norwich, Castle of, i. 40 Nystadt, treaty of, i 237 INDEX. 379 0. Observant friars, ii. 14, 65 Officials, the, as a political party, i. 26 Oldenburg, Christopher, Count of, ii. 21-24, 89-91, 93, 98 invades Holstein, ii. 23 lands in Seeland and takes Copenhagen, 24 Orleans, Henry, Duke of, second son of Francis I., i. 250 ; ii. 180 his marriage with Catherine dei Medici, i 250 Ormond, Earl of, i 38 Ormond, earldom of, ii. 319, 320 Ortiz, Dr., i 276, 277, 298, 302 ; ii. 139, 325 his discussion with du Bellay, i 277 Orvieto, i 64, 65 Osiander, i 177 Oxford, Earl of, lord high cham berlain, i 168 ; ii. 243, 253, 257, 274, 289 P. Pack, Dr. Otto Adam von, ii. 24, 93, 311 Page, Sir Richard, ii. 260-262, 273, 349 Paget, William, i. 186 ; ii. 23 Palatine, Frederic, Count, ii. 187 Palmer, Sir Thomas, ii. 270 Papists, proclamation against, ii. 63 Parhament, writs sent out for a new, i. 100 Paris, provost of, i 171 Parma, i 64 Pasqualigo, Pietro, i. 9 Pate, Richard, ambassador with Charles V. ii. 131, 244, 245 despatch sent to, ii. 244 Paul III. Pope, ii. 38, 54, 55, 70-77, 81, 84, 115, 129, 134, 135, 158, 182, 185, 192, 204-213, 302, 306, 327 tries to regain Henry's allegi ance, ii. 38 makes Bishop Fisher a cardinal, 72 Paul III. Pope, begs Francis to in tercede for Fisher, 73 tries to form a league against Henry, 135 irritated against Henry, 205 hears of Anne's arrest, 302 sends Marco Antonio Cam peggio to England, 304 Paulett or Paulet, Sir William, comptroller of the household, i 146, 217 ; ii. 243, 253, 259, 269 Pavia, battle of, i 47 Peers, the, a political party, i. 23 Peers summoned for the trial of Anne and Rochford, ii 274 Pembroke, Marchioness of, see Anne Boleyn Penizzoni, Girolamo, i. 253 Penshurst, i. 43 Percy, Sir Henry, i. 44, see also Northumberland Percy, Thomas, ii. 346, 347 Perrenot or Perrenin, Antoine, ii. 142, 200, 201 Peter's pence, bill against payment of, i 298 Peyto or Peto, Father William, i 243 ; ii 65 Phelipe, Francisco, ii. 144 Philalethes, ii. 329 Philip of Spain, ii. 39, 133, 154 Pilgrimage of Grace, ii. 309, 310 Pisani, Cardinal, i. 303, 304 Pocock,!Mr. Nicholas, ii. 328, 346, 349 Poitiers, university of, i 115 Poland, King of, ii. 21 Pole, Sir Geffrey, ii. 34 Pole, Reginald, i 150, 234 ; ii. 34 Pomerania, Eric of, i 237 Pomeranus, ii. 193, 224 Pommeraye, Giles de la, French am bassador in England, i 153, 164- 167, 170; ii. 2 Pope, proclamation against the, ii. 63 Portugal, Emanuel of, ii. 324 Portugal, Dom Luis of, ii. 218 Powes, Lord, ii. 274 _ Prsemunire, prosecution for, i. 97, 98, 136, 141 Protestants of Germany, i. 81, 86, 215 ; ii. 14-18, 82, 83, 85, 99-101, 194, 300 380 INDEX. Protestant divines, ii. 82, 83, 108, 192, 194, 224 Protestant princes, ii. 3, 4, 16, 18, 21, 50, 90, 137 Prussia, Albert Duke of, ii. 90, 92 Prussia, fleet of, ii. 97, 137 Puebla, Doctor de, ii. 330, 331 Puebla, Fernandez de, ii. 332 Puebla, Ruiz de, ii. 330, 332, 334 Pykering, Sir Christopher, ii, 249 Q. Quarterly Review, essay in the, ii. 328-337 R. Raince, Nicolas, ii. 74, 209, 305, 306 Rantzau, Johann von, ii. 95, 97 Reformation in Germany, ii. 14, 15 Revett, Dr., i. 307 ; ii. 2 Rice, Sir Griffith ap, i. 39 Richard I., King of England, ii. 33 Riche, Richard, i 186 Richmond, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of, ii. 64, 176, 266, 286, 2b7, 294, 307 Richmond, Mary Howard, Duchess of, i 199 Ridolfi, Cardinal, i. 303, 304 Rochford, Lord, see Boleyn Rochford, Lady, ii. 37, 128, 129, 280 Rochford, Viscounty of, ii. 319, 320 Roeulx, Count of, ii. 184 Rojas, Don Francisco de, 329, 331 Roper, Margaret, ii. 343 Roper, William, ii. 340, 343 Rota, tribunal of the, i 107, 143, 215 Rouen, Archbishop of, ii 335 Rowthall, Thomas, Bishop of Dur ham, ii. 322 Russell, Sir John, i 75 Rutland, Earl of, i. 187, 188; ii. 274 S. Saint Asaph, Bishop of, i 143 Saint Pol, Count of, i 89 ; ii. 182, 183 Salisbury, Countess of, i 245 ; ii. 34, 286 Sampson, Dr. Richard, dean of the chapel, i. 144, 151 ; ii. 289, 325 Sanders, ii. 320 Sandys of the Vine, Lord, ii, 58, 243, 253, 257, 274, 275, 289 Santa Croce, Cardinal of, i 306 Santi Quattro, Cardinal of, i 65, 66 Savage, Sir John, ii. 260 Savoy, Duchy of, ii. 182 Savoy, Charles, Duke of, ii. 182, 183, 232, 235 Savoy, Louise of, mother of Francis I., i 48, 56 Savoy, Margaret of, i 40 Saxony, John, Elector of, i 226 ; ii 16 Saxonv, John Frederic, Elector of, ii. 19, 191 Say, Lord, ii. 274 Scandinavian kingdoms, i. 237 Schmalkaldic League, i. 226 ; ii, 17, 186, 191, 224 demands of the princes of the, ii. 191 Schomberg, Cardinal, ii, 205, 206 Schwaben, Peter, i 10 ; ii. 91-94, 191 sent by Duke Christian to Eng land, ii. 91 his reception at Hampton Court, 93 Scotland, i. 191 Scotland, Margaret Tudor, Queen Dowager of, i 50 Scotland, King of, see James Seeland, ii 24 Seymour, Sir Edward, ii. 200, 221, 222, 233 made a gentleman of the privy chamber, 221 lodged in Cromwell's rooms, 222" Seymour, Jane, ii. 138, 200-202, 221-223, 239, 252, 282, 286 301, 302, 307, 354 description of, ii. 200 INDEX. 381 Seymour, Jane, rejects a present from Henry, 221 Henry decides to marry, 239 resides at the house of Sir Nicholas Carew, 301 hears from Henry of Anne's condemnation, 301 married to Henry, 302 Seymour, Sir John, ii. 138, 200 Seymour, Lady, ii 222 Sforza, see Milan, Duke of Shelton, Sir John, ii 62 Shelton, Lady, i 267, 272 ; ii. 123, 124, 142, 143, 196-198 made governess of Mary, i. 267 letter of Anne to, ii. 198 Shelton, Margaret, ii. 57, 62, 138, 249, 250 becomes Henry's favourite, ii. 57 out of favour, 138 is to marry Noreys, 249 Shrewsbury, Earl of, i 144, 159, 160 Sidney, Sir William, ii 270 Sigismundus, secretary to Julius II. , ii 333, 335 Simonetta, auditor of the Rota, i. 107, 248, 279, 280 ; ii. 139 Skonen, ii. 20 Skydmore, Mr., ii. 324 Smeton, .Mark, ii 247, 248, 251-253, 255, 261, 262, 270-272, 286, 299, 345-348 his conversation with Anne, ii. 247 arrested, 248 pleads guilty to adultery, 270 executed, 286 Soliman IL, Sultan, i. 172 ; ii. 26 Sorbonne, the, i 115, 119 Sorcerers consulted by Henry VIII., i. 229 Soto, J. de, ii. 144, 174 Spanish chronicle of Henry VIII., ii. 316, 318, 346-348 Spanish merchants at London, i 205 Spelman, diary of, ii. 345, 347 Spurs, battle of the, i. 30 Sfeill'ord, William, ii. 13 Steelyard, merchants of, i 206, 207, 210, 240 insult offered by them to Anne, i. 207 Stile, John, i 18, 21 Stokesley, Dr. John, i. 99, 105, 144, 150, 196, 208, 265 ; ii. 241 made Bishop of London, i 150 presides in convocation, 196 refuses to sign a declaration hi favour of Henry, 265 consulted about the validity of Anne's marriage, ii. 241 Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of, i 41, 48, 61, 98, 99, 104, 120, 121, 129, 144, 168, 194, 195, 206, 259; ii. 36, 53, 155, 159, 213, 237, 243, 274, 275, 289, 294, 305, 341, 342 made vice-president of the council, i 99 opposes Anne, 120, 129 marries Catherine WiUoughby, 229 dines with Morette, ii. 54 has large grants of abbey lands, 237 Suffolk, Duchess of, see Mary Tudor Supremacy, Act of, ii. 43, 46, 47 Sussex, Earl of, ii. 243, 257, 274, 289 Sweden, fleet of, ii. 97, 103, 137 TALBOT,Lady Mar}-,see Northumber land, Countess of Talboys, Lord, ii. 274 Tempest, Anne, i. 38 Tempest, Sir John, i 38 Tempest, Sir Richard, ii. 270 Teklenburg, Count of, ii. 90, 97 Therouenne, i 30 Throgmorton, Sir G., ii. 326 Thunderley, i. 43 Tournament at Greenwich, ii. 251 Tournay, i. 31, 34 Tournon, Cardinal of, i. 172, 180, 214, 215, 220, 221, 301, 302 ; ii. 205 sent to Bologna, i. 172 proposes a compromise, 220 no longer defends Henry's pro ceedings, 221 382 INDEX. Transylvania, John Zapolyi, Woy- wode of, ii. 21 Tregonwell, Dr., i. 197 Trittau, Castle of, ii. 23, 25 Trivultio, Cardinal, i 303, 304 Tunbridge, i 43 Tunis, ii. 26, 111,112 Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of Lon don, Bishop of Durham, i 99, 155; ii 305, 322 Turks, the, ii. 16, 112, 212, 220, 232, 235 U. Ulrich, Duke of Wuertemberg, ii. 17,18 Urbino, ii. 181 V. Vasa, Gustavus, King of Sweden, see Gustavus Vaughan, Stephen, i. 226 ; ii. 18, 19, 155-157 his mission to Germany, ii. 18 accompanies Chapuis to Kim bolton, 155 Vaulx, Jean Joaquin de, French ambassador in England, i. 112, 113, 122, 123, 153, 170, 219 Vend6me, Francoise d'Alencon, Duchess of, i. 167 Venetian merchants, ii. 120 Vives Ludovicus, ii. 329 Vogelsberger, ii. 218 W. Wales, expected Prince of, i 182, 212, 229, 230 ; ii. 12 Wallop, Sir John, i. 298, 308 ; ii. 6, 48, 49, 80, 132, 179, 182, 184, 186, 298, 308, 309, 348 in secret correspondence with de Burgo, i. 298 makes proposals to Hanart, ii. 48 Francis I. speaks strongly to, 80 Walsingham, Sir Edmund, ii. 276, 279, 342, 343 Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, i 51, 155, 156, 158-162 ; ii. 288 holds a secret court with Wolsey, i 51 and Henry's divorce, 155 protests against any encroach ments on the liberty of the Church, 158 his death, 161 Wharton, Sir Thomas," ii. 270 Wein, Gervasius, ii. 16 Wellesbourne, John, i 118 Wendic towns, i 237 Wentworth, Lord, ii. 274 Westminster, Abbot of, ii. 8 Westmoreland, Earl of, ii. 34, 274 Weston, Sir Francis, ii. 248-250, 259-262, 270-273, 277, 283- 286, 299, 349 his family, ii. 248 his flattery to Anne, 249, 250 Bent to the Tower, 260 condemned, 272 attempt to save, 283 his farewell letter, 284 executed, 286 Weston, Sir Richard, ii. 248 Weston, Sir William, Prior of St. John, ii. 54, 341 Weston, Lady, ii. 248 Westwood Park, i 43 WiUoughby, Catherine, i. 229 WiUoughby, Sir Edward, ii 270 WiUoughby, Lord, i 229 WiUoughby, Lady, ii. 159, 160 Wilton, Abbess of, i 73, 76 Wiltshire, Elizabeth Howard, Coun tess of, mother of Anne Boleyn, i. 39, 206 Wiltshire, Earl of, see Boleyn, Thomas Wingfield, Lady, widow of Sir Richard, i 150 Wingfield, Lady, ii 345, 347 Wolfhall, ii. 138, 200 Wolman, Dr. Richard, i. 51 Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal Arch bishop of York, i 14, 19, 27, 32-35, 50-60, 61-63, 65-71, 73- 77, 90-100, 109-114, 121-126, INDEX. 383 Wolsey, Thomas (continued) — 129, 134-136, 156, 202 ; ii. 226, 244, 304, 322 becomes prime minister, i 34 opposes the betrothal of Anne Boleyn and Sir Henry Percy, 44 together with Warham holds a court at Westminster, 51 leaves for France, 54 his plan for obtaining a divorce, 56 leaves Compiegne for England, 58 is slighted by the king, 59 allies with Anne Boleyn, 61 chooses new ambassadors to be sent to the Pope, 66 appointed by the Pope as legate to decide Henry's cause, 68 his interview with Foxe, 71 asks for a papal decretal, 71 appoints Isabel Jordan Abbess of Wilton, 74 reprimanded by Henry, 75 his submission, 76 is not aUowed to preside at the legatine court, 93 objected to by Catherine, 93 received by Henry at Grafton, 96 deprived of his seals, 97 pleads guilty to praemunire, 98 pardoned by Henry, 110 his pensions from France, 111 leaves for York, 113 his intrigues, 121 his arrest, 125 his death, 126 Worcester, Sylvester Giglio, Bishop of, ii. 328-330, 335 Worcester, Earl of, ii. 274 Wotton, Sir Edward, Sheriff of Kent, ii. 268 Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, counsel for Anne, ii. 289 Wriothesley, " Chronicle " written by, ii 353, 354 Wriothesley, Thomas, Earl of South ampton, ii. 353, 354 Wuertemberg, ii. 16, 18 Wuertemberg, Christopher of, ii. 17 Wuertemberg, Ulrich of, ii. 17, 18 Wullenwever, Juergen, i. 239, 241 ; ii 19-22, 26, 82, 89, 91, 119, 186-191, 311 elected burgomaster of Luebeck, i.239 asks for Henry's alliance, ii. 21 forced to abdicate, 105 intrigues with Bonner and Cavendish, 105 taken prisoner, 106 Henry intercedes for, 187 is racked, and confesses his deal ings with Bonner and Caven dish, 191 executed, 311 Wyatt, Sir Henry, i. 39, 40 ; ii. 262, 350 Wyatt, Thomas, i 46, 121, 190 ; ii. 260-262, 273, 347, 349, 350 Wyndsor, Lord, ii. 274 Y. York herald, i 97 York Place, i. 98, 102 Zwinqli, Huldreich, ii. 14 THE END. LONDON : B. CI.AY, SONS, ADD TAILOR, 3 9002