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ORATION

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

YOUNG MEN'S ASSOCIATION,

BY

WESTERLO ^OODWORTH, Esq.

JULY 4, 1834.

PUBLISHED AT THE BEQUEST OF THE ASSOCIATION.

ALBANY:
PRINTED BY PACKARD ADD VAN BENTHOYSEN.
1834.

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ADDRESS.

There is one circumstance connected with the occasion
that calls us together, which serves to invest it with some
thing more than an ordinary degree of interest. It is
the first time an association of this kind has ever been as
sembled in this city for the purpose of uniting its voice
with the millions of voices, that from one extreme of this
happy country to the other, are celebrating the anniver
sary of our national independence. The eye, whose com
prehensive glance takes in the universe, beholds no sub-
limer spectacle than that presented by the majestic move
ments of twelve millions of freemen ; whose banners are
planted over the graves of their martyrs, and whose har
vests are gathered from fields that have been fertilized
by the blood of their champions. Without the sound of
martial music, we propose to join the pealing anthem that
celebrates the glory of the conqueror — and without the
plume or the banner, we intend to mingle with the mighty
congregation, which, in the temples of freedom, is ex
ulting over the march of the free.
The magnificent progress of this country during fifty-
eight years of independence, deserves and demands from
us a moment's attention. Sympathizing as we do with the
reverses and exulting in the establishment of its fortunes,
we behold the advancing movement with wonder and
with triumph. This movement is not to be regarded as
the transient effect of some temporary impulse, like that

which hurried three millions of Europeans to a grave in
Asia. It bears no resemblance to the unnatural and con
vulsive motions of a galvanized corpse, which exhibits
the action without the power or the purposes of life. It
indicates the successful operation of a healthful and vigo
rous system — where the veins and arteries are full of
blood — -the heart capacious, regular and strong — the head
clear, well developed and commanding — and the whole
machinery put in motion by the expansive and propelling
power of the free principle. Man left to himself, relieved
as far as the general security will admit from legislative
restraints — pursuing the bent of his own inclinations,
without violating salutary laws, must advance — in wealth
if not in wisdom — in power if not in purity — in impor
tance before the eyes of men, if not in improvement be
fore the eyes of his God. It is, gentlemen, the glorious
characteristic of the human mind, that its natural motion
is upward and onward — and it is the glorious characte
ristic of our government, that it calls out its energies and
accelerates its progress to the place of its origin and its
destiny. I do not know that it is possible to select any two cen
turies out of the six thousand years of the world's exist
ence, into which a greater number of momentous and
magnificent events are crowded, than have been witness
ed by the two that have just expired. The 4th of July,
1634, was a day little thought of by the Pilgrims of New-
England. It has passed into oblivion with the great mass
of days, that are noticed only in almanacs or on tomb
stones. But still it was the beginning of a glorious era 
the harbinger of a brighter day that was to burst upon the
world. There were no prophetic voices to proclaim to
those early settlers, that within the limits of their own
loved New-England, and in the loins of their own chosen
number, were wrapt up the elements of an expanded and

expanding empire — that a century and a half should not
elapse before its political connection with Great Britain
should be broken off forever — and that when two centu
ries had come and gone, their descendants would fill the
vales of the east with their villages, and pour the tide of
their population over the western world. There were
no prophetic voices to proclaim to the infant colonies on
James river, that the blood of the cavaliers was to flow
and flourish in Virginia — that these distant lands should
witness their virtue and their valor — that within their
borders should arise a hero, who was destined to leave
the impress of his existence, stamped in indelible charac
ters on the records of the world — and that all around
them the forests should fade away before the sure and
steady march of their sons. What would have been pro
phecy then, is history now. All these things and more
have been done. The new world affords the most satis
factory evidence of what man can do when left to him
self, with perfect freedom of mind and muscle — with just
law enough to protect him from his fellow-man. If I am
not mistaken in the opinion, it is the perfection of govern
ment, that the subject should feel it as little as possible.
He should be left entirely untramelled in all the occupa
tions of private life and in all the pursuits of individual
industry. The action of the government on both should
be such as neither to arrest or accelerate their success,
except so far as as it may protect them against foreign le
gislation. Until the citizen departs from the line of right,
he should hardly know that there are laws ; and when
he does, he should be met by them with the sceptre and
the sword.
These two circumstances more than any others have
contributed to the rapid advancement of these states;
and are destined, if their operation is unchecked, to send
them on with an increased momentum. The elements of

power are all here ; and the government has nothing to
do with them but to keep them'from destroying each
other. Some of these elements are naturally hostile, like
the fire and water of the material world. When brought
into opposition, one or the other must be destroyed ; but
when used appropriately, the existence of both may be
preserved, and the most useful and important purposes
accomplished. Yes, gentlemen, I repeat it, the elements
of power are all here — in the most exhaustless profusion —
springing up as it were in ten thousand different forms,
and inviting us to combine and employ them for our com
fort and glory. A population consisting of several mil
lions of intelligent, active and adventurous men — a soil
abounding in fertility — the most magnificent rivers in the
universe — a boundless field for the exercise of human in
genuity and an exhaustless store of riches to reward it — a
government free as the atmosphere — and last, though not
least, a religion pure and powerful as the God that sent it —
all these are but a part of the means that must secure
the substantial glory of the republic. And when we re
flect that these means are just getting into successful ac
tion, and that no limit can be set to their expansive power,
a new and extended prospect opens before us. We are
so accustomed to hear it, that we do not feel the full
force of the idea ; but still its truth imposes a tremendous
responsibility. The destiny of millions is resting with us.
Whether we know it or not, the men that are now living
and moving and acting in this great theatre, are connect
ed in some way or other with all the future scenes of the
drama. The lines of influence, which run out from them
in all directions, are destined to reach the remotest ages :
and whatever we may think of it, whether the experiment
is to result in accumulated power or accumulated misery,
the men of our day are to be associated, intimately and
eternally, with its glory or its shame. We have a strong

hold on the future — and the coming myriads, that are to
flourish and fall on this part of the globe, will bless or
curse their ancestors, for the entail of joy or woe which
shall be their inheritance.
I need not, gentlemen, enlarge upon these ideas, to con
vince you of the truth of my proposition. It is impossible
to select any two centuries out of the six thousand years
of the world's existence, into which a greater number of
momentous and magnificent events are crowded, than have
been witnessed by the two that have just expired. Four
hundred years have not elapsed since a new world sprung
into existence, as it were, out of the depths of the ocean.
Within the last half of that period, it has been peopled ; a
gigantic empire has arisen within its limits, and is advanc
ing on a principle of progression, which defies every op
posing force ; its banners are planted in the towers of its
strength, and its flag is waving on every ocean under the
whole heavens ; it has within itself the elements of all
human power, and those elements are at work establish
ing and consolidating the great mass of national interests.
One of the Athenian historians has recorded an inci
dent in the life of an eastern conqueror, which has in it
an immense deal of philosophy and force. It leads us in
directly, though inevitably, to contemplate the decline of
empires and the prodigious changes which a few years
may create in the aspect of the world. Haifa million of
men were drawn out in battle array, their hearts beating
with hope and their armor glittering in the sunbeams.
The Persian monarch surveyed them from an eminence,
and wept at the thought, that after one hundred years
had passed away, that " living mass of fiery valor" would
be cold and inanimate as the dust of the valley. One
hundred years had passed away : and that same soil bore
the impress of another army, that was destined to plant
their standards on the banks of the Ganges, and roll back

8
the tide of conquest over the eastern world. The sun
shone not on a lovelier city than that which beheld the
Grecian banner waving triumphantly over the plains of
Marathon. Her population was exulting over a success
ful struggle against a foreign invader, and was preparing
to resume the arts of peace after winning the laurels of a
glorious war. Her demolished palaces were rebuilt, and
her fame went forth among the nations. One hundred
years had passed away ; and the pride of the portico had
fallen — the citadel had changed its masters — and the ban
ner of the thirty tyrants floated over the abodes of the
free. Fifty years before the christian era, the world was
ringing with the name of Julius Caesar, and the praises of
the noble city whose standards he unfurled. The voice of
eloquence was heard in her senate chambers, and the
populace walked in freedom amid their own triumphal
arches. A century had scarcely passed away, before the
oppressor had " planted death in the sources of life" —
the energetic movements of the mighty empire were suc
ceeded by the convulsive efforts of a dissolving dominion
— the fatal paralysis had fixed upon its vitals, and it was
destined to expire amid the monuments of its own mag
nificence. The sun, gentlemen, at this very moment,
shines not on a fairer land, than that from which the an
thems of the free are ascending to the heavens. If the
same summit that commands the past, could command
the future, with deep emotions might we ascend and be
hold the fate of nations in the land of promise. It is not
for us, however, to pierce the veil ; but with high hearts
and hopes, let us meet the reward of our doings and the
coming of our destiny.
There is one circumstance connected with these ob
servations, which to the student of history, is extremely
interesting. The idea to which I refer, is suggested very
naturally by the occasion on which we are assembled.

9
It is a truth, written as it were in characters of fire in the
annals of this globe — one that comes down upon us with
the weight of a world's experience — and that ought to
be blazoned on the broad side of the heavens. It is con
tained in this concise but comprehensive expression : No
nation, which has lost its liberty, has ever regained it.
Yes, gentlemen, I repeat it. From the beginning of the
world to the present day , it is historically true, that no
nation which has lost its liberty has ever regained it. It
would seem, that there is something about the loss of li
berty, like the loss of heaven — on the record of the ruin,
is stamped the seal of eternity. The fallen nations, like
the fallen angels, are destined to be " the sport and prey of
wrecking whirlwinds, ages of hopeless end." Wrapt in
adamantine chains, the movement of their empire is the
march of decay. Their temples are supplanted by tomb
stones ; and the melancholy inscriptions are written with
the blood of the brave. " Liberty may be acquired, but
cannot be regained." This is the sad and solemn reflec
tion, forced upon us by the history of sixty centuries. —
From the very lowest point of national degradation to
the highest point of national grandeur, the road is open
and easy and secure. But when once the summit has
been reached, the fall is fatal. Between the low and high
estate is erected a barrier, impassable as that which sepa
rated the rich man from Paradise. Of all the free states
of antiquity, not one has recovered its freedom. Greece,
it is true, has made a partial advance — but the hand of
the destroyer has not yet given up its grasp. I hope I
shall not be mistaken in this remark. Far be it from me
to cast a single shadow over the bright hopes that cluster
around that unfortunate country. With the heroes of
the late revolution, we most cordially rejoice that Greece
has changed her masters — over the graves of her mar
tyrs shall flow the tears of the free. But do we not state

10
the truth and the whole truth, when we affirm that Greece
has changed her masters. Why, gentlemen, the very first
element of freedom is not there — national independence.
And may I not say too, that the bitterest part of the curse
which the despotism of eighteen hundred years has en
tailed upon her, still lingers in her borders. Her political
institutions may be comparatively free — but the freedom
of the mind is not hers. After you have broken the rod
of the oppressor, and removed all the externals of slavery,
if the people are in ignorance, they continue subject to
a darker dominion. If I may use the expression, the
sword of the tyrant pierces the national heart ; and when
it is drawn out, the chasm must be closed before a health
ful and energetic action can be restored. The blight of
oppression reaches the very vitals ; and there are more
enduring monuments of its power than the bayonet or
the Bastile. I agree most heartily in the remark, that if
Greece is enlightened, a world cannot enslave her ; but
that if she is in ignorance, a world cannot keep her free.
Of all the free states of antiquity, not one has recovered
its freedom. The mistress of the world — the eternal
city — lovely and lonely in its desolation, stands in its fal
len grandeur the Niobe of nations. We, of modern times,
can hardly believe that a city which constitutes so small
a speck in the mass of Italian interest, should have thrown
its grappling irons over half the globe. But the age of
the Romans is gone — that of cardinals and courtezans
has succeeded — and the glory of Italy is extinguished for
ever. The spirit that has been moving on the great wa
ters, has not reached her. The march of revolution has
not crossed her orbit. The movement of her fierce de
mocracy has been the rise of rebellion, and their fall has
been the triumph of the law. It is worthy of remark,
that the principles which contributed to her greatness
are at this very moment flourishing in a country that was

11
unknown to the Caesars. The only land over which Roman
banners never floated, is the only land the sun shines on,
where the real elements of Roman power are to be found.
But the philanthropist asks : is the fate of these nations
forever fixed — is the hope of the world's emancipation to
terminate in despair ? Ah no ! there is but one place in
the wide universe where despair holds a legitimate do
minion — and that is, fortunately, not in this world. —
There are a thousand things in the spirit of the age and
the history of the times, which exclude despair. The
idea that the world will finally be free, is at first glance so
vague and visionary, that we hardly know how to assert it.
But to those who anticipate the eventual triumph of reli
gion, there can be no difficulty in looking forward to the
triumph of liberty. It has within itself the elements of
success ; and in spite of opposition advances, and will ad
vance forever.
The history of the world then presents this startling
fact, that the loss of liberty has hitherto been irretrieva
ble. In all points of view, the reflection which it suggests
is full of interest ; and in one point of view is full of ter
ror. It proclaims as it were in a voice of thunder, let
those who think themselves secure, take heed lest they
fall. Let not the sentinels on the high towers sleep. If
beings in a higher sphere — expanding under the impulses
of an immortal nature, fell from their high estate and were
hurled from the battlements of heaven, man in his weak
ness should not boast of his strength. Eternal vigilance
is the price of liberty : and God knows it is worth it. —
Those who have it, should hold on with the grasp of a
giant. I would here, gentlemen, beg leave to remark,
that if there is one political evil more to be dreaded than
any other, or all others, it is the establishment of a despo
tism on the ruins of a free constitution : because such an
establishment in addition to the evils of an ordinary des-

12
potisiri, connects with itself this overwhelming reflection
—that on the very soil that sustains the alters of the ty
rant, may be seen the ruins of temples erected to consti.
tutional liberty— that over the fields where the slave
treads in bondage, his ancestors have walked in freedom
—and that the soil of his country bears the eternal monu
ments of a towering elevation and a disastrous fall.
The relation which these remarks bear to our own cir
cumstances and condition, is a very interesting one. It
leads to the question which every man fears to approach :
What is the probable destiny of these states ? I will take
the liberty of adverting to one or two of the features in
the political history of this country, which seem to give
the assurance that our institutions shall be permanent.
It is to be observed then, first of ah\ that long before
the revolutionary struggle, the elements of liberty were
all here. In the language of the historian, " the declara
tion of independence was not a declaration of liberty new
ly acquired, nor was it a form of government. The peo
ple of the colonies were already free, and their forms of
government were various. They were all colonies of a
monarchy. The king of Great Britain was their common.
sovereign. Their internal administrations presented great
varieties of form. The proprietary governments were
hereditary monarchies in miniature. New-York and Vir
ginia were feudal aristocracies. Massachusetts Bay was
an approximation to the complex government of the pa
rent state. Connecticut and Rhode Island were little re
mote from democracies. The spirit of the people through
out the union was republican ; and the absurdity of a fo
reign and a royal head to societies of men thus constituted,
had remained unperceived, only because until then that
head had seldom been brought into action."
But when it was brought into action the contest came.
The world had never before witnessed such a contest. It

13
was not a rebellion of slaves against their masters ; but
the unbending opposition of the free to the enemies of
freedom. It did not exhibit a mere array of the physical
power of the multitude against the physical power of the
monarch. It was the majestic movement of men who
set their lives upon a cast, and were prepared to stand
the hazard of the die. It was the struggle of two hostile
principles — of good and of evil — carried on, to be sure,
with bayonets and broad-swords, but sustained by higher
vpowers, and appealing for its success to nobler means of
conquest. The colonists had launched upon an unknown
ocean — with them the alternative was to sink or swim.
Theirs was not the worthless triumph of human muscles —
it was the dignified and commanding triumph of human
minds. It is written in characters of blood on the pages of Eu
ropean history, that no nation can be free until it is fit for
freedom. France has been undergoing revolutions for
nearly fifty years. It is questionable whether the nine
teenth century will behold a French government at once
permanent and liberal. The revolutions in South Ame
rica and Mexico bear testimony to the same important
statement. After every foreign foe has been conquered,
another from within has arisen in formidable power. Civil
liberty is not to be established by armies, or in the slight
est degree advanced by physical force. The revolutiona
ry movement, which effects the overthrow of tyranny,
must be the result of a moral effort. Every hope found
ed on other circumstances is a delusion. It is very easy
to cut off a monarch's head without finding the great
cause materially advanced by the operation. The very
same power which is necessary to sustain a free govern
ment, is necessary to create one. I believe that men are
now very generally convinced that even when a majority
of a nation, or if you please, a whole nation rises up in arms

14
and dethrones the sovereign and destroys the constitution,
it is not clear in all cases that the result will be freedom;
but rather accumulated evils — a sterner despotism — the
substitution of a hundred tyrants in the place of one.
We do not wish by these remarks to throw any discre
dit on revolutions that have terminated less fortunately
than our own. They are all advances in the great march
of national emancipation. They indicate the existence of
a spirit and the operation of principles which sooner or
later must secure a triumph. The onward movement of
nations cannot be arrested ; and though mountains after
mountains rise up in Alpine succession, on the summit
of them all they will unfurl their banners, in majesty and
triumph over an awakening world. It is then to be re
garded as a source of substantial confidence that the
foundations of our government are built on a rock. No
sudden effort of popular fury called it into existence. En
throned in the affections of the people, and based on the
eternal power of right and reason, it may defy every thing
but the defection of its own subjects. When indepen
dence was gained, we were fit for liberty. It is this sin
gle circumstance which creates the great distinction be
tween the American revolution, and all others which his
tory has recorded.
I cannot leave this part of the subject without adverting
for a moment to those, whose names and lives have be
come identified with this glorious revolution. Their fame
indeed is independent of our opinions, and is preserved on
records more enduring than the monumental marble. It
is good for us, however, on occasions like the present, to
pay a passing tribute to their virtues and their valor ; and
if the sad.necessity is imposed upon us, to shed the tear of
affection over the tomb of the hero. The last breeze that
swept across the Atlantic, brings to our ears the sounds
of a nation's mourning. They awaken a kindred feeline

15
in the bosom of Americans from one extreme of this ex
tended country to the other. An individual, whose ca
reer has been connected with the two most important
revolutions of modern times, has left the scene of action
forever. But a few years have passed away since his re
turn to our shores was welcomed by millions of freemen
from Maine to Georgia. It was the spontaneous burst of
a nation's gratitude to one who had staked his own for
tunes on the success of theirs : who, as one of our own
poets has said, left the blushing vine-hills of his own de
lightful France, to crusade for freedom in freedom's holy
cause. I hardly know, gentlemen, in what way to pro
nounce his eulogy. It is written on your hearts, and there
it shall remain. I indulge in no strained eulogium, when
I say that his fame shall be immortal. In his own coun
try, it shall go down to future ages together with the
master-spirits of a stormy revolution ; and in ours it shall
descend, gathering laurels as it goes, emblazoned on the
same page which records their names, who died for the
cause of liberty in the western world.
It is quite an important fact in the history of this coun
try, that religion and government have always been kept
separate. The government protects it in all its forms, and
asks but one thing in return — that it shall not interfere
with the state. The lines which they pursue may be pa
rallel or diverging, but the very first moment of contact
introduces the era of corruption. There is a natural or
artificial hostility between them, so deadly that their union
becomes the destruction of both. It is, gentlemen, a pro
position equally unaccountable and incontrovertible, that
if you connect even the true religion with the freest go
vernment on earth, the inevitable result, in all instances,
will be to convert the magistrate into a tyrant and the
priest into a bigot. Wherever and whenever such an
union has been effected, religion has been prostituted and

16
liberty sacrificed. In the unnatural alliance they both
have languished and expired. The only attempt of the
kind, which this country has ever witnessed, was made
by the primitive Puritans of New-England. Even they,
with all their simplicity and meekness and piety, could not
stand under it. Its first distinct effect was to burst asun
der the bonds of their union. The same spirit which
brought them across the Atlantic, sent Roger Williams to
Rhode Island. There were however many palliating cir
cumstances connected with the transaction. It was in
deed and in truth a hard case. For the privilege of wor
shipping God according to their consciences, they had
braved the dangers of a stormy ocean. For the same high
prerogative, they had sacrificed every thing that bound
them to the old world, and faced the uncertain destiny
that was to meet them in the new. Scarcely had they
planted their footsteps on the western shores, before the
demon from which they had fled started up with the
glance of defiance. Heresy in their own ranks was worse
than persecution from dissenters. Instead of censuring
the spirit which would have connected the church with
the state, I am rather disposed to admire that other spirit
which led them so soon to abandon the union forever.
For ourselves, we rejoice that the attempt has been made;
and that its success was blasted by the stern energy of the
Pilgrims. How many dangers have we escaped — how
many blessings have we secured by the failure ! The na
tional government and the national religion have been
kept apart, and the separation has contributed to the
freedom and purity of both.
These are the two most important sources of power.
The streams of life flow from them in all directions, im
parting strength and health and joy as they run. What
ever may be the opinions of men in regard to religious
systems, abstractly considered, all admit that some sys-

17
tern or other is necessary for the preservation fo the pur>
lie morals. On this point there are no infidels. Religion
and morals are so closely connected that their union is the
life of both. The maxim, that virtue in the people is es
sential to the security of a republican government, is so
.old that it has lost its teeth. From the days of Cotton
Mather to the present time, it has been insisted on by po_
litical moralists. It strikes nearer the foundation of the
whole matter than we are apt to believe. It meets and
resists the disturbing forces, which in a free government
are constantly at work, creating disorganization and dis
union, and weakening the fabric in all the strong holds of
its power. It is harder to rule one's own spirit than to
conquer a city ; and it is harder for a nation to rule itself
than to win its way to universal empire. The difficulty in
both cases results from the same causes. Passions and pre
judices are to be encountered and vanquished with weapons
of finer temper than the steel of Damascus ; the pride of
the heart and the love of gold are to be laid low at the feet
of an unarmed conqueror ; the human mind is to be govern
ed with powers furnished from its own exhaustless maga
zines. And how is the human mind to be governed, with
its stormy energies — its high aspirings — its boundless
thoughts " that wander through eternity" ? There is
but one answer to be given — let it govern itself. Let it
be brought under the influence of a religion, which ap
peals to the heart with motives drawn from three worlds.
The population of this country combines a greater share
of intelligence with a greater amount of morality than any
other on the globe. I speak with no remarkable fancy
for any peculiar set of doctrines, when I affirm that this
state of things is mainly attributable to the wide spread in
fluence of religion . Its most important effects on the social
system are unsusceptible of description — but still in a thou
sand different ways it counteracts the tendency to decay

18
and dissolution. Knowledge without virtue is a dange
rous thing. It increases the power to do evil without cre
ating the disposition to do good.
I fully believe, gentlemen, you will agree with me in
regarding it as an important fact in the history of this
country, that the church and state have always been kept
apart. In this way they have both been kept pure. We
have secured the benefits of their separate action, and
avoided the evils which their union inevitably introduces.
There is no danger that the religion will be lost, or that
unsupported by the arm of government, it will sink amid
the waves. The contest which it invites is purely intel
lectual ; and it is in such a contest only that its dominion
can be destroyed. It has fought with human muscles and
conquered them — it now bids defiance to the stern array
of minds. This is the country of all others where truth
may fight its battles with the most splendid success. —
Whatever is true, will be triumpant here. If the religion
cannot stand without the aid of government, let it fall.
There will not be an eye in Christendom to shed a tear
over its grave.
I will take the liberty of adverting to another circum
stance in our political history, which indicates that the
foundations of our national power are firm. I hardly
know in what way to approach the topic — involving as it
does the highest interests, and connected as it is with the
destinies of our country. The doctrines of nullification
have been handed back to their advocates crushed and
crumbled ; but we have reason to believe that the vital
principle still lingers among the ruins. I do not intend,
gentlemen, to inflict upon you any thing like an argument
to exhibit their falsity. The occasion does not demand it ;
and if it did, I should be reluctant to undertake it. They
have in them enough of glaring folly — of obvious defor
mity — to stamp them with the ghastly lineaments of a po-

19
litical abortion. They have come into the world, to say
the least, before their time, and are vulnerable all over,
from head to heel. Considered as a system, they have
no claims even to ordinary courtesy. The most imprac
ticable schemes ever promulgated by Plato, and the wild
est theories of the visionary Condorcet, are rational and
philosophical, when compared with these most absurd and
ruinous of all political heresies. And yet strange as it
may appear, these doctrines have had their defenders
among the brave and beautiful of South Carolina. They
have been sustained by the power of genius in the hall of
debate — by the voice of beauty in the drawing-rooms of
fashion — and if the crisis had not been avoided, would
have fallen before the sword on the field of battle. Thanks
to the framers of our constitution, there was vigor enough
in the government to resist the evil. These doctrines had
absorbed, as it were, the great mass of sentiment and opi
nion in a large portion of the union, and had become the
touch-stone by which public and private character were
tested. They have gone to rest, however, without a
struggle, vanquished by a moral power. The monuments
of their defeat are bloodless ; and the trophies of the vic
tory are hung up in the temples of peace.
Let it not be imagined that we are exulting over a fal
len enemy. The sleep which has come over the de
stroyer, is not the sleep of death. The elements of a
vigorous existence still remain — and there are warm
hearts and willing hands to cherish the lingering fires. It
is to be feared that the doctrines of nullification will even
tually constitute the great question between the north
and south. That question will be marked by this fright
ful feature — its decision must be made by the sword.
There can be little doubt as to the result when the con
test comes. Before the myriads of the north and west,
the champions of nullification would be swept away as by

20
a whirlwind of fire. The valor and chivalry of the gal
lant south might be called into action — the current from
noble veins might flow fast and freely — the blood of the
brave spilt on their own soil might spring up like the dra
gon's teeth in new hosts of combatants — but the struggle
would be hopeless. The physical power of the union is
too massive ; and genius and courage and perverted patri
otism would sink in one general crash under the tremen
dous force. I would hardly dare even with a prophetic
eye to glance over the blood-stained ruins, or to meet the
gathering gloom that settles over our destiny. All the
elements of power are turned into instruments of torture ;
and one long, loud, damning anathema conveys the curse
of the victims to the tyrant's throne. Between the north
and the south is engendered a spirit of hostility which in
creases in rancor as it descends ; embittered by ten thou
sand disputes and poisoning the very atmosphere of the
border territories. And our glorious constitution, once
the pride and hope of the free, torn in pieces and scatter
ed to the wild winds — the national banner stained with
the blood of its defenders — the towering eagle hurled from
his high dominion — these, gentlemen, will be the monu
ments of glory faded and an empire gone.
I hope, gentlemen, to be excused for this digression.
It is hardly possible to touch upon the subject without be
ing seduced into its far-reaching consequences. I had in
tended to advert to some of the peculiarities in the char
acter of the age, which are favorable to the advance of
liberal principles. But I fear I have already trespassed
too long on your patience, and shall dismiss the whole
subject with one or two observations.
The principle which is involved in our political confe
deracy, constitutes a striking feature in the character of
the age. Like the lever of Archimedes, it possesses a pow
er that can move the world. It lay at the foundation of

21
all Napoleon's conquests, and contributed its tremendous
energies to accelerate his ruin. It may bed efined as the
principle of union — the combination of several powers, in
themselves insignificant, and the bringing their united force
to bear on a single point. In the material world, its ef
fects are visible all around us. The rivulets mingle with
eachother and form the mighty river — the convex lens
collects the rays of the sun, and creates a burning point
which scorches while it dazzles — nations, in themselves
defenceless, unite their forces and present a formidable
front to a common foe. Most of the important achieve
ments which the world has witnessed, have resulted in
some way or other from the operation of this principle.
The effects which it is destined to produce on the moral
character of society will be hardly credible. The nine
teenth century has been signalized by the development
of its power, in the triumphs of truth and reason over
error and prejudice. It will be strikingly exhibited in the
crusades which are to be commenced and carried on — not
for the purpose of rescuing a sepulchre from the domin
ion of infidels — but to rescue living men from the grasp
of a living destroyer.
The association, gentlemen, which has been formed in
this city within the last year, proceeds upon the principle
to which I have alluded. All the elements which have
contributed to its existence and constitute its strength,
were here in as great abundance a year ago as at the pre
sent moment. But the master-spirit had not combined
them; and it was from their union only, that life and ac
tion could spring. I cannot restrain myself, as one of
your number, from expressing the opinion, that this asso
ciation will create a new era in our city — that it will give
a new impulse to the movement of mind— that its power
will be felt in many ways that were not anticipated, and
in many places where no other power could reach. The

22
objects, which it contemplates, are moral and intellectual
purely ; and the means by which it proposes to effect them
are adequate to the noble purpose. It proposes to lend
to the weak the aid of the strong — to concentrate the
light and heat of human intellects — and to subject the
great mass of minds to their dissolving action. And, gen
tlemen, if it succeeds in arousing the energies even of one
mind, which but for it might have slumbered in a living
tomb, we shall have the consolation of reflecting, that we
have performed at least a part of the duty which every
man owes to the world. It is the glory of our era, that
the community of minds has been extensively established ;
and that the power of one may be felt through all the
mighty empire. The chain which binds its subjects to
gether is continuous, and the spark of genius will flash
along the whole line. There are, thank God, even in our
day, " hearts pregnant with celestial fire" — and we do not
mean that they shall go down to the tomb without shed
ding their splendor over the midnight of the mind.
I have thus endeavored, gentlemen, to express some of
the sentiments which are suited to this occasion. If it
were not contrary to my creed to make apologies, I might
venture to do so now. An attempt to give utterance to
the feelings which agitate the human heart at times like
these, may well demand the power of maturer men than
myself. The 4th of July, 1776, was no common day in
the annals of this world. It stands out in bold relief on
the historic page — a land-mark to guide the nations on
their march to freedom. Long may its anniversary be
ushered in with hallelujahs and sounding anthems, from
Maine to Georgia. And all over this happy country  in
its villages and its cities — along its vales and its moun
tains—may it awaken the deep feeling of national triumph.
It is hardly possible to cast an eye over this swelling em
pire, with its myriads of human beings bursting into birth

23
— without feeling that the foundations of our power are
broad and strong. The love of liberty shall be the living
and the dying sentiment of all that vast. multitude— and
the principles of liberty, written on their hearts, shall re
main firm as the granite of the everlasting mountains.
In common with all other nations, we may experience
reverses of fortune ; in the summer of prosperity, we may
be overtaken by the winter of discontent. Our power
may be injured by a vacillating policy, which adopts an
object to-day and abandons it to-morrow : we may be ar
rested by those sudden calamities, which hurl the moving
millions into a living tomb — but the paralysis will not
be eternal. The progressive principle is planted in the
American soil — and there, by the blessing of God, it shall
remain forever. The barriers must be indeed gigantic,
which can roll back the tide of conquest on the march of
the conquerors. Our towers and temples are built on
rocks ; and when the floods and tempests come, they
may bid defiance to the spirit of the storm. There is, gen
tlemen, at this very moment, within our borders an expan
sive principle, which no power can confine. Unnatural
and unusual difficulties for a time may embarrass its opera
tions — but in the end it will burst through them all. It
has but one enemy — strong, subtle, and clothed in triple
steel — moving about in darkness and with chains — bind
ing the human intellect with fetters of adamant. Over
that enemy, it shall be triumphant. Its progress will be
the march of civilization — and its dominion the consolida
ted empire of human minds. And all over the western
world, wherever banners shall wave in the sunbeams, or
martial music proclaim the advance of the free, there will
be seen the triumph of the Spirit of Independence.

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